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182
CHRONOLOGICAL RETROSPECT,
OR
MEMOIRS
OF THE
PRINCIPAL EVENTS
OF

MAHOMMEDAN HISTORY,
FROM
THE DEATH OF THE ARABIAN LEGISLATOR,
TO THE ACCESSION OF
THE EMPEROR AKBAR,
AND
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MOGHUL EMPIRE
IN
HINDUSTAUN.
FROM ORIGINAL PERSIAN AUTHORITIES.
BI MAJOR DAVID PRICE,
OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY'S SERVICE.
Per quas-
Crevére vires, famáque et imperì,
Porrecta majestas ad ortum
Solis ab Hesperio cubili.
HOR. LIB. IV. OD. 15.
IN THREE FOLUMES.
VOL. II.
LONDON:
SOLD BY J. BOOTII, DUKE STREET, PORTLAND PLACE; LONGMAN, HURST, REES,
ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER ROW; AND BLACK, KINGSBURY, PARBURY,
AND ALLEN, LEADEN-HALL STREET.
1821.
TO THE
HONORABLE THE COURT OF DIRECTORS
FOR AFFAIRS
OF THE
UNITED COMPANY
OF
MERCHANTS OF ENGLAND
TRADING
TO THE
EAST INDIES,
IN GRATITUDE FOR ENCOURAGEMENT
LIBERALLY EXTENDED TO HIS DESIGN,
THIS VOLUME
IS
RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED
BY
THEIR EVER OBLIGED AND FAITHFUL SERVANT,
BRECKNOCK,
20th June, 1812,
THE AUTHOR.
کی قوت کے
Page 10, line
16,
37,
113,
179,
187,
208,
216,
Do.
224,
349,
357,
380,
384,
418,
459,
475,
510,
522,
538,
558,
566,
567,
568,
571,
651,
708,
LIST OF ERRATA.
4 from the top, dele upon him, at the beginning of the line.
in the margin, for A. II. 137, read 145, and for A. D. 755, read 762.
17 from the top, for humcsne, read hurricane.
17 from the top, for susceeded, read succeeded.
lower line but one, for his, read is.
7 from the bottom, for seied, read seized-
4 from ditto, for ordnance, read ordinance.
in the first marginal reference, for A. D. 1553, read 1253.
in the lower marginal reference, for A. D. 1125, read 1255.
3 from the top, dele in after expedient.
10 from the top, for this, read thus.
3 from the top, for noble, read noblest.
18 from ditto, for pros, at the end of the line, read pro.
4 from the bottom, for Türkan, read Tùran Shah.
17 from the top, for he, read the
17 from the bottom, for possible, read possibly.
14 from the bottom, for firmanent, read firmament.
14 from the bottom, for merchanics, read mechanics.
10 from the bottom, for deemed, read doomed.
6 from the bottom, for to, read of.
in the 2nd line of the margin, for 67, read 61,
18 from the bottom, for on, read or.
3 from the bottom, dele under,
16 from the top, for superinteud, read superintending.
12 from the top, prefix of.
in the bottom line, for flowet, read flower.
7 from the top, for than, read to.
CONTENTS
OF
THE SECOND VOLUME.
CHAPTER I.
Hundred and Thirty-second to the Hundred and Fifty-eighth of the Ilidjerah.
ESTABLISHMENT of the house of Abbas, in Abûl Abbas ul Seffaub, the first of that
Dinasty. Sanguinary proceedings against the vanquished party. Mission of Abu Jauf-
fer into Khorassaun. Jealousies conceived against abû Mosslem. Abûl Abbas removes
the scat of government from Kúfah to Aubaur. Abû Mosslem's visit to him. Death of
Abàl Abbas: duration of his reign. Accession of Ul Munsùr, or Almansor, IId Khalif
of the house of Abbas. Revolt at Damascus, suppressed by Abû Mosslem. That chief
withdraws towards Khorassaun. Is prevailed upon to return to the court of Ul Munsûr.
In whose presence he is ultimately put to death. Estimate of those who perished during
his sanguinary career. Insurrection of Seubad the Magian. Defeated. Disgust occa-
sioned by Ul Munsur's claim to the booty. One of the sons of Hashaum establishes
himself in Africa. Insurrection of the Roundiah suddenly quelled. Another in He-
a 17, in favor of the race of Fatima, also suppressed. Ul Munsûr founds the city of Bagh-
dad. Whichis said to have been constructed in a great degree from the ruins of Medacin.
Death of UI Muusur. Inconsistency of his character. Commencing Page 1
bas.
CHAPTER II.
Ilundred and Fifty-eighth to the Hundred and Ninety-third of the Hidjerah.
Accession of Mehedy, IIId Khalif of the house of Abhas. Doctrines of the impostor
Mokennia. His origin, and character Besieged in his principal castle, he destroys
himself and his companions. Succession to the Khelaufat arranged in favor of Ul Haudy,
and in reversion to Harún. Advancement of Yakub the favorite of Mehedy. He becomes
a victim to lus humanity. Circumstances preceding and attending the death of Mehedy.
His character. Instances of his love of justice. His clemency. And unbounded liber-
ality. Proceedings on his death. Accession of UI flaudy, IVth of the house of Ab-
Insurrection of the Fatimites in Hejanz suppressed. Account of the Sect of
the Zendriks. Distinguished rank of some of their leaders. Their project to surpass
the compositions of the Korán, is frustrated in the experiment. Their persecution and
suppression, in the time of Ul Haudy and his predecessor. Ul Haudy quarrels with his
mother for her ambitious interference. His design to exclude his brother Harûn from
Harûn.from
the succession, defeated by his own premature death. Period of that event. which is
variously accounted for. Accession of Harun ur-rashid, Vth of the house of Abbas.
Abdication on the part of his nephew Jaufler. The queen mother resumes her influence.
Her death consigns the management of affairs to Yaleya of the race of Bermek, or Bar-
niek. Ul Amein declared heir apparent to the throne. Services of his governor Fazzel
Bermekky. Insurrection of Yaheya the Fatimite, in Tebristaun. He is induced to sur-
render his person, by the address of Fazzel. Who is made governor of Khorassaun.
Jaufler Bermekky about the same time appointed governor of Egypt. Further honors
accumulated on the family of the Barmecides, Harùu removes the seat of govern-
ment from Baghdad to Rakkah. Ally the Malianite appointed governor of Khorassaun.
Harun makes a division of the empire between Ul Amein and Ul Mâmûn. Eminent qual-
ities, and distinguished favor of the race of Barmek. Causes assigned for their ultimate
disgrace and destruction. Odium attached to the memory of Harun on that account.
CONTENTS.
VII
Hostilities between IJarun and the Greek emperor. Revolt at Samarkand, of Ranfia
the son of Laith. Who defeats the troops of Khorassaun. Harun supersedes the tyran-
nical governor of the latter province. Formidable progress of the insurrection in Tran -
oxiana. Harun's great disquietude from a dream. Impaired state of his health.
marches into Khorassaun. Reaches Tâsse. circumstances of his death. Ilis children.
Tribute to the memory of his favorite wife Zobaidah.
CHAPTER III.
He
Page - 23
Hundred and Ninety third to the Two Hundred and Twenty seventh of the Hidjerah.
Accession of Ul Amein VIth of the house of Abbas. Proceedings on his part to secure his father's
treasures. Prudent demeanor of Ul Mamun. Whois excluded by his brother from his
right to the succession. Ul Amein dispatches au army to invade Khorassuum. Which is
defeated by Tauher Zulyemnein. Ul Mamun assumes the title and authority of Khalif.
Infatuated indifference of Ul Amein. Another of his armies defeated by Zulyemncia.
Address and continued successes of the latter. Who is joined by powerful reinforce-
ments, under Harthemab, or Harethmah. Discontents among the subjects of El Amein.
Whose person is seized by Husseyne the Mahanite. But ultimately restored to autho-
rity. The city of Mekkah declares for Ul Mamun. Siege of Baghdad. Despair of
Ul Amein on the desertion of the best part of his troops. Exertions of the populace in
defence of the capital. The garnisou reduced to the
The garrison reduced to the last extremity. Ul Amein falls un-
expectedly into the hands of Zulyemnein, by whose directions he is ultimately put to death.
Surrender of Baghdad. Report of Harethmah to Ul Mâmun, on the death of his brother.
Sketch of the character of Ul Amein. Accession of Ul Mamun, VIIth of the house of
Abbas. Declines fixing the seat of his government at Baghdad Insurrection of Nasser
the son of Shebeib in Irak Arab. Zulyenmein blockades the insurgent at Rakkah. In-
surrection of Abu Serraya, at Kufah. He is attacked and defeated by Harethmah.
Ultimately taken and put to death. Transactions at Bassorah. At Mekkah where the
authority of the house of Abbas is restored. Mutaussem sent to assume the government of
Yemen. Disputes between Harethmah and the governor of Baghdad. The former pro-
ceeds to Meru, where he is put to death through the influence of the Vezzeir of Ul Mà-
mu. Insurrection among the troops at Baghdad. Their defeats, and subsequent vio-
lent proceedings at that place. Wretched situation of that capital. Resolution of Ul
Mamun in favor of Ally Ruzza, whom he ostensibly declares, heir to the Khelaufnt.
The troops of Baghdad abjure his authority in consequence, and proclaim Ibrauhim the
son of Mehedy. Ul Mamun is ad vertised of the situation of western Irak by Ally Ruzza.
Death of the latter at Tüsse. Ul Mamun arrives at Baghdad. Zulyemmein appointed
to the government of Khorassaun. Inserrection of Baubek Khorremdein. Mataussem
nominated to succeed to the empire. death of Ul Mamu. Sketch of his character.
Accession of Mutaussem, VIIIth of the house of Abbas. Foundation of Saumrah. De-
feat and death of the impostor Baubek. Hostilities with the Greek emperor Theophilu-,
Conspiracy against Mutaussem defeated. His death and character
CHAPTER IV.
90
Two Hundred and Twenty seventh to the Three Ilundred and Thirty fourth of the Iidjerah.
Accession of UI Wanthek, IXth Khalif of the house of Abbas. Death and charae-
ter. Ul Mutewukkel, Xth of the house of Abbas. His aversion to Jews and Christians,
and intolerant spirit in other respects. Absurd and capricions follies; and death. Re-
marks in anticipation. Ul Muntusser, XIth of the house of Abbas. His short reign and
death. Ul
UI Mustaein, X11th of the house of Abbas. Conspiracy against his government,
Among the Tartar mercenaries. He takes refuge af Baghdad. Is there besieged aud
compelled to abdicate his authority. Ul Muattez, XIIth of the house of Abbas. His
Abdication: and death. Ul Muhteddy XIV th of the house of Abbas. His abdication
and death, and virtuous character. U Muatemmed, XVth of the house of Abbas. Ya-
kub Laiss defeated by Ul Mouffek: anecdote of that adventurer. Suppression of the Zenguies
at Bassorah. Death of Ul. Mouffek. And of Ul Muatemmed. Sketch of his character
VIII
CONTENTS.
and duration of his reign. Ul Muatezzed, XVIth of the house of Abbas. Possession of
Babareyne by the Keraumetah, or Karmathians. They extend their usurpations to
Kufah. Reply of one of their chiefs to Muatezzed. Death and character of that prince.
Ul Mukteffy, XVIIth of the house of Abbas. Invasion of Syria by the Keraumetah, in
which they are defeated. Death of Mukteffy. Ul Muktedder, XVIIIth of the house
of Abbas. Conspiracy against his authority defeated. Further depredations of the
Keraumetah. Consequences of the imbecile government of Muktedder. Capture of
Mekkah by the Keraumetah. Assassination of Muktedder. Reduced limits of the en-
pire of the Khalifs at this period. Ul Kaher, XIXth of the house of Abbas. Is deposed
by the commander of the Tartar guards, and other chiefs. Ul Rauzy, XXth of the house
of Abbas. Composition with the chief of the Keraumetah. Eben Muklah the Vezzeir
invites a foreign adventurer to Baghdad, and loses his right hand. The Makaunian how-
ever enters the metropolis, and extorts from Ul Rauzy, the title and dignity of Ameir-
ul-umra, now first instituted. Death of Ul Rauzy. Ul Mutekky, XXIst of the house of
Abbas. Rapacious violence of the Ameir-ul-umra. The Khalif restored to his authority
by the aid of the Syrians. Is again betrayed by another Ameir-ul-umra. Deposed and
deprived of sight, Ul Mustekfy, XXII of the house of Abbas. Ahmed the son of
Buial enters Baghdad. Receives from the Khalif the title of Muezz-ud-doulah. And
ultimately dethrones him. Contemporary princes in this reign
149
CHAPTER V.
Three Hundred and Thirty fourth to the Six Hundred and Fifty sixth of the Iidjerah.
Accession of UT Muteia, XNHHd Khalif of the house of Abbas.
Ul
Great declension of the
power of those monarchs. Black stone of the Kaabah restored by the Keraumetal.
Abdication of Mutcia. Ul Taeia, XXIVth of the house of Abbas. The Ismauilians
become masters of Hejauz. Dissensions among the race of Burah. Seizure and
deposition of Ul Tueta.
Ul Kader, XXVth of the house of Abbas. Preliminary state-
ment. Friendly correspondence between Ul Kader and Mahmud of Gheznein. Death
of Ul Kader. Notice of Ferdoussy. Contemporary sovereigns Ul Kavim, XXVIth
of the house of Abbas. Bessaussery invites the Fatimite Khalif of Egypt to his
assistance. Toghrel Beg of the race of Seljuk encamps before Baghdad. Riot with the
Sejukan soldiery, and imprisonment of the last Ameir-ul-umra of the race of Buiah. In.
the absence of Toghrel Beg, Bessaussery retakes Baghdad and proclaims the author.ty
of Mustanser the Fatimite. Toghrel Beg returns and restores that of Ul Kaeim. Capture
and death of Bessanssery, Ur Kacimi espouses the daughter of the Seljukian monarch.
Death of Togintel Beg, and accession of Alep Arshin. Death of Ul Kaeim. Contempo-
} ›ry sovereigns. Ul Mukteddy, XXVIth of the house of Abbas. Espouses the
daughter of Melek shab. Death of that prince. And of Mukteddy. Contemporary
UL Mustezhir, XXVIIIth of the house of Abbas. Duration of his reigu.
His death City of Baghdad removed during this reign from the western to the eastern
bank of the Tigris. Contemporary sovereigns. U Mustershid, XXIXth of the
house of Abbas. His brother disputes the Khelaufut with him. Is taken and pardoned
The rebel Weiss joins Sultan Toghrel of the race of Seljuk and persuades him to attack
the khalif, who is fortuitously relieved from the danger. He is defeated in an expedition-
against Sultan Mussaoud of the race of Seljuk, and assassinated by one of the zealots in
the service of the Slicikli-ui jubbu). Sketeli of his character. Contemporary sovereigus.
11 Rashid, XXXth of the house of Abbas. Defies the power of Sultan Mussaoud,
lays siege to Baghdad for two months, in vain. Ul Rashid is also assassinated.
temporary sovereigos. Ul Muktefly-limmer-Ellab, XXXIst of the house of Abbas.
Path of Jongueiz. Death of Maktefly. Ul Mastanjid, XXXIId of the house of
Abbas.
bas. His just government; and death. Ul Mustunzy XXXIIId of the house of
Abbas. Digression to the affairs of Egypt, of which the government is usurped by Sa-
ladin. Merited disgrace ofan arbitrary minister, Death of Mustanzy. Contemporary
sovereigns. Ul Nau.ser, XXXIVth of the house of Abbas.
th of the house of Abbas. His officers reduce Khuz-
staun and Laur. Regulations in favor of trade. He is threatened with an invasion on
who
C'on-
CONTENTS.
IX
UI
the part of Mahommed the Sultan of Kharezm. From which he is relieved by a severc
winter, and the subsequent hostilities with Jenguciz. His death, and a sketch of his
character. Ul Zalier, XXXVth of the house of Abbas. His benevolent designs and
premature death. Ul Mustunser, XXXVIth of the house of Abbas. Death of Jengueiz.
Benevolent government of Mustunser. His success against the Moghuls. College of
Mustansriah at Baghdad, erected by him. His death. Sketch of his character.
Mustaussem, XXXVIIth and last Khalif of the house of Abbas. Appointment of Eben
Alkema to the Vizzaurut His vindictive designs against his master Invasion of Hul-
auku Khann. Khurshah prince of Almowut submits to him Perfidious proceedings of
Eben Alkema, Hulanku advances from Hantadaun. A division of the Khalif's troops
defeated by his advanced guard. Apathy of Mustaussem. Hulauku appears before
Baghdad. Where the Khalif delivers up his person to hun. He enters the metropolis.
Dis insatiable avarice, and obdurate cruelty. Death of Mustaussem. Dreadful massa-
ere at Baghdad. Disappointment of the perfidious Eben Alkema. Dutation, and final
extinction of the power of the house of Abbas.
CHAPTER VI.
181
Two Hundred and Fourth to the Four Hundred and Forty eighth of the Hidjerah.
The narrative recedes to furnish some account of the princes cotemporary with the Khelau-
fut of the house of Abbas. Zulvemmein, Ist of the Taberites, invested with he gover I-
ment of Khorassaun. Abjures the authority of Ul Mamua : his death. Tulleish, Id
of the race of Tåher. Abdullah, Hd of the race of Taher Taher, son of Abdullah,
IVth of his race. Mahommed, Vth of the race of Taher, falls into the hands of Yakub
Laiss. Origin of the Sufauriah or Safaurides, and of the advancement of Yakub Laiss.
He obtains the government of Seiestaun. Subdues Khorassann. But is musaccessful
in an expedition into Tebristaun. Defeated by UT Mouffek the brother of the reigning
Khalif. His death and character. Omar Laiss, Hd of the Sufomides. is dicated
and taken prisoner by Ismaeil of the race of Saman. He is conveyed a prisoner to Bağb-
did. Sketch of his character. Taher 11d and last of the Suraudes. Defeated &nd
taken prisoner by an insurgent. Origin of the Samanides, or 1a e of Siwan.
Buster
the son of Ahmed receives a patent from the reigning Khalis for the government of Trans-
oxian. His son I-mácil becomes first monarch of Hokhora, of the pace of Fabian.
His vatious principles. Rewarded by the discovery of the tresures of Omar Laiss.
His death. Almed, Hid of the race of Sunan. Assassinated by his slaves Nasser,
IIId of the race of Saman. Is unsuccessfully attacked by his uncle. Expels the usurper
Facik from the territory of Rey Hi death. Nonh, Îỵth of the race of Saman. Re-
volt of Abà Ally, who expels him for a time from Boklara He is veerpaled to his ad-
versary, and gives him the govt tumment of Khora,
government k ssann, Aba Ally imply thesto Kokken-
ud-doulah the Deylemite. Death of Amir Nouh. Abdulmekk, Ath of the race of
Samman. Mansur, Ith of the rage of Saman. Alputtekcia revolts from his authority,
and secures Gheznein Di Laguished character of Aholf the son of Ahmed, prince of
Sciestaum. Treaty between Amir Musur and Rokken ud-doulch the iemite.
Death of Muusar. Nouh the Hd, and VIIth of the race of Simion. Peeth ei Alpat-
tekein, or Alepteggin, and accession of Sebekteggin to the government of Gleznein.
Discontents in Khorassaua. Boghra Khaum, monarch of Torkestaum, 2 socinies with
the malcontents for the invasion of Transoxiana. He takes possession of Pokhara. Is
suddenly taken ill. Retmus towards his own dominiens, and die- on the in trch, Ameir
Noah returns to his capital, and is restored to power.
Invites Sebekte gin to a-st
him against his rebellious vissals, who are consequently defeated. Further proceedmes
of Abu Ally and Lacik, The former ultimately perish in the prisons of Sebekteggin.
Death of Ameir Nouh the Pd. Munsur the 11d, and V11th of the race of Smau De-
feated by Mahmud of the, nein, and dethroned by lus own ministers, Malulmelek the
Hd, and IXth of the race of? iman. Is taken prisoner by Fylk Klaun, monarcht of
Kashghar vud Turke tann, and dies in captivity ai Our land, towards the soon os of the
Seyhun. Ismoeil, the last of the race of Sam in, is pd des death by one of the orters of
Málmúd of Ghezasin. Origm of the Deyaalmah, Deylemite, or race of Bayah. Their
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​X
CONTENTS.
clevation proznosticated. Emmaud-ud-doulah, Ist monarch of the race of Buyah. His
accession at Shirauz. Fortunate discoveries of treasure during his government. His
death. Muezz ud-donlah, becomes Ameir-ul-umra of the Khelaufut. Rokken ud-
doulah. Ezzed-ud-doulah, Mueyud-ud doulah, Fakher ud-doulah, Shurf-ud dou-
Jab. Sumsaum ud doulah. Baha-ud-donlah. Mejid-ud-doulah. Sultaun-ud-doulah.
Mashurruf-ud-doulah. Jullaul-ud-doulah. Ezz-ul-mulk.
Ezz-ul-mûlk. Ul Melek-ur-raheim. Abu
Munsur Fallaud settoun, Abu Ally Key Khossrou last of the race of Buyah, submits
to Alep Arslan. Of Washmagucir and the princes of Jurjann his successors, Second,
Beissetoun, Third, Shums-ul manla Kabous. Vicissitudes of his fortune. Severe
character. He is driven from his government, and put to death. Fourth and last,
Menùtcheher
death.
IXth.
CHAPTER VII.
224
His
Three Hundred and Sixty fifth to the Six Hundred and Fifty fourth of the Hidjerah.
Accession of Sebekteggin, IId of the monarchs of Gheznein of the Tartar race.
He ex-
tends the dominions of the new dinasty. His alliance with Nouh the Samaunian. Dies
at Balkh. Incident illustrative of his benevolent disposition. Issmauil, IIId of the
monarchs of Gheznein. Is vanquished and divested of his power by his brother Mah-
mud. Sultan Mahmud, IVth of the monarchs of Gheznein. Is recalled from his expe-
dition against Multaun, by aggression on the part of Eylek Khaun of Kashghar, Whom he
defeats near Balkh. His victory over Anundpal near Peishawer. Capture of Bheim-
nuggur. Temporary accommodation with the Hindus. Subjugation of Ghour. And
other territories bounding on Khorassaun. He bestows the province of Khaurezm on
Altun Tansh. Expedition to Kanouje. To Soumnaut Splendour of the temple and
immense wealth at that place. He returns to Gheznein. Fate of Dabsheleima his king
of Gujerat. Correspondence with Ul Kåder. Expedition to chastise the inhabitants of
Koh Joud, between the Indus and Kashmeir. His death and character. Mahommed,
Vth of the monarchs of Gheznein. Is dethroned and deprived of sight by his nobles. Mus-
saoud, VIth of the monarchs of Gleznein. The race of Seljûk establish themselves in Kho-
rassaun. Mussaoud's expedition into India
Which affords to the race of Seljuk an op-
portunity of consolidating their power. They defeat him in a variety of conflicts on his
return. He is seized by his slaves, and put to death by his nephew Ahmed. Sultan
Moudud, VIIth of the Gleznevides. He punishes the destroyers of his father. His
Mussaoud IId, a minor, VIIth of the monarchs of Gheznein. Sultan Ally,
Abdurrashid Xth. And Furrukhzaud XIth of the monarchs of Gleznein.
victories over Daoud of the race of Seljuk But ultimate defeat by Alep Arslan.
His death. Sultan Ibraubin, XIIth. Protracted reign. Mussaoud the IIId, and XIIIth
of the monarchs of Ghezucin. A benevolent prince. Expedition of one of his generals.
to the Ganges. His reign and death. Arslan Shab, AIVth of the monarchs of Ghez-
nein. Contests with his brother He is ultimately taken prisoner and put to death.
Behram Shah XVth of the Gheznevides. A magnificent prince. Suppresses the reliel-
lion under Bahleim, in the Punjanb. He is defeated by Allâ-ud-dein the Ghourian, and
dies soon afterwards. Khossron Shah XVIth of the monarchs of Gheznein, and XIVth of
the race of Sebekteggin. Removes the seat of government to Lahour. Vengeance ex-
hibited towards the inhabitants of Gheznein, by Allâ-ud dein. Death of Khossrou Shah.
Khossrou Melek XVIIth and last of the Gheznevides, and of the race of Schekteggin.
Is twice in vain besieged in Lahour, by Shahaub ud-dein the Ghourian. But is ultimately
circumvented by au artifice. Submits his person, and trausfers the power of the family
to the Ghourians. Of the Ismâeilian, or Fatimite sovereigns of Egypt. First, Mahommed.
Second, Ul Käeim. Third, Ul Munsûr. Fourth, Muezz-ud-dein Ist. Modern Cairo
founded by his general. He removes to, and dies at that capital. Fifth, Ul Azziz. Sixth,
Ulakem. His hypocrisy and rigid severity towards the public. He is cut off by a conspira-
cy. Seventh, Ul Zaubir. Eighth, Ul Mustanser. Niuth, Ul Mustaully. Teuth, Ul Amyr.
Eleventh, Ul Hafez. Twelfth, Ul Zaufler. Thirteenth, Ul Fâeiz. Fourtecuth and last, Ul
Auzzed. In his time the Franks of Palestine invade Egypt. They are expelled by Assud-ud-
dein Sheirkoh, the general of Nur-ud-dein, priuce of Damascus Extinction of the Fatimite
Khelaufut, in his death. Origin of Hussun Sabah. His early engagement with Nizam-ul-
mülk the great Vezzeir of the house of Seljuk. His alleged treachery and ingratitude
་
CONTENTS.
XI
towards that minister. His subsequent proceedings,and apostacy to the doctrines of
the Ismâeilians. His residence in Egypt. He returns into Tebristaun. And obtains
possession of the mountain fortress of Almowut. His projects advanced by the death of
Nizam-ul-mulk, and Melek Shah. Concludes a treaty with Sultan Sunjur.
He puts
his children to death for various crimes. He dies. Guia Bûzúrg Omneyd IId Sheikh-
ul-jubbul, or chief of Almowut. Mahommed, IIId. Alla-zekre-hû us-salaum, IVth. Ma-
hommed the IId, Vth. Jullaul-ud-dein, VIth. Ala-ud-dein, VIIth; and Rokken-ud-dein
Khûr Shah VIIIth, and last of the chiefs of Almowut; attacked by, and surrenders to
Hulauku Klaun. Extinction of the whole race.
277
CHAPTER VIII.
Four Hundred and Twenty ninth to the Six Hundred and Ninety eighth of the Hidjerah.
Origin of the Seljucides, or race of Seljuk. They settle in Khorassaun and are
successful against Sultan Mussaoud of Gheznein. Sultan Toghrel Beg, Ist monarch
of this race.
Balkh and Khaurezm added to the acquisitions of the family. Toghrel
Beg is received at Baghdad. He espouses the daugher of the Khalif Ul Kaeim at an ad-
vanced age and dies. Alep Arslan, IId of the race of Seljûk. Nizam-ul-mulk of Tûsse
appointed prime minister. The greek emperor Diogenes taken prisoner, and liberally
dismissed by Alep Arslan. Who is finally assassinated by the governor of a petty for-
tress on the banks of the Oxus. His splendid character. Melek Shah, Illd monarch
of the race of Seljuk. Employs his kinsmau Suliman in the reduction of Syria. Subju-
gates Transoxiaua. Alleged transactions between him and one of the Greek emperors.
Magnanimity. Unworthy treatment and death of the distinguished Vezzeir, Nizam-ul-
mulk. He dies at Baghdad soon afterwards. His exalted character. Era established
during his reign. Sultan Burguiaurug, IVth of the race of Seljuk. Contest between
him and his balf brother Malımûd. Whose death puts him in ultimate possession of Is-
fahauu. Consigns the government of Khorassaun to his brother Sunjur. Hostilities
with his other brother Mahoumed. Accommodation. His death. Sultan Mahommed,
Vth of the race of Seljuk. His alleged expedition into India. Death and character.
Sultan Sunjur, VIth of the race of Seljuk. Is defeated by the Khann of Karakhatay.
Is successful against Alla ud-dein the Ghourian. The Ghazzian Turks driven into re-
volt against his authority, he becomes their prisoner. After an arduous captivity he
ultimately effects his escape, but dies shortly afterwards. Great power of the race of
Seljuk, expires with this monarch. The narrative recedes. Sultan Mahmud, of Hama-
daun, and Irak Ajem. Sultan Toghrel, of the same. Saltan Mussaoud, of the same.
Parentage of Kuzzul Arslan, aud Jahaun Pehlewaun Mahommed. Combination against
the government of Sultan Mussaoud. Defeated.
Defeated. His subsequent prosperous reign and
death. Melek Shah the Hd, of Hamadaun-and Irak Ajem. Inglorious reign. And death.
Sultan Mahommed, son of Mahmud. Sultan Saliman Shah. Sultan Arslan. Splendid
reign. Sultan Toghrel, last of the race of Seljuk in Irak Ajem. Remarkable conjunc-
tion of the planets in his reign. Jealousies between him and Kuzzul Arslan. By whom
he is expelled from Hamadaun. Is restored on the death of that chief. Kutlugh Ey-
naunje invites Tukkesh Khaun of Khanrezm to the invasion of Irak; which terminates
in the conquest of that country. The death of Sultan Toghrel, and the extinction of this
branch of the race of Selják. Of the Kermaunian branch of the same race. First, Kaw-
erd the son of Tchegher Beg. Second, Sultan Shah. Third, Tùran Shah. Fourth, Iran
Shah. Fifth, Arslan Shah. Sixth, Melek Mahommed. Seventh, Togarel Shah. Eighth
and last, Mahommed Shah. Of the Rumian or Anatolian branch of the race of Seljuk.
First, Suliman the son of Kuttulmesh. Second, Kilidje Arslan, Third, Sultan Müssa-
oud. Fourth, Sultan Mussaoud the Hd. Fifth, Kilidje Arslan the Hd. Sixth, Suliman
the Id. Seventh, Key Khossrou. Eighth, Key Kawus. Ninth, Key Kobaud. Tenth,
Key Khossrou the Id. E'eventh, Suliman the IIId. Twelfth, Key Khossrou the Ild.
Thirteenth, Mussaoud the IIId. Fourteenth, Key Kobaud the Hd, in whom this branch
of the family expired under the power of Ghazan Khauu. Error in the preface of the
first volume, rectified
344
26
returns towards Persian Irak.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IX.
།
Four Hundred and Ninely first to the Sven Hundred and Ninety fifth of the Ilidjerak.
Orrein of the kings of Khaurezm of this period. Kütbuddein Mahomaved, 1st monarch of
this dinasty, Asciz, Ild of the Khanizm Shāhies. Declares his independence. Is
attacked and expiled the province by sultm Sunjur of the race of Seljuk Recovers
the country and concludes a treaty with that monarch. Renewal of hostilities, and unal
accommodation He extends hus conquests to the Jaxartes. His death and reputed
character. Avail Arlan, Hid of the Khaurezm Shchies. Sultan Sheh, IVth of the
Id
Khanrezm Phénies. Tukkesh Khann, Vth of the same dinasty. Subjugates Persian
Irak. But is defeated on the Seyhun. Bostilities with the Khalif CI Nausser. Revolt
in Persian Irak suppres ed. Wai with the Ismauilians of Almownt. Death of Tukkesh
Khaan. Sultan Mahonimed, WIth of the haurezm shahies He secures Khorasaun
against the Choarians. Hostilities with Gurkhaun the Karakhatayan. Terminate un-
successfully for Sultan Mahommed. He reduces Gheznein. Diverted from an expe-
dition towards Baghdad by impending hostilities with Jengreiz. Incidents which gave
rise to those hostilities, Indignation of the Moghal monarch on the murder of his sub-
jects at Onant. Sultan Mahommed proceeds towards the Seyhun. Attacks the Mog-
huls under Jújy Khana. 15 terrified and withdraws towards the Oxus. Is persuaded
to retire into Persian Irak. Is pursued into Mazanderaud. Takes refuge où an Island
in the Caspion where he dies. Sultan Rokken-ud-dein. Sultan heyauth-ud-dein.
And Sultan Jallan! ed-dein Mengberny, the last of the khatreznishabiés. Adventur-
ous career of Jullul ud-dein. Intrepid demeanour on his retreat across the Indus. He
Eifficulties in his way. He tually obtains possession of
Azerbaijann. Invades Theria and captures Telis, His expeditious march from that
lace to kermayn. He is defcated by tha Moghuls. Captures Llhlaut, and pushes
The garrison for the offence of their govCINOP, He is defeated by the Seljukian Sultan of
Anatolia. And finally by the Moghuls in Azerbaijaun. Uncertam termination of his
life. Total extmetion of the Khzurezmshahies, with _Jullzul-ud-dem. Of the four
Inanches of the Vabcks. I n.mand-ud-dein Zengut, 1-t of the Atabeks of Mossa e aud
Syria. Second, Nuz-ud-dein Mahound. Third, Melek Salah. Seyf ud-dein, Hd of Mossule
and Diarbekir. Kunb ud-dein, 11d of the same. Seyf-ud-dein the Hd, 1 th of the
Ezz-ud-dein th of the same. Arslun Shah Vith of the same, and Ezz-ud-dein
Mussaond VIIth and last of the Vabeks of Mossule and Diabekir. Of the Atabeks of
Azerblijama. First, Eyldekez Second, Mabel Mabommed. Third, Atabek Kuzzul Arslan,
Fourth," Atabek Abg Bukker. Filth and last, Ytab k Ouzbek. Of the Atabeks of Fares,
First Atabek Segber. Sccund
tabek Zongml.
Thnd Atabek Tuklah. Fourth Atabek
Fand. Taken pusoner by Mahomed the Khanreziman But released on becoming
tributory. Fifth Malek Sbu Eukler. Tabutary to Hudanku, and the patron of Sheth
Sady. Sixth Atabek Mahouaned. Seventh Atabek Mahommed Shab. Lighth Atabek
Seljuk Shah, last of the mate line of the Yorks of Shatz and Farss, condemned to die
by order of Hulauku. Ninth Atabek Aey sh, the consort of Mangå Teymur, the Son of
Halandu Kham. Of the Hazamaspides, or Atabeks of Lenstaun. Hist, sbu Tauder.
Second, vtabek Hazaurasp. Thud, Atabek Tuklah. Fourth, Atabek Alep Arghi.
Fidi, Atabek Yusuf Shab. Sixth, Atabek Masrub. Seventh, Atabek shined. Eighth,
Alaba & Yussuf Shah, the lid. Ninth and last of the Hazama pide, Atabek Anastab
the ild. Of the Isarakhatayans in Lenmaun. First Borank Lanjeb.
Khanjah Hulk, Third Kutb-ud-dem Mahoummed. Fourth the pincess Kutlugh Tür-
kia. Fifth Saltan Sevargheimesh. sixth the princess Padshah Kbantun. Seventh
Sultan Mahonnac: Shab. Lighth and last of the Karakhatayans of hermann, Sultan Shab-
jabanu Ong of the race of Muzuffur. Inst, Ameir Müzüfter the son of Munsur.
Second Ameir Mahomaed Made governor of Yezd by Abu Saend. Marties the dough-
ter of Suban Shahjahan the Kermaumian. Obtains the government of vermaum, on
The reduction of Shrauz. Hosulties with Ameir Abu Ishack Aynju. Emally produce
the siege and reduction of Shwanz, on the part of Ameir Mahemmed, Who als how-
ever in an affengt to capture Isfahan. That city is ultimately taken by his nephew.
same.
Second Sultan
CONTENTS.
XII
Shah Sultan. Morose behaviour towards that chief. Ameir Mahommed reduces Teb-
reiz, but abandons it on the approach of Sultan Aweis the Eylkhaunian. His own sons
conspire against and seize his person. He is deprived of sight. Subsequent restora-
tion to authority. Final banishment to Kermann, and death. Third, Shah Shujia. Fourth,
Sultan Zeyne-ul-aubbedein. Fifth and last, of the race of Mizuffur, Shah Munsur, is
killed in a battle with Teymur, by whom the power of the family is finally extinguished.
Of the Serbedaurians in Subbuzwaur. First, Abdurrezauk. Second, Ameir Mussaoud.
Third, Eytemûr. Fourth, Kellû Asfendiaur. Fifth, Fuzzulullah. Sixth, Shums-ud-deta
Ally. Seventh, Khaujah Yaheya. Eighth, Zeheir-ud-dein. Ninth, Heyder Kassaub.
Tenth, Ameir Lütfullah. Eleventh, Hussun Damaghauny. Twelfth and last, Khaujah
Ally Mûeyud. Origin of the Sultans of Ghour. First, Sultan Husseyne Jahansouz. Ye-
cond, Seyf-ud-dein Mahommed. Third, Gheyauth ud-dein Mahomined. Fourth, Sha-
haub-ud-dein. Fifth and last of the Ghourians, Sultan Mahmûd. Is assassinated by
certain Khorassaunies in the train of Ally Shah, the brother of Tuhkush Khaun the
Khaurezmian.
389
CHAPTER X.
From early periods to the Six Hundred and Fifteenth of the Hidjerah.
Origin of the nations of Tartary. Of Yapheth and his progeny. Of Tark. Of Tchein.
Descendants of Tatar Khaun, and Moghul, the sons of Alenjab Khaun. Illustrious
character of Oghúz Khaun. Names assigned by him to several of the Tatai or Tamar
tribes. His final arrangements. His sons and successors. Destruction of the Mo-
ghùl nation in the time of Acil Khaun, by Tùr the son of Feridoun, and Sounje Khaun,
monarch of the Tatars. Escape of Keyan and his three relatives to the valley of
Irganah Koun. Origin of the Keyaut and Derelguein Moghuls. Their eruption
from Irganah Koun. Recovery of the lands of their ancestors. Supposed position
thereof. Their 1st monarch after the eruption, Yeldaz Klaun. Alan Koua his
granddaughter. Her mysterious history. And origin of the Neyrun Moghuls. Her
son Buzunjur Kaan, cotemporary with Abù Mosslem. His successors. First, Bonka or
Bouga Khaun. Second, Doutoumnein Khaun. Third, Kaydu Khanu. Fourth, Bay-
sungur Khaun
Fifth, Toumnah Khaun. Prophetic dream of his son Katchouly Bà-
hauder. Deed of settlement in consequence. Sixth, Kabal Khaun. Seventh, Kaueilah
Khaun. Eighth Burtan Bahauder who succeeds to his brother. Ninth Bey souka Bahauder.
Birth of Jengueiz. Death of his father, Bey souka. Tomutchein the early name of Jen-
gueiz. His age at the death of his father. He is abandoned by his principal officers.
Takes refuge with Oung Khaun, monarch of the Keraeit, at Karakorum. His services
and rapid advancement excite the jealousy of the courtiers. Combination to destroy him.
He escapes to the lake Baljoutah. His Succeeding triumphs over all his adversaries.
He assumes the name of Jengueiz Kâan, king of kings, on the suggestion of an euthu-
siast. Some account of the impostor. Succeeding operations of Jengueiz. Expedition
against Khatài, or northern China. Short account of the Karakkatayans. Who obtain
possession of Turkestaun to the Oxus. Their monarch Gurkhann betrayed by Koush-
Ink the Nayman, his son in law. Alliance of the latter with Mahommed the Khaurez-
mian. Unsuccessful. The Nayman finally seizes the capital of Balasangluia. And
deposes the Karakhatayan monarch. Kashluk extends his conquests to Kashghar and
Khoten. He is at last expelled his usurped dominions by the troops of Jeugueiz, under
Hubbah Nùvan, and cut off by his pursuers, in Badakhshaun. Jenguciz determines on
war with Mahommed the Khaurezmian. State of Asma at this period
CHAPTER XI.
457
Six Hundred and Fifteenth to the Seven Hundred and Seventh of the Ilidjerah.
Jengueiz proceeds on his expedition. Crosses the Seyhun. Takes possession of Bokhara.
His unpolished demeanor on eutering that city. Which he ultimately destroys. Siege
and destruction of Otraut by his sons. Submissionu of Jând.
Submission of Jand. Reduction of Tonkaut
(
1
XIV
CONTENTS.
and Khojend. Gallant retreat of Teymûr Mêlek governor of the latter place. Sequel
of his history. Jengueiz appears before Samarkand Reduction of that metropolis.
Expedition of Hubbah and Soweydai through the provinces of the Persian empire in pur-
suit of Sultan Mahommed the Khaurezmian. Slaughter at Rey. At Kazvein. Indiffer-
ent parts of Azerbâijaun and Iberia. Their return round the North of the Caspian into
their own country. Siege and reductiou of the capital of Khaurezm. Fearful slaughter
of the inhabitants. Capture and destruction of Termed. Jengueiz crosses the Jeyhun.
Destroys Balkh. Besieges and captures Taulikan and Bamian. Defeats Jullaul-ud-dein
on the Indus. Proceedings of Tûly Khaun during his expedition into Khorassaun. Siege,
capture, and horrible massacre at Meru. Entire destruction of that noble city. Siege
and destruction of Neyshapur. Siege and composition of Herât. Absurd proceedings
of the inhabitants, produce a renewal of the siege. Ultimate destruction of the place,
and the horrors with which that event was attended. Proceedings of Jengueiz, who re-
crosses the Jeyhun, and Seyhûn. And ultimately returns to his capital of Karakorum.
War with Sheiderku or Sheidezku, monarch of Tanjout. Dreadful battle and victorious
progress of Jengueiz. Declining health warns him of his approaching dissolution. He
arranges the succession to his vast dominions. Further arrangements and death of that
great conqueror. His wives and children. Perfidious massacre of Sheiderkou and his
followers, in consequence of his dying instructions. Ougtài Kâan, Ist of the successors
of Jengueiz. Transactions of his reign. Death of Tuly Klaun. Restoration of Herat
under the instructions of Ougtai. Other instances of his benevolent character. His
death. Vast extent of his dominions. Guyag Khaun, IId of the successors of Jen-
gueiz. Predominance of the Christians at his court. Question whether the Prester John.
of the Nestorians is not to be sought for in this prince. He dies in the neighborhood of
Samarkand. Mangú Kaan, IIId of the successors of Jengueiz, elected through the in-
fluence of Bautù, khaun of Keptchauk. He sends Hûlaukú towards the Oxus. His
Expedition against the empire of China. In the course of which he dies. Kublai Kâan,
IVth of the successors of Jenguciz. Builds the city of Khaumbálegh Cambalu, or Pe-
kin. Teymur Kâan, Vth of the successors of Jengueiz. His intemperate life, and death.
Cursory enumeration of these princes to Adai the MNth and last.
500
CHAPTER XII.
Six Hundred and Fifty sixth to the Seven Hundred and Third of the Ilidjerah.
The history again recedes. Hùlauků Klaun, first of the Persian monarchs of the race of
Jengneiz. His expedition into Syria. Proceedings in that province, and return into
Azeríaijaun. The Sult,n of Egypt destroys his garrison at Damascus. Siege and re-
duction of Miafaurekein, and of Mardein. Of Mossule. Horrible punishment of Me-
Jek Salah the prince of Diarbekir. Animosity between Hulauku, and his kinsman the
Khann of Keptchank Hostilities between them in Georgia. Part of the army of Hul-
auku defeated by his adversary. His death. Sketch of his character. Alleged en-
couragement of science. Observatory at Meraughal constructed by his orders. Abaka
Khaun, Id of the Perso-Jenguizians. Hostilities continued between him and the Khaun
of Keptebauk. He defeats the Tcheghatayans in Khorassaun. His troops defeated in
yila by the Sultan of Egypt. His death. Notice of authors who flourished during his
reign. Nekúdaur, cutitled Sultan Ahmed, Hd of the Perso-Jenguizians. Embraces.
Mahommedi-m. Is opposed by Shazadah Argban. whom he defeats and takes pris-
death.
Be-
Arghun is enlarged from imprisonment by a conspiracy. Sultan Ahmed aban
doued by his followers. Betrayed into the hands of his competitor, and finally put to
Arghan Khaun, IVth of the Perso Jenguizians. Transactions of his reign..
Sand-ud-doulah, a jew, appointed prime minister. His successful administration.
comes intoxicated with his good fortune. Put to death by a conspiracy of the Ameirs,
during the illness of Arghun Khaun. Death of that monarch. Keykhautù, or Gunjau-
1a Khau, Vth of the Perso-Jenguizians. Suppresses all opposition to his authority.
His inconsistent character. Expedient of bank notes to supply his exhausted treasury.
Produces an insurrection at Tebreiz. The expedient is abandoned. His adulterous.
excesses occasion a conspiracy against his government. He is seized in his camp and
put to death by the conspirators.
CONTENTS.
XV
Minor ar-
Baidû Khann, VIth of the Perso-Jenguizians. His
short reign and death. Sultan Mahómmed Ghazan VIIth of the Perso jenguizians. His
early history. Contests. And final reconciliation with Ameir Norouz. He engages to
become a convert to Mahommedism. Marches into Azerbaijaun to assert his claim to
the supreme power. Accommodation with Baidú Khaun, which terminates unpropiti-
ously. He publicly embraces Mahommedism. Marches afresh towards Azerbaijaun.
Capture and death of Baidu Khaun, and final accession of Gházan Khaun,
rangements. Invasion of Khorassaun by the Tcheghatayans, repelled by Norouz.
Conspiracy against that chieftain, and against his master defeated. Unjust charge of
treason preferred against Norouz. In consequence of which he flies to Herat. Where
he is ultimately betrayed to his enemies, and put to death. Depredations of the Niko-
drians. And expedition to chastize them. The historian Fazzel-ullah appointed one of
the joint-vezzeirs. Great drought, famine and pestilence. Invasion of Syria by Ghaz
an Khaun. Who defeats the Sultan of Egypt near Emesa. He returns into Diarbekir.
Failure of his troops in an attempt to reduce the castle of Damascus. Second expedi-
tion into Syria. Terminates without any thing remarkable. Kbaunian æra established.
Third expedition into Syria. Ghazan Khaun resigns the prosecution of it to his generals.
They are defeated with great slaughter, by the Sultan of Egypt. Ghazao Khaun returns
to Tebreiz. Futile attempt to disturb his government. His death, and character
CHAPTER XIII.
563
Seven Hundred and Third to the Eight Hundred and Twelfth of the Hidjerah.
Accession of Ouljàitû, entitled Sultan Mahommed Khodabundah, VIIIth of the Perso-
jenguizians. He erects the castle, and founds the city of Sultauniah. Birth of Abû Sà-
eid. Expedition to reduce Guilau. Partial discomfiture and ultimate success. Atten-
tion of Ouljaitu to the improvement of his dominions. Expedition against Syria. Cap-
ture of Rabcbah on the Euphrates. Abù Sàcid invested with the government of Khor-
assaun. Death and respectable character of Ouljaitu. Sultan Abu Saeid, IXth of the
Perso-jenguizians. Dissension between his ministers. Which terminates in the disgrace
and execution of the learned. Fazzel-ullah. Usurpation in Khorassaun, on the part of
Shahzadah Beyssour, the Teleghatayan. Ultimately suppressed by Ameir Husseyne,
the predecessor of the Eylkhaunians. Irruption of the Ouzbeks, or Tartars of Kep-
tehauk into Georgia chastized by Ameir Tchébaun. That chief excites the odium of some
of the principal commanders employed in that province. Combination to destroy him
defeated. Abu Saeid by his distinguished valour acquires the title of Bahauder. The
sister of that monarch is married to Ameir Tehobaun, Vexatious claims set on foot by
the rapacity of that chief, finally abandoned. Death and respectable character of Ally
Shah, the vezzeir. The sultan becomes enamoured of Baghdad Khautun the wife of
Sheikh Hussun the Elkbaunian. His passion discountenanced by Ameir Tehobaun,
her father. His consequent disgrace with the sultan. Defeat of the troops of Terma-
sherin Khaun, in the province of Ghezuein. Immoderate ambition of Damashk Khaujah.
Punished. Abu Sacid determines on the destruction of Tehobaun and of the whole
family. Tehobaun on his part prepares for hostilities. He is abandoned by the greater
part of his army. Ultimately betrayed and put to death at Heràt. Sketch of his cha-
racter. And brief account of his children. The sultan espouses Baghdad Khantàn,
Her former husband made governor of Rum. Death of Abu Saeid. By some ascribed
to poison. Notice of cotemporary characters. Buth of Teymir. Arpa Khaun, Xth
of the Perso jenguizians. His short and turbulent reign, and death. Mussa Khaun,
Ath of the Perso-jenguizians. Proceedings to subvert his authority. He ultimately
absconds. Mahommed Khaun, XIIth of the Perso-jenguizians. Extensive power of
Sheikh Hussun the Eylkhauman Opposed by Sheikh Hussun the Tchobaunian, by
whom he is defeated. Mahommed Khaun is put to death- The princess Sauky Beg,
XIIth of the Perso-jenguiziaus. Proceedings between the two rival chiefs. Of whom
the Eylkhannian is expelled from Azerbaijaun by the address of his opponent. Jahann
Teymur, X1 th and Suliman Khaun XV th of the Perso-jenguizians, Sheikh Hassun the
XVI
CONTENTS.
Eylkhaunian, is repeatedly defeated in his attempts to regain a footing in tlie Persian pro-
vinces. Death of Togha Teymur Khaun. Troops of tlussun Tchobauny defeated in.
Arabian Irak. That chief is finally assassinated by his wife. Accession to power of his
brother Melek Ashruf. Previous proceedings of that chief. Who with his uncle joins.
the party of the younger son of Ameir Tchobaun. Noushirvaun XVIth and last of the
Perso-jenguizian race. Predominant power, and tyranny of Melek Ashruf. His domi-
nions are invaded, and he is finally put to death by the Khaun of Keptchauk. Sultan,
Aweiss, IId of the Eylkhaunians. In adddition to western Irak obtains possession of
Azerbaijaun. His successful reign. And death. Sultan Husseyne, IIId of the Eyl-
khaunians. Hostilities with the Turkmauns. Advancement of Aadel Aga. Who eludes
the designs of his enemies. Baghdad is seized by a brother of the Sultan. Recovery
and subsequent loss of that city through the effeminacy of the Sultan. He is put to
death by his brother Ahmed. Sultan Ahmed Jullàeir, and Sultan Bayezzid, last of the
Eylkhaunians. Early contests between these princes, and with Shahzadah Sheikh Ally
of Baghdad. Who is killed in action by Kara Mahommed the Turkman. Accommoda-
tion with Sultan Bayezzid, and Aadel Aga. Usurpation at Baghdad, punished by Sulian
Ahmed. Renewal of hostilities with Aadel, who is defeated, and claims the support
of Shah Shujia of Shirauz. The latter betrays him, but is defeated in his own design against
Sultauniah. Which falls into the hands of Sultan Ahmed. The Envoys of Teymur
appear at Tebreiz. Are conducted to Baghdad. Final expulsion from his dominions of
Sultan Ahmed, by the armies of Teymûr. His ultimate return, defeat, and death, in a
contest with Kara Yussuf the Türkman, Conclusion of the VOLUME
634
1
CHRONOLOGICAL RETROSPECT
OF THE
PRINCIPAL EVENTS
OF
Mahommedan History,
&c.
CHAP. I.
It may per på be made a question, wet er it is not a circumstance
T may perhaps be made a question, whether it is not a circumstance A. H. 132.
favorable to the peace, though not to the civil liberties of mankind, A. D. 750.
that in most instances, the foundation of a new dinasty should be
ordained by providence to be laid in blood: since to this it may
be owing that, in general, the best and wisest men shall be reconciled
to labour on under the more endurable evils and inconveniences of
despotism and arbitrary power, rather than encounter the horrors and
atrocities of revolutionary madness. But whatever lessons we may
derive from such an example, the elevation of the house of Abbas.
would appear to have been attended with circumstances of sangui-
nary ferocity, and deliberate cruelty, that have been seldom surpassed
in the records of history; and as it commenced in blood, so it will be
found, in the sequel, to have terminated its career in the most dread-
ful scenes of havoc and massacre.
Ally, or as he is very frequently denominated, Abdullah, and
surnamed Abûl Abbas Seffauh, Abúl Abbas the sanguinary, was the
son of Mahommed, the son of Ally, the son of Abdullah, the son of
Abbas, the brother of Abûtauleb, and son of Abdulmûtleb. The
VOL. II.
B
2
A. H. 132. events which in our former volume we attempted, however inade-
A. D. 750. quately, to trace, having seated this prince with sufficient stability at
Kholaussut- the head of the Mahommedan empire, he laboured of course with
ul-akhbaur. suitable diligence to secure the submission, and provide for the tran-
quillity of the several cities and departments of his extensive domin-
ions. To his uncle Abdullah the conqueror of Merwaun, he assigned
the government of both the provinces of Syria and Egypt; and to
another uncle, Daoud the son of Ally, that of Hejauz and the sacred
cities of Mekkahı and Medeinah. The troops destined for the siege
of Waussit, where Yezzid the son of Amrù Hobairah had been long
preparing for a formidable defence, were entrusted to the manage-
ment of Abû Jauffer, betwixt whom and his elder brother, there
appears to have ever subsisted a confidence and cordiality, in similar
circumstances, not often paralleled. Abû Jauffer was accompanied
on this service by Hussun Kohtbah, in conjunction with whom he
ABULABBAS
procceded in due time to the reduction of Waussit; which had been
SEFFAUH, Ist
Kalif of the for some years considered the capital of Iråk, and contained within
house of Ab- its walls perhaps the last hopes of the house of Ommeyah. When
he had, however, by a gallant resistance, for eleven months protracted
the fate of the place, the grandson of Hobairah received intelligence
of the death of Merwaun, and determined to capitulate with his
besiegers. On a solenın promise from Abû Jauffer, of indemnity for
himself and his garrison, he accordingly put that prince in possession
of the city, and was with other chieftains of his party, enrolled
among the troops of the house of Abbas: but being soon afterwards
detected by Abû Jauffer in a clandestine attempt to excite revolt
against the reigning government, it was not difficult to obtain from
Abul Abbas, an order to authorize his destruction; and he was
accordingly put to death with the greater part of his principal asso-
ciates to the number of forty persons; of whom Abdurrahman the
son of Beshir, and Mûeyen the son of Zaydah, were indeed the only
individuals suffered to escape.
bas.
Abûl Abbas had in the mean time, at an early period of his govern-
ment, signalized his unsparing vengeance against the vanquished
race of Ommeyah. At Damascus in particular, his uncle Abdullah
proceeded by his instructions, to cut off every distinguished member
3
ul-akhbaur.
of that now unhappy family, that he could lay his hands on; and it A. II. 132.
is stated that, on one occasion, the mutilated carcases of seventy of A. D. 750.
these chiefs who had been beaten to death with clubs, were laid one Kholaussut-
upon another, covered over with a slight carpeting, and thus
constructed into a kind of platform, on which, with a barbarity truly
savage, the governor of Damascus seated himself to partake of a
sumptuous repast, and to celebrate the triumph of his party.
When there were no further living victims to satiate the spirit of
revenge, he proceeded to violate the repositories of the dead. The
sepulchres of all the princes of the house of Ommeyah, that of Omar
the son of Abdulazziz alone excepted, were immediately broke open,
and their contents burnt to ashes and scattered to the winds. The
body of Hashaum the son of Abdulmêlek, which had not yet suffered
dissolution, was treated with particular and unavailing indignity;
after which it was burnt like those of the rest, and the ashes con-
signed to the winds of heaven. The same vindictive scenes were
also exhibited at Mossûl, where an indiscriminate slaughter of the
friends and adherents of Merwaun was carrying on under the direc-
tions of Yaheya the son of Ally; another of the relatives of Abúl
Abbas, who may therefore be considered to have established ample
claim to the appellation of sanguinary.
Neither was this prince disposed to forget the designs originally
entertained in favor of the descendants of Fautima, by Abù Selmah
Jellauly, and the consequent delay to his own elevation, which
those designs were supposed to have produced. This personage he
therefore also determined to destroy on the first fair occasion. But
as it was a measure which might be attended with some inconveni-
cnce, unless it were sanctioned by the previous concurrence of Abû
Mosslem, the Khalif resolved on dispatching his brother Abû Jauffer
into Khorassaun; at the same time to receive that powerful chieftain's
pledge of allegiance, and to sound his inclinations on the subject.
On his arrival at Merû, Abû Jauffer experienced from Abû Mosslem
the reception which was due to the representative of his sovereign;
and obtained from him without difficulty, the paishkesh, or customary
presents, in testimony of allegiance. After the interval of a few days,
Abû Jauffer explained, at a private interview with Abú Mosslem,
B 2
4
A. H. 133. the further objects of his mission, and obtained from him the
A. D. 751. declaration, that both he and Abû Selmah being each of them the
Kholaussut slaves of Abúl Abbas, there could be no question, that for any trans-
ul-akhbaur. gression of duty, either would be equally liable to the punishment of
A. H. 134.
A. D. 751.
death. Having thus successfully accomplished every necessary
object of his visit, Abû Jauffer returned to Kûfah. When, accord-
ing to the oriental phrase, his arrival and the execution of Abû
Selmah, were the business of the same instant of time. Others,
however, state that Abûl Abbas put a period to this obnoxious per-
son's existence, previous to the arrival of his brother.
It is perhaps of little importance to be told, that in the regular
order of events, the journey of Abû Jauffer into Khorassaun should
properly have preceded the siege and reduction of Waussit. But it
is something material to observe, that while Abû Jauffer resided at
Merû on this occasion, Abû Mosslem on some slight pretext or
other, caused Sûliman Kesheir, one of his oldest and most faithful
associates, to be put to death in the very presence of his princely
visitor; who did not fail to derive from the circumstance an impres-
sion of resentment and displeasure, which was never obliterated.
And it is further said,* that when on his return to Kûfah, his bro-
ther demanded, what he had remarked in Abû Mosslem, he replied
that he had found in him the haughtiest of tyrants; and that he had
reason to suspect that, while Abû Mosslem lived, he must submit to
lead but a contemptible and abject sort of existence. He cautioned
him at the same time to lodge these hints in his own bosom, until
he should have an opportunity of judging, from personal observation,
of the character of that able and warlike chieftain.
On the death of Daoud the son of Ally, in the course of the year
one hundred and thirty-three, the government of Hejauz was con-
ferred by Abûl Abbas on his maternal uncle Zeiaud, the son of Obai-
dullah; and in the course of the year following, he removed
his court from Kûfah to Ambaur on the Euphrates, the ancient store
house of the kings of Persia; and there laid the foundation of Medei-
nah Hashmiah, the city of the Hashemites.
* Tarikh Tebry.
5
ul-akhbaur.
In the year one hundred and thirty-five, a revolt against the A. H. 136.
authority of Abû Mosslem took place in the provinces beyond the A. D. 753.
Oxus, under Zeiaud the son of Salah; but Abû Mosslem in person Kholaussut-
conducting an army against the insurgents, their general disappeared,
and taking refuge in the cottage of one of the native peasantry, the
latter to ensure himself against the resentment of the victorious
party put his guest to death, and conveyed his head to the con-
queror. Soon after he had re-established his authority on this occa-
sion, Abû Mosslem, during the year one hundred and thirty-six,
proceeded towards Arabia, on the design of a pilgrimage to Mekkah.
Repairing first to the court of Abûl Abbas, he there experienced the
most favorable and distinguished reception, although Abû Jauffer
exerted all the influence in his power to persuade his brother to put
him to death. But refusing to confer upon Abû Mosslem the appoint-
ment of general of the pilgrims, on the plea of a previous application
from Abû Jauffer, the Khalif incurred, notwithstanding, the resent-
ment of Abû Mosslem to a very violent degree; the latter complain-
ing to his friends, that Abûl Abbas and his brother, generally
residing on the spot, or near it, were never without a convenient.
opportunity of performing their devotions in the sanctuary of the
Kaaubah; and that it would have become them, for this year at
least, to assign to him the charge for which he had solicited. This
produced, however, no alteration in the arrangement; and both Abû
Jauffer and Abû Mosslem departed for Mekkah with impressions
mutually unfavorable towards one another. But as Abû Mosslem
had provided two hundred camels for the conveyance of his kitchen.
equipage alone, and he took care to precede his rival a days journey
during the whole of the march, most of the convoy of pilgrims availed
themselves twice a day of a plentiful repast, to which they were pub-
licly invited by the officers of that general. By a similar course of os-
tentatious liberality at the close of the visitation, in clothing great num-
bers of the pilgrims from distant quarters, and the whole of those employed
in the ministry of the sacred places, and by other proofs of munifi-
cence beyond all ordinary precedent, Abû Mosslem acquired on this
occasion the title of Ameir in fact, while they bestowed on Abù
Jauffer that only of Ameir in name.
6
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 136. However, while his brother was engaged in the pilgrimage to Mek-
A. D. 754. kah on this occasion, the Khalif Abûl Abbas sickened and died.
Kholaussut His death appears to have been hastened by the following very
trifling circumstance, which otherwise than as a record of God's dis-
pleasure against the indulgence of personal vanity, would be scarcely
worth the relation. He was, it seems, reckoned the handsomest man
of the age in which he lived: and one day contemplating the graces
of his person as he stood before a mirror in one of his apartments, he
could not forbear exclaiming, that he was indeed, as Sûliman the son
of Abdulmélek had once pronounced him, the very prince or paragon
of youth and beauty; and as he concluded with a fervent eja-
culation, that heaven might give him health and length of days in
the enjoyment of all his singular advantages, he had scarcely closed
the sentence, when he overheard one of his domestics observe to
another, “there remains betwixt thee and me only the period of two
“months and five days." These words were immediately applied by
the Khalif to his own destiny, and he expressed his humble resigna-
tion to God's providence. In a few days afterwards he sickened of
a fever, which breaking out in a pestilential or putrid eruption over
his whole body, caried him off, at the age of forty-two, on the thir-
teenth of the month of Zilhudje ;* precisely sixty-five days from the
period at which he had noted the observation of the slave.
Calculating from the period of his nomination and election by the
inhabitants of Kufah, this prince may be stated to have filled the
throne of the Khalifs for four years, seven months, and eleven or
twelve days but from the death of Merwaun his reign would appear
to occupy an exact period of four years. His character, if we are to
credit the representation of some historians,† was that of a liberal,
benevolent, and able prince, although the dreadful effusion of blood,
which preceded his accession to the sovereign dignity, hath acquired
for him the odious appellation of Seffauh. In the early part of his
reign the functions of the vizzaurut, or ministry of state, were dis-
charged by Abû Selmah Jellaut; but when this person was put to
death, the office was consigned to Yaheya the son of Khaled,. of the
* 8th of June, 754.
†Tarikh gûzeidah, and Binnauguty, or Finaukety.
A. D. 754.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur,
race of Barmek; and it is therefore from this period that we are pro- A. H. 136.
perly to date the influence of that celebrated family. As one method to
establish the sanctity of his authority, Abûl Abbas procured the man-
tle of the prophet for the sum of four hundred dinaurs;* and this precious
relique became, as might have been expected, in after times, one of
the most venerated articles in the regalia of the Khalifs.
UL MUNSUR
UL MUNSUR BILLAH, (Dei gratiâ victor) Abû Jauffer the son of
Mahommed, second Khalif of the house of Abbas, received on his
return from Mekkah, at the station of Zaut ul Urrek,* the intelli-
gence of his brother's death, and immediately suspending his march
until he had been joined at that station by Abû Mosslem, he com-
municated to that chief the information which had reached him.
By a stretch of confidence which, adverting to recent circum-
stances, may appear perhaps extraordinary, he urged the expediency of
his proceeding without delay to Kûfah, there to exert his influence
in preserving the tranquillity and securing the attachment of that
part of the empire; and with a dispatch, which on his side at least
bespoke sincerity, Abû Mosslem at the head of ten thousand horse,
hastened accordingly to Kûfah; where Eissa the son of Mûssa, a BILLAH, Ild
collateral descendant of the race of Abbas, and the cousin german of Khalif.
Ul Munsûr was, at the same time, industriously employed in calling
upon the people to support his own pretensions to the Khelaufut.
The arrival of Abû Mosslem however suddenly disconcerted all his
ambitious designs, the inhabitants of Kûfah immediately testifying
their attachment to the party of that popular chieftain; and Ul Mun-
sûr repairing shortly afterwards to the spot, Eissa quietly submitted;
and atoning, by all the apologies which he could offer, for his recent
hostile attempt, he experienced from that monarch a degree of cle-
mency in the remission of his offences, for which, from the contempla-
tion of former precedents, he had perhaps but little reason to hope.
Ul Munsûr appears to have considered his authority now estab-
lished upon pretty secure foundations; when occurrences in Syria
arose, which threatened to produce an agitation yet sufficient to cast
him from his throne. His uncle Abdullah the governor of Damas-
* 2291. 3s. 4d.
†or Zautul Erek, not far from Mekkah.
8
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 136. cus, was no sooner apprized of the death of Abûl Abbas, than he
A. D. 754. proceeded to assemble the inhabitants of that city and territory; and
Kholaussut to them declared, that at the period when Abûl Abbas proposed to
send an army in pursuit of Merwaun, he publicly announced that
whoever of the descendants of Abbas would undertake to conduct
the enterprize, to the final destruction of the fugitive monarch, should
be considered after himself, the next in succession to the empire;
that he was the person by whom such enterprize was undertaken
and achieved to its consummation, was a circumstance too fresh in
their recollection to require on his part any further argument to de-
monstrate; but at all events, when coupled with the previous
formal declaration of the deceased prince, that it was sufficient to au-
thorize the assertion which he now made, and was determined to main-
tain, that the Khelaufut was in justice devolved to himself. The
Syrian nobles, and such of the troops of Khorassaun as were present
at Damascus at this period, did not hesitate on hearing such a de-
claration to pledge their allegiance to Abdullah; who was enabled
soon afterwards, at the head of a powerful army, to proceed to Harran
in upper Mesopotamia, the governor of which, he prevailed upon to
enter into a treaty. At that place, however, he put no less than
seventeen thousand of the natives of Khorassaun to death, from an
apprehension, that, on the first opportunity they would not fail to
go over to Abû Mosslem. From Hâran he hastened shortly after-
wards to Nissebein; in the neighbourhood of which, in a camp which
he immediately surrounded with intrenchments, he determined to
abide the decision of his claims with the troops of Ul Munsûr, by
this time in motion from all quarters to oppose him.
In effect, Abû Mosslem, though already doomed to perish the
moment his services were no longer considered necessary, had been
dispatched by Ul Munsûr, at the head of a numerous force, to give
battle to his uncle. Appearing accordingly in due time before the
intrenchments of Abdullahı, and after experiencing a resistance of
five months, the fortune of that invincible general was once more
triumphant. Towards the end of the last month of Jummaudy of the
year one hundred and thirty-seven,* he succeeded in forcing these
* December, A. D. 754.
9
ul-akhbaur.
intrenchments; although Abdullah contrived to make his escape to A. H. 137.
Bassorah, at this period under the government of his brother Sûliman. A. D. 754.
Here he continued for some time in concealment; but the rays of Ul Kholaussut-
Munsûr's intelligence penetrating to his retreat, he was ultimately sent
for by that prince, and confined to a building, the foundations of which.
had been laid in salt. At the expiration of a few days the Khalif
caused the site of the building to be inundated in the course of the
night, and the foundations giving way on the dissolution of the salt,
the walls suddenly fell in, and the unfortunate Abdullah was thus
buried in the ruins.
As soon as he was apprized of Abû Mosslem's victory, an agent
had been employed by Ul Munsûr to take charge of the booty which
had been thus acquired by the success of his general; a circumstance
which, though conformable to the usage of the most flourishing
periods of the Khelaufut, gave to that general the highest offence;
and he did not scruple to declare very publicly, and with the strongest
expressions of indignation, that after having had the blood of so many
thousands so long at his disposal, he was at a loss to conceive what
could have happened to render his integrity suspected, where their
mere property was concerned. This, in addition to former arguments
of displeasure, contributed to hasten the crisis of those jealousies
which had for some time subsisted between this haughty and power-
ful chieftain, and his sovereign; who is also affirmed to have been long
on the watch for an opportunity to destroy the acknowledged
instrument of his elevation. However that may be, the irritations
which continually arose, on the subject of the booty at Nisscbein, at
length determined Abû Mosslem, with intentions which could not
well be misunderstood, and without the Khalif's permission, to with-
draw into Khorassaun. The departure of his general seems to
have awakened at the same time, in Ul Munsûr some very alarming
apprehensions: and he immediately sent letters to him, to announce that
he had conferred upon him the government of Syria and Egypt, and to
urge him to proceed without delay, to take possession of those im-
portant provinces. To such letters, however, he paid but little
attention, continuing his journey without halting until he came to
the city of Rai: where he was overtaken by Abû Hameid Merûrou-
VOL. II.
C
10
A. H. 137. dy, dispatched afresh by Ul Munsûr, by every possible intreaty to
A. D. 755. urge him to return,
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
These would however probably have produced but little impression
upon him, were it not for some other important considerations obtruded
upon him at the same time. For at such a crisis, gained over by the
promises or threats of Ul Munsûr, Abû Dâoud, whom he had so recently
left in charge of Khorassaun, also wrote to him to suggest the expedi
ency of submitting to the Khalif's authority, in terms which clearly
indicated, that, if he persisted in his present design, he should oppose
his entrance into that province with all his force so that embarrassed
on every side, Abû Mosslem was at last constrained to reconcile himself
to the alternative of repairing to the presence of Ul Munsûr, rather than
confide to the dubious purposes of an ungrateful dependant. But
before he took his final resolution on this subject, Abû Isshack the
Merûzite, one of his friends, was dispatched to the court of Ul Mun-
sûr, to discover as far as possible, how that prince was disposed to
treat him. The messenger returned in a short time, and assured
him that he could not perceive in the Khalif's demeanor, any
circumstance that did not bespeak the kindest and most favorable
disposition towards him. On which, in spite of the pressing and
urgent solicitations of many of his more discerning friends to the
contrary, he took his final departure for Rûmiah of Medâyein,
at this period the residence of Ul Munsûr.
On his arrival in the neighbourhood of Rûmiah, a numerous assem-
blage, consisting of every distinguished individual of the race of
Hashem, that could be collected on the spot, hastened by the direc-
tions of Ul Munsûr to do honor to Abû Mosslem; and by these he
was conducted with extraordinary pomp and ceremony to the
presence of that monarch, by whom he was embraced with every
appearance of cordiality, and with every expression of favor and
benignity. Four days, however, subsequent to this apparently cor-
dial reception, when Abû Mosslem repaired on his customary visit
to the palace, the Khalif, rather unexpectedly, began to recount the
instances of offence, which on different occasions he had experienced
from the man, who had vindicated, with such signal success, the
* Salieb-ul Dawat, the title usually bestowed upon him.
11
A. D. 755.
Kholaus sut-
ul-akhbaur,
precarious claims of the house of Abbas. Every apology, every A. H. 137.
argument, which Abû Mosslem made use of, either to justify or
excuse himself, seemed to aggravate rather than assuage the resent-
ment of Ul Munsûr; until at last, as if his indignation had carried
him beyond all bounds, the Khalif struck his hands together, when
at this preconcerted signal, Othman the son of Neheik and three other
captains, who had lain concealed for the purpose, suddenly rushed
upon Abu Mosslem, and as he was totally unprepared for defence,
very soon dispatched him with their scimitars. The body was then
wrapped up in a coarse mantle, and left in the corner of the apart-
ment, where it was exhibited by Ul Munsûr to his courtiers, as they
alternately entered; and the greater part of whom, either from appre-
hensions of his power, or from the austerity of his temper, and the
imperiousness of his manners, had long since conceived so great a
dislike for the fallen chief, that they appeared rather disposed to
rejoice at, than lament his premature destruction.
*
This, on Wednesday the twenty-fifth of the month of Shsbaun, in
the
year one hundred and thirty seven, was the fate of Abû Mosslem,
at the early age of thirty-seven, and when he had held the government
of Khorassaun for a period of eight years and some months; neither
the magnitude of his past services, nor the contemplation of future
advantages to be derived from his acknowledged talents and valour,
being sufficient to screen him from the jealous fears, and ultimate
vengeance of a despotic sovereign. But it seems to be without
question, that his power was already far too extensive for any sub-
ject, and that he had designs in meditation subversive to that author-
ity, which he had so long and successfully laboured to establish.
This last consideration alone, will form with many a sufficient
apology for that act of severe and anticipated vengeance under which
he fell. In other respects, if, as is generally supposed, blood must have
blood, the life of Abû Mosslem could not have been expected to have
terminated otherwise than in a violent death. Exclusive of those
who perished in the field of battle, the number of whom, according
to our author, can alone be estimated by him who knows all secrets, and
who is the infallible judge of truth, not less than six hundred thousand
persons are positively stated to have been put to death by this cele-
February 12th, A. D. 755,
C 2
12
A. II. 137. brated warrior. His eventful story has been wrought into a very
A. D. 755. interesting romance entitled the Abû Mosslem Namah,* well known
Kholaussut in the east, and in which, in the tissue of extravagant adventure,
ul-akhbaur. with which it is frequently overcharged, many surprising truths have
doubtless been interwoven.
There resided at this period in the province of Khorassaun, a person
of the Magian superstition, whose name was Senbâd, originally of
Neyshapûr; and who, notwithstanding his zeal and attachment for
the worship of fire, had been long enrolled among the followers of
Abû Mosslem, of whose favor he appears to have enjoyed so great a share
as to have rendered himself of considerable importance among the
natives of that province. On intelligence of the death of his patron,
this person availed himself of the circumstance, to promote his own
ambitious designs; and having seduced a great multitude not only of
his own, but of the Mahommedan religion, to join his standard, he
proceeded at their head to give battle to Abû Obaidah; an officer
who then commanded at Râi on the part of Ul Munsûr, and whom he
defeated, making captives of vast numbers of Mussulman families
that fell into his hands in consequence of his victory. This success-
ful outset gave encouragement to the idle and disaffected to join himn
from all quarters, and his force was soon augmented to one hundred
thousand men. Ul Munsúr did not however delay to employ a power-
ful division of his troops to suppress the dangerous insurrection;
neither did the insurgent on his part seem disposed to decline the
contest. He hastened from Râi to meet the troops of the Khelaufut,
and in some part of the intervening desert came to an action with
them, in which he was, in his turn, totally defeated. He never-
theless escaped from the field of battle into Tebristaun, where he
sought the protection of the Sepahbed, or prince of that inaccessible
territory. Here his short lived career was destined to terminate.
The laws of hospitality were withheld from the rebel who had con-
tended unsuccessfully against established power; he was pnt to
* A very fine copy of the work here alluded to, was transferred by the writer of these
pages, at Surat, about the year 1794, to Mr. Peter Bruix, the then French resident ; and is
probably now in the National library at Paris.
13
}
death by the Sepahbed, with all the associates of his flight, and their A. H. 188.
heads were transmitted to Ul Munsûr.
A. D. 755.
ul-akhbaur.
An incalculable booty, consisting of a great part of the treasures of Kholaussut-
Abû Mosslem, and of others who had been the partners of his victor-
ies, having, however, on the defeat of the magian, fallen into the
hands of Jumhour, the successful general of Ul Munsûr's troops,
that monarch, impelled either by his necessities, or avarice, once more
put the tranquillity of his government to hazard, by demanding that
the captured property should be surrendered to his agents. Such a
demand was in this instance again considered injurious and oppres-
sive, and Jumhour immediately prepared to resist the authority from
whence it had proceeded. But Ul Munsûr being early apprized of
these hostile designs, endeavoured by the most vigorous measures to
crush them in their birth. In the year one hundred and thirty-eight,
Mahommed, one of the descendants of Aishauth the son of Keyss
was appointed to chastize the author of this fresh rebellion, and
accordingly hastened towards Râi. Jumhour had however aband-
oned that place, and fled towards Isfahaun, of which he obtained
possession; but being thither pursued by a detachment of Mahom-
med's troops, he continued his flight, taking the direction of Azerbay-
jân; during which, some of his associates tired at last with these
unprofitable and distressful peregrinations, seized the person of their
leader, and cut him to pieces with their swords.
A. H. 139.
In the course of the year one hundred and thirty-nine, Abdurraih-
man, one of the sons of the Khalif Hashaum effected his escape into A. D. 756.
Mughreb; the coast of Africa, westward of Egypt, so called; and hav-
ing obtained possession of several cities in that territory, succceded in
creating for himself an independent sovereignty, which in defiance of
the power of the house of Abbas, continued in his family for nearly
two centuries afterwards.
Ul Munsûr had now re-established his court at Medeinah Hàshe-
miah, the city founded by his brother, either on the site of Anbaur,
or inmediately in the neighbourhood of that place when, in the year
one hundred and forty, he became exposed to considerable danger
from the insurrection of the Roundiah, of whom, our narrative
furnishes us with the following brief particulars. Their founder,
14
■l-akhbaur.
A. H. 140. whose name was Abdullah Rowendah, and from whom of course
A. D. 757. they derived the designation by which they are here distinguished,
Kholaussut- was, originally, one of the agents employed in Khorassaun, to pro-
mote and vindicate the claims of the house of Abbas; but engaging
in some violent dispute with Abû Mosslem, he was, with the major-
ity of his followers, put to the sword by that sanguinary chief.
Great numbers of the party escaping, however, to different quarters,
and having been subsequently relieved from their apprehensions by the
death of their most formidable adversary, they issued about this period
from their hiding places, and rendered themselves singularly conspi-
cuous at Medeinah Hàshemiah, by an impious attempt to obtrude
upon Ul Munsûr the assumption of divine honors.
For this purpose
passing in procession round the Khalif's palace, they audaciously pro-
claimed that he was "the Lord and preserver of the universe."
But Ul Munsûr, on information of the blasphemous proceeding,
having seized the persons of about one hundred of the ringlead-
ers, and conveyed them to prison, the remainder of these infatuated
miscreants, became so exasperated by the measure, that they imme-
diately rushed into the opposite extreme; they announced that since
Ul Munsûr disdained the honors which they had offered him, they
would destroy him, and exalt for themselves another deity. With
this impious resolution they appeared before the prison gates in
great crouds, preceded by an empty Tabût, or shrine, or coffin; and
having enlarged their chiefs, proceeded in the same tumultuous array
towards the palace, in order to carry into execution their future
design against th eperson of Ul Munsûr. That prince had, however,
received intelligence of the danger; and throwing himself on the back
of a mule, hastened at the head of a very slender escort to oppose
the insurgents. In the mean time, Mûeyun the son of Zaydah,
formerly noticed to have escaped from the siege of Waussit, and
whose courage and liberality rendered his name as proverbial with
his contemporaries, as those of Rûstum and Hautem, most unexpect-
edly assailed the fanatical multitude, and compelled them to disperse
in every direction; and being also attacked from the other side by
the guards of the palace, they were for the most part finally cut to
pieces. An exertion of courage so seasonable on the part of a pro-
15
scribed individual, such as Mieyun, made the deepest impression on A. H. 140.
the Khalif's gratitude; and of this he gave a solid and distinguished A. D. 757.
proof in the government of Yemen, which was immediately conferred Kholaussut-
upon the object of that gratitude.
In this place we are called upon to observe, that an attempt to
detail, in a regular series, and under their respective dates, such a
multiplicity of events, as distinguished the reign of Ul Munsûr,
would swell what was originally designed as an abridgment to the
most tedious prolixity. The author announces therefore, his inten-
tion to confine the narrative, in future, to such circumstances as
may appear essentially important, or worthy of record. To this our
readers will probably subscribe their cheerful concurrence. But if,
after all, the selection should not always prove the happiest, we can
only urge in apology, modes of thinking and acting widely different
from our own; and that diffusion of light, which has subsequently
contributed to enlarge the conceptions of mankind, in climates more
congenial to the growth of a just, though frequently fastidious criti-
cism; of that criticism, which in the absence of intuitive judgment,
will sometimes lead us to discriminate, and seize on such objects
alone as are best calculated for the instruction and example of future
ages.
ul-akhbaur.
A disposition decidedly hostile, had, it seems on many occasions, A. H. 145.
betrayed Ul Munsûr into acts of severity and violence, towards the A. D. 762.
descendants of Ally and Fautima; and the slightest suspicion being
with him sufficient to justify the seizure and confinement of their
persons, his prisons became ultimately crouded with the most distin-
guished individuals of that ever persecuted and unfortunate family.
By these accumulated injuries goaded beyond forbearance it was
that, in the last month of Jummaudy,* of the year one hundred and
forty-five, Mahommed the son of Abdullah, a grandson of Imaum
Hussun's, and one of the most exalted in reputation among the stock
of the Seyuds, at length displayed the standard of revolt in Hejauz;
and having put to death all the officers of Ul Munsûr's government,
and made himself master of the sacred cities of Mekkah and Medei-
nah, his authority was immediately acknowledged by the family of
*September, 762.
16
A. D. 755.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 137. the prophet, and generally throughout the whole province. But
Eissa the son of Mussa, a cousin german of Ul Munsûr's, hastening
on intelligence of the insurrection, by orders of that prince, at the
head of a respectable force, towards Medeinah, a series of hostilities
commenced under the walls of that city, between him and Ma-
hommed the Fautimite, and continued with equal destruction to
both parties, until the fourteenth of the month of Ramzaun,* on which
day, having been abandoned by his followers, the leader of the insur-
gents sought and obtained, what appears to have been the peculiar
lot of his family, the crown of martyrdom. The authority of U1
Munsûr, was hence re-established without further difficulty or opposi-
tion. But on the first day of the same month of Ramzaun,† Ibrauhim
the brother of Mahommed had also appeared at the head of a formid-
able insurrection at Bassoralı, which for some time secmed to threaten
the most serious consequences. Soffeyan the son of Mauweiah, who
presided over the province on the part of Ul Munsûr, at first secured
himself in the palace of government; but being ultimately compelled
to capitulate, the affairs of Ibrauhim obtained such an ascendancy,
that the force which assembled round his standard, soon accumulated
to a total, which was little short of one hundred thousand men.
The alarm of Ul Munsúr, on intelligence of this formidable revolt,
was not diminished by the knowledge that his armies were at the
same period distributed through the different provinces of the empire,
at no small distance from each other; and though the report of his
brother's fate, which reached Ibrauhim on the twenty seventh of the
month, for a moment seemed to stagger the expectations of that
insurgent, it was nevertheless boldly resolved in a council of war,
to advance directly towards Kúfah, at this period the abode of UI
Munsûr. Such a movement was not calculated to allay the appre-
hensions of the latter; but Eissa the son of Mûssa, and Hameid the
son of Koltbah, both returning at the very crisis of his fate, with the
troops which had been engaged against the insurrection in Hejauz,
they were immediately dispatched to oppose Ibrauhim. In an action
which shortly afterwards took place with the insurgents, the troops
*December 5th, A. D. 762.
†November 22nd, A. D. 762.
17
1
A. D. 762.
ul-akhbaur.
of Ul Munsûr were however defeated; but those of Ibrauhim too A. H. 145.
fatally intent upon plunder and the slaughter of the flying enemy,
were themselves unexpectedly attacked in the rear, by Jauffer, and Kholaussut.
Mahommed, both of the race of Abbas, and in their turn thrown
into irretrievable confusion: and that part of the army of Ul Mun-
sûr which had apparently fled from the field of battle, suddenly
turning upon their pursuers, completed the consternation; during
which, Ibrauhim having received an arrow-shot in the throat, he
immediately fell; and his head being as usual struck off by the
conquerors, they returned in triumph to the presence of Ul
Munsûr.
In the mean time the insurrection of the Roundiah had long since
given to Ul Munsûr an entire aversion to continue his abode at
Medeinah Hashemiah: and he had in consequence directed his
architects, in the course of the year one hundred and forty-five, to
find out some convenient spot for the construction of a new city.
On a very minute and careful survey, their selection ultimately fixed
on the place now occupied by the " city of peace," the present
metropolis of Baghdâd: a spot which is at the same time observed,
to have been covered with habitations,* at a period of very remote
antiquity. Ul Munsûr having in person approved of the situation, and
the astrologers having chosen an auspicious period for the commence-
ment of their labours, the architects proceeded without delay to trace
the foundation of this celebrated capital. The attention of the
Khalif being, however, rather seriously attracted by the hostilities
in which his troops were about the same time engaged with the
descendants of Ally and Fautima, the progress of the work was con-
siderably retarded this year. But his mind was no sooner relieved
by the triumphant termination of those disturbances, than he resumed
the execution of his favorite design, and in the course of the year
forty-six, brought it to a conclusion.
The site of this renowned metropolis is perhaps already too well
known to require from us a more particular specification. We shall
VOL. II.
* The ruins of the ancient Seleucia.
D
18
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 146. only remark here, that although originally erected on the Mesopota
A. D. 762. mian, or right side of the Tigris, we may in the course of the narrative
Kholaussut be sometimes led to think that the imperial residence, with the principal
part of the population, was occasionally shifted to different sides of the
river, as the approach of danger or insult from east or west might
render such a transit expedient. From the report of modern travel-
lers, we however find that, in the year 1774 at least, the citadel and
the far greater part of the town, with the seat of the government,
continued about four hundred miles* above Bassorah, on the left
bank of the just mentioned river, where it is from two hundred to
two hundred and fifty yards wide, according to the lesser or greater
curvature of the bridge; and where, in the middle of the month of
June, when it is supposed to be at the highest, it gives a depth of
forty-six feet, with a current of seven miles an hour, at the centre
of the bridge of boats; and fourteen feet six inches, with a current
of one mile and a half an hour, from the thirtieth of September to the
twentieth of October, when the river is considered at the lowest.†
With respect to the name, if that indeed were of any importance,
there appears to exist some difference of opinion among etymologists;
according to one set of historians, there had been of old in the neigh-
bourhood, a garden or cultivated inclosure, called Baghdad, the
garden of justice; while others, allege that Bugh, or Bagh. was the
name of an idol worshipped by the ancient inhabitants, and that
Bughdâd therefore signifies "Deodata," the gift of Bugh. Between
these two opinions we are left to determine for ourselves, as to that
which accords the nearest with truth and probability.
}
We learn at the same time from the narration of another historian.‡
that the materials of the ancient metropolis of Medayein, situated
from eighteen to twenty miles lower down the Tigris, were employed
by Ul Munsûr in the construction of his new capital; contrary to the
advice of his minister Sûliman the son of Khaled, of the race of
*This must be along the sinuosities of the river; otherwise the direct distance does not
appear above three hundred geographical miles. In Dr. Howells's journal the distance
from Bassorah to Baghdad, along the Euphrates by Hella, is computed at 465 miles.
† Vide Parsons' travels, where the distance above Bassorah, from misprint probably, is
stated at seven hundred miles.
The compiler of the Tarikh guzeidah.
19
A. D. 763.
Taukl
güzeidah.
Barmek, who urged every argument to dissuade him from the Impolicy A. H. 145.
of destroying one city, for the mere selfish gratification of having it
recorded to posterity that he had built another. And that in truth
discovering when too late, that he had exhausted his materials, and
incurred a prodigious expence, without making any considerable
progress towards the completion of his design, the Khalif came to a
sudden resolution to abandon the undertaking altogether. But the
same minister representing, that having once engaged in the work. it
would be injurious to his fame to leave it unaccomplished, since it
would then be objected to him as a reproach, that a former monarch
had constructed, what he, with all his boasted power, was unable to
demolish; he resumed the execution of his plan. Nevertheless at the
intreaty of Suliman, the palace of Medayein, or at least a part of it,
was left entire, to serve as a memorial to posterity of the divine mis-
sion of the prophet, his illustrious relative; the dome of it having,
according to the belief of the Maliommedans, been cleft asunder on
the very night which gave birth to that extraordinary person.
there can be little difficulty in pronouncing the lofty and magnificent
ruin, still, or very recently, frowning in solitary majesty in the neigh-
bourhood of the Tigris, below Baghdad, and called the Tauk-e-Kess-
ra, or arch, or portal, or perhaps hall of Noushirvaun, to be a remnant
of the once gorgeous abode of the ancient Persian monarchs.
And
Although, from the work before us, it might appear, that the next
twelve years of the reign of Ul Munsûr, passed with the intervention
of few circumstances worthy the record of history, a reference to col-
lateral information,* will teach us nevertheless that this was a period
by no means deficient in those materials which usually engage the
attention of the historian. On the eastern extremity of the empire
in particular, the government of Khorrassaun was involved in a series
of arduous hostilities, with the Tartars of Transoxiana, and with the
followers of the impostor Mokinnia, who had recently disseminated his
opinions with alarming success, along the fertile vale of Soghd.
But as this is a subject which will claim some share of consideration
under the succeeding reign, we may venture to attend the author to
* Tarikh Tebry.
Kholaus sut-
ulaklıbaur.
D 2
20
A. H. 158. the year one hundred and fifty-eight, which terminated that of Ul
A D. 775. Munsûr.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
Towards the close of that year we are informed, on the most res-
pectable authority, that the attention of the Khalif Ul Munsûr was
forcibly arrested by an inscription on a wall, which, in two Arabic
couplets, pretty clearly indicated that he was to prepare for the stroke
of death. Under the impression of melancholy which took posses-
sion of his mind, in consequence of this mysterious warning, he deter-
mined to avail himself of the approach of the month of Zilhudje, to
proceed on a religious visit to Mekkah, either to dispel his apprehen-
sions or to meet his fate. On his arrival at the well of Meymûn,*
one of the stations on the road to Mekkah, he was however seized by
his last illness, and there expired on the night of the sixth of
Zilhudje,† of the year one hundred and fifty-eight, at the age of about
sixty-three and calculating from the death of his brother, after he
had possessed the throne of the Khalifs for a period of twenty-one
years and four months. The event was concealed until the ensuing
morning, when, as the nobles and principal members of the court
hastened, according to custom, to attend their sovereign's pleasure,
they were called upon by Rebbeia the Hajeb, or chamberlain, to
pledge their allegiance to Mehedy, who was already considered as
heir apparent to the imperial dignity to which as they assented
without difficulty, they were then permitted to discharge the last
solemn duties to the now lifeless remains of the departed mon-
arch.
:
Of the character of Ul Munsûr, we derive from the Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur but little information, further than that his original name
was Abdullah, and that by his extraordinary penury and avaricious
qualities he acquired the unpopular appellation of Dowauneky and
Abû Dowaunek, or father half-penny; daunek being the sixth part
of a dirhem. Whereas, when unaccompanied with extortion, in a prince
who holds the property of his subjects at command, a parsimonious
disposition is perhaps, in the catalogue of human infirmities, that
which possesses the strongest claim to be transplanted among the
Beire-e-Meymun.
+October 6th, 775.
21
virtues; in Ul Munsûr however, from the motive of disinterested A. H. 158.
paternal tenderness to which it is ascribed, even the odious accom- A. D. 775.
paniment, seems by the author of the Tarikh güzeidah, to be com-
memorated with a sentiment of applause.
Having called upon his ministers to declare without disguise,
what it was that they perceived to be the most defective in the
character and disposition of his son and successor Mehedy, he learnt
from them, in reply, that Mehedy, with every other possible virtue,
was however deficient in one very essential quality; that which impels
us to cultivate the love and approbation of our fellow creatures.
Upon this, Ul Munsûr is said to have immediately and designedly
abandoned those just and liberal maxims of government by which
he had hitherto secured the affections of his people, and to have had
recourse to such measures of rapacity and exaction, as by the inva-
sion of their property, soon rendered him as much their aversion, as
he had formerly been their delight. When be found, however, that
his dissolution was approaching, he sent for Mehedy, and told him,
that for his sake he had so long submitted to incur the odious impu-
tation of tyranny, so foreign to the natural disposition of his heart;
that he had deposited among the records of the treasury, correct
vouchers of the several exactions, which in the prosecution of this
singular plan he had been led to practice; and he now therefore
solemnly charged him, when his father should be no more, to make
to the rightful and injured owners the most scrupulous restor-
ation of the whole of their property. Thus, by exposing himself to
the temporary reproach and hatred of his subjects, affording to his
son an unfailing expedient to win and secure their lasting applause
and affection. And we are further informed. that by an implicit
concurrence with these his father's dying instructions, Meledy
deservedly enjoyed the entire accomplishment of this perhaps unex-
ampled scheme of parental solicitude.
The last person that exercised the functions of the Vizzaurut
under Ul Munsûr, was, according to some authorities, the above-
mentioned Rebbeia, here stated, to be the son of Yûness, and cele-
brated as a second Ilautem Tài, for his unbounded munificence and
Tarikh
gúzeidah,
22
ul-akhbaur.
A. II. 158. liberality of spirit. The same distinction is, however, by others,
A. D. 775. assigned to a certain Abû Ayûb, of whom we know nothing but
Kholaussut- the name. And we are finally told, that Ul Munsûr had, by differ-
erent wives, eight sons and two daughters; the latter by a lady
of the race of Ommeyah. It was during the Khelaufut of Ul
Munsûr that Imaum Abû Haneifah, because he declined the office of
Kauzy which had been proposed to him, or, as it is elsewhere im-
probably represented, because he denied the doctrine of predestina-
tion, was detained in that imprisonment, to which he ultimately
fell a victim.
23
CHAP. II.
1
L MEHEDY BILLAH* Abu Abdullah Mahommed, son of Ul Mun- A. H. 158.
U₁
UL MEHE-
DY BILLAH
sûr, third Khalif of the house of Abbas, repairing to Baghdâd A. D. 775.
immediately on the death of his father, was there acknowledged in the Kholaussut-
latter end of the month of Zilhudje, with prompt and unanimous zeal ul-aklıbaur.
by every class and description of its inhabitants. Determined to
merit the attachment of his people, and the applause of posterity,
this excellent prince bestowed his earliest exertions to revive the
obsolete and neglected laws of impartial justice, and to abolish those
corrupt and arbitrary practices, which, by generating discontent, Id Khalif
resistance, and revenge, among the oppressed and injured, have so often of the house
terminated in the destruction of the oppressors. With these wise
and benevolent views he caused, in the very commencement of his
reign, every prisoner in his dominions to be set at liberty, excepting
such only as were under confinement for the guilt of blood, or for
some infringement on the rights of individual property.
We have already adverted to the imposture and insurrection of
Mokennia, who is here said however to have commenced his revolt
in the course of the year one hundred and fifty-nine. The true name
of this extraordinary impostor is represented to have been Hukkeim
the son of Aittau; but being in person of a diminutive stature, with
some disgusting deformity of countenance, he usually wore a mask
of gold to conceal the deformity; and became known in the world
indiscriminately by the appellation of Berkia, and Mokennia, the
man with the mask, though his disciples conferred upon him the
more honorable appellative of Haushem. Having probably travelled
in India, Mokennia presumed to usurp to himself the character of the
This title may perhaps be properly rendered Dei gratià Perductor, by the grace of God,
the guide.
of Abbas.
21
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 159. deity, supporting his pretensions, as far as our author is to be under-
A. D. 776. stood, on the doctrine, that Omnipotence having assumed the
Kholaussnt- human form, or become incarnate in the person of Adam, it was for this
reason that the angels fell down and worshipped the common father
of mankind; that he had since become repeatedly visible in the
persons of the prophets and philosophers, and of those exalted sover-
cigns who had rendered themselves illustrious either by their exploits
or their virtues; that he had recently animated the frame of the heroic
and invincible Abû Mosslem; and that at the present period he had
condescended to inhabit his own frail and perishable carcase.
Tarikh
Mokennia made his appearance as a legislator first at Merû; but
finding probably that his imposture experienced no very favorable
reception in that quarter, he removed in process of time into the
territory eastward of the Oxus, where, in an impregnable fortress, not
far from the city of Kesh, he fixed his abode, and succeeded in
engaging a multitude of proselytes of all descriptions; but more par-
ticularly among a class of people, either then or subsequently,
denominated the Seffaidjâmahgan, from the white vestments in which
they affected to clothe themselves. In order to confirm among his
disciples the impression of his supernatural powers, he is said, by
his extraordinary skill in the magic art, to have framed a telessem, or
talisman, by means of which he produced either from, or above a cer-
tain well or deep pit, a luminous orb* in resemblance like the full
moon, and which, for the space of two whole months continued every
night to cast its lustre to the distance of five fursungs, or Persian leagues,
in every direction. This was the moon of Nakhsheb sufficiently fami-
liar to the oriental reader, and so frequently apostrophized by the
Persian poets.
From other authorities we are further informed, that Mokennia,
guzeidah. who pretended to divine inspiration at least, if not to a participation
in the divine nature, was a native of Baudgheiss; had been employed
as secretary to the diwaun, or council, of Abû Mosslem; and having
been wounded in the eye by an arrow, was therefore constrained to
wear the golden mask or visor. He is acknowledged to have been a
nan of extraordinary scientific acquirements; and having possibly
made considerable progress in natural philosophy, and more particu-
Produced, it is supposed, by the skilful management of a mirror or mirrors
25
Tarikh
gûzeidah.
larly in chymistry, to have availed himself of these advantages, to A. H. 159.
impose upon an unenlightened multitude. When he had possessed A. D. 776.
himself of Saum and Sûjûd, two fortresses in the neighbourhood of the
cities of Kesh and Nakhsheb, his tenets dilated with great rapidity
through the surrounding territory; and if the compiler of these pages
has not been misinformed, they continued to prevail until very lately
in some of the countries adjoining to the Oxus.
But, to resume our narrative, the Khalif Mehedy, on intelligence of Kholaussut-
this revolt against his authority and religious principles, dispatched ul-akhibaur.
one of his generals, Abû Sauid the Jershite, at the head of a power-
ful army
into Mawerunneher, the countries of Transoxiana so called,
in order to exterminate the dangerous innovation. Having withdrawn
into his principal fortress, the impostor was there besieged by the
troops of the Khelaufut. In a short time, finding that one of his
best captains had been assassinated in an extraordinary manner, in
his own quarters by three of Abû Sauid's soldiers,* and that another
with three thousand of his people who guarded the exterior fortifica-
tions, had surrendered to the enemy,† he became convinced
that the besiegers must soon be masters of the place; and immedi-
ately determined to execute a design, to which his imagination had
probably been long familiar, and by which he calculated that
he should completely elude the scorn and vengeance of his
adversaries. In short, he administered a mortal poison to the
whole of those who remained about his person and in the inter-
ior of the fort, a single female alone excepted, who, aware of his
purpose, contrived to conceal herself and escape. When he perceived
that his people no longer exhibited any symptoms of life, he con-
sumed their bodies to ashes; and that not a vestige might remain to
disclose the circumstances of the horrid catastrophe, he concluded
this tragedy by plunging into a large caldron of distilled liquid, of a
property so exquisitely subtile, that no part of his body was left
unresolved, the hair of his head only excepted, which floated on the
surface of the liquid. The female who had escaped this scene of
murder and self-destruction, perceiving that all was now closed in
the silence of death, ascended the ramparts of the fort, and announced
* Tarikh Tebry.
† Ibidem.
VOL. II.,
E
26
A. D. 776.
ul-ahhbaur.
A. H. 159. to the besiegers, that if they would engage to respect her person and
spare her
her property, she was ready to open the gates to them. Abû
Kholaussut Sauid very readily acceded to terms so advantageous, and the gates
being accordingly thrown open, his troops entered to take possession;
when they received, to their equal horror and astonishinent, from the
solitary inhabitant of this scene of death, a faithful relation of all she
had witnessed. It continued however long afterwards the belief of
the Seffaidjâmahgan, or Seffaidpôshan, which signifies the same thing,
that Mokennia and his faithful companions were gone to heaven,
and that he should yet at no distant period be restored to them, and
make his re-appearance on earth.
A. H. 160.
A. D. 777..
In the course of the year one hundred and sixty, Eissa the son of
Mûssa the Abbaside, after long resisting the importunities of Me-
hedy, was at last prevailed upon to abdicate his claims to the suc-
cession, to which he had been presumptively appointed by the dying
instructions of Ul Munsûr. This obstacle being removed, Mehedy
experienced no further difficulty in completing his arrangement in
favor of his son Mússa Haudy, who was now accordingly declared
heir apparent to the Khelaufut. Soon afterwards he determined on
a visit of devotion to the temple of Mekkah, and to the sepulchre of his
prophet at Medeinah. But as mortification or penance, neither of
them constitute any of the requisites of the pilgrimage, he took care
to provide for his journey across the arid sands of Arabia, by an
equipment of five hundred camels, loaded with ice and snow. His
other preparations are probably to be calculated on a corresponding
scale; and several thousand pilgrims who would otherwise have been
compelled to perforin the journey on foot, were conveyed, and also
subsisted at the Khalif's expence. His stay at Mekkah was further
distinguished by numerous proofs of liberality, bestowed on the
various classes engaged in the care of the sanctuary of the Kaaubah,
for the ordinary covering of which, he caused to be substitued a magni-
ficent canopy of gold embroidery.
The narrative is now carried forward to the year one hundred and
sixty-six, during which Mehedy settled the succession next after
Mûssa, on his second son Hârûn, whom on this occasion he digni-
fied with the title of Raschid, the prudent, and in ratification of
?
277
whose appointment he exacted the solemn assurances and engage- A. H. 166.
ments of his court.
A. D. 732.
The only act of severity, of which the reign of this beneficent Kholaussut
prince seems to furnish an example, happened about this period; and ul-ahhbaur.
is contained in the following statement, which, as it may serve in
some measure to relieve the tediousness of the narration, we shall
claim the indulgence of our readers to introduce.
Dâoûd the son of Tahman, though employed as one of the secre…
taries of the celebrated Nusser Seyaur, maintained, nevertheless a
very intimate correspondence with Yaheya the son of Yezzid the
Fautimite, of whom we have formerly spoken; and indeed with the
whole family of the Scyuds, to whom he evinced on a variety of
occasions a disposition most zealous and friendly. When that
unfortunate person had been defeated and killed, and punishment was
inflicted on his destroyers, on the subsequent victorious progress of
Abû Mosslem, Daoûd was not the last to join the standard of a
revolution, which he conceived to assert the claims of his favorite
family, without however experiencing from Abû Mosslem any of
that encouragement, which he had probably been induced to expect.
On the death of Daoûd, his son Yakûb, the most intelligent of his
children, and the subject of this article, attached himself with all his
brothers, and with undiminished zeal, to the family of the Fatimites;
and joining Ibrauhim the son of Abdullah of that race, in his formid-
able revolt against the authority of Ul Munsûr, became on the defeat
and death of his chief, a captive to that prince; who sent him
to ruminate on the follies of ambition, in the wholesome solitude of
a prison.
On the accession of Mehedy, it was, however, the lot of Yakûb
with many others to be released from his confinement; and being
admitted into the service of that benevolent prince, became in a
short time, in consequence of his social qualities and fascinating
conversation, a very distinguished favorite, of which he received from
his sovereign the most conspicuous proof, in his exaltation above his
competitors to the dignity of president of the diwaun, or council of
state and finances. In the full period of his prosperity it unfortu-
nately happened, that Yakub should have had his thigh broken by
E 2
28
A. H. 166. the kick of a horse; an accident by which he was constrained to be
A. D. 732. an exile from the presence of his sovereign for some days; long
Kholaussut enough indeed to furnish the envious minions of a court, and parti-
cularly the Vezzeir Obaidullah, with an opportunity to produce a
considerable change in his master's opinion.
ul-akhbaur.
When he recovered the use of his leg, as it was subsequently related
by his son Ally, Yakub was sent for to attend his sovereign; and
obeying the summons with his usual zeal, he observed on entering
the presence chamber, that it was furnished and decorated with more
than ordinary splendour; and what appeared further singular, he per-
ceived a young female of exquisite beauty seated by the Khalit's
side. The monarch demanded of his favorite on his appearance,
what kind of impression he felt from the contemplation of the splen-
did scene; and when he replied, that this world could furnish
nothing parallel to it, he was perhaps agreeably surprized, when the
Khalif told him, that including the gorgeous furniture, magnificent
decorations, and that most lovely female, he was to consider the whole
his own. Yakûb was proceeding to express his acknowledgments,
when the Khalif further observed, that he had occasion for his assist-
ance; on which, placing himself in a more submissive posture on his
feet, before Mehedy, Yakûb humbly disclaimed, on his part, any
pretensions to require from his sovereign an expression of his will in
language so condescending; that he had only to issue his commands,
and it would be the glory of his life to carry them into execution.
By thy creator," said Mehedy, “wilt thou engage to execute what
"I shall enjoin thee?" Most truly," replied the minister;" place
thy hand upon my head and swear it," added Mehedy; which
being complied with, and a donative of one hundred thousand dir-
hems bestowed by the Khalif, as a further incentive to stimulate his
zcal, he proceeded to explain, that the piece of service for the per-
formance of which he appeared so anxious, was to rid him of the
continual agitation of mind which he experienced, from his know-
ledge of the ambitious designs of one of the sons or descendants of
Imaum Hussun; whom he should therefore entrust to his approved
fidelity to put to death, in such a manner as to be unknown to all but
himself. The Hussenite was then shown to him in bonds, the Khalif
66
66
.6
29
at the same time telling Yakub that the prisoner should be conveyed A. H. 168.
to his house in the course of the evening, by a confidential eunuch,
Accordingly, when the night came, the Khalit's magnificent pre-
sent, with its accompaniments having already found its way to the
house of Yakub, the unhappy prisoner was also conveyed thither in
the manner that had been agreed upon. In the mean time it
appears that the bondmaid had received the Khalif's instructions to
watch the conduct of Yakub towards his prisoner; and to commun-
icate to him what she should be able to discover, by the eunuch
whom, with herself he had bestowed upon the suspected favorite.
When the lady had resided some days under the protection of Yakûb,
the latter received a request from his prisoner that he might be admitted
ed to an interview before he put him to death. In compliance with this
request, the Hussenite was accordingly introduced alone to the presence
of Yakûb; of whom appealing to the religion which he professed, he
demanded, whether he could reconcile himself to appear in the presence
of his maker, covered with the guilt of his blood, whom he knew to be
the lineal descendant of the daughter of his prophet. "God forbid!' replied
Yakûb, "I am on the contrary, seeking for the means of dismissing
"thee from Baghdad, and setting thee at large." Only forbear to
"molest me," said the IIussenite, "and I well enough know the way
'to get out of Baghdad." He then explained the method by which
he proposed to escape, which was by the road to Bassorah, whither he
designed to fly for protection. Take the hundred thousand dirhems
“which I have received from Mehedy," said Yakûb, "and make
"the best of thy way; but hast thou no one whom thou wouldst
"desire to accompany thee." The Hussenite acknowledged that
there were two friends, whom he named, whose attendance would be
agreeable to him. "Send for them immediately," replied Yakûb;
"and leave Baghdad this very night; the money with which I have
"supplied thee, will be sufficient to bear thy expences; be however
"advised by me-remain not at Bassorah, but throw thyself for
"protection into the land of Hâbesh."
t
This conversation was over beard from behind the hangings of the
apartment, by the bondmaid, who communicated the whole to Mehe-
dy without delay, by the Eunuch who had been assigned her for this
purpose. The following morning Yakûb repaired as usual to the
A. D. 782.
Tarikh
Tebry.
30
A .D. 782.
Tarikh
Tebry.
A. H. 166. Khalif's presence.
"What hast thou done by the IIussenite, of
"whom I gave thee charge some days since?" said Mehedy to him as
soon as he made his appearance: "with respect to him at least,"
replied Yakub, "I have relieved my sovereign from all anxiety; for
he was put to death the self same night."" is it so
"Is it so by thy creator?"
observed Mchedy; "most truly," replied Yakûb.” “Thy hand," said
the Khalif," and swear it by my head." Yakub accordingly swore
by the life of Mehedy, and by his Maker, that he had put the Ilûs-
senite to death.
ul-akhbaur,
Mehedy now called to the attendants to bring in the three men
Kholaussut who had been intercepted the night before by his orders; and the
doors of an adjoining apartment being thrown open, the Fautimite
and his two companions were ushered into the presence. Yakûb sunk
to the floor in an agony of confusion and astonishment. The Khalif
however spoke to him no more, but beckoning to his guards, they
conveyed him to prison; and as he himself related at a subsequent
period, he was thrown on this occasion into a dark and narrow
dungeon, in which horrible situation he continued so long, that his
visual powers at last entirely failed him, and his body became, like
that of the most savage quadruped, over-grown with long and
shaggy hair.
At the expiration of sixteen tedious years, however, Yakûb found
himself unexpectedly released from this abode of misery, and brought
once more to the cheering light of day. Being led by his conductors
to the presence of the sovereign, he was directed to make his obei-
sance, and having so done, they inquired if he was aware to whom
his salutations were addressed. He replied, that he supposed them
to be directed to Mehedy. "Mehedy," said they, "is long since
"taken to the mercy of his God." "Am I then in the presence of
"Ifaudy?" demanded Yakûb, “neither is Haudy among the living,"
replied those who attended him; "peradventure it is Ilarûnurrash-
"cid," "even so," said they; "thou art required to make known thy
"wants." "My only wish," replied the hoary suppliant, "is to
"6 pass the remainder of my days at Mekkah." "In that thou art
"gratified," said the attendants, "ask again."
"Alas," observed
31
A. D. 785.
Tarikh
Yakûb, "my views have been long since closed to the solicitation A. H. 169.
“of further favors." He was then, according to his desire, conveyed
to Mekkah, where he did not long survive his enlargement; an
enlargement which is ascribed to the gratitude of Harûn, for the
favorable terms in which, during the period of his prosperity, Yakub
had spoken of him to his father.
If there was any amusement to which Mehedy was particularly de-
voted, it was that of the chace; and to enjoy this favorite pursuit without
interruption, it was his custom to retire once in the year to a village
beautifully situated in the territory of Bauspendan, about midway
between Baghdâd and Mossûl. In this village, to which he had
given the name of the gardens, and the village of delight, he had
erected a magnificent country palace, or kiosk, of a number of stories,
surrounded with balconies, or galleries, for the enjoyment of the
diversified beauties of the neighbouring rural scenery. Thither,
accompanied by his household, Mehedy had, as usual, repaired in
the season of one hundred and sixty-nine; and had resided there
for some days. When one day, as he was taking his repose at noon,
in an apartment of the pavilion, his guards and domestics watching
at every entrance, he was suddenly awakened by a person throwing
open the door; and from thence, repeating in a voice sufficiently
audible to have attracted the notice of his guards, three couplets in
the Arabian dialect, which are, however withheld in the relation.
The Khalif immediately calling to his attendants, and demanding
who it was that uttered these sentences, they united in declaring
that the expressions were sufficiently distinct in the repetition of
their sovereign, but denied having seen any one. "Whoever it
"was," said Mchedy, "his business seems to have been to forewarn
“me, that my concerns with this world are come to a conclusion.”
At all events the circumstance occasioned considerable distress of
mind and depression of spirits; and ten days afterwards he perished
by an accident equally melancholy and unforeseen.
Nothing however can be more contradictory than the circumstances
of his death, as related by different historians. According to some of
these, it is stated, that in the afternoon of the day on which he
perished, about the third hour of prayer, he was
he was on horseback
Teory.
F
32
A. H. 169. watching for game; when an antelope being started, his dogs were
A. D. 785. let loose upon it, and giving his horse the reins at the same time, he
Tarikh
Tebry.
pursued with his usual eagerness and spirit. The antelope took to a
ruined building, the entrance of which was so low, that the slightest
reflection might have convinced Mehedy, that it was impossible to
clear it on horse back. He persisted however in the pursuit, and
laying his breast close to the pummel of the saddle, endeavoured in
that posture to force the entrance; and his back being thus broke by the
violent pressure against the architrave, he fell from his horse, and
expired on the spot. His lifeless body was immediately conveyed
to the palace, amidst the loud and almost frantic lamentations of his
family and domestics, by whom, for his mild and amiable qualities,
he appears to have been deservedly adored. One of his dearest
friends however, in lamenting the untimely fate of Meledy, is made
to acknowledge on the occasion, that he had long foreseen that, one
time or other, this inordinate passion for the chace would terminate
in his destruction; for in studying the records of ancient history, it
could not escape him that such princes as had resigned themselves
without reserve to the impulse of any violent propensity, had, with
few exceptions, ultimately perished in the indulgence.
On the other hand, we are instructed to believe that the death of
Mehedy was produced in the following manner. Among the women
of his Hâram, there were two for whom he appears to have enter-
tained a pretty equal degree of affection; but as one of them seems
to have possessed an advantage in his esteem, he had assigned to
her a superiority in the Zennaunah. The other whose name was
Hassanah, conceiving from this preference a violent jealousy against
the favored lady, determined to destroy her; and in order to accomplish
her diabolical purpose, she prepared a dish of confectionary, or mar-
malade, into which it was not difficult to introduce some poisonous
ingredients, which she sent, by one of her attendants, as a present
to the person whom she supposed to be the only obstacle to her undi-
vided controul over the affections of her lord. Unfortunately as the
maid was proceeding on her errand, a little before sun set, she hap-
pened to pass under one of the balconies of the palace, from which
Mehedy was at the moment looking down; and the confectionary,
33
Tarikh
Tebry.
which was uncovered, attracting his attention, he became desirous A. H. 109.
of tasting, and called to the girl to bring it up to him. Having A. D. 785.
learnt from whom, and to whom she was conveying her charge, he
told her to lay the dish down before him; "for Hassanah will, I am
sure," said he, "be far better pleased that I should partake of her
present than any one else." And having accordingly indulged
without scruple or suspicion in the treacherous repast, the benevo-
lent Mehedy, before the sun had well disappeared below the horizon,
was a corpse. The fatal present is however, at the same time, other-
wise described, to have consisted of pears, the best and largest of
which having contrived to impregnate with poison, Hassanah placed
uppermost in the dish, and which being selected by Mehedy, pro-
duced his almost immediate death.
But whatever might have been the occasion of it, the death
of Mehedy is generally allowed to have taken place either on
Thursday the sixth of Zilhudje, of the year one hundred and
sixty-eight,* or early in the month of Mohurremt of the year
following, at the age of forty-three, and after a prosperous reign of
nine years and eight or nine months. He was buried under a
favorite poplar in the gardens of his hunting seat in Bauspendaun,
above described, the last solemn rites being performed, in the absence
of Mûssa, by his second son Harûnraschid.
In his person Mehedy is described to have been of a sallow com-
plexion, in stature tall, and of the happiest proportions.
He was
however red haired, and had a white spot or blemish in his right eye.
In
many of the qualities of his mind, he far surpassed the whole suc-
cession of the race of Abbas. In justice, clemency, and liberality,
he was not excelled by any of them. As a proof of the latter quality,
if indeed it was not profusion, might be instanced his speedy
circulation of his father's accumulated treasures, amounting to the
alinost incredible sum of six hundred millions of dirhems, and four-
teen millions of dinaurs.§ Neither was he by any exceeded in true
piety, in purity of life and manners, and in humanity and mildness of
disposition, though inflexible in severity against heresy or innovation
* June 17th, A. D. 785.
+ Kholaussut-ul akhbaur.
VOL. II.
↑ About 18,750,0007.
F
§ About 6,417,000.
34
A. H. 169. wherever it raised its head. The memory of this prince is in truth
A. D. 785. held to our contemplation, arrayed in so many attractions, that
we are irresistibly led to dwell something longer upon the subject,
than may perhaps be thought strictly necessary.
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Tebry.
Ilis zeal to redress the wrongs of the injured, and in general to
investigate the complaints of his people, was so active and sincere,
that he uniformly presided in person in the hall of justice, a custom
which had probably been for some time discontinued; and it was
his particular charge, that his presence should, on those occasions,
be open without exception, to every professor of law and theology:
not only that they might assist his memory, and rectify his mistakes,
but that he might be restrained, by a sense of shame and propriety,
from the guilt of an unjust decision.
As a proof perhaps that this, his love of justice, was not less ardent
when his private interests were affected, than in matters where he
was entirely indifferent, we are informed, that a person having one
day brought before him a complaint against one of his own agents,
for unjustly dispossessing him of an estate; the Khalif affirmed that
the estate in truth belonged to himself and had been long in his possession;
nevertheless that the complainant, however he denied his right, was
bound to produce every proof that was attainable, to establish the
grounds of his claim. The man requested that the Khalif would be
responsible in his own person, in order that if he established his
claim, he might appeal directly to his own justice. “Let Kauzy
"Abdullah the son of Ullavah," said the man, decide between us.
"I agree to abide by his decision," replied the Khalif; and immediately
descending from the tribunal, he seated himself on one of the benches
with the plaintiff by his side, calling upon the Kauzy to judgę
impartially between them. The Kauzy demanded of the complain-
ant accordingly what he could allege in support of his claim. The
man rested his cause on the simple and positive assertion of his right.
to the property. Mehedy was then desired to state what he had to
offer on his part, and contented himself with repeating his former
declaration, that the estate was his by right, and by possession; and
that he was an entire stranger to the grounds of the man's pretensions.
The plaintiff now requested that the Khalif might be asked to
35
A. D. 785.
Tarikli
Tebry.
declare, how long he had been in possession of the estate, and whe- A. H. 100.
ther before or subsequent to his accession to the Khelaufut?
"That," said the Kauzy, "is not at all incumbent on him to answer:
"he denies thy claim, and with thee it entirely rests to establish
"it
it by the proof. If thou hast any, let it be produced; otherwise
"thou art the best judge in thine own concern, and aware of what
"must follow." Relinquishing the contest, the man now quitted the
bench on which he had been sitting, and retired among the by-
standers. But Mchedy, communicating without delay with the
Kauzy, acknowledged that the estate had indeed come into his pos-
session, since his accession to the throne, (and peradventure by means
which he was not prepared to justify.) At all events the Kauzy was
now desired to attest that he resigned it to the claimant; and
accordingly a deed was drawn up, and executed on the spot, confirm-
ing the transfer in all the requisite forms; the Kauzy further
pronouncing that one such act of voluntary justice, was of more value
in the sight of Omnipotence than the distribution of a million of
dirhems to the poor.
Another instance, which, though in itself not particularly striking,
yet, as it serves to illustrate the character of a preceding monarch, whose
virtues under a nobler dispensation, would probably have enrolled
him among the most distinguished benefactors of mankind, we can-
not prevail upon ourselves to omit. A descendant of the well-
known Zobair, complained to Mehedy, that an estate in Syria, which he
described, had been usurped from his family by Walid the son, of
Abdulmelek, with circumstances of arbitrary cruelty, which had
deeply aggravated the injustice; and that although he had subse-
quently laid his complaint before every succeeding Khalif, he had
never been able to procure either reply or redress. Mehedy
demanded why he had not preferred his complaint to Omar the son
of Abdulazziz, that virtuous exception to the tyrants of the race of
Ommeyah. The man alleged that he had done so, but that his
application had been just as unavailing as in other quarters.
"Surely," said Mehedy, "Omar was Imum among the Benni
Ommeyah." "Sovereign of the true believers," observed the sup-
pliant, the son of Abdulazziz did many things which he ought not
F 2
36.
A .D. 785.
Tarikh
Tebry.
A. H. 169. "to have done." "Produce me a single instance," replied Mehedy.
on the birth of every infant to the race of Ommeyah," observed this
man, “an assignment was immediately made for its subsistance on
"the public treasury of, from three to five hundred dirhems; whereas
"in the same circumstances, the allowance to the illustrious race of
"Hashem never exceeded sixty dirhems ;* this is a sufficient proof
"of his unjustifiable partiality, towards those of his own blood. Inde-
pendently of which, it is equally notorious that he never cancelled
66 any
of the ordinances or decisions of the monarchs of the house
"of Ommeyah, however unjust in their operation." "Is this true?"
demanded Mehedy, addressing himself to his minister Obaidullah ;
"with respect to Omar it is perfectly so" replied the minister;
"the partiality of Omar for the iniquitous race of Ommeyah was
"never questioned." Let the estate be restored to this man," said
Mehedy; at the same time expressing his regret, that after having so
long looked to the virtuous Omar, although of a race whom he
detested, as a bright example of integrity and justice, the knowledge
of such a circumstance should have dispelled the flattering illusion.
.6
Of his singular clemency and placability of temper, we are at the
same time required to receive the following as an example. One of
his principal commanders, who had been more than once pardoned for
his misconduct, was again found guilty of some aggravated crime,
and brought to receive the judgment of his sovereign. Mehedy
demanded if he was lost to every sense of shame; and how long he
proposed to persist in his profligate practices. The reply was per-
haps more remarkable than the question. "If I am not ashamed of
my offences," said the delinquent, “neither let my sovereign be
"ashamed of his clemency; and may heaven bestow upon him a
"hundred years of life, that while a hundred such as I am commit a
“hundred crimes a day, an opportunity may never be wanting for the
"exercise of that glorious attribute." It is perhaps needless to add,
that either through compassion, or admiration at the readiness and
singularity of the reply, Mchedy again forgave him. Of his liberality,
which was perhaps not very remotely akin to profusion, something
has been already spoken. Our author proceeds to add, that until
Mehedy set the examply, it was never said that a reward of fifty
* 17. 78, 6d.
37
Tarikh
Tebry.
thousand dirhems had been in any instance bestowed upon poetical A. H. 169.
merit. His munificence towards an Arabian poet, of the name of A. D. 785.
Merwaun the son of Hefzah, extended however on one occasion to
seventy thousand dirhems.*
In his celebrated visit to Mekkah, to
which we have also formerly adverted, his liberality was so unbounded
that no sovereign in the annals of Isslâm has in that respect been
ever placed in competition with him; since, exclusive of one hun-
dred and fifty thousand pajamahs, or pantaloons, which he distri
buted to the poor, he gave in charitable distributions on that single
occasion, no less a sum than thirty millions of dirhems.†
In his piety, the amiable Mehedy is described to have been no less
exemplary than in his other virtues, with this further advantage, that
in him it was not a mere ostentatious punctuality in the performance
of the duties of his religion, but the source of sincere and active bene-
volence. Of this we are also furnished with one or two instances,
sufficiently striking to merit our attention for a moment.
On one
occasion, during the severity of a hurriesne, he was heard while pros-
trate on the floor, to supplicate his creator in the following impres-
sive language. “Lord God! in the government of this thy prophet's
people whom thou hast committed to my charge, I have doubtless
“been guilty of manifold transgressions; yet I implore thee, let not
"that people be responsible for any guilt of mine, but by the never
fading remembrance of Mahommed's virtues, do thou listen to their
"prayers." In these supplications he continued until the storm
subsided.
66
On the authority of Rebbeia, who had once held the office of cham-
berlaint of the household to this prince, we are further informed, that
among the apartments of the imperial palace of Mehedy there was
one, the walls and ceiling of which being of stucco of the purest
white, without sculpture or painting in any shape, it had been called
the Daur-ul-beyza, or mansion of light. This apartment, in the
discharge of his office, the chamberlain had occasion to enter one
evening while the Khalif was engaged in his private devotions. The
moon happened to shine at the moment with full splendor, and shed
Ilaujeb.
1,6047. 3s. id.
+ About 687,5007.
38
A. H. 169. its silver lustre to every corner of the chamber. And to render the
A. D. 785. contrast more striking to the eye, the floor was covered with a crinson
Tarikh
Tebry.
carpet, and a sofa of the same colour lay in the room, before which
stood Mehedy in linen robes of the purest white, absorbed in medita-
tion. A pillar intervening between the sofa and the entrance, Reb-
beia silently approached unseen and unobserved, and placed himself
behind the Khalif; the latter proceeding in his devotions without
interruption, occasionally reciting some of the chapters of the Koran,
with a modulation so harmonious, as in a manner to fascinate the
hearer. Such indeed were the sensations of the narrator, tha he
described himself equally at a loss to determine, whether his admira-
tion was most excited by the spotless elegance of the apartment, the
mild splendor which was shed through it by the moon, the snow
white form of the Khalif, wrapped in meditation standing before his
God, or the sacred strains of revelation, which flowed in such melo-
dious accents from his lips. The Khalif continued with an audible
voice to repeat several Sûrahs, or sections of the inspired volume,
until he came to that passage, which in meaning and substance,
expresses the following denunciation. “Whoever among you shall
"commit evil; whoever shall cut off another from his kindred in the
"land of my inheritance, upon that man hath God Almighty pro-
nounced his eternal malediction. The ears of the understanding
are become deaf, and the eyes blind. Why do ye not attend to that
passage of revelation in which the Almighty declares, that there is
"a lock upon their hearts, which hath rendered them incapable of
"instruction or conviction."
<<
When the Khalif came to this passage, continues the relation of
Rebbeia, he repeated it twice over, the tears streaming from his
eyes to the sofa which lay before him. But in order to make the
circumstance more intelligible, we are now told, that a few days
before only, Imaum Mussa the son of Jauffer, on an accusation that
he had sought in Khorassaun, to promulgate his rights to the Imau-
mut, or supremacy in matters of faith, had been seized and commit-
ted to t custody of the same Rebbeia. However that may be,
Mehedy, after finishing the chapter, and closing his devotions with
the usual forms of salutation, still keeping his attention fixed towards
39
Tarikh
Tebry.
the Keblah, demanded, if there was any one by; and one of the A. H. 169.
attendants answering, he desired that Rebbeia might be immediately A. D. 785.
sent for. That person now spoke, announcing to his sovereign that
he was already present, having, as he said, been attracted by his
recitation of the Koran. Mehedy directed him to go without delay
and bring Mûssa to his presence. Rebbeia went away accordingly,
and returned soon afterwards, accompanied by Mûssa, to the pre-
sence of Mehedy, whom they found seated on the sofa, his eyes still
swimming in tears. "Son of Jauffer," said the Khalif, addressing
himself to his prisoner, "God Almighty has pronounced his awful
"curse against the man who shall dissever the ties of consanguinity.
"It is a guilt which, for my part, I am determined not to incur;
"and it will behove thee to profit by my example." Then continuing
to address him, he observed, that it was not his intention to lay any
further restraint upon his conduct than an oath, that while he lived
he would not appear against his authority; but that when he was no
more, he would be at liberty to pursue the dictates of his own judgment.
And having received from him the engagement which he required to
this effect, he set him entirely at large the very same night.
We shall conclude the character of Mehedy with the final obser-
vation, that of all the monarchs of the house of Abbas, he is said to
be the only one who totally abstained from the use of wine, or intox-
icating liquors; but it seems to be objected to him, that he was
much devoted to the pleasures of music and song, in which every
one that professed to be skilful, was admitted to frequent his pre-
sence with unrestrained freedom.
There is, however, one further anecdote of Mehedy, which we
cannot forbear adding to the above; and this is we believe to be
found in the Tarikh gûzeidah. He had incurred some degree of
censure for having treated one of his relations with a neglect, which
was inconsistent with his ordinary generosity of spirit. In order
however to prove that his conduct in this instance had been rashly
prejudged, without attending to his motives, he made choice of the
following expedient. He caused a valuable piece of gold to be
placed on a conspicuous part of the bridge of Baghdad, or of some
other city, at which he then happened to reside; and desired this
}
40
A. II. 169.
A. D. 785.
Tarikh
Tebry.
B'ILLAH,
of Abbas.
particular relative to pass over, on some trifling errand or other, on
which he pretended to employ him. When he returned, as it appeared,
without noticing the precious metal, which had been thus placed in
his way, he was desired to explain his reasons. His reply went to
state, that both in going and returning, it had occurred to him as a
matter of curiosity, to try how he should be able to pass the bridge
it he were blind; and in the prosecution of this hopeful experiment,
he had accordingly on both occasions closed his eyes. On which
Mehedy thought fit to observe, that those to whom we were bound
by the ties of consanguinity, were in general to be treated like the
hair upon our persons; some of which it was the custom to decorate
and perfume with the nicest attention, while there was some which
it was convenient to extirpate and cast away from us. It will possi-
bly occur to the reader, that the experiment here resorted to, for the
purpose of proving the incapacity of an individual, is said to have
been once put in practice with success, to prove the incredulity of
the volatile and inconstant inhabitants of a celebrated metropolis in
the western world.
UL HAUDY BILLAH,* (or rather b'Illah) Abû Mahommed, Mûssa
the son of Meledy, fourth Khalif of the house of Abbas. At the
period of his father's premature and unlooked for death, Mûssa ul
Haudy was absent near she southern shores of the Caspian, engaged
UL HAUDY in hostilities against Shervein, the yet independent prince of Tebris-
IVth Khalif taun. His younger brother Harûn had originally proposed to claim for
of the house Ul Handy the allegiance of the troops who were immediately on the
spot, and to convey the remains of the departed monarch for sepul-
ture to the metropolis; but from this he appears to have been dis-
suaded by the counsels of Yaheya the son of Khaled, and the
consideration of the donative, which the military had already intro-
duced the practice of demanding on the accession of every new
sovereign. A point which it was therefore thought prudent to post-
pone for adjustment at Baghdad; and Harûn contented himself for
the present, with transmitting to his brother, by Nuzzeir, the then cham-
berlain of the household, (perhaps the chief of the eunuchs) the ring,
? Dei gratiâ indicator-guide.
41
A. D. 785.
Tarikh
staff, and mantle of the prophet, and those other articles which usu- A. H. 169.
ally passed to the succeeding Khaliís, accompanied with his condo-
lence for the death of their common parent, and his congratulation on
the event of his accession to the sovereign power.
It is to be observed that the late Khalif, on his departure for Baus-
pendaun, had deputed the government of Baghdad, and the numerous
body of troops which it contained, to Rebheia; the officer, perhaps,
of whom we have so recently spoken. Encouraged by the unsettled
state of affairs, unavoidable to an interregnum, these troops mutinied
against the anthority of their governor, declaring that they should
engage their allegiance to no one until they had received, not only
the inauguration money, but a gratuity of two years subsistance,
- which they clamorously demanded on the occasion. Rebbeia, on
his part, desired to remind them, that he alone who possessed the
power and authority of satisfying their demands, was yet absent from
the spot; and he therefore requested their patience until the arrival
of Ul Haudy, the legitimate heir to the succession, who might, as
he thought proper, adjust their claims. That at any rate, without
his instructions, he should not comply with their demands. The
seditious soldiery positively refused to suspend their claims, pro-
ceeded to plunder the palace of their governor, and would have put
him to death, had he not seasonably contrived to secrete himself from
their fury. Soon afterwards, Harûn reached the capital, accompanied
by his faithful counsellor Yaheya, of the race of Barmek; who
appears to have been immediately anthorized in conjunction with
Rebbeia, to accommodate the demands of the soldiery: the treasure
and jewels of Mehedy being in the possession of Kheizraunab, one
of his women, the common mother of Mussa and Harûn. Yaheya
taxed Rebbeia of erroneous policy in creating such an unseasonable
agitation among the troops; that he should have yielded to their
demands, rather than endanger their attaining to a magnitude, which
by the time that Ul Haudy should arrive, it might be difficult, if not
impossible, either to satisfy or controul. Yaheya undertook how-
ever to mediate with the soldiers; and succeeded in bringing them to
an accommodation, on engaging to make good to them their subsist-
VOL. II.
G
Tebry.
42
A. H. 169. ance for eighteen months; which was accordingly paid them on the
A. D. 785.
Tarikh
Tebry.
Kholaussut-
spot.
Of this measure, Ul Haudy received an account some time previous
to his arrival at Baghdâd, and he did not delay to communicate to
Yaheya by letter, his entire approbation of what had been done.
Shortly afterwards he entered his metropolis in person, accompanied
by the principal officers of his court, having performed the journey
from Tebristaun, in the comparatively short space of twenty days.
The city was immediately restored to complete tranquillity; the
sovereign authority became irrevocably established in Ul Haudy;
the Vizzauret, or office of Vizzeir, was conferred on Rebbeia;
Ally the son of Eissa ben Mâhan was appointed captain of the imperial
guards and a treaty of peace was definitively concluded with the
prince of Tebristaun. We are further informed, that the new Kha-
tif made his entry into Baghdad, on this occasion, on the eleventh
day of Suffer;* a month and some days subsequent to the demise of
his father.
Among the events which distinguished the short reign of Ul
ul-abbbaur. Haudy, that which earliest claims our notice, is an insurrection ex-
cited in Hejauz by Hâsseyne the son of Ally, the Hussenite: to
which it would appear that he was the more easily provoked, by the
disputes in which he was perpetually embroiled, with Omar the son
of Abdulazziz, the governor of Medeinah, and grandson of Abdullah
Omar. Having however at last openly declared against the authority
of Ul Haudy, the Hussenite proceeded to solicit the support of the
people in favor of his own rights; and being joined by a sufficient
body of followers, he was enabled after several conflicts, to expel the
governor, and make himself master of Medeinah. On the twenty
third of Zilkaudah,† eleven days after he had been in possession of
Medeinah, he quitted that place and proceeded towards Mekkah;
and on his arrival in the neighbourhood of that city, issuing a pro-
clamation that every slave who joined his standard should be free, he
procured a considerable augmentation of force, by the number of
men of that description, who immediately hastened to his camp..
About the 22nd of August, A. D, 785,
+ The 25th of May, A. D.786.
43
Kholaussut
ul-akhbaur.
His career was however destined to be of short duration. Ul Hau- A. H. 169.
dy was no sooner apprized of this revolt against his authority, than A. D. 786.
Mahommed the son of Suliman, of the race of Abbas, proceeded by
his orders with a competent force to punish the insurgent, and re-
establish his government in Hejauz. At the station of Zitûi, a short
distance from Mekkah, and on that day in the early part of Zilhudje,
when the pilgrims array themselves in fresh apparel, an action took
place between the troops of the Khelaufut and those of the insurrec-
tion, in which the latter abandoning themselves to a shameful flight,
left their leader to perish on the field of battle. The body of Hûs-
seyne was found where he had fallen, by one of the family of Abbas,
who immediately struck off the head and laid it before his comman-
der; by whom it was conveyed as usual to the metropolis of the
Benni Abbas, as the surest attestation of his triumph.
As the advocates of Zendicism, a class of schismatics equally stig
matized for its atheistical and other detestable doctrines, appear to
have acquired at the same time their greatest ascendancy, and to have
been generally, if not finally extinguished, under the reign of Ul
Haudy, we cannot perhaps introduce in a better place, the account
which is here given of that very obnoxious sect, on the authority of
the Tebrian chronicle.
Their leading, and distinguishing principle seems to have been an
entire secession from the doctrines of Mûssulmanism; the precepts and Tarikh Tebry.
ordinances of which, they publicly held in equal contempt and ridi-
eule. The prophet they admitted to have been a man of consummate
abilities; through the exertion of which, and his extraordinary pow-
ers of language, he found means to establish the prevailing religion,
and to compile the much boasted pieces exhibited in the volume of
the Koran; claiming, as they said, no small degree of merit from
his prohibition of incestuous intercourse, with mother, sister, and
daughter. And yet to any other human being of equal talents and
intelligence, itwould be easily practicable to introduce asimilar system
of legislation. For their part, they acknowledged that, like the Magians,
they cohabited with equal freedom, with mother, daughter, and sister.
They equally set at nought, and cast into ridicule, as absurd impositions,
those fundamental precepts of Mûssulmanism in particular, which
F 2
44
A. II. 169.
A. D. 786.
Tarikh
Tebry.
inculcate the necessity of prayer and fasting, alms and pilgrimage.
When they observed, for instance, the zealous Mosslems associated
in decent order for their devotions, they would scoff at them as so
many camels preparing to receive their burthens; and, when they
knelt, and went through the routine of their prostrations, they failed
not to incur the homely reproach of setting their faces to the earth,
while they presented the opposite extremity to him who ruled the skies.
In the same strain when, at Mekkah, they witnessed the processions
round the temple of the Kaaubah, the zendicists would demand with
a scornful grin, whom it was the enthusiasts sought in that antiquated
building; and when they observed the sacrifice of sheep on the great
festival of the Korbaun, they would ask with affected pity, and
indignation, of what mischief these mild and defenceless quadrupeds
had been guilty, that their innocent blood should be thus brutally
spilt in all directions. Thus also, when the pious multitude tra-
versed the hills of Seffa and Meruah, in the neighbourhood of the
sacred city, they would inquire with equal scorn and derision,
what these men had lost, that they ran in such wild extravagance,
about the rocks and mountains. For thus it was, that on all occasi-
ons, they perpetually derided every circumstance that related to the
laws and observances of Isslam.
In other respects, we are not to be surprised if we find it stated,
that among all the various systems of faith, which had hitherto pre-
vailed in the world, that of the Zendeiks was the most detestable,
and the least productive of moral good; it being the opinion of the
Ulema, or theologists, that their doctrines were far more pernicious
than those of Magian, or Jew, or Christian, or Idolater of whatever
denomination; since, observes our author, with a reasoning not dis-
tinctly obvious, there is not an advocate of either of the systems to
which we have alluded, who does not allege, when he exchanges
one mode of faith for another, that he has relinqnished error for the
sake of truth; nor is there an opinion, or proposition advanced in
either of them, which their respective professors would decline to
support by such proofs and arguments as they have it in their power
to produce. The very source indeed of their doctrine seems to lay
in the grossest incredulity and sophistry, considering, as they do, the
45
most sacred laws and observances, whether of Mûssulman, Jew, or A. II. 169.
Christian, as founded in error and absurdity.
As to the nature of their belief, if belief that can be called which
denies all revelation, they hold both the existence of God, and the
legation of his prophets to be equally erroneous and unnecessary.
That this world, since it has been in existence, has existed in its
present form; and such as it is, it will continue as long as it shall
endure. That the whole animal creation is generated and perishes
like the vegetable; which springs from the earth, is dried up, and
restored to the elements in the course of the year, none being able to
conceive whence it came, or whither it is disappeared; the produc-
tion and destruction of animals and vegetables being, at the same
time, both ascribed to the influence of the heavenly bodies, and par-
ticularly to the sun, moon, and stars, perceivable to human vision.
In other respects, it would appear, that they agreed in reprobating
those actions which the wisest men of all professions have generally
proscribed as disgraceful, and injurious to society; lying, for instance,
and tyranny, or unjust violence towards our fellow creatures.
They were moreover scrupulous to avoid the commission of any of
those things, which are, in their nature, either scandalous or inde-
corous; being studious in particular, to appear in such dresses only
as were graceful and becoming in the eyes of the world. This there-
fore includes the whole theory and practice of the sect, for in religion
or law, they professed nothing further: and their system, as far as
we have been able to define it, has received from Oriental writers,
among other denominations, that of Mundanism; probably as limit-
ing our existence and expectations to the confines of this perishable
world. Such, at any rate, is the most obvious interpretation which
the author of these pages has been able to assign to the terms,
“Kalaum-e-dehrnian, doctrines of the Mundanists." The other
terms are omitted in the manuscript. It will at the same time, possi-
bly occur to the reader, that this odious and persecuted sect might
have been led, by a perusal of the works of the Grecian philosophers,
known to have been long since translated by the princes of the house
of Ommeyah, to adopt the principles of Epicurus.
A. D. 786.
Tarikh
Tebry.
46
A. H. 169.
A. D. 786.
Tarikh
Tebry.
It is at the same time affirmed, that its professors were, for the greater
part, composed of the most distinguished members of society; equally
distinguished in all the learning of that age, in eloquence, and in
their genius for Arabian poetry. For such, it is admitted, was
Abdullah the son of Ul Mûkeffia, not less celebrated for the purity
and eloquence of his language and writings, than for his masterly skill
in Arabic, which has classed him among the most sublime and elo-
quent, in that copious and impressive dialect; and of which his
beautiful translation into that language, of the Kaleilah-wo-Dûm-
nah, (the ox and the wolf, the apologues of Baidpay or Pilpai, so
called) is adduced as a splendid and imperishable monument. And
to him has accordingly been assigned the first place in the records of
the sect. Such also is described to have been Ally the son of Nef
tein, one of the chief commanders of the army, during the reign of
Ul Haudy; an officer of the highest military reputation, and among
those most immediately employed about the person of the sovereign.
His father, Neftein, had been the favorite slave, or domestic, of Ul
Munsûr, and held the office of keeper of the great seal of the Khelaufut
under that monarch, by whom he is said to have been honoured above all
mankind. He continued to hold the same distinguished trust, both
under the benevolent Mehedy, and his successor the reigning prince.
His son Ally, together with his eminent command, in the army,
possessed the superintendance in chief of the department of intelli-
gence; the various occurrences which took place in different parts
of the empire, being conveyed to him in detail by the proper agents,
and by him digested and communicated to the sovereign: for, observes
our author, like Yezdan the son of Bâdan among the genuine Persi-
ans, Ally the son of Neftein was extolled as the most skilful penman
of the age in which he lived. Another of these worthies, was
Abdullah, the son of Obaidullah the Vezzeir of Mehedy, who occa
sionally officiated as the deputy of his father, under the government
of that illustrious monarch. Others were Abdullah the son of
Dâoud, of the race of Abbas, and nearly allied to the sovereign on the
throne; and Yakûb the son of Aukkail descended from Hareth the
son of Abdulmûtlub, at this crisis the acknowledged Peir or presby-
ter of the prophet's family, and head of the illustrious race of
47
Haushem; neither of whom were to be restrained from embracing A. H. 169.
the tenets of this obnoxious and persecuted sect.
Recommended by these distinguished persons, the dogmas of Zen-
dicism were received to à surprising extent among all classes and
descriptions of men; among the most illustrious for their learning
and talents, as well as the superiors of religion, and the heirs and
representatives of the noblest families. In the time of Mehedy,
those in particular to whom the austerities, the observances of Mûs-
sulmanism were become laborious; to whose indolence and luxuri-
ous habits the task of early prayer, of frequent ablution in the rigors
of winter, and of fasting in the oppressive heats of summer, had
become burthensome, or intolerable; to all those, in short, who con-
sidered it a hardship to dispense with a small proportion of their
wealth in alins, or to restrain themselves in any shape in the indul-
gence of their apetites and inclinations, as required in the sacred
volume of the law, the tenets of the Zendicists became a welcome
and convenient relaxation.
It remains to be observed, that when, under the same reign of
Mehedy, their proselytes became thus numerous and formidable, the
chiefs above mentioned consulted together on the means of giving to
their doctrines a permanent form; by reducing them to a code of
institutes, similar to that which governed the system, which it
appears to have been their principal object to explode. "In the
"whole design of his religion," said these innovators, "nothing that
Mahommed introduced, has been more powerful in its influence,
than what he has dictated in the pages of the Korân; that boast of
"the Mosslems for sublimity of language, for the closeness and per-
"spicuity of its periods, and the infinite variety of its mysterious
allusions; which it is their pride to extol, as having baffled every
“effort of the orators, poets, historians and rhetoricians, from the
period of its descent to the present day, to produce in the whole
"Arabian language, a single section equal in sublimity and beauty of
style. For," continued they, "is it not proudly asserted by his
followers, that if the language of men and genii were combined
together to effect such a purpose, it would be found impossible to
compose any thing parallel to it? for how indeed should it be possi
106
86
+
A. D. 786.
Tarikh
Tebry.
48
A. H. 169. "ble to speak as God hath spoken, and to perform what he, in his
A. D. 786. "infinite power, is alone capable of accomplishing!" Upon such
Tarikh
Tebry.
considerations, the leaders of the sect resolved that it was incumbent
upon them to produce a book in composition more exquisite, and in
matter more sublime than the Korân; to be exhibited to their follow-
ers as what had been invented, through the powers of his own con-
summate eloquence, by Maliommed himself. Here we are constrained
to confess that this passage, unless indeed it be an error in the man-
uscript, appears totally inconsistent with what we are taught to
expect from the premises; which had led us to suppose it was the
object of these men to prove that by the mere exertion of human skill,
they were capable of producing what should be superior to the
boasted performance of that celebrated impostor.
Be this, however, as it may, the following four persons pledged
themselves for the execution of the undertaking; The already men-
tioned Abdullah Mûkeffia; Abdullah, the son Obaidullah the Vez-
zeir; and Abdullah the son of Dàoud, of the race of Abbas; with
Salah the son of Abdulkodûs, now first introduced to our notice; and
altogether, in talents and eloquence, the most distinguished among
Arabians, But as the most eloquent and accomplished men of that
age, had long since acknowledged the superior talents of Abdullah
Mûkeffia, his collegues united in assigning to him the task of diction
and composition; which he accepted on the following stipulations.
That he should be allowed an entire twelve-month to complete his
undertaking; that he should be furnished immediately with so many
thousand dirhems in specie, and such a supply of parchment and
writing paper, as he should require; the paper to serve him in the
preparation of the draught; and the parchment, for the finished copy
to be fairly transcribed by his own hand, as best calculated to admit
of such erasures as might be found further necessary, in giving to the
performance its utmost perfection, before it was committed to the
world. He moreover required, that, during the period in which he
should be thus employed, all his expences should be punctually
defrayed; that he should be daily supplied with that species of
aliment which he described, and knew to suit best with his consti-
tution, and to augment the powers of invention without impairing
49
1
A. D. 786.
Tarikh
Tebry.
either the health or the faculties; and, that he might be entirely A. H. 100.
relieved from every species of anxiety, he further required that a
person should be particularly entrusted with the care of providing
for these expences, and of supplying all his wants. Finally, in
order that his mind might be perfectly at ease against every appre-
hension, either of detection or arrest, or of being even suspected to
be engaged in such an undertaking, he demanded that no person
should be allowed on any pretence to enter his presence, excepting
the attendant employed to receive his orders. On these conditions.
he pledged himself, at the end of the year, to produce a complete
performance, in every point superior to the Korân; and each of the
party, engaging respectively for one or other of these stipulations,
the son of Ulmûkeffia proceeded without further delay to the execu-
tion of his design.
At the expiration of six months out of the twelve, in which he was
pledged to complete his work, no person having hitherto been suffered
to intrude upon his meditations, his friends became anxious to
learn what progress he had made towards a conclusion; and no longer
to be restrained from the gratification of their curiosity, they met
together and hastened to his apartment. There they beheld him sit-
ting pen in hand, deeply absorbed in study, a sheet of paper laying
unfolded before him; and on each hand of him, heaps of paper, writ-
ten over on all sides, and torn to fragments. "Well friend," said
his visiters," how hast thou employed thyself for these last six
"months?" "Alas" answered he, "I have employed myself in vain ;
“for I have done nothing.” "How so," demanded they. "The first
day on which I entered upon my undertaking," replied Abdullah,
"I applied myself, with the sheets of the Koran laid before me, to
"select from it all those particular passages, which I conceived to be
"the most remarkable for beauty and sublimity, and which I there-
"fore thought the most difficult to emulate or excel; it being my
design to employ myself in the refutation of such passages, while
my faculties were yet fresh and undisturbed, and before the fatigues
of study should have blunted or impaired the powers of composition.
"For this purpose I commenced reciting them over and over to
myself, in order to be the more completely master of the subject,
66
66
(6
VOL. II.
H
50
A. D. 786.
Tarikh
Tebry.
A. H. 169. “ and the better able to discriminate their imperfections. Yet during
"six whole months that I have thus employed myself, have I been
"foiled by a single passage; neither in all that I have invented,
"dictated, and written, obliterated and destroyed, have I yet suc-
"ceeded in discharging myself of one sentence that has either met my
"own approbation, or that, in the judgment of others, will bear a
"comparison with the passage which it was designed to excel." His
friends desired to know what that formidable passage might be, which
had thus on the very threshold, defeated his exertions; he told
them it was a certain sentence, which he repeated to them, from
the story of Noah, as related in the Korân. They then requested
that he would explain to them what he might have committed to
paper on the subject; that on a more deliberate inspection, something
might be yet discovered that had possibly escaped his own obser-
vation. The son of Ul Mûkeffia communicated to them accordingly,
all that he had composed and transcribed, than which it required
nothing further to convince them of the truth of the statement which
he had just given them; for in the whole of the enormous mass of
papers, in which he had almost buried himself alive, they could not
discover a single line or sentence, which either in composition or
argument could bear the slightest comparison with the sacred text,
which for six months he had, in one instance only, attempted to
surpass. An occasion is here taken to repeat, that this man was
acknowledged to be possessed of talents and genius, not inferior to
"Ifin six months," observed
any one of the age in which he lived.
his friends on this mortifying discovery, "thou hast failed to produce
"the refutation of one solitary passage in the Korân, in what rea-
"sonable period dost thou conceive it possible, either to controvert
"or parallel the numberless ordinances, decisions, mysterious and
"wonderful maxims, with which that extraordinary volume so
extensively abounds? This is a task to which thou art decidedly
"incompetent. Arise, and consign it to some one better qualified."
The project was however finally relinquished as a hopeless concern,
and they were compelled to rely, for the advancement of their doc-
trines, on other expedients, less dubious in the experiment, and
peradventure more favorable to their views of success.
66
51
Tarikh
Tebry.
At all events their proselytes continued to multiply, with consider. A. H. 169.
-able rapidity, until, under the reign of Mehedy, too openly aspiring at A. D. 786.
predominance, the Almighty influenced the councils of that prince
to destroy them by the sword, in a manner so effectually, that of all
their leaders, few survived. Two chiefs of the illustrious race of
Hâshem, the great grandfather of the prophet, were however suffered
for a time to escape the destiny of their associates. These were
Yakub, here called the son of Ul Fuzzul, perhaps of Aukkail already
mentioned, and Abdullah the son of Dâoud, of the house of Abbas,
both indebted for their preservation to a vow of Mehedy's. For so
many of that distinguished race had been already cut off by the san-
guinary vengeance of Ul Munsûr, that Mehedy began to apprehend
the entire extinction of the family; and he had therefore sworn
never to put any of them to death. Ile was accordingly satisfied
with immuring these two noble persons for life within the enclosure
of a prison. When Hâdy ascended the throne of the Khalifs, they
were however commanded to his presence, in order that they might
be prevailed upon to abjure their pernicious principles. They con-
tinued, notwithstanding, unshaken in their prejudices: persisted in
their declaration, that the religion of the Mosslems was nothing, and
that the Koran was neither the word, nor Mahommed the apostle of
God. "At any rate," added these men, "produce to us the proofs
"of your system, that we may examine and convince ourselves,
"before we embrace it." On which the whole body of Ulema
learned in the law, with the readers and expounders of the sacred
code, entered into a public and solemn disputation with them, and, if
we may credit the assurance of our author, established their claims
to orthodoxy on the clearest proofs. Their arguments were however
lost upon these misguided fanatics, who persevered with inflexible
obstinacy, in rejecting the wholesome truths of Isslàm. And a
daughter of Yakûb, being found on her own avowal, pregnant by her
father, the incestuous intercourse became an aggravation of his
crimes and impieties, and he was, together with the same daughter,
and the wretched associate of his errors, condemned to terminate his
existence on a gallows. This is said to have extinguished, for the
present at least, every remnant of a sect, which for some time appears
H 2
52
A. H. 169.
A. D. 786.
Tarikh
Tebry.
to have excited in the disciples of the Koran, no inconsiderable
alarm for the stability of the orthodox religion.
Resuming the narrative the history proceeds to observe, that the
Khaliful Hâdy had for some time lived on terms of great displeasure
with the dowager Kheizrânah, the common mother of himself and
Harûn. This princess had, it would appear, during the life of Me-
hedy, experienced an indulgence without bounds, her husband with-
holding from her nothing that she desired, even to the marks of
public honor usually reserved for the person of the sovereign; the
general and great officers of state being long accustomed to pay
homage at her palace, before they proceeded to the presence of Me-
hedy; thus in appearance at least, fixing the precedence in dignity at
the gate of Kheizrànah. She possessed herself, moreover, of what
does not exactly seem either becoming or expedient in the system
of oriental manners, the channel of every application to royal favor.
On the accession of Ul Hàdy, she continued to conduct herself, as if
she expected to retain this species of influence unimpaired; but her
son finding himself considerably embarrassed, soon determined to
retrench that influence, by treating all her applications with a steady
and mortifying refusal. Under these circumstances, a female atten-
dant, who was the bearer of such communications as occasionally
passed between the Khalif and his mother, had conveyed to him an
application from the same quarter, in behalf of Abdullah the son of
Mâlek, captain of the guards, or household troops, in the time of
Mehedy, which he, as usual, rejected. The application was repeated
by the mother in person, who implored that her son would spare her
this one mortifying refusal, as her word had been particularly pledged
on the occasion; and she assured him it would be the last time that
he should suffer from a mother's importunities. To this Ul Hâdy
demanded in a tone of indignation, who she conceived herself to be,
and on what grounds authorized to promisc, or engage her influence
to promote the views of any man; neither did he comprehend the
object of that concourse, which, as if it were the mansion of royalty,
daily resorted to her gate. It would become her far better to confine
herself to domestic occupations; to her spindle and cotton; to the
study of her Korân, and the discharge of her religious duties. For
53
Tarikh
what purpose encourage that useless resort of applicants at her gate? A. H. 169.
Henceforward, if he found that a single individual frequented her A. D. 786.
palace with any such design, she might rest assured of his highest
disapprobation and displeasure. On which, Kheizrânah quitted his
presence in tears and sorrow.
This was followed by a stern charge to his courtiers to discontinue
at their peril, that species of intercourse with his mother, which, when
their own mothers were concerned, they had acknowledged to be so
gross a violation of decorum. This succeeded in banishing the
resort of suitors from the palace of Kheizraunah: but the attempt
which he made about a month afterwards to destroy her by poison,
under the mask of proffered kindness, would be sufficient, without
any further proof, to brand with infamy the memory of Ul Haudy,
were it not in some degree surpassed by the implacable cruelty of a
mother's vengeance, to which he ultimately fell himself a victim.
For the present, however, the altercation terminated in a solemn vow,
on the part of Kheizraunah, that she would never more hold either
converse or communication with this unnatural son.
:
Tebry.
It is alleged that Ul Haudy, before he had been long in posses- Kholaussut
sion of the sovereign power, entertained the design of extruding his ul-akhbaur.
brother Harûn from his claim to the succession, for the purpose of
securing it for his own son Jauffer and the circumstance coming
to the knowledge of Harûn, the latter consulted with Yaheya the
son of Khaled, of the race of Barmek, whose consummate prudence
was long become proverbial with every rank and age, on the steps
which he was to follow for the preservation of his rights. Yaheya
admonished him, without disguise, to beware of acceding to any
proposal which might eventually debar him from the glories of a
crown. Of which honest admonition, Ul Haudy, by some means or
other, becoming apprized, Yaheya was immediately seized and com-
mitted to the wholesome solitude of a prison. From thence, as was
related at a subsequent period by Mahommed, one of the sons of that
illustrious minister, he addressed a note to Ul Haudy, requesting
that he might be favored with a prizate interview, as he had some
advice to offer, of considerable importance. He was accordingly
admitted to the presence of Ul Haudy, who demanded what it was
54
A. H. 169. he had to say.
Kholaussut
ul-akhbaur.
66
"I would first desire to know," observed Yaheya
A. D. 786. in reply, "whether at the present crisis, if a misfortune were to hap-
pen to the person of my sovereign, which may his servant never
"live to behold, the different orders of the people are prepared to
"submit to the authority of a minor, such as Jauffer, so long before
“he has attained to the age of discretion,' "That is a reflection
"from which I have derived some uneasiness," said the Khalif.
"I believe it not impossible," continued Yaheya, "that certain distin-
guished personages of the race of Hâshem," whom he named,
might interfere on such an occasion; and that the sovereignty might,
"not improbably, depart altogether from the sons of Mehedy." After
allowing to the Khalif a moment's reflection, Yaheya assumed suffi-
cient confidence to state further, that he conceived it, for the present,
most advisable to desist from urging the abdication of Harûn; and
that he would be responsible to prevail upon him to acknowledge the
authority of Jauffer, the moment he became of age. Ul Haudy
appears to have assented to this species of arrangement, and permit-
ted Yaheya to return to his prison. Nevertheless, it will soon be
found that the jealousy, the aversion, which had possessed the mind
of Ul Haudy against his brother and his too zealous adviser, was of
a nature that no palliative could remove or appease.
Such a state of mind could not, perhaps, long continue unproduc-
tive of some violent result. Accordingly Iârethmah the son of
Eyûn, one of the principal ministers of Ul Hâdy is introduced to
relate, that he was summoned by his master to attend him one day
contrary to custom, in his private cabinet. When he repaired to his
presence, he was desired to secure the door, and be seated; and that
when, in some degree of perturbation, he had obeyed these com-
mands, the Khalif addressed him in the following terms. "Thou
“hast doubtless witnessed the manner in which this dog of a schis-
matic, Yaheya the son of Khâled, presumes to comport himself
"towards me, in his undisguised intrigues, to bias the affections of the
people in favor of Harun. This night it will behove thee to bring
"me the head of Harûn." Trembling in every limb at these por-
tentous words, the minister implored his master, with the deepest
humility, to consider that Rashid was his own and only brother, and
66
66
55
ul-akhbaur.
that if, without a crime, he should put him to death, he, the minister, A. H. 169,
would forever incur, both here and hereafter, the reprobation of God and A. D. 786.
man. "If my orders are disobeyed," observed Ul Hady, "thy own head Kholaussat
will be the forfeit." On which, Harethmah feeling himself constrained
to express his compliance, the Khalif proceeded further to direct,
that when he had dispatched the business of Harûn, he was imme-
diately to visit the prisons, and banish to another world, every indi-
vidual whom he should find there, belonging to the race of Abûtau-
leb. And he was last of all, to take a division of the troops and
march towards Kûfah; which city, after withdrawing from it all the
posterity of Abbas, with their dependants, he was to consume to
ashes. Hârethmah again endeavoured to remonstrate on the magni-
tude of the task thus imposed upon him, when his master put an
end to all argument, by assuring him that there was no alternative;
and that he was not to stir from the spot until he received his final
orders to proceed to the execution of the several duties, which he
was now selected to discharge.
Ul Hâdy then withdrew to some other part of the palace, leaving
Harethmah to meditate in silence and alarm on what had passed;
the latter not a little aggravated by the apprehension, that having
discovered his unwillingness to be the instrument of his cruelty, the
Khalif was about to devolve the odious service to some other person;
and that on his return, he should infalliby be made the sacrifice of
his vengeance. At all events he determined, if it was his destiny to
escape the present danger, to seek some distant abode, where
unknown and undistinguished, he might pass his days in peace and
obscurity. In this state of painful incertitude he continued until
midnight, when a domestic appeared and told him that the Khalif
required his attendance. On which, having solemnly repeated his
profession of faith, as if about to die, he followed the domestic until
he found himself in a part of the palace where his ears were assailed
by the voices of the women. Here he made a resolute stand, declar-
ing, that he should not advance a step further, unless he was directed
to approach in the Khalif's own voice. At this moment he heard
himself addressed by one of the females, who called out that she was
Kheizraunah, and who desired him to enter, and behold what had befallen
36
ul akhbaur.
A H. 169. them. He accordingly ventured into the apartment, where Kheiz-
A. D. 786. raunah informed him from behind the hangings, that God Almighty
Kholaussut had delivered himself and all mankind from the tyranny of Mûssa; for
he was dead. 66
Go," said she," and convince thyself." On which,
removing the linen cover, which had been thrown over the face of
Ul Hâdy, he found indeed, as she had represented, that the tyrant
was no more. Kheizraunah then proceeded to relate, that coming
to the apartment where he now lay, she had cast the veil from her head,
and implored Ul Hady to spare the life of his brother; and that, con-
tinuing to resist all her intreaties with unrelenting obstinacy, he was
suddenly seized with a fit of coughing, of which, as every expedient
to relieve him proved unavailing, he expired. She concluded, by
charging Hårethmah to repair without delay to Yaheya the son of
Klâled, and announce the event, with her desire that he should
immediately secure for Harûnrashid, the entire allegiance of the
people. In compliance with ber instructions, Harethmah hastened
accordingly to apprize Yaheya of the unexpected catastrophe, and
to make with him the arrangements necessary to the inauguration of
Harûn. Abdullah Mamún, the eldest son of Harûn, by a concubine,
was born, it would appear, the same night, which has therefore
received from historians, the appellation of Leylut-c-Hashemiah, the
night of the Hashemites; being distinguished by the death of one
Khalif, the enthronement of another, and the birth of a third.
The death of Ul Haudy has however been ascribed by histori-
ans to a variety of csuses. According to the statement of one of them,
a worm was generated in his bowels, which prevented him alike
from rest and sustenance, and in three days, after producing the
most cruel suffering, put a period to his existence. This was pro-
nounced by his mother a judgment for his crimes. Another state-
ment is introduced to allege, that his women were bribed by the
money of Kheizraunah, to smother him with bolsters, while over-
come with wine and debauch.* By a third, it is ascribed to an
immediate manifestation of divine justice, for an act of wanton
and deliberate cruelty. Some days previous to his disolution, while
* Tarikh Tebry.
57
!
A. D. 786.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur,
amusing himself in the neighbourhood of Eissa-abad, a Ferâsh, or car- A. H. 170.
pet spreader, was employed in unfolding some hangings to intercept
the view of the multitude from Ul Haudy, when the latter suddenly
demanded of his courtiers whether they thought he had sufficient
skill to lodge an arrow in the heart of this man. At the same time
that they gave him full credit for his skill, they honestly represented
the atrocious inhumanity of imbruing his hands in the blood of his
unconscious and unoffending attendant. The Khalif was, however,
not to be dissuaded from his rash experiment, and the unfortunate
and unsuspecting Ferâsh, receiving the arrow through his body,
expired on the spot. The foul deed immediately struck the wretched
monarch in all its horrors. He sent for all the relatives of his
murdered domestic, and endeavoured, by all the sacrifices in his
power,
to satisfy and appease their resentment. But the just vengeance of his
creator was not to be averted. An eruption made its appearance on
the upper part of his foot, in the shape of a small pimple, which
though it was the employment of four persons to rub, or chafe it
without intermission, never suffered him to enjoy a moment's repose.
It at last produced a mortification, the odour of which was so offen-
sive, that it became almost impossible to approach the apartment
in which he lay. In this state he languished to the third day, when
he sunk into the arms of death,
This event, whatever were the circumstances by which it was Tarikh Tebry.
occasioned or attended, is stated to have taken place at Eissa-abad, a
dependency of the district of Mossûl, on the eighth day of the first
Rebbeia, of the year one hundred and seventy;* Ul Hady being as
yet no more than six and twenty, and having reigned but thirteen
months and some days, calculating from the demise of his predecessor.
He was buried in one of his gardens at Eissa-abad, his brother
Harûn performing the funeral obsequies over his grave.
In his per-
son he is described to have been tall; in his countenance handsome,
and in complexion fair. His lower lip being, however, shorter than
the upper, and his upper teeth longer than the lip, were so protruded
as to give to his visage an appearance rather ludicrous, and to pro-
cure him the nick-name of Mûssa Ettebaka, Mûssa shut your
* September 6th, A. D. 786.
VOL. II.
I
58
A. H. 170. mouth. In other respects, he has been branded to posterity as an
A. D. 786. inexorable and sanguinary tyrant, unsparing in his dispensation of
the laws of public justice, which, untempered with mercy, he
administered to the extremity of rigour.*
Tarikh
Tebry.
HARUN UR
RASHID,
URRASHID B'ILLAH HARUN,† the son of Mehedy, fifth Khalif of
the house of Abbas, on the night on which his brother perished in the
manner above related, was securely established, through the prompt
and united exertions of Yaleya the son of Khaled, and the above-
mentioned Harethmah, or Harthemah, on the throne of the Khelau-
fifth Khalif fut. Having performed the last duties to the remains of Ul Haudy,
of the house the new monarch hastened the next day to the metropolis of Bagh-
dad; where, with the seal of state, he consigned to Yaheya the son
of Khaled, of whose prudence and attachment he had experienced
repeated proofs, the entire and absolute management of his empire.
In the ensuing month of Shavaul, his favorite consort, Zobaidah,
was delivered of Mahommed ul Amein, just seven months and twenty
days after his accession.‡
of Abbas.
At the period of his exaltation, Harûn had attained to his two
and twentieth year, having been born at Râi, or Rey, while his fa-
ther was residing at that city; and the birth of Fazzel the son of
Yaheya, taking place ten days afterwards, his mother was chosen for
the nurse of Harûn, and Fazzel became thus the foster brother of his
future sovereign; a circumstance which may further account for the
unbounded influence enjoyed, under the reign of this monarch, by
the illustrious family of Barmek.
As the allegiance of the principal officers of the army had been
already pledged, at the requisition of Ul Hâdy, to his nephew Jauf-
fer, Harûn's earliest attention was directed to remove this embar-
rassment; and the young prince was accordingly prevailed upon to
make a public abdication of his claims; declaring, that he freely
absolved from their engagements, those who had sworn to be faithful to
himself, and that the imperial dignity had justly devolved to his uncle
Harûn.
* Kholaussut-ul-akhbaur.
+ By the grace of God, the sage, discreet, prudent.
Kholaussut-ul-akhbaur.
59
Tarikh
Tebry.
When every precaution had been thus taken to secure his rights A. H. 170.
against all competition, Harûn, as he was standing one day surrounded A. D. 786.
by his troops near the bridge of the Tigris, related to his minister
Yaheya that he had received from his father, a ruby, the value of
which had been estimated at one hundred thousand dirhems.* This
beautiful jewel, as he wore it on one of his visits to Ul Hâdy, had
unfortunately excited the cupidity of that prince, and he was sur-
prised on his way home, by a message desiring that it might be
immediately sent to him. When this unexpected request was
communicated to him, he happened to be on that part of the bridge
near which they now stood; and feeling himself not a little provoked,
he drew the ring from his finger, and immediately cast it into the
river. Ile acknowledged at the same time, that a period of five
months had elapsed, since the circumstance had taken place.
Nevertheless he now desired that some divers might be immediately
employed to try whether they could not recover his ring. These
men, notwithstanding their representations of the impracticability of
succeeding in such an attempt after such a lapse of time, were accord-
ingly directed to plunge into the stream of the Tigris; and having
sufficiently explored the bottom of the river, they at last, contrary
to all expectation and probability, brought up the ring; which, as an
omen auspicious to his reign, was received by Hârûn with abundant
satisfaction. Such a circumstance may perhaps, by many of our
readers, be considered too romantic for serious history; nevertheless
finding it almost immediately on the threshold, we have not been
able to reject it entirely. We shall now proceed to the more
important events, such as they stand recorded in the manuscript
before us, of the reign of this celebrated monarch, whose name and
private history are already so familiar to our earliest recollections.
Although the scals of his government had, in the manner already
related, been consigned by Harûn to his minister Yaheya, of the race
of Barmek, the dowager Kheizraunah had, in a great measure,
resumed the influence which she had been seen to exercise, dring
the reign of Mehedy. Nothing was therefore, for a long time, carri l
into executiou by the minister, without the previous consi leration
and sanction of that princess. In the mean time, llaran, who
* 5,2917. 12. id.
I 2
60
A. H. 170.
A. D. 787.
Tarikh
Tebry.
seems to have embarrassed himself as little as possible with the cares
of sovereignty, was engaged about this period on a visit to the ancient
city of Tûss, which he repeopled, and restored to a state of repair.
In the commencement of the year one hundred and seventy-three,*
on her return from a pilgrimage to Mekkah, Kheizraunah reposed, in
the arms of death, from the anxieties of ambition. An event which
lodged the delegated authority of government, without an associate,
in the hands of Yaheya. The latter being then employed in Khor-
assaun, was immediately recalled, and his grandson, Abbas the son
of Jauffer, appointed to succeed him as governor of that province.
In the course of one hundred and seventy-five,† Mahommed ul
Amein, the son of Hârûn by Zobaidah, then only in his fifth year,
was declared heir apparent to the Khelaufut, to the exclusion of his
elder brother ul Mâmûn: an arrangement with which, as it was
expected there might be some dissatisfaction among the people of
Khorassaun, on account of the minority of Amein, Fazzel the son of
Yaheya, the governor of the young prince, and the foster brother of
Hârûn, was deputed to preside over that province; instead of Abbas
the son of Jauffer, who was now recalled, until the allegiance of that
important part of the empire should be secured for the heir apparent
elect. This object being however completed at the expiration of a
twelve-month, Fazzel was himself recalled; and the government of
Khorassaun transferred by Hârûn to his own maternal uncle Otreif,
the couzin german of Kheizraunah, here stated to have been origi-
nally of Yemen; but being removed by the vicissitudes of war and
fortune, to Mossûl, and ultimately to Tebristaun, she there fell into
the hands of Mehedy, and became his favorite mistress. The address
of Fazzel was next employed to secure for his pupil the allegiance of
Irak; and being equally fortunate in his exertions in that province,
his services were immediately remunerated by the government of all
the territory lying to the westward and northward of Khorassaun ;
including the dependencies of Râi, Koumiss, Tebristaun, (the anci-
ent Hyrcania) and Kohestaun, Hamadaun and Nihawend, to the
borders of Irak, together with the whole of Azerbayjan, and part of
Armenia.
* June or July, A. D. 789.
† A. D, 791,
61
We are now brought to the year one hundred and seventy six, in
which Yaheya the son of Abdullah ul Husseyny, the Fatimite,
revolted against the authority of Hàrûn, and made himself master of
the inaccessible province of Tebristaun. The fate of Hûsseyne, whe
fell near Mekkah, in the reign of Ul Hâdy, has already occurred to
the attention of the reader. He left two cousins, Yaheya and Idris,
brothers of the Mahommed and Ibrauhim, who revolted, the one at
Medeinah, and the other at Bassorah, in the time of Ul Munsûr.
On the death of their relative near Mekkah, Yaheya and Idris con-
trived to escape from the field of battle, the latter to Tinjah, sup-
posed to be Tangier on the coast of Africa, where he successfully
proclaimed the rights of his family, and was acknowledged by the
people. But he was subsequently reached by the emissaries of UI
Hâdy, and destroyed by poison. Yaheya, on the contrary, directed
his flight into Guilân, where he was cordially received by the natives,
who recognized his authority, and soon enabled him to appear at the
head of a numerous army.
A. H. 176.
A. D. 792.
The adjoining province of Tebristaun being under the authority of
Fazzel Barmekky, an army of fifty thousand men was allotted to him
by Harûn, for the suppression of this revolt against his government.
With this force Fazzel proceeded to the city of Râi, where he
remained stationary for a twelve-month, engaged in a negociation
with the insurgent Yaheya. At the expiration of that period, he
prevailed upon Yaheya by various promises to lay aside his hostile
views, and to throw himself on the clemency of Harûn. Before he
finally consented, however, to place himself in the hands of his enemies,
Yaheya transmitted to Fazzel the schedule of a treaty, to which he
required the signature of the Khalif, as a guarantee for the perform-
ance of the conditions. The treaty was accordingly conveyed to
Harûn; and returned by him soon afterwards, with his own ratifica-
tion, attested by the hand writing of many of the principal members
of his court, and of the most respectable citizens of Baghdâd. Ya-
heya no longer hesitated to commit himself to the protection of
Fazzel, who proceeded without delay to conduct him towards the
metropolis; and Harin, on his part, appearing infinitely gratified by this
attainment of his object, without the hazard of a conflict, ordered
Tarikh
Tebry.
62
鲁
​A. H. 176. the streets of the city to be splendidly decorated for the reception of
Tarikh
Tebry.
A. D. 792. Yaheya, who was treated on the occasion with a distinction beyond
his most flattering expectations. He continued to experience the
same liberal treatment for about five months; but at the expiration
of that period, on the pretence that some letters had been intercepted
coming to him from the refractory Deylemites, he was thrown into
prison. The sequel of his story will appear in due time.
In the course of one hundred and seventy-seven,* the government
of Khorassaun was transferred, on the removal of Otreif, to Hamzah
the son of Mâlek. That of Egypt was about the same time bestowed
upon Jauffer Barmekky, the son of the prime minister, and the parti-
cular favorite of Harûn. Hamzah enjoyed his authority for about
a twelve month, when he was recalled, and the noble and extensive
province under his jurisdiction, consigned to the able and accom-
plished Fazzel. This latter took possession of his government in one
hundred and seventy-eight,† and during the period of seven years, in
which it is here said to have continued under his authority, although
we do not exactly comprehend how this is to be reconciled with the
appointments and removals, which will immediately appear, rendered
himself not less distinguished by his exemplary justice and integrity,
than by his consuminate prudence and abilities. The following year
Jauffer was sent for by Harûn, to appease the commotions which are
acknowledged about this period to have arisen in Syria: such indeed
as to have required the services of some of the most distinguished
captains in the empire; and among others of Harethmah the son of
Eyûn, who was withdrawn on the occasion from his command in
Africa. Supported, however, by the presence and exertions of this
able commander and his associates, Jauffer succeeded in a short
time, in restoring the tranquillity of his province; and in the course
of the year consigning it to the charge of a deputy, repaired to Bagh-
dâd. Notwithstanding the circumstance just related, with respect to
his brother Fazzel, the government of Khorassaun was now conferred
upon Jauffer, that of Syria, with probably that of Egypt, being
assigned to his son Eissa. In the course of the same year, having
contracted some dislike to the metropolis of Baghoâd, because, as he
alleged, the air of the place did not agree with his constitution,
Harûn transferred his residence to Rakkah on the Euphrates, (the
* A. D. 793. † A. D. 794.
63
Tarikh
Tebry.
ancient Nicephorium) here stated to be a dependency of Mossûle, A. II. 180.
having established Ul Amein in the government of the capital. From A. D. 798.
Rakkah he removed, however, in a short time to Heirah; but receiv-
ing some offence or other from the inhabitants, he quitted that place
after adding considerably to its buildings, and returned again to
Rakkah, which appears henceforward to have become his principal-
and favorite residence.
During the year one hundred and eighty, we are informed that
Harûn was engaged at the head of a great armv, in a religious expe-
dition against the territories of the Greek empire; of which, however,
the author has furnished us with no other circumstances, than that
he reduced and laid in ruins, the city of Sefsauf, (the city of willows):
but whether this refers to the subsequent hostilities in the time of
Nicephorus the first, during which, it is said, that he destroyed the
city of Heraclea, on the Euxine, it is not at present easy to determine.
If the date is at all to be relied on, this invasion is, however, to be
assigned to the reign of the ambitious Irene, whose contests with her
son may have encouraged the hostile designs of Harûn. On his return
from this expedition, Harûn conferred the government of Khorassaun
upon Ally the son of Eissa ben Mâhan. But a charge of malversa-
tion being conveyed against that chief, he was recalled at the expir-
ation of a twelve month, being directed to leave his province under
the administration of a deputy. The governor of Khorassaun ap-
pointing his own son Yaheya to command in his absence, hastened
to vindicate his conduct, loaded with a profusion of presents for the
Khalif, whom he found means to conciliate without great difficulty;
and in short, to convince that he had been unjustly calumniated.
He was in consequence sent back in triumph, to wreak his vengeance
on his accusers. About the same period an insurrection broke out in
the territory of Nissa, on the border of Khorassun towards Kharezin,
of which, a certain rebel of the name of Ebenul hateib, was at the
head. But Ally the son of Eissa, being directed as the lieutenant
of Ul Mamûn, now associated with his brother as co-heir to the em-
pire, to oppose the insurgent, their chief was soon afterwards killed
by that commander, and the insurrection entirely suppresed.
64
ul-akhbaur.
*
A. H. 186. During the year one hundred and eighty six, Harûn, accompanied
A. D. 803. by the two young princes, his sons, proceeded on a religious visit to
Kholaussut- the two sacred cities. While at Yathreb, (Medeinah, formerly so
called) he distributed to the inhabitants three separate and magni-
ficent largesses, one in the name of himself, and the others in those
of his two sons. Similar proofs of his liberality were exhibited at
Mekkah; so that the charges occasioned by these disbursements, and
other expences of his pilgrimage, are said to have amounted to the
sum of one million of dinaurs, and fifty thousand dirhems.† It has
been already noticed, that Ul Amein stood nominated as sole succes-
sor to the throne of the Khalifs, as far back as the year one hundred
and seventy-five; but as he and his elder brother grew towards man-
hood, their father sought to obviate the jealousies and hostilities
which might too probably ensue, by an equal division of the empire
between them. For this purpose he had recently caused Ul Mamân
to be publicly announced as heir to the Khelaufut, next after Ul
Amein; on which occasion the empire appears to have been appor-
tioned betwixt the two princes, in the following manner.
The pro-
vinces eastward of the ridges of Hûlwaun, comprising the various
territories of Kermanshahan, Nihawend, Kom, and Kashân, Isfahaun,
Farss and Kermaun; Râi, Koumiss, Tebristaun, Khorassaun, with
Mauwerunneher, the country beyond the Oxus so called, Zâbûl,
and Kâbûl, and the territory on the Indus, including a part of
Hindostaun, were alloted to Ul Mâmûn. While Baghdâd, Wausset,
Kûfah and Bassorah, with all western Irak, the two provinces of
Syria, Mossûle and Jezzeirah, (on the Upper Tigris and Euphrates)
Hejauz and Egypt, to the remotest boundaries of the west, became
the share of Ul Amein. In the instrument by which Harûn had thus
disposed of this splendid inheritance, it was further stipulated that
Ul Amein should fix the seat of his government at Baghdâd, and Ul
Mâmûn at Merù; and that on the death of either, the whole of his
allotment should devolve to the survivor. When it was however
understood that, in this magnificent distribution, the Khalif had
entirely excluded a younger son of the name of Kaussem, whose
† About 1,145/. 168, 8d,
* At the lowest 458.3337. Gs. 8d.
65
ul-akhbaur.
education had been entrusted to Abdulmêlek the son of Salah, of the A. H. 186
race of Abbas, the latter wrote to Harûn soliciting that his pupil A. D. 802.
might not be left so totally destitute of all participation in his favor. Kholaussut
Some of the towns of Jezzeirah, with Mossûle, and the territory
adjoining to the frontiers of Rûm,* and the defiles of Mount Taurus,
were accordingly assigned to that prince, with the title of Mûtemmen, or
trust worthy, which was conferred upon him at the same time by his
father. To add the last solemnity to these arrangements, it is further
said, that the two princes, Ul Amein and Ul Mâmûn, were publicly
sworn in the sanctuary of the Kaaubah by their father, on this occa-
sion, never to engage in hostilities against each other; all the nobles
of the empire on the spot were called upon to bear witness to the
engagement; and the stipulations of the instrument of succession
thus solemnly ratified, being then published aloud from the vestibule,
Harûn finally directed that a copy of it should be suspended at the
door of the Kaaubah. But as the paper happened to drop from the
hands of the person employed to suspend it, the by-standers drew
from the circumstance, an omen inauspicious to the conclusion.
They did not hesitate to predict that the expectations founded upon
it, would never be realized; and that the harmony of the two bro-
thers was not destined to be of any duration. These important
arrangements dispatched, Harûn returned soon afterwards to Rakkah,
sending Ul Amein to take up his abode at Baghdad.
Hitherto the character of Harûn, if it exhibits nothing peculiarly
attractive, may nevertheless be contemplated, if not with approba-
tion, certainly without aversion; but it is said that one of the inse-
parable properties of arbitrary power, is to pervert and vitiate the
noblest propensities of the heart. At all events the story which now
claims our attention, of his unrelenting cruelty to the illustrious
race of Barmck, who had so long served him with such distinguished
proofs of zeal and fidelity, would lead us to infer, that in a period
of seventeen years, from a prince of moderate, if not amiable qual-
ities, he was become a detestable and sanguinary tyrant.
Of this illustrious family, long known to the western world un-
der the designation of the Barmecides, the oriental writers have in
general united to consecrate the memory, to the esteem and applause
VOL. II.
* Anatolia.
K
66
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 186. of posterity. To Yaheya the prime minister, exclusive of his trans-
A. D. 802. cendent wisdom, and the most exalted mental attainments, they
Kholaussut have in particular ascribed every laudable and virtuous quality that
can aspire to, or command the love and admiration of mankind.
His son Fazzel, together with the most unbounded liberality of dis-
position, they have endowed with the most exemplary and ardent
zeal to promote the ends of justice. For Jauffer, another of the sons
of Yaheya, in addition to all these qualities, which he also possessed
in a very eminent degree, they claim an unrivalled excellence in skilful
penmanship, and elegance of composition; the former an acquire-
ment of no trifling value, before the inestimable discovery of the art of
printing had superseded its importance. To Mahommed the third, they
have assigned the most exalted magnanimity; and on Mûssa, the fourth
son of this enviable parent, they have bestowed the wreath of prowess,
and intrepidity of mind, in which he is said to have surpassed all
parallel or competition. In short, such was the influence implanted
in the bosom of Harûn by this unrivalled display of talents and
virtue, that from the earliest period of his accession, to the year one
hundred and eighty-seven, when his disposition towards them un-
derwent a fearful change, the entire administration of his exten-
sive dominions, in all its departments, was entrusted to the sole
and exclusive management of Yaheya, and the admirable band of
brothers whom we have just described; with this only distinction,
that Fazzel, and Jauffer, but the latter in particular, enjoyed a
more unreserved and intimate share in the confidence of their sover-
eign; which they nobly justified by the brightest example of liber-
ality and beneficence.
When their father became advanced in years, Fazzel and Jauffer
were alternately employed, at the discretion of Harûn, as his depu-
Tarikh Tebry. tics in the civil administration of the empire; that being a branch of
the service from which, by their military designation, the two other
brothers, Mahommed and Mûssa, both Ameirs, or generals in the
army, appear to have been excluded. Yaheya had at the same time
other children; and each of the sons was the parent of a numerous
family, which promised to continue the name to a remote posterity.
67
Each was distinguished by the highest employments of the state, A. H. 186.
either civil or military; and all grew great under the influence of A. D. 802.
their father's acknowledged talents and superior abilities.
It has been already intimated that of the two elder brothers, Fazzel
and Jauffer, the latter enjoyed a more distinguished share in the
Khalif's favor; this is, perhaps, to be accounted for by the following
circumstance. We have seen it stated on a former occasion, that
Fazzel was the foster brother of Harùn, nursed at the same breast.
A tie which produced betwixt them, as might have been expected,
the closest intimacy and affection. Hence in process of time, Fazzel
became the associate of his master's most private pleasures, from
which a liberal indulgence in wine was not excluded. But as these
scenes of indulgence passed in the midst of the women of the Kha-
lit's family, and were heightened by all the charms of poetry and
music, Fazzel found it extremely difficult to close his eyes against
the fascination which surrounded him. He therefore prudently with-
drew himself from the spell, and above all things, ever afterwards
abstained from the use of wine. Whether this was considered as
a tacit condemnation of the debauched and effeminate life of his so-
vereign, we are left to determine. The favor of Harûn was, how-
ever, soon afterwards transferred to Jauffer, who became then, to his
misfortune, the inseparable companion of those pleasures, from
which his brother had, to all appearance, so prudently withdrawn.
Broken with age, and the cares and anxieties of his important and
laborious trust, Yaheya had long since besought his master's permis-
sion to retire from office, and pass the remainder of his days at Mek-
kah. In this, however, he had not been able to succeed; Harûn
alleging from time to time, that as his sons Fazzel and Jauffer were both
eminently qualified for the Vizaurut, he might appoint either of
them that he thought proper, to officiate in his room: that he would
be always prepared to attend to such measures as they were disposed to
submit for the sanction of his orders. He should only require of them
still to avail themselves of the matured counsels and experience of
their father, by subjecting such orders to his consideration, previous
to their final execution. At the same time, though he forbore to
acknowledge it, the inclinations of Harûn were already disposed in
Tarikh
Tebry,
K 2
68
Tarikh
Tebry.
66
A. H. 180. favor of Jauffer. But as Yaheya does not appear to have been aware
A. D. 802. of the preference, he made choice of Fazzel, to whom he accordingly
entrusted the seal of his sovereign; and Fazzel continued for a period
of two years to exercise the functions of the Vizzaurut, or prime
ministry, as his father's locum-tenens; Harûn all this time tacitly
acquiescing in the choice. At the expiration of that period however, he
conferred the ministry upon his favorite Jauffer; and taking the seal
from Fazzel, he sent it to Yaheya with the following message.
"As
"thou art the best judge of their qualifications, it is of course at thy
option to lodge my seal with either of thy sous, as may best accord
"with thine own discretion. Nevertheless I would remind thee,
"that for my part, it is far from my intention that it should be disposed
"of to either, contrary to thy inclinations." Yaheya now retained
the seals in his own hands, and continued to discharge the duties of
the Vizzaurut without a substitute until that period in which his
fortunes were destined to experience a dreadful and memorable
For continues the author, in this world is there that man
who will venture to affirm, that, either among the ancient Persians,
or the more recent sovereigns of Isslâm, any monarch hath ever
assigned to minister or peer that influence over his government, and
the domestic concerns of his family, which was enjoyed by Yaheya,
and his sons; and after all, that it should have terminated so deplor-
ably?
reverse.
A variety of reasons have, however, been assigned for the disgrace
and ruin of this celebrated family. And first of all, the protracted
period of their ascendancy; for, when a person has continued long
in the management of affairs, it is observed, that he will unavoida-
bly have created a number of enemies, because it is impossible to
please the whole world. Aware of this result, Yaheya besought his
discharge from office, and was disappointed. As another circum-
stance which contributed to the fall of the race of Barmek, it is.
stated, that there lived at Rakkah, a person called Mahommed the
so of Laith, surnamed Abû Rabbeia, related to the family of the
prophet, and not less distinguished for his pious and blameless life,
than for his capacity and literary attainments. By such considera-
tions he had become a kind of oracle with the people; but unfor-
69
!
1
<<
66
A. D. 802.
Tarikli
Tebry.
nately receiving some offence from Yaheya, he resented the injury A. H. 186.
by impeaching him to the Khalif, as a profligate and abandoned
Zendicist. How," said he in the letter which he addressed to
Ilarûn on the occasion, "will their sovereign answer to his creator
"on the awful day of retribution, or what possible reason will he
allege for placing the destinies of a faithful people at the disposal
"of Yaheya the son of Khaled, his sons, and the other branches of his
family, deeply polluted as they are by the principles of Zendicism,
"and fidelity in its most pernicious form?" To this malevolent
accusation Yaheya was no stranger, although he seemed to treat it with
silent contempt, until one day that Harûn pointedly interrogated
him, as to what he thought of the character of Mahommed the son of
Laith. "He is my lord," then replied Yaheya on his part, an
hypocritical miscreant, not less to be reprobated for the depravity
"of his principles, than for the pernicious doctrines by which he has
“contrived to seduce the minds of the people; a base and malignant
"slanderer, without faith and without religion in any shape." In
the same strain he proceeded further to delineate the character of his
accuser, until he produced at last, in the mind of Harûn, that impres-
sion to his disadvantage, which terminated in the confinement of his
person. The accusation continued to operate, nevertheless, in the
recollection of the Khalif; the religious persuasion of the family of
Barmek became with him from henceforward the subject of perpetual
inquiry; and the impressions which were already accumulating in his
mind to their prejudice, derived additional force from the information
which he received on that subject from such as were unfavorably
disposed towards his minister.
Another circumstance which is described to have impeached the
attachment, or integrity, of Yaheya and his family in the opinion of
their sovereign, is the following. We have already noticed the
manner in which Yaheya, the son of Abdullah the Hûsseynite, who
had revolted in Tebristân against the authority of Harûn, was pre-
vailed upon through the intervention of Fazzel, to commit himself
to his protection; the reception of that insurgent at Baghdâd, and
his subsequent seizure and imprisonment. Harûn, not possessing on
this occasion sufficient confidence in any one but Jauffer, committed
70
Tarikh
Tebry.
(6
A. H. 186. the unfortunate captive to his custody, with a particular charge to
A. D. 802. adopt the strongest precautions against the possibility of his escape.
Yaheya continued under this species of restraint for some time ; until
one evening that he contrived to interest in his favor the compassion
of his keeper. "Alas Jauffer," exclaimed he, "knowing whose
"descendant I am, independent of any other claim to thy respect,
"canst thou thus consent to be an accomplice in my death? Reflect
"also on the solemn treaty, by which alone I was persuaded to lay
myself at the mercy of those, who have so basely violated their
engagements with me." "From this moment," replied Jauffer,
"thou art at liberty; go where thou wilt: and I will be responsible
"to Rashid." Yaheya accordingly made his escape; but as the
circumstance became known to Fazzel, the Khanf's chamberlain, le
immediately reported it to his master, whose patience on discovering
the truth of the report is something remarkable. The next day,
while engaged at his repast, the Khalif, with an appearance of indif-
ference, demanded of Jauffer how matters stood with his prisoner.
Jauffer replied that he was, as he had been directed to be, in close
and rigorous confinement. By my head and existence is it so,”
said Harûn, with a serious air: after a moment's pause, Jauffer ven-
tured to acknowledge that he could not presume to stake the sacred
person of his sovereign to a falsehood. That knowing him to be a
just and innocent man, the descendant of his prophet, and the kins-
man of his master, his heart had melted for the unhappy prisoner;
and in short, that he had suffered him to make his escape. Dissem-
bling his indignation, Harûn professed to approve of what he had
done; telling him that he had only anticipated his own intentions,
and that it was a proof that their minds were true to the same
impulse. But though he concealed his displeasure in silence, it
only sunk the deeper into his heart.
66
That which however appears to have sealed the destruction of this
highly distinguished family was the following circumstance. Harûn had
an elder sister of the name of Abbasah, older by a twelve month than
Ul Hâdy, whom, when disposed to treat his brother with violence;
she had never failed to soften by her intreaties; whom she had fre-
quently withheld from urging those extremities against his declared
71
Tarikh
Tebry.
successor, which she equally dreaded to contemplate whatever might A. H. 186.
be the result. These good offices, so essential to his preservation, A. D. 802.
were not forgotten by Harùn on his accession to the throne. He
distinguished Abbasah by the highest marks of favor; she became
the depositary of all his secrets, the associate of his convivial enjoy-
ments; and in short, of all the world, the most intimate in his confi-
dence and regard. Of that social circle, to which the Khalit's
sister, with many more of the loveliest females in the imperial family,
were-generally admitted, Jauffer, on the voluntary seclusion of his
brother, had become a constant attendant. But finding himself at
length considerably embarrassed by the presence of Abbasah, he
began to apprehend that some time or other, either by words or looks,
he might be betrayed into some error fatal to his peace. He there-
fore, like his brother, determined for the future to decline these
dangerous interviews. The Khalif was not long a stranger to his
motives, and he surprised him one day with a proposal to make
Abbasah his wife, on condition that he would engage never to see
her but in his presence: never to come in contact with her person,
or to claim any of those privileges usual with man and wife; that
alone excepted of sitting in the same circle with her. To these con-
ditions Jauffer submissively subscribed, and Abbasah became accord-
ingly his bride. They met as usual, and at a respectable distance
conversed together in the presence of Harûn. But Abbasah happened
to be one of the most beautiful women in the palace of the Khelau-
fut, and Jauffer was himself a very handsome and accomplished man.
The result is not difficult to foresee. They contrived to meet where
Harûn was not an associate of their interviews, and Jauffer's wife
became the mother of a boy. The infant was privately conveyed to
Mekkah, there to be brought up in charge of two faithful female
attendants. But about a twelve month afterwards, in a quarrel with
one of her maids, Abbasah, without adverting to consequences, struck
her; and the girl in a fit of resentment, found means to disclose the
dangerous secret of the child, to him, of all the world, from whom it
was most necessary that it should be concealed. Harûn removed the
revengeful female from the service of Abbasah, and placing her
immediately among the women of his own hâram, charged her to
72
Tarikh
Tebry.
A. H. 186. forbear from conversing on the subject with any one; adding
A. D. 802. this circumstance to the other arguments of displeasure with which
his mind was now become sufficiently exasperated against the
whole family. In the mean time he contrived to ascertain the
retreat of Yaheya, the Husseynite, who had sought an asylum in
Khorassaun; where Ally the son of Eissa received timely instructions
to adopt the necessary measures for seizing and securing his person.
The aversion of IIarûn was by this time irrevocably confirmed
against every individual of the family of his once favorite minister.
Both he and his son Jauffer, in particular, were become equally
odious to their sovereign. And the aged statesman receiving in his
intercourse with the Khalif, daily proofs of this unfavorable change
to his prejudice, in vain attempted to address him, to intreat his per-
mission on the subject of retiring from office. Harûn continued to
temporize with him, until Yaheya the IIûsseynite, being torn from
his retreat in Khorassaun by Ally the son of Eissa the tyrannical
governor of that province, was conveyed under proper security to
Rakkah, and there immediately put to death: and the apprehensions
of IIarûn being thus laid at rest on that point, he no longer delayed
to bring his account with the race of Barmek to a close. In the lat-
ter end of one hundred and eighty-six* he was engaged on another
pilgrimage to Mekkah, in which he took care that Yaheya the minister,
and his four sons should all of them attend him. At Mekkah, when
he had absolved himself of the obligations connected with the sacred
visit, he caused the infant child of Abbasah to be brought before him.
He was struck with the singular beauty of the little innocent, and
with the strong resemblance which it bore to its mother. Neverthe-
less he determined that it should die. But considering on calmer
reflection that this helpless innocent was unconscious of offence, it
was for the present spared.
On his Return from Mekkah, IIarûn availed himself of some occa-
sion or other to make a halt of three days at a station near Anbaur,
on the river Euphrates. On the last of those days, he invited the
three brothers, Fazzel, and Jauffer, and Mûssa, to his presence, and
having caressed them with an appearance of extraordinary cordiality,
he dismissed them once more to their quarters, with rich Khelauts,
*December, A. D. 802.
73
Tarikh
Tebry.
the customary dresses of honor. Similar marks of extraordinary kind- A. H. 186.
ness were bestowed upon their father Yaheya; so that the alarms A. D. 803.
which had been recently awakened in their minds were, by these
means, in a great measure dispelled. When they assembled at
afternoon prayers, Harûn observed to Jauffer, with his usual famili-
arity, that he was determined that night to enjoy himself without
restraint in the society of his women; and that he should only dis-
pense with his attendance on the express condition that he should
be similarly employed. Jauffer retired to his quarters, and the
Khalif withdrew, as he said he should, to the apartments of his
women, and betook himself to his habitual indulgence in wine. In a
little time he sent one of his domestics to inquire if Jauffer was
engaged in the same harmless dissipation. Finding that such was
not the case, the attendant appeared again with a message from
Harûn, urging him by the life of his master, to imitate his example
without further delay; for that his wine seemed deprived of all its
zest, until he knew that his faithful Jauffer partook in the same
enjoyments. Jauffer felt himself, at the same time, unaccountably
alarmed, and averse to such a gratification; and reluctantly with-
drawing to his chamber, called for the exhilarating beverage. It hap-
pened that he was attended by a favorite blind minstrel, of the name
of Bouzgaur, to whom, after a few goblets, he could not forbear from
communicating his apprehensions. The minstrel treated them as
merely imaginary; roused his master to banish them from his thoughts,
and resume his usual cheerfulness. But Jauffer further declared,
that he found it impossible to dispel the uneasiness which seemed to
haunt him. About the hour of evening prayer, another messenger
arrived from Harûn with a present of nuts and sweetmeats for Jauffer,
as a relish to his wine, from his own table.
When midnight came, Harûn quitted the apartments of his women,
and withdrew to his own. Calling for Messrour the eunuch,
his favorite and confidential domestic, he directed him to convey
Jauffer to his tent; where he was, without further preliminary, to
strike off the head of that distinguished minister, and lay it in his
presence. Messrour proceeded accordingly, and entering the apart
ment while Bouzgaur was singing some Arabic verses, stood sudden,
VOL. II.
74
A. H. 186. ly at the head of Jauffer, who started involuntarily at his appearances
A. D. 803. The eunuch told him that he was summoned to attend the Khalif.
Tarikh
Tebry.
Jauffer requested to know where he was to find him; and was
informed that he had just left the apartments of the women, and
retired to his own. He then intreated that he might be permitted to
withdraw for a moment to speak to the women of his family; this
last indulgence was withheld, Messrour observing, that any instruc-
tions which he had to communicate, might as well be delivered
where he was. This 'e was accordingly constrained to do, after
which he accompanied Messrour to his tents, on entering which,
the latter immediately drew his sword. Jauffer demanded that the
Khalif's instructions might be explained to him; and when this was com
plied with, cautioned the eunuch to bewore how he carried into ex-
ecution an order, which had evidently been given under the influ-
ence of wine and inebriety, lest when their sovereign should be
restored to his recollection, it might be followed by unavailing repen-
fance and remorse. He further implored, by the memory of their
past friendship, that he would return to the Khalif's presence, and
require his final commands, Messrour yielded to these intreaties,
and appeared before Harún, whom he found in the situation in
which he had left him, expecting his return. "Is this the head of
"Jauffer?" demanded Harûn. "Jaufter is at the door, my lord,"
replied Messrour with some trepidation; "I wanted not Jauffer," said
the tyrant sternly, "I wanted his head." This was conclusive of
the fate of the unhappy favorite. Messrour immediately withdrew,
and returned with the head of Jauffer, which was now laid at the
feet of his ungrateful master. He was then directed by Harûn to
keep that head by him, until he should receive his further orders. In
the mean time, he was enjoined to proceed without delay and secure the
persons of Yaheya, his three sons, Fazzel, Mahommed, and Mûssa,
and his brother Mahommed the son of Khaled; all of whom he
was immediately to convey to his quarters, and place under res-
traint, seizing, without distinction, every article of property which
b longed to them. These vindictive commands were carried into
immediate and rigorous execution. The head of Jauffer was dis-
patched the next day to be suspended to a gibbet, on the bridge of
75
Baghdad, as, a memorial perhaps to the licentious inhabitants; after A. H. 180
which Harun continued his journey to Rakkah.
Stripped of all their wealth and honors, Yaheya and his brother
¡Mahommed were condemned to languish under all the severities of
the most rigorous confinement, until the former perished in his
prison; when the survivor, whose estimable qualities were not inferior
.to those of any of his family, and whose irreproachable and blameless
life was proof against every accusation of guilt, received his enlarge-
ment. The other members of the race of Barmek remained in
custody, under every circumstance of distress and deprivation, until
the whole of their agents and dependants were properly secured;
not one who had ever, in any shape, been concerned with them
being suffered to escape. The three surviving sons of Yaheya,
Fazzel, Mahommed, and Mûssa, were then conducted to the presence
.of Harûn, when he ordered them to be butchered before his eyes.
The infant children of Fazzel and Jauffer, with all their kindred,
were condemned to share their fate; nor was a single individual of
the whole family, Mahommed the son of Khaled alone excepted,
destined to escape this furious and exterminating sweep.
The execution of Jauffer Barmekky, which commenced this
memorable manifestation of the effects of a tyrant's displeasure, and
which has been described with some variation by different authors, is
stated to have taken place, near Anbaur, on Saturday night, the first
of Suffur, of the year one hundred and eighty seven.* Be this however
as it may, the cold blooded and deliberate cruelty of Harûn on the
occasion has deservedly exposed his memory to the odium and execration
of posterity. And yet those who reproach him the most, appear to
„allow that, if the story of his sister had not been interwoven in the
piece, there were some circumstances to be considered, by which he
might perhaps have been justified in all he did. But, say they,
when that melancholy fact intrudes itself into the relation, every
circumstance connected with it, seems to recoil to his own dishonor.
Had he conducted himself with a common degree of patience or
moderation, the story would have been forgotten with the ordinary
1
*January 28th, A. D. 803,
A. D. 803.
Tarikh
Tebry.
L9
76
A. D. 803.
Tarikh
Tebry.
A. H. 187. occurrences of the day: it would have been known, perhaps, only
to a few of his contemporaries. Whereas by the self-degradation
which attended the act, and the extreme rigor to which he carried
his vengeance, it will be propagated from one to another to the end
of time; it will be read and recognized as something the very
reverse of what should distinguish the conduct of the man of prudence
and sound discretion. And in truth, it is observed that, on the
extermination of the Barmecides, the affairs of Harûn fell into
immediate and irretrievable confusion. Treason, revolt, and rebellion
assailed him in different parts of the empire. He felt himself from
disease unequal to the cares of government; and he expiated, by a
tardy and unavailing regret, his unfeeling cruelty to the lamented
race of Barmek.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
To conclude this sketch of the splendid career, and miserable
catastrophe, of a family so celebrated, perhaps we may be permitted
to introduce, without an apology, the following observation derived
from another source. Among the extraordinary occurrences which
it has fallen to my lot to transcribe, says the author of the work to
which we refer, that which I am about to mention is perhaps, not
the least singular, or deserving our consideration. On some occa-
sion or other, a certain historian relates, that he had an opportunity
of consulting a register or memorandum of Harûnrashid's expenditure.
In this, under a single date, he found recorded an article of that
monarch's munificence to Jauffer the son of Yaheya, that patron of
excellence alone, which in gold and silver, in rich apparel and car-
peting, spices, and perfumes, amounted to the value of thirty millions
of dirhems.* This may enable us to form some conception of the
extent of Harûn's liberality to this distinguished family, while they
enjoyed the sun-shine of his favor. Alas! continues the same his-
torian, in the very next page, I could not but remark, that the
comparatively trifling sum of fourteen dinaurs, and half a daunkah,†
sufficed to provide the bitumen and combustibles, necessary to consume
the bones of the same Jauffer, so long and ignominiously suspended
to a gibbet at Baghdad.
*At the lowest calculation, 687,5007.
† About 67. 78. 6d.
77
Tarikh
Tebly.
We are already apprized of the method adopted by Ally the A. H. 187.
Mahanite, to avert the punishment due to his tyranny and exactions A. D. 803.
in the government of Khorassaun. The variety and splendour of the
presents with which, on that occasion, he contrived to disarm the
justice of Harûn, seem not less to have excited his astonishment.
Of his minister, Yaheya, some time before his disgrace, he had accord-
ingly demanded with an air of reproach, where they had hitherto
contrived to conceal the wealth of Khorassaun; of that province which
had been committed for so many years to the management of his
sons? That virtuous statesman told him, without disguise, that the
riches which appeared to dazzle the attention of his sovereign, were
the property of his subjects, wrested from them by the violence of
their governor; and that if he could conceive his master so dis-
posed, it would not be difficult to produce him twice as much from the
opulent inhabitants alone, of any single city in his dominions.
The hint however produced no impression upon Harûn; Ally was
sent back to his government with undiminished powers; and remov-
ing the seat of his authority to Balkh, he proceeded to decorate that
city with his numerous palaces; and on the lands in the neighbourhood,
which he had forcibly taken from the proprietors, he laid the foun-
dation of the extensive and contiguous village of Ally-abad. A
continuance of the same oppressive and arbitrary proceedings,
produced from the inhabitants of Khorassaun fresh complaints
against the tyranny of their oppressor: their agent representing to
Harûn on this occasion, that his lieutenant had accumulated such
enormous wealth by his exactions, as to make it a serious question,
whether he would not even treat an order of recal from his sovereign
with contempt and defiance. In consequence of these representations
the Khalif proceeded in person to Rey, or Râi, having previously dis-
dispatched an order to require the attendance of the governor of Khoras-
The latter again put in practice the expedient from which he
had before derived so much advantage. He hastened to meet his
sovereign at Rey, and by sacrificing to the monarch, and the principal
members of his court, a part of the fruit of his numerous exactions,
once more succeeded in eluding the punishment due to his crimes:
and he was again suffered to return to his government with impunity.
saun.
778
A. H. 187-190.
Tarikh
Tebry.
←
Subsequent to his journey to Rey on this occasion, according to
A.D. 803-806. the authority, which at present serves to guide us, we are to notice
the hostilities in which Harûn was engaged with the Greek emperor,
(Nicephorus I.) who probably took advantage of his absence, to make
some threatening movements towards the territory of the Mosslems.
With an army of one hundred thousand men, Harûn advanced to
oppose and punish the aggression; and in a triumphant campaign,
during which he is said to have reduced no small number of the
principal towns of his antagonist, he succeeded in compelling him to
a treaty of peace; by which the representative of the Cæsars engaged
'himself to pay to the Mussulman an annual tribute of three hundred
thousand dinaurs,* and to abstain for the future from encroaching on
his frontier. On the faith of this engagement, Harûn had withdrawn
into western Irâk; but the cold season setting in with unusual
severity, and the Greek emperor conceiving unfortunately that the
*troops of the Khelaufut would be unable to brave the winter snows
of Mount Taurus, perfidiously broke the treaty, and again assailed
'the Mahommedan boundary. Nevertheless, on intelligence of this
· wanton violation of engagements, Harûn immediately retraced his steps;
and in the territory of the Greek, signalized his vengeance by the
'capture and destruction of many of his noblest cities. The aggres-
sor was compelled to renew the treaty not improbably on terms of
aggravated humiliation, while the victorious Harûn was thus enabled
to revisit his capital of Rakkah, with additional triumph. But
wherefore he received the appellation of Lejûje, or litigious, which
is conferred upon him on this occasion, we do uot immediately com-
prehend; unless indeed, as would better accord with circumstances,
the term might be equally understood to imply the confounder.
The hostilities thus transiently noticed, have, at the same time,
been referred, by other authorities,† to the year one hundred and
ninety; when the revolt of Rauffia the son of Laith, the grandson
of Nusser Seyaur, at Samarkand, threatening to extend itself into
Khorassaun, seemed in that quarter to have created sufficient
employment for the attention of Harûn. At all events, this is a
subject to which the course of the narrative now conducts us,
7
137,500/.
+ Kholaussut-ul-akhbaur,
79
A. D. 806.
Tarikh
Tebry.
Possessed of a conspicuous and respectable station among the A. H. 190,
troops of Samarkand, and at the same time of a handsome and grace-
ful person, this man, the descendant of so celebrated a grandsire, is
accused of having devoted himself for the most part to the seducing
society of women, and the no less enervating indulgence of a habit
of drinking. In his intercourse with the other sex, he happened to
contract a violent attachment for the wife of Yaheya the son of Aish-
auth, whose father was the Moulai, or freedman of Harûn. The
lady, as an expedient to absolve herself from her present connubial
engagement, was prevailed upon, by the advice of her paramour, to
profess a temporary apostacy from her religion; and having thus
qualified herself for a divorce, she again recanted, and was immedi,
ately espoused by the son of Laith. An account of the scandalous
transaction being however conveyed to Harûn, that prince transmit-
ted his orders to the governor of Khorassaun, to inflict some ade-
quate punishment upon Rauffia the son of Laith; to commit him to
prison; and to separate him from his adulterous wife, whom he was to
expose through the streets of Samarkand, with her face blackened,
and riding upon an ass. The execution of these orders devolved
upon Sûliman the son of Hâmid, the subordinate governor of Samar-
kand, who accordingly imprisoned Rauffia, and took from him the
woman; but forbore to inflict any further punishment or disgrace
upon the offenders. Shortly afterwards Rauffia escaped from his
prison, and came to Bâlkh; where he contrived to conceal himself,
until Ally the son of Eissa was prevailed upon, by some means or
other, to grant him his pardon. He then returned to Samarkand;
but finding that he could not, otherwise, openly contract himself to
the object of his passion, he entered into a conspiracy with some
persons clandestinely disaffected to the government, and putting Sâli-
man the son Hâmid to death, became complete master of the city;
the whole of the inhabitants immediately uniting in support of the
usurpation. The revolter availed himself of the earliest moment of
power to announce his reunion to the woman of his affection.
The lieutenant of Khorassaun, whose intolerable tyranny, together
with the multiplied extortion of his agents, had greatly contributed
to hasten the insurrection, first dispatched his son Eissa, with a
80
Tarikh
Tebry.
A. H. 190. competent force to reduce the Samarkandians to their duty: but as
A. D. 800. these troops were defeated, and their commander killed by Rauffia
at the head of the insurgents, he found it at last necessary to march in
person into Transoxiana, where he experienced a similar discomfiture,
though he contrived to escape with disgrace and loss to Merû. The
insurrection had by this time extended to Bâlkh, where the inhabitants
had risen, and massacred the deputy of the Mahanite, and plundered his
palace, with that of his father. The insurgents declared at the same
time, that although they disclaimed, and would oppose the author-
ity of Ally the son of Eissa, their attachment to Harûn continued
unimpaired. They accordingly dispatched an express to announce to
that prince the situation of affairs, and to explain to him without
disguise, that, though they conceived the recal of his lieutenant
indispensably necessary, he was become so formidable in his resources
of men and treasure, that the most dangerous resistance was to be
expected; unless the measure was brought about with as much
mildness, and as little appearance of violence as possible.
When these advices were communicated to Harûn, he was
immediately convinced of the necessity of at once guarding against
such an untoward contingency, and of affording redress to the injur-
ies of his people; and he appears to have proceeded on the occasion.
with unusual and singular circumspection. He sent for the veteran.
Hârethmah, and announced to him that he was about to employ
him on a service of great importance; the success of which depended
so much on inviolable secrecy, that if he suspected even the shirt
upon his body to be aware of it, he was immediately to cast it off.
After awaking his attention by this curious preliminary, the Khalif
proceeded to inform him that, though it was for cogent reasons
to be kept a profound secret, he was going to send him at the head
of an army to take possession of the government of Khorassaun and
as there existed some apprehension, if the design transpired, that
Ally the son of Eissa might be induced to forsake his allegiance,
and oppose his march, he was to circulate among the army a report
that he was proceeding to the assistance of that chief, in the war in
which he was engaged, with Rauffia the son of Laith, and the
insurgents in Soghdiana; that he was to write to Ally the son of
81
A. D. 807.
Tarikh
Tebry.
Eissa a letter announcing, that such was the design: and that he A. H. 190.
was not to furnish the slightest intimation of the truth, until he
arrived at Merû. He was then to secure the person of this obnoxious
governor; to scize all of his property that he could lay hands on, and
send it to court. After which he was to detain him with fetters on
his legs, while proclamation was made that all those who had suffered
by his exactions might have an opportunity, by the necessary proofs,
to establish their claim to restitution; which, if he presumed to
withhold, he was to be further put to the torture, until the fruits of
his unjust and inquitous spoliations, should have been taken from
him to the very last article.
Further to disguise the object which he had in view, the Khalif
summoned an assembly of the people, to whom he explained in
detail, the situation of Samarkand, and the rebellious proceedings of
the son of Laith; and that in consequence of this rebellion, and of
an application from Ally the Mahanite, for a reinforcement of troops,
he was about to dispatch to his assistance a powerful division of his
army, the command of which he destined for his servant Hârethmah.
He next authorized that general to make a selection of twenty thou-
sand men from the flower of his troops, which, by the letters to the
Mahanite, he gave him to understand, were immediately to proceed
to his assistance. In the mean time, in order that the circumstance
might continue to all but themselves an entire secret, the Khalif
drew up for Harethmah in his own hand writing, his commission for
the government of Khorassaun. With the commission he also wrote
three letters. One addressed to the troops of the province, calling
upon them to put themselves under the orders of Hårethmah; ano-
ther to the inhabitants in general, to the same purpose; and the third
to Ally the son of Eissa, charging him to resign his authority, to the
person whom he had sent to supersede him. The latter was conceived
in the following terms. "Thou son of a profligate mother! after all
"that I have done for thee; after raising thee from an obscure soldier
"of my guards, to authority and eminence; after conferring upon
"thee the important government of Khorassaun, contrary to the
"united declaration of my ministers, that it was an employment,
with which it was improper to trust thee; the compensation which
VOL. II.
M
82
A. H. 190-191. “thou hast made me, has been to tyrannize over thy brother Mussul-
A. D. 806-807. «mans, and to bereave me of the hearts of my people, Know then
Tarikh
Tebry.
"that I have sent Harethmah, not to assist thee, but to bind thce in
"chains; to take from thee thy ill acquired wealth, and to bring thy
66
66
agents to a strict account of their conduct. To demand from thee
"that property of which thou hast unjustly despoiled the Mosslems,
"and to compel thee to restore to the sufferers, all that to which
'they shall be sble to establish their claim. To him therefore thou
"wilt resign thy authority, and him at thy peril thou art to obey in
"all that he shall tell thee." These letters, together with his com-
mission, were put into the hands of Hârethmah, who proceeded in
due time on his march into Khorassaun. But to prevent the possi-
bility of connivance, or of collusion between these two powerful
generals, the expedition was accompanied by Amein, or as he
has been otherwise called, Redja, one of Harûn's confidential domes-
tics; who was employed as a bridle, or check, upon the proceedings
of Hârethmah.
Having advanced to the other side of Rey, or Rài, Hârethmah no
longer delayed to write, as he had been instructed to do, to apprize
the Mahanite that he was coming, by the orders of their sovereign,
with a powerful reinforcement to his aid. On his arrival at Neysha-
pûr, he stationed one of his officers, with a considerable garrison, in
command of that city, instructing him however to give it out in the
neighborhood that he was immediately to follow his general; never-
the less he was not to quit that station until he was assured that he
had entered Merû. Hârethmah proceeded next to Serkhes,
and ultimately to Merû, without experiencing the smallest
opposition; the Mâhanite very peaceably appearing at the gates of
that city to receive him. The two chiefs entered the town together
most amicably, vying with each other in mutual concessions of pre-
cedence and respect; and in this friendly kind of contest they
continued until they reached the palace of government, into which
they both retired; the troops of Hârethmah remaining however on
horseback, without quitting their saddles. When they had partaken
together of the repast which had been provided for them, the Mahan-
ite accosted his guest with a proposal that, now they were in a con
83
}
Tand
Tebry.
venient place, they might as well enter upon the business which had A H. 190-191,
brought him to Merû. "The commander of the faithful," observed A. D. 806 807,
Harethmah, "hath charged me with a letter which I am to deliver
"thee." Then calling him on one side, with his secretary,* he drew
from his bosom the letter of Hârûn, which he now presented to him.
The Mahanite unclosed the important packet, apparently without
perturbation; but when he cast his eyes on the appellation of Eben
ul Zauniah, offspring of an impure mother, by which he was addressed
at the head of the letter, a sudden tremor seized his hands. He
summoned however sufficient resolution to peruse it through; only
remarking, with some bitterness, that the opprobrious epithet applied
to him was but too justly merited, since he had suffered himself to
be thus tamely surprised, under his own roof, in a manner that was
alone worthy of the most profligate and abandoned class of society; after
which he resigned himself without the slightest resistance to his bonds.
The person of his predecessor thus quietly secured, Harethmah
proceeded without delay to execute the further commands of his
sovereign; which, with equal cheerfulness and gratitude, both the
troops and inhabitants of the province hastened to obey. In the
cathedral mosque of Merû, day after day, was the Mahanite com-
pelled before the whole people, to attend with fetters on his legs,
until entire restitution had been made to every individual who had
suffered from his unjust and tyrannical exactions. After all, there
remained, as we shall see by and by, a prodigious surplus, to be con-
veyed to the imperial exchequer. In the mean time, while
Hârethmah was employed in enforcing justice against this degraded
proconsular, the affairs of Rauffia acquired at Samarkand a most
formidable ascendancy; the whole of Mauwerunneher, the country
beyond the Oxus so called, having now united to acknowledge his
authority. The new governor of Khorassaun therefore conceived it
imprudent to adventure beyond the Jeyhûn, where his orders were
set at nought; and he contented himself accordingly for the present,
with writing to acquaint his master, with this adverse posture of
things. It was on such a report, that Harûn now determined to
proceed in person into Khorassaun.
* Messenger rather, Sâheb-e-bûrreid,
M 2
84
A. H. 191-193,
ul-akhbaur.
We are now brought to the concluding year of the reign of this
A. D. 807 808. celebrated monarch. But before we accompany him on his journey
Kholaussut into Khorassaun, where the angel of death awaited his arrival, we
cannot, however it may expose us to the charge of credulity, forbear
to describe from the Kholaussut-ul-akhbaur, an incident, which, in
in the course of one hundred and ninety-two, is stated to have occa-
sioned an extraordinary degree of perturbation in the mind of
Harûn; and which the author of that history professes to relate in
the words of Jebreil the son of Yekshua, or Joshua, the chief physi-
cian of that prince. The physician was in attendance at Rakkah on
the person of his sovereign; and repairing one morning as usual to the
presence, to make the customary inquiry into his health, found the
Khalif labouring under evident and extreme discomposure of mind.
Yekhshua, with the necessary submission, proceeded to intreat that the
cause of this apparent disquietude night be explained to him, in
order that, if it arose from bodily ailment, all the skill, of which
he was master, might be exerted to remove it; but if it was occasi-
oned by any circumstance of public misfortune or disappointment,
he called upon him to divest himself of an over anxious solicitude;
for that heaven would doubtless vindicate him against all the
malicious designs of his enemies. The Khalif told him in reply, that
the uneasiness which had attracted his observation was not occasi-
oned by either of the circumstances to which he alluded, but by a
fearful dream which had occurred to him the night before. The
physician then, embracing the feet of his master, endeavoured to convince
him of the inutility, or absurdity, of suffering himself to be so much
depressed, by that which could be nothing more than an ordinary result
of the fumes of indigestion." "Whatever was the cause" said IIarûn,
"I will describe to thee what presented itself to my imagination.
Methought I perceived an arm suddenly extend itself from beneath
my pillow, holding in the palm of the hand a quantity of red
“earth, while a voice addressed me in the following words. Harûn!
“behold this handiul of earth; it is that in which they are about to
"bury thee. I demanded to know where I was destined to find my
"grave, and the voice replied with awful brevity, at Tûsse; when,
"the arm immediately disappearing, I awoke." The physician
66
66
85
ul-aklıbaur.
observed that such a confused phantasm was but little capable of A. H. 191-193,
interpretation; he however concluded, that when his sovereign fell A. D. 807-808.
asleep, his thoughts were engaged on the state of Khorassaun, and Khalanssut-
the rebellious proceedings of Rauffia the son Laith; the Khalif
acknowledged that so far, he was not mistaken in his conjecture.
The physician then prescribed to him, to devote the day to mirth and
pleasure, assuring him that these melancholy impressions would by
such an expedient, be possibly dispelled. Harûn availed himself of his
advice; gave directions for some splendid entertainment, and after a
short time the dream was altogether forgotten.
The dispatches of Harethmah, to which we have recently had
occasion to allude, had announced to Harûn that, after possessing Tarikh Tebry.
himself of the whole of Mauwerunneher, the insurgent Rauffia had
since advanced from Samarkand, and established himself at Bokhâra;
which seems to have ultimately decided the Khalif in his resolution
to proceed in person into Khorassaun. For that purpose, about the
middle of one hundred and ninety-two, he left Rakkah, and came to
Baghdad. Here he disclosed his design of leaving Mahommed Amein
in the government; furnishing him with abundant admonition to
administer strict justice to the people, and to the army, which he should
consign to his care. His other son Kaussem, entitled Mûtemmen,
he dispatched to Mossûl, to superintend the territory allotted to him
in that quarter, in his former distribution of the empire. But with
respect to Mâmûu, his first born, though not his favorite son, that
young prince had created for himself a most able and prudent coun-
sellor, in his Mowlâi, or freedman, Fazzel the son of Sohel; whom
from original magianism, he had, by his own exertions converted to
the doctrines of the Korân. By this person, who was become the
secretary of his master, Mâmûn was urged to solicit his father's per-
mission to accompany him; "if once yon suffer your father to
depart without you, I can venture to predict," said Fazzel,
"that
"he will exclude you from your inheritance." In concurrence with
these suggestions, Mâmûn solicited and obtained his father's consent
to accompany the expedition.
66
At this period Haru had been attacked by some lingering
disorder, which appears to have baffled the skill of his ablest physi-
86
Tarikh
Tebry.
A. H. 192-193. cian, the Yekhshua recently mentioned, who was probably
A. D. 807-808. Jew. In these circumstances he is said to have dispatched from
Neherwaun, and by the Arabian or sea of Omman, an envoy, accom-
panied with numerous presents, into Hindûstaun; to represent to the
monarch of that country, with whom he was probably in correspon-
dence, that with a distant journey to perform, he was afflicted by
a cruel and painful malady; and to request as a particular favor, that
his physician Manekbah, (or some such name) might be sent to
attend him into Khorassaun; promising, on the faith of a prince,
that he should be permitted to return to his country, immediately
on his arrival at Bâlkh. In due time the Indian physician arrived
in compliance with this request; and having prescribed to his imper-
ial patient, with considerable success, the latter found himself
sufficiently recovered to proceed, through the passes of Hulwaun,
to the station of Kermanshâhan. From this place, after causing
the army to acknowledge afresh their allegiance to Mâmûn, he
sent that prince with a considerable part of his force, on towards
Khorassaun; with instructions to proceed to Merû, in which he
was to establish his head quarters; and from thence to detach
Harethmah across the Jeyhûn. to give battle to Rauffia and the
insurgents of Mauweruuncher. He, at the same time, gave his ser-
vant Fazzel, the son of Sohel, the appointment of Vezzeir to the
young prince. Mâmûn accordingly hastened to Merû, and in con-
formity to his father's commands, sent Harethmah to combat the
enemies of his authority on the other side the Oxus.
Not long afterwards Harûn proceeded to Rey; from thence to Kou-
miss, and ultimately to Gûrgan, or Jûrjan; where his complaint, though
by no means entirely removed, is still represented to have assumed
a favorable appearance. At the same place the iniquitous and de-
graded governor of Khorassaun was conducted to his presence, with
the fruits of his accumulated extortions; amounting in specie only,
and gold and silver plate, to the sum of of eight millions of dirhems,*
exclusive of the contents of his wardrobe, and other repositories, which
in linens, and rich brocade or cloth of gold, were calculated at fifteen
* About 1,833,3331. 68. 8d.
87
Tarikh
Tebly.
hundred camel-loads. He was conveyed by the Khalif's orders, A. II. 193.
under the same circumstances of disgrace and degradation, with fetters A. D. 808.
on his legs, to Baghdâd, where Mahommed Amein was further di-
rectedto keep him in close confinement. And in that state he con-
tinued, until at a subsequent period, as will be seen hereafter, Ul
Amein thought proper to set him at large. In the mean time the
disorder of Harûn relapsing upon him with aggravated severity, it
was recommended to him, as early as possible to remove to the city
of Tûsse, or Toosse, as possessing a more salubrious air than that
of Gûrgan; and he accordingly arrived in the former place, in the
course of the month of Suffur.*
About the same period that Harûn left Gûrgan on this occasion,
Harethmah crossed the Jeyhûn, and advanced to the gates of Bok-
hâra. In the neighborhood of that city he engaged and defeated
the insurgents, under Besheir the son of Laith, the brother of their
chief, who fell a prisoner into the hands of the conqueror.
The
unfortunate captive was immediately conveyed to Màmûn at Merû,
and by him forwarded to Tûsse, to receive his doom from Harûn, who
was now hastening to the concluding scene of lite. When the pris-
oner was brought into the presence of that monarch, he was addressed
by him in the bitterest terms of reproach, for the pain and incon-
venience to which he had been driven by the malignant conduct of
himself and his brother. "Thou adversary of God," said the Khalif,
by thy malice and of that Khaumil of a brother of thine," whose
name he thus inverted, Khaumil implying base, in opposition to
Rauffia, which signifies exalted, "in subverting my authority in
“Khorassaun, have I been compelled in the last state of sickness
"and debility, to undertake this distant and painiul journey. By
"him, that created Harûn, thou shalt perish by a death so dreadful
"and exemplary, that in its agonies it shall infinitely surpass all
"former precedent." He then called for the executioner, and ordered
him to take his knife and dissect the wretched prisoner, limb from
limb. Which was accordingly done, every member and joint of his
body being thus alternately separated, and piece by piece, to the
number of fourteen, laid before Harûn.
66
* December, A. D. 808.
88
A. H. 193. The physician Yekhshua, is here again introduced to relate, that
A. D. 808. when the execution of Besheir was over, Harûn fell into a swoon;
kholaussut- but recovering shortly afterwar s, h: aldressed himself to that phy-
ul-akhbaur.
Tarikh Telr.
sician in extreme apparent agitation, and asked him if he did not re-
collect the dream which had occurred to him at Rakkab; for hist
own part, it could not escape him, that he was now at Tûsse; the
very soil in which it had been predicted to him that he should find
his grave.
With this he desired his favorite domestic Messrour to
bring him a sample of the native earth of the country. The faithful
attendant brought him accordingly what he demanded; but presenting
it to his sovereign, with his naked arm extended, the monarch imme-
diately exclaimed "behold the arm and the earth, precisely as they
“appeared in my dream!" And the circunstance adding considerably
to the agitation which had already taken possession of his mind, he
survived this period only three days.
At such a crisis his two physicians, Yekhshua and the Indian
Mànekbah, unfortunately disputed as to the method of treating his
complaint; and it is stated, that the consequence was some fatal mis-
take, which is not explained. At all events the monarch had con-
demned Yekhshua to immediate death, but was prevailed upon by his
intreaties to spare him until the morrow. The Indian who happened
to be present on the occasion, immediately left the apartment, and
told some of the attendants, with a sarcastic smile, that the monarch
had suffered himself to be outwitted by the man of medicine: since
as he could not survive the night, there was little to apprehend from
the execution of to morrow. This foreigner was at a subsequent
period, according to promise, allowed to proceed to Bâlkh, and from
thence returned in safety to his native country.
The death of Harûnrashîd is recorded to have taken place at mid-
night, on Saturday the third of the last Jummaudy of the year one
hundred and ninety-thrce,* at the age of forty-five, and after possessing
the throne of the Khalifs for a period of two and twenty years, six
mouths, and seventeen days. He was buried on the spot on which
he breathed his last, the same that was afterwards distinguished by
the mausoleum of Imaum Ally Ruzza; his son Salah performing
the last solemn duties over his grave.
» March 231d, A. D. 809,
89
Tarikh
Tebry.
In his person Harûn is described to have been of a fair complexion, A. H. 193.
with an engaging countenance; his hair growing in natural ringlets, A. D. 807.
and at the period of his dissolution beginning to turn grey. Of his
character, the preceding pages must furnish our best illustration ;
though his praises have been the theme of many a poet. He is
said to have had by his different wives and women, thirteen sons
and either four or fourteen daughters. Of his sons, three of
whom successively swayed the sceptre of the Khelaufut, Zobaidah
was the mother of Amein, Merjan of Mamûn, and Mauredah or
Mûraudah, that of Mûtaussem. After the disgrace of the family of
Barmek, he had conferred the dignity of the Vizzaurut upon Fazzel
the son of Rabbeia, and Issmail the son of Sebbeiah served him as
private secretary.
Of his consorts, it is almost superfluous to add, that the favorite
and most esteemed was the celebrated Zohaidah, the grand daughter
of the Khaliful Munsûr; whose transcendent graces of person and
mind, appear to have established an unbounded influence over the
affections of Harûn. She is said to have founded, or perhaps more
properly, to have rebuilt the city of Tebreiz, otherwise Tauris.
And, although we cannot immediately trace from whence we derive
such a tribute to her memory,* she is represented to have elsewhere
erected numerous charitable and useful works, which she left as
monuments of the liberal and benevolent purposes, to which she had
applied the unlimited bounties of her husband; but best of all, she
left the imperishable fame of her virtues, as a permanent incentive
to the women of the east, to emulate her glorious example.
VOL. II.
It is probably taken from the Tarikh gûzeidah.
90
A. H. 193.
A. D. 809.
THE
CHAP. III.
HIE death of Harûnrashid being announced at Baghdad, about
the middle of the second Jummaudy,* the denizens of that
Kholaussut metropolis hastened in all their gradations to submit to the authority of
ul-akhbaur. his son UL AMEIN B'ILLAH,† Abû Mûssa Mahommed, the sixth, in
UL AMEIN
order of the Khalifs of the house of Abbas. The same submission is
here stated to have heen claimed for him, from the pulpit of the
BILLAH, Imaumut at Merû, by his brother Mamûn, as soon as the information
VIth Khalif reached that prince that their father was no more; so that matters.
for a time proceeded between the two brothers with apparent
harmony; but these smiling appearances were destined to be too
speedily exchanged for the forbidding frowns of rival animosity.
of the house
of Abbas.
Tarikh Tebry.
Some time previous to his dissolution it would appear that Harûn
had expressly signified, both to his son Salah and to Fazzel the son
of Rabbeia his minister, that the whole of the army which had
accompanied him to Tûss, together with all the treasure and effects.
of every description on the spot, must be considered to have devolved
to Ul Mamûn; since the full share of his paternal inheritance had
been already assigned to Ul Amein. On the other hand, as soon as it
was understood that on their arrival at Kermanshâhan, his father
had detached Ul Mamùn in advance towards Khorassaun; and sub-
sequently that he lay seriously indisposed at Tûss, Ul Amein pro-
ceeded to select from among his followers a person of the name of
Bukker the son of Meyakker, to be the bearer of three letters,
addressed respectively to his brothers Mamûn, and Sâlah, and to the
minister Fazzel. In that which he destined for Ul Mamûn, he called
upon him to require in his behalf the allegiance of the province, and
April 6th or 8th, A. D. 8v9.
+ Dei gratiâ fidelis. It will be sufficient to remark once for all, that at their accession
the Khalifs of the house of Abbas assumed these and similar titles expressive of their faith,
hope, or confidence in God,
91
Tarikh
Tebry.
further to conduct himself with a strict regard to the principles of A. H. 195.
justice in all his proceedings. And with respect to Sâlah and Fazzel, A. D. 899.
they were instructed on their part, as soon as Mamûn had secured
for his brother the allegiance of the army at Tûss, to conduct them
without delay to Baghdâd, together with the whole of the departed
monarch's treasure and effects, without exception. Having ingeni-
ously concealed these letters in the bottom of a chest, Ul Amein
took the person, whom he proposed to employ on this occasion, into
the retired part of his palace, and there communicated the nature of
the trust which he was about to confide to his discretion. He in-
structed him that he was to repair to the presence of Harùn, to whom
he was to represent, if interrogated on the subject, that he had been
deputed by his son, to convey to him a daily report of the state of
his father's health; but that he was in no circumstance of extremity
or coercion, to acknowledge that he was in charge of any letters, while
Harûn was alive.
On his arrival at Tûss, where the late Khalif was then languish-
ing under the disorder which terminated his existence, the agent of
Ul Ainein had, as was foreseen, been rigorously scrutinized as to the
object of his journey; and had successfully resisted both stripes and
the torture without a disclosure of the secrets of his trust. Being
however set at large on the death of Harûn, he then produced his
letters, that for Mamûn being immediately transmitted to Merû;
while Fazzel the son of Rabbeia hastened, without loss of time, to
secure for Ul Amein the allegiance of the army on the spot; after
which he dispatched one of the domestics of the deceased monarch
with his staff and ring, to announce to that prince at the same time
the death of his father, and the measures which had been taken to
establish his interest in that quarter. This intelligence was commu-
nicated to Ul Amein on a Wednesday, although it was not thought
convenient to make it public until the Friday following; when he
announced it to the assembled people, inviting them at the same
time to do him immediate homage as the sole successor to the throne
of the Khalifs. He was seconded in this application by his uncle
Sûliman with all the desired effect; the whole of the troops and the
inhabitants in general of Baghdad, submitting to his authority, with-
N 2
92
Tarikh
Tebry.
A. H. 193. out hesitation. The next day the army was remunerated by a
A. D. 809. distribution of accession money to a liberal amount, and by an advance
of two years subsistance at one payment. The minister, Fazzel, had
received his previous instructions to make from his father's treasure
a similar distribution to the army at Tûss, when they should have
pledged their allegiance in his favor; after which they were to be
conducted to Baghdad.
Ul Mâmûn on his part, although sufficiently apprized of the recent
events, and of the measures pursued by his brother in order to appro-
priate to himself the whole of what had been left by their common
father, forbore for the present to oppose any obstacle to his designs;
his attention being, to all appearance, more immediately directed to
hasten the termination of the war, in which Hàrethinah was still
actively engaged with Rauffia and the insurgents in Soghdiana.
But Harethmah having carried his victories to the gates of Samar-
kand, the rebel chief was there, soon afterwards, closely invested; and
being in a short time compelled to accept of such terms as his besieger
thought proper to dictate, was by him securly conveyed to the
presence of Ul Mamûn. Studious in the mean time to establish his
power on the firmest basis, that prince availed himself of every
occasion, to diffuse to every part of Khorassaun the benevolent
influence of a just and impartial government; and to set in his
own person an example to the delegates of his authority, it was
his daily practice, scated on a coarse carpet, to give public audience
to his people in the cathedral mosque of Merû; where, surrounded
by the most skilful lawyers and divines, he directed a considerable
portion of time and attention to redress the injuries and heal the
differences of those whose destiny had been committed to his charge.
In short, whether in the distribution of justice, in the regulation of
his expenditure, or in the exercise of any other branch of administra-
tion, every thing was conducted under his own personal inspection
and controul. He finally secured the permanent attachment of
Khorassaun, by remitting to the inhabitants a whole year's revenue.
Neither was it omitted on his part to cultivate a friendly understand-
ing, in appear ince at least, with Ul Amein; to whom he dispatched
an embassy, with splendid presents in horses, arins and slaves, and all
93
that was rare and costly, to convey to him every outward expression A. H. 193.
of regard, if not of submission to his authority.
But while his brother was exhibiting this laudable example of good
government in Khorassaun, Ul Amein at Baghdad, entirely devoted
to his amusements, and an inordinate rage for building, had long
since committed the concerns of his people to the management of
his minister Fazzel, from whom he had recently received such sub-
stantial proofs of attachment. Of himself, Ul Amein was, however,
little disposed to proceed to the extremity of depriving Ul Mâmûn
of the province consigned to him by his father; this being a measure
to which he was only impelled by the suggestions of his minister,
whose views were perhaps directed with no slight solicitude to
screen himself, by all the methods he could devise, against the
resentment of that prince. For he had good reason to apprehend
that if Ul Mâmûn should ever arrive at supreme power, strict account.
would be required of the treasure and effects, which, contrary to
the dying instructions of Ilarûn, he had undertaken to convey to
Ul Amein; and which had, it now appears, been estimated at the
sum of one hundred millions of dirhems.* To avert therefore this
dreaded contingency, Fazzel contrived in the first place, in the
Khotbah, to confine the title of Ameir ul Moumenein, or
sovereign of the faithful, separately to Ul Amein; while that
of simple Ameir and presumptive heir to the Khelaufut, was thought
sufficient for Ul Mamûn and his brother Mûtummen: a distinction
which was studiously extended to the legends on the coinage,
and to the mottos usually attached to the imperial equipage.
Having secured these preliminary arrangements, his influence was
next exerted to persuade his master that since providence had be-
stowed upon him a child of his own, in the infant Mûssa, at this
period only two years old, the succession ought, in natural justice,
to descend to him in preference to all the world; because where there
is a son, however under age, a brother's claims become as nothing.
He therefore urged the immediate and positive exclusion of Ul
Mamûn. Ul Amein objecting however the repugnance which he
* About 2,2916667. 13s, 4d.
A. D. 809,
Tarikli
Tebly.
94
A. H. 193. felt to cancel the arrangements of his father in this respect, Fazzet
A. D. 809. contended, that although in a moment of injudicious liberality the
Tarikh
Tebry.
departed monarch might have been led into such an arrangement,
it was to be recollected, that long before Mamûn had been declared his
associate in the empire, the allegiance of the people had been required
for Ul Amein; and that this previous engagement was paramount to
all others. By these and similar arguments Ul Amein was uitimately
brought to coincide with the views of his minister, and to adopt
the final resolution of degrading both his brothers from authority.
It appears to have been carried into immediate execution against
Mûtummen, who was removed from Mossûle to Baghdad without
difficulty, and his government assigned to another person, in the
early part of the year one hundred and ninety four.*
Aware of such a proceeding, it required no extraordinary sagacity
on the part of Ul Mâmûn to form a pretty accurate conjecture of
what was in agitation against himself; and he accordingly stood
prepared for the event. He was however not suffered to remain
long in suspense.
A letter was transmitted to him in the name of Ul
Amein, in which in terms which could not be misunderstood, it was
intimated, that as the military force, for which he was expected
to provide the means of subsistance, was comparatively small, any
extraordinary accumulation of revenue must be to him entirely
superfluous while on his (Ul Amein's) side, on the contrary, with
a numerous army, and the splendor of the imperial dignity to
maintain, his expences were of a magnitude which needed no exag-
geration. On such grounds, he therefore proposed that Ul Mamûn
should immediately cede over to the agents of his brother, the terri
tories of Rai, Koumiss, Tebristaun, and Gûrgan, for the purpose of
remitting to him the revenues of those dependencies. Furthermore
it was required that a person should be allowed to reside at Merû on
the part of Ul Amein, in order to preserve his interests in the pro-
vince unimpaired, and to keep him daily apprized of the state of
affairs in Khorassaun. To these several propositions Ul Mamun
returned a decided negative; on which his brother proceeded with-
• Kholaussut-ul-akhbaur. October and November, A. D. 809.
95
out further ceremony to exclude him formally from his right to the A. H. 194.
succession.
On the subsequent Friday, accordingly, during the performance of
divine worship, the name of Ul Mâmûn was publicly declared to be
struck out of the Khotbah, by Ul Amein; after which, when that
prince, with the infant Mûssa on his knee, had seated himself in the
Meheraub, or sacred niche in the wall near the pulpit, the minister
Fazzel arose; and with ample commendations on the character of his
master, proceeded to state, that having openly disobe ved his brother's
commands, and frustrated the objects of his father's will, in with-
holding the revenues of Khorassaun; in refusing to admit of the
residence of an agent at Merû ; and in usurping to himself the title of
Imaum, the sovereign of the faithful had for these reasons found it
expedient to degrade Ul Mamûn from all his honors, and to transfer
the right of succession to his own son Mûssa; who, with the title of
Ul Nautek bilhukk, (he who speaks through the power of eternal
truth, though he had not yet acquired the faculty of speech) was
now proclaimed heir apparent to the throne of the Khalifs; and in
that quality, before they withdrew from the assembly, he demanded
and received for the infant prince, the allegiance of the people. The
name of Mûssa was at the same time substituted for that of Ul
Mamûn, in the public orations, on the coinage and imperial equi-
page throughout the dominions of Isslâm. Lastly, the instrument of
succession which Harûn had caused to be executed with so much
solemnity at Mekkah, and suspended at the entrance of the Kaau-
bah, was now sent for and torn to pieces by the directions of Ul
Amein. All which being punctually communicated to Ul Mamûn,
he retaliated by adopting the same formalities against his brother;
and totally rejecting for himself the remoter title of heir apparent, he
openly assumed that of Imauin, or supreme pontiff, with all its
sacred functions.
In the mean time, apprehensive that in these circumstances, Ul Ma-
mûn would not long delay the execution of some hostile enterprize
against the metropolis of the empire, Fazzel the son of Rabbeia omitted
no importunities with his sovereign to urge him, by hastening the
the march of an army towards the borders of Khorassaun, to antici-
A. D 809.
Tarikh
Tebry,
96
1
A D. 810.
Tarikh
Tebry.
A. H. 191. pate such an event and for this service he intimated that no man
was so eminently qualified as Ally the son of Eissa, the Mâhanite,
formerly imprisoned for his iniquitous and arbitrary abuse of author-
ity. Accordingly, with a body of fifty thousand horse selected from
the flower of the army of Iråk, that chief was held in readiness to
enter Khorassaun with all convenient expedition. The gates of the
treasury, and of the imperial arsenals, were thrown open for his
accommodation, and he was allowed to supply himself to the
utmost measure of his wants. Of his three sons, however, Hûsseyne,
the younger, was detained at Baghdâd, to superintend the education
of the infant Mûssa; the other two, Yaheya and Abdullah, were
permitted to accompany their father; who, after sufficiently providing
for their subsistance and equipments, now conducted his troops to
Neherwaun; about two leagues or farsangs from the metropolis, on
the road to Hulwaun. To this place he appears to have been ac-
companied by Ul Amin; who, the day subsequent to their arrival,
when the army for the last time defiled before him on their march,
standing upright on the back of his charger, addressed to the general,
who attended by his side, his final instructions. In these he
is stated to have apprized him, that as soon as he should be master
of the province, he designed to invest him with the government of
all Khorassaun, from the passes of Hulwaun eastward, with the
same powers as he had formerly enjoyed under the authority of his
father; in return for which he should require that, in all the places
through which he passed, he would on his part acquit himself with
a scrupulous regard to the principles of strict and impartial justice.
In other respects, before he entered the country, he was instructed
by letters circulated to the inhabitants, to promise them the most
liberal and equitable treatment; and particularly the remission of one
fourth of the annual contributions to the state, in the same manner
as had been done by Ul Mamûn. To all such as came over from
the enemy, he was to give the most favorable reception, and to
inspire them on the part of his sovereign with the most encouraging
expectations. And he closed his instructions with a charge, in the event
that Ul Mamûn should be disposed to surrender his person, that he
was to convey him in fetters of silver to Baghdâd, under such
་
97
Tarikh
Tebry.
custody as he might securely rely upon; his exertions even in the A. H. 194.
case of the most determined hostility being required to take him A. D 810.
alive, and to beware either through ignorance or accident of being
instrumental to his death. The Mahanite then proceeded without
further delay to the execution of his orders. It would appear at the
same time, that the preparations for the invasion of Khorassaun must
have occupied the greater part of the year one hundred and ninety
four, since the departure of the troops destined for Persian Irâk on
this occasion, is not stated to have taken place before the commence-
ment of ninety five.
Aware on the other hand of approaching danger, Ul Mâmûn pro-
ceeded to expedite those measures of defence against aggression,
which it would have been inconsistent with common prudence any
longer to delay. He availed himself on this emergency of the cour
age and abilities of Tàher the son of Ul Hûsseyne, the founder of the
Taherites, at a subsequent period eminently celebrated in Khorassaun;
on whom with the command of twenty thousand men, he now confer-
red the government of Irâk Ajem, from Rài westwards, to the gates of
Hulwaun. This general, who is noticed by the way as blind of his
right eye, being directed to march with the utmost expedition in order
to secure the city of Râi before it should be occupied by the enemy,
fortunately succeeded in his object, and encamped his army in frout of
that place just in time to anticipate the arrival of the Mahanite; who
finding his views thus defeated, immediately took up his ground in
the presence of Tâher. In these circumstances the latter received a
message from the Mahanite calling upon him, if he were disposed for
hostility, to arrange his troops for battle in a manner to bring the contest
to a speedy decision; if otherwise, to secure for himself an honorable.
peace, by submitting to the authority of Ul Amein. To which Tâher as
briefly replied, that as the breach of treaties and allegiance lay with
those whom he served, the guilt of hostility must also rest at their
door; and this was the only answer which he must expect, either for
himself or Ul Amein. Both armies shortly afterwards drew out for
action, and Ally the son of Eissa having called aloud upon Taher te
VOL. II.
* Kholaussut-ul-akbbaur.
0
98
A. H. 195. meet him hand to hand, the challenge was cheerfully accepted. Wield-
A. D. 810. ing his sword with both hands, Tàher rushed impetuously upon his
Tarikh
Tebry.
adversary, clove him through the helmet and the skull, and dispatched
him on the spot. This was followed by an immediate and simultanc-
ous charge on the part of Tâher's troops against a particular point in
the line of their opponents; and the latter, peradventure discouraged
by the fall of their leader, giving way at the first shock, were driven
from the field in the utmost consternation. The next day, having pur-
sued the vanquished with considerable slaughter, Tâher made his
triumphant entry into Rai; where the head and ring of Ally the Ma-
hanite being brought before him, he dictated the following laconic
epistle to Fazzel the son of Sohel at Merû. This note is written to
thee, with the head of Ally the son of Eissa in my hand, and his ring
upon my finger-farewel.!"
66
The purport of this brief but interesting communication was speedily
made known to Ul Mâmûn by Fazzel; when that minister in the ar-
dour of congratulation, saluting his master by the title of Ameir ul
Moumenein, on the same day proclaimed him exclusive possessor of
the throne of the halifs. A letter from Tâher addressed immediate-
ly to his sovereign, and accompanied with the head of the Mahanite,
shortly afterwards announced the triumph of his arms. In reply to
this, a mandate was dispatched by Ul Mâmûn to that general, requiring
his allegiance as sole Khalif; and announcing his pleasure to be on all
future occasions addressed by the title of Aineir ul Moumenein. In
the dispatch which, under the immediate signature of Mamûn, con-
veyed these instructions to Taher, he was enjoined to receive on his own
hand the fealty of the people of Râi-; the sovereign having, as he stated,
adopted for his own the right hand of Taher, the left hand of that general
was now therefore to be considered as his right. "fail then" added Ma-
mún on this occasion, "Tâher son of Hûsscyne, henceforward Zûl-
yemnein." A term which may with perfect propriety be rendered
ambidexter. He is however, on another authority, stated to have
acquired the appellatiou of Zûlyemnein, because in giving his mortal
wound to Ally the son of Eissa, he wielded his sword with both hands.
It is on this occasion further related, that when a report of the
discomfiture of his troops was communicated to Ul Amein, by one
9
99
ul-akhbaur,
of the fugitives from the field of battle, he happened to be fishing on A. H. 19
the bank of the Tigris, accompanied by a favorite attendant of the A. D. 810.
name of Kousser, or Kouther. In reply to the disastrous intelligence Kholaussut-
of which he was the bearer, the thoughtless prince, with characteris-
tic apathy, desired the messenger to hold his peace; for whilst he had
hitherto exhausted both his skill and his patience without success,
his man Kousser had a brace of fish in his basket. However, when
this august and sapient prince, continues the same author in a sar-
castic strain, was at leisure from his very important occupation, and
the fate of his general was confirmed to him, he found it expedient to
set about the immediate equipment of a second army; which was
sent with all practicable dispatch, to oppose the victorious progress of
Zûl-yemnein.
The defeat of the Mâhanite occasioned at the same time at Baglıdâd Tarikh Tebry.
among the soldiery the most violent agitation; Ul Amein being openly
taxed with having justly incurred the wrath of heaven by his treach-
ery and breach of faith in his conduct towards Mamûn: but having
acquiesced without demur in a demand for four month's pay, and
made a seasonable and liberal distribution among their captains, he
contrived for the present to appease the clamour; and the army was
at length prevailed upon to march under the orders of Abdurrahman
the son of Heblah, the Anbaurite. At one of the stations between
Râi and Hamadaun, it is not determined where, that chief was also
defeated by Zûlyemnein, with great slaughter, and compelled to
throw himself for protection behind the walls of the latter city. But
being on all sides immediately invested by the troops of his conqueror,
the failure of provisions, after the resistance of one month, made a
capitulation unavoidable; and he was accordingly constrained to sur-
render to Zûlyemnein. In the mean time intelligence of his danger
had been conveyed to Ul Amein, and a considerabie force had been
dispatched with all diligence by that prince for the relief of Hamad-
aun. Finding, however, on their arrival within two stages of their
destination, that the place had already submitted to the enemy, a letter
was written by these troops to demand of the captive chief, whether
he had any instructions to communicate as to their further proceed-
ings. In these circumstances Abdurrailiman conceived he might
100
1
A. H. 195. attempt to repair by fraud, the losses which he had sustained
A. D. 811. through the superior prowess or good fortune of his antagonist. He
Tarikh
Tebry.
therefore communicated the letter, which he had just received, to
Zûlyemnein, and offered, on obtaining the general's permission to
visit their camp, to bring over the whole of the detachment to join
the standard of Ul Mamûn. The vigilance of Zûlyemnein was com-
pletely laid asleep by the insidious proposal; and the Anbaurite was
accordingly suffered to depart, with such terms as he pretended could
not fail to produce the desired impression. He was, however, no
sooner beyond the reach of his guards, than hastening to join the
troops of Ul Amein, he immediately proposed to them to surprise.
the camp of the enemy. The proposal was acceded to without
hesitation, and he accordingly marched under cover of a very dark
night, to carry his design into execution. The troops of Zûlyemnein
were entirely off their guard; and before their chief could recover
them from their astonishment, a considerable slaughter had taken
place. But Abdurraihman falling early in the conflict, the hopes of
the enterprize perished with its author. Victory again declared in
favor of Zûlyemnein, who advanced upon this without further oppo-
sition to Belashaun; a village of that name at the head of the passes
of Hûlwaun, where he now encamped.
•
These repeated successes having rendered the name of Ul Mâmûn
and of his victorious general, equally formidable to the troops at
Baghdad, Ul Amein despaired, for some time, of being able to prevail
upon any of his captains to hazard another conflict with the enemy;
as they in general either declined the service altogether, or demanded
such enormous sums for its accomplishment, as the state of his treasury
rendered it impossible to furnish. When, however, both he and his
minister had laboured, for a considerable period, under the most painful
suspense and embarrassment, two of his commanders, Mahommed
the son of Ul Mûeyud, and Abdullah, the son of Hameid son of
Kohtbah, each at the head of twenty thousand men, were at last
induced to proceed as far as Khaunekein, about two thirds of the
apparent distance from Baghdad to Hulwaun; where they took post
in order to obstruct the further progress of Zûlyemnein. When
they had continued thus stationed for some time, to expect the
I
101
Tarikh
Tebly.
approach of the enemy, an expedient was put in practice against A. H. 195.
them by Zûlyemnein, which, without striking a single stroke on his A. D. 811.
part, was attended with all the consequences of a complete discomfi-
ture. Having selected from among the people who served with his
army, twenty of the natives of Baghdad, he sent them by a circuitous
route to gain the road which led from that city to the encampment of
his adversaries; which from that direction, they were instructed to
enter separately, and at different periods; and to circulate a
report that Ul Amein had once more thrown open the gates of his
treasury, and was at this moment distributing a gratuity of two years'
pay to the troops who remained about his person. This report,
being accordingly repeated in the stations about Khaunekein, by
different individuals, who appeared to have no manner of connection
with each other, and who possibly gave themselves out as some of
those who had actually shared in the Khalif's liberality, produced by
degrees the impression for which it was designed. The soldiers pro-
ceeded to express, without disguise, their dissatisfaction, that while
they were sent to encounter the hazards and fatigues of war, the
treasures of the state were lavished upon those who lived at home, in
the bosom of idleness and repose. Great numbers accordingly
avowed the design of immediately returning to Baghdad; others
however, from a more honorable sentiment of duty, expressed a
determination to remain at their posts; but while they were debating
the point, the troops quitted the encampment in entire divisions; so
that in a short time the whole army had withdrawn to the metropolis,
without having performed a single act of hostility against the com-
mon enemy.
Zûlyemnein now led his army from Belashaun, and penetrating
through the passes without obstruction, soon afterwards took pos-
session of Hulwaun. From thence he dispatched to announce to Ul
Mamûn that he had triumphantly made his egress from the de-
files, and that he was now arrived on the borders of western
Irak but to enable him to proceed at the same time from
two opposite points in the attack which he meditated upon Baghdâd,
be
requested to be powerfully reinforced; so that while he advanced
in person with one part of the army by the direct route of Neherwaun,
another division might approach along the Tigris upwards, by the
102
Tarikh
Tebry.
A. H. 195. way of Ahuauz. These accounts were
These accounts were peculiarly gratifying to UI
A. D. 811. Mamûn, and he proceeded to testify his satisfaction by transmitting
to Zûlyemnein a robe of honor of extraordinary magnificence; while
with other marks of favor, which he bestowed upon Fazzel the son of
Sohel, the minister who had directed him in his choice of the succes
ful general, he gave him the title of Zûlriaussetein-regulator of the
sword and pen, or minister of state and war. In concurrence with
the application of Zûlyemnein, a body of twenty thousand men was
immediately detached to join him under the warlike and experienced
Hâretlimah. But aware that this general might object to serve
under one whom he considered his inferior, Ul Mâmûn endeavored to
provide against such an inconvenience by directing that as soon as the
army should have been thus reinforced it should be separated into two
divisions; the one to proceed under Hârethmah immediately towards
Baghdad by the road through Neherwaun, while the other, under the
orders of Zûlyemnein, was to diverge to the left, and approach in the
direction from Ahùauz.
•
Having abandoned all hope in the exertion of his troops, since their
disgraceful return without a battle from the gates of Hulwaun, Ul Amein
now directed his thoughts to another quarter. He made choice of
Abdulmêlek the son of Sâlah, the Hâshemite, to assemble an army in
Syria; and bestowing upon him the government of Damascus, he sent
him accompanied by Hûsseyne the son of Ally, the Mahanite, and ten
thousand of the troops of Baghdad, to expedite the levies from that
province. Hastening to the execution of his orders Abdulmêlek was,
however, scized on reaching Rakkah, by a disorder which prevented
him from prosecuting his march; and Hûsseyne, who acted as lieu-
tenant general of the troops, urging that the perilous crisis of their
master's affairs could illbrook the delay, of which this unfortunate in-
disposition might prove the occasion, he yielded to his advice; and
dispatched into Syria to require that the intended reinforcements
might immediately proceed to join him at Rakkah; and shortly after-
wards, engaged by a profusion of promises, a body of twenty thou-
sand Syrians accordingly appeared to his support, in the neighborhood
of that place.
It happened unfortunately that strolling through the camp of the
Syrians, one of the soldiers of Baghdad recognized a horse which had
103
A. D. 811.
Tarikh
Tebry.
been stolen from him many years since; and immediately claiming his A. H. 193.
property, proceeded, with the assistance of some of his fellows, to con-
vey it away. But the cries of the Syrian, in whose possession the
horse had been discovered, bringing a number of his countrymen to
his aid, both parties had immediate recourse to their arms, and engag-
ed in a desperate and sanguinary affray. Husseyne the Mahanite,
had been sent by the directions of Abdulmêlek to separate the com-
batants, and appease the tumult; but before he could reach the scene
of uproar, the Syrians had cut to pieces many of their opponents, and
compelled the remainder to fly in different directions. Misled by an
indiscreet partiality for the men of Baghdad, the Mahanite forgot the
object of his instructions; and joining the fugitives, he brought them
to recoil upon their pursuers, who were now, in their turn, repulsed
with considerable slaughter. After such a proof, as they said, of what
they were to expect for their services, the Syrians were led to discuss
the inexpediency and absurdity of their engaging themselves any
further in Irâk; and coming, among themselves, to an immediate
resolution of returning home, that resolution was carried into effect
without a moment's delay.
:
Under these circumstances, Husseyne thought it expedient to has-
ten with his troops back towards Baghdâd, leaving Abdulmêlek still
grievously indisposed at Rakkah and Ul Amein had scarcely been
well apprized of the untoward event, when the Mahanite and his fol-
lowers re-entered the metropolis. The conduct of this chief had
probably incurred the resentment of the Khalif; but as the whole of
the troops in Baghdâd had collected round his person, immediately
on his arrival, it appeared a matter of considerable hazard to proceed
openly against him. His own apprehensions on the subject were at
any rate sufficiently obvious, since he retired within his own doors,
without presenting himself, as it was customary to do, to the notice
of his sovereign. Ile received however the same evening, a message
requiring his attendance; to which he returned a positive refusal, de-
claring that he should not appear at the palace, otherwise than at the
head of the troops; but that the next day, when they should havė
been assembled under their respective leaders, he would, with them
attend the khalit's pleasure. In the mean time he apprized the mili
+
104
Tarikh
Tebry.
A. H. 195. tary chiefs, of what had passed, and that he had been sent for by Ul
A. D. 811. Amein for the express purpose of being put to death. They cauti-
oned him, in reply, for that night, at all hazards to remain at home, and
that on the morrow they would not fail to be with him. In the course
of the night he received a second message from Ul Amein, requesting
his presence, as he had some matters of serious importance to com-
municate. To this, with audacious insolence, Hûsseyne now
replied, that being neither a minstrel nor a buffoon, any nocturnal
communication with him was entirely out of the question; and that
as he could have nothing to transact with him but what related to
the affairs of war, he should therefore not attend the Khalif until he
had drawn the army together.
The next day he mounted his horse, and taking post at the head of
the bridge of the Tigris, was there joined by the troops of Baghdâd
and Irak, to the number of fifty thousand men. Of these he proceeded
to demand how long they were to endure that this miscreant, allud-
ing to Ul Amein, who was neither man nor woman, should continue
to indulge in his licentious and contemptible pleasures, to the entire
neglect of his armies, and of every branch of his government? To
this it was replied, by unanimous acclamation, that Ul Amein
should be immediately deposed from his authority; and to secure
this object against the possibility of defeat, Hûsseyne hastened with-
out delay, at the head of the insurgents, to throw himself into the
palace, where he succeeded in seizing the person of his insulted
sovereign. The unfortunate monarch was immediately dragged from
the asylum of his power; and being hurried, with his head and face
muffled up, to the palace of his mother Zobaidah, he was there laid in
fetters, and for the present committed to the custody of a guard of
soldiers. This partial revolution is on other authority, stated to have
taken effect, on Sunday the eleventh of Rudjub, of the year one
hundred and ninety-six.*
The authority of Ul Mamûn was now publicly proclaimed through-
out Baghdâd. But the mercenary soldiers proceeding to demand the
customary gratuity on the change of government, Hûsseyne attempted
* Kholaussut-ul-akhbaur. March 28th, A. D. 812,
105
A. D. 812.
Tarikh
Tebry.
to expostulate with them on the unreasonableness of their expectations, A. H. 196.
knowing his utter incapacity to fulfil them. He reminded them, at
the same time, that the monarch to whom they had transferred their
allegiance was yet absent in Khorassaun; and that in order to estab
lish their full claim to his bounty, it was first necessary that both the
army and the metropolis should be put in his actual possession. He
therefore proposed that a letter should be addressed immediately to
Ul Mâmûn, inviting him to the capital. This question produced
among the troops an irreconcileable difference of opinion; one half
declaring with Hûsseyne for Ul Mâmûn, and the other for the
immediate restoration of the degraded Ul Amein. The contending
parties proceeded to determine their differences by the sword; and a
conflict ensued, which from the early part of the day to the hour of
evening prayer, filled the streets of Baghdad with blood and slaugh-
ter. Their leader falling, however, towards the close of the day,
into the hands of his adversaries, the party of Hûsseyne was ulti-
mately defeated with loss. This produced the immediate enlargement
of Ul Amein, and the majority of the troops flocking the next day
to his standard, publicly cancelled the allegiance which they had so
recently sworn to Ul Mâmûn. IIússeyne, a captive in his turn, was
now conducted in bonds to the presence of Ul Amein; but an appre-
hension, that it might occasion a fresh mutiny among the soldiers, if
he were condemned to suffer the punishment due to his crimes,
seems for the present to have ensured his pardon. Finding it how-
ever, on his part, not so easy to dismiss his fears of that resentment
which he had so deeply incurred, Hûsseyne a day or two afterwards
embraced an opportunity of quitting Baghdâd, accompanied by his
particular friends; and taking the road through Neherwaun, made
the best of his way towards the camp of Hârethmah and Zùlyemnein,
with the design of throwing himself on the protection of those gen-
erals, who had not yet left IIulwaun. But Ul Amein receiving early
intimation of his flight, and immediately dispatching in pursuit of
him, the fugitive was overtaken about two farsangs from Baghdad,
and after some resistance, put to death; and his head being, as usual,
laid before his injured sovereign, the army soon afterwards generally
VOL. II.
+
106
lb, "223***
A. H. 196. returned to its duty; so that the revolt might be said, for the present
A. D. 812. to have entirely subsided.
Tarikh
Tebry.
7
Apprized of these events, Zûlyemnein determined to hasten the
concerted separation with his collegue; and accordingly, quitting
Húlwaun at the head of his own. division, of the army, he proceeded
by the left towards Aḥûauz; where Mahommed the son of Yezzid the
Molillebite commanded at this period on the part of Ul Amein.
Being soon afterwards closely invested, and the governor falling in the
honorable discharge of his duty, this town was compelled to submit
to Zûlyemnein, together with the whole of the adjoining territory;
through which the agents of that general were immediately dispersed
to ensure possession in the name of their master. The march of
Zûlyemnein was next directed for Bassorah; of which city Munsûr
the son of Mehedy was prefect, or lieutenant, under the authority
of Ul Amein. Instead of defending his trust, this chief conceived it
'prudent to dispatch letters to Zûlyemnein, to declare that having
renounced his allegiance to Ul Amein, he thus voluntarily transfer-
red it to Ul Mâmûn; on which, after presenting his army before the
gates of Bassorah, Zûlyemnein left Munsûr in unmolested possession
of that city, and returned towards Waussit. About the same period,
similar letters reached him from Abbas the son of Hâdy, and Mûtleb,
or Mûtulleb, the son of Abdullah; the former, lieutenant of Kûfah,
the latter of Mossûle, each abjuring the authority of Ul Amein, and
submitting to that of Ul Mâmûn. Moreover, when Zûlyemnein waş
known to have arrived in the neighborhood of Waussit, the gover-
nor of that place, Hesheim the son of Shoabah also prepared to aban-
don his trust by withdrawing towards Khorassaun; but being
ashamed to exhibit such a proof of his pusillanimity to his people at
large, he desired one of his grooms to bring him privately one of his
horses. The man brought him two, pointing out, whether his design
were for battle or for flight, that which in either case would best suit
his purpose. Hesheim chose the latter, bearing honorable testimony
to the character of his adversary, by alleging that it was no disgrace
to fly before Zûlyemnein. Thus abandoned to its destiny, Zulyem-
nein took possession of Waussit without resistance; and with the
same facility, succeeded in making himself master of the ancient capi-
109
•
Tarikh
tal of Medäein.´ From this latter city he dispatched to announce his A. H. 196,
progress to Harethmah'; on which, decamping from Hulwaun, that A. D. 812.
general led his troops immediately towards Baghdad, and taking post
at Neherwaun, materially straitened the garrison of the metropolis in
that direction.
In the mean time the conduct of Ul Amein in cancelling the
arrangements of Harûn, and in destroying the instrument of succes-
sion so solemnly ratified in the temple of Mekkah, had excited no
little discontent among the inhabitants of that proud city; and parti-
eularly in Daoud the son of Eissa the Abbaside, who did not scruple
to declare that he had been guilty of the grossest perfidy, and that
his affairs could therefore never terminate in prosperity. In this
state of mind, when the transient revolution in favor of Ul Mâmûn
brought about at Baghdâd by Hûsseyne the Mahanite, was announced
at Mekkah, the whole of the Koraish, and other inhabitants of that
city, readily acquiesced in the measure; and to give to their opinions
the last publicity, they proceeded to pronounce the Khotbah in the
name of Ul Mamûn, during the visitation of the pilgrims at the close
of the year. This brings our narrative accordingly to the termination
of the year one hundred and ninety-six.
Under these accumulating embarrassments, Ul Amein adventured
upon a general review of his troops; and finding that he might still
calculate upon the services of not less than four hundred commanders
of some eminence, he presented to each of them a standard; and dis-
patched them under Ally the son of Husseyne, of the race of Fauti-
ma, towards Neherwaun, to try the issue of a conflict with the troops
of Hârethmah. Before the gates of that town, at a village called
Hulwaun, they accordingly gave battle to Harethmah, and with their
usual adverse fortune, were again totally defeated; and their general
being ma le a prisoner, was conveyed to Merú, to attest to Ul Mâmûn
this further triumph of his arms.
Notwithstanding the uniform success which had hitherto accom-
panied him in his enterprizes, the troops of Zûlyemnein engaged,
about this period, in an audacious mutiny against the authority of
their general; because he, either justly or unjustly, withstood their
amours for money. But as one half of the army continued stedfast
Tebry.
P 2
108
Tarikh
Tebry.
A. H. 197. to their allegiance, Zûlyemnein succeeded in dispersing the mutineers,
A. D. 812. and in expelling them from his camp in various directions. Of these
a body of five thousand took the road towards Baghdad, where they
submitted to claim the protection of Ul Amein, and from him exper-
ienced a favorable reception. But as the treasures of that prince were
by this time pretty well exhausted, instead of those pecuniary rewards,
rich dresses, and other proofs of his bounty, with which they had
flattered their expectations, these unprincipled mercenaries were
compelled to rest satisfied with a fumigation of their beards over
pans of civet; which was served up before them in great profusion,
by the Khalif's directions: a species of entertainment by which
they were exposed to the ridicule of the inhabitants of Baghdâd,
under the appellation of jund-ul-ghauleiah, the civet corps. Having,
however, for the space of a month, looked in vain for some more
solid proofs of the liberality of Ul Amein, they became tired of
expectancy; and joining the troops of Baghdad, in one of those
bursts of refractory violence in which they so frequently indulged
against their unfortunate sovereign, they withdrew themselves from
that city; and took the first opportunity of returning to the camp.of
Zûlyemnein, by whom their recent outrages were, from some motive of
expediency, suffered to pass into oblivion. The armies of Hâreth-
mah and Zûlyemnein, soon after this, united in the siege of Baghdad ;
where the unfortunate Ul Amein was ultimately destined to experi
ence every species of mortification, disgrace, and injury.
The year one hundred and ninety-seven commenced thus inauspi-
ciously for Ul Amein. His treasures had long since failed him; and
he now proceeded to supply the defect, by committing to the cruci-
ble his gold and silver plate and furniture, the glittering appendages
of royalty; and further to enable him to renew the exercise of his
bounty, and to encourage his troops to exert themselves in the
defence of the last bulwarks of declining greatness, the rare and pre-
cious contents of his warehouses and magazines were now openly
exposed for sale. Having adopted every precaution to strengthen
and secure the gates of the city, both within and without, against the
attempts of the besiegers, he withdrew himself into the palace of his
mother, within the citadel; of which, the gates are said to have been
109
·
Tarikh
Tebry
of iron. He disposed of his garrison at the same time to guard with A. H. 197.
equal solicitude against the attacks of Hârethmah, which were A. D. 812.
directed towards the gate of Khorassaun on one side, and against
those of Zûlyemnein, which bore upon the gate of Bassorah on the
other. These attacks appear, however, to have been confined to the
interval between sunrise and sunset; the besieging generals retiring
every evening to their respective encampments, Harethmah to
Neherwaun, at the distance of two farsangs, and Zûlyemnein to the
garden of the gate of Anbaur; a plantation, or pleasure ground so
called, about the distance of one farsang on the road to Bassorah.
When this species of attack had been carried on for some time, and
the garrison had been entirely cut off from the means of subsistance,
and not a day passed in which the ramparts were not brought down
in alarming masses by the warlike machines of the besiegers; the
inhabitants began to quit the city, and in considerable bodies to claim
the protection of either general of the besiegers. Those who submitted
in this way to the power of Zûlyemnein were treated with distin-
guished kindness; while the property of such as delayed to surren-
der was exposed to certain destruction by fire and sword. The
spirit of dereliction spread at last to the highest order of citizens, to
the heads of the neighboring villages, and to the chief commanders
of the army, not excepting the minister Fazzel; all of whom gradually
went over to the enemy, leaving the capital to its fate.
By these multiplied desertions, and the numerous casualties which
necessarily occurred in repelling the assaults of the besiegers, the gar
rison became at last so greatly reduced, that the populace proceeded to
break open the gates of the prisons, and to release the criminals; whose
assistance they demanded to defend the works of the town.
All was
nów resigned to the discretion of a licentious rabble, who disposed
of every thing at will; and to add to the calamities which already
seemed to hasten their destruction, they neglected to secure a supply
of water for the interior of the city. In such appalling circumstan-
ces, finding that his authority was become entirely extinct; that no
one any longer, either regarded his instructions, or feared his resent-
ment; that the good, the learned, and the moral, and even the
market people of every description had disappeared; that the city
110
A. H. 197. was become the prey of an unbridled banditti of robbers, gamblers,
A. D. 812, pickpockets, and depredators, who filled it, without controul, with
Tarikh
Tebry.
treason, pillage, and slaughter; in short, finding that he had nothing
left wherewith to purchase the precarious obedience of an unprinci-
pled and lawless mob, the unhappy Ul Amein finally shut himself up in
the palace of his mother; and there fortifying himself as well against
internal violence, as the attacks of the besiegers from without, seems
to have awaited without further effort the crisis of his destiny.
Under such hopeless circumstances, the first to forsake his master,
and who now submitted to Zûlyemnein, was Eissa the son of Mahom-
med, another of the race of Mâhan, the captain of Ul Amein's guards;
to whom had been committed the particular defence of the gates, and
to whose regulation had indeed been consigned every thing relating
to the general safety of the city. The defection of this confidential
chieftain, at such a crisis, threw Ul Amein at once into the last state
of despondence and despair; and it was perhaps not until this period
that the defence of his capital was finally abandoned, to the fortuitous
exertions of a lawless and ferocious banditti. The information of
Zûlyemnein must at the same time have enabled him to form a toler-
able estimate of all that passed within the town, and he was perhaps
justified in his expectation, that it would be reduced to a speedy
surrender. Nevertheless, while he indulged, peradventure with too
much security, in these expectations, he was attacked in the quarter
called the castle,* or palace of Sâlah, under the gates of the city; and
defeated with considerable loss, by Mahommed the son of Yakûb,
the new captain of Ul Amein's guards, at the head of the undisciplined
multitude, who combated that day with peculiar fierceness and reso-
lution. The day following, to avenge the disgrace, Zûlyemnein led
his troops towards the quarter called daur-urreffeik, adjacent to which
he was again opposed in great force by the rabble. On this occasion
we are told, that one of the latter, clad in a coarse woollen wrapper,
with a beggar's wallet suspended to his neck, a cudget in one hand,
and a wicker basket overlaid with pitch, in the other, in an attitude
of careless defiance, presented himself to the troops of Zûlyemnein,
Kasser-e-Salah.
:
136
111
{
One of his followers, a native of Khorassaun, was directed by that
chief to meet this savage looking out-law. The Khorassauny drew
his bow and let fly an arrow, which the rustic received in his basket
of wicker; but as it passed through and sunk into the earth, he nim-
bly picked it up and lodged it, feather outwards, in the basket which
he used as his shield. This he repeated until the soldier had entirely
exhausted his quiver. On which Zûlyemnein called to the Khoraus!
sauny to attack him sword in hand; observing that there surely could
be nothing to apprehend from a fair conflict with such a charlatan.
The Khorassauny drew his sword accordingly, and approached his
antagonist; when the barbarian putting his hand into his wallet, drew
out a pebble, and fixing it in his cudgel as a sling, delivered it with
such singular force and precision, as to snap the sword of the Khor-
assauny in the middle. He then uttered a loud cry of triumph,
while his adversary totally crest fallen, was compelled to withdraw:
Zûlyemnein expressing his surprise at the strange contingencies of
civil discord, in which the distinguished commander, and the skilful
warrior, with all the advantages of superior arms and discipline, were
to be equally baffled by the wool clad rustic, with his sword of lath,
his sling and wicker shield. He might have added, perhaps with equal
justice, in which peers and ministers of state, the pillars of royalty,
could so far forget the noblest principles of duty, as to abandon the
person of their liege sovereign to the precarious defence of thieves and
outlaws. Be this however as it may, they fought that day at Daur
urreffeik, with equal fierceness and obstinacy until night put an
end to the conflict; and it will be sufficient to notice, once for all,
that arethmah, on his part, experienced, on a variety of occasions,
from this multitudinous and stigmatized banditti, a resistance not
less determined and persevering.
H. 197.
A. D. 813,
Tarikh
Tebly.
At the commencement however, of the year one hundred and ninety A. II. 198.
eight, on the very first day of the month of Mohurrim,* the troops of A. D. 813.
Baghdad of whatever description, both on the side of Harethmah and
Zûlyemnejn, were finally driven within the walls of the town. The
place was now more closely and completely invested; the warlike ma-'
chines of the besiegers were planted more directly to beat down
the defences of the gateways; and Zûlyemnein having effectually cut
* August 31st.
112
Tarikh
Tebly.
A. H. 198. off the garrrison from its communication with the Tigris, the city was
A. D. 813. thus reduced to the last extremity. In these melancholy and appalling
circumstances, Ul Amein sought one evening to suspend the recollection
of his sorrows, by the charms of music; and for this purpose one of his
women was summoned to attend him. The lady who appeared to his
aid, took up her burbut, or lute, but tuned it to a strain so pensive,
that the Khalif, feeling his sorrows rather aggravated than relieved, pro-
ceeded to expostulate with her on a selection so ill suited to his state
of mind; she mournfully besought his forgiveness, alleging, that her re-
collection furnished her with nothing else. He desired her once more to
exert her skill, and again she struck her lute to the same affecting mea-
On which, Ul Amein imprecating a bitter curse on her, and on her
melody, the maid suddenly started from her seat; in doing which, acci-
dentally striking her foot against a favorite and costly vase of the Kha-
lif's, of the value of ten thousand dirhems,* it flew into as many pieces.
A circumstance which does not appear to have alleviated her master's
displeasure, though it might have served to awaken his recollection.
sures.
A protracted siege had by this time equally worn out the patience
of Ul Amein, and exhausted the skill and resources of his multifari-
ous and disorderly garrison. He therefore caine to the resolution of
intreating the protection of Hârethmah. For this purpose he immediately
dispatched to apprize that general, that he was ready to go over to him,
provided such a design inight be accomplished without the knowledge
of Zûlyemnein; and on the condition that Hàrethmah would engage to
protect him against the violence of his collegue, and to convey him im
safety to the presence of Ul Mâmûn. The proposal was gladly acceded
to by Hârethmah, who sent to inform the Khalif, in reply, that he was
perfectly disposed to obey his orders. It was accordingly arranged
that Hârethmah should approach the palace at midnight in his boat,
accompanied by a few confidential followers; and that Ul Amein should
come out privately and join him. The correspondence was however
not conducted with such secrecy as to escape the vigilance of Zûlyem-
nein; by whom, as it did not exactly square with his views it was imme-
diately determined to disconcert the design. As soon as night came
he took post with a considerable division of his army along the bank
* 2291, 3s. 4d.
113
A. D. &13.
Tarikh
Tebry.
of the Tigris, embarking two hundred soldiers well armed, on board A. H. 198.
some river craft prepared for the purpose, with the necessary instruc-
tions in what manner to proceed. At the hour appointed, Hârethmah
with his followers repaired to the spot agreed upon; and Ul Amein in
the disguise of a slave, his head muffled up in a cloak, and accompanied
by a single attendant only, hastened to the river side, and stepped into
the boat, in which Harethmah sat anxiously awaiting his approach.
As soon, however, as the boat had gained the middle of the Tigris, it
was surrounded, and assailed by a shower of arrows from those which
had been armed by the directions of Zûlyemnein. Hârethmah and
his followers resolutely defended themselves for some time; but their
assailants having with their spears transpierced the sides of the fragile
bark, it soon filled with water and sunk beneath the stream.
Such as
could swim immediately threw themselves into the river, and gained
the shore: the steersman seized Hârethimah by the arm, and conveyed
him safe to land; and Ul Amein, on his part committing himself to the
stream, susceeded after considerable exertion, in gaining the eastern
bank of the Tigris, opposite to the city. Unfortunately, on the very
spot where he was ascending the bank of the river, a detachment of ten
soldiers had been stationed by Zûlyemnein, under an inferior officer,
a native of Khorassaun, whose name was Ibrauhim the son of Jauffer
of Balkh. The person of the unhappy monarch was instantly recog-
nized; and the man compassionately covering him with his cloak to
protect him from the cold, and mounting him upon his own horse,
immediately conveyed him to a place of safety.
Soon afterwards, while Zûlyemnein and his followers were forming
no other conclusion than that he had perished in the Tigris, Ibrauhim
presented himself to announce to the general, that Ul Amein was
safely lodged in his tent; describing the manner in which the unhappy
prince had fallen into his hands. At this period Zûlyemnein had
among his domestics a slave called Koraish, and nicknamed Den-
dauny, or dentatus, from the preposterous size of his teeth. This
man, of whose qualifications he was probably not without experience,
he now summoned to his presence, directing him to proceed without
delay to the tent of Ibrauhim, and to bring him the head of Ul Amein.
The slave hastened, with obsequious zeal, to the execution of this sun-
VOL. II.
43
114
Tarikh
Tebry.
A. H. 198. guinary mandate, and finding his wretched victim alone and unprotect
A. D. 813. ed, immediately drew his sword, and approached to attack him. Ul
Amein perceived his design, and nothing else at hand with which to
defend his person, seized his bolster ; and with that contrived for some
time to ward off the blows of his executioner. But as this could not
avail him long, he faltered in his defence, and received a severe cut
upon the head; and his remorseless assailant repeating the stroke, the
unhappy monarch fell upon his face; on which the assassin immedi-
ately throwing himself upon him, severed his head from the shoulders,
and conveyed it with savage triumph to the presence of his master.
In possession of this sanguinary proof of the approaching termina-
tion of his labours, Zûlyemmein invited his principal followers to a
public audience; and exhibiting to their view his ghastly trophy, the
head of the slaughtered Ul Amein, proceeded to expatiate in such
terms as suited his own immediate purposes, on the circumstances
which had precipitated the fall of the unhappy monarch. He alleged,
in short, that this proud prince, as he thought fit to designate the victim
of his cruelty, in deciding for the protection of Hârethmah in preference
to his, had become the author of his own destruction. Had his decision
been the reverse, he affirmed that he might have been still alive. But
while the perils of the field of battle, and the fatigues and hardships, ofa
protracted and laborious siege, were to be the lot of Zûlyemnein, it was, it
scems, the design of Ul Amein to rob him of his well carned fame, the
honorable reward of his exertions; and by accompanying him to the
presence of Ul Mâmûn, to transfer the whole to Hârethmalı. Zûl-
yemnein now gave orders that the head should be suspended in view
of the walls of Baghdad; and the features of their immolated sover-
eign being early recognized by the garrison, they immediately threw
open their
gates; and surrendering the town to the besiegers, betook
themselves without further resistance to their respective and ordinary
occupations and Zûlyemnein thus master of the metropolis of the
race of Abbas, the calamities of civil discord seemed in an instant to
be appeased.
As he suspected, however, that his conduct in the death of the
murdered monarch, and in the subsequent exposure of his head, was
liable to some misrepresentation on the part of Hârethmah, Zûlyem-
115
66
Tarikh
Tebry.
nein conceived it expedient to adopt some steps to vindicate himself A. H. 198.
on this point to Ul Mâmûn; who had expressly directed that his A. D. 313.
brother should be taken alive. Accordingly when the head of Ul
Amein was as usual dispatched to the presence of that prince, toge-
ther with the staff and mantle of the prophet, and the seal of the
Khelaufut, it was accompanied by a letter from Zûlyemnein to the
following effect. Reposing in the good faith and honor of Hâreth-
"mah a confidence, which, from the unremitting hostilities, that in the
"execution of my orders, I was compelled to prosecute against him,
"he denied to myself, Mahommed-ul-Amein besought by his agents
"the protection of that chief, whom he accordingly prepared to join;
"thus casting upon my integrity an imputation which it never
"deserved. In consequence of the arrangement preconcerted between
66
them, Hârethmah, in the dead of night attended in his boat by the
"river side; where the inconsiderate prince thought fit to put himself
"into his hands. With no other object than to render him those
"honors which were his due as the brother of my sovereign, when he
"should disembark from the boat into which he had conveyed him-
self, I also, at the head of my followers, proceeded to the bank of
"the Tigris. Unfortunately, when they reached the middle of the
"stream, their frail conveyance filled with water, and sunk to the
"bottom. Ul Amein swam for his life, and succeeded in gaining the
"the opposite bank of the river; but having conceived the idea, that
"he had been betrayed, he probably repented, when too late, of hav-
'ing besought the protection of Hârethmah. Be this as it may,
"when he found himself safe on shore, he gave the word aloud,
"Mahommedna munsûrin-help for Mahommed; demanding the
"assistance of his troops for the renewal of hostilities. On this
my followers were ordered, without drawing their swords, to secure
"the person of the prince. He persevered however in resisting the
attempt, and perished in the conflict which ensued. The day fol-
'lowing the people of Baghdad agreed to give up the town; but as
they continued to entertain some doubts as to the fate of their
sovereign, I took his head, and instructed by the example of many
"a former prince, displayed it for their inspection. They were by
"this expedient relieved from their incertitude; and together
66
"
""
66
86
n
Q 3
116
A. H. 198. "with the out-lawed banditti employed in the defence of the
A. D. 813. « town, having returned every one to his avocations, all appearance
"of commotion immediately subsided. As for the head-behold, it
"accompanies this dispatch!"
Tarikh
Tebry.
The report which Harethmalı on his part conceived it expedient to
convey to his master on the same subject, was however comprized in
much fewer words. He briefly stated, that having proceeded accord-
ing to appointment to receive Ul Amein, he had, as he thought
beyond the reach of danger, seated him in his boat, and was conduct-
ing him to his camp; when, to his utter astonishment, in the very
middle of the stream, the boat sunk. That, being sufficiently
engaged in providing for his own safety, he saw nothing more of the
unhappy prince until the following day, when he recognized his head
in the presence of Taher. But of the circumstances which produced
such a spectacle, he professed his entire ignorance.
In the letters transmitted on this occasion, to announce to Ul Ma-
mûn the triumphant termination of the contest with his brother,
Zûlyemnein is said to have further explained, that when, on emerging
from the Tigris, the unfortunate Ul Amein evinced a determination
to resist, he had instructed his slave, adverting to Koraish dendauny
by name, to seize and withhold him from the consequences of his rash
and unavailing obstinacy; but that disdaining to deliver himself up, he
had fought the slave, who was thus compelled, by the necessity ofself-
defence, to put him to death. Upon which it is observed, that to
Ul Mamûn it was long since known, that at the birth of his brother it
had been predicted by the astrologers, that Amein was destined to perish
by the hand of a Koraish; understood, however, to imply some individ-
ual of the celebrated tribe of that name: and such being the notion
entertained by Ul Mamûn, his minister Fazzel, himself a skilful
astrologer, in the correspondence which, in the name of his master,
he carried on with Zûlyemnein, omitted not to charge him, on every
occasion, to be particular in distinguishing among his troops the war-
riors of the Koraish; whose zeal he was uniformly instructed to
stimulate by every species of encouragement: although Zûlyemnein
was but little aware of the motive. When he perused, however, the
circumstantial relation coinmunicated in the report of that general,
Ul Mamûn found no difficulty in applying the prediction exhibited
in his brother's horoscope.
1
117
A. D. 813.
Tarikh
Tebly.
Two of the children of Ul Mâmûn, who had been formerly removed A. H. 198.
from Rakkah to Baghdâd, by Ul Amein, and there continued at this
period confined to the imperial palace, were now conducted by the
directions of Zûlyemnein, with their mother, into Khorassaun; toge-
ther with Mûtummen, and the two sons of Ul Amein, Mûssa and
Abdullah, with their mother, who proceeded at the same time to the
presence of Ul Mamûn. The dowager Zobaidah was confined under
restraint to her own palace.
;
Mahommed ul Amein, from the eldest of his two sons, occasionally
denominated Abû Mûssa, is stated to have enjoyed a distinction to
which no other of his race could pretend; that of being, both by
father and mother, descended from the illustrious stock of Abbas
and he is described to have been in person of a fair complexion, tall in
stature, and broad shouldered, with small eyes and a prominent nose.
On the day of his death, which, in the Kholaussut-ul-akhbaur, is
recorded to have taken place in the latter part of Mohurrim,* one
hundred and ninety-eight, he could not have attained to his eight
and twentieth year; and he perished in the manner we have attempted
to relate, after exercising a precarious sovereignty of four years and
about six months. During the hostilities in which he was engaged
with Ul Màmûn, it is further remarked, that he espoused the daugh-
ter of Eissa the son of Jauffer; represented to have been a woman of
genius, and a poetess, who employed her muse, with some ability, in
recording the virtues of her lamented and unfortunate husband. In
short, this prince appears to have inherited from nature a disposition
of mind, benevolent, and liberal to a pre-eminent degree; but,
while embarked in a contest for life and empire, his supineness in
neglecting the duties of his exalted station, for the miserable pursuits
of private pleasure and amusement, bespoke an imbecility of charac-
ter but little calculated to secure the respect of a warlike people; and
it is not to be wondered at, that his star should have ultimately set
before the superior energies, and the more fortunate destiny of his
brother.
* End of September, A. D. 813,
118
•
ul-akhbaur,
A. H. 198. That brother we are now to recognize under the title of UL. MAMUN
A. D. 813. B'ILLAH,* Abul Abbas Abdullah, the son of Harûn; to whom, when
Kholaussut the fate of his predecessor had become sufficiently notorious, the
allegiance of Hejauz, of both provinces of Irak, and of Parss, was
transferred without further difficulty; the inhabitants of Khorassaun,
UL MAMUN, though his authority, had been long since effectually established in
of the house that part of the empire, embracing the occasion to renew their pledge
of fidelity to him, in his quality of sole monarch of Isslàm.
VIIth Khalif
of Abbas.
Tarikh
Tebry.
"
It appears at the same time, that as soon as it was ascertained that
the contest had thus favorably terminated, Fazzel the son of Sohel
arly suggested to his master the expediency of his presence at Bagh-
dâd, and of transferring the seat of government to that metropolis.
Ul Mâmûn had, however, by this time, conceived so decided a pre-
dilection for Khorassaun, that he was not to be induced by any cou-
siderations of expediency to concur in such a measure. To the
arguments which his minister urged against the manifest impolicy of
continuing to reside at so remote an extremity of his dominions, (over
which it appeared impracticable to exercise an effectual controul,
otherwise than by fixing the source of authority at the centre in
Irak) he endeavoured to reply, by observing that although the
princes of the house of Abbas might have chosen to establish their
abode in Irak, it was to be remembered that the monarchs of the
race of Ommeyah had fixed their court at the opposite extremity of
the empire; even at Damascus, at the very outlet of the passes and
defiles of the Rûmian territory; from whence they had found it,
nevertheless, perfectly practicable to keep the whole world from
east to west, in sufficient awe of their authority. In opposition,
therefore, to what he conceived the most obvious maxims of policy,
Fazzel was compelled to conform to the opinion of his sovereign; it
being determined that the imperial residence should continue at
Merû ;
while the talents ef Zûlyemnein were considered amply com-
petent to secure the submission of Baghdad, and the provinces of the,
west.
Early in the ensuing year, however, a schismatic of the name of
Nasser the son of Shebeib Rebbâi, having set up the standar of
revolt at Rakkah, during the first month of Rabbeia, Zûlyeminin
* Dei gratiâ conservatus-constans.
119
{
Tarikh
Tebry.
found-it requisite to make the circumstance the subject of an imme- A. H. 199.
diate dispatch to Ul Mâmûn. On which, being invited by his master A. D. 81-4.
to suggest the arrangements that he conceived advisable to adopt in
order to defeat the designs of the insurgent, Fazzel continued to
intimate that his opinion was, already, sufficiently known; and he
could only repeat that it behoved them to hasten into Irâk without
a moment's delay. The Khalif still contended that the authority of
Zûlyemnein was in all respects adequate to the emergency; and
when the minister objected that while Zûlyemnein was employed in
the extremity of Jezzeirah, there was reason to apprehend that the
affairs of Irak might fall into confusion, Ul Mamûn then required
that he should discover some suitable person to assume the govern-
ment of that province. It was under these circumstances that Fazzel
undertook to recommend his brother Hûsseyne, or as he will hereafter
be more frequently denominated, Hussun; although it was still too
fresh in the rememberance of every one at Baghdâd, that both he
and his brother were only known in that city in the quality of hum-
ble scribes; an occupation which they had notoriously exercised
during the reigns of both Mehedy and Harûn, without the smallest
pretensions to any degree of experience, or skill in the profession of
Of the imprudence of such a choice, Ul Mâmún is said to
have been suficiently aware; but Fazzel obstinately persevering in
kis point, the Khalif was in this instance compelled to forego his
opinion. Hussun Sohel was accordingly invested with the govern-
ment of Irâk; instructions being at the same time conveyed to Zûl-
ycmnein, on the arrival of his successor, to deliver over to him, the
whole of the cities, and dependencies of that province at present
under his authority; and for his own part to proceed without delay
towards Rakkah, with the division of the army under his orders, to
chastise the usurpation of the insurgent Nasser; the government of
that quarter, including Mossúl and the whole of Jezzeirah, being con-
ferred upon him, in the room of what it had been found expedient to
consign to another person. On the same occasion Hârethmah was
required to transfer to Hussun Sohel the troops who had hitherto fol-
lowed his standard; and to return with such as were immediately
attached to his own person into Khorassaun.
arms.
120
}
A. H. 199.
Tarikh
Tebry.
On his arrival at Baghdâd, the army and the government were both
A. D. 814. accordingly resigned to the disposal of Hussun Sohel, by Zûlyemnein,
and Hârethmah; the former proceeding towards Rakkah equally dis-
satisfied with Mâmûn, and with his minister. In a similar temper of
mind, Hârethmah took his departure for Khorassaun; both ofthese chiefs
having entertained a notion, that the Khalifwould scarcely be induced to
deprive them of the authority which they had established at Baghdâd.
Of the troops which, in conformity with his instructions, Hârethmah
delivered over to the discretion of the new governor of Irâk, the
immediate command had been usually exercised by a slave, or client
of his own, of the name of Abû Serraya; and to this person they
were now left in charge, under the authority of Hussun Sobel. The
insurgent Nasser ben Shebeib having shut himself up within the for-
tifications of Rakkah, on the approach of Zûlyemnein, the latter
immediately formed the siege of that city; exhibiting, however, no
other indication of hostility, or of a design to effect the subjugation
of the place, than by the position which, in total inaction, he thus
continued for a long time to occupy before its gates.
As had been in some measure foreseen, the character of Hussan
Sohel's government displayed to the inhabitants of Baghdad, both
soldiers and others, something very foreign to what they been accus-
tomed to admire; neither did they attempt to conceal their surprise
and dissatisfaction at this appointment of Ul Mâmûn's, which, like
some other recent proceedings of that prince, they ascribed to the
improper influence exercised by the brother; to whom, they said, they
well understood the management of affairs had been now too generally
resigned by his master.
At a crisis thus verging towards confusion and disturbance, an
individual of the race of Ally, descended from Imaum IIûsseyne, of
the name of Mahomed son of Ibrâhim, and on whom they thought
fit to confer the title of Tebauteba, was clandestinely employed at
Kûfah in soliciting the allegiance of the people for" Ul Ruzza of the
race of the prophet ;" and had succeeded to a great extent in prevail-
ing upon the inhabitants to engage privately in his views: when in
the month of Jummaudy the second,* Abû Serraya, at the head ofhis
troops, entered Kûfah; and inviting Tebauteba from the privacy in
* January, A. D. 815.
121
1
which he had hitherto been operating, openly declared in favor of his A. H. 199.
designs, and, under his presumed authority, became entire master of A. D. 815.
the city.
The person who now demands our attention under the appellation
of Abû Serraya, father of legions, is said originally to have borne the
name of Serrayâi the son of Munsûr; and to have been a descendant
from Hauny, or rather more correctly, from Ayauz the son of Kabeizah,
or Kabeissah, the Sheybaunian; the same that in the battle of Zikaur,
at the head of the Arabs of Heirah, so signally defeated the troops of
Khossrou Parveiz, some time subsequent to the conflict of Beider.
But whatever might have been the renown of his ancestor, Abû Ser-
raya was himself the slave of Hârethmah; although in that humble
situation, such was the esteem which he had acquired by his talents
and fidelity, that wherever his master was principal in authority, he
invariably exercised the functions of lieutenant. On the present occa-
sion, when he was directed to transfer the troops of his division to
Hussun Sohel, IIârethmah left those who served on his own immedi-
ate pay, in the charge of Abû Serraya, as his lieutenant gene ral; while
he proceeded himself on his journey into Khorassaun.
Hitherto habituated to the less arduous avocations of secretary, and
totally unpracticed in the command of armies, Hussun Sobel, accord-
ing to the notions of our author at least, possessed but few of the
qualifications requisite for the controul of the numerous, and populous
cities now so unadvisedly committed to his management. Betaking
himself therefore, however prematurely, to indulge in his natural bias,
the exercise of his pen, he proceeded, on the plea that their services
were no longer required, to strike out from the list of stipendiaries,
together with various of the troops of Baghdad, a great proportion of
those who had been consigned to his authority by Hârethmah ;
and at the head of the latter, thus improvidently deprived of their
subsistance, Abû Serraya resenting the injury, shortly afterwards quit-
ted Baghdad, and hastened to Kûfah; where in the manner just related,
he drew from obscurity the usurper Tebauteba and his race, and to
him, together with his discarded followers, publicly pledged his
allegiance.
VOL. II.
R
Tarikh
Tebry.
122
A. H. 199.
Tarikh
Tebry.
To oppose the designs of these insurgents, as soon as he was apprized
A. D. 815. of their proceedings, Hussun Sohel first made choice of Zeheir the
son of Mosseib, one of the military chiefs of his government; who
accordingly advanced to Kûfah at the head of ten thousand of the
troops of Baghdâd. But Abû Serraya issuing from the town to give him
battle, Zeheir was defeated with considerable slaughter, a valuable
booty becoming the reward of the conqueror. Re-entering Kûfah, how-
ever, with the captured property in his train, Abû Serraya was surpris-
ed by an unexpected demand, on the part of Tebauteba, for the spoils
of his victory, which he was compelled to relinquish on the spot; but
as this was a species of usurpation to which the succesful adventurer
was little disposed to submit, the wretched Tebauteba was the very
same nicht taken off by a dose of poison, administered through his
contrivance; Mahommed the grandson of Zeid, another descendant from
Imaum Husseyne, being chosen the following day to supply his place,
while the supreme direction of his councils was henceforward appro-
priated with little ceremony to himself by Abû Serraya.
Subsequent to the departure of Zeheir, a fresh body of troops had
been dispatched by Hussun Sohel, either to sustain, or to retrieve the
miscarriage of, that commander. But this detachment experiencing
a similar repulse and disgrace at the gates of Kûfah, a spirit of general
revolt appeared at once to spread itself through the whole race of
Ally; of whom a number of individuals immediately starting up, and
entering from different quarters into a correspondence with Abû Ser-
raya, were by him, without difficulty, confirmed in the government of
those places, from which they had succeeded in banishing the author-
ity of Ul Mâmûn. In the mean time Abû Serraya with Mahommed
the Hûsseynite the instrument of his ambition, on whom he had
conferred the title of Amcir-ul-moumencin, took up his permanent
abode at Kûfah; whence he proceeded to direct that the name of Ul
Mâmûn should be expunged from the public orations in all the terri-
tory which had submitted to his usurpation. His views now extended
to the entire subjugation of Irâk; and a chief of the insurgent family
was accordingly dispatched, with a competent force, to take possession
of Waussit; while Zeid the son of Mûssa, another of the race of Fati-
123
?
ma, proceeded towards Bassorah; both of which cities appear to have A. H. 199.
submitted without resistance.
In the perplexity occasioned by the alarming progress of the insur-
rection, Hussun Sohel conceived it expedient to dispatch, without
further delay, to recal IIârethmah; who, when the disturbances broke
out, had not yet prosecuted his journey beyond Hulwaun. To the
repeated messages of Hussun, he did not however appear disposed to
pay the smallest attention; until on reaching Hamadaun, he was over-
taken by a dispatch from that chief, which threatened, unless he
instantly retraced his steps to Baghdâd, to make such a representation
of his conduct, both to Ul Mâmûn and his minister, as should enforce
his return, though he were at the gates of Merû: intimating at the
same time, in terms which could hardly be misconceived, that the
relation in which he stood with the ringleader of the insurgents, was
sufficiently notorious to the world; and that it was by no means
difficult to infer, that the proceedings of the slave had originated in
the instructions of his master. With such an accusation impending,
Hârethmah conceived it might be extremely hazardous to appear in
the presence of Ul Mâmûn; convinced at the same time as he well
must have been, that under such circumstanees, no means would be
left unemployed by Fazzel to accomplish his destruction. He sub-
mitted therefore with a good grace to yield to the importunities of
Hussun; and returning shortly afterwards to Baghdad, experienced
from that officer, notwithstanding what had passed, a very honorable
and outwardly cordial reception.
Being now placed at the head of the force destined to serve against
Abû Serraya, Iarethinah marched out of Bagdad, detaching Ally the
son of Saaid, with the advanced guard, to expel from Waussit the
person by whom it had been seized for the insurgent. In the mean
time, having in vain employed messengers to recal him to a sense of
duty, Hârethmah advanced at length in person to give battle to Abû
Serraya; whom he attacked, and defeated with great slaughter, com-
pelling him to retire for shelter to the castle of Eben Hobairah ;* and
from thence, by a close and ardent pursuit, to continue his flight to
* Near the Euphrates, about one third of the distance from Hillah to Kûfah,
A. D. 815,
Tarikh
Tebry.
}
R 2
124
A. H. 199. Kufah. On this the successful general encamped his army for some
A. D. 815. time near the same castle of Eben Hobairah.
Tarikh
Tebry.
To this period, many of the kindred of the house of Abbas, and
particularly of the family of U1 Mûnsur and Mehedy, were still suf-
fered to reside in very opulent circumstances at Kûfah; but on the
recent discomfiture and return to that place, of Abû Serraya, their
destiny was suddenly changed; they were banished from their
habitations, which, together with the whole of their property, being
either destroyed, or confiscated to the use of the insurgent, they hast-
ened towards the castle of Eben Hobairah, where, in the camp of
Hârethmah, they found an asylum for their persons.
The month of Zulkaudah was now arrived; and as the Hadjies
from Persian Irâk and Khorassaun, and the other provinces of the
east were, it seems, on the approach of the season of the pilgrimage,
necessarily to pass through the territory now occupied by the troops
of Harethmah, they were in great numbers prevented from the prose-
cution of their sacred design by the orders of that general. On the
other hand, Abû Serraya on his part did not fail to dispatch to Mek-
kah, another of the race of Ally, descended from Imaum Husseyne,
whose name was Hussun, subsequently known by the appellation of
Eben-ul-Eftess, (son of the flat-nosed) and who took his departure
from Kûfah during the month of Zûlkaudah, in order to preside in the
ceremonies of the visitation; while about the same period Mahom-
med the son of Sûliman, by the expulsion of the lieutenant of the
house of Abbas, obtained possession of Medeinah. On the evening
of the ninth of Zilhudje, while the pilgrims without either prince or
pontiff, were collected on Mount Arafaut, Eben ul Eftess, accompanied
by his governor, or preceptor, Daoud the son of Mûssa, arrived in the
neighborhood of Mekkah; and having performed the duties of eve-
ning service in the sanctuary of the Kaaubah, proceeded to join
the Hadjies, on Arafaut, where he remained until midnight.
The following day,* he returned and was allowed to take final posses-
sion of the sacred city.
In the former part of Mohurrim, of the year two hundred, Hâreth.
mah led his army to the gates of Kûfah; from which, with recruited
* The 20th of June, A. D. 815,
125
1
A. D. 815.
Tarikh
Tebly.
powers, Abû Serraya issued once inore to give him battle.
He was A. H. 200.
again defeated; and being pursued into the town by his conqueror,
he was compelled to fly from thence towards Bassorah, taking with
him the pageant Mahommed, the adherents of the family, and the
whole of the troops who continued attached to his interests. On
the banks of the Deyjelah, or Tigris, he was attacked on his march,
and discomfited with fresh slaughter by a division of the garrison of
Waussit, detached to intercept his retreat by Ally the son of Sâeid,
the governor on the part of Hârethmah. Being in the last conflict
severely wounded, and disabled from further active hostilities, Abû
Serraya now bent his steps in the direction of Jezzeirah; where, in
the city of Rauss-ul-Eyne, he had, as he flattered himself, provided
an abode against the contingencies of adverse fortune. He had how-
ever no sooner entered the boundaries of Jezzeirah, than he found
himself further opposed by a detachment. of the troops of Hussun So-
hel, under a commander of the name of Hameid; by whom he was
immediately secured, and together with the whole of his followers,
conducted in safe custody to the presence of the governor of Irâk.
At a subsequent period he was put to death by that chief; and our
author concludes his story with the remark, that, it has been recorded,
that no criminal was ever known to utter such violent lamentations,
or to betray such total want of fortitude at the moment of execution,
as this same wretched Abû Serraya.
When it was sufficiently ascertained that nothing further was to be
apprehended from the attempts of Abû Serraya, Ally the son of Sâeid
received the orders of Hârethmah to advance from Waussit, and take
possession of Bassorah. At the period under consideration, Zeid the
son of Mûssa, and brother of Imaum Ally Ruzza, from the frequent
conflagrations with which he had laid waste the territory under his
authority, surnamed Zeid-ul-Naur, Zeid the incendiary, continued to
rule over that city; but was become, by his vices and intolerable
cruelties, so completely odious to the inhabitants, that the lieutenant
of Hârethmah no sooner appeared before their gates, than they seized
the person of their oppressor, and delivered him into the hands of
that officer, by whom he was condemned to languish in the solitude
of a prison. A brother of this man's, of the name of Ibrauhim, had
126
A. H. 200. contrived about the same time to establish himself in Yemen, and by
A. D. 815. similar atrocities, to render himself equally detested; having, by his
sanguinary character acquired the appellation of Ibrauhim-ul-Jezzaur,
Ibrauhim the butcher.
Tarikh
Tebry.
Such also is represented to have been the conduct of Hussun-ul-
Eftess at Mekkah, that, driven to extremity by various instances of
oppression and insolence, either on his part or that of his officers, the
people at last conspired to effect his destruction; but becoming by
some channel or other apprized of his danger, he contrived for the
present to escape their vengeance. Distinguished for his exemplary
piety, and unblemished manners, Mahommed, the son of Imaum Jauf-
fer-us-Saudek, had long since taken sanctuary, as he conceived against
the projects of ambition, at Mekkah; and to him, when they under-
stood that the inhabitants would no longer submit to the arbitrary pro-
ceedings of their principal, that Abû Serraya was no longer in a condition
to be of use to their designs, and that the house of Abbas had recovered
its authority in Irak, the adherents ofthe race of Ally, who served in the
train of Hussun-ul-Eftess, now applied themselves; and engaging to
secure for him the allegiance of the people, whose resentments they had
awakened by their misconduct, they invited him from his retirement,
and importuned him to accept of their submission. All this he at
first declined, alleging that no earthly consideration should ever
prevail with him to withdraw from the service of his God: but
instructed by the admonitions of their leader, the followers of Hus-
sun-ul-Eftess, by repeated protestations of their sincere repentance
for their crimes and atrocities, and by a promise of embracing the
doctrines of his sect, at the same time that he accepted their allegiance,
`ultimately persuaded this abstinent recluse, once more to revisit the
haunts of men ; receiving the homage not only of the troops of Hus-
sun-ul-Eftess, but of the inhabitants of Mekkah at large; who congra-
tulated themselves on being thus unexpectedly relieved from the
oppressions of the usurper; who was constrained on his part to reside
in privacy, although his son Ally was permitted to assume the man-
agement of affairs under the pretended controul of Mahommed Jauffery.
It was while these transactions took place at Mekkah that Ibrauhim-
al-Jezzaur succeeded in expelling Ishauk the son of Mussa of the race
of Abbas, from Yemen: but the extruded lieutenant still continuing
127
A. D. 815.
Tarikh
Tebry.
to hover on the skirts of his province, was no sooner apprized that the A. II. 200.
inhabitants were become disaffected towards Eben-ul-Eftess and his
agents, than-he approached that way, with the design of getting pos-
session of the city. Mahommed the son of Jauifer hastened to give
him battle, accompanied by the son of Hussun-ul-Eftess; but the men
of Mekkah withholding their support from the race of the prophet, the
troops of the house of Abbas prevailed; their general immediately
entered and made himselfmaster of the sacred city, putting to the sword
in great numbers, the adherents of the vanquished party who had the
misfortune to fall into his hands. Mahommed the son of Jauffer, who
had so unwisely exchanged his tranquil retreat for the precarious
pursuits of ambition, contrived however to escape to Jùddah. His
son, or that of Eben-ul-Eftess, it is not clear which, was killed in the
action which took place on this occasion near Mekkah; while others.
of the party took flight in various directions. Having placed the city
of Mekkah in a state of sufficient security, the son of Mussa proceeded
without further delay to Jûddah; where he contrived without much
difficulty to get into his hands the person of the fugitive Mahommed
who implored his protection, and was received to mercy; the success-
ful general being satisfied to reconduct him back to Mekkah, where
from the vestibule of the sanctuary (miaun-e-rokken-wo-mûkaum) he
compelled him to renounce his short-lived authority, and in the face
of the public, to submit to that of Ul Mâmân.
In the mean time Mahommed the son of IIarûn, the brother of Ul
Mâmûn, and the same that succeeded to the throne of the Khalifs
under the title of Mûtassem, had been dispatched by the government
of Irâk to recover Yemen; of which we have already seen that Ibrau-
him-ul-Jezzaur had recently made himself master. To oppose the
entrance of this prince as soon as his destination was ascertained, a des-
cendant of Aukkail the son of Abûtauleb, and the brother of Ally, was
employed by Ul Jezzaur: and as Abû Ishauk, which was the famitar
appellative of Mûtassem, had in the first instance proceeded to Mekkah,
in order to be present during the concluding ceremonies of the pilgrim-
age, at the close of the year two hundred, and with the design of continu-
ing his march into Yemen at a future opportunity, the Aukkailite
appeared with a considerable force at the gates of that city. But
128
A. H- 200. being furnished with the necessary military aid, Abû Ishauk was
A. D. 816. immediately sent out, by the governor of Mekkah, to give battle to the
Tarikh
Tebry.
intruder, who was compelled to retire with shame and loss.
Soon after he had brought the war with Abû Serraya to so fortunate.
a termination, Hussun Sohel had allotted to Hârethmah, the govern-
ment of Damascus; which that warlike and haughty chief disdained
however to accept at his hands, demanding at the same time his dismis-
sion for Khorassaun, in conformity to his original instructions; but as
the governor of Irak persisted in opposing this design, Hârethmah
quitted Kûfah without his concurrence, causing it to be intimated
to him that he should seek an interview with his sovereign at the gates
of his palace; there to narrate the circumstances of his own story with-
out the interference of subordinate authority. That if it were found
expedient to remand him to Irâk, it rested with the better judgment
of their common superior, and that he should obey without scruple. But
that at all events he conceived it far more honorable to receive his
authority from the hands of his sovereign, than from any such contempt-
ible delegate as he considered him to be. He further discovered his
intention of appearing at Merû in the pride and pomp of recent victory;
and at a private conference with Ul Mâmûn to undeceive him with res-
pect to Irak, and to the character of Hussun Sohel. On all these sub-
jects the latter did not fail to advertise his brother; who hastened on
his part to avail himself of his influence with UI Mâmûn, to prepossess
the mind of that prince to the disadvantage of Hârethmah; whom he
did not scruple to accuse of having brought contempt on the authority
of his sovereign at Baghdâd, and of having employed the traitor Abû
Serraya to bring from obscurity, and to promote with such formidable
though transient success, the claims of the race of Fatima; since it was
not probable that the slave should have conceived such a design, if it
had not been consonant to the views of his master. And lastly, that
after rejecting with disdain his brother's appointment to the province
of Syria, he was now repairing to court in defiance of the express
commands of his sovereign.
By these and similar representations the mind of Ul Mâmûn was at
last sufficiently predisposed against Hârethmah; and it was there-
fore resolved to keep him at a distance, by confirming his nomi-
129
:
Tarikh
Tebry.
ation to the government of Damascus, to which that of Hejauz was A. H. 200.
now annexed; and the necessary letters patent were accordingly dis- A. D. 816.
patched to meet him. Persisting however in his original design,
Hârethmah paid but little attention to these letters, and continued
his journey to the gates of Merû; which, to the sound of his kettle
drums, aud with ensigns displayed, he immediately entered without
further ceremony, proceeding in this manner, at the head of his
followers, through the city to the palace of Ul Mâmûn. Affecting
to be surprised at the noise and tumult occasioned by his approach,
that prince desired to be informed, whence these unauthorized
sounds of military music? and being acquainted by his minister, in
language but little calculated to soothe his resentment, that they
proceeded from the train of Hârethmah, who was coming in contempt
of his orders to pay him a visit; the monarch became thoroughly
incensed, and forthwith directed that the insolent intruder should be
brought before him. The attendants proceeded accordingly, and con-
ducted him with his hands bound to the presence of Ul Mâmûn; who
accosting him with an air of stern displeasure, demanded if he really pos-
sessed the audacity thus to approach his person in immediate defiance
of his express commands, or was he to disbelieve the evidence of his
own senses? and to render his insolence the more notorious, that he
should mark his unbidden entry to the capital of his sovereign, with
all the triumph of martial pomp? The degraded chief attempted to
explain himself, but in this he was prevented by the attendants; the
foot soldiers of the Khalif's guard being directed to beat him with
their fists about the head and neck; and in that state, with his nose
demolished, and his face otherwise severely battered, he was imme-
diately dragged to his prison; where, after languishing for a few days,
he was finally put to death, through the agency of Fazzel the son of
Sohel.
While the career of Hârethmah was thus terminated at Merû, the
turbulent soldiery at Baghdad proceeded to the extreme of expelling
their governor, Ilussun Sohel, from that city, who was thence driven
to reside at Neherwaun; where, and not before, it would appear,
that the captive Abû Serraya was now condemned to suffer death.
Having vindicated his authority by this act of justice, he then
VOL. II.
S
130
#
Tarikh
Tebry.
A. H. 201. returned towards Baghdad; but failing in his attempt to procure
A. D. 816. admission, he withdrew to Medâein, with the design of proceeding
further towards Waussit, as he might be constrained by circumstances,
or the attempts of the refractory troops of his government. He dis-
patched in the mean time one of his officers, Ally the son of Hash-
aum, to conduct, in his behalf, the affairs of Baghdad; and this person
having obtained from his principal a promise to satisfy a demand for
six months pay on the part of the army, they were content for a
short time to submit to his authority; but a month being suffered to
elapse without any thing to indicate a performance of this promise,
the soldiers mutinied afresh against this substitute of their obnoxious
commander. They were however once more appeased by an engage-
ment on his part to defray their expences, until such time as he should
be furnished with a sufficient supply of treasure to discharge the
whole of their demand.
It was formerly stated that the insurgent Zeid-ul-Naur, of the race
of Ally, after having exercised a temporary usurpation at Bassorah,
to the entire disgust of the inhabitants, was by them delivered up to
Ally the son of Sâeid, who committed his person to the confinement
of a prison. About the period of which we are now speaking, the
the captive Zeid, however, contrived to effect his escape; and having
joined a brother of Abû Serraya, who wandered about the neighbor-
hood in some sort of disguise, was encouraged, by the number of dis-
affected men who assembled round his standard, to the design of once
more getting possession of Bassorah. But a force being seasonably
detached against him by Ally the son of Hashaum, the lieutenant
governor of Baghdâd, the design was frustrated; the brother of Abû
Serraya was killed in an action which took place on this occasion;
and Zeid, becoming again a captive, was now conveyed to Baghdad,
where he was condemned, for a short time longer, to expiate the errors
of an hopeless ambition in the solitude of a prison. Nevertheless,
the mutinous soldiery of that metropolis again conspiring to subvert
the authority of their governor, broke open his prison gates, and set
him once more at large. But instructed by recent misfortunes, he
determined this ti ne forever to abandon such perilous enterprises;
and contrived to conceal himself so effectually, from these who sought
131
1
A. D. 816.
Tarikh
Tebry.
him for the purpose of placing him on the throne of the Khalifs in A. H. 201.
opposition to Ul Mâmûn, as to elude their most diligent inquiry.
Thus frustrated in their intentions with respect to Zeid-ul-Naur,
the insurgents turned their views upon Munsûr the son of Mehedy,
still residing at Baghdad as a private individual; to whom they accord-
ingly repaired with an offer of the throne of the Khelaufut, and of their
immediate allegiance. But finding that he steadily resisted every
importunity to accept of the sovereign power, they then made him
the proposal of assuming the government, as the lieutenant of Ul
Mâmûn; since it was their fixed determination never to submit to the
authority of Hussun Sohel in any shape. To this Munsûr yielded
his assent, and proceeding to the exercise of his power, gave the first
proof of it by repeating the Khotbah in the name of Ul Mamûn; after
which he invited Fazzel the son of Rabbeia from his secret abode at
Baghdâd, and conferred upon him the appointment of Vezzerr.
These events produced in the mind of Hussun Sohel increasing
apprehension. And as he conceived himself not perfectly safe against
the attempt of his adversaries at Medâein, he removed without delay
for greater security, from that place to Waussit, half way to Bassorah
along the Tigris. In the mean time the insurgents at Baghdâd were
no less eager to gratify, than he was to elude their revenge, and ceased
not their importunities to be led against him. Tauher Zûlyemnein, in
his camp before Rakkah, appears all the while to have contemplated
these convulsions with perfect indifference, until he became apprized
of the proceedings of the troops in favor of Munsûr. He then conceived
it expedient to dispatch, from among the troops of Khorassaun, a dis-
tinguished captain of the name of Mahommed ben Khaled, to concert
with that prince some determined plan of operations; and otherwise to
to afford him every assistance in the attack which was meditating
against Hussun Sohcl. On the appearance of this new chief at Bagh-
dâd, the whole of the soldiery immediately collected round his person;
demanding that Munsûr should appoint him their lieutenant general,
for the purpose of conducting them without delay against the odious,
and detested Hussun. Their clamours had been too frequently suc
cessful to be in this instance exerted in vain. Mahommed ben
Khâled was accordingly invested with the military command; and a
$ 2
132
A. II. 201. considerable force soon afterwards marched under his orders towards
A. D. 816. Waussit. In the neighborhood of that city they were opposed in
Tarikh
Tebry.
battle by the troops of Hussun Sohel; and their commander being
severely wounded in the action, they were compelled with disgrace
and loss to return to Baghdad, where he expired of his wounds. Hav-
ing however chosen Eissa, the son of their deceased general, to command
in the room of his father, they proceeded a second time towards
Waussit; and were again defeated with accumulated slaughter, by
Hameid the son of Abdul Ilameid of Tûss, employed against them at
the head of the troops of Hussun Sohel.
Irritated by repeated disgrace, discomfiture, and loss, the soldiers on
their return this time to Baghdad, became still more violent in their
clamours, urging with equal rage and impatience to be led again with-
out delay to meet their obnoxious governor: whom, under the odious
appellation of the magian son of a magian they announced their unal-
terable resolution, never more to admit into authority; whose brother
Fazzel they proclaimed to be equally obnoxious to their choice; and
protesting moreover, that if he was not without further delay degraded
from the Tizzaurut, Ul Mâmûn himself was to consider that from that
day they had abjured his authority as Khalif. Having adopted these
violent resolutions, they proceeded to demand that Harthem the son of
Hauzem might be appointed Sepah-salaur, or lieutenant general, by
whom they were conducted once more to the gates of Waussit; Hameid
the Tûssite being again employed to oppose hin on the part of Hussun
Sohel, while Yaheya the son of Ally the Mahanite was dispatched by
Munsûr to take possession of Medàcin.
But the sufferings of the inhabitants of Baghdad had now again
reached that point, beyond which there was no further endurance. A
licentious banditti had re-established its uncontrolable sway in that
unhappy city; the women, the slaves, the property of the inhabitants
of every rank and description, had once more become the prey of robbers
and outlaws, who regarded neither the authority of Munsûr, nor of any
other person and the efforts of the few honest and well disposed
individuals, who united to check the excesses of these unprincipled
depredators, having failed in the application, this wretched metro-
133
polis was abandoned, for another season, to the dominion of civil A. H. 201.
discord, and of every species of outrage and atrocity.
The troubles which afflicted the province of Irâk were, however,
destined at last to reach the ears of Ul Mâmûn; but the source from
which they sprung was concealed from him, as sedulously as ever,
by his artful and ambitious minister. Instead of ascribing the evil
where it was due, to the general, and determined aversion of the people
to the government of his brother, the Vezzeir continued to impress his
sovereign with a belief, that it entirely originated in the projects perpe-
tually renewed by the persecuted race of Ally; of whom, he asserted
there was not a city in the empire, in which some individual had not
started up, to vindicate the claims of his family. On the basis of such
a representation, the Khalif, after long deliberating on the subject,
ultimately decided on adopting the following expedient.
It was
resolved betwixt him and his minister, that some one should be imme-
diately sought of the lineage of Ally, whose piety and wisdom should
be already acknowledged throughout the limits of Isslâm; whose life
should have been unpolluted by the vanities of human ambition; and
whose superior claims should be universally admitted by the whole
race. This distinguished individual when discovered, it was then
determined to conduct into Khorassaun, to be immediately proclaimed
successor to the throne of the Khalifs, on the demise of Ul Màmûn;
in such a manner as to convince the whole race that on the death of that
prince, the sovereign power should descend, without failure, from the
house of Abbas to that of Ally. An expedient by which it was hoped
to unite the whole family in the interests of Ul Mâmûn, and of this
their lineal representative; and finally to appease those commotions
with which they had so often disturbed the tranquillity of the Mahom-
medan government.
In prosecution of this plan, the inquiry was set on foot without further
delay; and the selection resting upon Ally Ruzza, the eighth Imaum,
now residing at Baghdâd, (and the brother as it would appear of Zeid-ul,
Naur, though of a character perfectly the reverse) it was finally deter-
mined, between the Khalif and his minister, that he should be immedi-
ately brought from Irâk, and declared successor to the empire on the
death of Ul Mâmûn; and that the latter should proceed, without delay,
A. D. 816.
Tarikh
Tebry.
134
2
A. H- 201. to introduce among his subjects the doctrines of the Sheiahs, calling upon
A. D. 816. them to acknowledge the Imaumut, or pontificate, in the descendants of
Tarikh
Tebry.
Ally and Fatima; in the hope that the plots and conspiracies, which had
been hitherto directed against the reigning power, might be banished
the land, and that the disaffected might be at length permanently recon-
ciled to the authority of Ul Mâmûn. It may perhaps appear extraor-
dinary that, when the matter became thus finally arranged, Fazzel
conceived it no longer necessary to disguise from his master, that the
seditious and turbulent spirit, on so many recent occasions exhibited
by the troops of Baghdad, had in truth its origin in their rooted
aversion to the government of his brother Hussun; neither does it
appear less unaccountable, that such a discovery should have produced
no sort of change in the resolutions of Ul Mâmûn; unless indeed the
plan is to be considered altogether as a matter of political expediency,
to answer the purposes of the moment, and to be adhered to, or aban-
doned, just as the occasion might eventually require.
Be this however as it may, Rudjài the son of Zohauk, a maternal
uncle of Ul Mâmûn's, accompanied by a confidential domestic of the
name of Tûmauss, was dispatched to conduct Ally Ruzza from Bagh-
dâd to Merû; whilst Ul Mâmûn hastened on his part to publish through
that city, the rights of the Sheiahs, or adherents of Ally; proclaiming
at the same time, that after himself the Khelaufut was to devolve in
full sovereignty to Ally the son of Mûssa; that he was to be considered in
the immediate exercise of the sacred functions of the Imaumut; and that
it was no longer lawful to molest with injurious persecutions the man
who, in himself, and in his illustrious predecessors, had already suffered
too grievously, from the oppressive policy of the houses of Ommeyah
and Abbas. That, with acknowledged justice on the side of his new
found collegue, circumstances which he could not controul had alone
precluded him from an immediate abdication in his favor; but as heir
apparent, and successor to the Khelaufut, next after himself, and to the
entire exclusion of his own offspring, he now solemnly nominated the
same Ally the son of Mûssa, by the title of Urruzza, of the race of
Mahommed; further demanding for him, and for his son Mahommed
Tekky after him, the allegiance of the people. Togive the utmost
apparent solidity to these arrangements, Ul Mamûn on the subsequent
135
Tarikh
Tebty.
arrival of the two princes at Merû, bestowed upon Ally Ruzza the hand A. H. 201.
of his eldest daughter Omm-e-Habeib, and that of his youngest, Omm- A. D. 817.
ul-Fazzel, upon the youthful Mahommed: and lastly, the black banner,
and uniform of the house of Abbas, which he stigmatized as the livery
of the infernal regions, was laid aside for the more lively green of the
race of Fatima; which he recommended, as the decoration of the inmates
of interminable bliss. In these several changes, the minister Fazzel was
directed to circulate, to every city of the empire, letters demanding
the concurrence of the inhabitants at large; and publicly announcing,
that on the demise of Ul Mamûn, the throne of the Khalifs was tỏ
descend without reserve to Ally Ruzza, and after him, in succession, to
his son Mahommed, or such of the posterity of Ally as might be found
most worthy of the exalted charge: the reigning sovereign being, in these
letters, represented to have merely restored to the legitimate claimant
the unquestionable rights of the prophet's family, from a decided con-
viction of their superiority to those of his own, in whatever point
examined.
In obedience to the instructions conveyed to him on this occasion,
Hussun Sohel, who still resided at Waussit, proceeded to exact from
the troops of that dependency, an engagement to abide by the plan of
succession thus recently established by their sovereign and similar
instructions being at the same time expedited, to Zûlyemnein before
Rakkah, to Mossûle, and Jezzeirah, and to all the cities of Syria and
Hejauz, the agitations which had been so long kept on foot, by the ad-
herents of the race of Ally and Fatima, appear to have been at once
laid at rest, to the very remotest limits of the empire.
Previous to the arrival of his dispatches, it is however observed,
that Hussun Sohel had contrived to accommodate his differences with
the refractory garrison of Baghdâd, by according to a demand of six
months gratuity; it being agreed on their part, that Munsûr should
relinquish his authority, and return to a private station, and that Eissa
the son of Mahommed, should preside over the city as the delegate of
Hussun. But the treaty, by which these differences had been recon-
ciled, was scarcely closed, when a most violent fermentation among
the soldiery was afresh excited by the letters from his principal, which
were communicated by the lieutenant of Baghdad; calling upon the
inhabitants to pledge themselves in support of the new order of suc-
136
A. H. 201. cession; and immediately to adopt, in their standards and apparel, the
A. D. 817. green livery of the Seyeds, or race of Fatima. With the ordinary
Tarikh
Tebry.
clamour, the troops protested that while the rights of the house of
Abbas possessed, with them, such an indubitable preference, the
arrangements which violated those rights should never have their
concurrence; and the whole of the family residing at Baghdâd being
then assembled, a resolution was adopted without delay, to abjure
the authority of Ul Mâmûn; and to raise to the Khelaufut in his
stead, some other individual of the race of Abbas, less prodigal of the
interests of his blood. With these views the malcontents hastened
with an offer of the imperial dignity to Munsûr the son of Mehedy;
but that chief steadily declining their offer, they appeared with the
same proposal at the gate of his brother Ibrauhim, who was, without
much difficulty led to coincide with their views; alleging, as the
motive of his compliance, his entire disapprobation of any measure of
Ul Mâmûn's, which went to transfer from his own kindred the rights
of the Khelaufut. On the next ensuing Friday, the troops of Bagh-
dâd in conjunction with the Benni Abbas, assembled together in the
principal mosque of the city; where, from the pulpit of the Imaumut,
Ibrauhim publicly pronounced that Ul Màmûn was deposed from
his authority; and reciting the Khotbah in his own name, proceeded
to demand for himself the allegiance of the people: an event, which is
here recorded to have taken place, when three days were yet unex-
pired of the month of Zilhudje, of the year two hundred and one.*
We are now, with one slight exception which will occur hereafter,
and with considerable regret, compelled to take leave of our instructive
guide, the Persian translator and continuator of the Tarikh Tebry, of
which, the author of these pages has not the good fortune to possess
more than the first volume, terminating with the death of Ul Mâmûn;
a period to which the reader is abruptly conveyed by a transit of at least
seventeen years: and of which, bating the single article of the nomina-
tion of Mûtassem to succeed to the Khelaufut, notwithstanding the
deceitful formality of prior arrangements, the events are passed over in
total silence. This chasm it becomes our object, as far as possible,
to supply from the abridged testimony of more modern authorities.
* July 15th, A. D. 817,
137
Having assumed the functions of the Khelaufut at Baghdad, in the A. II. 201,
manner just related, Ibrauhim employed considerable exertion to make A. D. 817.
Kholaussut-
himself master of Irak; and, being triumphant in a variety of actions. ul-akhbaur.
in which he was engaged with the troops of Hussun Sohel, he succeeded
at last in rendering his power respectable, if not formidable. These
untoward events could not however be entirely concealed from Ul
Mamûn; and he ventured at last to interrogate his minister rather
closely, as to the nature of that authority which had been assumed
by Ibrauhim. The reply which he received from Zùl-reiaussetein was
that, to give it the most unfavorable construction that such a circum-
stance could bear, the people had merely raised him to the subordi-
nate government, without the smallest design upon the Khelaufut,
or sovereign dignity.
The power of 1brauhim had nevertheless been too firmly established
at Baghdad; and the extent of the evil being thus treacherously
concealed from his master by Zul-reiaussetein, Imaum Ally Ruzza
obtained with Ul Mâmûu a private conference; at which he disclosed
to him in detail the nature of those occurrences, which from first to
last had taken place both in Irak and Hejauz, under the odious admin-
istration of Ilussun Solel; and having described without reserve the
magnitude of Ibrauhim's usurpation, which embraced, as he said, the
design of contending for the sceptre of the Khalifs, he further an-
nounced to Ul Mâmûn, that these dangerous facts had been withheld
from his knowledge, by Fazzel, through the treasonable suggestions,
and to screen the incapacity, and misconduct of his brother Hussun.
It was therefore upon this disclosure that Ul Mâinûn, in the early part
of the year two hundred and two, suddenly proceeded for Baghdâd.
On his arrival at Sirkhess, the next town of importance between
Merû and Neyshapûr, he contrived to liberate himself from the
inauspicious influence of Zûlreiaussetein. This chief, although he
had, by his skill in astrology, long since discovered that he was to
lose his life between fire and water, is here accused of presuming
nevertheless to conceive that the arrangements of eternal destiny were
to be eluded by the precautions of human foresight. He was how-
ever, as was far from being unusual, probably left in the dark as to
the precise circumstances which such an ambiguous prognostic was
VOL. II.
T
138
ul-akhbaur.
A. H- 202. designed to indicate; until one day, after he had been indulging him-
A. D. 817. self in the luxurious lassitude of a warm bath, he was attacked by four
Kholaussut assassins, who watched his exit, and instantly put him to death;
when it occurred without any very forced construction, that, the
steam of the bath being produced by the combined operation of fire
and water, he had been pretty accurately forewarned of his destiny.
Ul Mâmûn did not fail to express the utmost concern and astonish-
ment at the perpetration of the deed, although shrewdly suspected of
having authorized it by his own instructions; and the strictest orders
were immediately issued for the apprehension of the murderers. They
were accordingly secured shortly afterwards, and brought before the
offended monarch; who demanded, with apparent indignation, the
motives which had actuated them in the commission of this atrocious
act of guilt? and they presumed to admonish him in reply, as he
feared the wrath of an avenging God, to recollect that the deed had
originated in his own express commands! they were, notwithstand-
ing, consigned to the sword of the executioner, and their heads trans-
mitted, in proof of the Khalif's abhorrence of the act, to Hussun Sohel.
It is observed in a work of considerable respectability, that the rul-
gûzeidah. ing ambition of Fazzel was to emulate the fame of Abû Mosslem;
whose services to the reigning family, he arrogantly averred to have
been far surpassed by his own. A person to whom he uttered this
boast, having ventured to remark, that he seemed to have forgotten,
that instead of a simple change from one brother to another, the Mer-
ouzite claimed the superior merit of wresting the Khelaufut, from a
dinasty in the vigor of its power, and of transferring it entire to the
house of Abbas; Fazzel replied that if he was permitted to live, he
would, in that respect also, endeavour to surpass the renown of Abû
Mosslem. To the operation of this sentiment have accordingly been
ascribed the measures which led Ul Mâmûn, as we have recently seen,
to establish Ally Ruzza in the line of succession, to the immediate
exclusion of his own blood.
Tarikh
Kholaussut-
Ul Mâmûn proceeded, however, on his march to Tûsse; where,
al-akhbaur. during a repose of some days afforded to the army, and either through
the atrocious contrivance of that monarch, as was formerly noticed, or
through the infirmities of nature, Ally Ruzza, perhaps very oppor
139
tunely, quitted the stage of life, in the course of the year two hundred A. If. 203.
and three. Having acquitted himself of the last solemnities to the de- A. D. 818.
parted Imaum, Ul Mamûn again resumed his march for Baghdad.
In the mean time a derangement of intellect, or melancholy, having
seized upon Hussun Sohel, his family conceived it expedient to lay
him in fetters, and to take charge of his government. About the
same crisis the people of Baghdâd, apprized of the assassination of
Zúlreiaussetein, of the death of Ally Ruzza, and of the approach of
Ul Mâmûn, and evincing a disposition to return to their allegiance,
Ibrauhim the son of Mehedy penetrated into their designs, and sea-
sonably disappeared on the second day after the festival of Zilhudje ;*
when Ul Mamûn was already arrived within a short distance of the
metropolis, which that monarch entered shortly afterwards without
opposition, in the commencement of the year two hundred and four.
Tâher Zûlyemnein, whose services were still engaged before Rakkah,
embraced the opportunity of repairing to the presence of Ul Mânûn,
from whom he experienced a favorable and distinguished reception;
and he appears to have exerted his influence on this occasion to pre-
vail upon the Khalif to resume the sable robes, and badges, of the
house of Abbas.
The year following,
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
In the course of two hundred and five, Zûlyemnein was dispatched A. H. 205-6.
by Ul Mâmûn to take charge of the government of Khorassaun; by A. D. 820-21,
which was laid the foundation of the power subsequently exercised
in that great province by the race of Tâher.
Fazzel the son of Rabbeia, here said to have lived in concealment
ever since the death of Ul Amein, ventured to quit his retreat; and
became an object of clemency and compassion with Ul Mâmûn. He
did not, however, long survive his pardon, as his death is the only
circumstance recorded under the year two hundred and seven.
Nasser the son of Shebeib continued to give employment to the
troops under Abdullah Tâher, who had been left by his father to pro-
secute the siege of Rakkah, until the year two hundred and nine;
when the insurgent, on terms of pardon and indemnity, ventured to
surrender his person to the besieger: by whom he was conveyed to
Twelfth of Zilludje, corresponding to the ninth of June, A. D. 819.
T 2
140
A. H. 209-10. the presence of Ul Mamûn, and he became also a distinguished proof
A. D. 824-5. of the mild and clement disposition of that prince. At this period
Kholaussut Ul Mâmûn took for his consort Bûran, or Tûran, the daughter of Hus-
ul-akhbaur.
sun Sohel, then residing at Femm-ul-Sellah; the nuptials being
solemnized with indescribable magnificence by the father. In the
course of two hundred and ten, the dethroned Ibrauhim the son of Mehe-
dy, wandering about the streets of the metropolis in the disguise of a
woman, was apprehended by the patrole, and conveyed to the presence.
of Ul Mâmûn; who, after exposing him in his disgraceful attire to the
ridicule of the court, had however the magnanimity to bestow upon
him otherwise the full remission of his offences.*
A. H. 211-14.
The year following is recorded as that in which Ul Mâmûn evinced
A. D. 827-29. a disposition favorable to that heretical doctrine, which denies to the
Koran the authority of divine revelation; and in the course of two
hundred and twelve he proceeded, by a severe persecution of his peo-
ple, to enforce the acknowledgement, that this mass of occasional
effusions, was no more than the offspring of creation, or human
invention. But, as if a mark of conspicuous reprobation was the
immediate result, of an opinion alleged so impious on the part of the
Khalif, he found it expedient during the same year to dispatch a
considerable force into Azerbaijaun, under Mahommed the son of
Hameid, the Tûssite; to suppress the insurrection of Baubek Khor-
remdein, an infidel, or atheistical miscreant, as he is here denomi-
nated, who had revived in that province the licentious doctrines of
the impostor Muzdek; of which, if the same that prevailed in the
time of Kobâd the father of Noushirvaun, the prominent principle
was that of universal equality, or at any rate, of an equal and common
participation in all property. After sustaining a variety of conflicts
with him, the Mahomedan general was ultimately defeated and killed
during the
year two hundred and fourteen; whence this new impostor
was suffered to continue his unbridled atrocities against the profession
of Isslâm, until a period long subsequent to the death of Ul Mâmûn,
* The seizure of the island of Crete by the Spanish piratical Arabs, mentioned by Mr.
Gibbon, mut have occurred about the 208th of the Hidjerah, although unnoticed by the
Persian historian.
141
Kholaussut-
ul-ákhbaur.
The two succeeding years seem to have furnished nothing of impor- A. H. 217.
tance to the record of history, since we are conveyed at once to the A. D. 832.
year two hundred and seventeen; in which Ul Màmûn proceeded to
nominate his brother Mûtassem, his successor to the throne of the
Khalifs; though his own son Abbas was now living, and survived him
for many years. This act of succession was made known by letters,
circulated throughout the empire, demanding the allegiance of the
people for Mûtassem.
It is sufficiently authenticated,* that towards the conclusion of his
life and reign, Ul Mâmûn was engaged in a religious war upon the
territories of the Greek emperor, Theophilus, the son of Michael the
stammerer; during which he his here said to have wrested from that
monarch not less than fourteen places of considerable strength and
importance. On his return from a last successful expedition, he had
encamped by the side of a delightful stream, in the conquered terri-
tory, to which the oriental writers have given indifferently the name
of Bezbezún and Bedbedûn ; but which, from its vicinity to the city of
Tarsus in Cilicia, and the alleged coldness of its waters, it will per-
haps not be an overstrained conjecture to identify with the river
Cydnus. It was in the season of the vintage, when most species of
fruit, and particularly dates, were arrived at maturity; and the mon-
arch was debating with his attendants what would afford the greatest
relish to the delicious stream which ran at their feet, when he expressed
his preference for a marmalade of dates. Before the conversation was
at an end, the approach of some camels was announced, and Ul Mâ-
mûn directed one of his domestics to inquire what they had brought;
because relays of camels had been established all the way to Baghdâd
for the daily conveyance of intelligence, and of fruit, and other articles
for the Khalil's use. The domestic immediately returned with two
baskets of ripe dates, which he laid before his sovereign; who agree-
ably surprised by the apparently felicitous coincidence, indulged
himself to au imprudent excess, in alternately regaling upon the
fruit, and the chilling waters of the stream. In consequence of this
imprudent indulgence, the Khalif was seized on the first day of the
month of Rudjub, of the year two hundred and eighteen, with a
* Tarikh Tebry. Kholaussut-ul-akhlaur,
142
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 218. violent fever; of which, on the seventeenth of the same month,* hè
A. D. 839. expired, at the age of forty-eight, having reigned sole monarch of
Kholaussnt- Isslâm, calculating from the death of Ul Amein, for a period of nine-
teen solar years, ten months, and six days. His body was conveyed
to the city of Tarsus, and there committed to the earth, by Mûtassem;
who performed the last solemn duties over the grave of his brother.
MUTASSEM
B'ILLAH,
Of Ul Mâmûn, we are told that he was of a swarthy complexion,
and middling stature; that of the Khalifs of the house of Abbas, he
was esteemed the most clement, modest, learned and liberal; that he
far surpassed them all in the attainments of science; in the depart-
ments of which, and in logic and arithmetic, geometry and astronomy
in particular, he bears the reputation of having expended three hun-
dred thousand dinaurs,† in translating the works of the ancient phil-
osophers from Syriac, or most probably from Greek, into Arabic; but it
is observed by the author of the Tarikh gûzeidah, in abatement of this
unqualified eulogy, that his disavowal, or disbelief of the divine origin
of the Korân, having drawn upon him the displeasure of his creator,
he was cut short by the hand of death, in the midst of his unhallowed
designs to unhinge the sacred principles of Isslâm; such having uni-
formly been the fate of all those princes who, at whatever periods, may
have manifested similar purposes of innovation.
UL MUTASSEM, or Miatessem b'illah Mahommed Abû Ishauk,
the son of Harun, eighth Khalif of the house of Abbas.
Although the destination of this prince to succeed him in the Khe-
laufut, had been announced with sufficient publicity by Ul Mâmûn,
the latter was no sooner known to have quitted the stage of life, than
a disposition was evinced, by certain turbulent and factious individuals,
as our author is pleased to designate them, in favor of the natural
VIIIth Khalif claims of his son Abbas; whom they accordingly prepared to elevate to
the throne of his father. This design was however defeated by the
vigilance of MUTASSEM, who contriving to bring the young prince to
a conference, drew from him his pledge of allegiance; a declaration
that he had absolutely resigned the Khelaufut to his uncle; and an
admonition to his adherents to recede from the absurd and presumptu-
*Corresponding with the 6th of August, 833.
of the house of
Abbas.
At the lowest computation about 187,5001,
143
ul-akhbaur.
ous plans which they seemed to have in agitation. At all events, Mû- A. H. 218.
tassem proceeded shortly afterwards to Baghdâd, and there, without A. D 833.
obstacle, on the first of Ramzaun* of the year two hundred and eighteen, Kholaussut-
seated himself in undisturbed possession of the sovereign authority.
The earliest object which, on his accession to power, appears to have
employed the attention of the new Khalif, was the reduction to their duty
of the inhabitants of Hamadaun and Isfahaun, great numbers of whom
had avowed the doctrines of Baubek Khorremdein; and his general
Ishauk the son of Ibrauhim the Mùssaubite proceeding accordingly to
that quarter, put to the sword near sixty thousand of the schismatics.
In the beginning of the second Jummaudy of the year two hundred
and twenty,† the archfanatic was himself attacked in Azerbayjaun,
by Heyder the son of Kawass, one of the nobles of Transoxiana,
and another chief of the name of Aukshein, dispatched against him
by Mûtassem; and, after having sustained several previous conflicts,
was ultimately defeated with great slaughter to his misguided followers.
The same year, Mûtassem was engaged in constructing the city of Ser-
menrâi, better known by the name of Saumerah, at a spot then called
Katúl, about eighty or a hundred miles, above Baghdâd on the Tigris,
to which he finally transferred the seat of his government. For this
the following reason has been assigned by our author. The Khalif
had been unfortunately led into a favorite plan of purchasing, and enter-
taining a body of Turkish or Tartar slaves; whose increasing numbers,
and licentious behaviour became so obnoxious and irksome to the
inhabitants of Baghdâd, that they at last complained to their sovereign
of the insolence of these mercenaries: and at once to indulge without
interruption in the prosecution of a favorite plan, and to relieve himself
from the troublesome remonstrances of his people, Mûtassem resolved on
the foundation of a new metropolis, fixing on the spot on which he imme-
diately proceeded to build the city of Saumerah; by the side of a rivulet
called the Katûly, which probably at that place flows into the Tigris.
It is further said § that the mount on which he erected his palace in
the new city, was formed of the saddle bags of his household cavalry,
*Corresponding with the 18th of September.
According to Mr. Gibbon, six and thirty.
+ June, A. D. 835.
§ Tarikhı gûzeidah.
144
Kholaussut-
ulakhbaur.
A. H. 220. filled up with earth: and that this city extended in time to the distance
A. D. 835. of seven Farsangs along the Tigris, from the greater to the lesser bridge.
In the course of the year two hundred and twenty two,* having sus-
tained a total and shameful defeat from Aukshein the Khalif's general
in Azerbayjaun, the impostor Baubek with the remnant of his followers,
fled towards Armenia. The flight of the impostor happened to lead
him through the neighborhood of a certain castle, of which Sohul
the son of Sembaut, an officer of the Greek empire, was governor.
Apprized that the fugitive was encamped in the neighborhood, this chief
hastened to visit him; and overloading him with professions of zeal and
hospitality, ultimately prevailed upon him to take up his abode in the
castle. Here he was at first royally entertained; but his host proceeding
without ceremony to partake of the repast which was served up on his
arrival, the impostor, not yet sufficiently humbled by misfortune,
haughtily demanded if he conceived himself in any way qualified to
eat with a person of his exalted station? Suddenly starting upon his
fect, Sohul affected to apologize for the error, into which he pretended
to have been betrayed by a forgetfulness of the princely rank of his
illustrious guest. Then calling for a sinith, he requested that his ma-
jesty would be pleased to stretch out his feet; and as resistance was
in vain, a massy pair of fetters was immediately fastened to his legs
and the wretched fugitive was thus sent to meditate in a dungeon, on
the horrors of his situation. A message was now dispatched to
announce this fortunate seizure to Aukshein; and an officer of trust
with an escort of four thousand horse, beiug immediately ordered by
that general into Armenia, to convey to his encampment the wretched
impostor and his betrayer, he had the satisfaction soon afterwards to see
them both conducted in safety to his presence. Having bestowed
upon Sohul every possible mark of kindness, and acknowledgement for
the important service rendered to his sovereign, Aukshein proceeded
in charge of his captive towards Saumerah, the present metropolis of
the empire.
On his arrival in the vicinity of Saumerah, Mûtassem determined"
to give to the disgrace and discomfiture of this archfanatic, the utmost
possible notoriety; and he was accordingly conducted into the metropo
* A. D. 836-7.
145
1
ul-akhbaur.
lis, riding upon an elephant, conspicuous to the view of the inhabitants, A. H. 223.
every description of whom having been directed by the Khalif to meet A. D. 838.
him on his approach. He was put to death on the day of his entrance Kholaussut-
into Saumerah, some time in the course of the year two hundred and
twenty three.
The historian concludes his circumscribed account
of the impostor Baubek Khorremdein, by relating that a person, who
had served him as executioner, being asked how many individuals
he had cut off in the exercise of his profession, coldly replied that
he was only one of ten employed by the schismatic in that capacity;
of the number of unfortunates, who had suffered under the hands of
his collegues, he could therefore not pretend to determine; but for
his own part, he could acknowledge the execution of twenty thousand
persons.
During the same year, the two hundred and twenty third of the
Hidjerah, Kayssar (the Greek emperor Theophilus, son of Michael the
stammerer) led his troops to the siege of Betrah, the obscure town of
Sozopetra in Syria so called by the orientals, and the birth place of
Mûtassem, according to Mr. Gibbon. The Greek prince succeeded
in the reduction of the place, and conveyed multitudes of the inhabi-
tants into captivity. Apprized of the irruption, of the insolence,
according to our author, of the Christian monarch, Mûtassem marched
into Anatolia at the head of a numerous and powerful army; his
general Aukshein being detached in advance with a considerable
body of troops. This advanced guard appears to have been attacked
by the Constantinopolitan, but succeeded in repulsing its assailants
with great slaughter. The Khalif now united his troops to the divi-
sion of Aukshein, and soon afterwards appeared before Amûriah ; or
Amorium in Phrygia, the birth place of the father of Theophilus, as
we also learn from Mr. Gibbon. The city was besieged and captured,
and thirty thousand of the followers, or subjects of Cæsar, were put
to the sword. Of the siege of this place, on the authority of the
Christian Abulfurage, we derive some further particulars, from the
pn of the same eloquent and interesting historian of the decline and
fall of Roman grandeur.
At this crisis, Mûtassem was exposed to extreme danger from a form-
idable conspiracy among his principal officers, from which he however
VOL. II.
0
146
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 223. escaped by the seasonable disclosures of one of the accomplices.
A. D. 838. Conceiving a disgust at the behaviour of Aukshein and Ashbaus,
Kholaussut who were probably the captains of the Turkish mercenaries, and who
had been promoted to the highest dignities of the empire, the com-
manders of the national force, resolved on placing Abbas the son of
Mâmûn, on the throne of the Khalifs; and for that purpose laid wait
for an opportunity to assassinate Mûtassem, and the two obnoxious
foreigners. Fortunately, before the design could be carried into exe-
cution, Abbas, the unhappy instrument of their intrigues, was at the
same time seized and imprisoned, and soon afterwards perished, by a
method somewhat singular. His guards having suffered him to gorge
himself with an immoderate quantity of food, unexpectedly refused
to supply him with a drop of water to allay his thirst; of which,
accordingly, and in the utmost misery, he shortly afterwards expired.
Not long subsequent to these events, Mûtassem returned to Saunerah.
In the course of the succeeding year, Mauziaur the tributary chief,
or prince of Tebristaun, was betrayed into hostilities against the
authority of Mûtassem by the evil counsels of Aukshein. This latter
had it seems cast his aspiring views on the government of Khorassaun;
and a brother of Zûlyemnein's, of the name of Hussun, was detached on
the part of Abdullah Tâher, to reduce the refractory chief, whose per-
son, after considerable difficulty and exertion, heṣucceeded in securing;
and he was, without much delay, conducted to the presence of Mûtas-
To that prince he endeavoured to palliate his conduct, by
ascribing his recent rebellion to the artful practices of Aukshein. The
discovery did not however rescue him from the sword of the executi-
Neither did the treacherous Aukshein escape the punishment
of his malignant designs. He was immediately thrown into prison,
and there taken off by poison, some time in the year two hundred and
twenty six his body, after an ignominious exposure of several days
on a gibbet, being burnt to ashes by the direction of Mûtassem.
sem.
oner.
We are now brought to the death of Mûtassem; which after an ill-
ness of several weeks, took place in the former Rebbeia, of the year
two hundred and twenty-seven.* This prince has been particularly
designated the octonary Khaleifah; not only because he was the eighth
monarch of this dinasty, but from the following remarkable coinci
* Latter end of December A. D. 841,
*
147
A. D. 841.
ul-akhbaur.
dencies. He was the eighth in descent from Abbas; his reign was A. H. 227%
distinguished by eight important victories; eight sons of sovereign
princes were enrolled in his service; he was master of eight thousand Kholaussut
male, and the same number of female slaves; he was the proprietor of
eighty thousand horses; he had eight sons, and eight daughters; he
left in his coffers a treasure of eight millions of dinaurs* in gold, and
eighteen millions of dirhems † in silver; and lastly, he lived to the
age of forty-eight, and according to some authors, enjoyed the Khe-
laufut for a period of eight lunar years, eight months, and eight days,
In solar reckoning we find however, that from the death of Ul Mâmún,
he possessed the sovereign power for eight years, four months, and
four, or five and twenty days.
As an instance of the singular strength of arm of this monarch, it is
stated, that he would hold a sheep in each hand, while his attendants
flayed them alive; and as a proof of his zeal for the glory of Isslâm,
although in other respects not scrupulously orthodox, our annalist,
on the authority of the Tarikh gûzeidah, has ascribed the war in
which he was engaged with the Greek emperor of Constantinople, to
the following circumstance. A Mahommedan female, one of his sub-
jects, having fallen into the hands of one of the Greek soldiers, (perad-
venture at the capture of Sozopetra, as mentioned by Mr. Gibbon)
invoked, in the anguish of misfortune, the name of Mûtassem, (I'ai
Mutassemah!) the soldier, scoffing at the idea, advised her while she
was about it, to add to her prayer that Mûtassem would come to her
relief, mounted on his pye-bald charger. This sarcasm being con-
veyed to Mûtassem by one of his emissaries, he solemnly swore that
no other object on earth should divert his attention, until he had
redressed the injuries of this insulted female. Accordingly, although
in the heart of winter, he led a powerful army immediately into the
territories of the emperor of the east; and having signally triumphed
over the troops of that prince, finally succeeded in discharging the
obligation of his vow, by restoring to freedom the unfortunate captive,
who was the object of it. It is further stated, that on this triumphant
Occasion, the army of Mûtassem, to the number one hundred and
* At the lowest computation about 3,666,6661. 13s. 4d,
† About 412,5001
U 2
148
A. H. 227 thirty thousand men, were mounted entirely on party coloured, or
A. D. 841. pye-bald horses; thus multiplying the terrors of his presence a hundred
Kholaussnt- and thirty thousand fold, in the apprehensions of the insulters of his
name and nation.
ul-akhbaur.
We shall lastly observe, that although a rank schismatic in his reli-
gious opinions, being a violent disclaimer of the divine origin of the
Korân, Mûtassem has, by some writers, been, notwithstanding extol-
led as a wise and politic prince, eminent for his providence, regularity,
and valour; and yet it is acknowledged, that the dangerous practice,
which he introduced of embodying the Tartar slaves, becaine ulti-
mately, through the insolence and licentious behaviour of those
detested mercenaries, one leading cause of detaching the Mahommedan
people from their respect and allegiance to the authority of their law.
ful sovereigns, and at a period long subsequent, of subverting the throne
of the Khelaufut. The office of Vezzeir to this prince was executed
by Mahommed the son of Abdulmêlek ul Zeyaut-the oil merchant,
149
CHIAP. IV.
UL OF WA inrun, II. 227.
ul-ahlibaur.
IXth Khalif of
L WATHEK, or WAUTHEK B'ILLAH,* Abû Jauffer Harûn, the A. H. 227.
son of Mûtassem, on the day of his father's death, and in confor- A. D. 841.
mity with the arrangements of his will, invested his brows with the diadem Kholaussut-
of the Khelaufut; and proceeded to surpass the zeal of both father
and uncle, in promoting the advancement of schism, and in persecuting
the advocates of orthodoxy. In consequence of this hostility to the
faith of his ancestors, the only event of his reign which our author has
thought worthy of particular, or circumstantial record, is the conspir-
acy set on foot at Baghdâd, which had now ceased to be considered as
the metropolis of the Khalifs, in favor of Ahmed the son of Nasser,
son of Melek the Khozzâite; whose merit as a traditionist had obtained
for him the most exalted respect among sincere believers of every des- UL WAUTHEK,
cription. A powerful party among the inhabitants had pledged them- the house of Ab-
selves to support his pretensions; and Ahmed with the chiefs of the con- bas.
spiracy had fixed upon a particular night on which their drums should
strike up, as a signal to rise against the government. The whole plan
was however totally disconcerted by the folly and precipitation of
some of its abettors; who in a fit of inebriety gave the alarm signal some
nights previous to that which had been determined on; and the con-
spiracy having thus prematurely exploded, the design was more fully
discovered to the lieutenant of Baghdâd by one of the guards of the
police; who had either enrolled himself among the conspirators, or by
some means or other become acquainted with their views. Ahmed
and his principal adherents were immediately secured, and the next
day conducted in irons to Saumerah. It is further said, that being
there conveyed to the presence of Wauthek, that monarch first re-
quired of Ahmed to embrace the doctrines of the schismatics; and on
his refusal, struck off his head with his own hand.
Dei gratiâ coufidens.
150
A. H. 232.
ul-akhibaur.
Labouring under the effects of a dropsical complaint, brought on by
A. D. 847. intemperance, it was prescribed to Ul Wauthek by his physicians, to-
Kholaussut wards the concluding period of life, that he should seat himself in a
hot stove, or oven, as soon after the embers should have been withdrawn,
as it should be endurable. The experiment is said to have been at-
tended with singular success; but finding such unlooked-for, and
unexpected relief, the monarch was not to be satisfied without a fur-
ther application of the remedy, with a more violent degree of heat. In
this he was obeyed; and perceiving, when too late, that it was beyond
his endurance, he beckoned to be taken out of the stove, and expired
on the same day; in the latter part of Zilhudje, of the year two hun-
dred and thirty-two,* at the premature age of six and thirty; and after
exercising, according to the expression of the original, a power repug-
nant to the orthodox principles of Isslâm, for the period of five years,
seven months, and some days. Mahommed the son of Abdulnêlek-
ul-Zeyaut, continued in the exercise of the Vizzaurut during the reign.
of this prince; whom, notwithstanding his recent ambiguous expres-
sions, our author acknowledges to have borne the character of a just
and equitable sovereign, universally applauded for his liberal, and
bountiful disposition.
Tarikh
We must add moreover, on the testimony of another writer, that
gazeidah. Ul Wauthek distinguished himself in a particular manner by his
patronage of the unfortunate race of Ally; of whom it is said, that,
during the period of his governmeut, not a single person was suffered
to remain in a state of indigence; that he surpassed in all the learning
of his age, and in the powers of elocution; and that he was so skilful
a performer in music, as to excite the admiration and envy of the
acknowledged and most eminent masters of the profession. Lastly,
as a proof of his humane and liberal spirit, it is recorded that the
suburb of Baghdâd called Kirkh, having been destroyed by fire dur-
ing the reign of Ul Wauthek, he distributed a million of dirhems,†
among the sufferers, to aid them in the reconstruction of their habita-
tions from which, and other instances of his bounty, he probably
derived the appellative of the lesser Mâmûn.
:
August, A. D.847. † About 22,916l. 13s. 4d,
151
UL MUTEWUKKEL-ALA-ULLAH, Abûl Fazzel Jauffer the son of‘A. H. 232.
Mûtassem.
A. D. 847.
ul-akhbaur.
Mahommed the son of Abdulmêlek the Vezzeir, with Ahmed the Kholaussut-
son of Abi Daoud, and others of the principal nobility, had proposed
on the death of Wauthek, to establish his son Mahommed on the throne
of the Khalifs; but from this design they were dissuaded by the expostu-
lations of Seyf, one of the Tartar commanders; who remonstrated
against the dishonor of raising to the supreme dignity, a person after
whom, either from his minority or some other defect, it was not yet UL MUTEwuk-
warranted by the law, to perform the stated course of devotions; and, as KEL, Xth Khalif
the objection met their entire concurrence, they transferred their choice
on mature deliberation to Jauffer the son of Mûtassem, the brother of
the deceased monarch; to whom they accordingly pledged their alle-
giance, under the title of Mûtewukkel-ala-Ulla; confident in God.*
Soon after his accession, Mûtewukkel, in resentment of some former
injury, put to death Mahommed the son of Abdulmêlek, who had
occupied the post of Vezzeir during the whole of the late, and the
preceding reigns.
of the house of
Abbas.
A. D. 849.
In the two hundredth and thirty-fifth of the Hidjerah, this Khalif A. II. 235.
evinced his dislike of Jews and Christians by issuing a decree, that
the men, of either persuasion, should distinguish themselves by wearing
the zennaur, or idolatrous cord; and that the women should wear some
particular mark of notoriety on their drawers. Both religions were at
the same time interdicted from every species of employment under
government ; and among other proofs of wanton degradation, they were
for the future forbidden the use of iron stirrups to their saddles, being
enjoined to substitute in their stead, such as were of wood. In the
course of the same year, he caused his three sons, Mûntusser, Mûattez,
and Mûe̟yud, to be acknowledged in rotation as heirs to the Khelaufut,
entirely disregarding the claims of his two other sons Mouffek, and
Mûatemmed. But to prove the vanity of human speculations, it was
so directed by the will of heaven, that the authority of Mûntusser and
Mûattez should occupy but a very limited period, and that the supreme
power should never devolve to Mûeyud; while it was on the contrary
ordained, that the Khelaufut should remain for a series of many years
* Perhaps more correctly Deo delegatus-delegated from God.
152
A. H. 236. with Mûatemmed, and should ultimately descend to the posterity of
A D. 850. Mouffek ; as will hereafter appear.
Auolaussut-
al-akhbaur.
A. H. 239.
Such an unlimited predominance had been established, in the favor of
Mûtewukkel, by one of his servants of the name of Futtah the son of
Khâkan, that towards the year two hundred and thirty-six, the entire
administration of affairs appears to have been committed, without reserve
or control to the management of that officer; with powers so compre-
hensive indeed, that it became afterwards proverbial that in influence
over his master, no minister was ever parallel to this said Futtah the
son of Khakan; excepting alone Jauffer of the race of Barmek, the
unfortunate and celebrated favorite of Harûnrashid.*
The malignant spirit of Mûtewukkel began now to display itself,
in an ordinance, published about this period, to prohibit his subjects
from performing the long accustomed visitations at the tombs of Ally
and his children; and the more effectually to secure the object of this
decree, he caused the sacred repository of the ashes of Imaum Hús-
seyne, and the martyrs at Kerbêla, to be levelled with the earth.†
The year two hundred and thirty-nine was distinguished by a fur-
A. D. 853. ther proof of the contempt of this Khalif for the Jews and Christians,
unfortunately condemned to exist within the limits of his power:
they were now forbidden to ride on horseback, and enjoined to content
themselves with the more humble means of conveyance afforded by
their mules and asses.
An alarming earthquake which laid in ruins one half of the city of
Damaghaun, and extended on one side to Jûrjaun and Neyshapûr,
and on the other to Bostaum and Rai and Istahaun, is recorded as
the only remarkable event which distinguished the year two hun-
dred and forty-two. On this occasion the inhabitants of a certain
village in the district of Koumiss, south of Damaghaun, having fled
from their crumbling habitations to the neighboring plains, are said
to have heard a voice from above, proclaiming in good Arabic, that
God alone is glorious, and that we are to fly for mercy to the wor-
ship of his power. It is further mentioned, as a prodigy which distin-
* Tarikh gûzeidah.
+ It is stated by some writers that he diver ed the course of the Euphrates, in order to
lay the intervening districts under water. Vide Stevens's history of Persia.
† A. D. 856-7.
158
ul-akhbaur.
uished some period of the Khelaufut of Mûtewukkel, that it should A. H. 24
have rained blood in one of the quarters of the city of Bâlkh. This A. D. 856-7.
same reign is however here announced to have been remarkable for Kholaussut-
many other occurrences beyond the common course of nature, for a
particular relation of some of which, we are referred to the Mausser-
ul-Mûlûk, or memorials of kings; a work with which the author of
these pages is entirely unacquainted.
For the remaining four or five years of the reign of Mûtewukkel,
we are constrained to reconcile ourselves to the recital of some of
those instances of folly and depravity, which will serve to place the char-
acter of this prince in a more conspicuous point of view. One of the
amusements in which he chose to indulge himself, was to give a mag-
nificent entertainment, and in the moment of their brightest convi-
viality, to turn a lion loose among his astonished guests. Another
was to introduce a snake into the sleeve of some unfortunate courtier
upon whom, when bitten, it was his practice to amuse himself by
making experiments with antidotes. Another notable jest, in which
he very frequently delighted to sport with the apprehensions of his court,
was to cast broken jars full of scorpions, into the midst of a crouded
assembly, to their infinite horror and annoyance. His destruction
was however more immediately accelerated by the dispossessing of
Seyf the Turkish, or Tartar chief, of the lands which he held in Jub-
baul, or Persian Irâk, and the territory of Isfahaun, in order to
bestow them upon his favorite minister: and perhaps not less, by his
vexatious treatment of the son whom he had expressly nominated as
immediate successor to his throne and dignity; whose name he would
occasionally condescend to make a pun of, observing, that instead of
Mûntusser, his title should have been Müntuzzer; as anxiously look-
ing forward to the period of his father's death. On other occasions,
after drenching away his intellects with intoxicating liquors, he would
cause the same son to be plied, without intermission, with repeated
draughts of the disgusting and impure overflowings of debauch. By
these accumulated insults Mûntusser was, at last, impelled to the
unnatural, and nefarious resolution of forming a conspiracy, among the
Turkish slaves, against the life of his father.
VOL II.
154
A. H. 247. It had. been accidentally mentioned in the presence of Mûtewukkel
A. D. 861. that a person at Bassorah was owner of a sword of incomparable beauty
Kholaussut- and temper; which the governor of that place was immediately writ-
ul-akhbaur. ten to, to purchase and transmit for the Khalif's use. It appeared on
inquiry, that the sword had been already disposed of, and carried into
Yemen; where it was however uitimately secured by one of the Kha-
lif's agents for the sum of one thousand dirrems. When produced
for the inspection of Mûtewukkel, he expressed his highest approba-
tion of the sword; and observed to his favorite minister, that he should
rely on his fidelity to select from among the Turkish Maumlûks, a
man of true valour, to wear it for the peculiar protection of the person
of his sovereign, on all occasions when it should be his pleasure to
seat himself in the midst of his court. While they were yet engaged
in conversation, one of that body, of the name of Bâgher, entered the
presence chamber: and was immediately pointed out by the favorite,
To
as a person eminently qualified for this distinguished charge.
him accordingly the sword was consigned, together with a suitable
augmentation of salary; and it is added that Bâgher never drew it from
the scabbard, until he employed it in the assassination of his master.
Be this however as it may, on what is generally represented as the
night of Wednesday the fourth of Shavaul,* of the year two hundred
and forty-seven, when the measure of his follies was compleat, and
the destruction of Mûtewukkel was finally determined on; and
while the infatuated monarch was indulging in the juice of the
grape, the elder Bùka, accompanied by Mûssa the son of the
younger Bûka, with Bagher, and Belghûr, and several more of the
Tartar slaves suddenly made their appearance, with their swords
One of the attend-
drawn, making directly for the Khalif's person.
ants, conceiving the circumstance to be nothing more than one of the
ordinary pleasantries, remarked without the smallest apprehension of
mischief, that "as the joke of the lion and the snake had already
"been disposed of, he reckoned this to be the game of the sword;"
and Mútewukkel was about to reply in terms of some displeasure,
when Bagher, and another of the conspirators rushed upon, and imme
diately dispatched him; Futtah the son of Khâkan, who had thrown
* Tenth of December, A. D. 861.
7
155
himself upon the body of his master, being in that situation cut to A. H. 249.
pieces by the assassins.
age of
Such appears to have been the fate of Mûtewukkel, at the
forty; after an imbecile reign of fourteen years, three months, and
about five and twenty days; and it is observed, says our author, in
the chronicle of the Mûssaoudian, that the unhappy monarch was
thus sacrificed, with at least the concurrence of his unnatural son, at
a place called Mahûriah; the very same spot rendered infamous on
a former occasion, by a similar atrocious parricide committed upon the
person of Klossrou Parveiz, by his son Sheirûyah.
To this period, it is obvious to remark, that for something more than
a century, the Khelaufut had flourished with considerable vigor in
the hands of the house of Abbas: but, from the death of Mûtewukkel
it lay at the disposal of the Tartar slaves, or guards, and their mercen-
ary and ferocious chiefs; and thus it continued for about four score
and four years, including twelve successions. At the expiration of that
period, in the three hundred and thirty-fourth of the Hidjerah, we
shall find it submerging under the abeyance of the Ameirs ul Umra,
of the race of Bûyah; having, however, previously languished, for
about eight years, under the usurpation established by Yehkum Mû-
kauny, one of the slaves of Murdawunje, despot of Tebristaun. This
chief on the assassination of his master, the early protector of the sons of
Bûyah, had contrived to subdue a considerable part of Persian Irâk;
and on the invitation of a traitor minister, ultimately forced himself
into, and became the first invested with the dignity of Ameir ul ûmra
at Baghdad. Subject to the arbitrium of the Deyaulemah, or Deyle-
mites, the descendants of Bûyah so denominated, from the province
of their nativity, it was still suffered to exist for a further period of
one hundred and ten years; when, in the four hundred and forty-
seventh of the IIidjerah, to relieve himself and his people from the
multiplied oppressions to which they had been so long exposed, the
aid of Toghrul Beg, by the western nations so fantastically transformed
into Tangrolipix, was called in by the Khalif ul Kâym; though the
measure produced but little better than a change of oppressors. Un-
der the control of the house of Seljuk it however faintly vegetated,
with some transient intervals of reviving energy, until the six hun-
A. D. 861.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
लो
X 2
A
156
A. H. 247. dred and fifty-sixth of the Hidjerah, the twelve hundred and fifty-
A. D. 861. eighth of CHRIST; when it was finally destroyed, in the person of
Kbolaussut Mustaussem the last of the Abbassides, by the exterminating fury of
Hollaukû, as will be shewn in the sequel of the present volume.
ul-akhbaur.
Xth Khalif of
UL MUNTUSSER B'ILLAI, Aba Jauffer Mahommed, the son of
Mûtewukkel, appears to have succeeded without opposition to the
imperial dignity laid vacant by the murder of his father. Immedi-
ately on his accession he had conferred the Vizzaurut on Ahmed the
son of Ul Hesseib; and this minister had taken the earliest opportu-
nity to communicate to the younger Bûka, and some others of the
Turks, an impression, that if Mùntusser should die, and the succession
devolve to Mûattez, not a man of those engaged in the assassination
of his father would be suffered to live: and that if they were desirous
UL MUNTUS- of relieving themselves from such a state of perpetual suspense and
SER BILLAR, apprehension, it behoved them to unite their efforts to procure the
the house of Ab- disherison, or exclusion from the succession of the two striplings ;
alluding to Múattez and his brother Mûeyud. Many arguments
were not requisite to convince these blood stained mercenaries of the
fate which awaited them in the event of such a contingency; and
they accordingly employed their importunities with Mûntusser, to
secure them without delay against that vengeance to which, by their
zeal to serve him, they had too openly exposed themselves. Con-
strained by circumstances the unhappy monarch summoned the two
princes to his presence, and apprized them of the sacrifice which he
was compelled to require at their hands, of an immediate abdication
of their claim to the Khelaufut. Mûeyud very readily consented to
relinquish his claim; and Mûattez, although he at first expressed
considerable reluctance, was ultimately prevailed upon to follow the
example.
bas.
Nevertheless, the guilt of a parent's blood lay with intolerable pres-
sure on the mind of Mûntusser, although in other respects described
to have been a prince of considerable merit. His father's murdered
form is said to have appeared to him in a dream, and to have addressed
him in these words" Alas Mahommed! unjustly and cruelly hast
"thou embrued thy hands in a father's blood: but that God who is
"witness to thy guilt, will not permit thee the enjoyment of thy ill
157
ul-akhbaur.
"gotten honors beyond the fleeting period of a few days." Haunted by A. H. 248.
the terrors of his dream, he became a prey to melancholy; and this A. D. 862,
shortly producing a disordered frame, he ultimately sunk, under the Kholaussut
double visitation of distemper and depression of spirits, and expired
on the fifth day of the former Rebbeia,* of the year two hundred and
forty-eight, before he had concluded the fifth month of his miserable
reign leaving, however, with the historians of a particular class, the
character of a judicious, modest, liberal, and beneficent monarch;
because, peradventure, during the reign of his father, he had distin-
guished himself by the kindness and humanity of his behaviour to the
Seyuds, or descendants of Ally and Fâtima.
UL MUSTAAYNE B'ILLAH,† Abûl Abbas Ahmed, the son of Mûtas.
sem, twelfth Khalif of the house of Abbas.
Khalif of the house
of Abbas.
On the death of Mântusser, the allegiance of the body of the people
was secured, by the exertions of the Turkish guards, and by the con-
currence of the nobility and principal members of the community, for UL MUSTAAYNE
Ahmed the son of Mutassem, the uncle of the late monarch, under B'ILLAH, XIIth
the title of Ul Mûstaâyne B'Illah; although not without some oppo-
sition on the part of the soldiery and tradesmen, who declared on the
same day in favor of the sons of Mûtewukkel. But this movement
was quelled on the spot by the timely application of the unsparing
steel of the elder Bûka; who on the death of his son Mûssa became,
during the first year of Mûstaâyne, more immediately attached to the
person of his sovereign.
Driven by the impulse of despair and want, an insurrection was
excited at Kûfah during the year two hundred and fifty, by one of the
Allûvies, or Seyuds of the race of Ally, of the name of Yaheya son of
Omar. This produced a variety of severe conflicts; but it was ulti-
mately suppressed on the death of its author, who was killed by Ma-
hommed the son of Abdullah Tàher, the grandson of Zûl-yemnein.
About the same period, the standard of independence was exalted,
with greater success, in the strong province of Tebristann, by Hussun
the son of Zeid ul Baukery, of a distinguished branch of the same
stock; who bore the appellation of the claimant, or suitor, with jus
About the eighth of May, A. D. 862. † Dei gratiâ auxiliatus.
158
A. H. 250. tice on his side; and who, after supporting his authority in indepen-
A. D. 864. dence and splendor for nineteen years, against all attempts to subdue
Kholaussut him, transferred it at his death to his brother Mahommed; by whom it
úl-akhbaur.
was maintained for a further period of eighteen years; at the expira-
tion of which he was cut off by Mahommed the son of Harûn, one of
the feodatories of the house of Abbas.
In the course of two hundred and fifty-one,*a dispute, with regard to
the property of certain lands, having arisen between Wasseif and
Bagher, two of the Turkish chiefs, the Khalif took part with the former.
On this Bagher proceeded to represent to his friends and followers,
that all substantial authority having been usurped to themselves by
Wasseif, and Bûka the other favorite, their claims and services were
either forgotten, or entirely set at nought. IIe therefore proposed to
them, as their only alternative, to unite with him to accomplish the
destruction of Mûstaâyne, and of both his obnoxious ministers, and to
place some other person on the throne of the Khalifs; a proposal to
which these mercenaries were, without much difficulty, prevailed
upon to accede. But information of the conspiracy being seasonably
conveyed to the two favorites, the promoter of the seditious design
was immediately seized, and confined in the palace of the Khelaufut.
The adherents of the disaffected chief now openly threw off their
allegiance, and proceeding to the imperial stables, pillaged them of all
their contents. On this, conceiving that when Bâgher should be no
longer alive as a pretext for their violent proceedings, the tumult
would of itself subside, Wasseif determined on the bold alternative of
putting him to immediate death. This, as it happened, produced
however a very opposite result; for the Turkish insurgents became
in consequence, exasperated to such a degree, that the two favorites
were compelled to withdraw the person of their sovereign from Sau-
merah, and to retire with some precipitation to Baghdad.
Conceiving some remorse for the violence of their conduct, the Turk-
ish mercenaries soon afterwards dispatched a deputation to solicit
the forgiveness of Mûstaâyne; but experiencing an austere reception
from Mahommed the son of Abdullah Tâher, the governor of Bagh-
dâd, the deputation returned with spirits further exasperated to join
their associates; who now resolved to depose Mûstaayne, and to con-
* A. D. 865.
159
fer the sovereign dignity on his nephew Mûattez, to whom, without A. H. 252.
further deliberation, they accordingly pledged their allegiance.
A. D. 866.
ul-akhbaur.
A considerable army was then dispatched by Mûattez, under the Kholaussut-
orders of his brother Motiffek, to lay siege to Baghdad, within the
ramparts of which, Mûstaâyne prepared to defend his authority. But
the complexion of his destiny soon assuming an appearance of debility
and decline, his ministers, together with Mahommed the Tâherite the
governor of the city, became disposed to accommodate with the times;
and a correspondence was accordingly opened with Mûattez by the
Tâherite; in which the latter engaged to prevail upon Mûstaâyne to
acknowledge the authority of his nephew, provided the government of
Baghdad should be secured to its present possessor; and that no
attempt should be directed against the life of the abdicated monarch.
To these terms Mûattez readily subscribed; and a treaty, in which
they were formally ratified, being transmitted according to desire to
the Taherite, that chief proceeded, in conjunction with Wasseif and
the younger Bûka, to employ the influence of menace, or importunity,
to prevail upon his distressed and injured sovereign to abdicate his
crown, and submit to the authority of his rival, Having accomplished
their object in these points, the degraded monarch was next abridged
of his personal freedom, and confined to the palace formerly the resi-
dence of Hussan Sohel. Here he had, however, been suffered to
exist no longer than a few days, when he received from Mûattez, an
order to proceed to Saumerah; which it was at the same time provided
that he should never reach, the chamberlain of the reigning sover-
eigu being employed to intercept and dispatch him, while on his jour-
ney to that place.
This event is stated to have occurred in the year two hundred and
fifty-two, when Mûstaâyne was of the age of five and thirty, and had
possessed the Khelaufut for a period of three years and nine months;
which, if correct, must confine the date of his death to the very com-
mencement of the year. The office of Vezzeir to this prince was held
by Ahmed the son of Sheirzaud.
UL MUATTEZ B'ILLAH* Abû Abdullah Zobair, the son of Mûte.
wukkel, thirteenth Khalif of the house of Abbas,
* Dei gratiâ potens factus,
160
A. H. 252.
ul-akhbaur.
UL MUATTEZ
of Abbas.
Firmly established on the throne of the Khalifs, Mûattez conferred
A. D. 866. the dignity of the Vizzaurut upon Ahmed the son of Issrauil; and
Kholaussut in punctual discharge of his engagement with Mahommed the Tâherite,
in one respect at least, he transmitted to that chief the necessary letters
patent authorizing him to retain the government of Baghdad; being
further prevailed upon through his particular mediation, to spare the
BILLAH, XIIIth lives of Wasseif and Bûka, both of whom, on his accession to the Khe-
Khalif of the house laufut, he appeared otherwise disposed to destroy. Not long after-
wards, at the solicitation of the Turkish guards, the two chiefs were
invited to Saumerah, and placed among the dignitaries of the court.
In the mean time the jealousy of Mûattez was maliciously excited
towards his brother Mûeyud, by the representations of Eissa the son
of Ferghanshah one of the ministers; who stated to his sovereign that
there existed among the people a very powerful spirit of attachment
for that prince, and that a strong proof of it was to be observed in the
presents, of whatever was rare and precious, with which they were
perpetually loading him. All this producing an unfavorable change
in the mind of Mûattez, he ventured at length to intercept, and seize
for himself, a present of five thousand dirhems* coming from the prince
of Armenia to his brother. Of this illiberal violence, which he as-
cribed to the malice of the son of Ferghanshah, Mûeyud complained
to his brother Mouffek; and at the same time au attempt was made
to induce the Turkish mercenaries to cut off the hostile minister.
Becoming however apprized of his danger, Eissa did not fail to make
it known to his sovereign; and the result was the immediate seizure and
imprisonment of both the brothers. A few days afterwards Mûeyud,
bound hand and foot, was cast by the Khalif's orders into the snows of
the neighboring region; and in that state jars of freezing water being inces
santly poured on him, he miserably perished. His body was then
brought back and laid in state, shrouded in sables; the Khalif protest-
ing to the nobles of his court, that his unfortunate brother had expired
by the ordinary course of nature.
In the course of two hundred and fifty three,† the Tartars, and the
men of Ferghaunah mutinying for their pay, Wasseif venturèd to
reprove them for their disorderly and licentious behaviour; on which
they immediately attacked and hewed him to picces, with their battle
* About 1141, 11s. 8d. ↑ A. D. 807.
101
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
axes. The year following, Bûka, the other Turkish chief, perceiving A. H. 254.
some obvious change in the Khalifs disposition towards him, suddenly A. D. 868.
withdrew towards Mosssûle; but, receiving intelligence on his way
that the household slaves of Mûattez were plundering his habitation, and
his followers dispersing on the report, he took to a small skiff on the
Tigris, for the purpose of returning to Saumerah ; and in this situation
he was unexpectedly fallen in with by Waleid, one of the Mughrebies,
or Lybian stipendiaries, by whom he was immediately secured; and
who soon afterwards, by orders from their sovereign, took off his head
and conveyed it to the presence.
The Tartars, perceiving that the Khalif was bent on their destruc-
tion, hastened to unite themselves under the authority of Salah,
the son of Wasseif one of their late commanders; and seizing
the persons of Ahmed the Vezzeir, and others employed in the civil
departments of the state, immediately put them to the torture, in order
to obtain possession of their treasure: but failing in their object, they
proceeded directly to the palace, and from the Khalif himself peremp-
torily demanded their pay. After some demur in complying with
their demands, Salah, with Mahonmed the son of Búka, and others
of the chiefs, without further ceremony, conducted Mâattez out of his
palace, and compelled him to stand in the sun, until he consented to abdi-
cate his authority. They then lodged him in a prison, and dispatched
some of their associates to Baghdâd, to bring from thence Mahommed
the son of Wauthek, whom they proposed to raise to the Khelaufut,
under the title of Mûhteddy. On his arrival at Saumerah that prince
was permitted to hold an interview with the abdicated monarch; and,
ascertaining from his own declaration that he had divested himself of
the sovereign power, proceeded, in compliance with the solicitations
of the military commanders, and principal inhabitants, to seat himself
on the throne of the Khalifs. The unfortunate Mûattez, as in the
instance of one of his predecessors, was gorged to death a few days
afterwards, by suffering him to over-eat himself, and then withold-
ing from him the means of quenching his thirst. This event is said
to have taken place in the two hundred and fifty-fifth of the Hidjerah,*
when Mûattez was at the age of four and twenty, and had possessed
the Khelaufut, from the abdication of Mûstaâyne, for a period of
VOL II.
* A. D. 8 9.
162
A. H. 255. about three years and seven months, We may therefore be warranted
A. D. 869. in fixing his death to the middle of the year.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
B'ILLAE, XIVth
UL MUHTEDDY B'ILLAH,* Abû Isshauk Mahommed the son of
Ul Wauthek, fourteenth Khalif of the house of Abbas.
The supreme dignity thus forcibly abdicated by his cousin german,
UL MUHTEDDY being, without further difficulty, vested in the person of Mûhteddy,
Khalif of the that prince, by a regular attendance in his court of justice to relieve
house of Abbas. the necessities, and redress the injuries of his people, evinced an
early disposition to promote by his own example, the impartial ad-
ministration of the laws.
In the mean time, Mûssa the son of the elder Bûka, who had been
employed by Mûattez, in Tebristaun, to conduct the war against
Hussun the son of Zeid the Baukerite, becoming apprized of the
murder of his sovereign, hastened to return to the scene of these vio-
lent proceedings. On which Salah the son of Wasseif, to whom the
mischief was principally ascribed, suspecting his intentions, suddenly
withdrew from Saumerah; but on the arrival of Mûssa, at that
metropolis, and his submission to the authority of Mûhteddy, he was
pursued and put to death by the agents of that chief.
The latter part of the year two hundred and fifty-five was rendered
remarkable, by the revolt at Bassorah of the Zengui, or Zengbar slaves;
who rose upon their masters, and declared for Ally the son of Mabom-
med son of Ahmed, another of the Seyuds, or descendants of Fatima,
Supported by the aid of these insurgents, this Ally, afterwards distin-
guished by the appeilation of Sâheb-ul-Zenje, or prince of the Zen-
guies, contrived to extend his usurpation from Bassorah to Amlah,
(perhaps Amara) and a considerabie part of Irâk-Arab; of which he
maintained himself in possession for fourteen years from this period.
The benevolent character of Mûhteddy accorded but little with
disposition of the licentious profligates who surrounded his throne;
and it was not extraordinary that he should have meditated the desigu
o relieving himself from the seditious insolence of the Turks.
Leiore his measures were, however, ripe for execution, they became
known to those mercenaries; who conspiring with his enemies, the
t:
!
* Dei gratia inductus,
163
A. D. 870.
Kholaussut.
ul-akhbaur,
sons of Mûtewukkel, proceeded, in the month of Rudjeb* of the year A. H. 256.
two hundred and fifty-six, to attack him in the midst of his capital.
After an intrepid resistance, in which the virtuous monarch killed se-
veral of his assailants with his own hand, they succeeded in securing
his person; and having forced him to abdicate his throne in favor of
the sons of Mûtewukkel, for whom they pretended to have risen, they
then put him to death.
This was the fate of Mûhteddy, who perished at the age of thirty
nine, with the acknowledged character of a devout and pious prince;
and after a short reign of eleven months, and a few days; during which
he had, however, at least as far as precept and example could prevail,
contrived to abolish most of the corrupt and illegal practices too fre-
quently authorized by the Khalifs his predecessors: of whom he is said
to have adopted for his imitation the example alone of the benevo
lent Omar Abdulazziz, and like him, to have confined his expences
to a very moderate and sparing supply from the public treasury.
UL MUATEMMED, or Meyatemmed Ala-Ullah† Abûl Abbas Ahmed,
the son of Mûtewukkel, fifteenth Khalif of the house of Abbas.
MED BILLAH,
Having; in the manner just described, made themselves masters of
the person and destiny of Mûhteddy, the perfidious Tartars hastened
to place Ahmed the son of Mútewukkel (the third of the children of
that weak and capricious prince who arrived at the imperial dignity)
on the throne of the Khelaufut, with the title of Ul Mûatemmed ala UL MUATEM-
Ullah, which may perhaps be rendered, him in whom God has reposed XVth Khalif of
his confidence: that of his father being indeed of a similar import. the house of Ab-
The influence of these detested mercenaries was, however, through bas.
repeated treason, and insufferable insolence, now gradually declining;
and in proportion as their power diminished, the affairs of the Khe-
laufut seemed to exhibit, in the hands of Mâatemmed, an appearance
of system and regularity, of which it had been long deprived.
The attention of Mûatemmed appears to have been occupied, dur-
ing the year two hundred and fifty eight, in an unsuccessful attempt
to reduce Ally Saheb UI Zenje and the revolted slaves at Bassorah;
in which he availed himself of the service of his brother Ul Mouffek,
who was however compelled by the insurgents to return to Saumerah,
with discomfiture and loss.
* June, A. D. 870,
† Dei gratiâ sustentatus,
!
Y 2
164
A. H. 261.
ul-akhbaur.
In the two hundred and sixty-first of the Hidjerah, he made a shew
A.D. 874-5 of establishing the immediate succession to the throne in his son Jauf-
Kholaussut fer, with the title of Ul Mûfowez ala Ullah, delegated from God; with
reversion to his second son Abû Ahmed the presumptive heir, and
the title of Ul Nausser-ud-dein-Ullah-Defender of God's faith.
Neither of these princes was however destined to wield the septre of
royalty.
So far back as the year two hundred and forty-nine,* Yakûb the son
of Laiss, the founder of the Sûtauriah dinasty, so denominated from his
father Laiss the Sûfaur, the copper smith or brazier, had commenced
his career of successful revolt in the province of Seiestaun; and in six
years he had made himself master of Khorassaun, the Kohestaun, with
Kermaun, and the entire province of Farss, his title being publicly
ratified in two hundred and fifty-five, by the Khalif Mûattez. At
the period of which we are now speaking, having extended his con-
quests to Persian Irak, he was menacing from thence an attack on the
remaining dominions of the Khelaufut, and preparing to march against
Baghdad. He was however successfully opposed, and signally defeated,
at an obscure place called Dieb Aukkûl, somewhere on his advance
towards Baghdad, by the Khalit's troops, under the immediate direc-
tions of his brother Ul Mouffek.
By the author of the Târikh gûzeidah we are told, that after his dis-
comfiture on this occasion, Yakub Laiss retiring into Khorassaun, there
in a short time assembled another army; with which he again advanced
to try his fortune against the troops of the Khelaufut. On his march
towards Irak, he is stated to have received from Muatemmed an ad-
mouition, after the signal proof which he had recently experienced
of the displeasure of heaven, to beware of further tempting the power
of God; to repent of his ambitious follies, and return to his allegiance;
and that on withdrawing his ariny back again into Khorassaun, all
the past should be forgotten. To this, in the hardihood of successful
usurpation, Yakub is said to have replied, that for the grandeur to
wrich he had raised himself, he was alone indebted to his hitherto
invincible atm and fortune; and that until he had humbled the pride
and power of the Khalifs, he was determined to be a stranger to repose.
In his croits were crowned with success, it would be very well; but
#A. D. 863.
165
1
•
if it was otherwise decided by his destiny, he should nevertheless be A. H. 264.
still master of his morsel and barley loaf, alluding to his original hum- A. D. 877-8.
Kholaussut-
ble condition. He enjoyed not, however, an opportunity of bringing ul-akhbaur.
his alternative to the proof. He died on his march of a fit of the colic ;
or according to Mr. Stevens, from Texeira, of a pleurisy because he
declined an application repugnant to an over refined, and obstinate
sense of delicacy.
Subsequent to this, in the year two hundred and sixty-four, a further
attempt was made towards the suppression of Ally Sâheb-ul-Zenje and
the revolters of Bassorah, under Abûl Abbas the son of Mowffek ;
who at the head of ten thousand horse, having thrice engaged the
rebels, succeeded at last in giving them a total defeat in the neigh-
borhood of Waussit. Soon after he had achieved his victory, Abûl
Abbas was joined by his father, and with him proceeded in pursuit of
the fugitives, to the gates of Ahûauz; where Ally Saheb-ul-Zenje had
retired for shelter. That chief furnished them, nevertheless, with
ample employment for the most active exertions, for several years
subsequent to this period; until in the month of Suffer, of the two
hundred and seventieth of the Hidjerah,* he bravely perished in the
field of battle; and with him the usurpation of the Zenguies, after it
had occasioned, as it is further asserted, the slaughter of more than one
hundred thousand men.
After a silent lapse of seven years, the annalist conveys us at once
to the year two hundred and seventy-eight, to record the death of U'I
Mouffek, the loyal and active supporter of his brother's authority,
which then took place at Baghdad. The voice of the public now..
declared his son Abúl Abbas recently mentioned, presumptive suc-
cessor to the sovereign dignity with the title of Ul Mâatezzed B'illah,
on the eventual demise of Mûfowez the present heir apparent.
In confirmation of the voice of his people, the Khalit Mûatemmed
in the course of the year following, at a magnificent entertainment
to which the whole of the principal nobility, Ulema, and ministers of
law and justice were invited, proceeded to require from his son Mù-
fowez, his public avowal of having abjured his claim to the Khelaufut ;
which was then solemnly transferred to his couzin Abûl Abbas,
August, A. D. 883.
+
#
1
166
A. H. 279. already saluted by the title of Mûatezzed B'illah. This ceremony the
A. D. 892. Khalif was not destined long to survive, being seized with a quinzy,
or inflamation of the throat; of which in the month of Rudjub,* of the
same year, he expired at the age of fifty-one.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
Calculating from the abdication of his predecessor, Mûatemmed
appears to have possessed the dignity of the Khelaufut, for about two
and twenty years, and five months; but, according to our author, it
was a distinction which he enjoyed only in name, the imperial power
being in substance notoriously exercised, while he lived, by his bro-
the Mouffek. Absorbed in his pleasures, and entirely devoted to the
society of singers and musicians, as he is said to have been, it was
indeed fortunate for this monarch, that he could command the aid of
such a brother, to take from him the burden and anxiety of govern-
All we further learn of Mûatemmed is, that he withdrew the
seat of the Khelaufut from Saumerah, and re-established it once more
at the former capital of Baghdad; although this is a change by others.
ascribed to his successor.
ment.
UL MUATEZZED B'ILLAH,† Abûl Abbas Ahmed, the son of Ul
Mouffek, sixteenth Khalif of the house of Abbas.
Of this prince it is related, that in a dream, during the reign of his
predecessor, he saw a person robed in white stretch his arm to the
Tigris, and take up the whole of its waters into the palm of his hand, which
he then closed: and that opening his hand again, the stream resumed
its channel as before. That this mysterious personage should then
UL MUATTEZ- have addressed him in these words; "Abûl Abbas knowest thou me ?"
ZED BILLAH,
XVIth Khalif of To which Mûatezzed replying in the negative, he proceeded to add,
the house of Ab- “I am Ally the son of Abû Tauleb; when the Khelaufut devolves
bas.
"to thee, wilt thou be kind to my posterity?" And to this particu-
lar circumstance has been ascribed, by historians, the extraordinary
indulgence extended during the whole of the reign of Müatezzed to
the family of the Seyuds; for whom it would appear that he received,
on the occasion, an impression of benevolence which was never after-
wards obliterated.
Another extraordinary circumstance recorded of this monarch is,
that in the course of the year two hundred and eighty-threc, as soon
* October, A. D. 892.
+ Dei gratia sustentatus.
107
ul-aklibaur.
as the gates of his palace were closed, an apparition presented itself to A. H. 283.
him under various disguises; sometimes under the form of a venerable A. D 896.
old man, with a white beard, in the habit of a monk; at others in the Kholausut-
shape of a beautiful youth, and occasionally in the character of a mer-
chant or tradesman : but under every form to apprize him of the rob-
beries, and other disorders committed by his troops; and it would
frequently prove very troublesome to the attendants. This extraor-
dinary phenomenon long excited the curiosity of the public, and
became the subject of general conversation; but the nature of it was
never discovered. It was probably a phantom dressed up by the
Khalif, for obvious purposes of police and good government.
In the year two hundred and eighty-four, Mûatezzed evincing a
design to renew the denunciations from the pulpit, long since discon-
tinued, on the memory of Mauweiah, was however dissuaded from
such a measure, by the sounder discretion of his minister, Obaidullah
the son of Sûliman.
In this place, our author accommodates his reader with a brief and
cursory account of the heretical sect of the Keraumitah, or Kermathi-
ans, of whose principles and profession of faith he furnishes us with
the following abstract. They alleged the Imaumut of Issmauil the son
of Jauffer-ul-Saudek, from whom they are not unfrequently denomi-
nated Issmauilians; and because they equally admitted of several
things proscribed by the ordinances of the law, they have been traduced
as approximating in their principles to the atheistical doctrines of the
Mûllaubedah, although they professed their belief in the existence of
good and evil spirits; the former under the name of angels leading
them to happiness, and the latter under that of genii, or jiun, at eter-
nal hostility with them. Prayers, they maintained to consist in a
sincere devotion to the memory of their long since beatified Imaua;
and alms, in allotting to his representative the faith of their property.
On the preservation of a secret, they conferred a species of sanctity, by
giving to it the name of Sûm or Soum-religious abstinence or silence;
and to the violation of secrecy they afhxed, on the contrary, a sort of
stigma, by branding it with the epithet of rena, sound; or perhaps
Zemma, loquacity. And lastly from the circumstance of one of their
chiefs having in the infancy of the sect applied to his letters the
168
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 286. appellation of Mûkermet, which signifies a veil painted with figures,
A. D. 899. they obtained the denomination of Keraumetah-the people of the
Kholaussut veil. Their origin might be traced as far back as the reign of Harûn
rashid, or at least to that of Mâmún, a point on which there is some
diversity of opinion; since they forbore to disclose their principles, or
openly to make proselytes to the sect, until the year two hundred
and eighty-six; when, by insensible degrees, multitudes had been
prevailed upon to adopt the tenets of these innovating schismatics.
In the course of the year just alluded to, they openly revolted in great
force, under Abû Sauid or Sâeid, ul Hubauby; who put to death without
mercy, such of the orthodox believers as had the misfortune to fall into
his hands. In the beginning of the first month of Rebbeia, of the year
two hundred and eighty-seven* he entered Hidjer, the chief town of Ba-
hareyne; where he committed every species of outrage and atrocity.
Intelligence of his proceedings being, however, at last conveyed to
Mûatezzed, one of his generals of the name of Abbas the son of Amrû,
was dispatched by that prince with a considerable division of the army,
to give battle to the insurgent. But the troops of Baghdad were on
this occasion defeated, and their general with seven hundred of his
followers became prisoners to the enemy. The life of the former was
spared, but the latter were immediately put to the sword. Of this
Abbas it is related, that discarding all hope of mercy on falling into the
hands of the schismatics, he had quietly resigned himself to his fate;
when, after a confinement of some days, he was surprised by a visit
from his conqueror; who intimated to him that on his engagement to
communicate, word for word, to Muatezzed the message which he was
about to confide to him, he should be immediately set at large:
otherwise that he must prepare for death. The alternative required
no great effort of deliberation; and Abbas, promised with an oath, that
whatever he chose to communicate, should be by him rehearsed to his
sovereign, without the suppression of the slightest circumstance.
"Then," said Abû Sauid, "tell Mûatezzed that I am a man whose abode.
"is in the solitudes of the desert, whose wants are confined to a very
"few things merely necessary for the support of existence; that by
"me his dominions have not been abridged of a single town, neither
• Marcu, A. D. 900,
´169
have I in any instance occasioned the slightest injury to his govern- A. H. 287.
"ment. Let him take this assurance from me, and I call the judge of A.D. 900.
"all things to witness the truth of the statement, that although the Kholaussut-
"whole force of his empire were employed to crush me, I shall
66
always be victorious, and for this good reason-my soldiers have been
"long inured to fatigue and danger in every shape, while his on the
contrary, nursed in the bosom of enjoyment, must sink under the
"trial.
At this moment, that they are compelled by his orders to
" traverse the trackless wastes of these deserts, the hour of despair and
"defeat presses upon them; and though they should endeavour to
"escape by flight, the greater part must perish by my sword. Nay
"admitting that in the confidence of superior numbers, they should for
"the present forbear to retire, it will still be at my discretion by a
"counterfeit flight to engage them further in the desert; and on some
"favorable opportunity to come upon them in the night, and cut them
"off when they least expect it. I would therefore advise him to
"reflect, that in the hostilities with which he has thought fit to pur-
"sue me, his armies are not likely to acquire either fame or profit; and
"that for the future it behoves him to recede from a design which
"must terminate so prejudicially to his own interests; to desist from
a contest that must prove equally unprofitable and unavailing."
Having upon this received his dismission, Abbas proceeded accor-
dingly to Baghdad; where, without either enlargement or extenuation,
he communicated to his master the message which he had in charge
from the Kermathian. And it is alleged, that not even the name of
these schismatics was suffered to pass the lips of Mûatezzed, from that
time to the beginning of the year two hundred and eighty-nine, when
the depredations which they dared to commit in the territory of Kûfah
compelled him to make another exertion to check their enormities.
On this occasion the commander, whom he employed on the service,
succeeded in expelling the depredators; and one of their chieftains
who became a prisoner, was conveyed to the presence of Mûattezzed.
To the interrogatories which were put to him, with regard to the
doctrines of his sect, before he proceeded to reply, this man demanded
of the Khalif if he was aware, that he sought information on a subject
which affected his own personal interests, more nearly than he seemed
66
VOL. II.
Z
ul-akhbaur
.170
ul-akhbaur.
66
A. H. 289. to imagine; and the Khalif professing his ignorance, he then explained
A. D. 902. himself as follows. "When the prophet of Isslàm, on whom be per-
Kholaussut- «6 petual bencdiction, withdrew to that state of existence which never
perishes, we heard of no claim to the succession on the part of thine
“ancestor Abbas. The people on the contrary unanimously pledged
"their allegiance to Abû Bukker; and after him the Khelaufut was
"further adjudged to Omar: and when, to calm the rising dissensi-
"ons, that monarch made the sovereign dignity elective, he appears to
"have allotted tothe same Abbas not the slightest share in the trans-
"action. It is therefore our belief that, in justice, thou shouldst have no
"portion in the throne of the Khalifs." A reply by which Muatez-
zed was so much exasperated, that he directed the wretched Kermath-
ian to be immediately put to death under every species of torture.
A severe indisposition by which he was soon afterwards attacked,
convincing Mûatezzed that his dissolution was approaching, he con-
vened the members of his court, and required them to pledge their
allegiance to his son Ally; on whom he then conferred the title of
Ul Mûkteffy, or perhaps Mûtkeffy B'illah. And in the latter part of
the first Rebbeia,* of the year two hundred and eighty-nine, he
expired at the age of forty nine; when his authority had endured for
a period of nine years, and about four or five months.
Notwithstanding his acknowledged bias in favor of the Sevuds,
Mûatezzed has been stigmatized as a parsimonious and avaricious
prince; so great a stranger to the milder weaknesses of compassion
and humanity, and so eagerly disposed to the effusion of blood, that
between sentence and execution, no malefactor found with him the
smallest respite.
To him, however, on other authority† we find ascribed an alteration
in the Mahommedan kalendar, in transferring the commencement of
the year from the first day of Ferwardein, corresponding with the month
of March, to the period when the sun attains its greatest northern altitude,
a the summer solstice; in order, as it is alleged, to relieve his people
from the burdensome inconvenience, under which they had hitherto
laboured, of being required to pay their taxes before their harvests
had been secured.
* A.D.902, beginning of March,
+ Tarikh guzeidah.
171
ul-akhbaur.
Another circumstance omitted by our author, but which may with A. H. 289.
advantage be further supplied from the same source as we have just A. D. 902,
had occasion to refer to, is, that the power of the Sûfauriah, or child- Kholaussut-
ren of Leiss, having become extremely formidable in Persia, during
the reign of Mûatezzed, Issmauil of the race of Sâinan, or Somoon,
as a modern Persian would express it, was employed, under the nomi-
nal authority of that prince, to suppress the usurpation. An object
which was ultimately accomplished by the Sâmaunian; and he received
in compensation the entire sovereignty of the vast possessions recently
occupied by the usurpers.
UL MUKTEFFY B'ILLAH,* Abû Mahommed Ally, the son of Mû-
atezzed, seventeenth Khalif of the house of Abbas.
B'ILLAH,
At the period of his father's dissolution, Mûkteffy was absent at UL MUKTER
Rakkah, but on information of that event, he repaired immediately to FY
Baghdad; where, on his arrival, the people renewed to him their XVIIth Khalif
pledge of fidelity, and experienced from him in return, the most liberal
proofs of his bounty, in the rich and magnificent presents which he
causedto be distributed on the occasion.
of the house of
Abbas.
In the second year of this reign, the two hundred and ninetieth of A. H. 290.
the Hidjerah, the province of Syria was exposed to a dreadful irrup- A. D.903.
tion of the Keraumitah, under their chief Yaheya the son of Regzûiah,f
son of Mahrûyah: and although this person was killed in battle in the
early part of the expedition, the schismatics electing his brother Hûs-
seyne to command in his room, shortly afterwards made themselves.
masters of the greater part of the province. With respect to this:
Hûsseyne we further learn, that he affected to trace his descent to
Issmauil, the adopted patron of the sect, and son of Jauffer-ul-Saudek,
the sixth Imaum; that he has by historians been distinguished by the
title of Sâheb-ul-Shaumah; and that the chief to whom he consigned
the direction of his army bore the title of Sâleb-ul-haul.
Be this as
it may, the latter was dispatched by his superior at the head of a divi-
sion of the invaders towards Baulbek, and the territory in that quarter;
where they completed the measure of their atrocities by a general
massacre of the inhabitants. Intelligence of these enormities being
however conveyed to Mûkteffy, he at last assembled his troops to the
* Dei gratia contentus.
4
*Or Zegrûiah, for the name is pointed both ways in the manuscript.
z 2
172
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 290, number of one hundred thousand men ; and proceeded at their head
A. D. 903. towards the Syrian frontier by the ordinary route of Mossûle. On his
Kholaussut his arrival at Rakkah, a powerful division was detached in advance
under Mahommed the son of Sûliman, who fell in with these depre-
dators, under their principal chief the Sâheb-ul-Shaumah above alluded
to, and totally defeated them, about twelve farsangs or leagues from
Hamess and pursuing them without respite, succeeded in securing
the persons of both the leaders of the schismatics, and of three hundred
and sixty of their principal followers, in one of the districts adjoining
to the Euphrates.
In the course of the year following, the same Zegrûiah, or Saheb-ul
Shaumah, having effected his escape in a manner which is not explain-
ed, again appeared in Syria at the head of the Keraumitah; and sig
nalized himself afresh by every species of disorder and outrage. But,
on the approach of a considerable force destined to act against him
on the part of Mûkteffy, he turned aside into Babylonia, or Arabian
Irâk; where, at a place called Sûaun, near Kâdsiah, or Kadessiah, the
troops of the Khelaufut brought him to an action, and were defeated
with great slaughter. Subsequent to this he appears to have prose-
cuted his designs with impunity, until the year two hundred and ninety
four; when throwing himself into the route of the pilgrims to Mekkah
in the Arabian desert, he plundered the Karvaun, and put twenty
thousand of the Hadjies to the sword. To avenge this sacrilegious insult,
one of the generals of Mûkteffy, of the name of Wasseif, was dispatch.
ed at the head of a competent force in pursuit of Zegrûiah; and in the
latter part of the second Rebbeia* of the same year, brought him
to another battle, in which after a desperate conflict, the arch Schis-
matic was at last killed; many of his followers fell into the hands of
the Khalif's troops, and the remainder, for the present, dispersed to dif-
ferent quarters.
In the month of Zikaudah of the year two hundred and ninety five,†
at the age of thirty-three, terminated the earthly career of Mûkteffy;
when he had possessed the throne of the Khalifs for a period of six
years, and between five and six months. He bore the character of
prudent and benevolent prince.
* A. D. 907, February.
† August A. D. 90%
173
Tarikh
gûzeidah.
From another source of information it would appear, that Mahommed A. H. 29r.
the son of Harûn, being employed in Tebristaun during the reign of A. D. 903.
Mûkteffy, to suppress the usurpation of Mahommed the Baukerite,
the successor of IIussun the son of Zeid, had no sooner accomplished
that object, through the assistance of Issmauil the Samaunian, than
he declared himself independent. He was, however, ultimately compel-
led to abandon his ambitious views by the troops which were season-
ably sent against him by Mukteffy: contemporary with whom, it may be
expedient to remark, were Issıauil, and Ahmed, the Samanides, mon-
archs of Bokhara.
UL MUKTEDDER, or Mûktader B'Illah* Abûl Fazzel Jauffer, the
son of Mûatezzed, eighteenth Khalif of the house of Abbas.
akhbaur.
ULMUKTEDD-
Upon the death of Makteffy, the allegiance of the people had been Kholaussut-ul-
secured, through the zeal and influence of Abbas the son of Husseyne,
one of the first dignitaries of the empire, for Jauffer the brother of the
deceased monarch, with the title of Mûktedder B'Illah; but, as this
prince did not yet exceed his thirteenth year, it became with many
of every class of society a subject of serious debate, how far it was
prudent to entrust the sovereign power to the hands of such a minor; ER BILLAH,
and the same reflection producing a change, either real or pretended, XVIIIth Khalif
in the counsels of Abbas himself, he sought to amend his error, by
substituting Mahommed the son of Mûatemmed in his room. However,
the object of his selection not happening to be then immediately in
existence, he proposed to transfer his nomination to one of the descend-
ants of Mûtewukkel, who went by the name of Abûl Hussun; but
as this person was destined by God's providence, about the same critical
period, to share the fate of his relative, the imperial dignity became
by these casualties, at last established in the hands of Mûktedder.
The year following notwithstanding, the minister Abbas being, with-
out ostensible cause, cut off by Hûsseyne the son of Hamdan, surnamed
Abû Heija, the latter entered into a conspiracy with others of the
nobility in favor of Abdullah the son of Mûattez; whom they accord-
ingly raised to the Khelaufut, with the title of Mûrtezza B'illah,
The conspirators were, however, gallantly opposed by the youthful
• Dei gratiâ potens,
of the house of
Abbas.
{
174
A. H. 296. Mûktedder, and Mouniss Khaudem, (or Mouniss ûstaud, as he is else
A.D. 908. where denominated) the chief of the eunuchs, with such of his guards
Kholaussut as continued firm to their allegiance; and falling into the hands of the
ul-akhbaur.
Khalit's party, they were the whole of them put to death, together
with the unfortunate Abdullah, who, on the seizure of his person, was
condemned to share the fate of his accomplices.
Subsequent to this period for a series of years, little is offered to
the attention of the reader, but the removals and re-appointments
which perpetually recurred among the ministers of Mûktedder; whose
attention was otherwise entirely devoted to his pleasures. In the
course of three hundred and nine,* Hûsseyne the son of Munsûr-ul-
Hellauje (the cotton dresser) whom, according to our author, the
learned have united to register in the catalogue of saints, was con-
demned to death, through the influence of Hamed the son of Abbas
the Vezzeir, and by a fetva, or decision obtained from the Eymah, or
sacerdotal order.
In three hundred and eleven,† Abû Tâher the son of Abu Sauid,
who had become supreme of the Keraumitah on the death of his father,
contrived by a forced march from Bahareyne, on the gulph of Persia,
at the head of seven hundred horse, to surprise the city of Bassorah ;
from which, after a pillage and massacre of seventeen days, he was suf
fered to retire without the slightest molestation. The year following,
he also plundered and cut to pieces several of the convoys proceeding
to Mekkah, and extended his ravages to Kûfah; and having given to
that city a competent sample of his enormities, he again retired with
his accustomed celerity into Bahareyne. In three hundred and fif-
teen,‡ having made another irruption into the territory of Kúfah, and
being there attacked by Yûssuf the son of Abi-us-sauje, one of the most
distinguished of Mûktedder's captains, he defeated and killed that
commander. The reputation acquired by this victory encouraged
him to take possession of Anbaur, the ancient granary of the Persian
monarchs, on the Euphrates. A considerable sensation was produced by
these alarming encroachments in the now voluptuous metropolis of
Baghdâd; and Mouniss Khaudem with forty thousand horse, was dis-
patched by Múktedder to give battle to the Kermathian chief, who
was again triumphant.
* A. D. 921. †A. D. 923. † A. D. 927.
175
ul-akhbaur.
In the course of the year three hundred and sixteen, another change A. H. 316)
of ministers consigned the office of the vizzaurut to Abû Ally ben A.D. 928.
Mûklah; but the government of Múktedder, through the wretched Kholaussut
and imprudent system of delegating his power to the discretion of
of a fluctuating ministry, to the companions of his pleasures, and
even to his women, had by this time declined into the utmost con-
tempt. It is even recorded that, in some instances, a bondmaid of his
mother's was known to preside in the courts of justice. It is there-
fore not to be wondered at, that he should have been assailed in his
palace, by Abûl Heijan the son of Hamdan, and Bazùg, and other
factious chiefs, who openly revolted against his authority, during the
three hundred and seventeenth of the Hidjerah.* On this occasion his
old and faithful domestic Mouniss ul Khaudem, who had been com-
pelled to join the insurgents, contrived by some means or other to
enter the palace before them; and made use of the opportunity to
convey the Khalif, his mother and sister, and most of the individuals
of his family, in safety to a house of his own. The insurgent chiefs
proceeded, however, to raise Mahommed the son of Mûatezzed to the
Khelaufut, with the title of Ul Kâher B'illah. But some of the cham-
berlains or porters, and other inmates of the Khalif's household being,
on some pretext or other, refused admission by Bazûg, they took
offence at his behaviour; and two days afterwards assembling in arms,
in the area before the palace of Ul Kâher, with loud and tumultuous
clamors, demanded their pay. They succeeded in getting into their
power the persons of Bazûg and Eben Hamdan, both of whom they
immediately put to death after which, hastening to the dwelling
house of Morniss, where Mûktedder had been secured against the
designs of the rebels, they conveyed that prince, on their shoulders,
back again in triumph to the palace of the Khelaufut; and there renewed
their oaths of allegiance to him. The person of Ul Kâher was con-
signed to a prison; and he survived, as we shall presently see, to re-
sume the imperial dignity indeed, but to terminate his days in ultimate
disgrace and wretchedness.
At the conclusion of this year, on the eighth day of Zilhudje,† by the
pilgrims denominated rouze-e-tezweiah-the day of decoration, Abû
Tenth of January, A, D. 930,
* A. D. 929,
176
竈
​A. H. 317. Tâher the chief of the Keraumitah fell suddenly upon the city of
A. D. 930. Mekkah and having plundered the place, and massacred near thirty
ul-akhbaur.
:
Kholaussut- thousand persons, and otherwise committed incredible enormities in
the sacred sanctuary of Isslâm, retired again into Bahareyne, taking
with him the Hidjer-ul-asswad, or black rock of the Kaaubah. Not
long afterwards he is however said to have restored the Hidjer-ul-asswad,
in consequence of an application from Abû Mahommed Abdullah,
entitled Mehedy, the Issmauilite, king of Africa: although it is other-
wise stated that this sacred relic continued in the hands of the Ker-
aumitah, for a period of twenty years.
A. D. 931.
i
In the year three hundred and nineteen, it having been intimated to
A. H. 319. him that the Khalif entertained some violent design against his person,
Mouniss ul Khâdem suddenly quitted the metropolis without permis-
sion; and hastening to Mossûle, he succeeded in taking possession of
that city and the adjoining territory, and in assembling a competent
force; at the head of which he shortly afterwards returned towards Bagh-
dâd. The wretched Mûktedder drew out of the town with a design to
give him battle; but being basely abandoned by his troops, he fell into
the hands of a body of Meghrebins, or Lybian mercenaries; who imme-
diately struck off his head, and conveyed it to the successful rebel.
This, at the age of thirty eight, and after a turbulent and inglorious
reign, according to our author, of four and twenty years, eleven months,
and sixteen days, appears to have been the fate of Mûktedder; the
misfortunes of whose government have been, by some writers, prin-
cipally ascribed to the perpetual, and perhaps capricious variation,
which he caused to take place among his ministers; the Vizzaurut
being transferred no less than fourteen different times, while he slum-
bered, in luxury and idleness, in the palace of the Khalifs. It is however
here obvious to remark, that for the last sixty or seventy years, the
power of these once formidable, and illustrious sovereigns had been
on all sides rapidly declining; for, as we shall hercafter have occasion
to commemorate more at large, by the usurpations of the sons of Leiss
on one side, of the more permanent and celebrated house of Sâman
on another, and of the rapacious Keraumitah on a third, that exten-
sive empire which, at one period, embraced beneath its sway the vast
and spacious dominions of the Persian monarchy, in the meridian of its
177
A
A. D. 931.
glory, had by this time receded within the comparatively circumscribed A. H. 819.
limits of Babylonia and Mesopotamia, the modern Arabian Irâk, and
Jezzeirah; with the addition, perhaps, of a precarious interest, which Kholaussut-
it still contrived to retain, in the adjoining provinces of Syria.
UL KAHER B'ILLAH* Abû Munsûr Mahommed the son of Mûatez-
zed, nineteenth Khalif ot the house of Abbas.
ul-akhbaur.
lif of the house of
Abbas.
The military chiefs and principal inhabitants of Baghdâd-uniting, on
the death of the late Khalif, to pledge their allegiance to Ul Kâher,
that prince conferred the dignity of the Vizzaurut on Abû Ally Eben
Mûklah, formerly mentioned, and that of Hâjeb, or great chamberlain,
upon Ally the son or Yelleik. The malignant disposition, however,
which he exhibited in his treatment of the relatives and dependants, and
particularly of the mother of his predecessor, whom, notwithstanding UL KAHER B'IL-
she laboured in the last stage of a dropsy, he fined in a large sum of money, LAH, XIXth Kha-
and committed to the charge of his collectors until it was paid, soon
furnished to the authors of his elevation, ample cause to regret their
choice. But the discontent, which was brooding in the minds of his
ministers, becoming known to the monarch, he contrived for the pre-
sent to protract the threatening evil; by cutting off the chief of the
eunuchs Mouniss ul Khaudem, with Yelleik the chamberlain, and
Ally, one of his sons. Eben Mûklah the Vezzeir found means, how-
ever, to escape: and by holding, from his retreat, a correspondence
with the disaffected chiefs, continued to animate them to the design
of dethroning their sovereign. Accordingly, when all things indicated
that the means of Ul Kâher's humiliation were complete, Seyma the
captain of the Turkish, or Tartar guards, in conjunction with the
other chiefs, seized the person of that prince; and by passing the sear-
ing instrument across his eyes, forever disqualified him from resuming
the functions of the imperial dignity. In this state, he is said to have
continued his miserable existence to the reign of Ul Mûteia B'illah,
for a period of fifteen, or sixteen years; during which he was regularly
seen every Friday, with other blind mendicants, at the gates of the
principal mosque, soliciting the charity of the benevolent for the man,
who but as yesterday was their sovereign; although this day reduces
to be their wretched supplicant.
VOL. II,
* Dei gratià triumphans.
24
178
A. H. 322.
A. D. 934.
ul-akhbaur.
The wretched Ul Kâher was thus precipitated from his throne, at the
age of fifty-two, in the second year of his reign, and the three hundred
Kholaussut- and twenty-second of the Hidjerah; the office of Vezzeir having been
alternately exercised under his authority, by Eben Mûklah, by Ma-
hommed the son of Ul Kaussem, and by Ahmed the son of Abdullah.
UL RAUZY, or RAUDIY BILLAH, Abûl Abbas Mahommed, the son
of Mûktedder, twentieth Khalif of the house of Abbas.
B'ILLAH,
of Abbas.
Having accomplished their design in the deposition of the unfortu
nate Ul Kâher, the heads of the conspiracy, and chief citizens of Bagh-
dâd, proceeded to enlarge from imprisonment Mahommed the son of
Mûktedder; whom they immediately raised to the throne of the Kha-
ÜL RAUZY lifs, under the title of Ul Rauzy B'illah; and however profuse, on his
XXth Khalif accession, in his promises of the justice with which he was determined
of the house to govern, and of the favors which he was disposed to dispense to his
people, it would appear from the sequel, that the hopes thus inspired
by the new monarch, were by no means intended to deceive. He con-
ferred the Vizzaurut first on Eben Mûklah; but taking offence at
the conduct of that minister, he removed him in the course of three
hundred and twenty-four, and vested the appointment in Abdurraih-
man the son of Eissa. The continuance in office of the latter, and
of several others who succeeded, was, however, not more durable than
that of their predecessors.
A. H. 325.
A. D. 937.
In the three hundred and twenty-fifth of the Hidjerah, Abû Buk-
ker, entitled Eben Ratek, and here designated the master spring, or
perhaps key stone of the power of Ul Rauzy, entered into a compo-
sition with Abû Tâher the prince of the Keraumitah; by which, for the
annual sum of fifty thousand dinaurs of gold from the customs of
Baghdad, that chief engaged to offer no further molestation to the pil-
grims, on their way to Mekkah; and thus a method was at last disco-
vered to alleviate, in some degree, the mischiefs so long entailed
upon Isslâm by these ferocious schismatics.
The very next year, the Vizzaurut being restored to Eben Mûklah,
and a dispute arising between that minister and Eben Råtek, for the part
which he was supposed to have taken in his former dismission, he
* Dei gratia acquiescens.
+ About 22,9161, 13s. 4d. at the lowest computation.
179
ul-akhbaur.
sought to avenge the injury by inviting to Baghdad one of the slaves A. H. 326
of Murdauenje the son of Zebaur, prince of Dylem, whose name A. D. 933.
appears to have been Bûhkem Makauny ; and who, after the assassi- Kholaussut-
nation of his benefactor, had contrived to subjugate some part of the
territory of Arabian Irak. But the treacherous correspondence being
detected by Eben Râtek, and laid before the Khalif, and the presence
of the usurper in his capital but little according with the benevolent
views of Ul Rauzy, he sent for Eben Mûklah, and in terms of indigna-
tion, taxed him with the odious treason, which he attempted to deny;
but as his guilt was too clearly substantiated, he was immediately con-
demued to lose his right hand and the sentence was carried into
execution, in spite of his loud and earnest intreaties, that that hand
might be spared, which had written so many copies of the Korân. It is
further noticed as something singular, that this man should have been
three times vezzeir, should have served three different Khalifs, performed
three pilgrimages to Mekkah, and thrice fairly copied the sacred text
of the Korân; and lastly that he should have been three times buried.
Notwithstanding all this, the Makaunian, in the course of the saine
year, contrary to the known and acknowledged intentions of Ul Rauzy,
entered Baghdâd; and Eben Ratek being compelled to fly for life, the
intruder immediately usurped the absolute administration of affairs;
and either received, or extorted from Ul Rauzy the title of Ameir-ul-
ûmra, first grandee, or lieutenant general of the empire, on this occa-
sion first instituted under the government of the Khalifs: and from
that moment may perhaps be properly dated the mere and absolute
pageantry, the shadow of their former splendor, which only, this illus-
trious line of princes were henceforward suffered to retain.
Three years subsequent to this usurpation, namely, in the former
month of Rebbcia, of the year three hundred and twenty nine,* Rauzy,
at the age of thirty-two, expired of a dropsical complaint; after having
exercised a precarious authority for about six years and ten months.
He bears with historians the character of having surpassed the major-
ity of the monarchs of the house of Abbas, in accomplishments both
natural and acquired, and particularly in the benevolent and liberal
qualities of his heart; and he his said to have left several poetical
performances, as memorials of an elegant and cultivated mind. Con-
*December, A. D. 940.
2 A2
180
A. H. 329. temporaries with him, were Emmaud-ud-doulah the Deylemite, and
A. D. 910. his brothers; and Nasser the son of Ahmed the Samaunian, monarch
Kholaussut of Transoxiana.
ul-akhbaur.
UL MUTEKKY* ULLAH, Abû Ishauk Ibrauhim, the son of Mûk.
tedder: twenty-first Khalif of the house of Abbas.
Being absent at Waussit, at the period of Ul Rauzy's disolution, the
Ameir-ul-ûmra, on intimation of that event, dispatched his instruc-
tions to the Ulema, Kauzies, and clefs of the Hashemites at Bagh-
UL MUTEKKY dâd, requiring them to transfer their allegiance to any one of the race
ULLAH, XXIst of Abbas, whom they conceived best qualified for the arduous charge
house of Abbas, ofthe imperial government. In conformity with these instructions, the
Khalif of the
principal inhabitants proceeded accordingly to deliberate on the choice
of a successor to the vacant throne; and ultimately fixed upon Ibrauhim
the son of Mûktedder, the brother of the late monarch, whom they
immediately saluted Khalif with the title of Mûtekky Ullah.
But, that the proud sovereignty of the Khalifs was now reduced to
a shadow, a convincing proof, if any were at all necessary, was exhi-
bited in the conduct of the rapacious Ameir-ul-ûmra Bûhkem, in the
early part of this reign. For dispatching to Baghdad a division of
his followers, they seized for his use the whole of the horses, and camels,
and other valuable effects of every description, hitherto deemed the
exclusive property of the imperial family. The usurper did not, how-
evér, long survive to felicitate himself on this audacious act of successful
spoliation; for almost at the very moment of its execution, he was
assassinated on a hunting party, by a native of Kûrdestaun. On the
death of this chief, who is otherwise favorably spoken of, for the rigor
of his police, and the strictness with which he caused the laws to be
executed against malefactors, the dignity of Ameir-ul-ûmra was aspired
to, by Abû Abdullah Bùreidy, at this period governor of Bassorah; who
for the attainment of the object of his ambition, shortly afterwards ap-
proached Baghdâd; but being successfully opposed in arms, by a body
of the Tartar garrison, he was this time compelled to recede from his
design.
The year following he returned, however, and made himself master
of Baghdad; and in revenge for his former miscarriage, gave up that
• Pius,
181
ul-akhbaur,
wretched city to all the horrors of pillage and slaughter. Mûtekky, A. H. 330.
with a band of faithful followers, effected his escape in private to Mossûl; A. D. 941.
from whence he implored the assistance of Nasser-ud-doulah and his Kholaussut-
brother, the sons of Abdullah ben Hamdan governor of Syria. In cheer-
ful compliance with his request, he was joined shortly afterwards by
those chieftains at the head of a numerous force; with which they pro-
ceeded to re-instate him, in the possession of his metropolis and authority.
On intelligence of the Khalif's approach thus powerfully supported, the
Bûreidian abandoned Baghdâd, which was immediately re-occupied
by its legitimate prince, the usurper retreating towards Waussit: but
being closely pursued by Nasser-ud-doulah, he was overtaken on his
march towards that place, in the neighborhood of Medâein; where
having ventured to give battle to his pursuer, he was shamefully de-
feated, and driven to consult his safety by a precipitate flight.
In the course of three hundred and thirty-one,* the dignity of Ameir
ul ûmra, notwithstanding the alleged odiousness of his relative, appears
to have devolved on Touzún, one of the kindred of the late Makau-
nian; but some jealousies having arisen to destroy the harmony, which
might for a short time have subsisted between the prince and his min-
ister, both parties had recourse to the sword; and the former having
been defeated, was compelled in the following year to retire to Rakkah:
from whence he now dispatched to solicit the aid of Ekhsheid, prince
or governor of Egypt. That prince repaired shortly afterwards to Rak-
kah, and endeavored to prevail upon Mûtekky to accompany him to
his province; there to reside while a sufficient force should be assem-
bling to avenge his wrongs. The Khalif, for reasons which are not
explained, declined this invitation; chusing rather to risk the chance.
of an accommodation with his oppressor, to whom he accordingly ap-
plied for peace. Convening the heads of the law and religion at Bagh-
dâd, the perfidious Touzûn, in their presence, and that of the messenger
employed by Mûtekky on the occasion, took a solemn oath, that with-
out the most distant conception of evil, he should henceforward ever
retain for the Khalit's authority, the most sincere loyalty and submis-
sion and to that effect, having drawn up, and executed a written en-
gagement in due form, it was by the same messenger immediately
transmitted to Mûtekky; who most unadvisedly fell into the snare.
* A. D. 943,
182
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 333. On receipt of this insidious paper, the Khalif, in spite of the remon-
A. D. 944. strances of both Nasser ud doulah and Seyfud doulah, and of Ekh-
Kholaussut sheid governor of Egypt, proceeded towards Baghdad; and being met, on
his arrival at the canal of Eissa, by Touzûn, he there received outwardly
from that minister every mark of respect and duty, at the same moment
that his agents were employed to conduct Abdullah the son of Mûk-
teffy to the encampment, for the purpose of superseding him: but
immediately on the arrival of Abdullah, the perfidious minister threw
off the mask, seized the person of his unhappy sovereign, and, apply-
ing the searing instrument to his eyes, forever bereaved him of sight.
This event appears to have taken place in the three hundred and
thirty-third of the Hidjerah, when Mûtekky had exercised his pre-
carious authority for three years, and eleven months. He is stated
to have survived his misfortune for a period of five and twenty years;
namely, to the three hundred and fifty-eighth of the Hidjerah, when
he quitted this life, and was buried somewhere on the western side of
Baghdad. In addition to its other distresses, that unfortunate city
experienced, during the reign of Mûtekky, the affliction of a severe
famine and we shall further remark, that contemporary with this
ill-fated monarch, were the princes Nâsser ben Ahmed, and his
son Nûh, or Noah, the Samanides and Emmaud-ud-doulah and his
brothers, the Deylemites of the race of Bùyah.
UL MUSTEKFY
Khalif of the
house of Abbas.
:
UL MUSTEKFY B'ILLAH,* Abûl Kaussém Abdullah, the son of
Mûkteffy, twenty-second Khalif of the house of Abbas.
Having circumvented, and deposed his sovereign in the manner above
related, Touzûn proceeded to establish on the throne of the Khalifs,
Abdullah the son of Mûkteffy, the couzin german of the extruded mou-
BILLAH, XXII arch, with the title of Mûstekty or Mûstekeffy B'illah. The perfidious.
Ameir-ul-ûmra was, however, not suffered long to triumph in the
success of his iniquitous plans; a signal, and almost immediate judg-
ment would seem to have pursued him, for the violence of which he
had been guilty towards the person of the unfortunate Mûtekky; for
he was smitten with blindness, and died shortly afterwards, in the
month of Mohurrim of the year three hundred and thirty-four.t
The government of Baghdâd, at this period become, very probably,
an appendage to the dignity of Ameir-ul-ûmra, now devolved upon
Deigratiam intente supplicans. † August, A. D. 945.
183
༈
ul-akhbaur.
one of the military chiefs, here called the son of Sheirzaud. This min- A. H. 334.
ister proceeding, however, to exercise his authority with every species A. D. 945.
of oppression and violence, the situation of the wretched inhabitants Kholaussut-
became to the last degree deplorable; and intelligence of their suffer-
ings being conveyed to Ahmed the son of Buyah, who had by this
time extended his conquests to Ahûauz, that commander immediately
directed his march towards Baghdad. The son of Sheirzaud, and the
Turkish Maumlûks terrified at his approach, abandoned the city and
fled; and Mûstekfy conceived it expedient for a short time to follow
their example. But Ahmed the son of Bûyah having soon afterwards*
entered Baghdad, without opposition, the Khalif, among others, hast-
ened to visit him; expressing the utmost joy and gratitude, that his
presence should at last have relieved him from the apprehensions,
under which he had continually lived, from the violence of the Turks.
The son of Bûyah made little difficulty in pledging his allegiance
to Mûstekfy, and received from him, in return, the title of Mûezz-ud-
doulah, the glory of the state, by which we are henceforward to recog-
nize him. For a few days, things appeared to proceed between them
with considerable harmony; but a misunderstanding having ulti-
mately arisen, this phantom of a Khalif was, in the course of the very
same year, seized by Mûezz-ud-doulah, and like some of his prede-
cessors, condemned to lose his eye-sight; in which situation he,
however, survived to the year three hundred and thirty-eight.
Mûstekfy had attained to the age of forty-one, before he was called
to the now meagre, and unsubstantial honors of the Khelaufut; which,
however nominal, he was not suffered to enjoy beyond the circum-
scribed period of sixteen months; having been degraded from his
authority, and condemned to languish in perpetual night in the
year three hundred and thirty-four. The office of Vezzeir, which
still subsisted, though shorn of all its splendor, was held during the
reign of Mûstekfy, by Abûl Ferrah Mahommed the son of Ally. Con-
temporary with this Khalif were Nûh the son of Munser, or Munsûr,
the Samaunian; and Emmaud-ud-doulah the Deylemite, with his
brothers Rokken-ud-doulah, and Mûezz-ud-doulah ; the latter of whom
became, as we have just seen, the author of his misfortunes and disgrace.
* On the 11th of the former Jummaudy, or 18th of December, A. D. 945.
量
​184
ވ
CHAP. V.
A. H. 334.
A. D. 946.
kuolaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
U
L MUTEIA ULLAH* Abûl Kaussem Fazzel, the son of Mûks
tedder, twenty-third Khalif of the house of Abbas.
Having confirmed, instead of alleviating the degraded state of the
Khelaufut, by the sufferings inflicted upon the deposed Mûstekfy,
the Deylemite proceeded to the further exercise of his power, by rais-
ing Fazzel the son of Mûktedder to the sovereign dignity, with the title
of Mûteia Ullah ; providing, at the same time, that he should not forget
his humiliating dependence, by the appointment of an agent, to note
UL MUTEIA UL- and keep a regular account of, the receipt and expenditure of the pageant
LAI, XXIIId Kha- prince. So totally indeed, according to our author, was the represen-
lif of the house of tative ofthe house of Abbas excluded from any influence in the govern-
Abbas.
ment, during the ministry of Mûezz-ud-doulah, that it was for some
time in the contemplation of that minister, to transfer the Khelaufut
altogether, to Abûl Hussun Mahommed the son of Yaheya theZeidian;
from an opinion, which he appeared to have embraced, of the superior
claims of the decendants of Ally: but from the execution of this design
he was dissuaded by his Vezzeir Abû Jauffer Mahommed the Zem,
meirian; who proved to him, by the most convincing arguments, that
such a change in the succession would be inevitably followed by the
subversion of his own power.
Such being the absolute nullity to which his power was reduced,
it is perhaps not extraordinary that, during the comparatively protracted
reign of Mûteia, the only circumstance which our author has conceived
worthy of record, is the restoration, in three hundred and thirty nine,†
of the hidjer-ul-asswad, by the Keraumitah; who having brought it
to the city of Kûfah, and fastened it to one of the pillars of the prin-
cipal mosque at that place, there left it; with the information, that it was
by command they had taken it away, and by command they now
*Deo submissus, vei-submittens. †A. D. 950.
185
ul-akhbaur.
restored it. The venerated marble was soon afterwards conveyed by the A. H. 339.
faithful Mahommedans to Mekkah, and there fixed in its proper place. A. D. 950.
And it is moreover added, on the authority of another work,* that, Kholaussut-
although in conveying it to the country of their abode, the Keraumitah
disabled forty camels in the undertaking, the single camel which was
employed on this occasion by the Mosslems, to carry it back to Mekkah,
throve to an extraordinary degree under the sacred burden.
It will be seen in a subsequent page of this work, that Mûezz-ud-
doulah dying in the course of three hundred and fifty six, he was suc-
ceeded as Ameir-ul-ûinra, by his son and successor, Ezz-ud-doulah
Bukhtiaur: which does not however appear to have produced any change
in the destiny of the Khelaufut. Be this as it may, on the thirteenth
of the month of Zilkaudah, of the year three hundred and sixty three,†
the shadow of authority which remained to him, was abdicated by
Mûteia, in consequence of a stroke of the palsy, in favor of his son
Abdul Kereim. He survived his abdication about two months.
The reign of this prince appears to have occupied a period of twenty
eight solar, or twenty nine lunar years, and five or six months; and
contemporary with him were Nûh or Nouh and his son Abdulmêlek,
the Samanides, monarchs of Bokhara: and Em:naud-ud-doulah, his
brothers, and nephew Ezzed-ud-doulah the son of Rokken-ud-doulah
the Deylemites.
UL TAEIA ULLAH‡ Abû Bukker Abdul Kereim, the son of Mûteia,
twenty-fourth Khalif of the house of Abbas.
UL TAEIA UL
Khalif.
The throne of the Khalifs having been abdicated by his father, in
the manner just related, the military chiefs, and principal inhabitants LAR, XXIVth
of the metropolis appear to have submitted without debate to the au-
thority of Abdul Kereim, under the title of Ul Tâeia Ullah: but the
dissensions which broke out at the very commencement of his reign,
between Ezz-ud-doulah Bukhtiaur the Ameir-ul-ûmra, and the Turk-
ish mercenaries, afforded but a fearful prospect of the advantages of
royalty. In the mean time, Ezz-ud-doulah withdrawing with precipi-
tation towards Waussit, in order to solicit the aid of his couzin Ezzed-
ud-doulah, the Khalif' was compelled to accompany the Turks in their
The Tarikh gûzeidah. †Third of September, A. D. 974.
VOL. II.
2 B
Deo submitteps.
186
A. D. 975.
A. HI. 364. pursuit of him to the walls of that city; before which several conflicts
now took place, terminating for the most part to the disadvantage and
Kholaussut defeat of Bukhtiaur.
ul-akhbaur.
But Ezzed-ud-doulah advancing into Arabian Irâk in the course of
the succeeding year, to the relief of his kinsman, and the Turks flying
towards Baghdad, on his arrival near Waussit, they were immediately
pursued, in their turn, by the two couzins now united. Baghdâd was
soon afterwards again subjugated to the power of the Deylemites. Ul
Taeia received, however, from the conquerors every mark of veneration
and respect; and Ez ed ud-doulah, having re-established his kinsman
in the dignity of Amir-ul-ûmra, returned in triumph into Farss.
From a misunderstanding which had, however, arisen with his rela-
tive, Ezz d-ud-doulah in three hundred and sixty six, re-appeared before
Baghdad at the head of his troops; and having succeeded after a tedious.
and obstinate course of hostilities, in dispossessing Ezz-ud-doulai* of
the city, compelled him in the following year, three hundred and sixty
seven, to retire into S ria. In that province Ezz-ud-doulah unfortu
nately contrived to raise a body of troops, with which he hastened once
more towards Baghdad; and his kinsman advanced to give him battle.
He was defeated and taken prisoner in the neighbourhood of Tekreit,
and immediately put to death. Ezzed-ud-doulah survived this period
about five years-to the year three hundred and seventy-two; when he
died, and was succeeded in all his powers and possessions by his son,
with the title of Sumsaum-ud-doulah.
At the hazard of being taxed with equal credulity, we are here com-
pelled to mention from our author, as a circumstance which he profes-
ses to relate on the concurring testimony of historians, that in the course
of the year three hundred and seventy-four,* a prodigious animal, in size
surpassing an elephant, and of the feathered race according to some
writers, was observed to emerge from the sea of Omman; and taking its
station on the summit of an adjoining tumulus, to utter in distinct
and excellent Arabic, the words "Kuddi-Kûrreba," three different
times, directing its voice, and looking eastwards. This was repeated
The
for three days successively, after which it totally disappeared.
*These two names are so easily confounded, that it may be necessary to remark, that the
former signifies the arm, and the latter the glory of the state.
† A. D. 984-5,
187
A.D. 934-5,
ul-akhbaur,
expressions may be alleged to signify either, "the separation, or the re- A. H. 374,
"surrection, is at hand." But of what nature the animal, or what strange
event it might be construed to prognosticate is not exactly explained. Kholaussut-
On the authority of the Tarikh gûzeidah, however, it may be added that
during the same year, the province of Hejauz, including the two sacred
cities, was wrested by the Issmauilians from the dominion of the
house of Abbas.
Through some malignant motive, either of jealousy or ambition, an
army was conducted in the course of three hundred and seventy-six,*
by
Shurf-ud-doulah, to the attack of his brother Sumsaum-ud-doulah,
at Baghdad; and the latter imprudently relying on the influence of
fraternal affection, and repairing to the camp of his aggressor, found
in imprisonment ample occasion to regret his imbecility. On his
entrance into Baghdad shortly afterwards, Shurf-ud-doulah evinced,
however, for Ul Tâeia every outward proof of respect, and suffered
him as before to retain the trappings of imperial splendor.
On the death of Shurf-ud-doulah in the three hundred and seventy-
ninth of the Hidjerah,* he was succeeded in the dignity of Ameir-ul-
ûmra, by his brother Abû Nasser Feyrôz Khossrou, who received
the title of Behà-ud-doulah. The year following, the avarice of this
man being attracted by the rich effects, of which the representative
of the house of Abbas was yet allowed to retain possession, he
solicited one day, on some pretext or other, permission to visit the
palace of the Khelaufut: where having seated himself, according to
custom, in a chair of state, in the presence of Ul Theia, and several
of the Deylemite commanders pressing forwards at the same time, the
Khalif, on the supposition that it was for the purpose of kissing his
hands, very graciously extended them towards the intruders. The
Deylemites in mcdiately seied him by the arms, and forcing him from
his throne, conveyed the wretched monarch to another apartment :
while Beha-ud-doulah employed the opportunity to appropriate his
treasure and valuables. At the same time messengers were dispatched
to invite Ahmed the son of Ishauk, the grandson of Mûktedder, now
residing at Tenjah, or Mekkah sometimes so denominated, to take
possession of the throne of his nephew.
A.D. £83-7. †A. D. 989.
9 B
188
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 381. Ul Tâeia is said to have occupied the throne of the Khalifs for à
A. D. 991. period of seventeen years, nine months and some days; by which
we are led to conclude that his degradation took place from the four-
teenth to the twentieth of Shabaun,* of the year three hundred and
eighty-one. It is however added, that he survived his humiliation
for a number of years, was admitted to a considerable degree of friend❤
ship, and to the society of his successor, and died after all at the
mature age of sixty-nine.
UL KADER B'IL-
lif of the house of
UL KADER B'ILLAH,† Abûl Abbas Ahmed the son of Ishauk,
son of Mûktedder, twenty-fifth Khalif of the house uf Abbas.
With the common failing of contracted minds, a predilection for
LAH, XXVth Kha- the marvellous, our annalist ushers in his very concise account of the
long reign of Ul Kâder, with the following circumstances; which he
proceeds to communicate on the authority of Heybut Ullah, the
secretary of Mûhuzzeb-ud-doulah the Deylemite.
Abbas.
Towards the close of the preceding reign, appréhensive that Ul
Tâeia was meditating some designs hostile to his person, the grand-
son of Mûktedder fled for protection to Mûhuzzeb-ud-doulah, who
kept his court at that period at Tenjah ; but whether this has any
allusion to Mekkah, as recently advanced, must still remain in some
degree of uncertainty. Be this, however, as it may, Heybut Ullah
the secretary already mentioned, repairing one day to the abode of
the imperial fugitive, found him involved in deep reflection, and pro-
ceeded to demand the reason. Ahmed informed him, without reserve,
that the night before he had been visited, by what he conceived to be
a very singular dream, which he then described. The city he ima-
gined to be surrounded by a vast and sudden inundation; and
while the inhabitants were busily employed in laying a bridge to effect
their escape
from it, and he was contemplating with astonishment the
prodigious expanse of waters which extended on all sides of him, he
thought he perceived, at the opposite extremity of the bridge, a p››r-
son, who called to him to know, if he was desirous of being conveyed
safe over this tremendous inundation. Having readily replied in the affir-
mative, he thought the stranger stretched out his hand, and drew him in
+ Dei gratiâ potens. i
* 25th to 31st of October, 991.
★ There is a place of this name west of Katif, on the gulph of Persia,
189
ul-akhbaur.
safety to the other side. That, his surprise being considerably aug- A. H. 381.
mented by the circumstance, he expressed a desire to learn to whom A. D. 991.
he was indebted for his miraculous deliverance; and received the fol- Kholaussut-
lowing reply. "I am Ally the son of Abitauleb-the moment is at
"hand when thou shalt be raised to the Khelaufut-it will behove
"thee to protect, and befriend my children, and the advocates of my
family." When Ahmed had proceeded thus far in his relation, the
voices of the messengers, who had been dispatched by Behâ-ud-dou-
lah to invite him to Baghdad, were heard at the door; and he was
immediately dismissed to avail himself of his exalted destiny, with an
equipment, adequate to his rank, provided by the liberality of Mù-
huzzeb-ud-doulah.
7
On his arrival in the neighborhood of the metropolis, the Khalif elect
was met by the regent, and all the principal inhabitants; and on the
spot received their pledge of allegiance, with the title of Ul Kâder
B'illah. He entered Baghdad on the thirteenth of the month of Ram-
zaun;*and we might be led to imagine that his reign commenced under
auspices the most favorable, since it is here stated, that on his entrance.
into his capital, the affairs of the Khelaufut immediately assumed an
appearance of regularity and system; and that the power hitherto exer-
cised by the princes of the race of Bûyah, was not much longer per-
mitted to retain its over-bearing and oppressive predominance.
Under the year three hundred and eighty-three we find it, however,
noticed, that Sekeinah the daughter of Behà-ud-doulah should have
been espoused by UI Kâder, whose spiritual supremacy does not yet
appear to have been acknowledged in the great province of Khoras-
saun. The people of that province resenting that a blameless and
unoffending Imaum should have been dethroned without a cause; and
therefore continuing both the Khotbah, and the coinage, in the name of
Ul Tâcia, until the period between the years three hundred and eighty-
seven and eighty-nine. When, the whole country being subjugated by
the arms of Sultan Mahmûd Ghauzi, of Ghezni, that monarch, in con-
sequence of the friendship which had been recently established
between them, and peradventure of the imperial robe or mantle, and
slie title of Yemein-ud-doulah transmitted to him by the Khalif,
Twenty-second of November, A. D. 991,
Tarikh
gúzeidah.
1
1
A
190
A. H. 388. directed the Khotbah to be thence forward pronounced in the name
A. D. 998. of Ul Kåder.
Tarikh
gúzeidah.
Kholaussut-
In three hundred and ninety-nine,* the province of Syria was reco-
vered from Hâkem the son of Azziz the Issmauilian, by the Benni
Kûlaub; and about the same period Behâ-ud-doulah, and the princi-
pal inhabitants of Mossûle were invited by the prince of Egypt of
that race, to acknowledge the descendants of Fatima, as rightful heirs.
to the Khelaufut. The letters and presents which were transmitted
on the occasion being, however, rejected through the zeal and influ-
ence of Kauzy Abû Jauffer, and conveyed by him to Ul Kâder, they
were publicly burnt, before the gates of the Khalif's palace at Baghdâd :
and the Kauzy, whose exertions had been so seasonably and success-
fully employed to retain the nobles of Mossule in their allegiance, was
rewarded, in a double proportion to the value of the presents received
from the Fatimite.
In the latter Jummaudy of the year four hundred and three,†on the
ul-akhbaur, death of his father Behâ-ud-doulah, the dignity of Ameir-ul-ûmra
devolved to Sûltân-ud-doulah, with whom it continued to the year
four hundred and eleven; when the arms of his brother Mûshurref-
ud-doulah prevailing, the government of Baghdad was transferred to
that prince..
Having nominated his son Abdullah to succeed him in the empire
with the title of Ul Kâeim B'immer Ullah, so far back as the year four
hundred and sixteen, the Khalif ul Kâder reposed himself in the arms
of death, in the last month of the four hundred and twenty-second of
the Hidjerah ;‡ at the very advanced age of eighty-six, and after a
protracted reign of one and forty years.
Ul Kader has acquired with historians the character of a temperate,
just, and pious prince, eminent for his many amiable and laudable
qualities; for which, as some compensation even in this life, an Al-
mighty providence blessed him with a long, and prosperous reign.
We cannot here omit the circumstance, that it was at the court of
UI Kâder that the prince of Persian bards, the celebrated Ferdoussy,
sought an asylum against the vengeance of Mahmûd Sebektekein.
In the letter which that formidable conqueror wrote on the occasion,
he is stated to have threatened, that if the object of his wrath was
† December, 1012. + December, 1031.
* A. D. 1008.
191
not delivered up, the proud palaces of Baghdad should be trampled to dust A. H. 422.
under the hoofs of his elephants; to which the Khalif returned no other A. D. 1031.
reply than a laconic reference to the fate of Abrâhah-ul-ashrem, and
the Ass-haub-ul-feil,* well known in Arabian story; and this was
superscribed on the back of Mahmûd's angry epistle.
Contemporary with Ul Kâder were, as we have briefly shewn, Sûl-
tan Mahmûd above mentioned, and his son Mûssâoud, of Ghẹznîn, or
Ghezni: Behâ-ud-doulah and Sultaun-ud-doulah the Deylemites;
and the princes Nouh, or Nûh, the son of Munsûr, and Munsûr and
Abdulmêlek the sons of Nouh of Bokhâra. The power of the house
of Sâman became however extinguished, in the early part of this
reign, in the death of Issmâil the son of Nouh, entitled Mûntesser,
who was assassinated in the former Rebbeia of the year three hun-
dred and ninety-five, as will be noticed hereafter in its proper place,
by one of the agents of Sultan Mahmûd.
Tarikh
gûzeidah.
-UL KAEIM B'IMMER ULLAH,* Abû Jauffer Abdullah, the son of Khodaussut-
Ul Kâder, twenty-sixth Khalif of the house of Abbas.
ul-akhbaur.
Immediately on the death of his father the allegiance of the people
of Baghdad was renewed with due solemnity to Ul Kâeim. But the
power of the Khelaufut being by this time reduced to little better UL KAEIM BIM.
than the name, the substance is to be sought for in the transactions of XXVIth Khalif.
those ministers, who, under the title of Ameir-ul-ûmra, or whatever
other appellation, successively usurped the entire authority of the
state.
Jullaul-ud-doulah dying in Shabaun, of the year four hundred and
thirty-five, his nephew Abû Kalinjar Merzcbaun, quitted Shirauz,
the metropolis of the race of Bùyah; and proceeding to Baghdâd, was
invested, on his arrival in that city, in the course of the year follow-
ing, with the dignity of Ameir-ul-ûmra, which he retained to the
period of his death in four hundred and forty; being then succeeded
by his son Ul Melek-ur-raheim Khossrou Feyrouz.
Unhappily, some dissension arising between the Reiss-ur-roussa,
the vezzeir of UI Kaeim, and Bessaussery, who held a distinguished
rank among the Deylemites, the latter chief, in the course of four
hundred and forty-seven, withdrew from Baghdad; and proceeding
*See the incident described in Sale's Korán, vol. II. p. 510, in the note.
† Dei mandato locum tenens,
MFR ULLAH,
192
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 447. to commit every species of depredation throughout the country, dis..
A. D. 1055. patched to demand the assistance of Mûstanser the Fatímite, at this
Kholaussut period prince of Egypt. The demand was readily complied with,
and the wretched metropolis of the house of Abhas became again the
scene of tumultuous rage and disturbance; to that degree, that it was
found necessary to fortify with a ditch and rampart the great mosque
of Fakher-ud-doulah the Deylemite, situated in the western quarter
of Baghdad; in order to protect the people, while at their devotions,
against the violence of the licentious depredators, by whom the place
was so cruelly infested.
*
Such was the state of Baghdâd, when it attracted the attention of
Toghrel Beg, of the race of Seljûk, who had about this crisis estab-
lished his authority in Khorassaun, and Persian Irâk; and to whom an
alleged invitation from Ul Kâeim to relieve him and his people from
the effect of these convulsions, afforded a favorable pretext for extend-
ing his conquests westwards. He accordingly appeared before Bagh-
dâd, and encamped in irresistible force before the gate of Shammaus-
siah, on Monday the twenty-fifth of Rainzaun, of the year four hun-
dred and forty-seven.†
The month however had closed, when some dispute occurring be-
tween the town's people and the troops of Toghrel, with respect to some
business in the market; and the inhabitants proceeding to assail the
soldiery with stones, it soon increased into a serious affray, in which
many were killed on both sides ; and it ended in a general pillage of the
place by the Seljûkians. In the mean time, ascribing the tumult to
some contrivance on the part of Melkûr-raheim, Toghrel Beg sent to
intimate to Ul Kâeim, that if he were truly unconcerned in promoting
the sedition, that minister would immediately repair to him. As it
was thought prudent to comply with the intimation, the unfortunate
minister no sooner entered the camp of the Seljûkian, than his person
was seized, and he was condemned to pass the remainder of his days in
a prison.
In the course of the succeeding year, Toghrel Beg became master of
Mossûle, and the adjoining territory, which had been seized by the
rebel Bessaussery; but being unexpectedly summoned into Persian
Irâk in the year four hundred and fifty, to quell the revolt of his
Tarikh gazeidah. † Seventeenth of December, 1055.
193
•
ul-akhbaar.
maternal brother Ibrauhim Niaul, who had taken possession of Ham- A. H. 450.
adaun, Toghrel was constrained to draw his troops to the eastward, A. D. 1059.
in the midst of his triumphs; and Bessaussery taking advantage of Kholaussnt-
his absence, hastened to Baghdad, and there imprisoning the person
´of Ul Kàeim, in Zilkaudah of the same year, proceeded to pronounce
the Khotbah in the name of Mûstanser, the Fatimite Khalif of Egypt
already alluded to.
I
As soon, however, as Toghrel Beg had extinguished the ill-timed
and ill-advised rebellion of his brother, he resumed his designs upon
western Irak, and put his troops again in march for Baghdad; which
was abandoned at his approach by the usurper Bessaussery. The
Khalif Ul Kaeim was now enlarged from his confinement, and pro-
ceeded to meet the Seljûkian monarch; who dismounting at his
appearance, kissed the ground before him, and continued walking by
the side ofhis horse, until invited to remount by the title of Rokken-
ul-doulah. The two princes re-entered Baghdad together on this
occasion, in the latter part of Zilkaudah of the year four hundred and
fiity-one.* Bessaussery was immediately pursued to the neighbor-
hood of Kûfah, where he was overtaken before the conclusion of the
year; and falling into the hands of the Sultan's advanced guard, his
head was struck off without much ceremony, and transmitted to that
monarch; who is said to have lamented this anticipation ofhis justice,
since it deprived him of the opportunity which he had in contempla-
tion, of returning good for evil.†
The person whose fate we have just recorded, and whose spirited
exertions, in spite of repeated discomfiture, to resist the arms of Toghrel
Beg, have been detailed at considerable length by several respect-
able authorities, was originally the slave of Behâ-ud-doulah the
Deylemite, and in early life bore the name of Arslan-the lion. He
also bore indiscriminately the names of Abûl Hâreth, and Bessaus-
sery; the latter from the place of his nativity near Shirauz, of which
city he held the government for some tiine, under the authority of
his master.
Tranquillity being at last thoroughly established, Ul Kâeim deter-
mined, by a double conuubial tie, to complete his alliance with Togh-
Tarikh guzeidah.
*December, 1959.
VOL. II.
2 C
194
4. H. 451. rel Beg; and for this purpose he bestowed upon that monarch his
A. D. 1060. daughter, the princess Seydah Khatûn, taking to himself Arslan
Tarikh
gûzeidah.
Khatûn, the daughter of Tchegher Beg, the sister of the celebrated
Alep Arslan, and niece of Toghrel. The year following he declared
his son Abdullah successor to the throne of the Khalifs by the title
of Mûkteddy B'illah.
The month of Ramzaun of the year four hundred and fifty-five* was
distinguished by the death of Toghrel Beg, who expired at Râi, whi-
ther, at the age of seventy, he had proceeded to consummate his union
with the daughter of Ul Kâcim. He was succeeded in his extensive
dominions by Alep Arslan Mahommed his nephew, the son of Tchegh-
er Beg, already mentioned. Eitkein Sûlimauny was immediately
dispatched by that prince to assume the government of Baghdâd ; and
with him it continued to the year four hundred and sixty-four,† when
it was conferred upon Saud-ud-doulah Gouher Eyne; who had
recently distinguished himself by the capture of an emperor of Con-
stantinople, vanquished in a great battle by the renowned Alep
Arslan; as will be hereafter noticed.
That fearless monarch was, however, assassinated in the very year
following, on his march towards Transoxiana, by Yussuf Kôtwaul,
the governor of a petty fortress on the banks of the Jeyhûn; whom
he had condemned to die, for what he conceived to have been a rash
and unwarrantable defence of his post. Alep Arslan was succeeded
by his son Melek Shah, the most accomplished and illustrious of the
race of Seljûk.
About two years subsequent to that period, namely, in the middle
of Shabaun, of the four hundred and sixty-seventh of the Hidjerah,‡
died the Khalcifah Ul Kâeim, at the age of seventy-six years, three
months, and five days; and after having exercised the precarious func-
tions of his station, now almost totally spiritualized, for the long
interval of forty-four lunar years, eight months, and two days; which
added to the period of his father's reign, is observed to have nearly
equaled the entire duration of the power of the house of Ommeyah.
Ul Kâeim is considered to have been a learned, prudent, and elo-
quent prince, of distinguished virtue and liberality of spirit.
*September, A. D. 1063. †A. D. 1071,
April, A. D. 4075,
195
1
J
Tarikh
gûzeidah.
His contemporaries were, in Gheźni, Mûs oud, Mahommed, and A. H. 467.
Abdurreshid the sons of Sultan Mahmûd Ghâzi; Moudûd, Ally, and A. D. 1075.
Ibrauhim, the sons of Mûssãoud, and another Mûssâoud the son of
Moudûd in the two countries of Irak and Parss, Jullaul-ud-doulah,
Emmaud-ud-dein Ullah, and Melk-ur-raheim the Deylemites, whost
power was now extinguished; and latterly in all these countries,
Ghezni excepted, Toghrel Beg, succeeded by Alep Arslan, and his
son Melek Shah, of the race of Seljûk.
UL MUKTEDDY B'ILLAH,* Abul Kaussem Abdullah the son of
Ul Kâeim, twenty-seventh Khalif of the house of Abbas.
XXVIIth Kha-
While some historians are agreed in considering this prince as im- Kholaussut-
mediately the son of Ul Kâcim, there are others who state that he was ul-akhbaur.
the grandson only of the deceased monarch, by one of his children
who bore the name of Zekheir-ud-dein. Be this however as it may, UL MUKTED-
the nobles and principal inhabitants of Baghdad renewed, without scru- DY B'ILLAH,
ple, the allegiance already pledged during the life of his predecessor,
and quietly submitted to the authority of Mûkteddy: that authority of Abbas.
which was now more than ever confined within the lofty enclosures
of the palace of Baghdad, and beyond which, with a few slight and tran-
sient exceptions, it was never again suffered to extend any substantial
influence, or controul.
During the year four hundred and seventy-nine, the twelfth of
Mûkteddy, the city of Baghdad received a peaceful visit from Sûl-
tan Melek Shah, the glory of the race of Seljûk; whose deportment
towards the illustrious representative of the house of Abbas, is des-
cribed to have evinced the utmost respect and reverence. In the
month of Suffur of the year following that monarch returned to his
capital of Isfahaun; from whence his daughter, who had been already
betrothed to Mûkteddy, was by his directions conducted to Baghdad,
in a style of unparalleled splendor. The princess was received on ber
arrival with extraordinary rejoicings; and she entered the metropolis
accompanied by the whole court of her imperial consort, amidst an
illumination which eclipsed the stars, and set the firmament in a blaze.
This was followed, the next day, by an entertainment of unexampled
cost and magnificence; of the expenditure of which in other articles,
some estimate may be formed, when it is said, in that of sugar ouly, to
†A. D. 1086. ↑ May, 1087.
* Dei gratià assecutus.
If
of the house
2 C
196
A. II. 480. have amounted to forty thousand munns or maunds; and this, calcu
A. D. 1087. lated at a quarter of a hundred weight per maund, will exhibit the
Kholaussut moderate total of five hundred tons.
ul-akhbaur.
FIR BILLAH,
Under some circumstances of displeasure with her imperial spouse,
the daughter of Melek Shah thought fit, notwithstanding, to return,
in the course of four hundred and eighty-one, to the court and protec-
tion of her father, where she died shortly afterwards.
In the year four hundred and eighty-four Melek Shah again visited
Baghdad ; and the year following, this illustrious monarch, having been
seized with a fit of illness on a hunting party in the neighborhood of
that city, expired in the month of Shavaul,* just eighteen days after the
execution of his admired, and faithful minister Nizâm-ul-mûlk. Of
Melek Shah we shall however have occasion to relate some further
particulars, when we come to treat more immediately of this branch
of the race of Seljûk.
And, in the month of Mohurrim, of the year four hundred and
eighty-seven.† the Khalif Mûkteddy also finished his earthly carcer
at the age of thirty nine; having supported the pageantry of the Khe-
laufut for a period of nineteen lunar years, and four or five months.
Contemporary with this prince were, as above recited, Súltan Melek
Shah, and latterly his son Sûltan Berguiàruk, of the race of Seljûk,
in Persia and Transoxiana; and in Ghezni, Ibrauhim Shah the son
of Müssâoud. It may also be of importance to observe that, accor-
ding to the Tarikh gûzeidah, it was during the Khelaufut of Mûk-
teddy, about the year four hundred and eighty-three, that Ilussun
Sabah the first Shaikh-ul-jebbel, or old man of the mountain, in the
fortress of Al Mowut, or castle of the cagles, in the neighborhood
of Kazvein, (the foundation of which is ascribed to Hussun the Zei-
dite in the time of Mutewukkel) proclaimed the doctrines of the Iss-
mauilians, or Bowatinists; which continued to be disseminated from
thence by that Fanatic and his successors, until their impregnable
retreat was fiually surrendered to Hollâkû, in the six hundred and fifty-
fourth of the Hidjerah.
II
+-
UL MUSTEZHIR or MUSTEZEHIR B'ILLAH,§ Abûl Abbas Ahmed
UL MUSTEZ- the son of Mûkteddy, twenty-eighth Khalif of the house of Abbas.
With the immediate concurrence of Sultan Berguiâruk the son of
Melek Shah, then on the spot at Baghdad, the throne of the Khalifs
* November, 1092, ↑ January, 1094, †A. D. 1090, § Dei gratia defensus.
XXVIIIth kha-
Jif.
4
ار
197
[
was ascended on the demise of his father, by Ahmed the son of Mûk- A. H. 487.
teddy, under the title of Mûstezhir B’illah.
A. D. 1094.
ul-akhbaur.
Sultan Berguiâruk dying in the latter Rebbeia of the year four hun- Kholaussut-
dred and ninety-eight,* the Khotbah was pronounced in the same
metropolis, in the name of his son Melek Shah the second: but Sûltan
Mahommed, the brother of the deceased monarch, arriving at Baghdad
in the course of the succeeding month of Jummaudy, a treaty was
concluded between him and his nephew, by which it was agreed that
the two princes should be equally associated in the royalties of the
Khotbah. The supreme authority was however entirely absorbed
in the stronger power of the uncle; with whom it continued to the
year five hundred and eleven,† when he died, leaving his throne to his
son Mahmûd; who was however soon destined to yield the precedence
to his uncle Sûltan Sunjur, another of the sons of Melek Shah, who
assumed the sovereign authority; leaving to his nephew, the govern-
ment only of Persian Irâk.
Mûstezhir is said to have enjoyed the unsubstantial glories of the
Khelaufut, for a period of five and twenty years and a fraction; his
death may
therefore be assigned to the month of Mohurrim of the year
five hundred and twelve, when he had attained to the forty-second
year of his age. The judgment of posterity has conferred upon this
Khalif the character of a just and equitable prince, in the transactions
of his government, of considerable genius in poetry, and of eminent
skill in penmanship.
Tarikh
To this Khalif has, by other writers, been ascribed the construction
of the eastern rampart, or city, of Baghdad, which he caused to be for- guzeidah.
tified with turreted gates and ditches. In Stevens' history of Persia,
we find it stated that the former city, which stood on the opposite
bank of the Tigris in Mesopotamia, being ruined by the over-flowing
of the river, Ul Mûstezhir, or Mostecer as he calls him, removed it
to the other side, where it now remains. Here then we discover the
occasion on which this celebrated metropolis was transferred from its
original site, on the western bank of the Tigris, to the eastern or left
bank of that river, on the Persian side.
* December, 1104.
†A. D. 1117.
* May, 1118.
1
198
Tarikh
gúzeidah.
A. H. 512. In other respects, to the consummate prudence of Muštezhir it is
A. D. 1118. attributed, that during the whole of his reign, not a single insurrection
occurred to disturb the tranquillity of his government. Contempor-
ary with him were, as already noticed, Sûltan Berguiâruk, Sûltan
Melek Shah the second, Sultan Mahommed, Sultan Mahmûd, aud
Sultan Sunjur, of the race of Seljûk; Kûtb-ud-dein Mahommed
prince of Khaurezm; and in Ghezni, Ibrauhim the son of Mûssâoud,
another Mûssâoud the son, and Arslan Shah the grandson, of Ibrau-
him. Hussun or Hassan Sabah, continued to disseminate from AI
Mowut the doctrines of the Bouautinah, and to extend his usurpation
through the mountains of Rûdbaur.
Khalif.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
UL MUSTER SHID, or MUSTERRESHID B'ILLAH,* Abû Munsûr
Fazzel, the son of Mûstezhir, twenty-ninth Khalif of the house of
Abbas.
The inhabitants of Baghdâd, of every rank and description, unit-
ing on the death of Mûstezhir to acknowledge the claims of his son
UL MUSTERSHID Fazzel, that prince was immediately invested with the dignity of the
B'ILLAH, XXIXth Khelaufut, under the title of Ul Mûstershid B'illah; and among the
few latter sovereigns of the house of Abbas, who, in the decline of
its power, displayed some portion of zeal to revive the expiring lus-
tre of the Khelaufut, Mústershid appears to claim a distinguished
pre-eminence.
Soon after his accession, he found himself however involved in a
contest with his brother Abûl Hussun, who absconded from Baghdâd;
and continuing his flight to Hellah, and from thence to Waussit,
there asserted his claims to the Khelaufut, and invited the people
to submit to his authority. But the governor of Hellah, Weiss or
Weyss the son of Sedkah, leading an army to that quarter by direction
of Mûstershid, the ambitious prince perceived the inadequacy of his
power to sustain a conflict, and sought for safety in the solitude of
the desert, He fell however ultimately into the hands of those who
were in search of him, and was conveyed to the presence of Mûster-
shid; who signalized his triumph on the occasion, by humanely spar-
ing the life of his misguided brother.
The genius of discord having produced a misunderstanding between
the Khalif, and the chief of whose services he had availed himself on
* Dei gratiâ rectus,
199
*
ul-akhbaur,
this occasion, it terminated in the course of the year five hundred and A. H. 517.
seventeen, in open hostility. In a desperate battle which took place A. D. 1123.
between the parties, the issue was favorable to the standard of Mûs- Kholaussut
tershid, who returned in triumph to his metropolis; while Weiss the
vanquished rebel withdrew to the court of Sûltan Toghrel the Selju-
kian; whom, about two years subsequent to his defeat, that is in the
five hundred and nineteenth of the Hidjerah, he prevailed upon to
undertake the reduction of Baghdad. The Khalif, however, resolutely
prepared to repel the danger, and assembling his troops, proceeded at
their head to oppose the invaders. Receiving intelligence of the
departure of Mûstershid from his capital, his aggressors conceived it
expedient to separate their force; Sûltan Toghrel directing his march
immediately for Baghdad, while the rebellious Weiss sought to oppose
himself to the person of his sovereign. It happened, providentially at
this crisis, that Sultan Togrel should experience a severe attack of
fever and ague, and such heavy and incessant rains came on, as to
render the march of the Seljukians totally impracticable. At the
same period, Weiss was endeavoring by a forced march under cover
of the night, to surprise the camp of Mûstershid: but losing his way,
he continued to wander about at the head of his troops until day light;
when exhausted with fatigue and exertion, he was compelled to
encamp on the first plain that presented itself. To complete the
chain of circumstances, which fortuitously concurred to liberate Mus.
tershid, from the danger which thus menaced him on all sides, that
monarch, who had been abandoned by the greater part of his army on
information that Sûltan Toghrel was pushing for Baghdad, chanced
to arrive with a few followers, on the very spot where the division of
Weiss lay encamped, overwhelmed in sleep and weariness. The
astonished rebel awoke to the mortification of being a suppliant for
life, at the mercy of his offended sovereign; who gave, on this occasion,
a further proof of his clement spirit by pardoning the traitor, and suf-
fering him to rejoin the troops of Sultan Toghrel; whom he accom-
panied on his retreat to IIamadaun.
Sultan Mahmûd the son of Mahommed, and grandson of Melek
Shah the first, dying in the month of Shavaul of the year five hundred
and twenty five, the Khotbah was recited at Baghdad, early in the
?
200
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 525-29. course of the year ensuing, in the name of his surviving brother Sûltan
A. D. 1131-35. Mússaoud. But some of the principal officers of that monarch with-
Kholaussut drawing to Baghdad, through fear of their master's displeasure, in the
course of five hundred and twenty nine, fatally prevailed on Mûstershid
to strike his name from the public invocations and prayers, and to lead
an army to attack the dominions of the Seljukian. In the neighbor-
hood of Dainûr be was met and defeated by Sultan Mûssâoud;
and
disdaining to quit the field of battle, fell together with his Vezzeir into
the hands of the conqu ror, who committing his illustrious captive to
the custody of a proper escort, proceeded with him into Azerbaijaun.
On his arrival at Meraughah the Sultan conceived the design of set-
ting his captive at large; on his engaging to remit him annually, from
the revenues of Baghdad the sum of two hundred thousand dinaurs,*
and to abstain for the future from all hostility. But while this arrange-
ment was, either really or pretendedly, in contemplation, one of the
devoted enthusiasts attached to the Shaikh-ul-jebbel, found means one
day, through the negligence of his guards, to enter the Khalif's tent,
whom he murdered on the spot. Some writers, however, do not hesi-
tate to affirm that this nefarious transaction was perpetrated by the
express and immediate direction of Mûssâoud. In the mean time
the inhabitants of Meraughah have been ever since stigmatized
with the appellation of Khaleifah-kosh-murderers of the prophet's
successor. Such, at all events, in the month of Rudjub of the year
five hundred and twenty-nine,† is represented to have been the fate of
Mûstershid, at the age of forty-three, and after a turbulent reign of
about seventeen lunar years and six months.
Mûstershid has acquired, as we have already premised, among his-
torians, the character of a magnanimous prince, distinguished in
particular for the spirit with which he endeavoured to check the
encroachments of the race of Seljuk. Neither has he been less eulog-
ized for his profound knowledge in the mysterious readings of the Korân,
and in the traditional doctrines of the prophet; in consequence of which
he became in a great measure the oracle of the age in which he lived.
He surpassed moreover in the powers of elocution, and in the rare
† April, A. D. 1135,
* About 91,6661, 13s, 4d. at the lowest computation.
201
and estimable talent of communicating a multitude of ideas within the A. H. 529.
compass of the fewest words.
Contemporary with this Khalif, were in Khorassaun and Persian
Irak, Sultan Sunjur the son, and Mahmûd, Toghrel, and Mûssâoud the
grandsons of Melek Shah; in Ghezni, Arslan Shah, Behram Shah, and
Ibrauhim the son of Mûssàoud; and in Khaurezın, Kûtbud-dein
Mahommed. Hussun Sabah died during the reign of Mûstershid,
and was succeeded in the territories of Al Mowut by Bûzûrg Omeyd;
of whom hereafter.
UL RASHID B'ILLAH,* Abû Jauffer Munsûr, the son of Mûster-
shid, thirtieth Khalif of the house of Abbas.
A. D. 1135.
Tarikh
güzeidah.
lif.
Intelligence of the assassination of Mûstershid being conveyed to UL RASHID BIL-
Baghdad, the nobility and principal inhabitants, on Monday the LAU, Ath Kha-
twenty-seventh-of Zy kaudah, of the year five hundred and twenty-
nine,† proceeded to establish his son Munsûr on the throne of the
Khalifs; to whom they immediately engaged their allegiance under
the title of Ul Rashid B'illah.
Soon after his accession, an agent arrived at Baghdad, to demand
from Rashid, on the part of Sultan Mússâoud, the tribute alleged to
have been agreed upon with his father; an agreement which he dis-
dained however to ratify, and in conjunction with the inhabitants, he
immediately proceeded, sword in hand, to expel from the city, all the
officers of the house Seljûk. Under these circumstances Dâoud the
son of Mahmûd, grandson of Melek Shah, from Azerbâijaun, and
Emmaud-ud-dein Zengui, from Mossûl, appearing at Baghdad, the
Khalif embraced the opportunity of substituting the name of Daoud
in the Khotbah, or peroration of the Khateibs, in the room of that of
Mussaoud; which was discontinued without further ceremony.
This act of undisguised defiance drew upon Ul Rashid, shortly
afterwards, the vengeance of Sultan Mûssâoud, who now appeared
before the walls of Baghdâd at the head of a formidable army; but the
inhabitants uniting in a resolute defence of the town, the Sultan after
a siege of fifty days, drew off towards Neherwaun: and the Khalif
availing himself of the opportunity, hastened towards Mossûl, in com-
pany with Emmaud-ad-dein. From thence, at a subsequent period
* Dei gratia Pius. September 7th, A, D, 1135,
VOL. II.
9 D
202
A. H. 530-32. he proceeded to Meraughah, on a visit to the grave of his father; and
A. D. 1136-38. from this time continued to wander through the different provinces
Tarikh
gûzeidalı.
UL MUKTFFY
Khalif
of the empire, until the month of Ramzaun, of the year five hundred
and thirty-two;* when, on the twenty-seventh of that month, in an
attempt to reduce the city of Isfahaun, he was also put to death by an
assassin before the walls of that place.
Ul Rashid had been extruded from the Khelaufut, at the expiration
of little more than a twelve month from his accession; and at the
period of his assassination had attained to the age of forty-three.
Contemporary were in Khorassaun, of the race Seljûk, Sûltan Sun-
jur, and in Irâk the above mentioned Sultan Mussâoud; in Khaurezm
Ultessûrz; and in Al Mowut the speculations of the Bowautinah, or
Esoterists, continued to be propagated by Bûzûrg Omeyd.
UL MUKTEFFY L'IMMER ULLAN,† Abu Abdullah Mahommed,
the son of Mûstezhir, thirty-first Khalif of the house of Abbas.
Abandoned by Ul Rashid in the manner just related, Baghdad with
the territory dependant on it, was soon afterwards taken possession of
L'IMMER UL- by Sûltan Mussâoud; who, with the concurrence of the principal in-
LAH, XXXIst habitants, proceeded to pronounce the fugitive monarch formally
deposed, and to inaugurate his nephew Mahommed, the son of Mûs-
tezhir, in the dignity of the Khelaufut, by the title of Mukteffy-l-im-
mer-Ullah. The entire authority of the government was, however,
exercised with unlimited controul by the Sultan, by whom the new
made Khalif was totally precluded from every share of power. And
thus affairs continued until the year five hundred and forty; when on
the death of the Seljûkian monarch, the splendor of the Khelaufut
was for a time, in some measure restored; Mûkteffy no longer per-
mitting any of the princes of the race of Seljûk to enter the gates of
his capital.
The year five hundred and forty-nine, the eighteenth of the Khalif
Mâkteffy, will be ever memorable for the birth of the invincible
Tchengueiz, or Jengueiz Kaun, which took place at Deylûn Yeldak,‡
in the country o the Moghûls, according to our author, on the twen-
tieth day of the month of Zilkaudah.§ His father, Beysouka Bahauder
* 6th of April, 1138. + Dei mandato succedens.
Fuldak, according to some manuscripts.
§ January 25th, 1155.
203
ul-akhbaur.
der, being just then returned from a successful expedition against A. H. 549.
some of the Tartar hordes, (the Sou Moghûls, according to Mr. Petis A.D. 1155.
de la Croix) in which he had defeated one of their principal chiefs Kholaussut-
called Temûtchîn, gave to his new born son the name of the van-
quished sovereign, which he retained for forty-nine years afterwards;
to the period, when he was solemnly inaugurated by the Kûriltâi, or
general diet of the Tartar nations, as their universal sovereign, under the
title of Jengueiz Kaaun, or king of kings. This fearful slaughterer of
nations is stated to have been ushered into light with a mass of con-
gealed blood in his grasp, which was predicted to denote the dreadful
havoc which he was destined to occasion among his enemies: but of
him, much more hereafter.
In five hundred and fifty-one, the city of Baghdâd was exposed to
another siege from Sultan Mahommed, the son of Mahmûd, of the race
of Seljuk, by whom, at the head of a great army, it was invested in the
course of the year. Before he could however effect his purpose in
the reduction of the place, he was compelled to raise the siege by the
alarming intelligence which he received, of the revolt of his brother, in:
Persian Irak.
The following year Mûkteffy, having finished a gate of exquisite
workmanship for the sanctuary of the Kaaubah, transmitted the same
to Mekkah; and directing the ancient one to be conveyed to Baghdad,
of that formed a coffin for himself.
He survived this period about three years, dying in the five hun-
dred and fifty-fifth of the Hidjerah,* at the age of sixty-six, and after
a reign of four and twenty years, three months, and twenty-one days;
with the character of a mild and beneficent prince, distinguished,
while he held the controul, for the justice of his government.
UL MUSTUNJID, or MUSTANJER B'ILLAH,† Abûl Mûzuffer
Yussuf, the son of Mûkteffy, thirty-second Khalif of the house of
Abbas.
Having been already nominated to the succession, during the life of UL MUSTUNJID
his father, the homage and submission of the principal inhabitants of BILLAR, XXXII₫
Baghdad was, on his death, immediately transferred to Mûstunjid. Dur
Khalif.
A. D. 1160.
+ Dei gratia audas.
2 D
201
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 555, ing the illness of the late Khalif, the succession had been aspired to by
A.D. 1160. Abû Ally, another of the sons of Múkteffy, who with that view was
Kholaussut known, in concert with his mother, to have been forming designs against
his brother. For these reasons Mûstunjid was no sooner firmly seated
on his throne, than he conceived it expedient to secure himself against
any further machinations from the same quarter, by lodging the as-
piring prince within the walls of a prison. Some unfortunate females
of the haram, accomplices in his design, were however thrown into the
Tigris.
Bating these instances of unavoidable severity, the reign of Mûstunjid
was distinguished, for its wholesome regulations to promote the ends
of justice, to relieve the distresses of the indigent, and to punish the
crimes, and usurpations of vice and oppression. In one circumstance
he may perhaps be quoted as an example for the imitation of sover-
eigns far more illustrious. He was a determined discourager of detraction
in all its disguises. As a proof of this, it is related, that having con-
signed to a prison one of his subjects who had been found guilty of
defaning, or perhaps informing against his neighbour, he was, at the
expiration of a reasonable interval, applied to by one of the friends of
the delinquent for his release, with an offer of ten thousand dinaurs*
if he acceded to the application; to which the Khalif observed in an-
wer, that if, on the contrary, the proposer of this request would engage
to discover another person guilty of similar defamatory practices, so
as to bring him to confinement, he would, for his part, for such a piece
of service, promise him a reward of the same sum of ten thousand
dinaurs.
But, whatever were his virtues, or his defects, Mûstunjid passed
from this world to that which is more permanent, in the five hundred
and sixty sixth of the Hidjerah,† the fifty-sixth of his age, and after dis-
carging the functions of the Khelaufut for eleven years, one month
and a few days.
Contemporary with this Khaleifah were, in the Persian empire, Ma-
hommied the son of Mahmûd, his uncle Sûliman Shah, and his couzin
Arslan Shah the son of Toghrel, of the race of Seljûk; in Shirauz, the
*About 4,5831. 6s, 8d.
† A. D. 1170.
205
ul-akhbaur.
Autabeks Sunjur the son of Moudûd, and his brother Zengui of the A. II. 566.
race of Sulgher: in Khaurezm Aeil Arslan: and in Rûdbaur and Al A. D. 1170.
mowut Mahommed the son of Bûzûrg Omeyd maintained the doctrines Kholaus>nt-
of the Bowautinists It was at the commencement of the Khelanfut
of Mûstunjid, namely in the five hundred and fifty fifth of the Hid-
jerah, that the empire of the Gheznians, became extinct in Khossrou
Shah, the last monarch of the race of Sebekteggin; it was then trans-
ferred to the princes of Ghour.
UL MUSTUNZY, or MUSTEZZEY BENUR ILLAH,* Abû Mahommed
Hussun, the son of Mûstunjid, thirty-third Khalif of the house of
Abbas.
On the day of his father's dissolution, Mûstunzy hastened to decor-
ate his brows with the diadem of the Khelaufut, and signalized his
accession by an extensive and liberal display of his bounty.
XXXIIIⱭ Khalif,
Ilere it may be seasonable to observe, that some years antecedent
to the period under consideration, namely, about the five hundred and
sixty-third of the Hidjerah, the Fatimite Khalif of Egypt, Azzyd-ud-
dein Ullah, terrified by a formidable invasion of the Ferrengs or Franks,
or Western Christians, had agreed to purchase their forbearance for a
ransom of one million of dinaurs;†which some delegates from the chris- U MUSTUNZzy,
This was
tian army had already entered Kaherah, or Cairo to receive.
however a circumstance too humiliating for the digestion of the haughty
Mosslems; and they accordingly determined, with the concurrence of
Azzyd-ud-dein, to apply for the assistance of Nûr-ud-dein Mahmûd
prince of Damascus and Syria, an ally of the Abbasides. In compli
ance with their application, a force of eighty thousand cavalry was
immediately dispatched by that chief to the relief of the Egyptians,
under the command of Assud-ud-dein Sheirkouh. The Franks, rey-
nard-like, betook themselves to a precipitate flight on the approach
of thisgeneral; who made his entrance into the metropolis of Kaherah
in the latter Rebbeia of the year five hundred and sixty four,‡ and was
immediately invested with the dignity of Vezzeir. But as he died at
the expiration of sixty-five days, the appointment was conferred by the
Fatimite, the last of this dinasty, upon Sullah-ud-dein Yûssuf the son
*Dei splendore illuminatus. † About 458,3331, 6s, 8d. at the lowest computation,
‡ January, 1169,
206
A. H. 566. of Ayub, the nephew of the deceased; in whom we are to recognize
A. D. 1170. the celebrated Saladin, the warlike and distinguished opponent of the
Kholaussut crusaders.
ul-akhbaur.
In a very little time, the new Vezzeir usurped to himself the entire
controul and government of the country, excluding the ministers of
the Egyptian Khalif from every vestige of authority; which being an-
nounced to his superior the Sultan of Damascus, a message was dis-
patched by the latter to Sullah-ud-dein, requiring that the coin of the
province should be struck, and the Khotbah repeated in the name of
Mûstunzy. To this after some demur, and the message had been
repeated, Sullah-ud-dein, by the advice of his principal officers, at last
consented; and the name of Mûstunzy was accordingly proclaimed in
the Khotbah, in Mohurrim of the year five hundred and sixty seven,
while the unfortunate Azzyd-ud-dein lay stretched on the bed of sick-
ness. In the course of the same week he was suffered to expire uncon-
scious of the degradation; and thus terminated the power of the
Issmâilian Khalifs of Egypt, the descendants of Ally and Fatima, when,
from the revolt of Abûl Kaussem Mahom med, entitled Mehedy, in
Africa and the west, about the two hundred and ninety-sixth of the
Hidjerah,† it had subsisted for a period of two hundred and seventy
one lunar years. The province of Egypt, unless the empty compli-
ment of the Khotbah paid to the house of Abbas, be considered some
abatement, now devolved in full sovereignty to Sullah-ud-dein; in whose
possession, and that of his descendants, it continued long afterwards.
In the early part of the reign of Mûstunzy, the powers of his govern-
ment became almost entirely invested in Kuttûb-ud-dein Keymaur;
and when, to the honours already heaped upon him, had been added
the dignity of Ameir-ul-ûmra, that minister proceeded to intrude him-
self into every department of the state, communicating with his sover-
eign or otherwise, as seemed convenient to his own discretion. At last
in the year five hundred and seventy, having made an attempt to seize
the person of Zeheir-ud-dein Attaur, one of the Khalif's particular
household, this officer fled for protection to the palace of his master:
whither, after the pillage of his house, and the destruction of his pro-
September, 1171.
* An event, which is said to have been foretold by the prophet, in these words: "At the
“end of the third century a sun shall arise in the west,”
207
-
A. D. 1171.
ul-akhbaur,
perty, he was followed by Kûttûb-ud-dein, accompanied by a num- A. H. 567.
ber of his Ameirs, and a prodigious multitude assembled as spectators.
Hearing the uproar before his palace, Mûstunzy, already aware of the Kholaussut-
occasion, hastened to one of the terraces; and shewing himself to the
people, told them aloud, that Keymaur had violated his duty, that
his property was at their disposal, and his blood at that of an offended
master. With their usual promptitude, the populace hastened to avail
themselves of the intimation, and proceeded in a body straight to the
habitation of the obnoxious minister. The latter contrived, however,
to anticipate their arrival, and endeavored for some time to prevail upon
them to forget their views of plunder; but to little purpose. The
multitude thronged so violently about his doors, that finding the means
of escape in front entirely cut off, he was ultimately compelled to
retire by a breach in the back wall of the house, and fly towards
Mossûle; and he perished on the way to that place. As a proof of the
extravagance to which this man had carried his ideas of magnificence,
it is mentioned, that in the place to which he retired on neccessary
occasions, a chain of gold was suspended from the roof to rest his hands
upon, and a case of the same precious metal, charged with musk, and
amber, and the most expensive aromatics, always stood in the same
apartment, to guard his senses against the approach of offensive
odours.
In the month of Shavaul of the year five hundred and seventy-five,*
the Khalif Mûstunzy hastened, at the age of thirty nine, to the bosom
of his creator's mercy; having exercised the now unsubstantial powers
of the Khelaufut for a period of nine years and eight months. With
the name of the sainted Imaum Hussun, he is said to have inherited
the benevolent disposition of that blameless prince; and this is recorded
as a felicity to which no other Khalif but Mustunzy was ever permitted
to attain.
Contemporaries with Mûstunzy were, in Khorassaun and Irâk Ajem,
Arslan the son of Toghrel, and his son Toghrel, of the race of Seljúk;
in Khaurezm, Arslan Shah, and his sons Sultan Shah, and Tokesh
Khaun; and in Al Mowut, Hussun or Hassan the son of Mahommed
* March, A. D. 1180,
208
A. H. 575. Bûzûrg Omeyd, and his son also of the name of Mahommed, the
A. D. 1180. Bouatinists.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
DEIN-ULLAH,
XXXIVth Khalif.
UL NAUSSER-UD-DEIN ULLAH* Abûl Abbas Ahmed son of Mûs-
tunzy, thirty-fourth Khalif of the house of Abbas.
In conformity with the will of his father, Abûl Abbas Ahmed on
the demise of Mûstunzy invested himself, without opposition, with the
cares of government, under the title of Ul Nausser-ud-dein-Ullah ; and
he is said to have surpassed in the subtilty of his genius, the liberality
UL NAUSSER-UD- of his disposition, and the numerous excellencies of his understanding;
all which he applied, with unremitting assiduity, to promote and secure
the comfort and happiness of his subjects of every description. He
is further represented as the founder of a great variety of charitable
establishments, of mosques, and lodges for the accommodation of tra-
vellers, which he left as monuments of his public spirit; and lastly
to have strenuously exerted the whole influence of his authority and
example, to advance the prosperity of Isslàm, and to abolish the corrup-
tions, which had in numerous instances been introduced into the sys-
tem of his faith.
For a period of fourteen years, in which he was perhaps permitted
to gratify a laudable disposition to cultivate the arts of peace, without
the interference of foreign usurpation, we find little recorded of the
reign of this prince, until the year five hundred and ninety; when hav-
ing conferred the dignity of Vezzeir upon Mûeyud-ud-dein Mahom-
med, denominated the butcher's boy, (Eben-e-Kussaub) he sent him
at the head of a considerable force to reduce the province of Khûzis-
taun, which was brought, thus once more, under the authority of the
Khalifs; and three years afterwards, in the five hundred and ninety-
third of the Hidjerah,† one of Ul Nausser's Maumlûks, of the name of
Sunjur, extended the authority of his master into the territory of
Laristaun.
Under the year six hundred and four, an ordnance of Ul Nausser's
is adverted to, which appears to have had for its object the removal
of vexatious restrictions from the commercial intercourse of his people;
since by virtue thereof his officers were prohibited from exacting, or
* Dei fidei defensor, † A. D. 1196.
209
perhaps requiring the production of the tumghau, charter, or patent, A. II. 614.
from such as were employed in the purchase or sale, of any article of A. D. 1217.
trade.
From some traces of a correspondence between this Khalif, and Sultan
Shahaub-ud-dein Ghoury, discovered among the papers of the latter
prince on the conquest of Ghezni, by Sûltan Mahommed king of
Khaurezm, that monarch had long entertained designs of hostility
against Ul Nausser; and in the six hundred and fourteenth of the
Hidjerah, having pledged his allegiance to Alla-ul-mûlk Termezy as
counter-Khaleifah, he prepared to carry his scheme of vengeance
into further execution, by advancing towards Baghdad with an army
of three hundred thousand men. To avert, if possible, the storm which
threatened to overwhelm him, Ul Nausser dispatched Shaikh Sha-
haub-ud-dein Sheherverdy to negociate some sort of accommodation.
with the Khaurezmian, whom he found encamped in the neighbor-
hood of Hamadaun. After experiencing considerable difficulty and
delay, the envoy was at last adınitted to the Sultan's pavilion; where his
reception was as discouraging as primary obstacles might have taught
him to expect; the Khaurezmian not even deigning to return his salu-
tation. He proceeded, however, to discharge the object of his mission,
without producing the slightest impression in favor of his sovereign;
to whom he accordingly returned, shortly afterwards, to report the mor-
tifying failure. The inhabitants of Baghdad were therefore constrained
to reconcile their minds to meet the dangers of an approaching siege.
But on entering the passes of Hulwaun, the Sultan experienced such
intensity of cold, and heavy falls of snow, it being then the commence-
ment of winter, that his army was rendered totally incapable of move-
ment; and the whole of his cattle perishing through the severity of the
weather, he was in this state compelled to withdraw into his own
territories, in order to recruit and restore his shattered equipments.
He had however not yet quitted the provinces of Persian Irak on his
return, when the messengers of Ghâeir Khaun, the governor of Otraur,
reached his camp, to request his permission to put to death the mer-
chants arrived from the court of Jengueiz; on the pretext that they were
missaries employed to explore the situation and strength of the country.
VOL. II,
2 F
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
210
A. HI. 614. To this perfidious request it was his misfortune to accede, and to pro…-
A. D. 1217. voke that fearful tide of vengeance which drenched his country in blood,
Kholaussut- and terminated in his own destruction; but of which the circumstances
ul-aklıbaur. will be laid before the reader in a future page.
UL 2AHER B’IL-
Khalif.
From the horrors and apprehensions of these dreadful events, the
Khalif Ul Nausser was fortunately removed by the hand of death, on
the first of the month of Shavaul,* of the year six hundred and twenty two
and at the age of sixty nine. In the duration of his reign, which was
extended through the protracted period of six and forty years, and two
months, he surpassed all the monarchs who sat on the throne of the
Khelaufut, either before or after him: but notwithstanding the praises
bestowed upon his memory, for the liberal application of his treasures
in works of charity and public benefit, the author is in the sequel;
constrained to acknowledge, that his avidity to accumulate wealth
was carried to such a degree, that the effects of every merchant who
died at Baghdâd, were invariably seized for his use; not the slightest
article being allowed to revert to the heirs of the deceased.
ง
The Persian branch of the race of Seljûk was extinguished during
the reign of Ul Nausser, by the Khaurezmians; and the latter, in their
turn, were compelled to recede before the countless myriads of the
invincible Jengueiz; who had by this time extended his conquests
from the seas of Japan to the north-eastern limits of the Persian empire.
ULZAHER B'ILLAH† Abû Nasser Mahommed, the son of UI Nausser,.
thirty-fifth Khalif of the house of Abbas.
In the early part of the preceding reign this prince had been nomi-
nated to the succession; but by some means or other incurring the
LAH, XXXVth displeasure of his father, he was degraded from his prospective honors,
and the title of heir apparent transferred to a second brother, of the
name of Ally. The latter dying, however, before the father, the nom-
ination became confirmed in Ul Zâher, although he was still con-
demned to consume his days in a prison; from whence he was only
released, on the death of Ul Nausser, by the cordial and unanimous
zeal of the people; who in all their gradations proffered on that event
a willing homage to his authority. But, having already attained to
* October 5th, A. D. 1225, † Dei gratia vincens.
211
هم
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur,
the age of fifty-two, he could not forbear expressing some discourag- A. H. 622,
ing presages as to the duration of his reign: it was easy, he remarked, A. D. 1225.
'to calculate the profits of a man's business, whose shop was not
opened until the third hour of prayer. He proved, however, a just
and pious monarch, labouring to the utmost of his power to restrain
the enormities of the oppressor; and he conspicuously evinced his
benevolent spirit, by setting at large all those who languished in prison
for exchequer debts; and, contrary to the practice of his father's reigns
by prohibiting the pestilent class of spies and informers, from inter-
fering with, or disclosing the secrets and private pursuits of the people.
The benevolent views of Ul Zâher were early destined to be cir
cumscribed by the hand of death. He expired, after a short reign of
eight months, and fourteen days, on the thirteenth of Rudjub, of the
year six hundred aud twenty-three.*
His contemporaries were, over the greater part of the oriental world,
the resistless Jengueiz; in Farss, Saud Zengui; and in Al Mowut and
the territory of the Shaikh-ul-Jubbel, Allâ-ud-dein.
UL MUSTUNSER or MUSTANCER B'ILLAH, Abû Jauffer Munsûr,
the son of Ul Zâher, thirty-sixth Khalif of the house of Abbas.
Equally distinguished by his virtues and estimable qualities, Mûs-
tunser was acknowledged successor to the throne of the Khalifs, im-
mediately on the death of his father. His reign being, however, for
the greater part, devoted to cultivate the pursuits of peace and bene-
volence, occupies, as might be expected, but a small place in our
author's attention.
We shall here briefly notice, that in the second year of Mûstunser,
namely, on the fourth of Ramzaun, of the year six hundred and twenty BILLAR,
UL MUSTUNSER
four,† remarkable at the same time, as the day of his birth, and of his XXXVIth Khalif,
accession to imperial power, died that direful scourge of nations, the
invincible Jengueiz Kaun; whose destructive career will, in a future
page, more particularly claim the attention of the reader.
The study of Mûstunser continued, in the mean time, to be taken up
in promoting the happiness of his people; and as a proof that this was
an object which seemed to form at the same time his business and his
pleasure, it is related from the Rouzut-us-Suffa, that a few days pre-
vious to one of the principal Mahommedan festivals, either the Eid-
* July 10th, A. D. 1226. + August 16th, A. D. 1227,
2E 2
212
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur,
A. H. 624-32. -ul-Fetret, at the conclusion of the fast of Ramzaun, or the Eid-e-
A. D. 1227-34. Korbaun, or festival of sacrifice on the tenth of Zilhudje, he was walk-
ing on the terrace of his palace; when, observing the roofs of all the
neighboring houses overspread with apparel, he demanded of his vez-
zeir the occasion of it. The minister informed him, that the inhabi-
tants had been washing their clothes, in order to appear with decency
on the ensuing festival. On this, expressing his concern and ignor
ance, that his good people of Baghdad were in such circumstances, as
to be precluded the comfort of a new suit, to assist in the public fes-
tivals of their country, the Khalif gave orders that his goldsmiths
should prepare a vast number of small balls of gold; which distribut-
ing to his domestics, he caused to be shot, with pellet bows, into the
different houses throughout the city. From such a circumstance, it
is not improbable that Mûstunser may have incurred the charge of
prodigality; through which, according to some historians, he is alleged
to have ultimately reduced himself to poverty.
On one occasion it, however, appears from respectable authority,*that
the energies of this Khalifcould on emergency unfold themselves in the
arrangements of a warlike undertaking. A body of Moghûls under
Manju Nûyan, one of their principal commanders, had laid siege to the
city of Ardebeil; and compelled the inhabitants to withdraw into the cas-
tle or citadel, from whence they dispatched to implore the assistance of
Mûstunser. It happened to be about the period of annual visitation
to Mekkah, and the monarch immediately availed himself of the op-
portunity to awaken the zeal of the Hadjies to take up arms against
those ferocious infidels. By this means he succeeded in assembling
a numerous and formidable army, which, under one of his generals, he
sent to the relief of Ardebeil. The Moghûls were attacked and de-
feated with great slaughter; and the effectual, though perhaps temporary
relief of the besieged, with a prodigious booty, became the reward of
the conquerors. Neither is it improbable that this was followed by
other similar successes, which the troops of Mûstunser are elsewhere
represented to have obtained, over the desolators of the Persian empire.
An illustrious monument of the magnificence of this prince was the
college of Mûstansriah; of which he laid the foundation in the month
of Rudjub, of the year six hundred and twenty five, and which was
*Tarikh gûzeidahı.
213
1
A. D. 1235 42
completed in six hundred and thirty two. It is described as the most A. H. 633-40
splendid and extensive endowment established on one spot, by any
monarch, as a memorial of liberality and love of science.
The death of Mûstunser is recorded to have taken place in the six
hundred and fortieth of the IIidjerah, at the age of fifty one; and after an
auspicious and succesful reign, as it his alleged, of sixteen years, two,
or perhaps, ten months, and some days; which latter would fix the pre-
cise period of this event to about the twentieth of the former Jummaudy.*
If the statements of the Tarikh gûzeidah are in any degree entitled to
belief, Mûstunser had, indeed, by the blessings of his administration,
rendered the territory of the Arabs the envy of heaven itself; having
banished from the land every vestige of distress and desolation. But
to furnish something more than bare assertion, to direct the judgment
by, it is added, that the revenues of Arabian Irak, Khûzistaun, and
Kûrdestaun, with part of Diaurbekir and Syria, to which this monarch
had extended the waning power of the Khelaufut, and which, in the
subsequent period at which the author wrote his history, yielded to the
treasury not more than six hundred tomauns for about eighteen thou
and rupees, conveyed to the exchequer of Mûstunser the sum of six
thousand six hundred tomauns; which, at thirty rupees of two and
six pence each, would amount to about twenty four thousand seven
hundred and fifty pounds sterling; making a difference of eleven to
one in less than a century.
Contemporary with Mûstunser were, first, on the death of his father,
Ougtay or Oktai, the third son of Jengueiz; in Farss Saud Zengui,
and Abû Bukker the son of Saud, the Sulgherites; in Kermaun, Bûr-
auk the son of Hâjeb, and his son Mûbaurek Khaujeh: in the other
parts ofthe Persian empire, Sûltan Jullaul-ud-dein, the son of Mahom-
med the Khaurezmian; and in Al Mowut, the principles of Bouatinism,
and the mystic allusions of the Korân, continued to be asserted by
Alla-ud-dein.
UL. MUSTAUSSEM B'ILLAH-UL-WAUHED, the son of Abdullah,
son of Mûstunser, thirty-seventh and last Khalif of the house of Abbas.
* November 14th, A. D 1242.
In the reigns of Akbar and Jahaugueir, the Persian tomaun was estimated at thirty
rupees.
+ Dei indivisi gratiâ defensus.
Tarikh
gûzeidak.
214
ul-akhbaur,
Á. H. 640. By a certain class of historians, UI Mûstaussem has been estimated
A. D. 1242. the four and twentieth in descent from Abbas, as may be traced in
Kholaussut- the note annexed to this page ;* while by others, who contend that
Mûkteddy was the grandson only of Ul Kâeim, he is made the twenty
fifth. However this may be determined, it seems generally understood
that as Mustaussem was the last, he was also the haughtiest, and most
ostentatious of all the monarchs of his race. In the same degree is he
also stated to have surpassed the whole of his predecessors, in the vast
accumulation of treasure and jewels, of superb and costly furniture,
and in the sumptuous display of imperial apparatus, in all its variety.
No less than four hundred domestics were employed in the ordinary
service of his palace, and four and twenty thousand horsemen were
maintained at the expence of his private treasury. Such, moreover,
was the fastidious pomp of his court, that not one of the potentates of the
UL MUSTAUSSEM, Surrounding regions, not the most distinguished prince or noble, no
XXXVIIth and last rank, or dignity, however illustrious, could approach the presence of the
Khalif of the house last of the Khaleifahs. Among other expedients, devised to produce
an impression of awe for the sacred character of his person, a block of
of Abbas.
1
marble, similar to the black stone of the sanctuary at Mekkah, was fixed
at the entrance of the imperial apartment, and from the arched roof
depended a piece ofblack satin, in the form of a long sleeve; with which,
in the same manner as is observed with the veil, or covering of the sanc-
tuary, the people touched their eyes, while they kissed the marble at
the threshold. This, and much more, might peradventure be affirmed,
in order to shed its utinost lustre round the declining star of the Khe-
laufut, before it finally cast its splendors into the gulph of perennial
night. It is at the same time remarked that Mûstaussem, on succeeding
to the throne of his ancestors, exhibited such a singular display of gran-
deur and magnificence, that the report of it was conveyed to the remo
24. Mustaussen.
23. Abdallah.
22. Mûstunser.
21. Ul Zaher.
20. Ul Nausser.
19. Ul Mastunzy.
18. Ul Mastunjid.
17. Ul Mûkteffy.
16. Ul Mûstezêhir,
15. Ul Makteddy.
14. Ul Kâeim.
13. Ul Kåder.
12. Isshauk.
11. Ul Mâktedder.
10. Ul Matezzed.
9. Ul Mouflek,
8. Ul Mûtewukkel.
7. Ul Mûtussem.
6. Ul Rashid Haruu,
5. Ul Mehedy.
4. Ul Munsûr.
3. Mahommed.
2. Ally.
1. Abdullah son of Abbas
215-
test regions of the earth; of which, the most powerful sovereigns of the A. H. G40..
east and west, and of every degree, either by pronouncing the Khotbah A. D. 1242.
in his name, or by other testimonies, hastened to offer their homage of
allegiance to his superior authority.
The office of Vezzeir becoming vacant, in the year six hundred and
forty two, by the death of Nusseir-ud-dein Mahommed the son of UI
Naffez, who had filled the same important station under the reign of
Mûstunser, it was now conferred by Mustaussem upon Abitauleb
Mûeyud-ud-dein Mahommed, surnamed the son of the Alkemite; who
proved, in the issue, a principal instrument in the destruction of his
country, aud of the house of Abbas.
Tarikh
gûzeidah
In the six hundred and fiftieth of the Hidjerah, some serious dissen-
sions having broke out between the two adverse sects, the Sûnnies and A. H. 650,
Sheiahs, at Kerkh, one of the suburbs of Baghdad principally inhabited A. D. 1252
by the latter sect, Ameir Abû Bukker, the Khalif's brother, was em-
ployed to take the part of the Sûnnies; which terminated in the disgrace
and imprisonment of a great number of the Seyuds, descendants of Ally
and Fatima. The Vezzeir being disposed, from a similarity of opinions,
to favor the vanquished sect, conceived on this account so deadly a
resentment against his sovereign, that from this moment he began to
meditate on his treasonable designs; looking forward to the first favor-
able opportunity of revenge.
The very next year Hûlaukû Kaun, the son of Tûly Bahauder, and
grandson of Jengueiz, was advancing, by his brothers orders, to sub-
due the regions of the west; but as it leads to the final destruction of
an illustrious dinasty, the progress of this exterminator will demand a
more circumstantial relation; and we shall therefore revert to the ap-
parently accurate detail furnished by the more extensive labours of
our author, in the Habeib-us-seyr.
About the period in question, Mangû Kaaun, the third successor of
Jengueiz, was in possession, at Karakorum and Kalûran, of the throne Habeib-us
of his puissant grandsire; and one of the earliest measures of his
vernment was to dispatch Baitchiu Nûyan,* one of his principal generals,
go-
* Once for all, it may be necessary to remark that the term Nûyan bore among the Tartars,
the same signification as Ameir among the Persians-general of the first order. In the au
thors copy of the Kholausut-ul-akhbaur the name of this general is written Päijû.
seyr.
216
A. H. 651. to secure the territories bordering on, and to the westward of the Jey-
A. D. 1553. hûn, or Oxus. On reaching the frontiers of Irâk and Azerbaijaun,
Habeib-us- this general took occasion to transmit to his sovereign, some complaint
Seyr.
of the conduct of the Khalif Mûstaussem; which, together with the
importunities of Kauzy Shums-ud-dein Kazveiny, who about this same
period, through fear of the daggers of the Bouatinists, wandered about
the country in the scales of his armour, (like a fish in a shell) at last
impelled the great Kaaun to conceive that the affairs of Persia de-
manded the presence of one of the princes of the imperial race, supported
by a powerful army: and on this occasion his choice immediately rested
on his brother Hûlaukû.
A. H. 653.
That prince was accordingly furnished with instructions to reduce
the whole of the countries, between the Oxus and the remotest borders
of Egypt; and in the execution of his orders he was enjoined to con-
form without variation to the code of Jengueiz; namely, to spare and
protect those who submitted, but to pillage and put to the sword, with--
out distinction of age or sex, all such as presumed to resist his authority.
The charge was accepted on the part of Húlaukû with becoming cheer-
fulness; and after partaking of a series of festivities with his brother,
and the Shah zadahs, and principal nobility of his court alternately, for
the period of a month, he proceeded in the former Rebbeia of the year
six hundred and fifty one,* from the Ourdû, or residence of the Kaaun;
accompanied by one fifth of the army of the empire, consisting of one
hundred and twenty thousand horse, to the head quarters of his own
government. Here he continued for some time, completing the equip-
ments for his expedition, until the month of Ramzaun,t when he
finally left the Moghûl territory; taking with him on this occasion a
thousand families of Chinese artificers, skilled in the construction of
warlike machines, and in the throwing of naphtha, and other inflam-
mable materials.
Some time in the course of the year six hundred and fifty three, at
A. D. 1125. the expiration of something more than a twelve month, he encamped
on the enchanting lawns of Kaun-e-gûll, in sight of Samarkand: where
he halted for the space of four days, being magnificently entertained
by Mûssaoud Beg Yelwauje, at this period governor of Mawur-un-neher,
* May, A. D, 1253. + October, November, 1253.
eir
the country on the Oxus. From thence he continued his march to A. II. 653.
the vicinity of Kesh, where he was met by Ameir Arghûn the governor, A. D. 1255.
and other officers of Khorassaun, who hastened to greet his arrival with Habeib-us-
Seyr.
the customary presents, and testimonies of homage. Proceeding in
the same manner by easy stages, and occasionally receiving on his
march, the visits of the different feudatories of the Persian empire,
Hûlaukû crossed the Jeyhûn in the last month of the year,* and took
up his winter quarters in the territory of Shabraghaun.
On the return of spring he prosecuted his march to the territory of
Khawauf; Arghûn Aga having previously taken his departure for Kar-
akorum, by his orders, leaving his son Guerâi Melek, with Ahmed
Puttuktchei, and Khaujah Attà-ul-mûlk Joueiny, the author of the
Tarikh Jahaun gûshâi, to attend the presence of Hûlaukû ; on whom,
and on his immediate descendants, the oriental historians in general
bestow the title of Eyl Khaun-supreme Khaun, or sovereign. Onreach-
ing Zawah he detached Keybûka Nûyan to reduce the Kohestaun, pro-
ceeding with the main body of the army to Tûsse; where he was sump-
tuously entertained at the expence of Ameir Arghûn, and Khaujah
Ezz-ud-dein, another lord of the country. In the mean time, Shums-
ud-dein Mahommed Guerret had been dispatched to demand the
surrender of Serkhess from Nausser-ud-dein, the governor of that place.
on the part or Rokn-ud-dein Khûrshah, the prince of Al Mowut.
That officer thought it prudent to submit to superior force, and accom-
panied the envoy to the camp of Hûlaukû, from whom he experienced
a favorable and distinguished reception. The Eyl Khaun now led his
troops without interruption towards the territory of Rûdbaur; on the
confines of which, by a succession of marches, he ultimately arrived;
and there, in the manner which will be hereafter related, on Sunday the
first of Zykaudah† of the year six hundred and fifty four, he received,
in person, the submission of Khûr Shah the prince of the Bouautinists ;
after the total subjugation of whom, he finally directed his course, in
terrible magnificence, towards the metropolis of the house of Abbas.
The unworthy representative of that illustrious house had, on the
other hand, by this time become entirely the dupe of his perfidious min-
* January, A, D, 1256.
† Nov. 19th, A. D. 1256,
VOL. II.
2 F
218
ulakhbaur.
A. H. 654. ister, the son of the Alkemite; who, on his part, receiving intelligencé
A. D. 1258. of the designs of the Moghûl, determined to pave the way for the ex-
Kholaussut ecution of that destructive scheme of vengeance, which he had so long
held in contemplation. Ilis first step appears to have been, to cajole
the feeble minded Mustaussem into a belief, that his authority was so
firmly established, and so universally respected by all the princes of
the earth, that the maintenance of so many military chiefs and their
numerous stipendiaries, was, in his judgment, a drain upon the impe-
rial treasury, which, for the future, might as well be put a stop to. At
allevents, if his imperial master would confide to his discretion,
they
might he employed in a way to replenish, instead of exhausting the
resources of the state. Seduced by a sordid spirit of avarice and love
of gold, the credulous monarch suffered himself to be led away by the
treacherous views of his minister; and committing the entire manage-
ment of the business to the Alkemite, gave himself up, in the most
ignominious indolence and forgetfulness of his duty, to the wretched
indulgence of his pleasures. The minister, in a short time, contrived
accordingly, by dispersing the greater part of the military force of
Baghdâd to the distant provinces, to expedite the consummation of
his perfidious system; and having thus cleared the way for his approach,
dispatched to communicate to Hûlaukû his assurances of entire devo-
tion, and attachment, to the interests of that prince.
Hûlaukû, who had by this time conducted his army to Hamadaun,
left that place in the month of Ramzaun of the year six hundred and
fifty-five,* on his march for the devoted metropolis of the Khelaufut;
the advanced guard of his troops being consigned to the direction of
two of his principal generals Sûghûnjak and Tâiju; the latter, not im-
probably, the person who had originally stimulated the resentment of
the great Kaaun against the feeble Mustaussem. All that remained
of respectability and honesty, among the courtiers of the unhappy
monarch, endeavored on this alarming intelligence, to awaken him
from the fatal and ignominious dream of negligence, pride, and secur-
ity, into which he was fallen: but without effect. The crafty and
perfidious Vezzeir continued in private to impose upon his sovereign
*September, October, A. D. 1257.
"
219
the most absurd conceptions of the superiority of his arms: " for what A. ff. 653.
"of injury" said he, " have the brave troops of Baghdad to apprehend A. D. 1257.
"from the ferocious, but undisciplined Moghûls? the very women
"and children of the city would annihilate them in the streets, with
stones from the terraces of their houses."
By these and similar arguments, the Alkemite had totally laid asleep
the faculties of his master, when intelligence unexpectedly arrived
that the advanced guard of the Moghûls were approaching the capital
by the route of the desert: and a detachment of ten thousand horse
under Futtah-ud-dein and Mújahed-ud-dein, was marched without
delay, by the Khalif's direction, to oppose the enemy. The hostile di-
visions appear to have met in the vicinity of, or perhaps in a defile
between, two neighboring hills, where they became unavoidably en-
gaged in a very fierce and obstinate conflict; the day, however, closing
before the victory could be determined, both parties proceeded to en-
camp for the night in the presence of each other: and here the resources,
and indefatigable spirit of the Moghûls, decidedly evinced their super-
iority over the pampered legions of an effeminate government: Under
cover ofthe night they absolutely conducted the stream of a neighboring
river (it could scarcely have been the Euphrates as stated in the manu-
script) into the camp of their adversaries; who thus losing the whole
of their baggage and equipments, and being otherwise thrown into
the utmost consternation, were in that state, the next morning, at-
tacked by the Moghûls and entirely put to the sword; with the excep-
tion however of Mujahed-ud-dein, one of the generals, and three other
individuals, who escaped to relate the story at Baghdad. As a proof
of Mûstaussem's total insensibility to the magnitude of the approach-
ing storm, and of the recent misfortune, it is represented that he should
have thrice repeated Ul humd-ul-ullah, the ordinary ejaculation, or
God be praised, that Mujahed-ud-dein was safe; indicating we will sup-
pose, that the destruction of his followers was a matter of no great
importance.
To dispense with all further detail, of circumstances less material,
the author proceeds to relate, that towards the close of the six hun-
dred and fifty-fifth of the Iidjerah, Hûlaukû, in person, at the head
of a prodigious force, appeared before Baghdad; and compelled the un-
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur,
2 F 2
220
ul-akhbaur.
¡A. H. 655. happy Mustaussem to combat for safety, and existence, behind the
A. D. 1257. walls of his metropolis. For the space of nearly two months, during
Kholaussut which the inhabitants were exposed to every species of violence and
injury, the city continued to be defended, with considerable persever-
ance, against the daily exertions of the assailants from without but
at the expiration of that period, the feeble representative of the house
of Abbas, no longer capable of sustaining the effect of perpetual alarm,
yielded at last to the base suggestions of domestic treachery, ever
more fatal than the most formidable aggressions of foreign hostility;
and consented, by the advice of the perfidious Alkemite, to commit his
person to the hazard of an interview with the fierce Hûlaukû. For
that purpose, in the early part of the month of Suffur of the year six
hundred and fifty-six,* he accordingly quitted his capital by the gate
of Daur-ul-Salaum; and, accompanied by his two sons, Abû Bukker
and Abdurraihman, and a numerous group of relatives, and the most
distinguished and enlightened members of his court, proceeded to the
pavilions of the Tartar monarch. Hese, the Khalif, with his sons and
two or three of his attendants, was admitted without great difficulty;
but the melancholy remainder were excluded, and many of them
doomed, the very same day, to the fatal distinction of becoming the
first victims, of HHûlaukû's unsparing vengeance.
Habeib-us-
Seyr.
On Friday, the ninth of the same month of Suffur,† Hûlaukû made
his entry into the metropolis of the Khelaufut, where he gave to his
generals, and principal followers, a sumptuous entertainment. To this
display of barbarous festivity and triumph, the last of the Khalifs was
now summoned, and required, as the host of his conqueror, to produce
as far as he was capable, something that should be worthy the accep-
tance of such an exalted guest. Conceiving that nothing more was
intended than expressed, the unhappy monarch gave directions that a
present of two thousand costly and magnificent robes, two thousand
dinaurs of gold, and a variety of gold and silver plate, vases, and other
articles, enriched with jewels of the greatest price and beauty, should
be selected from his treasury and wardrobe, aud laid in the usual style,
in trays, before Hûlaukû. Surveying them with an eye of contempt
February, A. D. 1258.
*
† February 14th, A. D. 1258.
A
221
་
A. D. 1258.
Habeib-us
Seyr.
and scorn, the Moghul immediately distributed these articles among A. H. 656.
the attendants, and addressed Mûstaussem in the following terms;
"the whole of thy visible property, together with that of the inhabi-
"tants of Baghdad, is already at the disposal of my followers; of that
therefore it was needless to make an offering: what we require of
"thee, is to indicate something with respect to thy hidden treasures.'
The object of the conqueror could be no longer misunderstood; and
the captive monarch pointing to the area in the court of the palace.
there, on opening the ground, was indeed discovered what might have
been amply sufficient to glut the utmost cravings of avarice itself; a
tank or covered reservoir, loaded to the brim, with cakes, or ingots of solid
gold, of the weight of one hundred meskals each, or something less than
a pound and a quarter avoirdupois; the meskal being estimated at a
dram and a half.
There is, moreover, not wanting authority to relate, that for several
days the remorseless Hûlaukû confined his illustrious and unhappy
captive, without food or sustenance of any kind; and that when the
pangs of hunger became no longer endurable, the wretched Mustaussem
sent to implore relief. The attendants now brought him from the
Moghul, a dish full of gold and jewels, of which he was desired to eat.
The unhappy monarch expostulated on the impossibility of obey ng
so strange an injunction: "then" said the interpreters of Hûlauku's
will, "since these are things which thou couldst not eat, wherefore was
"it, that thou didst not devote them to the preservation of so many thou-.
"sands of thy fellow Mosslems; wherefore not bestow them on such as
"might be employed to defend the inheritance ofthine ancestors, from
"the invasion of foreign armies?" To this Mûstaussem, the wretched
Mûstaussem, could offer no reply; but from a heart, continues the au-
thor, burning like the crucible of the gold refiner, he drew a sigh of
chilling anguish and despair, and found a sad, but temporary relicf, in
the tears which copiously overflowed his furrowed cheeks.
In the mean time, it having been intimated, according to some au-
thorities, that some awful and tremendous convulsion of nature.would
infallibly ensue, if the blood of the reigning Khalif was in any manner
made to flow, it became the subject of deliberation, between Hûlankû
and his generals, how the person of Mustaussem should be ultimately
652
Seyt.
A. Ĥ. 656. disposed of; when the ferocious monarch put a period to the debates
A. D. 1258. by remarking, that in one respect they might venture to discard every
Habeib-us-
uneasy apprehension, since it formed no part of his design to spill a
drop of that blood, which was esteemed so sacred. He accordingly
gave immediate instructions that his wretched, and defenceless captive
should be closely wrapped up in camelots, or coarse hair blankets; and
in that state caused him to be rolled backwards and forwards, on the
ground, with such force and violence, that every joint and articulation
of his frame was either mashed or wrought asunder. Such being the,
expedient adopted by the Moghul, to terminate the existence, without
shedding the blood of his illustrious prisoner. His children, his bro-
thers, his kindred, his principal officers, and every agent of his govern-
ment were sacrificed at the same time, to the exterminating vengeance
of Hûlaukû.
The Moghûl troops had been now ordered to enter the devoted city;
where, for the space of forty days, they opened such a scene of pillage,
massacre, and blood, as outraged humanity, as much as it almost sur-
passes the scope of human belief. It will not, however, be difficult to
conceive that the stream of the Tigris should have been discoloured
with human gore; when, exclusive of those who were butchered in the
villages adjoining, the number of the slain, in the city alone, is estimated
at eight hundred thousand persons.* The booty which fell into the
hands of these ferocious exterminators, is stated in general terms,
whether in specie and jewels, in furniture of silver and gold, in rare
and costly manufactures, the produce and fabric of every region of the
globe, and in Greek and Russian slaves, to have surpassed the ordi-
nary powers of arithmetic. Having glutted themselves with plunder
and slaughter, the troops of Hûlaukû were next employed to demolish-
the walls, and towers, and other fortifications of the place; when, the
wrath of the Eyl Khaun becoming at last either exhausted or appeased,
a sentiment of returning pity prevailed with him to spare the affrighted
remnant of the inhabitants, who had escaped into holes and corners,
from that ruthless destruction which had swept away so many myriads
of their fellow citizens..
It is, however, some consolation to reflect, that, with the usual des-
tiny of traitors, the perfidious Alkemite derived but little advantage
* The fearful list is swelled, by some writers, to the incredible total of one million eight
hundred thousand,
P28
Habeib-us-
Scyr.
from the consummation of his crimes. It would appear that he had been A. H. 656.
led, from the conspicuous part which he had acted in facilitating the A. D. 1258,
humiliation and destruction of the house of Abbas, to encourage an
expectation that he should at least be established in the government of
Baghdad: but the Tartar monarch, observing that that man who betrayed
his benefactor had, injustice, nothing to aspire to, immediately bestowed.
that government upon Eben Amran; another traitor, who, while the
Moghûls were engaged before the town on this occasion, found means
to discover to Hûlaukû a board of grain, which was known to him as
governor of Yakûbiah; which furnished a supply of fifteen days' con-
sumption to the whole army, and probably enabled them to prosecute
the siege to a succesful termination.
Such, in the six hundred and fifty sixth of the Hidjerah, as we have
attempted to describe it, was the fate of Mûstaussem the last of the
Khalifs of the house of Abbas; in the forty seventh year of his age, and
the seventeenth of his reign. With his life terminated the power of
that celebrated race of monarchs, after it had subsisted for a period of
five hundred and eight solar, or five hundred and twenty three lunar
years, two months, and twenty three days. The sovereign authority
now devolved to the Tartar princes of the blood of Jengueiz, commenc-
ing with Hulaukû; to whom, in a future page, we shall further claim
the attention of the reader. In the mean time, in default of a more eli-
gible arrangement, we shall proceed to describe, from the summary out-
line of the Ahola ussut-ul-akhbaur, the origin, advancement, and alter-
nate dissolution of the several dinasties, which successively flourished in
the countries betwixt the Oxus and the shores of Egypt, during the
ascendancy, and for some time subsequent to the extinction, of the
house of Abbas,
7
924
↑
!
A. H. 204.
A. D. 819.
ul-akhbaur.
CHAP. VI.
N tracing the causes which tended to place the government of Khor-
assaun for several successions in the descendants of Tâher Zûlyem-
Kholaussut- nein, it becomes expedient in to recur to that period in the reign of the
Khalif Ul Mamûn, when, subsequent to the death of his brother, that
monarch proceeded to take up his residence in the metropolis of Bagh-
dâd. The reader is already apprized of the important services ren-
dered to his sovereign by the able and warlike Zûlyemnein: the title
bestowed, as we have explained on a former occasion, on Tâher the son
of Hûsseyne, the son of Mûssaub of the race of Khozzâi.
Of the TAHERITES
in Khorassaun.
In one of those moments of conviviality, when Ul Mamun was em-
ployed in steeping the recollection of past events, in the exhilarating
juices of the grape, Zûlyemnein, unexpectedly, entered his presence;
and the chief butler proceeded by his master's instructions, in common
with the other guests, to circulate the goblet to that general. While
this was passing, a flood of tears was observed to stream from the eyes.
of Ul Mamûn, and Zûlyemnein ventured to inquire, what could pos-
sibly produce these emotions of sorrow in the bosom of a monarch,
whose power was established from the eastern, to the western limits of
the earth. The Khalif made such a reply as he conceived suitable to
the occasion; but continued so overpowered by his emotions, that
Zûlyemnein, not daring to urge him with further importunity, quitted
the palace under no slight impressions of alarm. Sending for one of
the domestics of Hûsseyne the Shraubdaur, or chief butler, he engaged
him, by a stupendous bribe of two hundred thousand dinaurs,* (if in-
deed it is not an error in the manuscript) to prevail upon his master
to extract from Ul Mamûn the cause of his tears. Accordingly, when
the monarch required his butler, the ensuing day, to furnish him with
his favorite beverage, the latter declared with an oath, that until he
disclosed the source of that affliction, which he had exhibited the day
* About 91,6661, 13s. 4d.
F
225
ul-akhbaur.
before, he should venture to disobey the commands of his imperial 1. H. 204.
master. Ul Mamûn demanded his object in making such an inquiry; A. D. 819.
and Hûsseyne assuring him that he was actuated by no other motive Kholaussut.
in his presumption, than what arose from the deepest concern at
observing his master's apparent distress of mind, the Khalif, after a
strict injunction not to divulge the secret, then proceeded to
acknowledge that whenever his eye fell upon Zûlyemnein, it never
failed to bring to his recollection, the death of his brother Ul Amein;
and that on such occasions he found it impossible to suppress his tears.
The result of this conversation was punctually communicated to
Zûlyemnein; and the latter availed himself of one of his first inter-
views with Abi Khaled, the Khalit's minister of state with whom he
was on terms of friendship, to make it the subject of discussion; and,
as an expedient to remove him from the immediate influence of Ul
Mamûn's eventual displeasure, to request that he would contrive to
obtain for him the government of Khorassaun. The Vizzeir concur-
red without difficulty in the views of Zûlyemnein; and at his next
conference with the sovereign, failed not to represent that the province
of Khorassaun, through the incapacity of Ghassaun either to main-
tain the discipline of the troops, or secure the peace of the inhabitants,
was falling into a deplorable state of anarchy and misrule. Ul Ma-
mûn demanded what he thought advisable to be done, and whom he
could recommend to be invested with a charge so important? the
minister, without further ceremony, proposed Zûlyemnein, who was
accordingly appointed to that government; and reaching his province
in the course of the two hundred and fifth of the Hidjerah, rendered
himself in a very short time, if not entirely absolute in his authority,
in a great degree independent of that of his sovereign.
On the testimony of the agent employed to transmit to his court an
account of the affairs of Khorassaun, it is now stated, that finding
Zûlyemnein had at length proceeded to the extremity of erasing the name
of his master from the Khotbah, one Friday during the celebration of
divine worship at the principal mosque of his capital, as a preliminary
to the declaration of independence, the person alluded to conceived
it expedient to communicate the intelligence without a moment's delay,
by a messenger whom he immediately dispatched to Baghdad. The
VOL. II.
2 G
226
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 205-18. very day afterwards, before the sun was yet risen, a messenger came to
A. D. 820-28. require his presence at the palace of government; on which, conceiving
Kholaussut that the subject of his dispatch had been made known to Zûlyemnein,
and that he was about to suffer under the sword of the executioner,
he repeated the usual formulary of the dying, the kelmah shihaudut,
attesting the unity of God and the divine mission of Mahommed; and then
accompanied the messenger. Reaching the palace, however, the first
person by whom he was accosted from behind the hangings of the sa-
loon, happened to be Tellahah the son of Tàher, who demanded if he
had closed his dispatches for the preceding day? Having replied in
the affirmative, he was most agreeably suprised by an order, this day, to
announce the death of Zûlyemnein; which with feelings of consider-
able satisfaction, he proceeded to obey. It is further related, that when
the former dispatch was delivered to Ul Mamûn, Ahmed the son of
Abi Khaled, as the pledge of Zûlyemnein's fidelity, was called upon by
his sovereign to proceed immediately into Khorassaun, to vindicate
his insulted authority; and he was preparing for the expedition, when
the second dispatch announced the death of Zûlyemnein, and very
seasonably relieved him from his embarrassment.
IId of the Tâ-
The death of Zûlyemnein is stated to have taken place on the night
of that very day on which he had undertaken to discard the authority
of Ul Mamûn, just one year and six months after he had assumed the
government of Khorassaun. He is described as being blind of an eye,
In addition to the title of Zülyemncin, he was sometimes distinguished
by the appellation of Abûl Teyb, parent of good; no slight argument
of the popularity of his character.
TELLAHAH or TULLEIHA II the son of Tâher, the second of this race,
assumed the government of Khorassaun on the death of his father; but
under the express, although perhaps nominal authority of Ul Mamûn.
TULLEIHAH, On the events of his government the author is however entirely silent.
He died in the two hundred and thirteenth of the IIidjerah; and appears
to have been succeeded, for a short time only, by a son of the name
of Ally; who was put to death by a body of insurgents, who had re-
volted against his authority in the neighborhood of Neyshapûr.
herites.
ABDULLAH the son of Tâher, the third in succession of his race,
happened to be at Dainûr when he received intelligence of his brother's
227
·
death; and he hastened, with similar powers from Ul Mamun, to take A. H. 213.
A. D. 828.
ul-akhbaur.
possession of Khorassaun. On his march he found it a necessary pre- Kholaussut-
liminary to employ his exertions in suppressing the insurrection at
Neyshapûr, which had occasioned the death of his nephew. And in
this he appears to have succeeded without any extraordinary difficulty,
or delay.
Under the government of this chief it is related, on the authority of
the Rouzut-us-suffâ, that a fire-temple belonging to a remnant of the
Magian superstition, had been yet allowed to stand by the side, or in
the vicinity, of one of the mosques in the city of Herât; which, as that
persecuted race were regular tributaries of the government, they had
long been suffered to frequent without molestation. It happened how-
ever, about this period, that some indiscreet and over zealous Mahom-
medan teacher, in one of his discourses, should have taken occasion to
remark to his congregation, that the true faith must be at a very low
cbb in Herât, since a temple of the worshippers of fire was still left
standing by the side of the tabernacle of their holy religion; and not a
Mûssulman appeared of sufficient energy to lay it in ruins. These
indiscreet expressions had the effect he seemed to desire, in inflaming
the dormant zeal of his auditors. The Mosslems immediately assembled
in great multitudes, and the same night proceeded to demolish both
the mosque and its obnoxious neighbour; and before the morning broke,
had erected a mosque entirely new from the foundations, on the site of
the former structures. Next day, the aggrieved and insulted pyrolaters
discovering what had passed, and equally affected with surprise and re-
sentment, made the best of their way towards Neyshapûr; in order to
apply for redress to Abdullah Tâher, who appears to have fixed the seat of
his government in that city. Abdullah, on his part, desirous of strictly
investigating the grounds of their complaint, summoned to his presence
all the oldest builders that could be found either at Herât, or in the
surrounding territory; who, strange to tell, to the number of four thou-
sand individuals, all agreed in attesting that, so long as they had lived,
the mosque had appeared exactly as it now stood; neither had there
ever existed, on that spot, either mosque or fire-temple of any other
description, to the best of their belief. Upon this testimony it is pro-
bable, though not expressed, that the unfortunate Magians were com-
2 G 2
228
A. II. 213-59. pelled to continue their lesson of forbearance under the injuries in-
A. D. 828-72. flicted upon them by their odious persecutors; and the design of the
Kholaussut author in relating the circumstance was, possibly, to intimate, that
in thus totally obliterating from the minds of these worthies, the re-
collection of the past, providence had wrought a fresh miracle in sup-
port of the surpassing excellencies of Isslâm.
ul-akhbaur.
ABDULLAH, Ilid
of the Taherites.
TAHER SON of Ab-
Abdullah Taher died in the two hundred and thirtieth ofthe Hidjerah,
at the age of forty eight, and after successfully conducting the govern-
ment of Khorassaun for a period of seventeen years. He was equally
distinguished for his talents and the liberality of his disposition, and
not less so for the moderation and justice of his administration.
TAHER the son of Abdullah, fourth ofthe race of Tâher, succeeded
to his father; and was confirmed in his authority by a patent and
dullah, IVth of the standard conveyed to him by the Khalif Ul Wauthek. He died in the
subsequent reign of Mûstayne; and of him the author furnishes no
further memorial.
Tâherites.
MAHOMMED the son of the above mentioned Tâher, and the fifth of
this race, succeeded to his father, under the mandate and authority of
Ul Mûstayne; but being inordinately devoted to a life of pleasure, the
circumstance proved a very natural stimulus to the ambition of Yakûb
the son of Laiss-ul-Sûfaur, (the brazier or copper smith) who had by
this time made himself master of Seiestaun; and who determined to
avail himself of such an opportunity, to extend his usurpations to the
neighbouring provinces. That adventurer accordingly conducted his
troops to Herât; from whence, having without much difficulty expelled
the officers and agents of the Tâherite, he directed his march towards
of the Taherites. Neyshapûr. The only opposition which he appears to have experi-
enced to his approach, on the part of the indolent and voluptuous
Mahommed, was an absurd message to demand, whither he was pro-
ceeding without the authority of the Khalif's sign manual? The son of
Laiss placing his hand upon his sword, like many before and since,
briefly observed in reply," this is my warrant, and this my authority"!
On the return of the messenger who conveyed this reply, the ministers
of the son of Tâher immediately forsook him, and dispersed to different
quarters; and their degenerate principal fell, shortly afterwards, into the
hands of his more warlike and enterprising adversary.
MAHOMMED, Vth
This event,
in the two hundred and fifty ninth of the Hidjerah, put a period to the
229
•
power of the race of Tâher, when it had subsisted in Khorassaun, for A. H. 259.
about four years more than half a century.
A. D. 872.
ul-akhbaur.
"
The narrative proceeds next to describe the events which, through Kholaussut-
the operation of an inscrutable providence, transferred the sovereign.
power to the Sûfauriah, or Sûfarides; the sons of Laiss so denominated,
from the ignoble occupation of their ancestor. On this subject we are
informed that Laiss, the person from whom the dinasty derived its name.
and origin, was an obscure mechanic who wrought in brass, and from Origin of the
his occupation called Laiss-ul-Sûfaur.* This man had three sons, Sûfauriah.
Yakub, who for some time wrought at his father's trade, and Omar,
and Ally. Becoming tired of manual labour, Yakûb prevailed upon
some dissolute characters like himself to form a band of outlaws, with
whom he thenceforward proceeded to earn a subsistance by robbery,
and plunder on the highway: conducting himself, however, in this
career of violence with singular moderation, as he was never known
to take from any individual the whole of his property.
One night, in the course of his predatory exploits, he had contrived
to excavate a passage into the palace of Derham the son of Nasser; a
descendant of Rauffia the son of Laiss, and of the celebrated Nusser
Seyaur, who at that period held the government of Seiestaun; and hav-
ing made up a convenient bale of gold and jewels, and the most costly
stuffs, was proceeding to carry it off, when he happened in the dark to
strike his foot against something hard on the floor. Thinking it might
be a jewel of some sort or other, a diamond perhaps, he picked it up
and put it to his tongue, and to his equal mortification and disappoint-
ment, found it to be a lump of rock salt; for having thus tasted the salt
of the owner, his avarice gave way to his respect for the laws of hos-
pitality; and throwing down his precious booty, he left it behind him,
and withdrew empty-handed to his habitation. The treasurer of Der-
ham ben Nasser repairing the next day, according to custom, to in-
spect his charge, was equally surprised and alarmed at observing that
a great part of the treasure, and other valuables had been removed;
but on examining the package which lay on the floor, his astonish-
ment was not less, to find that not a single article had been conveyed
The singularity of the circumstance induced him to report it
immediately to his master: and the latter causing it to be proclaimed
Laiss the brasier, or coppersmith.
away.
*230
}
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 255 61 throughout the city, that the author of this proceeding had his free
A. D. 869-75. pardon, further announced that on repairing to the palace, he would be
Kholaussut distinguished by the most encouraging marks of favor. Yakub Laiss
hastened without the smallest apprehension to avail himself of the in-
vitation; and when the prince demanded what motive could have im-
pelled him to abandon a prize so completely at his discretion, Yakûb
made a faithful disclosure of all that passed; and was immediately
enrolled among the Yessawuls, orexempts, employed about the person
of the chief to convey orders to those acting under his authority.
the Sufarides.
From this period, the advancement of Yakub proceeded with such
rapidity, that in a little time he became invested with the entire com-
mand of the military force of his patron; and on the death or removal
YAKUB, Ist of of the latter, it is not exactly stated which, the soldiery put themselves
under his authority, and enabled him to take possession of Seiestaun
for himself. After this, having successively made himself master of
Herat, and Foshenje, he proceeded in two hundred and fifty-five
through the desert into Farss; where he succeeded in surprising the
lieutenant of Sheirâz, whom he brought away with him a prisoner into
Seiestaun.
In two hundred and fifty-seven he further subjugated the provinces
of Balkh and Tokharestaun; and two years afterwards, by the sub-
mission of Mahommed the son of Tâher, as we have recently seen, he
extinguished at Neyshapûr the power of that family, and became mas-
ter of Khorassaun. In the two hundred and sixtieth of the Hidjerah
he engaged in hostilities with Hussun the son of Zeid, the prince of
Tebrestaun, whom he defeated; but through the intenseness of the cold
season, and a heavy fall of snow, which came upon them, he lost in
the expedition, near forty thousand of his troops. In the two hundred
and fifty first of the hidjerah, openly revolting against the authority of
the Khalif Mûatemmed, he seized the cities of Sheirauz and Ahûauz;
but advancing towards Baghdâd, in the course of the following year,
he was opposed and defeated, as formerly observed, by Ul Mowffek,
the Khalif's brother. On the day of his defeat Mahommed the son of
Tâher effected his escape from captivity, and sought an asylum with
Mûatemmed.
"
*
'
231
ul-aklıbaur.
Resuming his design against Baghdad, Yakub Laiss was on his march A. H. 265-67.
towards that metropolis, when, in the course of the two hundred and A. D. 878-80.
sixty-fifth of the Hidjerah, a fit of the colic terminated in death, his Kholaussut-
active and eventful career. He is said to have reigned in absolute
sovereignty for a period of eleven years; and he has left among histo-
rians, a character distinguished for sagacity of mind, for rigid and im-
partial justice, and for unbounded liberality. His numerous cavalry
are represented, for the greater part, to have been mounted on horses
from his own stables, and to have been subsisted from his private treasury.
And as a proof of the splendor of his equipage on particular occasions,
a thousand men in harness, chosen from the flower of his troops, with
maces of gold on their shoulders, and the same number with maces of
silver, are stated to have attended his person on days of ceremony. He
adjusted all differences on his own personal investigation, and by the
dictates of his own judgment; and he confided his secrets to no human
being; to which latter may be ascribed the success which generally
attended him in his undertakings. His manners and mode of life were
at the same time so simple and frugal, that a person, on some occasion
or other, could not forbear expressing his surprise that he should pretend
to sovereign power; when all he perceived in his tent was confined to
the coarse carpet on which he reclined, and the armour which he wore.
his answer either implies that be the manners of their leader what they
may, his followers will always be found ready to obey; or that their
conduct will ever be governed by the example of their chief.
OMAR the son of Laiss, the second of the Sûfauriah or Sûfarides,
succeeded to the authority and fortunes of his brother.
As an ex-
pedient to consolidate his power, he determined however on opening a
negociation with the court of Mûatemmed, and with suitable presents
1
to appease the resentment of that monarch. An agent was accordingly. OMAR, IId of
dispatched to apologise for the conduct of his predecessor. All this the Safarides.
was favorably received by the Khalcifah; and a patent for the govern-
ment of Khorassaun and Farss, with that of Isfahaun and Seiestaun,
was soon afterwards transmitted to Omar Laiss. Thus confirmed in
his authority the latter now proceeded to Kazvein; and having arranged
his interests in that quarter, he repaired, in the course of the two hun-
232
A. H. 267-87. dred and sixty-seventh of the Hidjerah, to Sheirauz; and having estab
A. D. 880-900. lished his agents throughout Farss and the territory of Isfahaun,
Kholaussut returned into his native province of Seiestaun.
ul-akhbaur.
In the course of two hundred and seventy-one, the Khalif Mûatem-
med, however, prevailed upon by the complaints of the inhabitants,
withdrew from Omar Laiss his warrant for the government of Khor-
assaun, and an army was dispatched from Baghdâd to commence hos-
tilities against that chief; who was ultimately defeated by the Khalif's
troops. Nevertheless, an insurrection having been set on foot in favor
of Mahommed the son of Zeid, the Fatimite prince of Tebrestaun, in
the two hundred and seventy fourth of the Hidjerah, by Rauffia the son
of Harethmah, or Harsamah, the arms of Omar Laiss appear to have
been directed in support of the Khalif's authority; and to have been
so employed, until the year two hundred and eighty-six, when the in-
surgent becoming the prisoner of that chieftain, was by him conveyed
in fetters to Baghdad. From all which it is to be inferred, that a good
understanding with that court had been by some means or other res-
tored. But in the course of two hundred and eighty-seven, we find
Ameir Issmauil the Samaunian, at the head of ten thousand horse, the
greater part of whom with wooden stirrups, crossing the Jeyhûn at
the request of the Khalif Mûatezzed, to attack the power of Omar Laiss.
The latter opposed him with seventy thousand cavalry. When the
armies were drawn out for battle, however, the horse which carried
Omar becoming restiff and unmanageable, took fright, and bore his rider
directly into the ranks of the enemy. This was followed by the entire
defeat of his troops, and a complete victory on the part of Ameir Iss-
mauil, to whom the son of Laiss became now a prisoner.
In this state he had been conveyed to one of the tents of his conqueror;
from whence, observing one of his former domestics, who was passing
by, he called to him to bring him something to eat. Having procured
a piece of butcher's meat, the boy, for want of other utensils, put it into
a brass cover, used in ablutions, and kindled a fire under it. While
he went in search of something to season it, a dog entered; and thrust-
ing his nose into the broth, which was by this time boiling hot,
scalded his teeth, and was endeavoring to withdraw his head, when
some way or other it became fixed in the handle of the cover, and he
•
ง
233
لم
A. D. 900.
ul-akhbaur.
gan off with the utensil suspended to his neck. Amused by the acci- A. H. 287.
dent, Omar Laiss burst into a loud fit of laughter; and one of his guards
demanding what, in such a situation, could afford him subject of mirth? Kholaussut-
he replied that on the morning of that day only, the purveyor of his
kitchen had complained to him, that it was with no small difficulty a
train of three hundred camels could convey his cooking furniture; "I
"now perceive" said he, "that a single cur can remove it with all the
"ease in the world."
After a detention of some days, Ameir Issmauil sent his captive to
Baghdad; where he was condemned by Mûatezzed to the confinement
in which he ultimately perished, after having exercised the powers of
royalty, for a period of nearly three and twenty years. Omar, or as
he is occasionally denominated, Amrû Laiss, has been stigmatized as
an oppressive and sanguinary tyrant, ever covetous of the wealth accu-
mulated by his ministers, and of all who served about his person: and,
as an illustration, we are told that he should have one day called before
him Mahommed the son of Besheir, of all others the most distinguished
in his confidence, and to have proceeded to tax him with some offence
of which he alleged him guilty. Aware of his object, the minister, instead
of wasting his breath in useless assertions of innocence, began to
protest that in all the world he was worth no more than fifty purses of
gold; all of which he was, however, ready to consign to the custody
of his treasurer, if for the future he would engage not to suspect him
of uncommitted crimes. "Thou hast given me a decided proof,"
observed the tyrant, "that of all the men of this age, thou art the most
"sagacious" directing his treasurer, however, to take charge of the gold;
though he further expressed himself highly delighted with this dis-
creet sacrifice on the part of his obsequious minister.
On intelligence of the defeat and captivity of Omar Laiss, his
grandson, Tâher the son of Mahommed, the third of the Súfauriah,
proceeded, with the concurrence of the principal inhabitants of Sei-
estaun, to take possessionof the throne of his grandsire. In the two TAHER, IIId
hundred and eighty-ninth of the Hidjerah, he successfully invaded and last of the
Farss, and established his authority over the whole of that province.
But the very next year, Segry, a slave of his grandfather's, revolting
against him, he was defeated and made prisoner by that insurgent,
YOL. II.
2 H
Sufaurides.
}
1
ނނ .
1
1
234
al-akhbau r.
A. H. 290. together with his brother Yakûb. They were both. conveyed to
A. D. 903. Baghdad. Tâher was the last of the descendants of Laiss, who exer-
Kholaussut- cised the sovereign power, which continued in his hands for about six
years; the wretched attempts made for a few days, on the extinction
of his government, by a brother of the name of Maaudil, and a cousin
german of the name of Laiss the son of Ally, terminating without suc-
The power of the Sûfauriah appears to have subsisted altogether
for about forty years.
A. II. 202-5.
A. D. 817-20.
cess.
The attention of the reader will be now directed to the origin, and
establishment of the race of Sâman; a line of princes destined to act
a far more conspicuous part, on the theatre of the Persian empire,
than any of those who have hitherto claimed his notice, within the
limits of the present chapter.
It
appears on competent authority, that while the Khalif Ul Mâ-
mûn kept his court at Merû, a certain Assud the son of Sâman, of the
stock of Behram Tchoubein, repaired to his presence, accompanied
by his four sons; and had the good fortune to be admitted to a con-
siderable share of that prince's favor. On the death of their father,
and the departure of Ul Mamûn for Baghdad, when the government of
Origin of the Khorassaun was vested in Ghassan, or Ghessan, the son of Ebbaud, he
race of Saman. received it in charge from his sovereign, to be particular in promoting
the advancement of the sons of Assud; and in conformity with these
instructions, the subordinate government of Samarkand was then con-
ferred upon Nouh, the elder of the brothers; that of Ferghaunah was
allotted to Ahmed; that of Shaush, and Osrûshnah to Yaheya; and the
city of Herât became the lot of Eleyas the fourth son of Assud.
On the removal of Ghessan to make room for the race of Tâher, about
the two hundred and fifth of the Hidjerah, his successors forbore to make
any change in the destination of the four brothers; but Nouh the son
of Assud dying in the time of Tellahah the son of Tâher, the govern-
ment of Samarkand was committed, by that prince, to Yaheya and Ah-
med, the second and third of the brothers. Of these, Ahmed possessed
a distinguished reputation for his justice and piety, and he had seven
sons whose names were as follows: Nasser, Yakûb, Yaheya, Assud,
Issmanil, Isshauk or Isaac, and Hameid. To the former of these,
when, after the exercise of his authority for a few days only, he re-
235
tired to a state of seclusion, Ahmed resigned the government of Sa- A. H. 201.
markand.
A. D. 875.
ul-akhbaur,
When, in the course of the year two hundred and sixty one, Yakub Kholaussut-
Laiss had availed himself of the declining power, and degeneracy of the
race of Tâher, to extend his usurpations into Khorassaun, a patent,
or mandate for the government of Maur-un-neher, the country on the
other side the Oxus, was dispatched by the Khalif Mûatemmed, to
this Nasser the son of Ahmed the Samaunian; who chusing to fix the
seat of his authority at Samarkand, deputed his brother Issmauil to pre-
side at Bokhara. In the process of no very long time, some misunder-
standing being, however, produced between the brothers, by the ill
offices of malignant men, they hastened to decide their differences in
the field of battle. The younger brother, Issmauil, was victorious,
and Nasser became his prisoner; but contrary to what might have been
expected, he experienced the most generous treatment from his con-
queror, who caused him to be reconducted to Samarkand with every
testimony of respect; and with the declaration, that he should continue
to hold the government of Bokhara as his lieutenant only. Ameir
Nasser dying in the latter end of the two hundred and seventy-ninth*
of the Hidjerab, Issmanil then became sole and absolute governor of
Maur-un-ncher; and has therefore been properly considered by histor-
ians as the first in order of the monarchs of the race of Saman.
ISMAUIL, Ist
monarch of
ISSMAUIL the son of Ahmed, first of the race of Sâman, when seated
on the throne of royalty, is said to have exhibited to the world a noble
example of justice and moderation. Having, as we have already seen,
defeated and taken prisoner the usurper Omar Laiss, and sent him a
captive to the court of the Khalif Mûatezzed, he received from that
prince in return, with the most costly and magnificent dresses of honor, Bokhara, of the
a patent for the government of all the provinces lately held by the same race of Samas
usurper, including Seiestaun, Khorassaun and Mazanderaun, Rey and
Isfahaun. The Khalit's dispatches were received on this occasion by
Issmauil, with demonstrations of singular respect. He humbled himself
as he put on each separate dress of honor, in two prostrations of prayer
in token of his gratitude, and bestowed upon the bearer of the patent,
a donation of seven hundred thousand dinaurs.†
* A. D. 892.
*320,8331. 6s. 8d.
:
2 H 2
236
A. H. 279.
A. D. 892.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur,
On the authority of Nizam-ul-Mulk the Tûssite, it is affirmned, that
on the defeat and capture of Omar Laiss, Ameir Issmauil proceeded
to enquire after the treasures of his captive; and having failed in the
discovery by other expedients, demanded of him in person where they
had been deposited. The answer was, that they had been committed to
the care of one of his relatives of the name of Saum; by whom, in all
probability they were conveyed to Herat. On this information Iss-
mauil conducted his troops before that city; and the inhabitants having
surrendered on express stipulations to his mercy, he hastened to re-
quire, from the kinsman of Omar Laiss, that account of his master's trea-
sures which his information had led him to expect; but without success.
In the mean time, the necessities both of his officers and their followers
had become extremely urgent; and it was intimated to him, by some
of his confidential friends, that the city of Herât, and the adjoining ter-
ritory, contained an immense population; and that if from every com-
petent individual, a contribution were levied of only one mcskal, about
a dram and a half, of gold, he would be able to raise a prodigious sum
of money, to the entire and ample relief of his army. The virtuous
Issmauil, with a rectitude which reflects unfading lustre upon his me-
mory, rejected without hesitation, the iniquitous proposal; observing in
reply, that he had promised to this people his protection, and that no-
thing should induce him to extort from them the smallest article of
their property.
Then, lest any further corrupt suggestion of the
principle of evil might be urged with him to infringe his capitulation,
he withdrew in haste from before Herât, and encamped at a consider-
able distance from it. IIis generals, nevertheless, again assailed him
on the same subject; when he addressed them in these memorable words.
"That Being, who with the scourge of his destiny, impelled the horse
“of Omar Laiss to place his rider at my disposal, is also able to supply
"the wants, and repair the equipments of my soldiers, without the
"guilt, on my part, of a breach of faith with his creatures." For this,
his just forbearance, the reward soon followed.
One of the ladies of his family had taken off her neklace of rubies,
and laid it on some conspicuous place, while employed on some
business or other which required her attention. A kite, which was
hovering ncar, taking the rubies for pieces of meat, iminediately
237
Kholaussut-
pounced upon, and carried off the necklace. The domestics who A. H. 287.
fortunately observed the robbery, hastened to take horse and watch A. D. 900.
the motions of the plunderer. After some time, the kite let drop ul-akhbaur.
the necklace from his talons, and it fell, as it happened, into a
neighboring draw-well. One of the party, who had anxiously accom-
panied the motions of the animal, descending into the well, discovered
that it communicated, some way or other, with an inner cavern ; in
which his attention was immediately attracted by a number of chests
piled together. These he found, on inspection, to be entirely filled
with gold and jewels; the treasure of Omar Laiss, conveyed thither by
his kinsman, as to a place of perfect security. From this acciden-
tal discovery, as if in just compensation for his scrupulous observance
of the faith of treaties, the good Issmauil derived a far more abundant
supply to satisfy the demands of his followers, than could have arisen
from any unwarrantable contribution, which he might have imposed
the defenceless inhabitants of Herât.
upon
Ameir Issmauil survived his triumph over Omar Laiss, for some-
thing more than seven years, during which he continued to govern
with equal glory to himself and advantage to his people; until the
middle of the month of Suffur, of the year two hundred and ninety-
five,* when, at the age of sixty, he withdrew to the regions of eternal
bliss.
ABU MUNUSSER, or NASSER, AHMED, the son of Issmauil, second
of the Samanides, or race of Sâman.
the Samanides.
This prince succeeded to the throne of his father at Bokhâra, im-
mediately on the demise of the departed monarch; and was confirmed AHMED, Ild of
in his royal dignity by letters patent, and a standard, transmitted for
that purpose by the Khalif Mûkteffy B'lllah.
About five years after his accession, namely, in the three hundredth
of the Iidjerah, Omar the son of Yakub, the great grandson of Omar
Laiss, revolted in Sciestaun; and seized and imprisoned Munsûr the
son of Isshauk the Samaunian, the lieutenant of the province; on
which a considerable force was dispatched, by Ameir Ahmed, under
Hûsseyne the son of Ally, to restore his authority in that country.
After sustaining a siege of nine months in the capital of Seiestaun, the
insurgent was compelled, either by his fears, or by extreme distress, to
November 25, A. D. 907.
238
A. H. 300. implore for mercy: and on surrendering the city, and putting himself
A. D. 912. into the hands of Husseyne, he was, together with Eben Heffaur his
Kholaussut principal associate, conducted a prisoner to Bokhâra.
The govern
ul-akhbaur.
of the Saman-
ides.
ment of Seiestaun was now conferred, by the Samanian monarch,
on Semjûr Dowauty.
66
While engaged on a hunting party, in the course of the year three
hundred and one, Ameir Ahmed had given orders, on quitting one of
his encampments, to set fire to the spot; when he received intelligence
from Jûrjaun, that Hussun, the son of Ally-ul-ûtrûsh (the deaf) the
Fatimite, had expelled his lieutenaut from Tebrestaun, and made him-
self master of that province. On this information, Ahmed is said to
have been affected to such a degree, as to have impiously ejaculated,
"if it was the will of God that the territory of Tebrestaun should de-
part from under his authority, to give him death !" and immediately
returning on his steps, encamped on the same ground which he had
just given orders to set fire to. Men of intelligent minds converted the
circumstance into an omen which boded no good: and it accordingly
fell out, that some of his domestic slaves, at this very crisis, offended
at their exclusion from those assemblies which their sovereign occa-
sionally held, with the learned and ingenions individuals who frequented
his court, seized their opportunity; and, on Thursday the twenty-
third of the latter Juinmaudy,* entering the tent of Ameir Ahmed,
there treacherously murdered their benefactor. Some of the assassins
were laid hold of the next day, and cut to pieces by the nobles, who
conveyed the body of their sovereign to the capital of Bokhara for in-
terment. Subsequent to his death, which took place in the seventh
year of his reign, the title of Ameir Sheheid, the martyred Ameir, was
bestowed upon this prince.
ABUL HUSSUN NASSER, more frequently written Mûnusser, the
son of Ahmed, third of the Samanides.
age, the
Having ascended the throne of his father at eight years of
NASSER, IIId elevation of this prince excited at first but contemptible expectations
in the minds of the people; by whom it was generally remarked, that
when they considered the pretensions of his uncle Isshauk, the patriarch
January 23rd, 914,
239
ul-akhbaur.
or senior, of the house of Sâman, who was in possession of the govern- A. H. 301,
ment of Samarkand, it was not difficult to prognosticate the degree A. D. 914.
of power, to which such a minor would be suffered to attain. The dis- Kholaussut-
poser
of events had, however, ordained that this same despised stripling,
who ultimately received the title of Ameir Saeid, the august Ameir,
should, in the sequel, attain to the most exalted rank among the poten
tates of the earth.
In the early part of his reign, the affairs of the government had been
necessarily committed by Ameir Nasser, with the dignity of Vezzeir,
to the discretion of Abû Abdullah Mahommed the son of Alimed; and
Isshauk the Samaunian having, as it was foreseen, approached Bo-
khâra, with designs hostile to his nephew's authority, a general of the
name of Hamûyah was selected to command the army employed to
oppose him. Being twice defeated by this commander, and compelled
after his last discomfiture to fly for shelter to Samarkand, the invader
was pursued thither by Hamûyah; who appears to have entered that
metropolis without resistance. A rigid search was immediately set
on foot in order to discover the retreat of Isshauk; who, at last yielding
to his fears, delivered himself up to the mercy of the conqueror, by
whom he was conveyed without delay to Bokhâra, where he termin-
ated his days in a prison.
A slave of Yussuf the son of Abi-ul-Sauje, of the name of Fâeik, hav-
ing revolted against the authority of the Khalif Mûktedder, in the
course of the year three hundred and thirteen,* and seized the city and
territory of Rey, Ameir Nasser received that monarch's instructions to
proceed against the insurgent. The rebel Fâeik was expelled from his
usurpations, apparently without difficulty; and Ameir Nasser having
continued in that quarter for two months, left the province on his de-
parture, to the care of Semjûr Dowauty, already noticed in a preced-
ing page.
On the authority of the Tarikh gûzcidah, it is now described that
Makan the son of Kauky, perhaps Kauly, one of the feudatories of the
princes of the race of Bûyah, invading Khorassaun, in the three hun-
dred and twenty ninth of the Hidjerah, Ameir Nasser dispatched
against him, Ally one of his principal generals; by whom that chicf
* A. D. 928.
240
A. H. 329. was defeated and killed, and the event announced to his sovereign in
A. D. 940. a note of singular brevity. Wa-Makana-saur-kausmehû.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
*
At the commencment of the year three hundred and thirty one⋆
however, the respectable Ameir Nasser was smitten by a stroke of the
palsy. While he suffered under this affliction, he caused an apartment
to be constructed immediately before the entrance of his palace, to be
called the house of prayer; in which, in vestments of purest white, and
in acts of devotion to his maker, he passed the greater part of the re-
mainder of his days; until, in the month of Rudjub of the same year,
he was received into the bosom of divine mercy. He died at the early
age of eight and thirty, after a prosperous reign of thirty years, distin-
guished for his clemency, liberality, beneficence, and justice, and not
less by the exemplary piety, and blamelessness, of his life and manners.
NOUH the son of Nasser, fourth of the race of Sâman, with the en-
tire concurrence of the military chiefs, and other nobility of Bokhara,
proceeded to seat himself on the throne of his father; selecting Abûl
Fazzel Mahommed, the son of Ahmed for the post of Vezzeir, to assist
the Samanides. him in the management of affairs. About the close of the three hun-
dred and thirty second of the Hidjerah, during his residence at Merû,
Nouh gave protection to Washmagueir the son of Zebaur, who had
withdrawn from Tebrestaun; and who, experiencing from the Sam-
aunian on this occasion a distinguished and welcome reception, re-
turned at the head of a body of troops, furnished by that prince, towards
Jûrjaun; and having wrested that territory from Hussun the son of
Feyrôzan, took secure possession of the government for himself.
NOUH, IVth of
Here the good fortune of Ameir Nouh seems to have terminated;
since from this period his reign appears to have been exposed to all
the mischiefs of dissenssion, revolt, and civil war. In three hun-
dred and thirty four,† Abû Ally the son of Mahommed Mehtauje, who
administered the government of Rey, revolted against his authority;
and having raised his uncle Ibrauhim, the son of Ahmed the Samaun-
ian, to the royal dignity, proceeded to invade the province of Khorass-
On intelligence of this event Ameir Nouh quitted Bokhâra, and
hastened across the Jeyhûn to Merû; where, on the approach of the
enemy, the greater part of his troops faithlessly deserted his standard
March, A. D, 943. † A. D. 945.
aun.
·
241
and went over to his adversaries.
The year
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
In consequence of this, he was A. H. 335.
compelled to recross the Jeyhân in a single boat, to avoid, or abandon A. D. 946.
his capital, and make the best of his way to Samarkand.
following, after taking entire possession of Khorassaun, Abû Ally ad-
vanced to Bokh ra, and there proclaimed the authority of Ibrauhim.
But some evil disposed person having awakened a jealousy in his mind,
against the instrument of his ambition, Abû Ally, shortly after this,
withdrew into Tûrkestaun, or western Tartary; and Ibrauhim becom-
ing unequal to the cares of royalty, Ameir Nouh embraced the oppor-
tunity of returning towards Bokhara, where an accommodation was
brought about by the nobles between the uncle and nephew. By this
it was arranged that Ameir Nouh should retain the sovereign author-
ity, and that the superintendance of the armies should be vested in
Ibrauhim. The two princes then joined, and directed the whole of
their attention to oppose, and defeat the hostile designs of Abû Ally.
Both united, they proved, however, unequal to a contest with that
warlike chieftain, who after a signal victory over the two princes, again
took possession of Bokh ra; where he now invested Mahommed the son
of Nasser, the brother of Ameir Nouh, with the honors of royalty. But
still conceiving an apprehension of the hostile disposition of the no-
bles of Bokhara, Abû Ally left that city, and retired to Tcheghaunian ;
while Ameir Nouh hastened, by invitation of the same nobles, to
revisit his capital; into which he was triumphantly reconducted by
Ibrauhim, and his brother Abû Jauffer, and once more firmly re-estab-
lished on the throne of his ancestors. He determined, however, on
this occasion, to secure himself against all further competition on their
part, by immediately searing the eyes of his uncle Ibrauhim, and of
both his brothers, Mahommed, and Abû Jauffer.
In the three hundred and thirty ninth of the Hidjerah,* a correspon-
dence took place which terminated in an accommodation between Ameir
Nouh, and Abû Ally; Ameir Nouh condescending to forgive the past,
and inviting his rebellious feudatory to accept the government of Khor-
assaun, of which he was accordingly put in possesion. In three hundred
and forty-two, in conjunction with Washinagucir the son of Zebaur,
the same Abû Ally conducted a force towards Rey, in order to oppose
the designs of Rokken-ud-doulab the Deylemite; but having concluded
VOL. II.
A.1.950.
2 I
242
}
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 342. a treaty of peace with that prince, on his engaging to remit annually
A. D. 953. to the exchequer of Ameir Nouh the sum of two hundred thousand
Kholaussut dinaurs,* he was, on his return from the expedition, accused to his
sovereign by Washmagueir, of having from a motive of corrupt and
improper partiality, consented to a peace with the Deylemite, when
he had a fair opportunity of destroying his power. In consequence of
this accusation, Abû Ally was once more exposed to the displeasure
of Ameir Nouh; by whom he was immediately superseded in the
government of Khorassaun, which was now transferred to another
chief of the name of Abû Sâeid. Abû Ally, on his part, withdrew to
Rey, and was there admitted by Rokken-ud-doulah, among the most
distinguished of his followers.
Soon after this, in the former Rebbeia of the three hundred and
forty-third of the Hidjerah,† and in the thirteenth year of an eventful
and turbulent reign, Ameir Nouh took his departure for a better world,
he bore also the title of Ameir Hameid,-the laudable or well approved.
ABUL FOUAURESS (father of chivalry) ABDULMELEK, the son of
Nouh, fifth of the race of Sâman.
This prince, through the influence and exertions of Bukker the son of
Mâlek, and ultimately with the concurrence of the nobles of Bokhara,
succeeded to the throne of his father. He was engaged in frequent
hotilities with Rokken-ud-doulah the Deylemite; but after employing
ABDULMELEK, Several armies in vain to reduce his power, he consented at last to
Vth of the race a treaty of peace with that prince. It was during the reign of Ab-
of Såman.
dulmêlek the Samaunian that, raised from the lowest condition of ser-
vitude to the most exalted distinctions of the state, Aleptekkein, or
Alputtekein, was advanced to the government of Khorassaun; and there
amassing prodigious wealth, and applying that wealth to engage a
numerous train of followers in his service, became ultimately too
powerful for his master. This was the patron of Sebektekein the father
of the celebrated Mahmûd of Gheznîn.
Ameir Abdulmêlek, who bore during life the additional title of
Mûeyud, confirmed, and after his death that of Mouffek, prosperous,
received, in the course of the three hundred and fiftieth of the Hidjerah,
91,666). 13s. 4d.
† July, A. D. 951
}
243
1
A. D. 961.
✯ dangerous fall from his horse, while engaged in the favorite Persian A. H. 350.
game, of Gui Tchougan, or horse-Goff; of which he died in a very
short time, after a reign of something more than seven years.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
ABU SALAH MUNSUR the son of Nouh, sixth of the race of Sâman.
It would appear that on the death of Abdülmêlek, an agent had been
dispatched by the nobles of Bokhara, into Khorassaun, to demand of
Alputtékein, who had by this time become almost absolute master of
that powerful province, which of the race of Sâman he conceived wor-
thiest of the succession'; but before the messenger could return with
the reply of that chief, that Munsûr was too much of a stripling, and
that in his judgment their choice should be fixed upon one of his un-
cles, the principal generals and nobility had united in favor of the same
Munsûr, whom they had accordingly proclaimed in the room of his
deceased brother. In consequence of his apprehensions of the resent- MUNSUR, VIth
ment of the young monarch on this account, Alputtekein determined of the race of
to disobey the summons which he received to repair to Bokhâra; and
soon afterwards breaking out into open rebellion, withdrew towards
Gheznîn, accompanied by a body of three thousand of his own disci-
plined slaves, or Maumluks: with whose assistance he took possession,
sword in hand, of that city and the whole of the adjoining territory. The
government of Khorassaun was now transferred to Abûl Husseyne
Semjúr; but though an army was twice dispatched to chastise the de-
fection of Alputtekein, it returned as often repelled by the skilful val-
our of that successful adventurer and his followers.
In the year three hundred and fifty three, Kholf the son of Alimed,
descended by the mother-side from the Sûfauriah or race of Laiss, being
compelled by the revolt of one of his principal subjects, to abandon
the province of Seiestaun, now sought the assistance of Ameir Munsûr;
and receiving from him an ample supply of troops and treasure, was
enabled to return in triumph to his capital, and to resume with addi-
tional lustre, his authority in the territory of Neimrouz. This Kholf
the son of Ahmed is represented, at the same time, as equally adorned
and distinguished, by his acquirements in all the learning of his age
and country, by the liberality and benevolence of his mind, and by
Lis unbounded patronage of genius and science however exhibited
Saman.
I. 2
244
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 356. Under the three hundred and fifty sixth of the Hidjerah, we find re-
A. D. 967. corded the death of Washmagueir, prince of Jûrjaun; who was suc
Kholaussut ceeded by his son Beisettoun, as will be again noticed in a future
page. About the same period, through the mediation of Abûl Hâsseyne
Semjûr, a treaty was concluded between Ameir Munsûr, and Rokken-
´ud-doulah the Deylemite; by which the latter submitted to pay
into the treasury of the Samaunian, an annual tribute of one hundred
and fifty thousand dinaurs of gold.*
NOUн, IId and
VIIth of the
After a generally successful reign of fifteen years, the death of Ameir
Munsûr is recorded to have taken place on the eleventh of Rudjub of
the three hundred and sixty-fifth of the Hidjerah † He bore while
living the additional title of Ameir Mûeyud, the confirmed, which was
transmuted after death into Ameir Seddeir-the prince who resides in
heaven, in the mansion of Gabriel.
ABUL KAUSSEM NOUH the IId, son of Munsûr, and seventh of the
race of Sâman, ascended the throne of his father without opposition ;
race of Saman. and evinced no less discrimination than prudence, in bestowing the
office of Vezzeir on Abûl Hûsseyne Utteba, equally distinguished by
his virtues, and his consummate abilities.
At a very early period of the reign of Ameir Nouh the second, Al-
puttekein died in possession of Gheznîn, and was succeeded by his
slave Sebektekein, or Sebekteguin, the father of the celebrated Mahmûd.
And in three hundred and sixty six, Kâbouss the son of Washma-
gueir became prince of Jûrjaun, on the death of his brother Beisettoun.
About five years afterwards, namely in the three hundred and seventy
first of the Hidjerah,+ Ameir Nouh finding it expedient to remove Abûl
Hûsseyne the Semjurite from the government of Khorassaun, and to
confer that province upon Abûl Abbas Taush, sometimes entitled
Hûssaum-ud-doulah, the degraded lieutenant ascribed his supersession
either to the calumnies, or ill offices of Abûl Husseyne the Vezzeir;
and immediately entering into a conspiracy with Fâeik, who had been
some time enrolled among the principal officers of Ameir Nouh, re-
solved on the destruction of that able and faithful minister. This,
through the treachery of some of the slaves whom they suborned to
* 68,7501. † March 14, A. D. 976,
A. D. 981
245
ul-akhbaur.
the execution of their design, they found it no great difficulty to ac- A. H. 371.
complish. In the mean time Ameir Nouh, equally afflicted by the A. D. 981.
loss of his minister, and offended by the daring insolence thus exer- Kholaussut-
cised against his authority, dispatched to Neyshapûr, requiring the
immediate presence of Hussaum-ud-doulah, in order to assist him in
avenging the injury. Hussaum-ud-doulah repaired without delay to
Bokhâra; and all those of the murderers of the unfortunate Vezzeir
· whom he could lay hands on, were speedily consigned to the awful
solitude of the grave.
The Vizzaurut was then conferred on Abûl
Hûsseyne Mezzeny.
4
While Hussaum-ud-doulah Taush remained at Bokhara on this oc-
casion, Abûl Hûsseyne the Semjurite had been dispatched at the in-
stance of Ameir Nouh to lay siege to the capital of Seiestaun: but he
no sooner found that the province of Khorassaun was left through the
absence of its ruler, to provide for its own defence, than that refractory
chieftain entered into a fresh conspiracy with Fâeik; and, in conjunction
with him, proceeded immediately into Khorassaun, to oppose the return
of Taush. The latter hastened however to meet his adversaries; but
an unaccountable accommodation taking place between the parties, it
was finally arranged that the command of the troops, and the govern-
ment of Neyshapûr should continue as formerly, with Abûl Abbas
Taush, Hussaum-ud-doulahı indifferently so called; while the city of
Balkh was ceded to Fâeik, and that of llerât to the Semjûrite.
Not long afterwards, the Vizzaurut being transferred by Ameir Nouh
to Abdullah, or perhaps Abdulazziz, the new n.inister, entertaining no
great degree of complacency towards Hussaum-ud-doulah Taush,
soon prevailed upon his sovereign to remove that distinguished com-
mander from his employments; and to consign his post to Abúl
Ilûsseyne the Semjûrite, already governor of IIerât. On this
Hussaum-ud-doulah applied for assistance to Fakher-ud-doulah
the Deylemite, on whom, by former services, he had laid some
very lasting obligations; and having obtained the support he sought
for, immediately commenced hostilities against the Semjûrite. But
being resolutely opposed by that commander, in conjunction with his
associate Fâeik the governor of Balkh, Abûl Abbas after repeated con-
flicts was ultimately defeated, and compelled to withdraw for protec-
tion to his friend Fakher-ud-doulah; with whom he resided hence.
246
A D. 372-9. forward, in a state of inactivity, and repose from the cares of ambition,
A. H. 980-9. until, in the three hundred and seventy ninth of the Hidjerah, a pestilen-
Kholaussut- tial disorder terminated his mortal existence.
al-akhbaur.
Abûl Hûsseyne Mahommed, the son of Ibrauhim, the son of Semjûr,
of whom so much as been recently spoken, dying about this period,
the government of Neyshapûr, was confirmed, by Ameir Nouh, to his
son Abû Ally; while that of Herât was bestowed upon Fâeik.
But jealousies and animosities arising between these two rival
chiefs, they soon proceeded to adjust their differences by the sword.
The issue was favorable to Abû Ally; and his antagonist retiring to
Merû-ur-rûd, there assembled a fresh army; but instead of leading it
to renew the contest with his rival, he marched, without the concurrence
of his sovereign, directly towards Bokhara. Alarmed at this suspicious
movement, Ameir Nouh on his part, sent two of his generals Eynaunje
and Bekhtozûn to give him battle. The refractory and seditious Fàeik.
was here again defeated; and making the best of his way to Termed,
the principal pass on the main branch of the Oxus, from thence opened
a correspondence with Boghra Khaun, the monarch of Tûrkestaun
whom he earnestly invited to undertake the conquest of Maur-un-
neher.
On the other hand, having rendered himself absolute in Khorassaun,
Abû Ally the Semjûrite, forgetful of his allegiance, and of the gratuit-
ous favors of his sovereign, entered upon measures of similar hostility
to the government of his benefactor. In prosecution of these hostile
designs, letters were by him also transmitted to the same Khaun of
Tûrkestaun, already mentioned, in which he proposed, that if that
monarch would approach Bokhara, from the eastward, he would him-
self advance to attack it from the side of the Oxus; further stipulating
however, that when Ameir Nouh should be disposed of, the Khaun
should be satisfied with that part of the dismembered territory eastward
of the Oxus, while the whole of Khorassaun should be vested with full
sovereignty in himself.
This application appears to have determined Boghra Khaun at once
to advance against Bokhara; and Eynaunje, who was employed to oppose
him on the part of Ameir Nouh, having been defeated and taken pris-
ener, that prince was constrained by the urgency of the danger to over
247
ul.akhbaur.
Hook the recent rebellious attempt of Fâeik, and to dispatch to Termed A. H. 380-88.
to entreat his assistance. Such was the man whom he now selected A. D. 990-93.
to make head against the Khaun of the western Tartars; and that per- Kholaussut-
fidious chief proceeded accordingly to Samarkand. On the approach
of the Tartar monarch, he drew his troops out of that city for the
purpose, as it might have been conceived, of giving battle; but, before
he could discharge an arrow in the face of the enemy, he basely turned
his back, and withdrew to Bokhâra. Having taken possession of Sa-
markand, Boghra Khaun advanced without further obstacle, towards
the metropolis of the race of Sâman, which was abandoned on his ap-
proach by Ameir Nouh. The false Fâeik now went over to the Khaun,
and being immediately admitted amongst the most distinguished
members of his court, proceeded shortly afterwards under his authority
to preside over the territory of Bâlkh.
Thus expelled from his capital, Ameir Nouh, disguising his ex-
terior, hastened across the Jeyhûn, and took post at a place called
Amûlshet, perhaps the town of Amol on that river. Here he was
gradually joined by his troops, and found himself after some delay at
the head of a considerable force. In the mean time, the Khaun of
Tûrkestaun, being attacked by some malignant disorder, which he
might have ascribed to the climate, suddenly adopted the re-
solution of returning to his native country, and died on his march.
On intelligence of this unexpected event, Ameir Nouh proceeded with
infinite delight to repossess himself of Bokhâra, and was again restored
to the throne of his ancestors. In the midst of the incertitude and
despondence produced by this diversity of fortune, Abû Ally the Sem-
jûrite at last conceived the design of dispatching an agent to entreat
for his past offences, the forgiveness of an injured sovereign: when his
evil genius so ordered it that he should be joined by the rebel Fâeik,
his late competitor; who had been compelled to fly before the troops
of Ameir Nouh, and who now employed with Abû Ally such arguments
as dissuaded him from his design, and prevailed upon him once more
to display the standard of disloyalty.
After some deliberation, Ameir Nouh determined in these circum-
stances to dispatch to Gheznîn, and demand the aid of Sebektekein;
and the application experienced from that able and warlike chieftain,
248
ul.akhibaur.
A. H. 384. an attention most flattering to the hopes of the Samaunian. Sometime
A. D. 994. in the three hundred and eighty fourth of the hidjerah, he set out from
Kholaussut Gheznîn, at the head of a powerful army; and having on his arrival at
Bokhara demonstrated for Ameir Nouh every possible degree of zeal
and respect, proceeded in conjunction with him, immediately in quest
of the rebel associates. The latter had by this time secured the support
of Fakher-ud-doulah the Deylemite; and advancing from Herât, aided
by the reinforcements received from that prince, appeared little disposed
to avoid a battle. In the conflict which ensued, they were however
totally defeated by Ameir Nouh, and his powerful ally; and making the
best of their way to Neyshapûr, continued their flight, after remaining
there a few days only, to Jûrjaun; where they became content to enrol
themselves in the train of Fakher-ud-doulah. Ameir Nouh evinced
his gratitude for this important service, by bestowing upon Sebcktekein
the title of Nasser-ud-dein-defender of the faith, with every possible
mark of favor and distinction; while he conferred upon his son, the
celebrated Mahmûd, with the title of Seyf.ud-doulah-sword of the state,
the supreme command of his armies, and the government of Khorass-
aun. Having reposed himself for some time at Herat, Sebektekejn,
returned to Gheznîn, and Mahmûd repaired to the seat of his govern-
ment at Neyshapûr.
Having however contrived to raise a fresh army in Jûrjaun, Abû
Ally and Fâeik, who have by some authors been considered as child-
ren of the same father, in the course of three hundred and eighty-five,*
like an unforeseen calamity, appeared once more, under the walls of
Neyshapûr; and pouring with irresistible fury into the camp of Seyf-
ud-doulah Mahmûd, compelled him to fly with considerable loss.
But Ameir Sebektekein, with all the force he could assemble, soon
afterwards entering Khorassaun, to the assistance of his son, and
Fâeik and Abú Ally hastening from Neyshapûr to oppose him, the
two armies came to a decisive battle in the neighborhood of Tûsse; in
which victory declared for the standard of Sebektekein, with dreadful
slaughter to his adversaries. Abû Ally and his associate sought a
temporary asylum in the fortress of Kolaut; from whence they were,
in a very few days, however, compelled to withdraw, and betake
themselves for a considerable period to a desultory and wandering lite.
* A. D. 995.
249
ul-akhbaur.
་
At last they separated, Fàeik directing his course towards the terri- A. H. 384-6
tories of Eylek, the successor of Boghra Khaun of Tûrkestaun, and Abû A. D. 994-6.
Ally proceeding to Jûrjauniah, to implore the protection of Mâmûn the Kholaussut-
son of Mahommed Farighûny, prince of that country. But before he
could effect his escape to the residence of the chieftain whose protection
he sought, Abû Ally was seized at Hazaurasp, and detained a prisoner
by Abû Abdullah, king of Khaurezm. This drew upon the Khaur-
ezmian the vengeance of Mâmûn, by whom he was immediately
attacked, taken prisoner, and put to death. Having liberated the
fugitive, and otherwise treated him with great kindness and respect,
Mâmûn next employed his mediation with Ameir Nouh to obtain
a pardon for the offences of Abû Ally; in which, as far as appearances
could be trusted, he prevailed. Abû Ally was invited to repair to
Bokhara, and being induced to accede to the invitation, was compelled
on his arrival in that capital, to take up his abode in a prison; and
information of his being at last in safe custody, being conveyed to
Ameir Sebektekein, at this period residing at Merû, a request was
transmitted from that prince that the prisoner might be consigned
over to his care. To this, if he were even so disposed, Ameir Nouh
was not in circumstances to demur, and Abû Ally was accordingly
removed to Merû; and in the prisons of Sebektekein, from which he
never escaped, made some atonement for his disloyalty and ingratitude.
More fortunate in his exertions, Fâeik made good his retreat to the
court of Eylek Khaun, whom, without much difficulty, he prevailed
upon to resume the designs of his predecessor against the territory on
the Jeyhûn. Ameir Nouh, on his part, again solicited the aid of Sebek-
tekein; who hastened without delay to Bokhâra, to oppose the invader:
but Ameir Nouh declining to quit his capital, to participate in the
hazards of the field of battle, an incipient and unaccountable jealousy
fastened on the mind of Sebektekein. In his measures to counteract
the designs of the enemy he neglected to exert his accustomed ener--
gies, and he finally concluded a dishonorable peace; by which he
consented that the able Fàeik should be formally confirmed in the
government of Samarkand, and that all hostilities should here termin-
ate on either side.
VOL. II
25
230
A. D. 387.
Ameir Nouh does not appear to have long survived these events.
A. H. 997. His death took place in the month of Rudjub of the three hundred and
Kholaussut eighty seventh of the Hidjerah,* the two and twentieth year of his
reign. He has subsequently borne the title of Ameir Ruzzy-the
prince who is in paradise.
ul-akhbaur.
of the race of
Saman.
ABUL HARETH MUNSUR the son of Nouh, eighth of the race of
Sâman, was seated on the throne of his father by the unanimous concur-
rence of the Nobles of Bokhara. But Eylek Khaun of Tûrkestaun,
becoming apprized of the death of the late monarch, immediately
marched for Samarkand, into which he was triumphantly received by
his adherent Fâeik. The latter proceeded shortly afterwards by the
MUNSUR, son Khaun's instructions towards Bokhâra; which Ameir Munsûr, inca-
of Nouh, VIIIth pable of resistance, abandoned at his approach, retiring across the Jey-
hûn. Having taken possession of the metropolis, a belief was circu-
lated by Faeik, that so far from entertaining any designs hostile to
the person of Munsûr, he had appeared in that quarter for the purpose
of supporting his authority to the utmost of his power, and of acquitting
himself, with becoming zeal, of the obligations of good faith and loyalty.
After some correspondence on the subject, Munsûr was prevailed upon
to return to Bokhara, where he permitted Fàeik to assume to himself
the entire controul of affairs; Bektouzùn being invested by the latter
with the government of Khorassaun, and the command of the army.
In the mean time Ameir Sebektekein† had breathed his last at Ghez-
nin; and his son, Seyf-ud-doulah Mahmûd, ultimately succeeding to
his authority, dispatched his agent to Bokhara to demand from Ameir
Munsûr the dignities, which he claimed by inheritance from his father.
As the post and honors to which he laid claim had been already dis-
posed of, by the appointment of Bektouzûn, the application was una-
vailing, and the agent returned to his master; who immediately
advancing at the head of his army to Neyshapûr, soon afterwards
attacked, and defeated the new chief, who had been in prudently selected
to supersede him. On intelligence of this act of defiance to his author-
ity, Ameir Munsûr crossed the Jeyhûn from Bokhâra, and came to
Serkhess; while Mahmûd, from an alleged repugnance to incur the
#
* July, A. D. 997.
+ More generally written in English Sebekteggin.
251
A. D. 999.
Kholaussut-
guilt of disloyalty and ingratitude, evacuated Neyshapûr, and withdrew A. II. 389.
to Merû-ur-rûd, not unfrequently called Mûrghaub, from the river on
which it is seated. When he had however been permitted to enjoy ul-akhibaur.
his fancied powers for about a year and seven months, Ameir Munsûr,
in the middle of Suffur, of the year three hundred and eighty-nine,"
was suddenly divested of his precarious sovereignty, and deprived of
sight, by the prime minister Fâeik, and Bektouzûn the general of his
armies.
IXth of the Sa-
ABDULMELEK the son of Nouh, ninth of the race of Sâman. Imme-
diately on the dethronement of his brother, this prince was prevailed
upon at the instance of Fàeik and Bektouzûn, to undertake the arduous
responsibility of royal authority. But as the recent violence of the
two chiefs had furnished to Seyf-ud-doulah Mahmûd a favorable op-
portunity of disguising his own ambitious designs, under the mask
of avenging the cause of an injured sovereign, that prince no longer
hesitated to advance towards Merû Shahjahaun, the ancient capital of ABDUL MEL ER
the province of Khorassaun, at the head of a very formidable army. manides.
His adversaries attached, as they affected to be, to the stirrup of Ab-
dulmêlek, proceeded to meet the son of Sebektekein, amusing him at
the same time with overtures towards an accommodation of their dif-
ferences. Mahmûd appeared at first disposed to acquiesce in these
pacific measures; but offended at some indications of disrespect exhi-
bited on their part, he determined to break off the negociation, and
to commit his fortune to the decision of the sword. A dreadful battle
ensued, which terminated in favor of Mahmûd. Abdulmelêk and
Faeik fled immediately to Bokhâra; Bektouzûn at first to Neyshapur,
but after remaining at that place for a few days, he proceeded to join
his unfortunate associates. The guilt of accumulated treachery at
last arrested the career of Fâeik, since he appears to have died soon after
his return to Bokhara about this period.
Eylek Khaun could not long continue an idle, or inactive spectator
of the distractions which were rending to pieces the superb and splen-
did inheritance of the race or Sâman. Leaving his capital of Kashghar,
about the period under consideration, he directed his march for Bokhara,,
* Beginning of February. A. D.999,
2 K 2
{
.
252
1
ul-akhbaur.
A. II. 880. publishing however to the world that his expedition was undertaken
A. D. 999. for the express relief of Abdulmêlek. And yet when, on Tuesday the
Kholaussut tenth of Zilkaudah, of the three hundred and eighty ninth of the Hid-
jerah,* he entered the metropolis of the house of Sâman, his first ob-
ject appears to have been to secure the person of that unfortunate
prince, who had absconded on his arrival; but who soon fell into the
hands of the emissaries employed to discover his retreat. He was then
conveyed in bonds to the city of Ouzkund, where he was ultimately
destined to terminate his existencein captivity.
Subsequent to this, Abû Ibrauhim Issmauil the son of Noul, entitled
Mùntusser, having escaped from Bokhara, continued, for a period of
nearly six years, to lead, with a handful of desperate adherents, a wan-
dering and predatory life; and to infest, as opportunity offered, the
boundaries of the various potentates, whose authority had been estab-
lished on the dismemberment of the dominions of his ancestors;
of Nouh last of until in the former Rebbeia, of the three hundred and ninety-fifth of
the Samanides. the Hidjerah,† he was put to death, on his way from Nissa towards
ISSMAUIL, Son
Bokhara, by Mahrûy, one of the agents of Mahmûd of Gheznin:
thus fulfilling the destiny of the race of Sâman, after it had continued
in power for about one hundred and twelve solar, or one hundred and
sixteen lunar years; if we calculate from the period at which Ameir
Issmauil the son of Alimed, became sole governor of Mawur-un-neher
in the latter part of the two hundred and seventy ninth of the Hidjerah.
The narrative will be next devoted to describe the events which
produced and attended the elevation to sovereign power, of the se-
veral branches of the race of Búyah; from the country of their origin
more frequently designated the Deyaulemah, or princes of Deylem.
On the authority of many of the most respectable historians, it is
stated that Abû Shûja Bûyah, the founder of the family, was a man
in moderate circumstances among the people of Deylem, a well known
and almost inaccessible division of the province of Tebrestaun, part
of the ancient IIyrcania. He nevertheless boasted his descent from
Behramgour, one of the most renowned of the ancient Persian monarchs.
On this person heaven had bestowed three sons, each of whom des-
* October 21st, A. D. 999.
+ December, A. D. 1004.
258
tined, by a benevolent providence, to ascend to the most exalted rank A. H. 295.
among the powersofthe earth. The names of these sons were Ally, Hus. A. D. 908.
sun, and Ahmed.
Kholaussut
ul-akhbaur.
Abû Shuja entertained for the mother of his children, an unbounded
affection; and on her death became a prey to the most violent grief.
A native of the same country, and an intimate acquaintance, of the
name of Sheheryaur the son of Rûstum, on whose subsequent relation
this part of the narrative is expressly founded, proceeded to visit, and
expostulate with him, on this unmanly surrender of his faculties to
the dominion of an unavailing sorrow; and finally prevailed upon him
to be an inmate in his family, unt:1 the violence of his affliction should
become in some degree abated. While he continued a guest at his
friend's, on this occasion, a man who professed some skill in astrology Origin of the
and the interpretation of dreams, chanced to call, in the way of his Deylemites, or
profession; and it occurred to Abû Shuja to describe to this wizzard, race of Buyah,
the circumstances of a curious dream which had happened to him a
few nights before. In this he had conceived that a prodigious fire issued
from his navel,* casting its light through the surrounding regions, and
increasing in splendor until it reached the skies: it then separated into
three distinct sections, attracting the wonder and adoration of whole
countries, and subject states. The astrologer observed, that it was in
truth a very singular dream; but that he could not deliver a word in
explanation, until he gave him a horse and suit of apparel. Abû Shûja
protesting his inability to comply with such a demand, the astrologer
abated in his fee to ten dinaurs; but this being also found to surpass the
resources of Abû Shûja, he proceeded at last to state gratuitously, that
his dream prognosticated the future dominion of his three sons, which
should extend to the whole of the countries illuminated in the manner
he had described: and that their renown should fill the earth. "My
children" said Bûyah" are those whom thou seest before thee; and formy-
"self, I am but an obscure and indigent individual; by what possible
"force orcircumstance is it then to be imagined, that any children of mine
“shouldeverattain to the destiny, with which thou hast thought proper
"to flatter me? It appears to me that thou art disposed to make a jest
• Exientem ex ver、tro i̟nem,
¿.
254
A. H. 295. "of me."
A. D. 908.
ul.akhbaur.
"Not so by him that made us," replied the astrologer;
"acquaint me with the period of thy children's nativity, in order that I
Kholaussut- 6. may take a more deliberate view of their destiny." Abû Shuja now
communicated the necessary information; and the astrologer, having had
recourse to the mysteries of his art, proceeded to take the hand of the
elder boy Ally; and kissing it pronounced that the sovereign power
would first descend to this youth, the same that became afterwards.
entitled Emmaud-ud-doulah. In a similar strain he took the hands
of Hussun and Ahmed, the future Rokken, and Mûezz-ud-doulah,
declaring, that to them also was allotted a share in the splendid and
auspicious destin yof their brother.
After this, it is not very surprising that the ambition of power should
have been deeply implanted in the minds of the sons of Bûyah. In
the mean time, Mâkan the son of Kauky becoming master of Tebres-
taun, entertained both father and sons in his service. It was, however,
not long before Esfaur the son of Sheirûyah, revolting against the au-
thority of Makan, expelled him from his government and assumed it to
himself. When he had retained his power for the space of a twelve
month, the son of Sheirûyah was assassinated by one of the Keraumitah
or Bowautinists, and succeeded by Murdawunje the son of Zebaur,
the brother of Washmagueir. But the extruded Mâkan returning to
recover his dominions, Murdawunje was, in his turn, expelled, and
driven into Khorassaun. Ally the son of Bûyah, and his brothers,
who appear to have shared the fortunes of their master, were now dis-
patched by Mâkan towards Karje; while he proceeded himself to the
attack of Isfahaun. At or near that place, he defeated Mûzuffer the son
of Yakût, the governor on the part of the Khalif Mûktudder. The
vanquished chief proceeded to Sheirauz to demand the assistance of
his father, who hastened, without delay, at the head of the troops of
Farss to repel the invaders. Here the name of Murdawunje is abruptly
and inexplicably introduced in the original, instead of that of his
competitor Mâkan, as the chief who had been before victorious at
Isfaliaun, and as being now a second time triumphant over the gover-
nor of Farss, who was compelled to withdraw from the contest ; but
passing in his retreat through Luristaun, with about two thousand
horse, he unfortunately fell in with the sons of Bûyah, whom, in
255
1
ul-akhbaur.
the desire of revenge, he ventured to attack. IIis hopes were frus- A. H. 321.
trated, and he was driven for the last time from the field of battle. A. D. 933,
Emmaud-ud-doulah Ally, the elder of the Deylemites, accompanied by Koiau sut-
his brothers, now hastened in triumph to take possession of Shirauz,
which they appear to have entered without opposition. A short time.
afterwards, Murdawunje being assassinated in a bath, by his guards, or
disciplined slaves, the government of both Farss and Irak Ajem became
permanently invested in Emmaud-ud-doulah.
EMMAUD-UD-DOULAH Abûl Hussun Ally, first monarch of the
Bûides, or race of Bûyah.
In the latter part of the three hundred and twenty first of the Hidjerah,
at Shirauz, thus destined to be the metropolis of his family, Ally the
son of Bûyah, with the unanimous concurrence of the Deylemite
Ameirs, proceeded to seat himself on the throne of royalty. The title.
of Emmaud-ud-doulah he did not receive until the three hundred and
thirty-fourth of the Hidjerah, when it was conferred upon him, at the EMMAUD-UD-
same time with those of Rokken-ud-doulah, and Müezz-ud-doulah, DOULAH, AL-
on his brothers Hussun and Ahmed respectively, by the Khalif Mus-, st of the
tekfy. By those titles we shall, however, as they generally appear in
history, henceforward continue to distinguish the brothers. Soon after
he had assumed the sovereign authority, Rokken-ud-doulah IIussun
was dispatched, by his brother, to take possession of Isfahaun and Per-
sian Irâk: while the third brother Mûczz-ud-doulah was employed to
secure the province of Kermaun.
On taking possession of Shirauz, after the defeat of Yakût, Emmaud-
ud-doulah is described to have established his abode in the habitation
of the fugitive; and as the treasury of Yakût had been found quite
empty, the soldiery were becoming extremely clamorous for their
arrears. He was deliberating with considerable anxiety of mind, on
the means by which he should contrive to extricate himself from this
dilemma, when casting his eyes upwards, he observed from a hole in
the ceiling of the apartment, a hideous serpent, alternately putting out
and drawing back its head. In some degree of dismay, he immedi-
ately directed the ceiling to be broke up, in order to destroy this dan-
gerous and detestable reptile. While they were employed in carrying
these orders into execution, the workmen discovered, to his infinite sur-
Bàides.
256
A. D. 933.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 321. prise and gratification, in a particular part of the roof, a deposit in
treasure and jewels, to an incalculable amount; the former of which he
very cheerfully distributed to his soldiers. Not long afterwards, send-
ing for a taylor to cut out some wearing apparel, he happened to
desire his attendants to bring him a cubit staff; and the taylor, who
was deaf, misconceiving, (or hearing imperfectly what had been said)
that the prince had ordered his cane, for the purpose of extorting
from him some confession with respect to the property of Yakût, in-
continently cried out, that the cudgel was by no means necessary; for,
God was witness, there were not in his possession, of the effects of
the late governor, more than seventeen chests. Smiling at the unlooked
for and agreeable discovery, which had no less excited the astonish
ment of his attendants, Emmaud-ud-doulah did not neglect to avail
himself, of course, of this additional instance of good fortune.
In thus bestowing her favors upon Emmaud-ud-doulah, fortune ap-
pears indeed, to have been more than usually equitable, since he has
left to posterity the character of a benevolent, just, and prudent prince.
He finally quitted the scene of earthly grandeur, in the three hundred and
thirty-eighth of the Hidjerah,* after a prosperous reign of sixteen years
and six months: having, in the course of the disorder, which carried
him to his grave, nominated his nephew Ezzed-ud-doulah, the son of
Rokken-ud-doulah, to succeed him.
Before he enters upon the reign of Ezzed-ud-doulah, the author ne-
cessarily proceeds to devote a few passages to trace the destiny of the
surviving brothers, Hussun, and Ahmed.
MUEZZ-UD-DOULAH AHMED, having, in concurrence with his
brother's instructions formerly adverted to, marched from Shirauz in
the three hundred and twenty second of the Hidjerah, in order to take
possession of Kermaun, was first employed in making himself master
of Serjaun; here at least supposed to be distiuct from the capital, of
the same name with the province at large. On the reduction of that
place, he proceeded further towards Kermaun which he also subjugated,
after defeating Mahommed the son of Eleyas, the governor of the pro-
vince, in a variety of conflicts. Having disposed of his conquests in
* A. D. 949,
257
that province in a manner to ensure his permanent possession, Mûezz- A. H. 334.
ud-doulah next directed his views towards the territory of Ahûauz;
A. D. 945.
ul-akhibaur.
all of which, in the course of time, he succeeded in uniting to his Kholaussut-
other acquisitions. It was subsequent to this final extension of his
power, that he led his troops to Baghdad; which metropolis he entered
on the eleventh day of the former Jummaudy, of the three hundred
and thirty-fourth of the Hidjerah, pledging his allegiance to the Khalif
Mustekfy, and receiving from that monarch for himself, as formerly
related, together with the dignity of Ameir-ul-ûmra, the title of Mûezz-
ud-doulah ; and for his brothers, Ally and Hussun, those of Emmaud,
and Rokken-ud-doulah, each of them signifying respectively, prop,
or pillar of the state.
After sustaining the authority of Ameir-ul-ûmra at Baghdâd for a
period of one and twenty years, Mûezz-ud-doulah died in the three
hundred and fifty sixth of the Hidjerah, and was succeeded, as we have
already noticed, in treating of the affairs of the Khelaufut, by his son
Ezz-ud-doulah Bukhtiaur.
Rokken-ud-doulah Abû Ally HUSSUN the son of Bûyah, on infor-
mation of the death of his elder brother Emmaud-ud-doulah, in the
three hundred and thirty-eighth of the Hidjerah; hastened immediately
to Shirauz; and having resided there for about nine months, possibly
to confirm the authority of his son Ezzed-ud-doulah appointed to suc- Rokken-ud-dou-
ceed to the possessions of the deceased monarch, returned to Rey; the city lah Huss, the
which he appears to have fixed upon for the seat of his own government,
Hence he became engaged in multiplied hostilities, intermitted by
occasional accommodation, with the princes and generals of the race
of Sâman, as will already have occurred to the reader in a preceding
page.
Hearing, towards the close of his life and reign, that his son, who had
succeeded to the throne of Shirauz, had led his troops against Bagh-
dâd to the attack of his kinsman Ezz-ud-doulah Bukhtiaur, and taken
him prisoner, Rokken-ud-doulah received the intelligence with man-
ifest displeasure: and, with a mind deeply aggravated, proceeded
straight to Isfahaun. Under such circumstances, Ezzed-ud-doulahı
repaired to the presence of his father, whose resentment he employed
every species of apology to disarm; and the malady which had already
VOL. II.
2 L
son of Buyah.
258
A. H. 976.
al-akhbaur.
A. D. 366. seized upon Rokken-ud-doulah beginning at this crisis to oxhibit some
symptoms of more than ordinary danger, that prince proceeded to make,
Kholaussut between his three sons, an equitable division of the territories acquired
through the valour and abilities of the family. To Ezzed-ud-doulah
he confirmed the entire province of Parss, with Kermaun and Ahûauz,
and the country dependant on Baghdad. The government of Ham-
adaun, the region of Jebaul, with Rey and Tebrestaun, he bestowed
upon Fakher-ud-doulah; while the territory of Isfahaun was allotted
to a third son, Mûeyed-ud-doulah: the two latter princes were, at the
same time, enjoined in no case to deviate from the authority of Ez-
zed-ud-doulah. A short time after he had had acquitted himself of
these arrangements, Rokken-ud-doulah, in Mohurrim of the three hun-
dred and sixty sixth of the Hidjerah,* hastened to the more permanent
abodes of a better world; after having exercised the powers of royalty
for a period of forty years, of which, sixteen and a half, during the life,
and twenty-seven years and a half subsequent to the death of his
elder brother Emmaud-ud-doulah. He is described to have been pos-
sessed of many benevolent qualities, and to have distinguished himself
by considerable exertions in favor of the Seyuds, of the race of the
prophet, in particular, and in general, of men of learning and merit of
every class aud description.
EZZED-UP-
DOULAH.
}
•
EZZED UD¬DOULAH Abû Shuja, Finna Khossrou, the son of Rok-
.ken-ud-doulah.
The narrative must now again revert to the three hundred and thirty
eighth of the Hidjerah, when, in conformity with the nomination of
his uncle, Ezzed-ud-doulah ascended at Shirauz the throne of royalty,
and diffused to the world every grateful presage of a just and benefi-
cent reign.
The memory of this prince has, indeed, been transmitted to posterity,
with every attribute that can command the admiration, or secure the
attachment of mankind. He has been celebrated, as the very flower
not only of the monarchs of the race of Bûyah, but of all the contem-
·porary, potentates of the world; as forming the copious subject of the
poet's praise, and of the historian's approbation; as will be found par-
icularly recorded in the Kettaub-e-taujy, a work dedicated to his
patronage by Zaiâi, or perhaps Sebâi, on the transactions of this dinasty.
September A. D. 976.
!
259
ul-akhbaur.
In the course of his reign he was twice engaged in hostilities against A. H. 864.
the territories of the Khelaufut; and the last time, having defeated A. D. 978.
his kinsman Ezz-ud-doulah Bukhtiaur, in a great battle in the neigh. Kholaussut
borhood of Tekreit, that prince became his prisoner, and was put to
death by his orders in the three hundred and sixty-seventh of the Hid-
jerah, at the age of six and thirty; and after having retained the govern-
ment of Baghdad and Arabian Irâk, for something more than fifteen
years.
Having continued for some time at Mossûle, in order to complete
the reduction of the towns and castles in the adjoining territory,
Ezzed-ud-doulah returned to Baghdâd in the course of three hundred
and sixty eight; where he devoted a great part of his attention to res-
tore to their former splendor the ruined edifices of that shattered metro-
polis. He allotted to the ministers of religion, the Imaums and Mû-
ezzins, with their respestive places of worship, a regular and competent
subsistance; he employed his care to remove the distresses, and provide
for the necessities of the indigent, the helpless, and infirm: he abolished
the vexatious contributions levied upon the pilgrims to Mekkah; and
he encouraged and rewarded, by his patronage and bounty, the labours
of the divine, the traditionist, the poet, the physician, and the learned
in every
branch of science. In short, he promoted, with a liberality
which had no bounds, the objects of benevolence, humanity, and litera-
ture, in every shape and form. Among other memorials which he
consigned to posterity, of his taste for magnificence and useful im-
provements, our attention is particularly directed to the fabric which
he caused to be constructed over the sepulchre of Ally at Nudjef; and
to the dike or embankment which was erected at his expence to con-
fine the waters of the Kûrr, or Cyrus, between Armenia and Georgia;
a work, of which, according to our author, the whole world can scarcely
furnish a parallel.
In the three hundred and seventy-second of the Hidjerah, this be-
nevolent and able prince, was attacked by an epilepsy, which hurried
him to his grave either in the latter part of the month of Ramzaun,* or
beginning of Shavaul, at the age of forty-seven, and after a splendid
reign offour and thirty years. In conformity with his dying instructions
he was buried at Nudjef.
* March A. D. 983,
2 L 2
260
A. II. 372.
A. D. 983.
ul-akhbaur.
MUEYED-UD-DOULAH Abû Munsûr, the son of Rokken-ud-doulah.
It was formerly observed that by the tenor of their father's will, the
Kholaussut two younger brothers were particularly enjoined in all cases to respect
the authority of the elder. Accordingly on the death of Rokken-ud-
doulah, a dispatch was conveyed by Mûeyed, to Ezzed-ud-doulah,
announcing that with his permission he should then proceed to take
possession of the country allotted to him by their father: and as this
proposal was in all respects consonaut to the liberal and benevolent
views of Ezzed-ud-doulah, he not only complied with it, but appears
to have made considerable exertions, if not sacrifices, in order to aug-
ment the splendor of his brother's lot. The conduct observed by Fak-
her-ud-doulah the other brother, evinced, however, a very different
spirit. Without consulting the paramount authority of Ezzed-ud-
doulah, who, if the comparative statements of his age and reign above
recited, be in any degree correct, could nevertheless have scarcely
exceeded his fourteenth year, he proceeded without ceremony to invest
himself with the sovercign dignity. This step drew upon Fakher-ud-
doulah the immediate displeasure of Ezzed ud doulah, by whom the third
brother, Mûeyed-ud-doulah, was employed to commence hostilities
against him.
Fakher ud-doulah conceiving himself over matched,
withdrew from his province, and claimed the protection of Kâbûs the
son of Waushmagueir, prince of Jûrjaun; who received him with kind-
ness and distinction, and who steadily rejected every application, on
the part of the brothers, to deliver up his guest.
In order to enforce the application, Múcyed-ud-doulah, in the be-
ginning of three hundred and seventy one, proceeded with his army
towards Jûrjaun; where he fought, and defeated the prince of that
territory, and compelled both him and F kher-ud-doulah to fly for
refuge into Khorassau. In that province, irom Hussaum-ud-doulah
Taush, the lieutenant of Ameir Nouh the Sunaunian, whose aid they
besought, they experienced a very distinguished and hospitable recep-
tion; and they were soon afterwards accompanied by him, at the head
of a powerful force, and under the sanction of his master's authority,
to expel their aggressor from Jûrjaun. Mûeyed-ud-doulah shut him-
self up at first within the ramparts of that place; but during the month
of Kamzaun, of the same year, in a formidable sortie, under cover of
}
261
A. D. 945.
ul-akhbaur,
the night, he completely surprised the camp of his besiegers; who were A. H. 373.
compelled, with disgrace and loss, to return again into Khorassaun.
After this signal victory, Mûeyed-ud-doulah continued, in the full Kholaussut-
enjoyment of success, to exercise his power, until the three hundred
and seventy-third of the Hidjerah, when he died, possibly at Rey,
after a government, should we calculate from the death of his father,
of five and thirty years.
FAKHER-UD-DOULAH Abûl Hussun Ally, the son of Rokken-ud-
doulah.
FAKHER-UD-
At the period of his brother's death, Fakher-ud-doulah was still re-
siding at Neyshapûr, under the protection of the government of Khor-
assaun; but on intelligence of that event, and on the express invitation
of the nobles of the country, he proceeded, without hesitation, into Irak
Ajem. For, on the decease of their late lord, the courtiers, or principal
followers of Mûeyed-ud-doulah, having debated as to the person whom
they should select from the race of Bûyah, to succeed to the sovereign
authority, it was determined, on the recommendation of Issmauil the
son of Ebbaud, that Fakher-ud-doulah, as the eldest surviving prince DOULAH.
of the family, should be immediately summoned from Khorassaun,
and invested with the authority of his predecessors. The invitation was
accordingly conveyed to Neyshapûr, from whence Fakher-ud-doulah
hastened without delay, to avail himself of this favorable concurrence;
and being seated without opposition on the throne of Rokken-ud-doulah,
conferred the diguity of Vezzeir, with very extensive powers, on the
above mentioned Issmauil, who had so essentially promoted his recal
and restoration.
In the three hundred and seventy-seventh of the Hidjerah, the same
Vezzeir, who is described as a man of unrivalled talents and ability, was
employed by Fakher-ud-doulah, in the reduction of Tebrestaun; which,
by the capture of several of its numerous strong holds, he brought, to
all suitable purposes, under the authority of his master.
Having further conceived the design of extending his power over
Baghdad and the western Irak, Fakher-ud-doulah, in the course of
three hundred and seventy-nine, proceeded at the head of his troops
towards that quarter, while his kinsman Bahâ-ud-doulah advanced to
oppose him.
lu the territory of Ahûauz while both armies lay en-
202
62
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 579-85. camped in the presence of each other, the position of Fakher-u'd-doulaħ
A. D. 989-95. was suddenly inundated by a flood in the river of that name; and the
Kholaussut circumstance being ascribed by the soldiers to some treachery, or con-
trivance on the part of the enemy, they shamefully betrayed the glory
of their sovereign, and fled from a danger which had no existence but
in their own terrified imaginations. Fakher-ud-doulah, returned with
precipitation to his capital of Rey, or Râi; from whence, at some sub-
sequent period, he appears to have transferred his residence to Ham-
adaun.
1
t
!
1
In the three hundred and eighty fifth of the Hidjerah, he was sum-
moned to attend the last admonitions of his prudent and skilful vez'zeir,
Issmauil Sahib-Ebbaud, as he is occasionally entitled; who 'proceeded
to state to his sovereign, that during the period of his administration,
his utmost exertions had been directed to promote the welfare and
happiness of all classes of his people; and that the success of those
exertions was to be seen in the prosperity and abundance, which per-
vaded every part of his dominions. His dying request therefore was,
that the system thus successfully traced for his sovereign, might not
be abandoned; so that the advantages, the blessings derived from the
approved arrangements of a faithful minister, might continue to be felt
in the future happiness of his master's reign, without being in any shape
ascribed to the merit of him who was no more. Otherwise should the
prince unfortunately neglect these prudent and disinterested counsels,
and be governed by maxims of an opposite tendency, the source of so
many beneficent results would be sought for in his grave; and he could
not but predict the most disastrous consequences to the state. Fakh-
er-ud-doulah very readily promised to abide by the precepts of his
faithful admonitor; but he had scarcely breathed his last, before he
ungratefully seized upon all his treasures; exposed his children and
dependents to every species of injury; and in every measure of his go-
vernment, betrayed the principles and disposition of an unjust and
arbitrary tyrant.
{
Such, at the same time, was the veneration exhibited by the noble Deyle-
mites, towards the virtues and talents of this illustrious minister, that they
kissed the ground before the car which conveyed his body to the prin-
cipal mosque; and having there, for the present, suspended his coffin
263
A
from the roof, they at a subsequent period removed it to Isfahaun, A. H. 387.
where his remains were ultimately committed to the earth. Of the A. D. 997.
same Issmauil Sâhib Ebbaud, it is further recorded, that in talents and Kholaussut-
science, genius and intelligence, he was the Phoenix of the age in which
he lived, in as much as in the clearness of his views and the compre-
•hensiveness of his mind, he was the perpetual theme and reference of
old and young in every condition of life. Of his passion for literature,
we have a conspicuous proof in the assertion, that in some of his expe-
ditions, a train of four hundred camels was required for the conveyance
of his library; and he had finally conducted the affairs of the vizzaurut,
with splendid ability for a period of eighteen years.
+
While he resided in the fortress of Tabarek or Teberek, in the three
hundred and eighty-seventh of the Hidjerah, having gorged himself
to excess, on kabaub, or forced-meat of beef and grapes, Fakher-ud-
doulah was attacked by a violent bowel complaint, which shortly af-
terwards carried him to his grave, after a reign of about fourteen years.
The property which he left behind him is stated to have been prodi-
gious; and as a criterion whereon to form some estimate of his other
effects, we are further instructed, that the articles of his wardrobe, in
apparel ready for wear alone, extended to three thousand camel-loads.
he was, as will be presently related, succeeded by his son Majid-ud-
doulah. In the mean time, our attention must necessarily be with-
drawn, to trace the proceedings of the collateral branches of the race
of Bûyah.
SHURF-UD-DOULAH Abûl Fowauress (father of chivalry) Sheir Zeid,
the son of Ezzed-ud-doulah.
ul-akhbaur.
At the period of his father's death, in the three hundred and seventy
second of the Hidjerah, this prince was governor of Kermaun; but hast-
ening to Shirauz on intelligence of that event, he employed some
time and assiduity in rendering his authority secure in the metropolis SURF-UD
of his family. That object attained, and all the means provided that DOULAH.
were necessary to substantiate his power, he led his troops towards
Ahûauz, from whence he succeeded in expelling his brother. Ahmed.
- In the month of Rudjub of the year three hundred and seventy four, he
had completed the reduction of the city and territory of Bassorah;
and, in the early part of three hundred and seventy-six, he proceeded
264
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 376. against Baghdad. From that metropolis, confiding to the force of fra-
A. D. 986. ternal affection, his brother Sumsaum-ud-doulah, the Ameir-ul-ûmra
Kholaussut of the Khelaufut, hastened to put himself in his power; and being im-
mediately made a prisoner, was conveyed to lament his credulity in a
Persian fortress. Shurf-ud-doulah then obtruded himself into the ex-
ercise of his brother's power; which he continued to enjoy to the period
of his death in the three hundred and seventy-ninth of the Hidjerah.
SUMSAUM-UD-DOULAH Abû Kalinjar Merzebaun, the son of Ezzed-
SUMSAUM-UD-
DOULAH.
ud-doulah.
This prince, of whom we have already spoken, had exercised the
authority of Ameir-ul-ùmra at Baghdâd for a period of four years sub-
sequent to the death of his father, when his person was seized by Shurf-
ud-doulah, in the manner to which we have just adverted. But on
intelligence that his brother was withdrawn from the cares and troubles
of life, he was immediately set at large from captivity, through the in-
terference of a body of Turkish soldiers. A numerous army soon
flocked to his standard; and the alarm spreading to Baghdad, the third
brother, Bahâ-ud-doulah, advanced from that metropolis to counteract
his further designs.
After some indecisive conflicts, an accommo-
dation was at last brought about between the two chiefs; by which
it was arranged that Farss and Erjaun, should be subject to the author-
ity of Sumsaum-ud-doulah, while the remainder of Khozistaun, with
Arabian Irak should continue under the government of Bahâ-ud-doulah.
Six of the sons of Ezz-ud-doulah Bukhtiaur, who were confined in
one of the fortresses in the Persian territory, being set at liberty by
their guards, in the course of the three hundred and eighty-third of the
Hidjerah, immediately commenced a formidable insurrection in Farss;
which Abû Ally the son of Ustaud Hormûz was employed by Sum-
saum-ud-doulah to suppress. Each of these six personages fell into the
hands of Abu Ally, by whom they were conducted to the presence
of his sovereign; who condemned two of them to die, while the remain-
ing four were again consigned to a prison. In the mean time, the
articles of the treaty with Bahâ-ud-doulah having in some instance or
other been violated, the same Abû Ally was now dispatched by Sum-
saum-ud-doulah towards Baghdad; a competent force being employed
to oppose that general on the part of Bahâ-ud-doulah. In the tedious
+
265
ul-akhbaur.
Warfare which ensued, fortune appeared, in most instances, disposed A. H. 387.
to favor the standard of Abû Ally: but, at the moment when the affairs A. D. 997.
of Bahâ-ud-doulah had been driven to the very brink of destruction, Kholaussut
intelligence arrived that his rival brother had been put to death. For
the troops in Parss, dissatisfied that their pay should have been with-
held from them, for a longer period than usual, once more undertook
to set at large the sons of Ezz-ud-doulah Bukhtiaur; with whom they
openly revolted against, and proceeded immediately to attack the per-
son of Sumsaum-ud-doulah. At a village called Dûdmaun, about two
leagues, or farsangs, from Shîrauz, they made him their prisoner; and
he was then put to death by order of Abû Nasser, the son of Ezz-ud-
doulah, after a reign of nine years and eight months; which would fix
this event to the month of Zilhudje, of the year three hundred and
eighty-seven.*
BAHA-UD-DOULAH Abû Nasser Khossrou Feyrouz, the son of
Ezzed-ud-doulah.
Under the Khelaufut of Ul Tâeia we have already seen, that the
person who now claims our attention, succeeded to the dignity of
Ameir-ul-ûmra, on the death of his brother Shurf-ud-doulah, in the
three hundred and seventy-ninth of the Hidjerah; and on the present
occasion, all obligations to Sumsaum-ud-doulah being finally dissolved
On this im-
by the fate of that prince, Abû Ally the son of Ustaud Hormûz, with BAHA-UD-DO-
others of the native chiefs and soldiers of Deylem who served under his LAH.
authority, went over without hesitation, and enrolled themselves in
the service of the surviving brother, Bahâ-ud-doulah.
portant acquisition of force, the latter drew his army to Ahûauz ; and
having established his authority in that province, next dispatched Abû
Ally into Farss, to quell the insurrection ofthe sons of Bukhtiaur. With
his ordinary success, the son of Ustaud Hormuz triumphed over the
troops of the insurgents, compelling Abû Nasser, their leader, to fly the
province and intelligence of his victory being conveyed to Baha-ud-
doulah, that prince proceeded into Farss witbout further delay, and, in
retaliation for what had been recently experienced in the fate of his
brother, inflicted the punishment of death upon all the sons of Ezz-ud-
* December, A. D. 997.
VOL. II.
2 M
266
ul-akhbaur,
A. D. 408. doulah who fell into his hands. Mouffek the son of Issmauil was dis
A. H. 1012. patched in the mean time, in pursuit of Abû Nasser, the survivor of
Kholaussut- that unfortunate branch of the family, who had fled to Jireft on the
remoter confines of Kermaun. On the approach of his pursuers, this
hopeless wanderer sought to continue his flight; but one of his own
followers, wearied out by this irksome state of perpetual alarm, suspense,
and hostility, with a single stroke of his scimitar, brought him lifeless to
the earth, and taking off his head, conveyed it immediately to Mouffek.
The latter having ranged the province at will, returned to the presence
of his sovereign, and was bountifully rewarded for his services.
MAJID-UD-
DOULAH.
These events appear to have given stability to the good fortune of
Bahâ-ud-doulah; who continued henceforward to exercise the supreme
power to the fuil fruition of his wishes, until, at Oujaun, in the latter
Jummaudy of the four hundred and third of the Hidjerah, he was car-
ried off by an epilepsy, in the forty third year of his age, and the 25th
of his reign. In conformity to the injunctions of his will, he was buried
at Nudjef, near the tomb of his father.
MAJID or MEJID-UD-DOULAH Abû Tauleb Rûstum, the son of
Fakher-ud-doulah.
When, on the demise of his father, in the three hundred and eighty
seventh of the Hidjerah, and inexpress concurrence with the sentiments
of the military chiefs of his nation, he ascended the throne of his an-
cestors, this prince was yet a minor; and his mother Seydah, a woman
of singular probity and ability, undertook the charge of government
in his behalf. The ungrateful stripling had, however, no soonerattained
to the age of puberty than he set himself to oppose the prudent measures
of this discreet and valuable parent ; and, in defiance of her counsels,
committed the office of Vezzeir to the dubious fidelity, perhaps, of Abû
Ally. The respectable dowager equally resenting the neglect aud in-
gratitude of her son, privately withdrew to the fortress of Tabarek,* the
scen of her husband's dissolution; but shortly afterwards embraced an
opportunity of escaping thence at midnight towards Loristaun. The
governor of the latter province, Budder the son of Husnûyah, has-
tened to give her the most honourable reception; and in due time recon-
* Some miles to the northward of Rey.
267
ul-akhbaur.
ucted her at the head of a considerable force towards Rey, gave battle A. H. 403-20.
to Majid-ud-doulah who opposed him at the head of his troops, and A. D. 1012-29.
having defeated and taken him prisoner, together with his obnoxious Kuolausut-
Vezzeir, finally seated the princess Seydah in paramount possession of
the throne of Iråk Ajem. The son of Husnûyah then withdrew to his
province, amply compensated by the marks of her bounty which she
liberally bestowed upon him for his important services.
The attention of this singular queen was now directed, by an im-
partial administration of justice, to diffuse prosperity and happiness
throughout her country. She held stated and regular communications
with her ministers, and gave replies to the embassadors of foreign princes,
untutored, and unassisted by any one; with no other difference than
in the hangings of the apartment, which, to preserve the decorum of her
sex, she on such occasions interposed to screen her person from the
view of the public. When she had, however, thus continued for some
time to devote herself to the welfare and happiness of her people, she
at last gave way to the impulse of maternal affection, and determined
to overlook the past misconduct of her son. Majid-ud-doulah was in
consequence permitted to re-ascend the throne of his father: and as long
as the princess Seydah survived to influence his conduct, the country
continued to exhibit all the marks ofa just and benevolent government,
which had distinguished her own auspicious administration. But when
she died, prosperity and order appear to have descended with her to
her grave.
In the early part of the four hundred and twentieth of the Hidjerah,
and in the confusion which succeeded to the death of the above ex-
cellent princess, Sûltan Mahmûd of Gheznîn disclosed his design of
subjugating Irâk Ajem; and having entered Mazanderaun, he, from
thence, detached a part of his army to take possession of Rey, directing
his general to use every exertion to get the person of Majid-ud-doulah
into his power alive; in which he appears to have experienced but.
little difficulty. When he found that the troops of Mahmûd had ac-
tually entered his territories, Majid-ud-doulah, with what, in the
derangement of terror, he might conceive a stretch of singular saga-
city, immediately proceeded to join them, and thus became a voluntary
captive in the hands of his enemies. Sultan Mahmûd, on this accept-
able piece of intelligence, hastened in person, without delay, to Rey:
2 M 2
?
268
A. H. 420. and having summoned the credulous and miserable captive to his pre-
A. D. 1029. sence, is said to have held with him a conversation in the following
Kholaussut strain.
He first demanded if he had ever perused the Shahnamah :
ul akhbaur.
an ancient chronicle, or history of sovereign princes, so called, for it is
not probable that the celebrated heroic poem of that name, the work of
Ferdûssy was yet circulated; and having been replied to in the af-
firmative, the Sûltan further demanded if he had ever played at chess:
and being still answered in the affirmative, he proceeded to ask if, in
the history to which he had referred him, there was a single example
recorded of two monarchs reigning in the same dominions; or whether
on his chess-board it had ever occurred to him to see the two kings
planted on the same square?"Not that I am aware of in any instance,'
replied Majid-ud-doulah. "Then" said Mahmûd, "what insanity
"could have impelled thee, without an effort, to unite thyself to my
troops, and thus tamely abandon thy person, and liberty, to the dis-
"cretion of a stranger"? After which, causing the unfortunate prince,
his son, and principal adherents, to be laid in bonds, he sent him in
that state to Gheznin, from whence he never returned. The authority
of Majid-ud-doulah is stated to have subsisted under various circum-
stances for about thirty years: but as he was for the most part inor-
dinately devoted to his sensual pleasures, his memory cannot be entitled
to any extraordinary degree of esteem.
SULTAUN-UD-
DOULAH.
SULTAUN-UD-DOULAH Abû Shûja the son of Bahâ-ud-doulah, on
the death of his father at Oujaun, or Erjaun, it is not exactly discri-
minated which, in the four hundred and third or the Hidjerah, succeeded
with the unanimous concurrence of the nobles and pincipal individuals
of the province, to the vacant throne of his predecessors; and proceed-
ing immediately to Shirauz, dispatched Jullaul-ud-doulah, one of his
brothers, to take charge of the government of Bassorah, while Abûl
Fowauress, another, was employed to secure Kermaun. The latter,
however, no sooner reached his province, than he threw off the author-
ity of Sûltaun-ud-doulah, against whom he commenced immediate
hostilities; which, under considerable vicissitude of fortune, he con-
tinued for a long time to maintain, until in the year four hundred and
nine, their differences terminated in some species of accommodation;
by which, at all events, the province of Kermaun was left as formerly
269
•
to Abul Fowauress, with the condition that he should entertain no A. H. 411.16
further designs of hostility against his brother.
A. D. 1020-25.
ul-akhbaur.
In the four hundred and eleventh of the Hidjerah, Mûshurruf-ud- Kholaussut-
doulah revolted against the authority of his brother, and was supported
in his views by a great part of the army: but when hostilities had con-
tinued for a period of some duration, this dispute was also destined to
terminate in a treaty, by which it was agreed that Mûshurruf-ud-doulah
should administer the government of Arabian Irâk as the lieutenant of
Sultaun-ud-doulah ; and that the latter should confine his residence to
the limits of Farss and Ahûauz; it being further stipulated between the
brothers, that neither of them should bestow the employment of Vez-
upon Eben Sehlan, who was considered the principal promoter of
their disunion.
zeir
Sultaun-ud-doulah, nevertheless, having left Waussit on the conclu-
sion of the treaty, and withdrawn into the territory of Ahûzuz, no sooner
reached Tûster, than in direct violation of his recent engagements,
he conferred the Vizzaurut upon the obnoxious Eben Sehlan: whom
he sent back shortly afterwards to recommence hostilities against Mû-
shurruf-ud-doulah. The contest thus renewed between the brothers.
was now protracted to the year four hundred and thirteen, when their
differences were once more accommodated by a treaty; Irâk Arab
being finally ceded in full sovereignty to Mûshurruf-ud-doulah, and
Farss and Kermaun confirmed to Sultaun-ud-doulah. The latter sur-
vived this period for about two years; dying at Shirauz in the four
hundred and fifteenth of the Hidjerah,* after a turbulent reign of some-
thing more than twelve years.
MUSHURRUF-UD-DOULAHI Abû Ally Hussun, the son of Bahâ-ud-
doulah, having, in the manner just related, struck from the Khotbah
the name of his brother Sultaun-ud-doulah, continued with consider-
able success to exercise the functions of government at Baghdâd; until
the former Rabbeia of the four hundred and sixteenth of the Hidjerah,†
when he died after an administration, as it is alleged, of five
twenty five days.
years and
MUSHURRUF
UD-DOULAH,
*A. D. 1024,
† May A. D. 1025.
270-
ul-akhbaur.
JULLAUL-UD-
DOULAH.
A. H. 416-40. JULLAUL-UD-DQULAH Abû Tauher, the son of Baha-ud-doulah,
A. D. 1025-48. succeeded to the dignity of Ameir-ul-Amra at Baghdad, on the death
Kholaussut of his brother Mûshurruf-ud-doulah ; and his power subsisted, under
some diversity of circumstances, for a period of eighteen years and
eleven months, during which he was engaged in contests perpetually
recurring with the Turkish mercenaries; until, in Shabaun, of the year
four hundred and thirty-five,* as hath been already observed under the
Khelaufut of Ul Kâeim, he was finally removed by the hand of death.
Ezz-UL-MULK Abû Kalinjar Merzebaun, the son of Sultaun-ud-
doulah, being in Ahûauz at the period of his father's death, in the four
hundred and fitteenth of the Hidjerah, hastened without delay, on in-
telligence of that event, towards Shirauz. Becoming, however, engaged
in a protracted warfare, with bis uncle Abûl Fowauress, the governor
of Kermaun, hostilities continued between them, with a singular fluc-
tuation of success and discomfiture, until the death of the latter, in
four hundred and nineteen, placed both the provinces of Farss and
Kermaun in undisputed possession of Ezz-ul-mulk. Subsequent to this,
a tedious war of nine years broke out between him and Jullaul-ud-
doulah, another of his uncles, the Ameir-ul-ûmra of the Khelaufut;
until the four hundred and twenty-eighth of the Hidjerah,† when a
peace was concluded between the adverse kinsmen, each of them re-
ciprocally engaging on oath to lay aside all further contemplation of
mutual hostility. On the death of Jullaul-ud-doulah, in the year four
hundred and thirty five, already adverted to, the name of Ezz-ul-Mûlk,
was, as far as the formality could extend, introduced into the Khotbah,
and other acts of government, on his arrival at Baghdad; but the for-
tune of the race of Bûyah was, by this time, rapidly declining before
the powerful ascendancy of the blood of Seljuk. Abû Kalinjar cou-
tinued however to uphold the sinking destinies of his family, until the
four hundred and fortieth of the Hidjerah, when he died, after a pro-
tracted reign of about five and twenty lunar years. In addition to his
other titles this prince occasionally bore those of Emmaud-ud-dein-
ûllah-pillar of the faith of God; and, Ilussaum-ud-doulah-sword
of the state.
Ezz-UL-MULK.
UL-MELEK-UR-RAHEIM Khossrou Feyrouz the son of Ezz-ul-mûlk
Abù Kalinjar.
March, A. D. 1044.
†A. D. 1037.
†A. D. 1048,
271
ul-akhbaur.
When intelligence of his father's death was communicated at Baghdâd, A. H. 440-48.
the dignity of Ameir-ul-ûmra became vested in this prince. His bro- A. D. 1048-56.
ther, Abû Munsûr Fûllaud Settoun, having however assumed the royal Kholauss ut-
authority at Shirauz, an inveterate course of hostilities thereupon com-
menced between the rival princes; and continued until the early part of
the year four hundred and forty seven; when Abû Munsûr being com-
pelled to abandon his capital, the province of Farss was united to the
territories already in possession of his more fortunate rival. But the
celebrated Toghrel Beg arriving before Baghdad on the twenty fifth of UL MELEK-UI-
Ramzaun ofthe same year,* as was formerly noticed under the Khe-
laufut of Ul Kâeim, Mélek-ur-ra heim was shortly afterwards delivered
up to that formidable chieftain, by whom he was condemned to im-
prisonment in one of his fortresses, where he ultimately died. The
government of Mêlek-ur-raheim is alleged, however, to have subsisted
under all circumstances, for a period of seven years.
RAHEIM.
ARU MUNSUR
ABU MUNSUR Fûllaud Settoun (column of steel) the son of Abû Ka-
linjar, having, on the death of his father in four hundred and forty, as-
sumed at Shirauz, the sovereign authority, in addition to the war in
which he was immediately engaged with Mêlek-ur-raheim, appears to
have been further embarrassed by the opposition which he experienced
to his authority, from another brother of the name of Abû Sauid Khoss-
rou Shah; if, indeed, these were not one and the same person, of which
there is a considerable probability, since it is immediately observed,
that on the death of this Khossrou Shah, Abû Munsûr became from
that period more firmly established in his power. Proceeding however, Fullaud Settoun,
to put to death, at the instance of his mother, one of the chiefs of his
court entitled Sauheb-e-audil, who had officiated as his father's prime
minister, the circumstance produced in Fazzel the son of Hussun, oc-
casionally distinguished by the appellation of Fuzzelûyah (usurper
perhaps) a very powerful Ameir, and the friend of the deceased, a de-
termination to avenge the injury; and hostilities having immediately
ensued, Abû Munsûr, in the course of the year four hundred and forty
eight, fell into the hands of the insurgent, and became a prisoner in
one of his own castles. The successful rebel, repaired at a subsequent
* December 17th, A. D. 1055.
272
+
A. H. 448. period to the camp, or court of Alep Arslan, the nephew and successor
A. D. 1056. of Toghrel Beg, and obtained from that prince for himself, a patent for
Kholaussut the government of Farss. The power of Abû Munsûr, including the
period in which it was contested with his brother, subsisted for about
eight years.
ul-aklibaur.
ABU ALLY, KEY KHOSSROU the son of Abû Kalinjar, appears to have
been the last of the race of Bûyah, that was suffered to retain a vestige
of the power of his ancestors. Some time after the fate of his brothers
had been decided, he voluntarily repaired to the court of Alep Arslan,
who generously bestowed upon him the town of Nûbendejaun, with
part of the adjoining territory. There he continued to lead a life of en-
viable tranquillity and peace, until, in the four hundred and eighty se-
ABU ALLY, Venth of the Hidjerah, he withdrew to the mansions of eternal rest.
KEY KOSS- Henceforward, of this celebrated family, the name and recollection alone
ROU, last of the
survived to mark the page of history, after it had flourished with con-
Deylemites.
sider splendor for a period of one hundred and twenty seven lunar yearrs;
calculating from the accession of Emmaud-ud-doulah the first monarch,
in the three hundred and twenty first, to the imprisonment of Abû
Munsûr Fûllaud Settoun, in the four hundred and forty eighth of the
Hidjerah.
GUEIR, and his
successors in
Jurjaun.
The name of Washmagueir the son of Zebbaur, the brother of Mur-
dawunje, and the founder of a family which, for several successions,
enjoyed the principality of Jûrjaun, or Jûrjoun, on the south eastern
extremity of the Caspian, has already been introduced to the attention
of the reader. With his accustomed brevity, our author now proceeds
Of WASHMA to state that this personage traced his origin to Erghesh, who was
prince, or governor of Guilan, in the remote age of Key Khossrou; for
whom, if he was not the Cyrus of the Greeks, we shall find some dif-
ficulty in discovering a parallel in the records of European history. It
was observed on a former occasion, that about the three hundred and
thirty second of the Hidjerah,* the same Washmagueir appeared in
the court of Ameir Nouh, the son of Nasser the Samaunian, and that he
was enabled through the assistance of that prince, in the course of the
following year, to make himself master of the city of Jûrjaun, and the
territory usually annexed to it.
* A. D. 943-45
1
273
響
​ul-akhbaur.
On the death of Washimagueir, in the three hundred and fifty-sixth A. H. 856-71.
of the Hidjerah,* he was succeeded by his son Beisettoun; of whom A. D. 967-82.
we find nothing recorded further, than that when the hand of time had Kholaussut-
completed the page of his destiny, about the year three hundred and
sixty-six, his brother Kâbûs, entitled Shums-ul-maula (the sun of
sublimity) encircled his brows with the diadem of sovereign author- BEISETTOUn.
ity; and furnished to the inhabitants of Júrjaun an auspicious pre-
sage of a just and equitable reign.
In benevolence of disposition and manners, in the graces of the un-
derstanding, and elevation of mind, SHUMS-UL-MAULA-KABUS, the son
of Washmagueir, is said to have been distinguished far beyond his con-
temporaries, in his thoughts and actions as averse to the conception or
commission of all that was base and unworthy, as he was renowned
through the world for his singular eloquence, and the masterly compositi-
ons of his pen. These were so remarkable for their peculiar beauty, as to
have drawn from Sâheb-e-Ebbaud, the accomplished vezzeir of Fakh-
er-ud-doulab, an acknowledgement, that he could discriminate them
from those of any other, by the perusal of a single line.
+
He was, however, in the course of the year three hundred and seventy
one, the sixth of his government, in consequence of the assistance
which he had afforded to Fakher-ud-doulah, compelled to abandon his
country to the troops of Mûeyed-ud-doulah the Deylemite, as noticed
in a former page, and to retire into Khorassaun. In that province,
under every vicissitude of fortune, he continued to reside for no less a
period than eighteen years; during which, his native benevolence, and
greatness of mind, never once forsook him; as was universally experi-
enced by the best and most distinguished persons within the limits of
that extensive territory.
The injury which he had experienced in the loss of his country, in
consequence of his attachment to Fakher-ud-doulah, might have jus-
tified the expectation, that when that prince was restored to power,
on the death of his brother, he should have been also reinstated in the
possession of his paternal inheritance. The services of Kâbûs were,
nevertheless, either forgotten, or totally disregarded; and the territory
VOL. II.
A. D. 967. †A. D .976. † A. D. 981-2.
2 N
SHUMS-UL-MAULA
KABUS.
274
ul-akhbaur,
A. H. 388. of Jûrjaun was added without ceremony by Fakher-ud-doulah, to his
A. D. 998. other dominions. The authority of Kâbûs was however, on the
Kholaussut death of that prince, openly proclaimed in Mazanderaun, through the
influence and exertions of Espahbed Sheheryaur, one of the native
chiefs, who caused his name to be inserted in the Khotbah and coin-
age of the country, in the three hundred and eighty eighth of the Hid-
jerah.* Shums-ul-maula Kâbûs hastened immediately from Neyshapûr
to avail himself of this unexpected turn of fortune, and was quietly
established on the throne of Mazanderaun. His power henceforward
daily acquired additional splendor, until, in the process of time, the
provinces of Tebrestaun, and Guilan, were united to his other posses-
sions; his son Menûtcheher being appointed to the government of the
latter, and one of his principal followers to that of the former.
But with all the eminent endowments of mind which he is acknow-
ledged to have possessed, there were some necessary qualifications,
in which this prince appears to have been very conspicuously deficient.
His deportment towards his nobles and military chiefs was morose
and unaccommodating to an extreme degree; and his administration
of justice was sanguinary beyond example. In short, he knew no
punishment but the avenging steel of the executioner, no prison
but the narrow chamber of the tomb. His government became, there-
fore, in the sequel, intolerable both to the Ameirs of his court, and to
the principal inhabitants of Jurjaun, and a conspiracy was at last formed
to divest him of his authority. At a period when he was encamped,
without suspicion, in sight of the last mentioned city, the conspira-
tors under cover of the night, suddenly surrounded his tent; but as
some of the principal officers persisted in opposing their designs, and
in defending the person of their sovereign, the rebels hastened to take
possession of the capital; and having seized and secured it for them-
selves, dispatched a deputation to invite Menûtcheher from Guilan, to
usurp the throne of his father. In the mean time, immediately
abandoning all concern with human grandeur, Shums-ul-maula, ac-
companied by a band of faithful domestics, retired towards Bostaum,
When Menûtcheher, on the invitation of the insurgents, repaired to
Jûrjaun, they announced to him on his arrival, that if he concured
* A. D. 998.
275
1
ul-akhbaur.
with them in the removal of his father, they were unanimously disposed A. II. 408-20.
to submit to his authority; if not, they communicated their determin- A. D. 1012-29.
ation to bestow their allegiance upon some other person, and to ban- Kholaussut.
ish him from among them, with as little repugnance, as they had done
his father before him. Perceiving no other alternative, the young prince
for the present acceded to their views, and was upon this immediately
invested with the government. A short time afterwards he proceeded
however to Bóstaum, and there, at his father's feet, offered to sacrifice
his life in avenging him on the traitors who had driven him from his
throne. Kâbûs withstood this proof of filial affection, declaring that
his concern with power was irrevocably at an end; that his career was
here destined to terminate, and that his son might therefore now con-
sider that the government was justly devolved to himself. It was accord-
ingly, some how or other, arranged that the dethroned monarch should
be confined at large to the fortress of Khiassek, or perhaps Kaschek,
there to spend his days in the exercise of his devotions; and to that
fortress he was in consequence conducted by one of the chiefs, who un-
dertook the charge of his person.
On his way to the place of his confinement, it is said that the mon-
arch had the curiosity to demand of his conductor, the motives which
had actuated the recent revolt. The reply was, that perceiving his
sanguinary executions carried beyond all bounds of reason and mo-
deration, this chief and five others had combined to precipitate him
from a throne which he had stained with so much blood. On which
Kâbûs observed, that herein he laboured under the grossest of errors,
since for his own part he had no hesitation in ascribing his misfortunes
to too scrupulous an aversion to the effusion of blood; for had he taken
the precaution to anticipate their treasons, by putting this same chief,
and his five accomplices, under the sword of the executioner, the sad
reverse which he now experienced had never befallen him. A short
time after the unfortunate monarch had been securely lodged in the
fortress of Khiassek, the authors of his disgrace, suspecting that he
might still attempt to avenge his injuries, employed some of their em-
issaries to dispatch him; and he was accordingly compelled to receive
from their hands the cup of martyrdom.
2N2
276
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 403-20, MENUTCHEHER the son of Kâbûs assumed the government of Jurjan,
A. D. 101229. in the manner we have already noticed, on the final renunciation of his
Kholaussut father, about the four hundred and third of the Hidjerah: and he re-
ceived soon afterwards, together with the title of Fulluk-ul-maula,
firmament of sublimity, from the KhalifUl Kâder, letters patent invest-
ing him with all the possessions of his predecessors. The benevolent genius
of Fulluk-ul-Maula impelled him moreover to cultivate the friendship
of the powerful Sultan Mahmûd of Gheznîn, to whom, by the introduc-
tion of his name and titles into the Khotbah and Sikkah of his country,
he pledged his obedience; and this he sought further to confirm, by
soliciting an alliance, which he obtained with one of the princesses
of the Sultan's family. When he had by these means put his affairs in
MENUTCHEн- a prosperous and steady train, the attention of Menûtcheher was for some
ER the son of time employed, in bringing to punishment the murderers of his father;
Kábús.
the greater part of whom, by various devices, he ultimately succeeded
in putting out of the way; after which he continued to reign, as long as
he lived, in the full enjoyment of all his wishes. It is to be observed
that although our author concludes his cursory memoir of the family
of Washmagueir,* in the manner just submitted to the reader, there are
other historians who introduce a brother, of the name of Darab the son
of Kâbus, as having succeeded to the territory of Jurjaun, on the death
of Fulluk-ul-maula, though not suffered to retain his authority. With
these, at all events, ceased altogether the power of the, family, after it
had subsisted about ninety lunar years.
*The reader is requested to observe that gu before i or ei, is to be pronounced invariably as
in guinea.
3
*
1
+
1
ii.
t
277
CHAP. VII.
THE
A.
ul-akhbaur.
HE concurrence of historians has allotted to Sebekteggin, or Se- A. H. 365.
bektekein, or Subactagi, as he has been indifferently denominated, 1. D. 975.
an origin of no higher distinction than that of having been enrolled Kholaussut-
among the slaves of Aleptekein,* Alputtekein, or again Abistagi, the
first sovereign of Gheznîn; who had himself arisen, as formerly noticed,
under the power of the Samanides, from a state of the lowest servitude,
first to the government of Khorassaun, and ultimately to sovereign
power. SEBEKTEGGIN was however early distinguished beyond his SEBEKTEGGIN
associates for his consumate prudence and extraordinary valour, and
displayed upon his brow many auspicious prognostications of that ex-
alted destiny, to which he was born to attain. Accordingly, on the
death of Aleptekein, in the three hundred and sixty-fifth of the Hid-
jerah, the military chiefs, and principal inhabitants of Gheznîn, or Ghez-
ni, united in conferring upon this able chieftain, the vacant govern-
ment, together with the daughter of their departed sovereign.
Neither in any instance did Sebekteggin deceive the hopes of those,
by whom he had been thus elevated to royalty. During a reign, dis-
tinguished for moderation and justice, he is equally extolled for his
exertions to restrain the outrages of the oppressor, and for the most
liberal proofs of bounty and humanity, which he exhibited to cherish,
and secure the attachment of his people, of every class and description.
In the three hundred and sixty-seventh of the Hidjerah he was em-
ployed in reducing the city of Bost on one side, and that of Kosdaur
on the other side of his dominions; after which, he led his troops into
the territories on the Indus, where he exterminated vast multitudes of
the unoffending natives, uninstructed in the vaunted truths of Isslâm;
From analogy, the author is disp sed to prefer the former of these appellations; since
we do not say Alparslan, but Alep Arslan-te great lion. The be and fe in some many.
scripts, taken for be and sein, may have produced Abistagi or Abistakein.
IId monarch of
Gheznin.
*
278
A. H. 367-87. and where, having subjugated extensive districts, he constructed on the
A. D. 978-97. temples of idolatry, numerous mosques, and edifices dedicated to the
Kholaussut service of religion; and then returned, triumphant and loaded with
spoil, to his capital of Gheznîn.
ul-akhbaur.
Subsequent to this he marched, as was formerly related, into Mawur-
un-neher, on the application of Ameir Nouh the Samaunian, monarch
of Bokhara; and proceeding thence into Khorassaun, finally restored
the authority of his ally, re-established tranquillity and good order to
the countries of his government, and receiving from the gratitude of
the Samaunian for himself the title of Nasser-ud-dein, and for his son
Mahmûd, together with the government of Khorassaun, that of Seyf-
ud-doulah, he returned, successful in all his enterprizes, once more to
his capital.
Although the death of Sebekteggin was, on a former occasion, stated
to have taken place at Gheznîn, we are now apprized, in conformity
with other authorities, that this event occurred at Bâlkh, in the month
of Shabaun,* of the three hundred and eighty-seventh of the Hidjerah ;
that of his friend Ameir Nouh having taken place the preceding month
of Rudjub.
Before we dismiss our short memorial of the reign of Sebekteggin,
we cannot withhold ourselves, although at the hazard of its having
already appeared before the public from a far abler pen, from translating
from the first part of Ferishtah's history, the following pleasing little
incident.
In the early part of his career in the service of Aleptekein, the whole
of his property being comprized in the horse on which he rode, Sebek-
teggin usually passed the day in ranging the plains of Neyshapûr in
quest of game. One day, while engaged in this his ordinary occupation,
he unexpectedly came in view of a deer and her fawn, which were
browsing, unconscious of harm and danger, on the extensive heath.
Setting spurs to his horse, Sebek teggin succeeded in seizing the fawn, and
having bound its legs, and secured it across the pummel of his saddle,
took his way towards the city. When he had proceeded some distance
on his return, happening to look behind him, he perceived that the dam
* August, A, D. 997.
279
of his harmless little captive still continued to follow, exhibiting very A. H. 387.
evident marks of the most violent perturbation, and affliction. This A. D. 997.
spectacle wrought so powerfully on the compassionate feelings of Se- Ferishtah.
bekteggin, that he determined without hesitation to set his prisoner at
large; and he accordingly restored it to the fond caresses of its dam.
Manifestly delighted with the recovery of its offspring, the tender mother
bounded towards its native heaths; occasionally turning back, as if to
contemplate with gratitude, as it withdrew, the person of its compas-
sionate benefactor. That very night the prophet appeared to Sebek-
teggin in a dream, and addressed him, as he imagined, in the following
terms. "Sebekteggin! the compassionate disposition evinced in thy
"behaviour this day towards a harmless and inoffensive animal, has been
"marked with approbation in the presence of the most high; in testi-
"mony of which, a warrant of sovereign power has been registered in
"thy name, in the tribunals of the eternal God-be it thy care, in thy
“conduct towards thy fellow creatures, to persevere in the same laud-
"able demeanor-Let no opportunity escape thee to exercise the pro-
pensities of a benevolent heart; the very essence of happiness, both
66
ISSMAUIL Hа
archs of Ghez-
niu.
"in thy present state, and in that which will be thy portion hereafter." Kholaussnt-
ISSMAUIL the son of Sebekteggin, third of the monarchs of Gheznin. ul-akhibaur.
In conformity with the arrangements of his father's will, this prince
had proceeded immediately to invest himself with the sovereign power;
and to render his accession popular, by a most lavish distribution of
favors and rewards to the troops, and to the household of the deceased
monarch. But his elder brother Mahmûd, at Neyshapûr the capital of the Gbezue
of his government, was no sooner apprized of these circumstances, vides, or mon-
than he hastened to dispatch to Issmauil a letter, conceived in the
following terms. "Of all mankind, in a brother's estimation, thou bear-
"est the first ahd highest place-of wealth and empire he does not there-
"fore regret thee the possession, to the utmost extent of all that thou
"canst possibly aspire to. But to the stability and permanence of
"states, some knowledge in the arts of government, some maturity of
"years and experience are indispensably requisite; and were it possi-
"ble to contemplate in thy character any of these necessary qualifi-
"cations, thou shouldst find in me the most willing and obsequious
of subjects. Under other circumstances it becomes, how ever, advisable
66
!
280
&
A. H. 387. "that thou shouldst immediately proceed to make with me, as the law
A. D. 998. "prescribes an impartial and equitable distribution of our father's effects
Kholaussut- and treasures; and that thou shouldst put me in possession of the me-
"tropolis of Gheznîn; while, on my part, I am ready to resign to thee
"the government of Bâlkh, with the command of the armies in Khor-
"assaun."
ul-akhbaur.
To this overture, on the part of his brother, Ameir Issmauil appears
to have paid no other attention, than by preparing for immediate hos
tilities. Mahmûd led his troops in consequence towards Gheznîn,
and was joined on his approach by his brother Nasser, and by an uncle
of the name of Naratchik or Boghratchik; Ameir Issmauil advancing
towards the same quarter, from the side of Bâlkh. While the armies
were thus reciprocally approaching, several attempts were, however,
made on the part of Mahmûd to dissuade his brother from proceeding
SULTAN MAH- to extremities, and to prevail upon him to accede to some plan of ac-
MUD, IVth of commodation; but in vain. He had resolved on trying the issue of bat-
the monarchs of tle: and in this, after a conflict of some duration, and obstinacy, he was
Gheznin.
finally defeated, and compelled to shut himself up in the castle of Gheznîn.
Sûltan Mahmûd brought him at last to submit to terms; and having
taken from him the keys of his father's treasury, and in every depart-
ment of the government established agents under his own authority,
drew off his army towards Balkh. It will be sufficient further to remark,
that Issmauil was some time afterwards confined, with every reasonable
comfort and indulgence of life, to a fortress in the province of Jûrjaun;
where he died at a period long subsequent to his degradation.
Sultan MAHMUD Ghauzzy, the son of Sebekteggin, fourth of the
monarchs of Gheznîn.
Having succeeded, on his arrival at Bâlkh from his expedition to
secure the throne of his father, in purging the plains of Khorassaun
from the impurities of adverse faction, Sûltan Mahmûd received from
the Khalif Ul Kâder together with a Khelaut, or dress of honor, of sin-
gular magnificence, the titles of Yemein-ud-doulah, and Amein-ul-
millut, purporting to be the right hand of the state, and protector or
arbitrator of the faith of Mahommed. About the same period he
concluded a treaty with Eylek Khaun the monarch of Kashghûr, who
281
had subjugated Mawur-un-neher, the territory on the Oxus, and from A. H. 987.
whom he received a daughter in marriage.
A. D. 998.
Mahmûd, by the victory at Peishawir, on the eighth of Mohurrim* Ferishtah.
of the three hundred and ninety-second of the Hidjerah, over Jeypal
prince of Lahour and the Punjaub, having made that monarch his pris-
oner, together with fifteen of his sons and other relatives, and killed
five thousand of his followers, secured a triumphant conclusion to
his first Indian expedition. The booty which fell into his hands was
very considerable; and among other articles, were sixteen jewelled
necklaces, by the Hindûs denominated Maula, one of which alone be-
longing to the Rajah himself, was estimated at the value of one hundred
and eighty thousand dinaurs; equivalent, at the lowest calculation, to
eighty two thousand five hundred pounds sterling. On this occasion,
Mahmûd is represented to have extended his ravages to Bahtindah or
Batneir; and to have enlarged his royal prisoner, on the promise of a
stipulated tribute. But it being a maxim among these absurd idolaters,
that the monarch who had twice fallen into the hands of the Mosslems,
was rendered unworthy of the sovereign authority; that his errors,
crimes, or misfortunes, could be no otherwise expunged than by the
all-powerful operation of fire; and Jeypal having become now twice a
prisoner to the implacable adversaries of the gods of his country, that
prince straightway resigned his authority .to his son Anundpal; and
on the burning pile offered himself a sacrifice to avert the calamities.
which might further impend, from his afflicted people. On his return
from this expedition Mahmûd either received, or assumed the title of
Ghauzzy, or victor in the cause of the faith.
On this occasion we have been insensibly engaged, and perhaps un-
necessarily, in extracting from Ferishtah, more in detail than is strictly
consistent with our design, the narrative of Mahmûd's proceeding;
which the reader will doubtless find already executed with far superior
skill, by the abler pen of colonel Scott:† and more recently by the
learned author of the Indian antiquities. Henceforward the relation
will, as far as possible, be confined to the succincter statements fur-
nished in the Kholaussut-ul-akhbaur.
*Nov. 26th, A. D. 1001.
+ With some degree of mortification I must here acknowledge, that this respectable
writer's translation of Ferishnah has never yet fallen to my lot to peruse,
VOL. II.
20
282
ul-akhbaur.
nt
A. H. 394-6. In three hundred and ninety-four, Mahmûd's further designs against
A.D.1004-0. the Indian territory were suspended, by an expedition in which he was
Kholaus sut- engaged against Kholf the son of Ahmed, the prince of Scies taun, and
Neimrouz; who had unfortunately suffered some proofs to transpire,
of a disposition hostile to the interest of this powerful and haughty
conqueror. Defeated in battle, the sovereign of Seisetaun shut him-
self up in the fortress of Tauk, of which name we find a place on the
Heirmund. Here he was immediately invested by Mahmûd, and he
finally capitulated, throwing himself on the mercy of his besieger; whose
vanity he flattered by the title of Sultan, with which, in the moment
of prostration, he had saluted him; and by which the conqueror was
so much gratified, that he restored to the suppliant his government of
Sciestaun, adding to his own name the title thus seasonably applied to
him, by the subjugated prince. Recurring however shortly afterwards
to hostilities, and claiming the protection of Eylek Khaun of Kash-
ghår, Kholfthe son of Ahmed again excited the displeasure of Mahmûd;
and becoming once more his prisoner, was now confined to the castle
of Jûrjaun, where he ultimately died.
Resuming his hostile designs against the princes of India, Mahmûd
in the course of three hundred and ninety six, subdued the cities of Be-
hautiah and Mûltaun. But, while he was engaged on this occasion in
the neighborhood of the latter city, his father in law, Eylek Khaun, took
advantage of his absence to violate his engagements, and to invade the
important province of Khorassaun; of which, his lieutenant general
Sebaush, or Scbaushitekein, was employed to take possession, while
Jauffertekein, another of his captains, was nominated to the government
of Balkh. On intelligence of the approach of these intruders, Arslan
Hauzeb, who presided at Herât under the authority of Mahmûd, had
abandoned that city, and hastened to Gheznin; from whence he dis-
patched to apprize his sovereign, of the unprovoked infraction of treaty
by which he had been driven from his province. Sultan Mahmûd quit-
ted Mûltaun without delay, and with the rapidity of lightning returned
his capital. From thence he shortly afterwards led his troops towards
Balkh; Sebaushi, and Jauffertckein withdrawing at his approach, like
the feeblest winged insects before the violence of the whirlwind,
to
283
Eylek Khaun demanding upon this, the assistance of Kudder Khaun, A. H. 397-9.
monarch of Khoten, that prince, at the head of fifty thousand of his A. D. 1007-9•
bravest warriors, hastened to join him; and the two monarchs now Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
proceeded in conjunction, to give battle to Mahmûd; who lay encamped
with a powerful army, and a body of trained elephants, at the distance
of about four leagues, or farsangs from Balkh. When the adverse hosts
drew out in the presence of each other, and the battle had already
commenced, Mahmûd, on his part, prostrated himself in prayer; and
fervently besought the aid of that Omnipotent being, whose eternal
nature is equally exempt from want and decay; but when, by certain
auspicious indications, he thought he could discern that his vows were
accepted, he immediately mounted his elephant, which he now
urged straight forward against the centre of Eylek Khaun's troops.
The elephant seizing the standard-bearer of the enemy, instantly
threw him into the air, and proceeded with equal fury to trample
under foot all others who came in his way. The soldiers of Mahmûd
became so animated by the example of their sovereign, that all at
once assailing the adverse line, they bore down all further opposition,
and obtained a decisive and signal victory; Eylek Khaun and his
ally the monarch of Khoten, escaping with the utmost difficulty across
the Jeyhûn. This event appears ro have taken place in the three
hundred and ninety-seventh of the Ilidjerah.
In the course of the same year, Sultan Mahmûd proceeded again at
the head of his troops towards the territory of the Indus, in order to
chastise the defection of Nowausah Shah; who after embracing Isslâm,
had at the same time apostatized from his religion, and rebelled against
the authority of his sovereign. The rebel fled however at the very ru-
mour of Mahmûd's approach; and the latter without further trouble
took the direction of his capital.
In the three huudred and ninety ninth of the Hidjerah, Sultan Mah-
mûd appears to have been for the fourth time engaged in hostilities
against the native princes of India; being on this occasion opposed by
Pâl the son of Anundpal, who surpassed them all in the abundance of
his wealth, and the number of his forces. According to Ferishtah,
he was met on the plains of Peishawir by Anundpal, at the head of a
countless multitude assembled from all parts of Ilindústaun. For the
202
284
Feirshtah,
·
Y
A. H. 399. space of forty days the armies remained stationary in the presence of
A. D. 1009. each other without an action; the Hindûs continually strengthened by
fresh reinforcements, while Mahmûd, with more than ordinary vigi-
lance, covered both his flanks with intrenchments, lest in the impend-
ing conflict, the enemy's wings might penetrate in those points.
His front was at the same time left open, apparently for the purpose
of engaging without embarrassment, when he found his opportunity.
When he had at last determined on giving battle, Mahmûd detached
from his main body a thousand archers, with instructions to attack the
enemy and these having for sometime hotly occupied the attention.
of the Hindûs, drew them by degrees towards the encampment of the
Mosslems; who proceeded in fair and compact array to oppose the troops
of Anundpal, now become the assailants. In spite of the circumspec-
tion of Mahmûd, and in the heat of the action, a body of one thousand
Kahkares, or Guikkers, bare headed and bare footed, variously and
strangely armed, passed the intrenchments on both his flanks; and falling
in, with astonishing fury among the cavalry, proceeded with the desper-
ation of savages, and with their swords and knives, to cut down and
maim both the horse and his rider, until, almost in the twinkling of an
eye, between three and four thousand men had fallen victims to the
rage of these infuriated maniacs. Such was the impression of this des-
perate effort, that Mahmûd was actually about to draw aside from his
encampment, and to discontinue the conflict until the day following;
when, most fortunately for the disciples of Isslâm, the elephant which
carried Anundpal, the generalissimo of the idolaters, taking fright at
the explosion, says Ferishtah, of the cannon and musquetry, but most
probably at that of some rockets, suddenly recoiled from the action;
and this being perceived by the troops engaged on each side of him, the
alarm immediately spread that the Rajah was flying; on which the
Hindus at once broke, and dispersed in every direction. They were,
for two days and as many nights, pursued without intermission by Ab-
dullah Tay at the head of five thousand Arab horse, and by Arslan
Hauzeb with ten thousand Turks and Afglans, by whom twenty
thousand of the fugitives were put to the sword; while thirty chain of
elephants, and a prodigious booty were captured, and brought to the
camp of the victorious Mahmud.
་་
285
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
The Sultan now presented his army before the fortress of Bheimnugh- 4. H. 399.
er, Nuggerkûte or Naugracut, anciently so denominated; and here . D. 1009.
described to have been a strong castle erected on the summit of a
mountain, by Rajah Bheim one of the ancient monarchs of the country;
which was used by the Hindûs as a secure repository for their most
sacred images, and by the surrounding Rajahs for their treasure and
jewels. It was however at this period totally destitute of armed de-
fenders, and left entirely to the care of the Brahmins, and other attend-
ants, ministering in the worship of their idols. As might have been
expected, the minds of these unwarlike and peaceful inhabitants of a
fortress, of which however the foundations might be said to be laid in
the heavens, immediately gave way to the impressions of terror and
alarm, and the cries of quarter and mercy resounded from the affrighted
garrison to the skies. On the third day the gates of this impregnable
retreat were thrown open to Mahmûd, the unarmed and defenceless.
inhabitants falling at his feet. The victorious monarch, accompanied
by his household, and the principal members of his court, immediately
entered the place, and proceeded to survey and take possession of its
inestimable deposit; consisting, as we are told, of seven hundred thou-
sand dinaurs of gold,* in specie, of seven hundred Munnst in gold and
silver plate, of two hundred Munns in pure gold unwrought, of two
thousand Munns in unwrought silver, and of twenty Munns in dia-
monds, pearls, rubies, and coral, formed into various ornaments for the
person; all of which had remained here untouched, ever since the time
of the above mentioned Rajah Bheim, the founder.
On his return to Gheznîn, Mahmûd in a suite of pavilions which he
pitched without the city, exhibited to the multitude, which thronged
from thence and the neighboring towns, on tables of gold and silver, the
spoils of Hindustaun accumulated in the recent expedition; accom-
panying the glorious and splendid spectacle, which continued for three
days successively, with a sumptuous repast, and a liberal distribution
to the indigent, and to the votaries of religion, of every class and
description.
* 3208331. 6s. 88.
+In different parts of Tudia tlie Munn or Maund; is variously estimated from a quarter of a
hundred, to forty pounds weight.
>
286
A. H. 400-1.
ul-akhbaur.
During the year four hundred, Sultan Mahmûd resumed his opera
A.D. 1010-11. tions against the Indian territory; and on his return to Gheznîn in the
Kholaussut course of the same year, he is said to have been followed by the most
suppliant solicitations for peace, from the paramount sovereign of the
Hindû princes, probably the Rajah Anundpal already mentioned; who
engaged, if his entreaties were complied with, to furnish the Sûltan's
arsenal with a supply of fifty elephsnts, and to remit in money and
precious commodities an annual tribute to the royal treasury of Ghez-
nîn. On these terms Mahmûd appears to have consented to an ac-
commodation; and a commercial intercourse is said to have been now
opened or renewed between the subjects of the adverse powers.
The following year, the four hundred and first of the Hidjerah,
Mahmûd conducted his troops into the territory of Ghûr, or Ghour;
and being opposed, with considerable obstinacy, by Mahommed the
son of Sûri, the independent prince of the country, at the head of ten
thousand horse, the latter was defeated by a very ordinary stratagem ;
being enticed from his intrenchments by a feigned retreat, and becoming
the prisoner of his invader. He eluded however the protracted miseries
of captivity by chewing the signet of his ring, which had in some way
or other been impregnated with poison for such an emergency.
The
territory of Ghûr was hereupon united to the dominions already sub-
jugated to the exchequer of Mahmûd.
About the period under consideration, Shah Nessaur the prince of
Gherjistaun, which although probability be against us, we are disposed
to identify with the province of Georgia, resisting the authority of
Mahmûd, ultimately became his prisoner. On this occasion we are
informed, that Neyshaur was the title bestowed by the people of Gher-
jistaun upon their sovereigns, in the same manner as those of Ray and
Khaun are assigned to the monarchs who rule over them, by the Hin-
dûs and Tataurs. In the time of Nouh the son of Munsûr the Samaunian,
the Nessaur of Gherjistaun was a person of the name of Abû Nasser;
who was induced by a natural indolence of disposition, and an unbound-
ed attachment to letters, and the society of learned men, to resign the
burden of his government, from which he was himself desirous of
being relieved, to his son Mahommed. When the power of Sûltan
Mahmûd, however, attained its ascendancy, one of his agents, Aukkeby,
287
ul-akhbaur,
the author of the Tarikh Yemeiny, was employed to demand the sub- A. H. 491-5.
mission of the prince of Gherjistaun to the authority of his master: A.D. 1011-14.
and this being complied with, without apparent difficulty, the son of Kholaussut-
Abû Nasser, who bore the title of Shah Nessaur, accompanied the
agent to tender his submission in the presence of Mahmûd; and after
residing some time at the court of that monarch, was permitted to
return in safety to his native conntry. But suffering himself to be
misled by the seductions of a mischievous ambition, the young man
now suddenly evinced a disposition to be refractory, and to violate his
engagements with his formidable superior: on which Altûntaush the
Haujeb, or chamberlain, and Arslan Hauzeb or Jauzeb, as the name is
indifferently written, were dispatched by Mahmûd to enforce obedience.
On the arrival of these commanders before the capital of Gherjistaun,
Nessaur Abû Nasser immediately threw himself on the mercy of Al-
tûntaush, and was conveyed by that general towards Herât. Shah Nes-
saur had shut himself up in one of the strong holds of the country,
but conceived it prudent at the expiration of a very little time, also to
capitulate, and put himself into the hands of the generals of Mahmûd.
Ile was immediately dispatched to Gheznîn, to the presence of that
monarch, by whom after he had experienced the discipline of his whip,
he was confined for life to one of his castles; the agents of the govern-
ment being, at the same time, instructed to supply him with every thing
that could contribute either to his comfort or enjoyment. Sultan
Mahmûd then sent for Nessaur Abû Nasser from Herât, and treating
him with considerable kindness, purchased from him the whole of his
inheritance, for a sum of money actually paid him on the spot.
In the course of the year four hundred and five, Mahmûd was en-
gaged in an expedition towards the remoter extremity of India, border-
ing on Tûrkestaun, or Tartary, according to Ferishtah; where he is said
to have fought with, and defeated the sovereign of the country, and to
have reduced the city of Nardein, of which the author does not attempt
to fix the position. He proceeds however to state, that in the course
of the same year, receiving information, that there existed a species of
elephants to which they gave the appellation of elephants of the Mos-
slems, or Mùssulman elephants, at a place called either Manilsher, or
Mabilsher, or Maylsher, it is impossible to determine which, unless it
288
A. H. 407-16. were indeed the celebrated sanctuary of Tahnaser, Mahmud led his
A. D. 1016-25. troops into the country; and having defeated and expelled the lawful
Kholaussut prince, a profligate and inveterate infidel, returned in triumph with an
incalculable booty to his metropolis of Gheznîn.
ul-akhbaur.
Abûl Abbas Mâmûn the son of Mâmûn, prince of Khaurezm, had mar
ried one of the daughters of Sultan Mahmûd; and being put to death in
the four hundred and seventh of the Hidjerah, by Benaltekein, and a con-
spiracy of his factious nobles, Mahmûd hastened on intelligence of the
treason, to avenge the injuries of his sou in law; defeated, and inflicted
condign punishment upon Benaltekein and his accomplices; and bes-
towed the government of the country, with the capital of Oor or Ur-
kunje, and the title of Khaurezm-Shah, upon Altûntaush, one of his
favorite and most distinguished generals.
In the four hundred and ninth of the Hidjerah, our author fixes the
expedition to Kanouje, stated to be at the distance of three months
journey from Gheznin; the same that was undertaken by Sultan Mahmûd,
according to Ferishtah, by the route of Kashmeir; and the sequel of which
has been given in detail by that author, as is already sufficiently known.
The spoil in gold and silver, and jewels, and other precious materials,
accumulated by Mahmûd in this expedition, is said to have been of a
magnitude to surpass the arithmetical skill of his accountants to esti-
mate; and the multitude of captives was such that though the value
of a slave was set at no more than ten dirhems, or about four shillings
and seven pence English, they could find no purchaser even at that
price.
In the four hundred and sixteenth of the Hidjerah, Mahmûd was
engaged in his last exterminating enterprize against the unfortunate
Hindus; the expedition to Sûmnaut, at the extremity of the peninsula
of Gújerât, On this expedition, according to Ferishtah, he set out
from Gheznîn, on the tenth day of Shabaun, of the year four hundred
and fifteen, or about the 16th of October, A. D. 1024, and he arrived at
Multaun in the middle of the following month of Ramzaun, at the
head of a powerful army; and accompanied by thirty thousand cavalry,
who volunteered their services from all parts of the Asiatic continent
* Nov, 20th, 1024,
:
289
From Maltaun, he appears to have prosecuted his march, skirting the A. H. 410-18.
desert to, Ajmeir, and from thence by Neherwâla, the Puttun or anci- A. D. 1025-27•
ent capital of Gûjerât, to the object of his zeal and avarice.
Sûmnaut, according to our author, was the name of a celebrated idol,
which was worshiped by the infidels of the country; but a couplet of
Fereid-ud-dein Attaur is recited a little further on, asserting that the
the great idol discovered by the armies of Mahmûd at Sûmnaut, bore
the appellation of Laut. We know, however, that the pilgrimages of the
Hindûs are to this day principally directed to Dûarkanaut, the spot of
Krishna's evanition, according to the Mahâbauret, to Jugganaut, and
to Ramnaut, or Ramnâd; the latter at the southern extremity of the
peninsula of India, not far from the bridge of Rama. In the mean time we
are informed that to Sûmnaut, the lord Sûm, or Sûma, the Hindû my-
thologists have assigned the province of adjudging to departed souls,
according to the doctrines of transmigration, the bodies appropriated
for their future habitation; and in the belief of the Hindûs, the ebb and
flow of the ocean is nothing more than a mark of its adoration towards
their favorite idol.
On the authority of the Rouzut-us-suffâ he proceeds to describe,
that the temple, or edifice which contained the image of Sûmnaut, was
decorated by six and thirty pillars, inlaid with precious stones of the
most beautiful and costly description; that the image itself was of po-
lished stone, or marble, about the height of five cubits, three above the
flooring of the temple, and two concealed beneath it. I am aware that
in these dimensions I have differed from the most respectable authori-
ties; but, both in the copy of the Kholaussut-ul-akhbaur and of the
Ferishtah in my possession, the statement is precisely as I have given
it. At all events three guz, or cubits of two and twenty inches, above
the floor, would give to the image the stature of an ordinary sized man.
The circumstance of its being smitten on the nose by the mace of
Mahmûd, and of the immense treasure concealed in its belly, is already
known. We shall here just mention that he rejected a prodigious ran-
som to spare it, alleging that of two appellations, rather than the idol bro-
ker, he chose to be called Mahmûd the idolbreaker: and to reward his zeal,
theprecious contents discovered in the hollow of the idol, surpassed
an hundred fold the sum which had been offered by the Brahmins for
VOL. II.
2 P
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
290
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 416-18. its redemption. Of its unfortunate and unoffending votaries more
A. D. 1025-27. than fifty thousand were put to the sword by the troops of Mâhmûd;
noraussut- and the treasure withdrawn from the interior of the temple, from the
the hollow of the image perhaps, is alone estimated at the sum of twenty
millions of dinaurs of gold;* in which proportion we are told to calcu
late the further spoil, which fell into the hands of the plunderers of this
celebrated sanctuary.
When he was about to quit Sûmnaut onhis return to Gheznîn, Mah-
mûd desired his ministers and principal officers to select from among
themselves some particular individual, on whom he might confer the
government of the recent conquests: but it being represented to him,
that, since it was not his design to revisit the country, it would be more
advisable to place it in the hands of a native, he proceeded to deliberate
on the subject, with such of the inhabitants as he permitted to approach
his person. By these he was informed that among the princes who had
ruled the country, wheth rin purity of origin or lustre of descent, none
were on a par with the race of Dabsheleim, or Dabsheleima. Of this race
they said that there fortunately then existed a young person, whose
attention had been hitherto entirely devoted, in the garb and profession
of a Brahmin, to the duties of religion; and on this person, if the Sultan
conferred the sovereignty of that part of Gûjeraut, they conceived that
it would not be unworthily bestowed. Others however contended that
the individual proposed was a man of unaccommodating and austere
habits, who had been compelled by necessity alone to make choice of
the life of a recluse; and they recommended, on the contrary, the sover-
eign of a neighboring territory, who to the same lustre of descent, added
a superior prudence, and maturity of years, as an object far more wor-
thy of the Sultan's preference, and of the governmeut of their country.
Tothis Mahmûd observed, that if the person they proposed had, in any
instance, evinced a disposition to cultivate his friendship, it might then
indeed be expected that such a request in his favor, would be attended
with little dithculty in the compliance; but to confer a territory of
that magnitude upon one who was already in possession of one of the
* At the lowe:1 computation, of nine hillings and two pence to the dinaur, this would
amount to the sum of 9, 160,6061, 135. 4d.
291
ul-akhbaur.
most powerful states in India, and who had, moreover, never afforded A. H. 416-18.
the slightest demonstration of attachment, to merit such a proof of con- A.D. 1025-27.
fidence and regard, appeared to him rather wide of the dictates of sober Kholausɔut-
discretion. Then sending for the recluse he immediately invested him
with the government of the province. The descendant of Dabsheleim
in accepting of his tributary sovereignty, embraced the opportunity of
representing to the Sultan his apprehensions lest the neighboring Rajah,
who although ofthe same lineage, was his mortal enemy, apprized of the
departure of his benefactor, should direct the whole of his force to the
destruction of his relative. Under this persuasion, and with the know-
ledge that he must be left entirely unprepared for resistance, he found
it expedient to disclose to the Sultan the nature of his apprehensions;
in the hope that, in addition to the favors with which he had been al-
ready loaded, the troops of his victorious ally would be further employed
to secure him against the hostile designs of the dreaded rival. Mah-
mid informed him in reply, that in his expedition to so remote a region,
he had been originally actuated by no other motive than the glory and
advancement of his faith; and that, as three years had already elapsed
since his departure from Gheznin, it would make no material difference
to him, if six months were added to the period of his absence. He
procceded accordingly to invade the territory of the obnoxious Dab-
sheleimian; whom he in a very short time subdued, and delivered a
prisoner into the hands of the new-made sovereign. The latter now
stated to Mahmûd that, by the religion which he professed, it was not
permitted to put a sovereign prince to death; but that when a rival
monarch fell into the power of his adversary, it was the practice to lodge
him in a dark chamber, excavated under the throne of his conqueror,
with no other opening to it, than was sufficient for the introduction of
what was necessary for the support of existence; and in this state be
was condemned to remain, until the hand of death should determine
the survivor. His power being however as yet but too imperfectly es-
tablished to admit of his pursuing the ordinary course, he proceeded
further to request that Sultan Mahmûd would take the captive prince
with him to Gleznin; adding, that he relied upon the generosity of
his benefactor to send him back to Gujerat when his authority should
be sufficiently confirmed, and when it would be prudent on his part
to require it.
2P2
292
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur,
A. H. 418-20. Having complied with the solicitation of his tributary in every in
A. D. 1027-29. stance, Sultan Mahmûd, after enduring unparalleled hardships in his
progress through the deserts leading to Sind, which it would be unne-
cessary to detail, at last succeeded in regaining his capital, in the first,
or second Rebbeia, of the four hundred and eighteenth of the Hidjerah:*
after an absence, according to this statement, of two years and six
months.
Some years subsequent to this period, when he considered himself
securely established in his power, the anchorite king of Gûjerât dis-
patched his agents, with magnificent presents to Sultan Mahmûd and
the members of his court, and a request that his captive rival might
be now delivered up to his disposal. Mahmûd at first exhibited some
repugnance to comply with the request; but yielding to the sugges-
tions of his ministers, he ultimately determined to send away the captive,
who was accordingly delivered to the agents employed to take charge
of him. When the escort which conveyed the prisoner, was known
to have reached the confines of his country, the Dabsheleima on the
throne, having given directions to compleat the vault of wretchedness
intended for the reception of his rival, hastenced in conformity to the
further usage of the country to meet him; in order that the unfortu-
nate captive might be subjected to the customary degrading ceremony,
of running on foot at the stirrup of his more fortunate rival, and with
the royal bason and ewer on his head, all the way to the palace gate
of the capital. Having proceeded with these views to some distance
on his excursion, accompanied by a numerous retinue, the royal
Dabsheleima engaged in the diversion of the chace; and having con-
tinued it with great eagerness and activity until late at noon, the
monarch and his retinue were dispersed in different directions, to
screen themselves from the rays of a meridian sun. Dabshcleima
laid himself at the foot of a tree, and covering his face with a
handkerchief, resigned himself to rest. The handkerchief which
he had thrown over his face, happened unfortunately to be of a scar-
let colour; and attracting the attention of a vulture, which was hover-
ing round, the ravenous bird took it for the flesh of some slaugh-
tered animal, and immediately pouncing, struck its talons through
* April or May, A. D. 1027.
293
ul-akhbaur.
the covering into the unwary prince's eye; the loss of which was A. H. 418-20.
the inevitable consequence. Among the genuine Hindûs it was, it A. D. 1027-29.
seems, another maxim at this period, that any species of personal ble- Kholaussut-
mish was sufficient to disqualify a prince from holding his authority;
and the misfortune which had happened to the sovereign, being soon.
circulated through the camp, produced a sudden and violent uproar
among the chiefs. At such a crisis, the arrival of the captive Dab-
sheleimian was announced, and by a strange and unlooked for vicis-
situde, the destinies of the two princes underwent an immediate and
total reverse. The newly arrived Dabsheleimian was saluted king by
the unanimous voice of the people; and the anchorite was condemned
in his stead, to bear the bason and ewer by the side of his horse, to
the darksome and wretched abode prepared for his adversary. Thus,
says Ferishtah, unfolding another example of the decrees of an inscru-
table providence, which, while it precipitates one individual from the
splendor of a throne, rescues another from the belly of the whale.
While Mahmûd was at Balkh, some time after his return from his Ferishtah.
zealous expedition to Sûmnaut, he received from the Khaleifah Ul
Kâder, together with four standards, denoting his supremacy over the
four great countries of Hindûstaun, Khorassaun, Khaurezm, and Neim-
rouz, a flattering letter, bestowing upon him the additional title of
Keby f-ud-doulah & Isslâm-asylum of the state and of the true faith.
These were accompanied by similar distinctions for his three sons;
Mûssâoud being dignified with the title of Shahaub-ud-doulah and
Jummaul-ul-millut-bright star of the state, and beauty of the faith;
Yussuf, with that of Ezzed-ud-doulah and Mûeyed-ul-millut-arm, or
support of the state and establisher of the faith; and Ameir Mahom-
med, with that of Jullaul-ud-doulah and Jummaul-ul-millut-glory
of the state, and embellishment of the faith; at the same time, pledg、
ing his approbation of either of the three princes, on whom the father
might think fit to devolve the succession to his throne.
The troops of Mahmûd on their return from Gajeraut had suffered
considerable annoyance from the natives of Mount Jehûd; he deter-
mined therefore, some time in the year four hundred and eighteen, to
chastize the insolence of these unsubjugated barbarians. Once more,
and for the last time, he accordingly led his army towards Multaun.
294
A. H. 418-21. When he reached that city, he gave instructions for the immediate
A. D. 1027-30. equipment on the river* of an armament of fourteen hundred war boats,
Ferishtali. each furnished with three rostra, or beaks of iron; one on the prow,
1
and one on each beam, so constructed as to pierce or demolish any adverse
vessel that might come in contact. The boats were further armed with
twenty soldiers each, with bows and arrows, and fireworks of naphtha :
and thus equipped, the armament was dispatched along the river
for the extermination of the Jautts, which is the appellation here bes-
towed upon the mountain tribes above alluded to. The latter, aware
of the armament preparing against them, and having conveyed their
wives and children to a place of security, among the islands in the Indus,
thus disincumbered, lay ready with four thousand, some say eight
thousand boats, strongly armed, to receive the attack. In the action
which however took place, the boats of the Jautts coming in contact with
the iron beaks of those of Mahmûd, the shock of which they were
unprepared to resist, were immediately pierced, and sunk to the
bottom with all on board; such as escaped by swimming, being put to
the sword by the conquerors, and the whole of their families ultimately
falling into the hands of their ruthless exterminators.
In the course of the year four hundred and twenty, Sultan Mahmûd,
as we have already seen, took possession of the teritory of Rey, and that
part of the province of Iråk Ajem, from the imbecile and effeminate
Majid-ud-doulah the Deylemite; and bestowing the government upon
his son Mûssaoud, returned soon afterwards to Gheznîn ; where, hav-
ing laboured forsome time under a consumptive complaint, accompanied
by a disorder in the loins, (merz-e-sill ba sû-ul-keina) he ultimately ex-
pired, on Thursday the twenty-third of the latter Rebbeia of the four
hundred and twenty first of the Hidjerah ;† the sixty-third year of his
age, and, calculating from the surrender of Gheznîn and the captivity
of his brother, the thirty-fourth of his reign.
Mahmûd is represented to have been possessed of some of the most
exalted and splendid qualities that could dignity and adorn the human
character; and yet his merits appear to be resolvable, for the most part,
*
Perhaps the stream formed near that place by the junction of the Behát,, Tchúnaub,
and Kauri.
↑ The 29th of April, A. D. 1030.
$
1
295
*
ul akhbaur,
into a bigoted and sanguinary zeal for the advancement of Isslâmism, A. H. 421.
and for, the subversion of idolatry and infidelity. His splendid quali- A. D. 1030.
tics were, moreover, deplorably tarnished by an insatiable spirit of Kholaussut-
avarice, to which, in its most degrading complexion, he has been stig- and
matized as a devoted and abject slave. From this odious stigma, Fer- Feirshtah.
ishtah has however sought to vindicate his favorite hero, ascribing it
in a great measure, to the prevalence of an unjust prejudice, which
derived its origin from the well known story of Ferdûssy; to whom,
for his celebrated pocm of the Shahnâmah, the labour of thirty years,
he assigned the comparatively paltry sum of sixty thousand dirhems
only, amounting to about five-pence half-penny the couplet; the poet
having entertained the unreasonable expectation ofsixty thousand din-
aurs or pieces of gold. Another cause to which he ascribes the prevailing
-prejudice, was an arrangement, by which, towards the close of his reign,
hecontrived to disencumber his wealthner subjects of their superfluous
property. That he loved gold, the author nevertheless admits, and that
he accordingly disdained no method by which it could be accumulated:
but it was for the purpose of enabling him to prosecute his magnificent
plans of conquest and aggrandizement; and that there exists ample
proof that the number of wits, men of genius and learning, poets, and
warriors, who subsisted on his bounty, has seldom fallen to the lot of
any monarch of former ages, and is as seldom likely to happen in any
age to come. All this
All this it is to be acknowledged, could not be provided
for, without a liberal disbursement of treasure; neither is it to be for-
gotten that his admiration of men of science has never been questioned;
that their merits never failed to be rewarded by his bounty; and that
exclusive of occasional proofs of liberality, a fixed sun of four hundred
thousand dirhemst was annually ap led to the patronage and encour-
agement of learning, and learned men.
Long previous to his death, Mahmûd had declared his son Mahom-
med, successor to the major part of his dominions, immediately to the
prejudice of his elder brother Mûssâoud; discarding from his recollec-
tion, how little disposed he found himself to submit to a similar arrange
ment by his father. He took, however, an opportunity of demanding of
* About 13751.
† About 91661. 135. Ad,
L
296
ul-aklıbaur.
A. H. 421. Mûssâoud, for whom he probably conceived that he had adequately pro
A. D. 1030. vided in the province of Irak Ajem, in what manner he proposed to con-
Kholaussut duct himself, with respect to his brother? Mûssàoud replied without
either reserve or hesitation, to the no small confusion and equal indig-
nation of Mahmûd, that in this he should be exactly governed by the
example of his father. To explain this, it may be necessary to remark that,
at the commencement of his reign, on surrendering his power with the
castle of Gheznîn into the hands of Mahmûd, his brother Issmauil had
been compelled to attend him into Khorassaun; and the Sûltan had
the curiosity to ask the captive prince one day, what sort of treatment
he might have calculated to experience, had the issue of their contest
been the reverse of what had happened? with equal candour and sim-
plicity of heart, Issmauil replied, that had fortune decided in his favor,
it was in his contemplation to confine his brother within the walls of some
castle, where he should be provided with all he might require, either
for the comfort or enjoyment of life, short of his personal liberty. A
short time afterwards, availing himself of some pretence or other to
seize the person of Issmauil, Mahmûd caused him to be delivered to
the governor of Jûrjaun; with instructions to lodge him in one of the
castles of his province, and to supply him, at the same time, with every
thing that could contribute either to his pleasure or repose.
It is further stated, that while he continued in Iråk Ajem, Mahmûd
endeavored, by repeated importunity, to prevail upon Mûssâoud to
swear that he would not engage in hostilities against his brother, with-
out producing the slightest impression; Mûssâoud as constantly evad-
ing his importunities by the declaration, that if Mahommed would
personally repair to the spot, and first swear to make with him, at the
proper period, a just and impartial distribution of their father's treasures;
he should have no difficulty in taking the oath required of him ; but
situated as at present, the one at Rey, and the other at the distance of
Gheznîn, he could not perceive how such a partial arrangement could
be productive of any advantage or permanent result.
We shall finally remark, that Mahmûd is described to have been in
person of the middle stature, ofelegant proportions, and a freckled com-
plexion, and the first of his race that assumed the title of Sultan.
1
297
"
ul-akhbaur.
MAHOMMED the son of Mahmûd third of the race of Sebektggein, A. H. 421.
succeeded to the throne of Gheznîn immediately on the death of his A. D. 1030.
father; but his brother Mûssâoud receiving at Hamadaun, in the re- Kholaussut-
cently acquired territory of Irâk A jem, intelligence of the event, march-
ed without delay towards Khorassaun; dispatching at the same time
to inform Mahommed that he harboured no design upon the countries
to which he had been nominated by a father's partial selection; that the
territory of Jeypal, of Tebristaun, and of Irâk Ajem, the honorable acqui-
sitions of his own sword were amply sufficient for his moderate ambition;
and all he requested was that, as the elder brother, his name should be
first pronounced in the Khotbah. To this Mahommed returned an archs of Ghez-
acrimonious reply; and as soon as he had completed his warlike equip- nin.
ments, proceeded from Gheznin, to Bikkenabad, some distance north
of the metropolis; where he encamped on the first of Ramzaun* of the
four hundred and twenty first of the Hidjerah.
Having continued stationary during the whole of Ramzaun, it un-
fortunately happened that on the festival of the new moon of Shavaul,
the tiara of the ill-fated Mahommed should drop from his head in a man-
ner that could not be easily accounted for; which being considered by
the superstitious multitude as an omen inauspicious to the stability of
his power, Ameir Ally Khaishawund, and Yussuf Sebekteggin, with a
number of the principal courtiers openly revolted in favor of Mûssâoud;
and on the night of the third of Shavaul,† surrounding the pavilion of
Mahommed they immediately seized his person, and proceeded to con-
fine him in the castle of Bikkenabad. The ministers and principal
nobility of the late monarch then hastened to join Mûssâoud, who had
as it would appear by this time advanced to Balkh. The conspirators,
however, experienced from him a reception on which they had little
calculated. Hûssung Meykaul, the prime minister of the departed Mah-
mûd, against whom Mûssaoud had long cherished an irreconcilable
animosity, was put to death. Ally Khaishawund shared the same fate;
and Yûssuf Sebekteggin was immured for life in a prison. Mùss-
Aoud shortly afterwards repaired to Gheznin, where he took care to
secure himself against all further attempts on the part of his brother
August 31st, A. D. 1033,
VOL. II.
↑ October 2nd, A. D, 1030.
2 Q
MAHOMMED,
Vth of the mou-
298
*
A. H. 421-24. Mahommed, by the usual application of the instrument of cautery, to
A. D. 1030-33. destroy the organs of vision.
Kholaussut-
al-akhbaur.
Sûltan Nasser-ud-dein MUSSAOUD, son of Mahmûd, fourth of the
race of Sebekteggin, and sixth of the monarchs of Gheznîn.
Having succesfully vindicated the claims of an elder brother to the
throne of his father, Mûssâoud consigned the office of Vezzeir to Ahmed
the son of Hussun Meymundi. In the four hundred and twenty second
of the Hidjerah, he devolved the government of Irâk Ajem upon Abû
Sohel Hamdûni, delegating that of Isfahaun, however, by a particular
MUSSAOUD patent, to the separate superintendance of Allâ-ud-doulah Jauffer the
VIth of the son of Kâkûiah,* the maternal couzin german, of the weak and imbecile
monarchs of Majid-ud-doulah the Deylemite.
Alla-ud-doulah accordingly pro-
Gheznin.
ceeded for some time to conduct the government of that part of Irâk
Ajem, as the lieutenant of Mûssâoud; but ultimately aspirmg at inde-
pendence, he openly abjured the supremacy of that prince: and it was
under these circumstances that the celebrated Abû Ally ben Seina
(Avicenna) became the prime minister of Alla-ud-doulah.
In the course of four hundred and twenty three an expedition was
undertaken from Khaurezm, by Altûn Taush Hanjeb, under the instruc-
tions of Mûssaoud, to avenge the injuries which he had sustained from
Ally Tekein the governor of Samarkand. The Khaurezmian being how-
ever desperately wounded, in the territory beyond the Oxus, in an action
which took place with the troops of Ally Tekein, the combatants appear
to have separated by mutual consent, which was followed by an ac-
commodation; and Altûn Taush shortly afterwards dying of his wounds
was succeeded in the government of Khaurezm by a son of the name of
Perûn-or Harûn, according to Ferishtah. That admired and estima-
ble minister Ahmed the son of Hussun' Meymundi also dying in the
four hundred and twenty fourth of the Ii tjerah, Ahmed the son of
Mahommed, the son of Abdussummud, became vezz ir to Sultan Mûss-
âoud. In the mean time, as will be particularly described in its
proper place, the race of Seljak having passed the river Jeyhûn to
the westward, selected for their abode the territory dependent upon the
cities of Nissa and Abiwerd; and in a few years succeeded in extend-
ing their encroachments through a considerable part of Khorassaun.
Uncle, so cailed in the language of the Deylemites.
299
Contrary to the representations of his ministers, who urged the ser- A. H. 426-28.
ious expediency of checking at the outset, the usurpations of these A. D. 1034-37.
formidable adventurers, Sûltan Mûssâoud determined in the four hun- Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
dred and twenty sixth of the Hidjerah, on an expedition into India.
Finding however on his return from this expedition in four hundred
and twenty eight, that they had obtained a most dangerous ascendancy,
he perceived ample reason to regret, that he had for a moment delayed
to oppose them. It now therefore became the object of his most
serious attention to retrieve the fatal oversight; and he employed
his utmost exertions and activity to prepare for hostilities against
them. But in the war which ensued, after a series of conflicts, in which
his personal valour, was conspicuously signalized, being ultimately
defeated by those enterprizing and warlike Tartars, Sultan Mûssaoud
was compelled to return with disgrace to his capital; where on the pre-
tence of misconduct, or failure of duty in this unfortunate war, he
discharged his vengeance on some of his most distinguished generals
and ministers, whom he condemned to suffer by the sword of the exe-
cutioner. After this he dispatched his son Modûd with a fresh arma-
ment towards Bâlkh; while he hastened, in his own person, towards
Hindûstaun, accompanied by his brother the blind Mahommed, and
the three sons of that prince, Ahmed, Abdurraihman, and Abdurrai-
heim; proposing to pass the cold season in that country, and on the return
of spring to resume his operations against the sons of Seljuk. In crossing
the Indus, however, leaving his baggage and equipage on the western
side of the river, in order to follow him at convenience, Noushtekein
with a body of the imperial slaves, seized the opportunity to plunder
the treasure, and to raise the blind Mahommed once more, to the dan-
gerous and precarious possession of a disputed throne. Sultan Mûss-
aoud fled for safety to a rebbaut, or walled enclosure, in the neighbor-
hood; but, being immediately pursued and discovered in his retreat, the
unfortunate monarch was conducted by his enemies to the presence
of his brother, by whom, with all attached to his person, he was confined
to the fortress of Kurri. The blind Mahommed, in the mean time,
devolving the royal authority to his son Ahmed, the latter repaired
shortly afterwards to the place of the deposed Mûssâoud's confinement,
accompanied by the sons of Yussuf Sebekteggin, and Ally Khaishaw-
202
300
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 433-41. und, and there put a period to his existence, in the four hundred and
A. D. 1041-49. thirty third of the Hidjerah; the twelfth of his turbulent and unpropi-
Kholaussut- tious reign. From the ingratitude evinced in the perfidious conduct
of his subjects, however frequently exemplified in the annals of hu-
man depravity, it would scarcely be conceived that the unfortunate
Mûssâoud greatly surpassed in affibility of manners, and liberality of
disposition; and that he uniformly studied to secure the attachment of
all, and of men of letters in particular, by the most conspicuous proofs,
of his bounty and beneficence.
of Gheznin.
Sultan Abûl Futtah MOUDUD the son of Mússaoud, fifth of the race
of Sebekteggin, and seventh of the monarchs of Gheznîn.
As soon as intelligence was conveyed to him of the disastrous ter-
mination of his father's life, Sultan Moudûd broke up his camp from
before Bâlkh, and directed his march for Gheznîn ; Mahommed on his
part hastening with his three sons from the vicinity of the Indus towards
MOUDUD, VIIth the same object. In a battle which took place, shortly afterwards, in
of the monarchs the desert of Deynür, victory declared however for Moudûd; the blind
king with his sons, and those of Noushtekein, and Ally Khaishawund,
and Sûliman the son of Yussuf Sebekteggin, falling into the hands of the
conqueror, and being the source of all these convulsions, were the whole.
of them immediately put to death; with the exception of Abdurraiheim
the son of Mahommed, who was exempted from the fate of his fellow
captives, in consideration of his humanity, in protecting the late Sultan
Mûssâoud from the violence of his brother Abdurraihman, when this
latter had presumed with unmanly insult to tear the diadem, or royal
cincture, from the head of that unfortunate monarch, after he had been
betrayed into the hands of his enemies.
Sultan Moudûd now entered Gheznîn in triumph; and having se-
curely scated himself on the throne of his family, bestowed the office
of prime minister on Abû Nasser Almed the son of Mahommed, son
of Abdussummud. In the four hundred and thirty-fifth of the Hid-
jerah, he made an attempt to check the progressive aggrandizement
in Khorassaun, of the Seljûcides; but the army which he employed
for that purpose was driven back with disgrace and loss, by the super-
ior valour and good fortuue of Alep Arslan. Six years afterwards,
namely, in the four hundred and forty first of the Hidjerah, having left
801
ul-akhbaur.
Gheznin, at the head of an immense force, in order to vindicate his A. H. 441-43.
rights against the race of Seljuk, Moudûd was, however, on his first A. D. 1049-52.
stage, in the castle of Saunkûte on the way towards Kabûl, according Kholaussut-
to Ferishtah, attacked by a fit of the cholic, by which he was compelled
to relinquish his scheme of revenge, and to return to his capital; where,
on the twenty-fourth of the month of Rudjub* of the same year, he
was finally removed from this scene of pride and absurdity, to a state
of permanent repose and bliss, after a reign of seven years.
Abû Jauffer MUSSAOUD the second, the son of Moudûd, sixth of
the race of Sebekteggin, and eighth of the monarchs of Gheznîn.
This prince being yet an infant of four years of age, was deposed in
1
the monarchs of
a very few days after his nominal accession, by the members of his MUSSAOUD IId
father's court, who conspired to promote the advancement of his uncle. and VIIIth of
Abûl Hussun ALLY, the son of Mûssâoud I. seventh of the race of Gheznin-
Sebekteggin, and ninth of the monarchs of Gheznin.
ALLY, IXth of
Seated on the throne of Gheznîn, with the concurrence of the leading
nobility and Ameirs, on the first day of Shabaunt of the four hundred
and forty first of the Hidjerah, this prince immediately espoused the
widow of Sultan Moudûd, who appears to have been the daughter of
Tchegher Beg the brother of the celebrated Toghrel Beg. But Abdur-
rashid the son of Mahmûd Ghauzzy, who, after being confined by Sul-
tan Moudûd to one of the fortresses between Bost and Aushferra, had
been nominated by that monarch on his death bed, to succeed him, the monarchs of
obtaining his release from imprisonment, through the exertions of Abdur- Ghezuin.
rezauk the son of Ahmed Meymundi, and advancing in the latter part
of the four hundred and forty third of the Hidjerah, towards Gheznîn;
Sultan Ally, on intelligence of his approach, abandoned his power
without an effort, after having enjoyed it for a period of about two years.
ABDURRASHID the son of Mahmûd Ghauzzy, eighth of the race.
of Sebekteggin, and tenth of the monarchs of Gheznîn.
On the premature flight of Sultan Ally, the throne af Gheznîn was
quietly taken possession of by Abdurrashid; and the abdicated monarch
being soon overtaken by his adversaries, was immured from the eyes
* December 21st, A. D. 1019.
+ December 28th, 1049.
† March or April, 1052.
302
A. H. 443. of the public in the fortress of Deidy. The power of his successor, was
A. D. 1052. not however destined to experience any considerable duration. To-
Kholaussut ghrel Haujeb, a Turkish chief, educated under the protection of Sûltan
ul-aklıbaur.
ABDURRASH-
Moudûd the son of Mûssâoud, had been entrusted by that monarch
with the government of Seiestaun; and about this period declaring his
independence, proceeded towards Gheznîn. Abdurrashid retired into
the citadel as soon as the insurgent was known to have approached
within five farsangs* of the metropolis; of which, the ursurper soon
ID, Xth of the becoming master, the castle made no extraordinary resistance. Ab-
monarchs of durrashid with all the surviving sons of Sultan Mahmûd, nine in num-
ber, now fell into the hands of Toghrel, by whom they were every one
of them immediately put to death. The usurper then forcibly espoused
the daughter of Mûssaoud, and the sister of his benefactor; and assum-
ing the royal authority, together with the eternal execration of man-
kind has been branded to posterity by the title of Toghrel the traitor-
Toghrel-Kauffer-Niaummet.
Gheznîn.
Noushtekein Haujeb Kherkheiz, one of the principal Ameirs of
Gheznin, who held at this period the government of that part of Hin-
dûstaun extending to the frontiers of Dehly, which had reluctantly
submitted to the yoke of the Mahommedans, received intelligence of
the usurpation with equal horror, and displeasure; and he determined
without delay to subdue and chastize the author of it. He wrote, how-
ever, in the first instance to upbraid the daughter of Mûssâoud, and
the nobles of Gheznîn, with their ignominious acquiescence in the pro-
ceedings of the traitor. Several of the chiefs, who still privately cher-
ished the design of vengeance against the usurper, spurred on by the
just reproaches conveyed in the letters from Noushtekein, immediately
formed a conspiracy to destroy the ungrateful rebel: and accordingly,
when he had been suffered to indulge himself in his dream of sovereign
power for a period of forty days, and while he was giving audience to
his court, seated on the throne of the warlike and victorious Mahinûd,
that public opportunity was selected by the conspirators for the ex-
ecution of their vengeance; the odious usurper being suddenly attacked,
* Seventeen English miles, and 120 yards, at 6000 yards to the farsang, or three miles, a
quarter, and 280 yards.
308
and hewed to pieces on the spot. The reign of Abdurrashid appears A. H. 444-50.
to have terminated in less than a twelve month.
FURRUKHZAUD the son of Mûssâoud, ninth of the race of Sebek-
teggin, and eleventh of the monarchs of Gheznîn.
Soon after the accomplishment of this deserved and signal act of
vengeance, Noushtekein Kherkheiz arrived at Gheznîn; and discover-
A. D. 1053-58.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
archs of Ghezuin.
ing on inquiry that there still survived in the castle, three of the race FURRUKHZAUD,
of Sebekteggin, Furrûkhzaud, Ibrauhim, and Shuja, the nobles concur- XIth of the mon-
red with him in allotting the throne to the former; who was accordingly
brought from his prison, and invested with the authority of his an-
cestors.
Early in the reign of this prince, encouraged by the revolutions Ferishtal.
which appeared to convulse the monarchy of Gheznin, Ameir Daoud,
or David, of the race of Seljûk, hastened towards that capital, to take
advantage of the supposed prevailing troubles. He was, however, gal-
lantly opposed in the field by Noushtekein with the troops of Fur-
rûkhzaud; and totally defeated with infinite loss of baggage and equip-
ment, in a conflict which endured from sun rise to the close of day, and
in which the adverse squadrons appeared to aim at nothing less than
mutual extermination. The troops of Furrûkhzaud, with their tri-
umphant general, returned with glory to the metropolis.
This victory having produced sufficient stability to the power of
Furrûkhzaud, that prince with a victorious army and formidable equip-
ments, now proceeded towards the province of Khorassaun; while on
the part of the house of Seljûk, Kêllisaurek, one of their most distin-
guished generals, with a numerous force, hastened to oppose his march.
Another dreadful conflict ensued, which like many that preceded it,
might easily have surpassed the eloquence of the historian to describe ;
but which, however, again terminated in favor of the arms of Furrûkh-
zaud; Kellisaurek, or Kallisaurek, and several others of the Seljukian
commanders becoming his prisoners. Intelligence of this last defeat
of his troops being conveyed to Tchegher, sometimes called Jauffer
Beg, a third army was immediately dispatched by that prince, to re-
trieve these accumulated misfortunes, under the orders of his own son,
the renowned and warlike Alep Arslan. Victory now changed sides;
the brave and able Noushtekcin Kherkleiz was defeated by that illus
304
A. H. 450, trious prince, and many of the Gheznian Ameirs were destined in
A. D. 1058. their turn to experience the evils of captivity. Having thus reestab-
Ferishtab. lished the superiority of his arms, Alep Arslan appears to have for-
IBRAUHIM,
XIIth of the
Gheznuvi-
des.
borne the prosecution of his victorious career, and to have returned
in all the pomp of triumph to the presence of his father. In the mean
time, to evince his respect for the character of his illustrious adversary,
Furrûkhzaud determined on the immediate and gratuitous enlargement
of Kellisaurek, and his associates in captivity, whom he accordingly
dismissed with splendid Khelauts. This act of liberality produced a
corresponding sentiment on the part of the Seljûkians, by whom the
whole of the Gheznian prisoners were, in a similar manner, immedi-
ately restored to liberty and their friends.
About a twelve-month previous to his death, Furrûkhzaud, who is
differently represented in the Rouzut-ussuffâ, and the Tarikh gûzeidah,
by the former as the son of Mûssâoud, and by the latter as that of Ab-
durrashid, was exposed to considerable danger from the treachery of
his slaves; who formed a conspiracy to destroy him while in his bath.
The assassins had succeeded in forcing their way to his person, and
were hastening to the execution of their nefarious design, when the de-
fenceless monarch, by a fortunate exertion, possessed himself of one
of their scimitars; with which he contrived to protect himself until his
attendants, becoming apprized of the danger, rushed into the apartment,
and put the conspirators to the sword. This attempt produced such
an effect upon the mind of the prince, that he ever afterwards evinced
a contemptuous indifference for the things of this world, as in con-
stantexpectation of the period at which he was to leave it. After a reign
of six years, he died of a cholic, or complaint in the bowels, in the very
flower of life, and in the four hundred and fiftieth year of the Hidjerah.
Abûl Mûzuffer IBRAUHIM the son of Mûssaoud, tenth of the race
of Sebekteggin, and twelfth of the monarchs of Gheznîn.
Succeeding to the diadem of his ancestors on the demise of his bro-
ther, this prince, in the early part of his reign, entered into a treaty of
peace with the house of Seljûk; which must at this period have been
represented by the able and warlike Alep Arslan, and not by his son
Melek Shah, as described by Ferishtah, who did not succeed to the
1
305
dominions of his father, as will be seen hereafter, until the four hun- A. H. 450-508.
dred and sixty-fifth of the Hidjerah.
A. D. 1058-1114.
ul-akhbaur.
Of the two expeditions successfully conducted into Hindustaun by Kholaussut-
Sultan Ibrauhim, it would be here unnecessary to enter into the narra-
tive. The curious reader will doubtless find them sufficiently detailed
in the translation of Ferishtah by colonel Scott; at all events, all that can
be requisite to be apprized of on the subject, may be seen with advan-
tage from the elaborate pen of Mr. Maurice, in his more recent history
of that harrassed, and most interesting country. We shall be contented
with stating that he bears with historians in general, the character of
a just and picus prince, uniformly distinguished for the most liberal
and diffusive charity; and that he died in the four hundred and ninety
second of the Hidjerah,* after a protracted reign, of two and forty lunar
years.
MUSSAOUD the third, the son of Ibrauhim, cleventh of the race of
Sebekteggin, and thirteenth of the monarchs of Gheznîn.
monarchs of Ghez-
nin.
Surpassing in the benevolence of his manners and in the liberality of Ferishtah.
his disposition, this prince early signalized his love of justice by abo-
lishing the arbitrary contributions levied upon the people by his prede-
cessors, and by confirming to the relatives of his blood, and to the
Ameirs of his court, the possessions allotted to them by Sultan Ibrauhim:
and he contrived to secure himself against the hostile enterprizes of MUSSAOUD, IIId
the house of Seljuk, by marrying the princess Mehed-e-Irâk, (the cra- and XIIIth of the
dle of Irâk) the daughter of Melek Shah, and sister of Sûltan Sunjur.
In the reign of Mûssâoud the third, being advanced to the dignity
of licutenant general of Hindustaun, (to be understood in this place,
however, and indeed for the most part where it occurs in the history
of the Gheznuvides, as comprehending little more than the countries of
the Punjaub) Haujeb Toghatekein, led a body of troops from Lâhour
across the Ganges; and pushing his couquests beyond those of any
former general of Isslâm, the victorious Mahmud alone excepted, and
renewing the cruel scenes of pillage and desolation, extended through
the country by that remorseless conqueror, he was suffered to return
in triumph to the capital of his government.
After a reign of sixteen years unmolested by untoward events, or
by turbulence in any shape, Sultan Mûssâoud became, in the five hun-
VOL. II.
* A. D. 1098.
2 R
306
A. H. 508-12. dred and eighth of the Hidjerah, an inmate of the abodes of eternal
A. D. 1114-18.
Ferishtali.
XIVth of the
monarchs of
Gheznip.
rest.
It is affirmed on the authority of the Tarikh gûzeidah, that on the
death of Mûssâoud, his son Kummaul-ud-doulah Sheirzaud ascended
the throne of Gheznîn; but that he was cut off, at the expiration of a
twelvemonth, that is to say, some time in the five hundred and ninth of
the Hidjerah, by his brother Arslan Shah; although the narrative of
other historians has introduced the reign of the latter, without interme-
diation, next after that of Mûssâoud.
ARSLAN SHAH son of Mûssâoud, twelfth of the race of Sebek teggin,
and fourteenth of the monarchs of Gheznîn.
It appears, at all events, that having, by some measure of violence,
usurped the diadem of Gheznin, Arslan Shah proceeded to seize, and
imprison, all of his surviving brothers that he could lay hands on ; but
one of these, Behram Shah, escaping for protection to the court of his
uncle, Sultan Sunjur the son of Melek Shah, who at this period presided
over Khorassaun, as the lieutenant of his brother Mahommed, that
prince accompanied the illustrious exile, at the head of a powerful
army, towards Gheznin; defeated and expelled the usurper, and suc-
ceeded in seating Behram Shah on the throne of Mahmûd. Arslan
ARSLANSHAH Shah availing himself however of the return of Sûltan Sunjur into
Khorassaun, immediately recoiled upon his brother; whom he compel-
led a second time to throw himself upon the protection of his uncle.
Every expedient was now resorted to, on the part of Arslan Shah, to
divert that prince from espousing the cause of his brother; and among
others, his mother, the Mehed-e-Irâk, formerly adverted to, was en-
trusted with the sum of two hundred thousand dinaurs* in order to
purchase the forbearance of Sultan Sunjur. The latter disdained how-
ever all proposals to abandon the support of his nephew; and again
advancing towards Gheznîn, within a league of that metropolis gave
battle to Arslan Shah with his usual good fortune; the latter being again
totally defeated, in a great measure, through the distinguished gallantry
of Abul Fazzel prince of Seiestaun, who had accompanied Sultan
Sunjur on this last expedition. Arslan Shah made the best of his way
into the territory beyond the Indus, while his victorious antagonist
*01,666l, 135, 1d.
307
A. D. 1114-18.
proceeded to take possession of Gheznin; and having remained at that A. H. 508-12.
place for a period of forty days, he once more committed the govern-
ment to Behram Shah, and returned into Khorassaun.
On information that the Seljûkian was again withdrawn into his
own province, Arslan Shah, assembling a fresh army among the troops
of the Punjaub, and of the other provinces of Hindustaun which had
been subjugated to the authority of the race of Sebekteggin, ad-
vanced towards Gheznin, for the third time, to contend with his bro-
ther, for the throne of Mahmûd. Behram Shah who felt himself still
unequal to such a contest on the strength of his own resources, found
it expedient on this occasion to retire to the fortress of Bâmian. The
power of his uncle was, however, again successfully exerted in his behalf;
the usurper Arslan Shah was expelled for the last time from Gheznin,
and sought an asylum among the Afghan tribes; but being pursued
by the troops of Sûltan Sunjur, he was immediately taken and deli-
vered up to his brother, by whom the views of an aspiring and turbulent
ambition were now finally terminated by the all-subduing stroke of
death. This event is said to have taken place in the five hundred and
twelfth of the Hidjerah, when he had, at intervals, possessed the sover-
eign power, for a period of about three years. We find it further stated
that, during the turbulent and unsettled government of Arslan Shah,
the greater part of the city of Gheznîn was consumed, by lightning
from heaven.
Sultan Alla-ud-doulah BEHRAM SHAH the son of Mussaoud, thir-
teenth of the race of Sebekteggin, and fifteenth of the monarchs of
Gheznîn.
Ferishtah.
XVth of the mon-
archs of Gheznin.
Without entering into the details of Ferishtah it will be sufficient
for our purpose to relate, that on his permanent accession to the throne
of his ancestors, Behram Shah evinced not less by his love of justice,
and his attachment to the society of the learned, than by the splendour BEHRAM SHAH,
and magnificence of his actions, that he was worthy of his exalted
destiny. To him was dedicated the first translation, from Arabic into
Persian, of the Kaleila Dûmna, the fables of Beidpâi, an Indian sage,
originally so called. A translation from the language of India, into
Peblvy, the ancient idiom of the Persians, had been of old, and with
much labour and difficulty, executed by the enlightened Bûzúrtche-
2 R2
308
A. H. 512.47. mêher, the minister of Noushirvaun; and from Pehlvy into Arabic by
A. D. 1118-52. Eben-ul-Mokennia in the time of Hârûn rashid. This latter was probably
Ferishtah. the copy now translated under the patronage of Behram Shah. From
the more abstruse and obscure stile in which it still stood, it was finally
rendered into more familiar and intelligible Persian, rejecting the Ara-
bic measures, or verse, altogether, and denominated the ANWAR SO-
HEYLY-the lights of the star Canopus-in the time of Sultan Husseyne
Mirza of the house of Seffy, by Mûlla Husseyne Wauzz the Kaushe-
fite. The Mekhzin-ul-essraur, or magazine of mysteries, of Nizammy,
was another work composed under the patronage of Behram Shah.
Sultan Behram Shah is stated to have been engaged in several expe-
ditions to the territory beyond the Indus, principally directed to chas-
tize the refractory proceedings of Mahommed Bahlim; who had been
constituted lieutenant general of Lâhour, under the authority of Arslan
Shah, and who had presumed to display the standard of hostility against
that of his ultimately triumphant brother. On the twenty seventh of
Ramzaun, of the five hundred and twelfth of the Hidjerah, he fell how-
ever into the hands of the royal armies; but after a short detention in
imprisonment, his offence was overlooked, and he was restored to his
post, of lieutenant general of the Mûssulman conquests in Hindûstaun.
Availing himself, however, of the Sultan's return to Gheznîn, Mahom-
med Bahlim proceeded, among the mountains of Sewaulik, to erect the
fortress of Nagûr; where, as in an impregnable asylum, he secured his
family and most valuable effects. Then raising a numerous force of
Arabs, Persians, Khiljian Turks and Afghans, and with their assistance,
obtaining repeated advantages over the surrounding infidel states, he
became by degrees so elated with his good fortune, that he raised his
views at last to the aim of independent conquest, and sovereign power.
This occasioned the second expedition of Behrain Shah. In the neigh-
borhood of Mûltaun, that monarch was again met by the ungrateful
rebel, accompanied by his ten sons; and was opposed with an obstinacy
which, in the language of the orientals, had been seldom exhibited to
the vaulted expanse of heaven. The just punishment of ingratitude
was, however, at last, once more signally exemplified in the total defeat
of Bablim; who, with the whole of his ten sons, plunging in the preci-
pitation of their flight, into a marsh-pit, or quagmire, they were, with all.
309
that accompanied them, entirely swallowed up; not a vestige ofthe horse A. H. 645-47.
or his rider being ever discovered. Having thus successfully vindi- A.D. 1750-52,
cated his authority, Behram Shah, leaving the territory of the Punjaub Ferishtah.
to the care of Salaur Hûsseyne, returned to enjoy the fruits of his vic-
tory, in the bosom of his capital.
Unfortunately conceiving, towards the close of his reign, some cir-
cumstance of displeasure against Kûtbuddein Mahommed Ghoury, who
appears to have been his son in law, the Sultan caused him to be put
to death. On which, to avenge the injury, Seyf-ud-dein Sûry the bro-
ther of the deceased, immediately marched an army to the attack of
Gheznin; while Behram Shah considering himself, it seems, unequal
to the defence of his capital, abandoned it to the invader, and withdrew
to Kermaun; not the well known province of that name, but a city
standing mid-way between Gheznîn and the Indian territory, in pos-
session of the Afghans; who, from its situation among the hills, and the
nature of the country unfavorable to the operations of cavalry, had
made it their principal abode. Seyf-ud-dein entered Gheznin with-
out resistance, and relying on the tractable temper of the inhabitants,
ventured to send back his brother Allâ-ud-dein, with most of his ex-
perienced commanders, and the greater part of his army, to their na-
tive country. But although he continued to conduct himself with
uniform moderation towards the citizens, and no sort of disposition to
oppress or ill-treat them, had been in any instance evinced on the part
of his followers, the people of Gheznin, with every outward demon-
stration of attachment to the government of Seyf-ud-dein, still cherished
a desire for the return of their legitimate sovereign; with whom it was
not difficult, privately, to open a correspondence.
Accordingly when winter set in, and the drifting snows had com-
pletely intercepted the commuuication through the mountains of
Ghour, Behram Shah at the head of a considerable body of Afghans, and
Khiljies, and other uncivilized tribes of the desert, appeared in the
neighborhood of Gheznin. When there remained, however, a distance
of not more than two or three farsangs between him and his capital,
Seyf-ud-dein received intelligence of his approach; and, confiding to
their hollow professions of attachment, entered into consultation with
the men of Gheznin, whether he should abide the issue of a conflict
$10
A. H. 545-47. with his adversary, or withdraw towards Ghour. The people of Ghez-
A. D. 1150-52. nin, stedfast to their hypocritical design, and forgetful of their obli-
Ferishtah, gation as honest counsellors, at the moment they were determined to
betray him, urged the unwary prince by every consideration to give
battle to the Shah. Seyf-ud-dein, adds Ferishtah, like Moutummen,*
betrayed by those whose counsels were actuated by an attachment
to the interests of the enemy, quitted Gheznin accordingly; and at the
head of the inhabitants, accompanied by a slender guard of Ghouri-
ans, drew out to oppose the further advance of Sultan Behram. But
before he had been yet permitted to put forth those proofs of military
skill and exertion, which might have been apprehended from his for-
mer fame, the men of Gheznîn seized his person, and perfidiously de-
livered him up to his mortal enemy.
Thus unexpectedly betrayed, Seyf-ud-dein was now mounted, by the
instructions of Sultan Beliram, with his face blackened, on a halfstarved
and disabled bullock; and in that state he was paraded through the streets
of Gheznin, exposed to the mockery and derision of the women and
children, and of the white-beards of the whole city; who followed in
the train, to insult and upbraid him with their abusive and opprobrious
clamours. He was then put to death with every species of ignominy
and torture, that the most inveterate cruelty could put in practice, and
his head was ultimately taken off and transmitted to Sûltan Sunjur; while
Seyud Mudjid-ud-dein who had officiated as prime minister, was ei-
ther impaled, or suspended to a gibbet.
Burning with indignation, at the horrible intelligence which reached
him of his brother's fate, Allâ-ud-dein Husseyne Sûry determined on
immediate vengeance; and, for that purpose marched shortly afterwards,
with an army long inured to the conflicts of death, towards Gheznîn:
while Behram Shah, on his part, on information of his approach, as-
sembled his troops, and proceeded from his capital with equal reso-
lution and diligence, to give him battle. He dispatched, however, in
the first instance, an agent to Allâ-ud- dein, to warn him of the fearful
consequences of his rash, and unprofitable design; to admonish him,
before it was yet too late, to recede from his vindictive projects; for
* Adverting to the transactions in which that prince was engaged with his brother Amein,
311
that the hardy warriors, the iron-bodied elephants, which he had pre- A. H. 549-4%.
pared to crush him, were thousands in number-To beware therefore, by A. D. 1150-52.
committing his fate to a conflict so dreadful, of bringing, at one blow, Ferishtah
inevitable destruction upon his whole race. By Allâ-ud dein it was
announced to him, in reply, that the recent act of barbarous cruelty of
which he was the author, was a manifest presage, on the contrary, of
the impending downfal of the Gheznûian monarchy; that when the
monarch of a civilized nation led his armies against the territory of a
neighboring state, though the consequences might be often destructive
to many valuable and innocent individuals, yet, they were never ac-
companied by those circumstances of barbarous cruelty and insult,
which had disgraced his conduct towards the unfortunate Seyf-ud-dein.
"Doubt not" concluded the Ghourian, "that providence, in its just
"retribution, and as a conspicuous and fearful example to the world,
"will crown my hopes of revenge with victory. Let not Behram Shâh
repose too securely on the vaunted strength of his elephants-For
though he have his elephants, have I not my warlike, and invinci
"ble Khermeils"? adverting to two brothers of that name, the elder
and the younger, distinguished, among the Ameirs of Allâ-ud-dein's
army, for their martial prowess and superior strength.
(6
66
The annunciation of this reply is said, at all events, to have commu-
nicated an unfavorable impression to the mind of Behram Shah, al-
though he contrived to conceal his uneasiness from the observation of
his followers; and the armies continuing to approach, a battle became
at length, no longer avoidable. In the course of the action, the elder,
or greater Khermeil rushed into the conflict, with the impetuous fury
of the animal he was about to assail, and singling out one of the Shah's
largest and noblest elephants, buried his dagger in its bowels; the
animal sunk down upon its assailant, and both immediately perished
together. The younger Khermeil, more fortunate, killed his elephant,
and escaped without injury.
In effect the other elephants are stated upon this, like a herd of ox en
or buffaloes, to have fled terror-stricken through the field; and Allà-
ud-dein Hûsseyne, with his Ameirs, in a determined and violent effort
directed towards the person of Behram Shah, already half subdued by
superstitious terrors, gave to the Gheznians a dreadiul experience of their
312
A. D 1152.
Ferishtah.
A. H. 647. agility and adroitness in the work of death. Doulut Shah the son of
Behram Shah, the lieutenant general of his father's armies, a brave and
skilful soldier, had long since fallen in the conflict; and the wretched
parent bereaved of heart and hand, now fled from the field of battle,
directing his flight towards the Indus : but unable to survive the loss
of his son, in addition to his other misfortunes, he became soon after-
wards the victim of his sorrows. He died, after a diversified reign of
five and thirty years, in the five hundred and forty seventh of the Hid-
jerah.
XVIth of the mon-
archs of Gheznin.
KHOSSROU SHAH the son of Behram Shah, fourteenth of the race
of Sebekteggin, and sixteenth of the monarchs of Gheznin.
Notwithstanding the above relation it is now asserted, as given on the
testimony of the best established history, that Behram Shah dying at
Gleznîn, his son Khossrou Shah was raised, by the united concurrence
of the nobles, to the throne of his ancestors. But intelligence, at the
same period, successively arriving of the approach of Alla-ud-dein
Hûsseyne, the new monarch with his court and the whole of his family,
immediately withdrew beyond the Indus, and fixed his residence at
LAHOUR. The Ghourian then entered Gheznîn, causing it to be pub-
KHOSSROU SHAH, licly announced, to the forsaken and unfortunate inhabitants, that they
were by no means to consider themselves therefore exempted from the
destiny of a city captured by assault-The accumulated horrors of pil-
lage, massacre, and desolation. For the space of seven days, accord-
ingly, nothing was omitted on the part of the revengeful conqueror, to
make that unhappy city experience through all its quarters, every cir-
cumstance of outrage, that could be dictated by the most furious and
malignant passions. The Ghourian had been moreover apprized, that
when Seyf-ud-dein was so ignominiously exposed through their streets;
the women of Gheznîn had been particularly active in railing at, and
insulting the unfortunate captive, to the sound of their cymbals and
tabrets; he therefore condemned great numbers of them to atone with
their lives for that imprudent exhibition of female malignity. Having
rendered himself memorable by this conspicuous example of vengeance,
Alla-ud-dein quitted Gheznin, and withdrew towards his native country;
marking his route by burning and demolishing every structure, within
his reach, that might in any shape have belonged to the race of Sebek-
+
313
teggin; whence he derived the appellation of Allå-ud-dein jahaun- A. H. 547-8.
souz―the conflagrator. In retaliation for the death of Seyud Mudjid- A. D. 1152-53.
ud-dein his brother's minister, he caused a number of the Seyuds of Ferishtah.
Gheznîn to be conducted to Feyrouzkoh, each with a bag of earth
suspended to his neck; where on their arrival they were all beheaded,
and the earth of which they had been the bearers, being mixed up into
mortar with their blood, was applied to construct the towers of the
castle of that place.
Relying on the assistance of Sultan Sunjur the Seljukian, Khossrou
Shah hastened, on the departure of Allâ-ud-dein, at the head of a power-
ful army from Láhour for the purpose of recovering his capital.
Sultan Sunjur having been, however, about this period, defeated and
taken by the Ghozzian Türkmauns, and the latter advancing with
considerable expedition towards Gheznîn, Khossrou Shah declined a
contest with those barbarians, and returned to Lahour. The Ghozzians
continued in possession of Gheznîn for two years afterwards, when
it was wrested from them by some of the Ghourian princes; from whom
at the expiration of a further interval, not exactly stated, it was again
taken by Khossrou Mêlek, of whom hereafter.
From other authorities it would however, it seems, appear that when
Khossrou Shah fled into the territory eastward of the Indus, from the
dreaded vengeance of Alla-ud-dein jahansouz, the Ghourian proceeded
to add to his other conquests those of Tikken, or perhaps Bikkenabad,
Gurrumseyr, and Kandahaur; which leaving to the management of his
nephew Sultan Gheyauth-ud-dein Mahommed, he withdrew as for-
merly into Ghour. But Khossrou Shah returning with a formidable army
from the Punjaub, for the purpose of repossessing himself of Gheznîn,
he received from Allâ-ud-dein overtures towards a treaty of peace; in
which it was proposed that the city and castle of Bikkenabad should
be ceded to the Ghourian, and that the Shah should be satisfied with
the restoration of his capital. These terms being peremptorily re-
jected by Khossrou, Allâ-ud-dein is stated to have conveyed to him a
stanza of four lines to the following effect. "That vengeance of which
"the foundation was laid by thy father-hath already wrought su
The manuscript in my possession shews ten years.
VOL. II.
2 S
}
814
A. H. 655-80. "cient mischief among the nations of the earth-Beware! lest for the
A. D. 1160-84. “ single paltry district of Bikkenabad, thou give the entire of the
Ferishtah. empire of Mahmûd to the winds of heaven."
86
Khossrou had been
encouraged to reject these proposals by his reliance on the support of
Sultan Sunjur, as above related; but becoming unexpectedly apprized
of the irretrievable misfortune which had befallen that prince, he was
again compelled to retire to Lahour; where, after a precarious and turbu
lent reign of seven years, he ultimately died, in the five hundred and
fifty-fifth of the Hidjerah.
KHOSSROU MELEK the son of Khossrou Shah fifteenth of the race
of Sebekteggin, seventeenth and last of the monarchs of Gheznîn,
Succeeding to the sovereign power on the death of his father at
Lahour, this prince is represented to have signally augmented the splen-
dor of that metropolis, by several memorable proofs of a just and bene-
volent spirit. For some time he contrived to secure to his authority, the
whole of the countries which had been subjugated eastward of the
KHOSSROU MELEK, Indus, by his predecessors, the Sûltans Ibrauhim, and Behram Shah.
XVIIth and last of the But Shahaub-ud-dein Mahommed the Ghourian, the nephew of Alla-
monarchs ofGheznin.
ud-dein, not satisfied with his acquisition of the metropolis of his an-
cestors, now extended his ambitious views to bereave him of his re-
remaining dominions in Hindûstaun. Having previously reduced
Paishawer, the country of the Afghans, Mûltaun, and Sind, he at
length appeared, in the five hundred and seventy sixth of the Hidjerah,†
under the walls of Lahour. Unable to contend with the invader in
the field of battle, Khossrou Mêlek withdrew into the city; but by
the delivery of his infant son Mêlek Shâh as an hostage, together with
his best and finest elephants, into the hands of his besieger, he suc-
ceeded in redeeming himself from present subjugation; the Ghourian
consenting to return this time to Gheznin short of his object.
Four years afterwards however, namely, in the five hundred and
eightieth of the Hidjerah,‡ Sultan Shahaub-ud-dein resumed his hos-
tile designs, and appeared a second time before the walls of Lahour,
Khossrou Mêlek securing himself, as formerly, within the fortifications.
of the town. But as the reduction of this celebrate l city appears to
!
A. D. 1160. † A. D. 1180.
A. D. 1184,
{
915
have been an enterprize still beyond his means to accomplish, the A. H. 580-82.
Ghourian was compelled once more to abandon it; and he proceeded A. D. 1184-86.
to erect the fortress of Siaulkote, about sixty miles to the northward Ferishtah.
of Lahour, and twenty to the eastward of Rotas on the Behât; possibly
to over-awe the capital of the Punjaub, and to secure his own access
whenever he found it convenient to resume his project. Then confiding
the defence of the new fortress to one of his bravest officers, he returned
to Gheznîn. Siaulkote was invested, immediately on the departure of
Shahaub-ud-dein, by Khossrou Mêlek assisted by a body of Goggers,
Kahkares, or Gickers, but without success,
In the mean time convinced, by repeated failure, that all attempts
to reduce Lahour by open force would be in vain, Shahaub-ud-dein
determined at last on having recourse to stratagem, for the attainment
of his ends. For this purpose, affecting to have laid aside all further
views of his hostility towards Khossrou Mêlek, he proceeded in the
five hundred and eighty second of the Hidjerah,* to equip his hostage.
Mêlek Shah, now about ten years of age, with all things suitable to
his birth, and dismissed him to pay a visit to his father at Lahour, in
charge of certain of his officers, in whose discretion he could with con-
fidence repose. These he privately instructed to excite and encourage
in the young prince a propensity for drinking: to employ every device
in their power to retard his journey; and for that purpose to make
as many halts as possible during their progress. Delighted beyond
measure at the intelligence which was conveyed to him, of the ap-
proaching interview with his long absent child, Khossrou Mêlek in the
contemplation of that single object, abandoned his usual circumspec-
tion; and reposing a blind confidence in the pacific and friendly views
of the Ghourian, entirely resigned himself to a scene of mirth and fes-
tivity. "In that throne and state," observes the author, quoting a
saying of the Persians, "there must arise confusion and sorrow-where
"the foresight of the prince is inferior to that of the shepherd for his
"flock," Thus while the young Mêlek Shâh was prosecuting his
journey, Shahaub-ud-dein suddenly quitted Gheznîn at the head of
twenty thousand cavalry lightly equipped, and furnished with one or
*A. D. 1186.
2 $2
316
A. H. 582. two spare horses each for expedition; and proceeding by a círcuitous route
A.D. 1186. and forced marches, appeared unexpectedly in sight of Lahour; when,
Ferishtah. early one morning, the wretched Khossrou Mêlek awoke from his deli-
rium of security, to behold the opposite banks of the Rauvy swarming
with the menacing squadrons of the adversary. The unhappy monarch
deprived of all resource, in terms sufficiently abject, besought the
mercy, and proceeded to the presence of his betrayer: and thus, about
the five hundred and eighty second of the Hidjerah, without the slight-
est resistance, without a single struggle, the city of Lahour, however
strongly fortified, submitted to Shahaub-ud-dein; and the empire of
Sebekteggin, after it had subsisted altogether for a period of two hundred
and seventeen lunar, or two hundred and eleven solar years, was finally
transferred to the dinasty of the Ghourians.
At the hazard of its being already before the public from the deline-
ation of a far abler pen, this sketch of the subversion of the empire of
Gheznîn, or Ghezny, has been almost literally translated from Ferish-
tah; that which we derive from the author of the Kholauss ut-ul-
akhbaur, being too meagre and defective to be presented, with any
justice, to the English reader.
Our abridgement must now be employed to furnish some account of
Of the Fatimite the Issmauilian, or Fatimite sovereigns, whose authority extended for
Khalifs of Egypt. a considerable period over Egypt, and the region of Africa immediately
west of that celebrated province.
A. H. 296.
ul-akhbaur.
The first of this race who assumed the sovereign power, is stated to
A. D. 908. have been Abûl Kaussem MAHOMMED the son of Abdullah, who bore
Kholanssut- the title of Mehedy, represented by some of the Issmauilian Schis.
matics, as well as by many of the more orthodox Sûnnihs, as a descend-
ant from Issmauil the eldest son of Jauffer-us-saudek, the sixth Inaum.
The race of Abbas have however stigmatized with malediction this
MAHOMMED UL
MEHEDY, 1st of assumed extraction of Mebedy; and other Mosslems appear to have
considered him as of the stock of Abdullah, the son of Salem the Bas-
sorite. The Issmauilians, nevertheless, persist in maintaining that
the Mehedy of history, and of tradition, strictly refers to the subject,
of this article; and moreover appeal to a prediction of the Arabian
prophet importing "that, at the close of the third century, (of the Hid-
“jeral) a sun, or great luminary, should arise in the western parts of
that race.
317
1
ul-akhbaur.
the world;" alleging that the sun in this prediction figuratively applies A. H. 296-341.
to Mahommed the son of Abdullah, the Fatimite. Be that however A. D. 908-53.
asit
may, this Abûl Kaussem MAHOMMED Mehedy revolting in Africa, Kholaussut-
under the reign of the Khalif Mûktedder, in the two hundred and
ninety-sixth of the Hidjerah, subdued to his power the greater part
of the territory on the southern shore of the Mediterranean, westward
of Egypt: and having reigned with considerable splendor for a period
of six and twenty years, he died in the three hundred and twenty
second of the Hidjerah,* at the age of sixty two.
UL KAEIM B'imr Illah AHMED the son of Mahommed, second of
the Issmauilian Khalifs.
This prince was the legitimate successor to his father's power: but
towards the close of his reign, a school master of the name of Abû
Yezzeid revolting against his authority, and being joined by a multitude
of the turbulent and disaffected, he was defeated in battle, and com- ULKAEIM'Ild
pelled to shut himself up in the fortress of Mehêdiah, on the sea coast of the Khalifs
eastward of Kairwan. There he was besieged by the insurgents, and of Egypt.
in that situation, dying in the course of the three hundred and thirty
fourth of the Hidjerah,† after a reign of twelve years, he left a will by
which his surviving son was nominated to succeed.
Ul Munsûr-be-kûwut-Ullah ISSMAUIL the son of Ul Kâeim, third
of the Issmauilian Khalifs.
Artfully concealing the death of his father this prince, on succeeding
to the sovereign authority, with equal gallantry and skill attacked and UL MUNSUR IIId
defeated his besiegers; and detaching some of his bravest soldiers in of the Khalifs of
pursuit of Abû Yezzeid, the rebel was soon taken and brought to his Egypt.
presence. The punishment allotted to the unfortunate pedagogue
was rather a singular one; he was confined to an iron cage, with an
ape for his companion; and having been in that manner exposed for
several days, he was ultimately consigned to the sword of the execu-
tioner.
Ul Munsûr, in the three hundred and forty first of the Hidjerah,
quitted this abode of pride and folly at the age of thirty nine, and after
an apparently successful reign of seven years.
* A. D. 934
†A. D. 945,
318
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 841-61. Ul-Mûezz-ud-dein Ullah ABU TEMEIM the son of Munsûr, fourth
A. D. 953-72. of the Issmauilian Khalifs, assumed the sovereign authority in the
Kholaussut month of Shavaul* of the three hundred and forty first of the Hidjerah,
and became a monarch of great power and renown; having in the pro-
cess of time subjugated to his dominion many of the African provinces,
westward of Egypt, which had hitherto successfully resisted the arms
of his predecessors.
DEIN, IVth of
On the death of Kâfür Ekhshid who held the government of Egypt,
under the authority of the house of Abbas, the province being about
the same period afflicted by a dreadful famine, Ul Mûezz-ud-dein
availed himself of the opportunity to dispatch one of his generals of
the name of Jauher Khaudem, at the head of a great army, and accom-
panied with an abundant supply of provisions, to take possession of the
UL. MUEZZUD Country. This able commander, who was not improbably an eunuch,
the Khalifs of accomplished the reduction of that important province some time in
Egypt. the three hundred and fifty seventh of the Hidjerah,† (while the Khalif
Mûteia swayed the sceptre of the Abbassides;) and pitching his tents
in the centre of the Egyptian metropolis, proceeded to distribute to the
famished inhabitants the abundant stores which he had brought for their
relief. In the course of the same year, and in conformity with the
instructions of his master, he laid the foundation of a new city, de◄
scribed to be situated midway between Fostaut, and Misser, and Eyne-
us-shums, and to which, in honor of his sovereign, he gave the name of
Kaherah Mûezziah; the same that under the more corrupt appellation of
Cairo, and under multiplied vicissitudes, has continued to this day the
metropolis of the province. The talents of Jauher were next employed
in the reduction of Alexandria, and finally of Syria, and even Hejauz;
each of which provinces he is said to have added to the dominions of
the Issmauilian, gracing the Khotbah and Sikkah throughout the
whole, with the name of Ul Mûezz-ud-dein- Ullah.
Some years afterwards, namely, in the three hundred and sixty-first
of the Hidjerah, Mûezz-ud-dein quitted his former residence in Africa,
and removed to the new city of Kaherah, which he now declared the
metropolis of his dominions; and having reigned with distinguished
February. A. D, 953,
+ A- D. 968,
319
justice, for a period of three and twenty years, and five months, he A. H. 965-98.
there terminated his mortal career, on Friday the nineteenth of the lat- A. D. 975-98.
ter Rebbeia, of the three hundred and sixty fifth of the Hidjerah.
Ul Azziz B'Illah Abû Munsûr NEZZAUR the son of UI Mûezz ud-
dein, fifth of the Issmauilian Khalifs.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
UL Azziz, Vth
of the Khalifs
This prince succeeded to the throne of the Egyptian Khalifs immedi-
ately on the death of his father; and it is stated as a singular circumstance,
that among those who pledged allegiance to him on the occasion, were
his own uncle Heyder, Abûl Feraut the uncle of his father, and an
uncle of his grandfather; which, it seems, occurred to no other mon- of Egypt.
arch in Islâm, but himself and Hârûnrashid. He proved a mild,
benevolent, and virtuous prince; and having reigned in great prosperity
and splendor for the space of one and twenty years, he died in Ram-
zaun of the three hundred and eighty sixth of the Hidjerah,* the forty
second of his age.
VIth of the
Ul Hâkem bimmer-Ullah Abû Ally MUNSUR the son of Ul Azziz,
sixth of the Issmauilian Khalifs, was born at Cairo, and the first of
his race who was a native of that city. During the reign of Ul
Hakem, we are informed that a person professing to be a descendant
from Hashaum the son of Abdulmêlek headed an insurrection against the
authority of the Issmauilians; but falling, after repeated conflicts, UL HAKEM
into the hands of the ruling power, he was by the direction of Ul Khalis of E-
Hakem, mounted on a camel, with his legs bound, and a red cap on gypt.
his head; while a monkey seated behind him, kept ever and anon, strik-
ing him on the neck and shoulders with his paws. When the people
proceeded however at the close of the ceremony, to dismount him
from the back of the camel, it was found that, either through shame or
apprehension, the unfortunate culprit was become a lifeless corpse.
About the twelfth year of the reign of Ul Hâkem, such is described
to have been the profound tranquillity which prevailed throughout
Egypt, that he forbad the gates of Cairo to be shut at night, as had been
previously the practice in times of the greatest security; while the
inhabitants were directed to continue their shops and warehouses open,
† September, A. D. 996,
* December 25th, A. D. 975-
320
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 398. as in the day time, keeping lighted flambeaus at the head of every
A. D. 1008. street; and in these circumstances the citizens continued to croud the
Kholaussut market places throughout the night, while the monarch with his courti-
ers paraded the streets, accessible to the conversation ofall who might be
disposed to address him. On the authority of the Tarikh gûzeidah it is
however stated that in every period of his government, it was the prac-
tice of Ul Hâkem to traverse the streets of his capital in the manner
just described; that on such occasions he usually appeared riding on
an-ass, without the slightest circumstance of pomp or ceremony; profes-
sing that, like Moses on mount Sinai, he was going to perform his de-
votions in the presence of God. And finally that such was the zeal with
which he exerted himself to enforce the rigid observance of the law,
that he caused all the gardens and vineyards, in the vicinity of Cairo to
be destroyed, when he found that the people were not to be otherwise.
restrained from the use of wine, and inebriating liquors. Another point
which he moreover appears to have been singularly studious to accom-
plish, was to check that unrestrained intercourse between women,
which he might have conceived eminently prejudicial to female purity,
and domestic happiness, as conducted in the East; and for this purpose
he prohibited throughout his capital the making of women's shoes, or
buskins.
1
At the same time, while he scrutinized with such rigid severity the
irregularities of the public, he is accused of being perfectly indul-
gent towards the private vices and debaucheries of his own family,
and domestics, which he appears to have thought it but little ex-
pedient to investigate. Hence, when he had continued to conduct
his government in this manner for about seven years, the inhabitants
of Cairo proceeded to dress up the effigies of a woman, which, with a
paper in its hand they contrived to plant in the way of Ul Hâkem, in
his usual progress through the streets. Observing the scroll, the monarch
hastened to seize and peruse it, and was not a little enraged to find
that it contained a severe and abusive libel on himself and his prede-
cessors and in the paroxysm of his fury he gave orders for a genera]
pillage of his own capital, which terminated in the immediate destruc-
tion of one half of that unfortunate city.
1
1
821
ul-akhbaur.
Towards the conclusion ofhis reign, conceiving, however,asuspicion A. H. 411,
that a libidinous intercourse was carrying on between his own sister, A. D. 1020.
aud the general of his army, Ul Håkem sought an opportunity of Kholaussut-
put-
ting them both to death. But the general becoming apprized of his
design, determined to avert the danger by entering into an immediate
conspiracy against the life of its author; which, in the course of the
four hundred and eleventh of the Hidjerah, he carried into successful
execution.
* According to the statements of the Rouzut-us-suffà, the destruction of
Ul Hakem was accomplished in the following manner.
It was usual
with him, it seems, to ride out every evening on his ass, to make a circuit.
of the neighboring range of hills which overlooks the city of Cairo;
and professing to have attained to singular skill in astrology, he had
been frequently known to assert, that if, by a particular night which he
named, no mischief occurred to assail him, he had precisely calculated
that he was destined to outlive the age of four-score.
On the evening
which had been thus previously indicated, he was proceeding to take
his usual ride, when his mother interposed with the most anxious
intreaties that, for that night, he would not leave his palace. For a short
time the prince gave way to the importunities of maternal affection;
but urged by an impulse which he could neither resist, nor account for,
he became afterwards impatient; and he declared to his mother, that
if she did not permit him to proceed on his usual excursion, he was
verily persuaded that his soul would immediately quit her frail enclo-
sure. On this he left the palace, with the determination not unfre-
quent with resolute minds, to brave his destiny. On his arrival at the
foot of the hill, the conspirators who lay in ambush for his life, rushed
upon, and easily dispatched him, in the sixty first year of his age, the
twenty-fifth of his reign.
UL-ZAUHIR-UD-DEIN-ULLAH Abûl Hussun ALLY the son of Ul
Hakem, seventh of the Issmauilian Khalifs.
Having succeeded, with the concurrence of the distinguished classes
UL ZAUHIR
of the inhabitants of Ul Kaherah, to the throne of Egypt on the assas- VIIth of the
sination of his father, Ul Zauhir availed himself of the earliest oppor- Khalifs of E-
tunity, after the effectual establishment of his power, to dispatch his gypt.
VOL. II.
2 T
322
A. H. 411-87. libidinous aunt, with her suspected paramour, to the abode where all
A. D. 1020-94. things are forgotten.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
UL MUSTANSER,
VIIIth of the Kha-
lifs of Egypt.
After an apparently prosperous reign of sixteen years, Ul Zauhir
died, of a dropsical complaint, at the premature age of three and thirty,
in the four hundred and twenty seventh of the Hidjerah ;* leaving, like
his grandsire Ul Azziz, a character distinguished for every virtue that
could secure for his memory the love and veneration of mankind.
UL MUSTANSER B'ILLAH Abû Temeim SAUD the son of Ul Zauhir,
eighth of the Issmauilian Khalifs, succeeded to the authority of his
ancestors, when a minor of seven years of age.
Of the numerous events, which must have distinguished the unusu-
ally protracted reign of this prince, there are but two which seem to
have fixed the attention of our abbreviator; the first, the appearance in
Egypt, in the four hundred and forty-sixth of the Hidjerah,† the nine-
teenth of Mûstanser, of a star of extraordinary magnitude and brilli-
ancy, which continued for a long time to diffuse its beams with sur-
prising lustre over the city of Kaherah. This portended, or at all events,
was followed, by a dreadful scarcity; during which vast numbers of the
inhabitants daily perished from hunger and want of food. The next
was a tremendous earthquake which, on the twelfth day of Rudjub of
the year four hundred and sixty, shook the city of Kaherah, and the
whole land of Egypt, with such singular and astonishing violence, that
the very fish in the waters of the Nile became sensible of its effects.
The mind of Mûstanser was at the same time so powerfully wrought upon
by the awful concussion, that, in order to allay the disquietude which
had seized the hearts of his subjects, he found it expedient to make a
distribution of his property among the poor, to an incalculable amount.
The death of Ul Mûstanser took place in the four hundred and eighty
seventh § of the Hidjerah, when he had swayed the sceptre of Egypt
for a period of sixty lunar years; a duration which does not appear to
have been allotted to the reign of any of the monarchs of Islâm, either
before or after him.
Mûstanser had originally vested the succession in his eldest son
Nezzaur, with the title of Mûstaufa-ud-dein Ullah; but unhappily
↑ Sixteenth of May, A. D. 1068.
* A. D. 1036.
†A. D. 1054.
§ A. D. 1094.
323
:
ul-akhbaur.
taking offence at some circumstance in the conduct of that prince, he A. H. 487-95
subsequently ordained that he should have no sort of concern with the A. D. 1094-1101,
Khelaufut; which he then transferred to the younger brother UI Mûs- Kholaussut-
taully B'illah Ahmed. Hence arose, on the death of Mûstansér, an
inveterate Schism among the Issmauilians; one party adhering, in
conformity with the fundamental principle of the Sect† to the original
choice, and contending for the Imaumut of Nezzaur, for whom they
accordingly claimed the allegiance of the people. Of this was the
celebrated Hussun, or Hassan Sabah: while the other party contended
more successfully for the claims of Ahmed..
UL MUSTAULLY B'ILLAH Abûl Kaussem АHMED the son of Ul
Mûstanser, ninth of the Issmauilian Khalifs.
UL MUSTAULLY,
As soon as he conceived himself in secure possession of the throne,
the first views of this prince were directed to obviate the claims of his
brother; who declining the contest, fled for the present to Alexandria.
The governor of that city, a slave of his father's, gave him however the IXth of the Khalifs
most distinguished reception, and immediately acknowledged him as of Egypt.
the legitimate successor to the dominions of his family. But a pow-
erful force being employed to support the authority of Ul Mustaully,
the governor of Alexandria was taken in battle, and put to death; and
Nezzaur becoming also the prisoner of the victorious party, was conveyed
with his two sons to the metropolis, and confined by his more fortunate
brother to the castle of Cairo, where he died.
Ul Mustaully now continued to sway the sceptre of Egypt without
a competitor, until the four hundred and ninety-fifth of the Hidjerah,†
when at the early age of eight and twenty, he also died, after a reign
of seven years and two months.
of the Khalifs of
Egypt.
UL AMYR B'Ehkaum Ullah Abû Ally MUNSUR the son of Ul
Mustaully, tenth of the Issmauilian Khalifs, succeeded to the throne UL AMYR, Xth
of Egypt, being at this period only five years of age. The government
was however administered in his behalf, with sufficient ability, by
Fazzel, the son of the Ameir-ul-Jeyûsh, or lieutenant general of the
*The permanent right of primogeniture, as violated in the instance of their Imaum
Issmauil.
†A. D. 1101.
2 T 2
!
324
A. H. 495-524. forces; perhaps the same formerly mentioned as the destroyer of Ul
A. D. 1101-30. Hâkem.
Kholaussut-
-ul-akhbaur. ·
XIth of the
Khalifs of E-
gypt.
During the reign of Ul Amyr, Hussun Sabah and the Nezzaurians
were become extremely formidable by the seizure of the fortresses of
Rûdbaur, and the territory of the Kohestaun; but much more so by.
the atrocious methods, which they pursued to avenge themselves on
their enemies. Among the victims, and perhaps one of the earliest,
that perished by the knives of these dangerous and sanguinary fanatics,
was Ul Amyr himself; who expired on the fourth of Zilkaudah, of the
five hundred and twenty fourth of the Hidjerah,* in consequence of a
mortal wound inflicted on his person, by one of the zealots attached
to that detested schism; in the thirty fifth year of his age, and the
twenty ninth of his reign.
sun.
UL HAFEZ-UD-DEIN-ULLAH Abû Meymûn Abdul Hamid, the son of
Mûstanser, eleventh of the Issmauilian Khalifs, assumed, on the death of
his nephew, the sovereign power; the principal nobility entirely con-
curring in his elevation. His first Vezzeir, Ahmed the son of Fazzel,
being early assassinated, by one of the disciples of Hussun Sàbah, a
second was appointed to succeed him, and shared the same fate. On
UL HAFEZ, this, Ul Hâfez resolved to confer the Vizzaurut on his own son Hus-
The thirst after human blood, which polluted the mind of this
prince was however so excessive, (not less than forty of the most dis-
tinguished Ameirs having been put to death by him, in the course of
a single night) that his father, becoming terrified as to the conse-
quences of a disposition so sanguinary, laid a design to destroy him:
but the plot being discovered to Hussun, he contrived to cut off the
whole of those employed to carry it into execution. The surviving
Ameirs, with a considerable part of the army, now united in declaring
to Ul Hâtez, that if the prince was not immediately delivered up to them,
their vengeance would be directed against himself. And thus compelled
to devise some further and more effectual expedient to appease their
indignation, the monarch discovered at last an instrument for his pur-
pose, in a jewish physcian; who administered to the obnoxious prince,
a draught which soon dispatched him to the sepulchre of his fathers.
* Seventh of October, A. D. 1130.
325
UI Hâfez, after a reign of twenty years, and at the advanced age of A. H. 544-55.
eighty, died in the latter Jummaudy, of the five hundred and forty- A. D. 1149 60.
fourth of the Hidjerah.*
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
XIIth of the
ULZA UFFER B'ILLAH Abû Munsûr MAHOM MED the son of Ul Hâfez,
twelfth of the Issmauilian Khalifs, with the united concurrence of the
Egyptian Ameirs, immediately succeeded to the throne of his fathers;
but forming a licentious attachment for the son of his Vezzeir Abbas,
a youth of the name of Nasser, his time became devoted to the society
of this minion of his pleasures. Proceeding however at last, to endow him
with some very considerable territorial acquisition, the citizens of Cairo,
who contemplated with disgust the ignominious intercourse between UL ZAUFFER,
the monarch and his favorite, sarcastically observed, that the dower of Khalifs of Egypt,
Nasser was surely estimated at a price too low! which exciting the
honorable indignation of the Vezzeir, he determined to expunge the
stigma with the blood of his unworthy sovereign. For this purpose,
having concealed a party for the execution of his design, he invited the
unsuspecting monarch to an entertainment at his palace; where, in
the five hundred and forty ninth of the Hidjeraht after a reign of some-
thing more than five years, they introduced him, with their swords
and poniards, to the final repast of death.
UL FAEIZ BE-NUSSYR ULLAH Abûl Kaussem EisSA, the son of
Ul Zauffer, thirteenth of the Issmauilian Khalifs.
This prince, notwithstanding the adverse circumstances which might
appear to oppose his elevation, succeeded in establishing himself on the UL FAEIZ, XIIIth
throne of Egypt, immediately on the assassination of his father; and having of the Khalifs of
bestowed the appointment of Vezzeir on Mêlk Sâlah, his views were Egypt.
Abbas con-
early directed to seize the person of the late minister.
trived however to withdraw from the country, with an immense pro-
perty; but falling into the hands of a body of Franks, at this period in
possession of Palestine, he was by them plundered of all he had, and
bound hand and foot left to perish in the desert.
Ul Fâeiz was summoned to his account, in the month of Suffur,
of the year five hundred and fifty-five,† at the early age of twenty-one,
and after a reign of six years, and two months.
A
* October, A. D.1149. †A. D. 1154, ‡ February, A. D. 1160.
326
A. H. 555-84.
During the government of this monarch, it is briefly stated, that the
A. D. 1160-69. territory of Africa on the shore of the Mediteranean, westward of Egypt,
Kholaussut hence called Mughreb, and the inhabitants Mughrebins, was subjugated,
by a person of the name of Abdul Moumen.
ul-akhbaur.
ULAUZZED last
UL AUZZED, or Audhed-ud-dein Ullah Abu Abdullah MAHOMMED,
the son of Ul Fâeiz, fourteenth and last of the Issmauilian, or Fàtimite
Khalifs of Egypt.
Succeeding on the demise of his father, to a power now rapidly verg-
ing to decline, this prince bears, with the oriental narrator, the character
of having been eminently distinguished for the benevolence of his man-
ners, and the unbounded liberality of his disposition. But the Egyptiam
territory being exposed during his reign to a formidable invasion of the
Franks, (under Amaury king of Jerusalem,* the son of Melisenda and
Fulk count of Anjou) and the hearts of the natives being entirely sub-
dued by terror, he sought for an accommodation with the invaders;
of the Khalifs of who consented to withdraw from the country on the payment of one
Egypt. million of dinaurs,† and their agents had accordingly repaired to Cairo
to receive the money. The appearance of these obnoxious strangers
produced, however, among the haughty Mussulman inhabitants an
agitation so violent, that they immediately wrote, with the concurrence
of Ul Auzzed, to demand the assistance of Nûr-ud-dein Mahmûd, at
this time ruler of Syria and Damascus, and in close affinity with the
Khalifs of the house of Abbas. A body of eighty thousand
horse, under Assud-ud-dein Sheirkoh‡ or Shiracouh, was dispatched
by that prince with all possible expedition, to the relief of the Egypt-
ians; and the Franks, like fores to their hiding places, hastily fled, on
intelligence of the approach of the Syrian general.
Assud-ud-dein entered Kâherah on this occasion, in the latter Reb-
beia of the five hundred and sixty fourth of the Hidjerah,§ and he was
immediately invested with the dignity of the Vizzaurut but dying at
the expiration of sixty five days, that important charge was entrusted
by Ul Auzzed, to the talents of the celebrated Sullah or Salah-ud-dein
Yûssuf, the son of Ayub, and nephew of the deceased general. At no
* Vide Gibbon's decline and fall.-Vol. XI. page 227, octavo elition.
4,458,3381, 6s. 8d. at the lowest.calculation, + Mountain lion. § January, A. D. 1169.
827
ul-akhbaur.
very distant period of time, Salah-ud-dein contrived to render himself A. HI. 564-07.
entire master of the government; and he proceeded without further A. D. 1169-71.
ceremony to take from the officers of Ul Auzzed's courtevery remaining Kholaussut-
vestige of authority. The circumstance being, however, communicated
to Nar-ud-dein at Damascus, that prince immediately dispatched to de-
mand that the Khotbah and coinage of Egypt, should be graced with
the name and titles of Mustunzy of the house of Abbas, the reigning
Khalif of Baghdad. To this, after some demur, and the message had been
again repeated by the Sultan of Damascus, Salah-ud-dein, by the ad-
vice of his principal officers, at last consented; and the name of Mûs-
tunzy was announced, in the usual forms, from the pulpits of the
Egyptian capital, in the month of Mohurrim of the five hundred and
sixty seventh of the Hidjerah.*
In the mean time, the unfortunate Ul Auzzed lay stretched on the bed
of sickness; and in the course of the same week, unconscious of the
degradation, hastened to explore the regions of a better world. And
thus terminated the power of the Issmauilian, or Fâtimite Khâlifs, after
it had subsisted for about two hundred and seventy one lunar years:
the territory of Egypt continuing from this time, for a period of some
duration, under the authority of Salalı-ud-dein, and his descendants.
We cannot perhaps close this chapter to greater advantage, than by
subjoining the author's sketch of the history of Hussun Sabah, the first
Shaikh-ul Jubbul, or old man of the mountain, and of his successors;
whose dominion was long established in the fortresses of Rûdbaur,
and in the Kobestaun, or mountainous territory between Irâk Ajem,
and the province of Khorassaun.
On this subject the writer commences his narrative by informing us,
that Khaujah Nizam-ul-mulk of Tûsse, at a subsequent period the
distinguished minister of Alep Arslan, has stated in his Wessayâï, or Origin of Hus-
book of precepts, that he, and Hukkeim Omar Kheyaum, and the SUN SABAH.
profligate Ben Sabah, pursued their studies at the same time, under
Imaum Mouffek the Neyshapûrite; and that on breaking up from
the seminary, where they received their instructions, it was their prac-
tice to retire together to a private spot; in order to rehearse, and digest
* September A. D. 1171,
t
328
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 420-04. the lessons which had been last communicated to them. Omar Khe-
A. D. 1029-71. yaum was a Neyshapûrian by birth.
The father of Hussun Sabah,
Kholaussut- Ally by name, a man of principles notoriously flagitious, professed
himself to be an Arab by extraction, of the race of Sabah the Homeirite,
or Homyarite; although the people of K horassaun, and the inhabitants
of Tûsse more particularly, represented this as a gross fabrication;
maintaining, on the contrary, that his ancestors were nothing more
than ordinary, or obscure peasants in the neighborhood of that city.
Be this however as it may, Hussun Sabah took the opportunity of
remarking to his fellow students, one day, that it was the prevailing
opinion, that certain favorite individuals among the pupils of Imaum
Mouffek, were destined to arrive at the noblest gradations of human
prosperity. Of one thing at least he expressed the inost perfect convic
tion-that if this distinguished lot was reserved for any, it was for ei-
ther of them three. He then demanded what engagements they stood
disposed to enter into, with such a propect before them? His associates
both replied that they were willing to accede to any terms, that he might
think it convenient to suggest. On which Hussun distinctly proposed,
on the same grounds as if they were proceeding on some commercial
speculation, that so far from applying the advantages of his good fortune,
to his own personal enjoyment, the successful individual should be en-
gaged to share them, with scrupulous impartiality, with his two less
fortunate associates. And to this effect a reciprocal agreement was
accordingly drawn up between them, and executed on the spot.
In the reign of Alep Arslan of the race of Seljûk, the same Nizâm-
ul-mûlk, as will be seen in its proper place, was advanced to the dig-
nity ofthe Vizzaurut; and his friend Hukkeim Omar, repairing to court,
experienced from his old acquaintance all that could be expected
from a conscientious regard to the stipulations between them; the for-
tunate Vezzeir telling him, that in conformity to their engagement, he
had not failed to consider the appointment to which he had succeeded, as
an advantage in which they were reciprocally entitled to share; but, in
order that he might have an opportunity of bringing his merits under
the observation of his sovereign, that it behoved him, in some shape
orother, to enrol himself in the service of the state: and nothing should
be wanting on his part, at a proper interval, to secure his advancement
329
Hukkeim
Kholaussut.
ul-akhbaur.
to some distinguished post of confidence and respectability. With A. H. 420-64.
abundant benedictions on his head, and every expression of applause A. D. 1029-71,
for his faithful and honorable adherence to his engagements,
Omar declined all participation in the splendid destiny of his power-
ful friend; professing, that the summit of his ambition was to be allowed,
in some retired spot, to prosecute his philosophical studies under the in-
fluence of his protection. As there was some reason to believe that
these professions were sincere, the benevolent and distinguished minis-
ter acquiesced in his resolution; and assigning for his subsitstance
an annual pension on the revenues of Neyshapûr, of twelve hundred
meskals* of gold, dismissed him highly gratified with his lot.
Hussun Sabah did not, on the other hand, present himself to claim
the recollection of his early friend, until the succeeding reign of Mêlek
Shah; when he experienced from Nizam-ul-inûlk a reception not less
cordial, than the other associates of his studies; being distinguished
by that minister with every proof of confidence and liberality, that he
thought suitable to his merit, or to the claims of their long established
friendship. The man was, however, not of a disposition to be easily
satisfied. He embraced an opportunity of intimating to his friend, one
day, that although he must acknowledge the extreme liberality with
which he had treated him, yet that this was not exactly commensurate
with the tenor of their engagements.
Nizam-ul-Mulk readily as-
sented to the justice of the remark; freely adding, that he was not
only entitled reciprocally to share in the dignity and lustre of office,
but in the claims of inheritance, and every other advantage however
derived. The minister proceeded accordingly to introduce him to the
presence of his sovereign, and contrived moreover to give so flattering
a description of his talents and abilities, that he was speedily admitted to
a considerable share of the royal confidence. But, the unprincipled
profligate no sooner found access to the conversation of the monarch,
than he perverted the advantage to the basest purposes of ingratitude.
For coming to the knowledge of some trifling default, or inaccuracy,
in the accounts of the exchequer, of which his friend was at the head,
* A meskal, or methkal, was both the name of a gold coin; and of the weight of a dram
and a half. The shekel of the Jews might be the origin.
>
1
VOL. II.
2 V
+
330
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 464. he contrived by insidious and artful statements that it should be reported
A. D. 1071. to Mêlek Shah; and that he should himself be examined on the subject
Kholaussut of the accusation. During this, by a representation full of perver-
sion of facts, and ambiguities skilfully disguised, he succeeded in
producing a degree of conviction of the guilt of his miuister, in the mind
of that prince: although far greater deficiencies were to be found in
the accounts of former ministers, in a tenth part of the period for which
Nizam-ul-mûlk now demanded a scrutiny. Providence interposed,
however, to frustrate his base designs; for although he succeeded in
bringing the charge under investigation, the extreme malignity of his
motives, and his violation of the most sacred engagements were so obvi-
ous, that at the moment he was called upon to specify the fallacious
circumstances in his friend's accounts, he was so overwhelmed with
contempt and shame, that he found it impossible to remain any longer
in the court of Mêlek Shah.
Such at any rate is the statement furnished on the relation of Nizâm
ul-mûlk himself: the author proceeds further to describe, that about
the period at which he was thus compelled to withdraw from the court
of Melek Shah, under circumstances so dishonorable, and which fell
out, it would appear, in the four hundred and sixty fourth of the Hid-
jerah, Hussun Sabah, or Sabaukh, as it is sometimes perhaps erron-
eously written, repaired to the city of Rey: where falling in with Abdul-
mêlek the son of Attaush, who was employed in disseminating the
doctrines of the Issmauilians, he apostatised from the sect of orthodox
Imaumites, to embrace the system of those odious schismatics. From
Rey he went to Isfahaun, and there, still pursued by his apprehensions.
of the resentment of Melek Shah and his Vezzeir, he concealed himself
for some time, under the protection of a certain Reiss Abûl Fazzel;
possibly one of the principal magistrates. Here, in the course of con-
versation he could not forbear observing, that with two associates, of
minds congenial with his own, and on whose fidelity he could rely,
he conceived it would be no difficult matter to subvert the power of
The
that Turk, alluding to Mêlek Shah, and his low born minister.
Reiss, who entertained, it seems, no contemptible notions of his own
sagacity, ascribed these expressions to approaching insanity in the mind
of his guest; and took care, under that impression, to introduce at his
331
ul-akhbaur.
meals, that species of diet which was supposed to have the effect of A. H. 461-83.
composing, or fortifying the brain. Hussun by the strength of his un- A D. 1071-90.
derstanding soon penetrated the thoughts of his protector, and quitting Kholaussut-
his roof, immediately sought another asylum. At a subsequent period
when he had made himself master of the fortress of Almowut, Abûl
Fazzel paid a visit to his old acquaintance, by whom he was accosted
in these terms. "With the proof before thine eyes how soon, after se-
curing associates worthy of my confidence, I have succeeded in my
"object, art thou now convinced whether my brain, or thine own, was
"in a state of derangement?"
In the mean time, Hussun Sabah, about the four hundred and seventy
first of the Hidjerah,* proceeded to try his fortune among his fellow
schismatics in Egypt; where he experienced from Mûstanser, the Fa-
timite Khalif, a very hospitable and liberal reception. When he had,
however, resided in that country about a year and a half, a serious
misunderstanding arose between him and the Ameir-ul-Jeyûsh, or lieu-
tenant general of the forces, originating in the following circumstance.
Mûstanser, as we have recently had occcasion to remark, had thought
fit to exclude his eldest son Nezzaur from his claim to the succession,
and to transfer it to the younger brother, Ahmed; and the lieutenant
general had, on this point, concurred with the views of his sovereign.
But adhering to the fundamental principle of the sect, which invaria-
bly asserts the predominant right of primogeniture, Hussun Sabah
proceeded to agitate the people in favor of the Imaumut of Nezzaur;
and persisting in his designs, in defiance of the Ameir-ul-Jeyûsh, who
now governed all things at discretion, that minister caused it to be an-
nounced to him, that his residence in Egypt would for the future be
entirely dispensed with; or might perhaps, be found extremely incon-
venient to him.
This intimation it was not difficult to comprehend; and he accord-
ingly hastened into Syria, and from thence, leading a precarious and
wandering life, ultimately into Persian Irâk. He continued, however,
with unremitting activity to disseminate the doctrines of the Issmauili-
ans, dispersing his cmissaries among the castles of Rudbaur, and through
the territory of the Kohestaun. But his exertions appear to have been
more particularly directed to gain over to his principles the garrison of
*A. D. 1078.
3 U 2
332
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 483. the impregnable fortress of Almowut, situated in the mountainous tract
A. D. 1090. between Kazvein and the Caspian. His doctrines spread with consider-
Kholaussut able rapidity, being embraced by great numbers of the people; and when
the period approached, at which he conceived that he might venture
to unmask his ambitious designs, we are told that he took up his resi-
dence in a town which lay within a convenient distance of the fortress,
on which he appears to have early fixed his attention. Here he af-
fected to devote himself, for some time, to a life of abstinence and reli-
ligious seclusion; until indeed he saw that the greater part of the inha-
bitants of Almowut had been brought to include themselves among
the proselytes of Issmauilism; and they were prevailed upon, one night, in
the four hundred and eighty third of the Hidjerah, to introduce him
privately into their inaccessible abode.
The government of Almowut was, at this period, held under the
authority of Mêlek Shah, by a certain Siddy Mehedy; but the influence
of this officer falling into total neglect, on the introduction of Hussun
Sabah, the latter proposed one day to give him three thousand dinaurs*
for as much ground within the fortress, as he could encompass with a bul-
lock's hide. Mehêdy acceded without difficulty to the proposal; and
the artful adventurer cutting his ox-hide into narrow slips, included
within them the entire circumference of the works; and giving to the
dupe of his artifices a draft for the money, on Reiss Mûzuffer, one of his
disciples who was governor of Guird kòh and Damaghaun, and who
discharged it without demur, he dismissed him from the fort without
further ceremony.
The impregnable fortress, of which he thus obtained possession, is
stated to have borne, at some remote period, the name of Alah-ûmût,
signifying, in the language of the country, "the eagles nest;" the letters of
which, in their numerical application, will be found to furnish the
precise date at which Hussun Sabah became master of the place.
Thus, Alef-1. Laum-30. Hai-5. Alef-1. Meim-40. Wau-6. Tai-400.
making, when added together, the sum total of 483.†
* 1375l. Os. Od.
+ From his subsequent abode in this inaccessible retreat, he probably acquired the ap-
pellation of Shaikh-ul-Jubbul—or old man of the mountain.
:
335
ul-akhbaur.
Having in this manner provided a secure retreat against the contin- A. H. 483-8.
gencies of fortune, Hussun Sabah, either by force or favor, succeeded A. D. 1090-2.
soon afterwards in extending his authority over the whole territory of Kholaussut-
Rûdbaur; an event which encouraged him to dispatch Hûsseyne
Kaubty or Kâyny, one of his principal adherents, to effect the conver-
sion of the natives of the Kohestaun, who were in a little time also brought
to submit to the power of the adventurer. In the mean time one of
the generals of Mêlek Shah, to whom the territory of Rûdbaur had
been assigned in feoff, felt himself called upon to make some degree of
exertion for the recovery of Almowut; and having repeatedly laid waste
the circumjacent country, he succeeded at last in reducing the garrison.
and inhabitants to the verge of despair. But Hussun continued to sup-
port the resolution of his disciples, by assurances of aid from their Imaum;
alluding to Mûstanser, the Issmauiliah Khalif of Egypt.
*
Very opportunely for the views of Hussun Sabah, the person from whom
he had suffered such serious annoyance, happened to die at this crisis,
and to relieve him for some time from his embarrassments. But, in
the beginning of four hundred and eighty-five, he was again consi-
derably straitened by the exertions of Ameir Arslantaush Haujeb;
another of the generals of Mêlek Shah, who was directed by his sover-
eign to resume the blockade of Almowut. Under these circumstan-
ces, being joined by a considerable reinforcement dispatched to his
assistance by Dehdaur Abû Ally, one of his proselytes at Kazvein,
Hussun boldly sallied out in the night, and surprising the camp of his
besiegers, compelled them to a precipitate flight; the fugitives com-
municating no slight symptoms of disorder and dismay to the army of
Mêlek Shah, to which they fled for protection. The views of that
prince seemed, however, more particularly directed to the reduction of
the Kohestaun, where Husseyne Kâyny had been singularly successful
in disseminating the principles of fanaticism and revolt; and a consider-
able force had been accordingly sent to that quarter, under an able chief
of the name of Kuzzul Saurek.† On the approach of the troops of Mêlek
* March, A. D. 1092.
+ There is a singular coincidence between these appellations, and those bestowed upon
the chiefs of the American aborigines. Arslautaush signifies perhaps,
Arslautaush signifies perhaps, "the rock lion;"
and Kuzzul Saurek, possibly, the " red robber.”
*384
A. H. 483. Shal, Husseyne Kâyny with his followers, shut himself up in the
A. D. 1092. fortress, or castle of Moumenabad, which was immediately invested by
Kholaussut Kuzzul Saurek. Just however as the place was on the point of reduc-
tion, the report arrived that Nizam-ul-mulk, the Vezzeir, had been as-
sassinated by one of the fanatic disciples of Hussun Sabah; and the
death of Melek Shah, which followed soon after that event, produced
ul-akhbaur.
争
​4
an immediate dispersion of the army employed before Moumenabad.
The affairs of the schismatics now advanced with uncontrouled rapi-
dity; and the unprincipled zealots of the sect dispersing themselves
through the east, were enabled to plant their daggers in the bosoms of
many of the noblest and wisest individuals, who had ventured to op-
pose the progress of their detestable doctrines. The success of the
Issmauilians was further promoted by the contest which ensued be-
tween the Sultans Burguiauruk, or Burguiaurug, and Mahommed the
sons of Melek Shah; during which the disciples of Hussun Sabah were
permitted to reduce the fortresses of Guirdkôh, and Laumseir.
Sultan Mahommed becoming, however, on the death of Burguiauruk,
sole master of his father's dominions, Ahmed the son of Nizam-ul-mulk
was employed for some time to besiege Almowut: and early in the five
hundred and eleventh of the Hidjerah, a great force under Ataubek
Noushtekein Sheirgueir encamped in the neighborhood of that fortress,
For near twelve months, that chiefcontinued to maintain with the troops
of Hussun Sabah, a course of unremitting and obstinate hostilities; but
as success was beginning to dawn upon the ensigns of the besiegers, the
death of Sultan Mahommed was announced in the army of the Ataubek,
and occasioned as formerly their immediate flight, or dispersion.
Under Sultan Sunjur, who next succeeded to the throne of the race
of Seljûk repeated expeditions continued to be set on foot against the
Issmauilian chief, with similar success; hostilities being thus occasion-
ally suspended, and resumed, between the advocates of the orthodox
belief, and these stigmatized and odious zealots, for a period of consider-
able duration. At length Hussun Sabah had recourse to the following
device, in order to terrify his adversaries into forbearance. He seduced
one of the domestics of Sultan Sunjur to lodge a knife, or dagger, in the
floor one night, close to the Sultan's bed. In the morning, when he
awoke, the monarch beheld the murderous weapon with equal surprizę
335
ul-akhbaur.
and dismay, but forhore to communicate the circumstance to any body A. H. 485-518.
whatever. A few days afterwards, an agent from Hussun Sabah ar- A.D.1092-1124.
rived at court with the following verbal message from his master. "If Kholauss ut-
"his designs towards Sûltan Sunjur had not been friendly, the knife
"which had been seen planted in the floor, might with equal facility
"have been sheathed in his bosom". The mind of Súltan Sunjur was
so powerfully wrought upon by the message, and the circumstance by
which it had been preceded, that he immediately determined to con-
clude a treaty with the Schismatics, on their engaging not to construct
any new fortresses, in addition to those already in their possession; not
to make any further purchases of arms, or equipments for war; and that
they would, for the future, desist from making proselytes to their fana-
tical doctrines. Hence, the power of Hussun Sabah might with reason
be affirmed to derive its most important source of augmentation.
While these events were passing, Hûsseyne Kâyny, one of the ablest
and most active promoters of the schism, was privately assassinated ;
and as the act was by many persons laid to the charge of Ustaud Hûsseyne,
one of the sons of Ilussun Sabah, he was condemned by the impartial
justice of his father to atone with his life for the murder; while another
son falling under an accusation of drunkenness, for a crime so compara-
tively trivial, was condemned to suffer a similar extremity of punish-
ment: by these examples of severity towards his own blood, it being,
as it is alleged, the object of Hussun to attest to the world, that his views
in disseminating the doctrines of Issmauilism, were not influenced by
any desire to create a splendid establishment for his posterity, but to
secure an imperishable reward in a future and better world.
In the latter Rebbeia of the year five hundred and eighteen, this
artful schismatic was seized by his mortal illness; during which he ap-
pointed one of his disciples, of the name of Guia Bûzùrg Omeyd, to be
the successor to his power, with the Debdaur Abû Ally, formerly men-
tioned, as his minister of state; expressly charging them, at the same
time, in matters of particular moment, in no shape to deviate from the
counsels of Ilussun Kessrauny, another zealous votary of the sect:
and on the twenty-sixth of the same month, he hastened to take pos-
session of the abode, which was doubtless prepared for his reception in
the other world. On authority, said to be entitled to the utmost con-
*
* Tenth of June, A. D. 1124.
336
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 518-57. fidence, it is lastly alleged, that during a period offive and thirty years, in
A. D. 1124-62. which he resided in the fortress of Almowut, Hussun Sâbah never once
appeared without the walls of his impregnable retreat, nor even on the
terrace of his own dwelling, on more than two particular occasions; his
time being entirely devoted to the arrangements of his government, and
to record the precepts, which he conceived calculated to promote the
adoption of that code of faith, which he had undertaken to establish.
GUIA BUZURG OMEYD, second chief of the Issmauilians of Al-
mowut.
On succeeding to the authority of Hussun Sabah, this person is stated
to have persevered in all respects, in promoting the odious system esta-
blished by his predecessor; while he speciously professed to be no other-
BUZURG OMEYD wise employed, than to advance the interests of the true faith. He was
IId chief of Almo- repeatedly engaged in hostilities with the princes of the race of Seljûk, in
wut.
mowut.
which for the most part, his arms were triumphant. The sanguinary
zealots trained up in the principles of the sect, now carried their system of
assassination to an extent that became truly alarming; many of the most
dignified and elevated in dividuals perishing under the knife of these
detestable fanatics, and among others was the Khâlif Mûstershid of the
house of Abbas, as formerly noticed. After all this, and having sus-
tained his power for a period of fourteen years two months and twenty
days, Guia Bûzûrg Omeyd was suffered to expire, by a tranquil death,
on the twenty-sixth of the latter Jummaudy, of the five hundred and
thirty-second of the Hidjerah.*
MAHOMMED, the son of Guia Bûzûrg Omeyd, third chief of the
Issmauilians of Almowut, succeeded, in conformity to the will of
his father, to the government of these odious fanatics; and like his
MAROMMEDIIId father, by his words and actions evinced the most determined zeal for
of the chiefs of Al- the principles of the sect. Many distinguished persons also perished
under the dagger of the assasin, during the period of his power, in
cluding among others the Khâlif Ul rashid B'Illah of the house of Ab-
bas. Notwithstanding these multiplied enormities he continued to reign
for a period of four and twenty years, eight months, snd eight days,
and terminated his life in peace, on the third of the former Rebbeia
of the five hundred and fifty seventh of the Hidjerah†
* Ninth of Marcb, A. D. 1138.
+ Nineteenth of February, A. D. 1162.
337
A. D. 1162 64.
ul-akhbaur.
HUSSUN the son of Mahommed, entitled Alla-zekre-hû-us-salaum, A. H. 557-59.
(on whose memory be peace) fourth of the chiefs of Almowut.
This person professing to be a descendant of Mustanser the Fatimite, Kholaussut-
openly laid claim to the honors of the Imaumut; but as the arguments
of the fanatics in support of such descent, appeared equally remote
from every sentiment of reason and common sense, the author has
avowedly withheld his pen from enlargingon the subject.
Be that however as it may, he had no sooner acceded to sovereign
power, than his utmost zeal and exertion appear to have been directed
to subvert the whole system of Isslàmism, as established by its cele.
brated founder. Acts the most obviously repugnant to the precepts
of the sacred code, if not openly encouraged, were suffered to pass
with impunity, and without interdiction; and while the most daring
proofs of impiety and infidelity continued to be sanctioned with daily
increasing contumaciousness by his own example, he proceeded at last, HSSUN, IVth
in the five hundred and fifty ninth of the Hidjerah, to convoke at Almo- of the chiefs of
Almowut,
wut an assembly of the principal inhabitants of Rûdbaur; for the purpose
of making a public avowal of his apostacy, and of his subsitution of his
own impious opinions, for the sacred precepts of the Korân. Having, with
this design, caused a mumber, or tribunal, to be erected in his capital,
with its fore-part towards the Keblah, or sanctuary at Mekkah, and
four large standards, each of a different colour, to be planted at the four
corners respectively, he on the seventeenth* of the month of Ramzaun,
ascended this tribunal; and from thence addressed his followers in a strain
of incoherent absurdity, which our author further disdains to repeat.
After this, mixing with the assembly he invited them without further
scruple to violate their fast; and proceeded to set them the example,
by a liberal indulgence in the article of wine, and by other flagrant
violations of the most sacred ordinances of the law of Mahommed.
He impiously concluded by announcing to his people, that the seven-
teenth of Ramzaun was to be observed as a perpetual festival, by
the name of the Eid-e- Keyaum, or feast of the resurrection, or perhaps
of emancipation; and hence the Issmauilians have been ever since
branded with the appellation of Mûllauhedah-infidels and atheists.
* Seventh of August, A. D. 1164.
VOL. II.
2 X
1
#
338
A. H. 561-607. In fine when the crimes and licentious enormities of this same Alla
A.D.1166-1210 zekre-hû-ussalaum, had transcended all ordinary bounds of moderation,
Kholaussut Hussun the son of Naumwur, an orthodox Mûssulman, although the
ul-akhbaur. brother of one of his wives, determined on his destruction; and in the
five hundred and sixty first of the Hidjerah, while on a visit to the
fortress of Laumseir, embraced an opportunity of terminating with his
knife, the odious existence of this flagitious miscreant, after a reign of
four years.
MAHOMMED,
the second, Vth
his
of the chiefs of
Almowut.
MAHOMMED the son of Alla-zek re-hû-ussalaum, fifth of the chiefs
of Almowut, immediately succeeded to his father; whose death at a
proper opportunity, he did not fail to avenge on Hussun the son of
Naumwur. In his zeal for the propagation of error and infidelity, and in
perseverance in asserting his claims to the Khelaufutand Imaumut,
or temporal and spiritual supremacy, he even surpassed his predeces-
sors; and during the protracted period of six and forty years, in which
he continued to direct their destiny, the enthusiasts devoted to his
will, shed the blood of many a distinguished believer, and carried con-
fusion and alarm to some of the remotest corners of the earth. He was,
however, at last taken to the abode of eternal punishment, in the six
hundred and seventh of the Hidjerah.†
JULLAUL-UD-DEIN HUSSUN the son of Mahommed, sixth of the
chiefs of Almowut.
Invested with the sovereign authority on the demise of his father.
this prince, in spite of the pernicious example of his predecessors, ap-
plied himself, with unremitting ardor and activity, to restore and re-es-
tablish in his dominions the long proscribed system of Isslâm, and to
evince his abhorrence of the profligate principles of atheism and false
belief. With these views, his followers were prohibited, under the
JULLAUL-UD- Severest penalties, against the commission of any act offensive to the
DFIN, VIth of laws of the Korân; he re-instated through his whole territory the call
to prayer by Müezzins, the prescribed course of supplication on ordinary
days, and the more solemn celebration of divine worship by the assem-
bled community, on fridays: and lastly, in every town throughout
Rûdbaur, he laid the foundation of a bath for ablution, and of a mosque
for the adoration of the supreme being.
the chiefs of
Almowut.
A. D. 1166.
†A. D. 1210.
339
Kholaussut-
Having furnished these preliminary proofs of sincere conversion to A. H. 607-18.
the principles of MAHOMMEDISM, he dispatched his agents to the A. D. 1210-21.
courtofthe Khalif Ul Nausser, to Sultan Mahommed king of Khaurezı, ul-akhbaur.
and to other princes of Isslâm, in order to attest the purity of his belief; and
these sovereigns with their ministers, persuaded of the truth ofhis pro-
fessions, hastened to throw open to him the usual channels of intercourse,
which had possibly been long closed against the schismatics. The
oracles of the law, and the ministers of religion, proceeded also to issue
their Fetvaes, or precepts, to verify the orthodoxy of his principles ;
conferring upon him, at the same time, the title of Jullaul-ud-dein
Hussun, Nou-Mûssulmân-Hussun, the glory of the faith,the new (born)
believer. Thus stimulated in his zeal, Jullaul-ud-dein, in the pre-
sence of the most distinguished lawyers and theologians, and other
leading citizens of Kazvein, proceeded to burn the whole of the ma-
nuscripts of Hussun Sabah, either relating to, or explaining the doc-
trines of the Issmauilians. In addition to these multiplied testimo-
nies of his unfeigned attachment to the laws of the Koràn, his
mother becoming desirous of visiting the sanctuary of Mekkah, he,
after the example of other monarchs of Isslâm, caused her to be accom-
panied by a standard, of beautiful workmanship and costly materials,
to be deposited in the temple of the Kaaubah; to which, during
her journey, a precedence was expressly assigned by the Khalif Ul
Nausser, before those of all the other princes, transinitted for a similar
purpose. This latter circumstance is at the same time, stated to have
given to Sultan Mahommed the Khaurezmian, such mortal offence, that
it is supposed to have been one of the principal causes of that irreconcile-
able animosity, which soon afterwards broke out between him and that
Khalif.
Jullaul-ud-dein Hussun had reigned with considerable reputation,
for eleven years and a half, when he was attacked and carried to his
grave, by a dysentery; during the sacred month of Ramzaun of the
six hundred and eighteenth of the Hidjerah.
ALA-UD-DEIN MAHOMMED the son of Hussun, seventh of the
chiefs of Almowut.
October, A. D. 1221.
2 x 2
340
,
A. H. 618-53.
A. D. 1221-55.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
VIIth of the
On his elevation to the authority of his predecessors, this prince had
only attained to the ninth year of his age; and he appears to have de-
voted the dawn of youth, to the execution of great numbers of his
peo-
ple, whom he caused to be put to death, on a suspicion of having ad-
ministered poison to his father. Instead however of emulating the
example set before him, in the conduct of the deceased monarch, this
ill-fated youth relapsed into the absurd and profligate system of his
forefathers: the schismatics revived their impious and iniquitous prac-
tices; the law of glory, the institutes of the Korân so designated by
Mahommedans, was once more abolished in Rúdbaur; and the nox-
ious speculations of infidelity and atheism, were suffered to resume
their sway.
Alâ-ud-dein had, at all events, assumed into his own hands, and
exercised the functions of government for a long series of years, when
he took it into his head, without surgical assistance, to open a vein in
his arm; which he suffered to bleed with so much greater profusion
than was consistent with either prudence or necessity, that his brain.
A1-A-UD-DEIN, became seriously affected. Hence, when any person ventured to speak
chiefs of Almo- to him regarding the affairs of his government, in a manner that did not
exactly correspond with his own distorted views, he immediately put
him to death from which it necessarily resulted, that the true state
of his country was at length entirely withheld from his knowledge.
And serious disputes arising moreover, towards the close of his reign,
between him and his son Rokken-ud-dein, the latter, fearful of an at-
tempt against his own, had recourse to the treachery of a certain Hussun
Mazanderauny, to take away the life of his father.
wut,
We are further informed that, in the Rouzut-us-suffa, the matter is
more circumstantially related in the following terms. For this same
Hussun Mazanderauny, a Mahommedan by religion, though far ad-
vanced in years, Allâ-ud-dein had, it seems, formed a species of at-
tachment, of which our author alleges he should be ashamed that his
pen should furnish the description; so that when it was ultimately
determined on, the man, at the instance of Rokken-ud-dein might, with
less scruple, have undertaken the destruction of the capricious protli-
gate. At any rate, one evening while his object, after drinking rather
freely, lay asleep in a shed of mats and rafters adjoining to a sheep-cot,
341
he embraced his opportunity, and possibly through the slight enclo- A. H. 653-54.
sure, discharged an arrow, which lodged in the throat of the unhappy A. D. 1255-56.
chief, and killed him on the spot.
This circumstance is stated to have occurred, in the month of Sha-
vaul, of the six hundred and fifty third of the Hidjerah,* when Allâ-
ud-dein had held the government of Almowut, for a period of five and
thirty years.
ROKKEN-UD-DEIN HUR, or KHUR SHAH the son of Allâ-ud-dein,
eighth and last of the Issmauilian chiefs of Almowut.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
Having succeeded to authority on the murder of his father, Rok-
ken-ud-dein, in order to avert from himself the suspicion of having ROKKEN-UD-
been an accomplice in the foul parricide, took care, at an early period, DEIN, VIIIth
to dispatch the instrument of his guilt to the silent chambers of the chiefs of Alm-
grave. His career was, however, destined to experience but a short owut.
duration.
It has been stated on a former occasion, that in the early part of
the six hundred and fifty-fourth of the Hidjerah,* Hûlaukû Khaun
had crossed the Jeyhûn. On intelligence of this event, Khûr Shah
was persuaded by the advice of Yessûr Nûyan the Moghûl governor
of Hamadaun, to send his brother Shâhinshâh to the presence of that
powerful monarch. On his arrival in the camp of the Eyle, or Aeil
Khaun, the title usually conferred by historians on the stern Hûl u-
kû, Shahin-shah was directed by that prince to announce to his bro-
ther, that he had struck the pen of oblivion through the register of his
father's crimes, and those of his misguided adherents; but it was
expected that he should immediately demolish his castle, and hasten
to make his appearance in person, in the presence of him, who had
manifested so conspicuous a proof of his clemency and forbearance.
With this injunction, so far as to level part of the par pets, or battle-
ments of Meymûndezh, where he then resided, Khur Shah evinced
a disposition to comply; but he was too powerfully restrained by his
apprehensions, from committing his person to the camp of the invader.
In consequence of this, ùlaukû, on the seventeenth of Shavaul of
the year just mentioned,† encamped before Meymûndezh ; of which
he immediately commenced the siege. On the twenty fifth of the
November, A. D. 1255, †The spring of A. D. 1256,
*
1
342
ul-akhbaur.
à
A. H. 654. same month, he made a general attack upon the place, which appears
A D. 1250. to have been successfully resisted by the garrison: but the wretched
Kholaussut Issmauilian was so completely vanquished by his fears, that he sent
out his son and brother, the following day, in the most abject terms
to supplicate for mercy. On the twenty-ninth, he descended in per-
son, from his otherwise impregnable retreat, and by an immense offer-
ing, in specie and valuables, endeavored to disarm, or soften the
resentment of the Eylekhaun. That inflexible conqueror committed
him,however, to the custody of those whose vigilance he was not likely
to deceive; while numerous detachments of the army were employed
to reduce and dismantle the remaining fortresses of the country. In the
space of a short time, upwards of forty places, of various strength and
importance, were accordingly compelled to submit to the discretion of
the Tartar tribes, and immediately levelled with the ground. The gar-
risons of Almowut, Laumseir or Laumsher, and Guirdkôh, continued
however, to resist the authority of IIûlaukû for some time longer;
but the two former places ultimately submitting, were, like the preced-
ing captures laid in ruins, leaving the fortress of Guirdkôh to contend
alone, againstthe fearful power of the conqueror. On the testimony of
the Tarikh gûzeidah, the author here states that the castle of Almowut
was erected by Hussun the son of Zaid, or Zeid, the Fatimite prince
of Tebrestaun, in the time of the Khâlif Mûtewukkel, (between the
233d and the 247th of the Hidjerah ;) it is, however, said to have stood
for a period of four hundred and two years, which would place its
construction some what later; namely in the 252d of the Hidjerah, and
in the Khelaufut of Ul Mûstâyne.
It will be found further related in the Rouzut-us-suffà, that when
Khûr Shah had continued to attend the presence of Hûlaukû for some
days, he ventured to request that he might be conveyed to the court
of Mangû Kaaun; the third successor of Tchengueiz, and paramount
sovereign of the Tartar race. Apparently under some degree of sur-
prise at such an arrogant, or absurd request, Hûlaukû determined not-
withstanding to comply with it; and having appointed a guard of Mogh-
uls to attend him on his journey, he dispatched him without delay
for Tûrkestaun. The Issmauilian was scarcely across the Amûyah,
* Eighteenth of November, A. D. 1256,
343
A. D. 1256.
ul-akhbaur,
or lower Oxus, before he involved himself in a squabble with his guards, A. H. 654.
the soldiers of Hûllaukû, not improbably with the design of accom-
plishing his escape: he was, however, at length conveyed in safety to the Kholaussut
city of Kârakûm. But, instead of being permitted to proceed to the
presence of the great Kaaun, the will of that monarch was there announc-
ed to him through an agent, in the following terms; that having refused
to deliver up the fortress of Guirdkòh to the troops of his brother,
notwithstanding his affected professions of allegiance, it behoved him
to return without delay to his own country; and that when he had
atoned for his error, by laying his castle in ruins, he might then be
permitted to approach the foot of the throne. The unhappy schisma-
tic was accordingly conducted back again to the banks of the Oxus; in
the waters of which he was now destined to terminate his life and mis-
misfortunes, by the hands of his guards.
In the mean time, on the departure of Khûr Shah for the interior of
Tartary, Hûlaukû had proceeded to put to death every individual whom
he could discover, of the stock of Guia Bûzûrg Ommeyd; and by ex-
tirpating every vestige of these impious schismatics, he thus finally
relieved the hearts of all genuine Mosslems, and of many others but
remotely connected with them, from the apprehensions under which
they had been so long condemned to labour, of the knives of these fanati-
cal zealots; when, reckoning from the seizure of Almowut by Hussun
Sabah, in the four hundred and eighty third of the Hidjerah, their power
had been suffered to exist, for a period of one hundred and seventy one
unar years.
344
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
IN tr
CHAP. VIII.
mag-
N tracing the origin of the house of SELJUK, our author, on the
testimony of those most experienced in discriminating the truths of
history, and of the traditions of remoter antiquity, proceeds to relate, that
Vekauk, or Dekauk, the immediate ancestor of the family, was an Ameir,
or officer of some rank, in the service of Yeghû, or Beghû, the monarch
of the Turkish tribes of the Khozzer or Khozzez plains, or steppes,
so often mentioned in the preceding pages, not less distinguished for
his extraordinary understanding and singular valour, than for his
nificent and splendid spirit; whence he received from the general voice
of the people among whom he lived, the appellation of Temmir Yâligh
-solid in judgment. On the death of this respectable chief, his son
Seljûk, then arrived at years of discretion, was taken into particular
favor by the Tartar sovereign, who conferred upon him the title of B-
saushy, or leader of his armies; and who otherwise advanced him in
rank and power to that degree, that on some occasion during a visit to
the most sacred part of his master's palace, he presumed to arrogate a
superiority over the royal children, and the princesses of the Haram.
Such arrogance produced, accordingly, in one of the wives of the Khau.
gan, so much dissatisfaction, that the whole of her influence with her
husband, was immediately exerted to destroy the credit of his favorite
general. Seljuk, however, soon observing, that the monarch, by some
means orother, had conceived a prejudice to his disadvantage, embraced
an early opportunity of withdrawing, with the whole of his family and
followers, to the territory of Samarkand.
On his arrival in the vicinity of Jûnd, on the Seyhûn or Jaxartes,
his bosom becoming suddenly irradiated by the splendid truth of the
unity of the divine being, he in a short time afterwards, together with
all his family and dependants, embraced Isslâm; and he employed him-
self, with exemplary attention, to study the pages of the Koran, and the
#
345
institutes of that profession of faith which was propagated by the seal Kholaussut
of the prophecy. His followers continued at the same time to increase ul-akhbaur,
in numbers and reputation, until at length his residence became the asy-
lum of the princes, and most distinguished inhabitants of the surrounding
regions; so that having finally triumphed over the arms of Eylek Khaun,
he proceeded to fix his abode in the neighborhood of Bokhâra.
With other blessings heaven had at different times made Seljûk the
father of four sons; Meykâeil, Issrâeil, Mûssa, and Yeghû. Of these
the eldest, Meykâeil, had in the flower of life perished by an arrow
shot, leaving two infant children, Toghrel Beg Mahommed, and Tchegh-
er Beg Dâoud; and these two grandsons, on whose education he bes
towed considerable attention, he declared to be his heirs.
After the death of their grandfather, the two brothers exhibited such
distinguished proofs of sagacity and intelligence, that they soon out-
stripped all rivalry; and the wars which, with occasional intermissions
of truce, they maintained with the princes of Transoxiana, extended
the renown of their magnificence, and martial prowess, to the remotest
limits of the East. Among other monarchs to whom the voice of fame
had circulated the renown of the sons of Seljûk, was Sûltan Mahmûd of
Gheznein, who expressed his desire that one of the illustrious frater-
nity might visit his court; on which Issraeil the son of Seljûk, the
uncle of the young prince, proceeded to the presence of Mahmûd,
from whom he experienced a distinguished and honorable recep-
tion. On this occasion, placing the illustrious stranger on the throne
beside himself, Mahmûd is, said, in the course of conference, to have
demanded, in the event that an emergency might arise in which he
should require it, what number of cavalry they were able to send to
his assistance? Issrâeil, who had a couple of arrows in the quiver
suspended to his shoulder, laid one of them before the monarch, and
told him that if he transmitted that arrow to the residence of his tribe,
his orders would be attended by one hundred thousand horse. The
Sûltan again demanded what, if more were required?"this" replied
the son of Seljûk, placing the second arrow in the hands of Mahmûd,
"will bring fifty thousand more to thy support; " and the Sûltan de-
manding a third time what, it still more were necessary to assure his
safety, the Seljûkian laid the quiver before him, and assured him that
VOL. II.
2 Y
346
Kholaussut if he sent that article of his equipment into Turkestaun, little less than
ul-akhbaur. two hundred thousand horse would speed to his assistance. Upon this,
becoming suddenly jealous of the multitudinous force of the Seljûk-
ians, in the very midst of the festivities with which he had hitherto
entertained him, he condemned his unoffending guest to imprisonment
in the fortress of Kalinjaur; where he continued to the day of his death.
The statement however, that Sultan Mahmûd suffered the race of
Seljûk to cross the Jeyhûn, and assigned them a place of residence in
Khorassaun, in order to obtain possession of their property, is denied
on the authority of the Rouzut-us-suffà; the fact being, as formerly
alleged, that the two warlike brothers did not pass the Oxus until the
subsequent reign of Mussàoud: when they chose for their abode the
territory adjacent to the cities of Nissa and Abiwerd, dispatching to the
same Mûssâoud assurances of their allegiance, and entire submission
to his authority. The intrusive establishment of these formidable stran-
gers in the province of Khorassaun, was however consonant neither with
the policy nor inclinations of Suitan Mûssâoud; and he accordingly inti-
mated in a letter which he dispatched in answer to these assurances,
that it might perhaps better suit the circumstances of the race of Sel-
jûk, not to place themselves within the range of his pen. In other words,
that they would do well to remove from the territories subject to his
authority. This reply determined the two chiefs to enter upon imme-
diate hostilities with Mûssaoud; and on the pertext of providing the
necessary resources they proceeded without further scruple to invade
the property of the unprotected inhabitants. The armies of Mûss-
âoud were repeatedly employed to oppose the adventurers, but were
compelled in almost every conflict, to yield to the superior prowess of
the two brothers. So that in a period comparatively short, the whole of
Khorassaun being subjugated to his power, Toghrel Beg, in the begin-
ning of the month of Mohurrim of the 429th of the Hidjerah,* and in
the ancient city of Neyshapûr, the then capital of the province, publicly
assumed the sovereign dignity, introducing his own name and titles
into the coinage and Khotbah of the country.
Sultan Rokken-ud-dein TOGHREL BEG MAHOMMED Son of Mey-
kâeil, Ist monarch of the Seljucides or race of Seljûk.
October A. D. 1037.
347
ul-akhbaur.
Having thus encircled his brows with the tiara of sovereign power, A. H. 429-53.
Toghrel Beg applied himself with laudable assiduity to regulate the A. D. 1037-61.
affairs of his new government. His brother, Tchegher Beg Daoud, was Kholaussut-
in 'the mean time detached to reduce Herât, which was consigned on
its subjugation by that prince, to the management of one of his uncles,
while he proceeded in person to Merû; where he also assumed the
functions of royalty, and is said to have distinguished himself by BEG, Ist monarch of
abolishing the iniquitous usages of tyranny and injustice. Sultan the race of Seljuk,
Mûssaoud of Gheznein advancing, however, in the course of the same
year towards Khorassaun with a very formidable army, the brothers
united their troops to oppose him, and were again victorious.
On the death of the same Sultan Mûssaoud, which took place as
formerly described, in the four hundred and thirty third ofthe Hidjerah,
the city of Balkh, and the province of Khaurezm were both united to
the conquests of the grandsons of Seljûk; after which Toghrel Beg,
conducting his troops into the territory of Jurjaun and from thence ta
Rey, in less than a twelve month made himself master of the whole of
Persian Irâk.
In the four hundred and forty seventh* of the Hidjerah, we have also
already seen that Toghrel Beg proceeded to Baghdad; where he re-
ceived from the Khaleifah Ul Kâeim the title of Rokken-ud-dein, Ye-
mein-e-Ameir-ul-mowmenein-pillar of the true faith, ond right hand
of the commander of the faithful. His name was at the same time
introduced into the Khotbah in the very metropolis of Isslàm.
In the course of four hundred and fifty three,† although the circum-
stance was formerly stated to have occurred in the four hundred and
fiftieth of the Hidjerah, Toghrel Beg was recalled from the prosecution
ofhis conquests on the Euphrates, by the defection of his half brother,
Ibrauhim Niaul; who had suddenly quitted western Irâk, and marched
to take possession of Hamadaun. The Seljûkian monarch proceeded
without delay into Persian Irâk; and being joined, in due time, by his
nephew Alep Arslan, with a numerous and powerful army from Khor-
assaun, he hastened to give battle to the insurgent; who was soon af◄
terwards totally defeated, taken prisoner, and immediately put to death,
A. D 1055.
+ A. D. 1061.
SULTAN TOGHREL
2 Y 2
3-18
A. H. 453-57. Toghrel Beg then dismissing his warlike nephew for Khorassaun, re-
A. D. 1061-65. turned straight to Baghdad; where he succeeded in relieving the Kha-
Kholaussut- leifah Ul Kâeim from the usurpation of Bessaussery, and in restoring
ul-akhbaur. him to his nominal power.
ALEP ARSLAN,
Iace of Seljuk.
In the four hundred and fifty fifth of the Hidjerah, at the age of se
venty, Toghrel Beg determined to espouse the daughter of Ul Kâeim,
but deferred the consummation of his union until his arrival at Rey,
for which city he accordingly took his departure. On reaching that
place he was, however, attacked by a violent dysentery; of which, in the
month of Ramzaun,* he expired after a glorious reign of six and twenty
years.
Sultan Ezzed-ud-dein Abû Shujia ALEP ARSLAN MAHOMMED, the
son of Tchegher Beg, second monarch of the race of Seljûk.
On the death of his uncle, this prince repaired into Persian Irâk, and
immediately succeeded to the whole of his dominions, now extending
from the river Jeyhûn to the Tigris.
At the commencement of his reign Alep Arslan was prevailed upon
Ild monarch of the to imprison the minister of his predecessor, Abû Nasser Kendery;
and ultimately to put him to death, at the instance of Nizam-ul-mûlk
Hussun the son of Isshack, the Tûssite, the celebrated Vezzeir of the
house of Seljûk; to whom the office of first minister of state was now
committed with an almost unlimited discretion. A discretion which
he exercised with a prudence that has consecrated his memory to the
veneration of succeeding ages.
Among the most important of the events by which the reign of Alep
Arslan was distinguished, must not be forgotten the invasion of his ter-
ritories by the Greek emperor of Constantinople, (Romanus Diogenes
the husband of Eudociat) with an army estimated at three hundred
thousand horse, and an equipment formidable in proportion. This
powerful armament, which had advanced into Armenia, the Seljukian
monarch, relying upon his favor who dispenses all good, is stated to
have opposed, and defeated, with a force which did not exceed twelve
thousand men. Cæsar, on his discomfiture, was pursued by Gouher Ay-
sin, one of the generals of his triumphant adversary, and ultimately takeņ
† Vide Gibbon's Roman empire. Vol. Xth, octavo edition,
Sept. 1063.
349
ul-akhbaur,
prisoner by a Maumlûk, or military slave, by whom he was securely A. H. 457.
conducted to the camp of Alep Arslan. On this subject, it is described A. D. 1065.
as a remarkable circumstance, that at a muster of his troops, taken by Kholaussut-
order of the Sultan previous to the battle, the person employed in re-
gistering the names of the soldiers hesitated to take down that of the
slave in question, on account of his very feeble and defective exterior;
until Saud-ud-dein one of the Sultan's lieutenants called out to enrol
him, observing that peradventure the Roman emperor might be des-
tined to become his captive; little suspecting that the event which he
thts unconsciously predicted, would actually come to pass.
Be this however as it may, when he was conducted by Gouher Ayein
to the presence of his conqueror, the captive monarch is said to have
prostrated himself to the earth, to have offered every apology, and in
humble terms to have implored forgiveness for the aggressions of which
he had been guilty. Alep Arslan is stated on the other hand, to have
generously obliterated the record of his offences; to have demanded one
of his daughters in marriage for his son Melek Arslan; and to have
freely and honorably permitted him to return to his own dominions.
A revolt set on foot by an insurgent of the name of Jazzua, in the
latter part of the four hundred and fifty seventh of the Hidjerah, de-
manded the presence of Alep Arslan on the confines of Khaurezm ;
which was perhaps the true cause that diverted him from the prose-
cution of his advantages against the Greek emperor. He proceeded
however to attack the rebel, who opposed him at the head of thirty thous-
and horse; but who was defeated with great loss and entirely expelled
the province, which was now conferred upon Arslan Shah, another of the
sons of the Seljûkian. The victorious monarch proceeded, on his re-
turn, to visit the shrine of Ally Ruzza the eighth Imaum, at Mûshhed;
and continuing his journey to Raudegan, he there encamped on one
of the salubrious and agreeable spots with which that district abounds,
At this place he summoned to his presence from all parts of the empire,
the different governors and principal Ameirs; and when, in concurrence
with his orders, a numerous and respectable assembly of his nobles had
been thus formed, he caused his favorite son, Mêlek Shab, to seat him-
self on a throne of gold erected for the purpose; and there called upon
850
A. H. 457-65. all classes of his people to pledge their allegiance to that accomplished
A. D. 1065-78. prince, as the immediate successor to his dominions.
Kholaussüt-
ul-akhbaur.
Proceeding to the banks of the Oxus, towards the close of his reign,
with the design of reducing the countries to the Eastward of that river,
Yussuf Kotewaul, the governor of the fortress of Berzem or Nerzem,
which had recently submitted to his troops, was introduced to the
presence of Alep Arslan; and as the replies which he received to cer
tain interrogatories that he conceived it expedient to propose to the
captive chief, were such as ill became his situation, the monarch gavė
orders that he should be put to death; but the Kotewaul, disengaging
himself from his guards, suddenly drew a knife from his boot, and
made directly for the Sultan's person; the attendants rushing at the
same time to seize the assassin. In this dilemma, Alep Arslan called
upon them to forbear, and relying upon his known and singular skill
in archery, fixed an arrow to his bow and discharged it for the person
of his assailant. As providence would have it, the royal shaft which
had hitherto never erred, now flew wide of its object, and the infuriated
chief being thus permitted to approach the person of the Sûltan, suc-
ceeded in inflicting his mortal wound; nay further, two thousand armed
attendants who guarded the entrance to the imperial pavilions, dispersed
in dismay at the appearance of the murderer with the blood stained
knife in his hand, and suffered him to pass without molestation; al-
though he was ultimately dispatched by a Ferraush, or tent pitcher,
who killed him with a blow of his mallet.
This renowned and warlike monarch was born on Friday the second
of Mohurrim of the four hundred and twenty first of the Flidjerah ;*
had administered the government of Khorassaun with royal authority
for two years, for his uncle Toghrel Beg; and on the death of that princè
succeeded to the whole of his possessions from the Tigris to the Oxus,
which he governed with absolute sway and singular ability, for a
period of ten years.. His death took place in the four hundred and
sixty fifth of the Hidjeraht when he had attained to the age of forty
four. It is moreover added, that by his dauntless intrepidity, in-
flexible justice, and liberality of disposition, he acquired the universal
* Ninth of January, 1030. †A. D. 1078.
351
A.
ui-akhbaur.
respect and admiration of mankind. A formidable exterior derived A. H. 465.
from nature he contrived to render more striking by a beard of singular 1. D. 1073.
growth and thickness, and by wearing a tiara of extraordinary height, Kholaus sut
exhibiting from the apex of his coronet to the point of his beard, a mea-
surement of two guzz, or something less than four feet. In short he
is represented to have given to his head and neck, as far as possible, the
resemblance of the royal animal whose name he bore; Alep Arslan
in the Tartar language signifying the great, as Kuzzul Arslan does the
red lion. The extent of his power and the splendor of his court may
be further attested by the circumstance, that twelve hundred kings,
princes, and the sons of princes, were known on some occasions to stand
before his throne.
Sultan Mûezz-ud-dein Abûl Futtah MELEK SHAH the son of Alep
Arslan, third monarch of the race of Seljûk.
Through the dictates of his father's will, and the exertions of Nizam-
ul-mulk the celebrated Vezzeir, this prince, notwithstanding the prior
claims of his elder brother, became established on the throne of Togh-
rel Beg; and the preference appears to have been immediately sancti-
oned by the authority of the Khalif Ul Kaeim, who transmitted to him
the title of Jullaul-ud-doulah, Kesseim-e-Ameir-ul-moumenein-glo-
ry of the state, associate, or perhaps, participating in the power of the
commander of the faithful.
At the commencement of his reign he was however compelled to
vindicate his rights, with the sword, against his uncle Kauerd or Kadrû,
or Kâdrid, the son of Tchegher Beg; who held the government of Ker-
maun, and who now openly declared against his authority. The Sultan
proceeded into Irâk Ajem with the army of Khorassaun, to opppose
the insurgent, and in the neighborhood of Guirje or Kerje, brought him
to a decisive battle; which, after a dreadful conflict of three days and
as many nights, terminated in the defeat and captivity of Kauerd.
Shortly after his achievement of this important victory, the minister
Nizam-ul-mûlk was urged by the principal officers of the army, with
importunities for an advancement of their pay, accompanied with an
intimation that if their demands were not complied with, it might have
a tendency not very remote, to change the destiny of the vanquished
rebel. Nizam-ul-mûlk, for the present, appeased their clamours by a
MELEK SHAH,
IIId of the race
of Seljuk.
1
352
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 465-71. promise that in the course of the night, their request should be cóm
A. D. 1073 78. municated to the Sultan. When he became however acquainted with
Kholaussut these insolent menaces, on the part of his generals, Melek Shah con-
trived that very night, by a dose of poison, to remove his uncle out of
the way of danger. Next day, when the mercenary chiefs renewed their
clamours with the minister, he informed them, that in consequence
of his uncle's having made away with himself, by means of some poi-
son concealed in the signet of his ring, the Sultan was so deeply affected
that he had not been able to find an opportunity of laying their de-
mands before him: apiece of intelligence which so effectually silenced
them, that they ceased to trouble him further with the slightest hint on
the subject of their pay.
In the four hundred and sixty seventh* of the Hidjerah, Sûliman
the son of Kuttulmesh, the son of Issrâeil, of the race of Seljûk, and
the founder of the Anatolian branch of this family, was employed by
Mêlek Shah in the reduction of Syria; which he succeeded in accomplish-
ing to the city of Antioch. And in the year four hundred and seventy
onet by the capture of Sûliman Khaun the sovereign of that territory,
the government of Transoxianâ was united to the dominions of Mêlek
Shah; who conveyed his prisoner to Isfahaun, at this period apparently
the metropolis of the race of Seljûk.
During this expedition it was, that the hire of the boatmen, who plied
on the Oxus, was discharged on the part of Nizam-ul-mûlk by an order
on the collections of Antioch; and, when the Sultan on the appeal of
the people to his justice, against what appeared to them so gross an
evasion of their demands, required from his minister an explanation
of his conduct, the latter replied that his object was nothing further,
than to make known to future generations, that his masters power ex-
tended from the Oxus to the Orontes. The reply was flattering to the
ambition of this illustrious monarch, and his minister contrived to sa-
tisfy the demands of the watermen, by purchasing their notes for well-
told gold. Before he quitted Tranoxianà, on the samne occasion, Mêlek
Shah espoused the princess Tûrkan Khâtûn, daughter of Temghauje
Khaun, the son of Boghra Khaun, monarch of Kashghar; by whom
* A. D. 1075.
† A. D. 1078.
G
353
some years afterwards, namely, on the twenty fifth of Rudjub of the four A. H. 471-85
hundred and seventy ninth of the Hidjerah,* he became at the station A. D. 1078-92;
of Senjaur in Mesopotamia the father of Sûltan Sunjur.
Led by an ardent disposition to visit different nations and places ofabode,
Mêlek Shah is described, by the plurality of historians, to have twice
surveyed the whole of his vast dominions, extending from Antioch to
the city of Ouzkund, near the sources of the Seyhûn, or Jaxartes;
comprizing about twelve degrees of latitude, and thirty four of long-
itude. In the four hundred and eighty first of the Hidjerah he per-
formed the pilgrimage to Mekkah, marking the course of his journey
by various acts of piety and beneficence; by abolishing the impositions
usually exacted on the pilgrims; and by constructing on the desert a
variety of caravanserais, with numerous wells and cisterns, for the
accommodation of the weary traveller.
While he was engaged in his last circuit to a distant part of his do-
minions, it is further stated, that his country was menaced with an
invasion on the part of the emperor of Constantinople; who, ifthis circum-
stance be true, must have been Alexius I. the father of Anna Comnena
the historian. The Persian monarch hastened to oppose and chastise
the aggression; but while the two hostile armies lay for some time
encamped at no great distance from each other, Mêlek Shah, proceeding
one day slightly attended, to take the amusement of the chase, unex-
pectedly fell in with a patrol of the Greek emperor's troops, and became
their prisoner. In this dangerous dilemma he could only charge his
attendants to beware of paying him the slightest mark of respect; on
the contrary to treat him exactly like one of themselves.
His master's misadventure was speedily made known to Nizam-ul-
mûlk; who proceeded, as if nothing had happened, to place a guard
at evening over the imperial quarters, and to circulate the report that
the Sultan was safe returned, after his usual recreation. Next day he
repaired, however, to the camp of the Constantinopolitan, as if he were
the bearer of an embassy from his court; and he was accordingly soon
admitted to an audience with the Greek emperor, who condescended
to solicit an accommodation of their differences; to which the minister
Fourth of November, 1086.
2 z
VOL. II.
Kholaussut
ul-akhbaur.
354
A. H. 471-85. without much difficulty assented.
ul-akhbaur.
On this, as if every material point
A. D. 1078 92. had been satisfactorily adjusted, Cæsar proceeded to inform the am-
Kholaussut-bassador, that several Persians who had fallen into the hands of his
troops,were at that moment prisoners in his camp; to which, affect-
ing to treat the matter with entire indifference, Nizam-ul-mûlk replied
that it was a circumstance, of which, when he left the presence of his
sovereign, they were not aware, and most probably that these prisoners
were people of no kind of note whatever. They were now ushered in
by the emperor's directions, and gratuitously delivered over to the
ambassador; by whom, while under the observation of the Greeks,
they were addressed in terms of asperity, and sharply reprimanded for
their incaution and neglect of discipline. When they were, however,
at a considerable distance on their return, Nizam-ul mûlk dismounted
from his horse; and kissing the stirrup of his emancipated sovereign,
with his face to the earth besought his forgiveness for any mark of dis-
respect, with which, under the circumstances of the moment, he had
affected to treat him. The Sultan, after loading his faithful and ac-
complished Vezzeir with caresses, rejoined his camp in safety without
further accident.
Subsequent to this felicitous enlargement, hostilities were resumed
between Mêlek Shah and the Greek emperor, who became in his turn
the prisoner of his illustrious adversary; and his eyes no sooner fell upon
his conqueror, than he recognized and briefly addressed him in these
words: "If thou art a king thou wilt freely forgive the past; ifa mer-
"chant, sell me ; if a butcher, put me to death." "I am a king" replied
the magnanimous Mêlek Shah; and with that immediately setting him
at large, he sent him home in safety to his own dominions. But as he
died shortly afterwards, the countries which acknowledged the autho-
rity of the Greek (the Anatolian peninsula most probably) if the author
is entitled to credit, were transferred by the Seljûkian monarch to his
kinsman, Suliman the son of Kuttulmesh, the governor ofSyria. There
is at the same time a probability, that the whole of this transaction
may refer to what took place at an earlier period, between Alep Arslan
and the emperor Romanus Diogenes, as described by Mr. Gibbon,
Towards the conclusion of the reign of Mêlek Shah, some serious
discussions having arisen between the princess Tûrkan Khatûn, who
855
endeavored to secure the succession for her son Mahmûd, and the min. A. H. 485.
ister Nizam-ul-mûlk, who was equally strenuous in behalf of Sultan A. D. 1092.
Burguiaurug, that ambitious female availed herself of the intercourse ul-akhbaur.
which she held with her husband, to calumniate and misrepresent the
actions of his virtuous and faithful servant; accusing him of having
distributed the honors and emoluments of the empire between his twelve
sons; and of having thus effectually excluded the whole of the other
nobility and members of his court, from the advantages to which they
were entitled under the influence of their master's grandeur. These insin-
uations artfully repeated, at last produced an entire change in the disposi-
tion of the Sultan towards his Vezzeir; to whom, when his jealousy had
been sufficiently awakened, he sent a message to require, that if he con-
sidered himself in effect his competitor for the monarchy, he should
without further evasion declare it. But if not, he desired to know what
were his views in disposing of the different governments of the empire
among his own children, without consulting the pleasure of his sovereign;
or on what grounds he presumed to exercise such arbitrary interference
in every department of the state? In the mean time it behoved him to
understand, that if from that moment he scrupled to recede from his
arrogant pretensions, the turban would be struck from his head, and his
inkstand transferred to another. To this Nizam-ul-mûlk resolutely re-
plied, that by an irrevocable destiny his turban and inkstand, and the
throne and tiara of his sovereign, were inseparably united; and that
the stability of these four things reciprocally depended one upon the
other. The messengers who conveyed the reply were further prevailed
upon, by the vindictive queen, to add such other aggravating circum-
stances, as produced the last degree of irritation in the mind of the
Sultan; by whom the Vizzaurut was immediately transferred to Tauje-
ul-mülk Abûl Ghanaeim the Kommite, the Diwaun or steward of
the household of Tûrkan Khâtûn, with instructions to commence
without delay a rigorous investigation into the conduct of Nizam-ul-
mûlk. Melek Shah had in the mean time quitted Isfahaun on his
way to Baghdad, and the discarded minister was already in motion to
follow; when in the month of Ramzaun of the four hundred and eighty
fifth of the lidjerah,* that aged and princely Vezzeir was mortally
* October, A. D. 1092.
Kholaussut-
222
1
350
ul-akhbaur,
A. H. 485. wounded, by the knife of one of the detestable fanatics in the service
A. D. 1092. of Hussun Sabah, suborned to the act by Tauje-ul-mûlk the new
Kholaussut minister. Nizam-ul-mulk expired the ensuing day, and is here affirmed
to have been the first who fell a victim to the atrocious system of pri-
vate assassination established by the chief of Almowut. His body was
taken back, and committed to the grave at Isfahaun; and from some
verses on his death bed addressed to his sovereign, intreating his pro-
tection for his children, he represents himself to have attained to the
advanced age of ninety three.
1
It is further stated on the authority of the Rouzut-us-suffa, that
when eleven years of age, this distinguished minister could recite from
memory the whole of the Korân; and that at a very early period of his
life, he had attained to considerable eminence in the system of Imaum
Shafei, the founder of the third sect. From the numerous charitable
and benevolent establishments, which he founded and carried to a com-
pletion, throughout the empire, particularly at Isfahaun, Baghdad, and
Bassorah, it is not surprising that his memory should have been long
held in veneration. One noble monument, the Nizammiah college at
Baghdâd, stood for ages a memorial of his liberal regard for science; and
became early celebrated in an eminent degree by the lectures there de-
livered by the Imaums Abú Ishack the Shirauzite, and Ghazauly, both
renowned as the most distinguished doctors of the age in which they
lived.
But without further expatiating on the unbounded liberality, and
magnificent spirit of this celebrated minister, we shall proceed to state
that in this his last journey, Mêlek Shah arrived at Baghdad on the 24th
of Ramzaun; and that, while pursuing his favorite amusement of the
chase, he was taken ill in the field, on the third of the succeeding month
of Shavaul,* and compelled to return to the metropolis of the Khalifs,
under great distress and depression of mind. At the expiration of.
eighteen days only, from the death of Nizam-ul-múlk he, finally, ex-
changed the trappings of earthly glory, for the silent mansions of
the dead.
Sûltan Mêlek Shah thus expired, after a splendid and prosperous
reign of twenty years, at the early age of thirty eight. In his person
* Fifth of November, A. D. 1092,
357
ul-akhbaur.
he is described to have been as handsome, as he was in disposition vir- A. H. 485.
tuous and engaging. During the whole of his reign, which was distin- A. D. 1092.
guished by his uniform love of justice (the noble argument of a moп- Kholanssut-
arch's praise,) he studied, with unabated zeal and diligence, to promote
the prosperity, the embellishment, the security of his dominions; which
was abundantly attested by the numerous charitable establishments,
the plantations, gardens, and the fortresses, which covered and adorned
every province of the empire. The learned of every class and profession
he supported and encouraged in their pursuits, by enlarged and liberal
salaries. His love of the chace has been already adverted to'; and it is
but justice to add, that for every animal which bled by his own hand,
he invariably gave to the poor a dinaur of gold; and the immensity of
his equipments may be in some measure estimated from the circum-
stance that, whether stationary or on the march, his person was never
attended by less than forty seven thousand cavalry. To him, not only
his immediate relatives, but many who were strangers to his blood, we e
indebted for their advancement to the highest gradations of power
and dignity. Among the former, it has already been seen, that he con-
ferred the province of Rúm, or Anatolia, upon Sûliman the son of Kut-
tulmesh, the founder of the Anatolian Seljûcides, Sûltans of Iconium;
as he did that of Kermaun, on Sultan Shah the son of Kauerd, or Kadrû;
and part of Syria he bestowed upon his brother Tennesh. Among
the latter, he gave the kingdom of Khaurezm to Noushtekein, or Noush-
teggin Gherjah, the founder of the Khaurezm-Shahies; Aleppo to Kel-
leim-ud-doulah Auksunkur; Mossûle to Tehegger or Juggermesh;
Hussun Keyfaur to Artek; Mardein to Auktemmûr; and Farss to
Rokken-ud-doulah Khomaurtekein. And the possessions thus distri-
buted, remained with these chiefs and their posterity for many gener-
ations afterwards. According to Mr. Gibbon, he illustrated the sixth
year of his reign by the adoption, into the Mahommedan chronology,
of a new æra, called after him that of Mêlek Shah, which commenced,
as stated by the same eloquent historian, on the authority of Dr. Hyde,
on the fifteenth of March, A. D. 1079; corresponding nearly with
the eleventh of Ramzaun, of the four hundred and seventy first of
the Hidjerah.
358
}
:
A. H. 486. Sûltan Rokken-ud-dein Abûl mûzuffur BURGUIAURUG, Kesseîm-
A. D. 1092. e-Ameir-ul-moumenein, the son of Mêlek Shah, fourth monarch of
Kholaussut- the race of Seljûk.
ul-akhbaur.
At the period of his father's death this prince was residing at Isfa-
haun, and appears to have been considered the legitimate successor to
the dominions of the house of Seljûk; but the princess Tûrkan Khâtûn
and her son Mahmûd, being immediately on the spot at Baghdad, she
availed herself of the opportunity to solicit from the Khalif Mûkteddy,
SULTAN SUR- apatent for the succession, in favor of the same Mahmûd. The Khalifat
first resisted her application, but being prevailed upon by her importuni-
ties, and by the receipt of a very large sum of money, he ultimately con-
ferred upon Mahmûd the title of royalty. On which a force was imme-
diately dispatched by the ambitious dowager for Isfahaun, in order to
secure the person of Burguiaurûg.
GUIAURUG,
IVth of the race
of Seljûk.
That prince, through the assistance of some of the domestics of Ni-
zam-ul-mûlk, was however enabled to effect his escape, and to join
his governor, or Atabek, Ameir Tukkushtekein; who conveyed himin
safety to Rey, and there publicly seated him on the throne of his father.
Shortly afterwards, Tûrkan Khâtûn conducted her son into Isfahaun,
and with equal solemnity proceeded to encircle his brows with the di-
adem of sovereign power: but Sultan Burguiaurûg approaching to
attempt the metropolis of his family, at the head of twenty thousand
horse, an accommodation was brought to pass between him and his
stepmother, the dowager queen; by which, on the payment of five hun-
dred thousand dinaurs* from his father's effects, he consented to with-
draw from the siege of Isfahaun, and retire to the northward.
Burguiaurûg was, however, no sooner on his march for Hainadaun,
on receipt of his money, than the artful dowager prevailed upon
Ameir Issmaeil, his maternal uncle, on the promise of her hand, to com-
mence hostilities against his nephew; with whom, in the month of Ram-
zaun of the year four hundred and eighty six,† he came accordingly
to a well contested, and obstinate battle. Issmâeil was however de-
feated, and taken prisoner by 'the troops of the Sultan, and immmedi-
ately put to death. In the succeeding month of Shavaul Burguiaurûg
J
183,3331. Gs. 8d. at the lowest computation.
† October, A. D. 1093.
359
ul-akhbaur.
.was nevertheless compelled to quit the field by another uncle, Ameir A. H. 486-97.
Tennesh the son of Alep Arslan; with whom being unable to contend, A. D. 1093-99.
he now retreated, as it would appear towards Isfahaun. Fortunately Kholaussut-
about this period the princess Türkan Khâtûn had ceased to exist; and
Sultan Mahmûd proceeding to meet Burguiaurûg, on his arrival in the
neighborhood, the two brothers entered Isfahaun together in a very
amicable manner. But some of the chiefs attached to the interests of
Sultan Mahmud, in order to evince their zeal, proceeded to arrest the
person of Burguiaurûg, and were about to deprive him of sight,
when Mahmûd was suddenly attacked by the small pox, which termin-
ated his existence. Burguiaurûg was immediately relieved from con-
straint by the conspirators, and restored to his authority.
Thus at leisure to attend to the affairs of his government, the Sûltan
proceeded to attest his gratitude for the services of the father, by con-
ferring the dignity of the Vizzaurut upon Mûeyud-ul-mûlk, the son
of Nizam-ul-mûlk. But Fakher-ul-mûlk another son of the cele-
brated vezzeir's, arriving from Khorassaun a few days afterwards,
Burguiaurûg, for reasons which are not explained, cancelled his re-
cent appointment, and transferred it to the new-comer. He then hast-
ened with his army to bring to a decision his contest with Ameir
Tennesh; whom, after a considerable struggle, he finally defeated and
killed. Another uncle still survived to dispute his authority; Arslan
Shah the son of Alep Arslan, who had declared against him in Khor-
assaun; and he was marching to that quarter, when the insurgent
was suddenly put to death, by a youth whom he attempted to force to
his libidinous and detestable propensities; an event which confirmed
Burguiaurûg in possession of Khorassaun, without the hazard of a con-
flict.
After a short residence in that province, he consigned the go.
vernment to his brother Sunjur, and returned into Irâk.
While the Sultan was absent in Khorassaun on this occasion, Mû-
evud-ul-mûlk, the discarded Vezzeir, had availed himself of the op-
portunity, to infuse the spirit of revolt into another of the imperial line,
of the name of Atriz, who had succeeded in assembling an army in
Irak, and was at this period marching for Rey. But on reaching Sàwah
on his way to that metropolis, this prince was also treacherously cut off,
by one of the fanatics of Almowut. Mûeyud-ul-mülk now directed
.i
360
A. H. 492-4.
ùl-akhbaur.
his course to the city of Kenjah, the residence of Mahommed the son
A. D. 1099-1101. of Mêlek Shah; whom he next prevailed upon to engage in hostilities.
Kholaussut against his brother. In Shavaul of the year four hundred and ninety
two,* the royal brothers were accordingly hastening to bring their dif-
ferences to the decision of a battle; when the generals or principal
Ameirs of Burguiavrûg's court, offended with the conduct of Mejid-
ul-mûlk the mustouffy, or controller or auditor of the exchequer,
because he had presumed to withhold their emoluments, sought to
put that minister to death; and as he fled for protection to the presence,
the exasperated chiefs pursued, and cut him to pieces before the eyes
of their sovereign, Alarmed at this flagrant proof of audacity, and of
defiance to his authority, the Sultan privately withdrew from the Ko-
hestaun of Irak, and fled to Rey; which placed his brother Mahom-
med without further obstacle on the throne of Irâk Ajem ; and the
prime ministry, as might have been expected from the gratitude of his
prince, was now lodged in the hands of Mûeyud-ul-mulk.
Having contrived, however, to assemble a fresh army, Sultan Bur-
guiaurûg proceeded again, in the month of Rudjub,* of the four hund-
red and ninety-third of the Hidjerah, to give battle to Mahommed;
was entirely defeated, and this time compelled to seek an asylum in
Khûzistaun. In that province, being however joined by Ameir Ay-
auz, one of the slaves of Melek Shah, he was enabled, in the latter
Jummaudy of the year four hundred and ninety-four,† a third time
to offer battle to his brother; and in this he proved finally successful;
fortune with the victory putting into his hands the obnoxious Vezzeir,
Mûeyud-ul mûlk. During the period of his captivity, this minister
is stated to have exerted himself with such address to justify his con-
duct, and to disarm the resentment of the Sultan, that the latter, from
an excess of lenity, was at last prevailed upon to encourage him with
the expectation of being restored to his appointments: but when
things were at this crisis, while the Sultan was reposing himself, one
day at noon from the heat of the weather, he happened to overhear
a conversation between his cupbearer and another attendant; in which
the former presumed te observe that this same race of Seljuk appeared
August, 1099. † May, A, D. 1100.
#
† April, A, D. 1101,
361
1
ul-akhbaur.
to him to possess neither true magnanimity, nor sense of injury, since A. H. 494-98
the Sûltan, notwithstanding his multiplied treasons, could yet conceive A. D. 1101-4.
the thought of again creating Mûeyud-ul-mûlk the first minister of Kholaussut-
his government. Not a little irritated by the remark, Burguiaurûg
hastily issued from his tent, with his sword drawn, and having directed
the unfortunate Vezzeir to be brought before him, immediately struck
off his head; desiring the cupbearer to keep in mind, that on some
occasions, the race of Seljûk could prove themselves not entirely defi-
cient in spirit.
Subsequent to this period, when two successive conflicts had fur-
ther taken place between the Sûltans Burguiaurûg and Mahommed,
a treaty of peace was at last concluded between the rival brothers; by
which it was finally agreed, that Syria, Diaurbêkir, Azerbayjaun,
Mûghaun, Armenia, and Georgia, should be comprized within the
dominions of Sultan Mahommed; and that the remainder of the patri-
mony of the house of Seljûk, consisting, probably, of eastern and wes-
tern Irâk, Farss and Khorassaun, with the whole of the territory
beyond the Oxus, should continue under the authority of Burgui-
aurûg. The dissensions between the family appear to have thus hap-
pily terminated until the death of Burguiaurûg; which took place in
the four hundred and ninety-eighth of the Hidjerah,* the twenty-fifth
year of his age, and the thirteenth of his reign.
Sultan Gheyauth-ud-dein Abû Shujia MAHOMMED, son of Mêlek
Shah, Kesseim-e-Ameir-ul-moumenein, fifth monarch of the race of
Seljûk.
Immediately on the death of his brother, Sultan Mahommed laid
claim to the entire possessions of the house of Seljûk; although Me-
lek Shah the son of Burguiaurug, had been early seated on the throne
of his father, by the two slaves Ayauz and Sedkah, who prepared, SULTAN MA-
sword in hand, to support the rights of the young prince. But when HOMMED, Vth
the armies were about to engage, a cloud, in the shape of a dragon
vomiting flames, appearing above the heads of the troops of Ayauz
and Sedkah, they were so appalled by the phenomenon, that they
instantly sued for pardon, and declared in favor of Sultan Mahommed.
VOL. II.
*A. D. 1104,
3 A
of the race of
Seljük.
362
A. H. 498. The young prince, and his two advisers, now fell into the hands of the
A. D. 1105. Sûltan, by whom they were sent, the former to a prison, the latter to
Kholaussut- the grave.
ul-akhbaur.
?
Sultan Mahommed, in the former Jummaudy of the year four hun-
dred and ninety-eight,* appeared at Baghdad; where, though the au-
thority of his nephew had been readily proclaimed by Mûstezhir B’Illahı,
be, however, treated that Khalif with distinguished respect and honor.
On this occasion, it is stated that while the Sultan continued at
Baghdad, Ahmed the son of Abdulmêlek Attaush, a confirmed ad-
vocate of the Bowautinists, or Ismâeilians, who had long preached
his schismatical doctrines to the garrison of Dezhkoh, a fortress in the
neighborhood of Isfahaun erected by Sûltan Mêlek Shah, availed
himself of the opportunity to make himself master of that strong hold,
and to declare himself in a state of disobedience. On information of
this contumacious act of rebellion in the very heart of his dominions,
Sultan Mahommed returned without delay towards his capital, and
immediately laid siege to the fortress of Dezhkôh. When the resources
of the garrison became nearly exhausted, Ahmed Attaush conveyed
a message to Saud-ul-múlk the Oujian, who held the office of Vez-
zeir to the Sûltan, and who had privately embraced the doctrines of
the Schismatics, to apprize him that the subsistance of his followers
being reduced almost to nothing, he should, in the course of two or
three days, be constrained to capitulate with his adversaries. The
perfidious Vezzeir to this verbally replied, that it behoved him to
exert his patience for a week longer, until he could find the means of
removing this dog, alluding to his sovereign, out of the way. The
Sûltan, from a constitutional heat of temperament, had been in the
habit of bleeding regularly once a month, and the period at which he
usually underwent the operation now drew near. Saud-ul-mûlk then
seized the opportunity, and with a bribe of one thousand dinaurs, pre-
vailed upon the surgeon to bleed his master with a poisoned lancet.
The chamberlain of Saud-ul-mûlk becoming, however, by some.
means or other, acquainted with the design, fortunately disclosed it to
his wife; and the lady, as will sometimes happen, made the secret
March, A. D. 1105.
863
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
known to her gallant; so that it could not ultimately fail to find its A. H. 498-511.
way, to him whom it most materially concerned. Sultan Mahommed A. D. 1105-17.
upon this, feigning to be suddenly indisposed, sent for his surgeon to
perform the usual operation; and the latter had bound his arm, and
was proceeding to touch it with the point of his lancet, when the
royal patient fixed his eyes with stern severity on the countenance of
the guilty miscreant. A tremor seized the limbs of the traitor; he
made a full and immediate confession of the truth, and was bled to
death with his own lancet. The treacherous minister, with all
attached to him, suffered the punishment due to his crimes; and the
garrison, apprized of what had happened, delivered up their fort with-
out further resistance. Their leader becoming a prisoner, was conducted
into Isfahaun, riding on a camel with his hands bound, by command
of the Sultan; and in the course of a few days he was condemned to
perish by an ignominous death, and his body burnt, together with
those of all his misguided associates.
In this place we are informed, on the authority of the Tarikh gûzei-
dah, although it is not easy to reconcile it with the corresponding peri-
ods of the history, that Sultan Mahommed was engaged, towards the
conclusion of his reign, on a distant expedition into Hindûstaun; dur-
ing which he signalized his zeal for the faith, by the immolation of a
vast multitude of unhappy and unbelieving Hindûs. In the course of
the expedition, an idol came into the Sultan's possession, of the enorm-
ous weight of two thousand maunns, about eight and twenty tons at
the lowest computation, which the natives offered to redeem with an
equal weight in pearl. The Sultan rejected their offer with disdain;
observing, that were he to comply, the world might justly entitle him
Mahommed the idol-merchant, for the same reason that a certain sta-
tuary of the name of Azer, was called the idol-cutter. The image was
accordingly conveyed all the way to Isfahaun, where it was laid
across the threshold at the entrance of the college which contains the
tomb of Sultan Mahommed. It must, at the same time, occur to the
reader, that nearly the same circumstance has been already related of
Sultan Mahmûd of Gheznîn.
In the early part of the five hundred and eleventh of the Hidjerah,
while stretched on the bed of sickness and debility, Sultan Mahom-
3A 3
304
Kholaussut-
ul-aklıbaur.
A. H. 511-30. med declared his son Mahmûd successor to the throne of Toghrel Beg;
A. D. 1117 35. and shortly afterwards closed his earthly career at the age of thirty
seven, having reigned for about thirteen years subsequent to the de-
mise of his brother. He bears with historians the character of a pious
and temperate prince, distinguished for his inviolable adherence to his
engagements, for his rigid and inflexible regard to truth, and for the
just and equitable principles on which he governed his people.
Sultan Mûezz-ud-dein SUNJUR, entitled Bûrhaun*-e-Ameir-ul-mou
menein, the son of Melek Shah, sixth monarch of the race of Seljûk.
This able prince had already administered the government of Khor-
assaun for a period of twenty years, during the successive reigns of his
brothers, Burguiaurûg and Mahommed; and assuming the sovereign
authority on the death of the latter, he proceeded into Irak to vindi-
cate his claims against his nephew Mahmûd, who had collected an
SULTAN SUN- army to oppose him. The younger prince being however defeated,
JUR, VIth mon- withdrew towards Sawah; but submitting to his destiny, and repair-
ing respectfully to the presence of his uncle, he met with a liberal re-
ception; and was invested with the government of Persian Irâk, with
no other apparent stipulation, than that the name of Sultan Sunjur
should have precedence in the public prayers.
arch of the race
of Seljuk.
During the five hundred and twenty-fourtht of the Hidjerah, Sûl-
tan Sunjur was employed in Transoxiana, to suppress the rebellion of
Ahmed the son of Sûliman, governor of Samarkand. The insurgent
sustained a siege of some duration within the walls of that city; but
ultimately submitting to the Sultan, the government was transferred
to a slave of that monarch's. It was, however, restored to Ahmed ben
Sûliman, after he had continued for some time in disgrace.
+
In the year five hundred and thirty, the Seljúkian was involved.in
hostilities with Behram Shah king of Gheznein, who was indebted to
him for his crown; and who yet thought fit about this period to with-
hold the tribute, which he had voluntarily incurred by an obligation so
essential. Sûltan Sunjur proceeding however towards Gheznein, at
the head of his troops, matters were ultimately accommodated, Behram
Shah submitting to make good his engagements for the future. Five
* A demonstration, or perhaps a ray, of the power of the commander of the faithful.
†A. D. 1130.
† A. D. 1135.
*
365
ul-akhbaur.
years afterwards,* (in 555) the presence of Sultan Sunjur was again A. H. 535-43.
required in Transoxiana, by fresh indications of hostility on the part A. D. 1140-48.
of the governor of Samarkand, at this time languishing under a recent Kholanssut
stroke of the palsy. After a siege of six months, being reduced to
extremity, he once more delivered up the city to the Sultan ; in whose
presence he is described to have appeared with his mouth distorted,
and the saliva streaming down the corners. He was now finally
removed; though the province was bestowed upon his son Nusser
Khaun. They were probably an inferior branch of the Seljûkian
family.
About the same period, misled by the counsels of some of his nobi-
lity, Sûltun Sunjur imprudently entered into a war with Gûr Khaun,
the monarch of Kara Khatay, or central Tartary, who hastened to
oppose him with all the force of his dominions. By a sudden and
unaccountable defection, or dereliction of duty, on the part of the
same nobles, the Sultan was left to precipitate himself on the ranks
of his adversaries, with no more than three hundred followers; and with
fifteen of that number only, who survived the attempt, he succeeded
in making good his retreat to the fortress of Termed, until joined by
others who had escaped from the field of battle. Tûrkan Khâtûn, his con-
sort, with Tauje-ud-dein-Abûl Fuzzul governor of Seiestaun, remained
however, in the hands of the infidels, although they were some time
afterwards released, and conducted into Khorassaun.
The effects of this defeat produced in the destiny of Sultan Sunjur,
the most unfavorable reverse; as it diminished to a serious extent that
awe with which the world had hitherto been accustomed to contem-
plate his power. Fereid-ud-dein-Kâteb addressed the following lines
to console him under his misfortune.
Long has the agitated world been composed, illustrious prince, by
the motion of thy spear;
For forty years has thy sword procured vengeance on thine enemies;
Should some slight reverse befal thee, be it ascribed where due, to
the mutability of fortune;
For the BEING who reigns in eternity, is alone HE that is exempt
from change.
A. D. 1140.
366
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 543-48. In the five hundred and forty-third* of the Hidjerah, the Sûltan was,
A. D. 1148-53. however, sufficiently recovered from the sense of these calamities, to
Kholaussut visit Persian Irâk; where he was received by his nephew Sultan
Mûssâoud, who had recently succeeded to the government, on the
death of Mahmûd, with every mark of respect and attachment. Here
he also received letters from his tributary, Behram Shab of Gheznein,
announcing his successes in Ghour, and accompanied by Neikserr
the Sûrian; one of the chiefs of the country who had been conducted
to the presence of the Sultan, in order to attest these triumphs over a
warlike people. Nevertheless, in the course of the following year,
Alla-ud-dein Husseyne the Ghûrian, with Ally Tchetry, the latter
educated by the immediate bounty of Sultan Sunjur, commenced hos-
tilities against his authority, and threatened Khorassaun with invasion.
Sûltan Sunjur hastened to oppose their designs, defeated them in
battle, and made prisoners both of Alla-ud-dein and his associate.
The former he detained in custody, but the latter be condemned to
immediate execution for his ingratitude. The result of this victory
was to restore to the Sultan a great part of his former renown, which
was again re-echoed to the remotest limits of the earth. When he had
however detained Alla-ud-dein Hûsseyne for some time a prisoner at
his court, he discovered in that chieftain so many engaging and bene-
volent qualities, that he treated him with distinguished kindness,
and finally sent him to preside over his native province of Ghour.
In the year five hundred and forty-eight,* Sûltan Sunjur was des-
tined to experience the direst calamity that can fall to the lot os a
sovereign prince; that by which he is thrown into the hands of his
enemies. In a former period of his government, he had been induced
to admit of the settlement, in the territory of Khotlan, Tcheghaunian,
and the neighbourhood of Balkh, of a colony of forty thousand Tûrk-
man families, of that particular race which bore the appellation of
Hush-e-Ghuzz-the swarm of the Ghuzzi; on their engaging to fur-
nish for the use of his kitchen, an annual supply of four and twenty
thousand sheep. Under this tenure they had, for some time, been
suffered to enjoy in the country a peaceable and unmolested resi-
† A. D. 1153.
* A. D. 1148.
367
A. D. 1153.
Kholau'ssut-
ul-akhbaur.
dence; until, unfortunately, one of the agents of the Khaunsalaur, or A. H. 548.
purveyor of the kitchens, employed to demand the usual supply, con-
trary to the practice of his predecessors, in selecting the animals pro-
ceeded to cavil and dispute with the Tûrkmans; who, neither disposed
to endure nor submit to his insolence, without ceremony put him to
death, and immediately displayed the standard of insurrection. Not
daring to apprize his sovereign of what had passed, the Khaunsalaur
continued for some time to supply the Sultan's table at his own expence;
but Ameir Komauje, the governor of Bâlkh, happening to visit Merù,
at this period the residence of the court, the Khaunsalaur disclosed
to him the nature of the dilemma to which he had been reduced, by
the misconduct and rapacity of his agent. On this, Komauje embraced
the first opportunity of introducing, to the Sultan, the subject of the
increasing strength and refractory spirit of the Ghuzzians, and con-
trived to obtain for himself a patent for the controul of that obnoxi-
ous tribe.
When he returned to Bâlkh, he accordingly dispatched to
demand from the Ghuzzians their arrears of supply, a person whom
they immediately expelled, with every mark of contempt and insult;
proclaiming that they were the subjects of the Sultan alone, and that
they acknowledged no other superior. Ameir Komauje accompanied
by his son Melêk-ul-Shurk, now proceeded to the neighborhood of
the Ghuzzian settlements, equally prepared for hunting and for battle;
notwithstanding which, he was attacked and killed by the insurgents.
On intelligence of this act of hostility, Sultan Sunjur in concur-
rence with the advice of his courtiers, hastened in person, to reduce the
rebels to their duty; while on their part, the Ghuzzians, on his
approach, dispatched to the camp of the Sultan to apologize for their
conduct, and to solicit his forgiveness; offering in atonement for their
offence, and for the blood of Ameir Komauje, to pay a fine of one
hundred thousand dinaurs, accompanied by one hundred Khatayan
slaves. The Sultan seemed disposed to accede to these terms, and to
return to Merû ; but his Ameirs objected, that if the Ghuzzians were
suffered to elude the chastizement they deserved, his empire would
be exposed to perils and distractions, beyond his ability to obviate or
appcase. It was therefore determined to proceed in the design against
the Ghuzzians; but when the royal army drew near to the stations of
368
ul-akhbaur.
A. II. 548-51, the insurgents, an attempt was again made on the part of the latter to
A. D. 1153-56. awaken the compassion of the Sultan by the most humble intreaties,
Kholauss ut- and by an offer to add to the amount of the former fine, one munn, or a
quarter of a hundred weight of gold, from every household belonging
to the tribe, if he would engage to pardon their disobedience. The
monarch appeared still disposed to the side of mercy; but as his power
was now rapidly tending to its close, the counsels of two of his Ameirs,
on whose judgment he principally relied, prevailed with him to force
the rebels to a battle. The Ghuzzians, thus driven to despair, pro-
ceeded, like men devoted to destruction, to combat in self-defence;
and the greater part of the Sultan's generals, from a misunderstanding
with his two advisers, discharging their duty with criminal negligence
in the conflict which ensued, the insurgents were completely triumphant,
and the Sultan became their prisoner. Although they continued to
treat their royal captive for some time with every outward appearance
of respect, the Ghuzzians availed themselves of their victory to attend
him to Merú, at that period a city of great extent and opulence; which
they devoted for three days and as many nights, to plunder and outrage.
After which, not yet satisfied with their booty, they proceeded to
torture the inhabitants, in order to discover such property as had
escaped the general pillage; and under these circumstances, great
numbers of the most distinguished and respectable believers perished,
from the cruelties inflicted upon them by this ferocious and exasper-
ated horde.
The same enormities were extended by the Ghuzzians through the
greater part of Khorassaun; the unfortunate Sunjur, whom they had ulti-
mately confined to an iron cage, being condemned to the mockery of a
daily exhibition on his throne, for a period of almost four years; during
which the country was compelled to submit to every species of op-
pression and outrage. All this time the Sûltan was deterred from any
plan of escape by the consideration that his consort, the princess
Tûrkan Khâtûn, was also in the hands of his oppressors; but in the
five hundred and fifty-first of the Hidjerah,* which produced the
death of that princess, he no longer delayed to deliberate on the means
A. D. 1156.
369
ul-akhbaur.
of his deliverance. The care of his person had been entrusted to Ameir A. H. 551-58
Eleiaus, one of the Ghuzzian chiefs; and this man he now prevailed A. D. 1156-63.
upon to conduct him, on the pretence of hunting, to the banks of the Kholaussut-
Jeyhûn; where Ameir Ahmed Komauje the governor of Termed,
with whom the plan had been preconcerted, and who had provided
boats for the occasion, suddenly made his appearance; and succeeded
in carrying off the person of his sovereign, and in conveying him in
safety to the castle of Termed. After continuing in that fortress, as
long as it was necessary to collect a sufficient body of his adherents,
Sûltan Sunjur proceeded to revisit his capital of Merû ; but observing,
on his approach, the desolation which pervaded the country, and the
deplorable distress of its inhabitants, the spectacle became too painful
for his feelings; and the aged monarch, now in his seventy third year,
sunk under the burden of his afflictions, on the twenty fifth of the for-
mer Rebbeïa of the five hundred and fifty second of the Hidjerah ;*after
reigning paramount sovereign of the Persian empire for one and forty
years.
Sultan Sunjur has been equally praised for his piety, and modesty of
disposition, and for his benevolence and the love of his people; for
his respect for, and his encouragement of learning, and learned men,
and for his zeal and exertions to promote the advancement of his reli-
gion and if he failed in extending the dominions of his family by for-
:
eign conquest, and became otherwise unfortunate in the conclusion of
his reign, it has by no one been ascribed to any deficiency in talents
either for war or government; in both of which he is universally ac-
knowledged to have excelled. The grandeur of the house of Seljûk in
its extended sense, at the same time, appears to have terminated with
this prince.
His sister's son, Mahmûd, the son of Mahommed
Khaun, paternally descended from Boghra Khaun of Turkestaun, is
stated, on the authority of the Rouzut-us-suffà, to have succeeded to
the sovereignty of Khorassaun, on the death of Sultan Sunjur; but one
of his ministers revolting against his authority, in the sixth year of his
government, (A. H. 558.) Mahmûd was taken prisoner and deprived of
sight after which, part of the territory of that noble province, was
Fifth of May, A. D. 1157.
VOL. II,
3 B
370
A. H. 511-29. appropriated by the kings of Khaurezm, while the remainder continued
A. D. 1117-34. subject to the predatory and irregular government of the Ghuzzi.
Kholaussut The history must now recede to take a survey of the transactions, in
which the collateral branches of this celebrated race were more im-
mediately concerned.
ul-akhbaur.
daun and Trük
Ajemy.
Sultan Mogheyth-ud-dein MAHMUD, the son of Mahommed son of
Mêlek Shah, entitled Yemein-Ameir-ul-moumen-in.
It was formerly noticed that this prince, nominated by his father to
succeed to the entire dominions of the house of Seljuk, was ultimately
compelled to confine his pretensions to the two provinces of Persian
SULTAN MAY and Arabian Irâk; in the government of which he was confirmed by
MUD of Hama- his uncle Sultan Sunjur. He held his authority for a period of four-
teen years; and is described as a virtuous prince, elegant in his person,
and of great mildness of disposition. He was however greatly addicted
to women, and devoted much of his time and attention, to his dogs,
and to the amusements of the chase. These amusements were, at the
same time, not suffered to detach him either from the controul of his
finances, the superintendance of his daily expenditure, or the punctual
subsistance of his troops. He died at IIamadaun, which was become
the metropolis of this branch of the family, in the month of Shavaul
of the five hundred and twenty fifth of the Hidjerah,* at the age of
seven and twenty.
CHREL.
Sultan Rokken-ud-dein TOGHREL, the son of Mahommed son of
Melek Shab, in conformity with the instructions of his uncle, suc-
ceeded, on the death of his brother Mahmûd to the government of Irâk,
both Persian and Arabian. He was however, during the whole of his
SULTAN TO- government, engaged in perpetual hostilities, with various success,
against his surviving brother Sultan Mûssâoud; after sustaining a con-
test with whom for a period of three years, he quitted this stage of ex-
istence, in Mohurrim of the five hundred and twenty ninth of the
Hidjerah† leaving a character distinguished for strict and impartial
justice, for scrupulous abstention from all that was repugnant to the
laws of his religion, and for singular valour, modesty, and humanity.
Sultan Gheyauth-ud-dein MusSAOUD, the son of Mahommed son
of Melek Shah.
*Sept. A. D. 1131.
† November, A. D. 1184.
371
ul-akhbaur.
Being at Baghdad at the period of his brother's death, a part of the A. H. 529.
Ameirs of the government dispatched without delay to invite Mûssâoud A. D. 1135. ·
to Hamadaun, to take possession of the vacant authority; while others Kholaussut-
with equal activity sent to Tebreiz, to demand the presence of his ne-
phew Daoud, the son of the deceased monarch. Sûltan Mûssâoud,
obtaining, however, the start of the younger prince, suddenly appeared
at Hamadaun, and received the submission of the whole, with reluc
tance, or cordiality, just as the parties felt affected to his interests.
SULTAN Mus-
The Khalifs Mûstershid, and Rashid Billah engaging in hostile de-
signs against the authority of Sultan Mûssâoud, were both assassinated
by some of the fanatic disciples of the chief of Almowut, as formerly
related, in the early part of his government. The presence of the Sultan
was therefore again required at Baghdâd; where, he proceeded accord-
ingly to place Ul Mûkteffy on the throne of the Khelaufut. While
he was absent from Hamadaun on this occasion, intelligence was con-
veyed to him that designs hostile to his government, were under the SAOUD.
contemplation of the lieutenant of Farss; and he found it expedient
to detach his brother Seljûk Shah, accompanied by his Atabek, or go-
vernor, or preceptor, Kâra Sunkur, to restore obedience in that pro-
vince. The Atabek had however made but one march from the encamp-
ment of Sultan Mûssâoud, when he had the audacity to dispatch a
message to that monarch, to announce that he should not advance a
step further, until the head of the minister, Mahommed Khauzen,
was sent to him. This personage had rendered himself particularly
obnoxious to the Ameirs, not less by his imperious and haughty de-
meanor, than by the sequestration of their emoluments; and however
bis master might have been disposed to protect him, the demand of
the Atabek was repeated with such determined pertinacity, that it was
finally complied with; and the head of the unfortunate Vezzeir was
given up to his importunities. Kara Sunkur then proceeded into Farss;
and having reduced the metropolis of Sheirauz, and placed it in the
possession of Seljûk Shah, he returned to the court of Mûssâoud,
where he died some time afterwards.
The Sultan now transferred his confidence to the Atabeks Eylde-
kez, and Jaudely; on the former of whom, with the government of
Tebreiz and Azerbayjaun, he bestowed the widow of his brother Sul-
3B3
372
A. H. 532-47. tan Toghrel, of which marriage the Ameirs Kuzzul Arslan, and Mahom.
A. D. 1137 52. med, were the issue. Atabek Jaudely on the subsequent death of
Seljûk Shah, was sent to preside over the province of Farss.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
During his second visit to Baghdad, about the five hundred and
thirty-second of the Hidjerah, Abbas the governor of Rey, undertook
to transfer the throne of the absent monarch, to his brother Sûliman
Shah; and, uniting with Abdurraihman and Bûzaubah, two chiets
who entertained similar designs in favor of Mêlek Shah and Mahom-
med, the sons of Mahmûd, openly declared against Sûltan Mûssâoud,
and took possession of Isfahaun. Apprized of this dangerous combin-
ation against his authority, the Sultan, in the very middle of winter,
hastened towards Isfahaun; but being intercepted on his arrival at
Hulwaun, by a tremendous fall of snow, and other severities of the
season, he was for the present constrained to postpone his vengeance,
and return to Baghdad. On the return of more genial weather in the
ensuing spring, however, the Sultan proceeded towards his object by
the route of Tebreiz, at the head of a powerful army; Sûliman Shah,
with his general Abbas, and the princes Mahommed and Melêk Shah,
awaiting his approach, at a station in the neighborhood of Hamadaun.
Happily for Sultan Mûssàoud, the very night preceding the day which
had been appointed for battle, Sûliman Shah unaccountably withdrew
towards Rey, followed by Abbas; and Abdurraihman, and Bûzaubah
equally surprized and alarmed, made the best of their way towards
Isfahaun, with Mêlek Shah and Mahommed: while Sûltan Mûssâoud
thus fortunately relieved from his embarrassments, hastened towards
Rey on the footsteps of his brother. Shortly afterwards Sûliman
ventured to an interview with his brother; and, it being thought unad-
visable by the Sultan's cabinet that he should remain any longer at large,
he was, as might have been foreseen, immediately consigned to impri-
sonment. Abbas, Abdurraihman, and Bûzaubah, in the course of
time, also solicited and obtained the Sûltan's pardon, and hastening
in succession to h's presence, were treated with kindness, and distinc-
tion. But, as their breasts continued to be animated with a spirit of
hostility towards the Sultan's government, a considerable period was not
suffered to elapse before it was sufficiently demonstrated in the ingra
878
tude of their actions; and they were, each of them in different ways, A. H. 547.
ultimately taken off by the hands of the executioner.
Subsequent to these events, the reign of Sultan Mûssâoud proceeded
with unclouded prosperity to the period of his death, which took place
in sight of Hamadaun, on the night of the first of Rudjub of the five
hundred and forty seventh of the Hidjerah,* the forty fifth year of his
age, and the nineteenth of his government. He is described to have
surpassed in liberality and benevolence of disposition, as well as in the
strength of his understanding; and to have promoted, both by his ex-
ample and authority, the exercise of charity in all its forms. His
munificence is indeed alleged to have been carried to that extent, that
he was frequently reduced to draw upon an empty treasury; and he
was so singularly attached to the manners, and habits of life of religious
mendicants, that great part of his leisure hours was devoted to an
attendance on the victims of sorrow, and the inmates of seclusion.
Mogheyth-ud-dein MELEK SHAH the son of Mahmûd, of Hama-
daun and Iråk Ajem.
A. D. 1153.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaun
Raised to the throne, by whatever means, on the death of his uncle,
this prince appears to have immediately shut himself up against every
kind of intercourse with the Ameirs, and other officers of his govern-
ment, and to have totally resigned himself to his pleasures. Attempting,
however, to seize the person of Khausseik, one of the ministers of the
late Sultan, most distinguished for his singular prudence and extra-
ordinary valour, the greater part of the chiefs took offence at the de- SULTAN ME
sign, and espoused the cause of the minister; by whose instructions, LEK SHAH.
in the month of Shavaul of the 547th of the Hidjerah,† Hussun Jân-
daur, on the pretext of an entertainment given in honor of him, pro-
ceeded to invite the prince to his house; where, at the end of three
days, in which he had been suffered to indulge himself in every species.
of luxury, he was seized, and immediately confined to the castle of
Hamadaun. Messengers were at the same time dispatched to Khûz-
istaun, to invite his brother Mahommed to take possession of the go-
vernment. After remaining some days immured in his prison, however,
he found means to effect his escape; and proceeding by the most
* First of October, A. D. 1152, ↑ January, A. D. 1153.
374
A. H. 547-54. unfrequented roads into the same province of Khûzistaun, he there con-
A. D. 1153-59. tinued to reside until the death of his brother, in the five hundred and
Kholaussut-
fifty fifth of the Hidjerah; when he advanced towards Isfahaun, with
ul-akhbaur.
the object of putting himself once more in possession of the throne of
Irâk but he was arrested in his design by the hand of death. This
voluptuary held his government for little more than three months, and
had only attained to his thirty second year when he died.
Sultan Gheyauth-ud-dein MAHOMMED the son of Mahmûd, of Ha-
madaun and Irâk Ajem, &c.
Sultan Mahommed, in consequence of the invitation of the Ameirs,
above adverted to, in the beginning of Mohurrim of the year five hundred
and forty eight, repaired to Hamadaun, and immediately assumed the
diadem of Irak. Before the expiration of the month conceiving, how-
ever, some suspicion of the views of Ameir Khausseik, he caused that
SULTAN MA- chieftain to be put to death, and appropriated to him-elf the whole of
his treasure and effects. As a proof of the magnitude of these articles,
it is stated on the authority of the Tarikh gûzeidah, that there were
found in the repositories and wardrobe of the same Khauss ik, not less
than thirteen thousand pieces of crimson satin, by which we are taught
to estimate the remainder of his property.
HOMMED.
When the fate of this personage was made known to Atabek Evlde-
kez, and to Nussrut-ud-dein Khausseik the son of Auk Sunkur, the
governor of Meraughah, they immediately declared against Sultan Ma-
hommed; and proclaiming his uncle Sûliman the son of Mahommed,
the son of Mêlek Shah the great, proceeded with a powerful army to-
wards Hamadaun. Conscious of the disparity of his troops, and of
the more alarming disaffection of his Ameirs, Mahommed suddenly
abandoned his power, with all its appendages of wealth and splendor,
and fled towards Isfahaun; while Sûliman Shah, on the other hand,
took possession of his capital without resistance, and seated himself in
triumph on the abdicated throne. Under these circumstances it was
suggested to the new sovereign, that it would be advisable to confer the
offices of Vezzeir, and Hanjeb, or minister of state and grand chain-
berlain, on Mûzuffur-ud-dein Alep Erghû, and Shums-ud-dein Abûl
Nejeib, to the prejudice of the Ameirs Khaurezın Shab, and Fakher-
ud-dein Kaushy; who had hitherto enjoyed, the one the post of ilau-
375
ul-akhbaur.
jeb, and the other that of Vezzeir respectively. Khaurezm Shah, one A. H. 548-54.
of the latter, being however apprized of the proposed supersession, A. D. 1153-59.
embraced an opportunity to persuade his sister, who was the wife of Kholaussut
Sûliman Shah, that the nobles had suddenly entered into a conspiracy
to restore Sultan Mahommed, and that very night to seize the person of
her husband. This intelligence she naturally communicated to Sûli-
man; and the prince, being of a capacity to be imposed upon without much
difficulty, that same night, accompanied by his family and the most
confidential of his adherents, withdrew towards Mazanderaun. The
following day, unable to account for this ill-advised proceeding, the
Ameirs were thrown into the utmost consternation; and the troops
mutinying against their leaders, hastened to gratify their propensity
for plunder and spoliation, by appropriating to themselves all that could
be found in the treasury and stables of the fugitive Sûliman: while Sultan
Mahommed, punctually advised of these unexpected events, returned
without delay to Hamadaun, and was immediately restored to his
authority.
Nevertheless, some time afterwards, Sûliman Shah had collected
sufficient strength to issue from his retreat in Mazanderaun; and, with
the aid of the Khalif Mûkteffy, and Atabek Eyldekez, on the banks of
the Oras, to give battle to Sultan Mahommed. In this he was finally
defeated, and compelled to seek for refuge at Mossùle. Sultan Ma-
hommed now conducted his army to Baghdad; but, in consequence of
the revolt of his brother Melek Shah, was constrained to relinquish
bis design of reducing that city. He died in Zilhudje of the five hun-
dred and fifty fourth of the Hidjerah,* in the thirty second year of his
age, and after an unsettled and turbulent reign of seven years.
112 Is
also described to have been an able, wise, and learned prince, and, as
far as his means enabled him, to have promoted the observance of the
law, and the honor and welfare of its ministers.
Sûltan Mûezz-ud-dein SULIMAN SHAH, the son of Mahommed son
of Melek Shah, in Hamadaun, and Irâk Ajem, &c.
Quitting his retirement at Mossûle, Sûliman hastened to Hamadaun
in the former Rebbeia of the year five hundred and fity five,† and with the
† March, 1160.
* December, A. D. 1159.
376
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 555. general concurrence of the Ameirs of the province, ascended the throne
A. D. 1160. of Iråk.
In order to gratify the wishes of Atabek Eyldekez, he had
Kholaussut consented to nominate the step-son of that chieftain, Melek Arslan,
as his successor in the royal authority; but, through the suggestions
of Ezz-ud-dein Keymaur, and Nausser-ud-dein Auksunkur, forming
some design against the person of Ul Mouffek, (probably Mûstanjer
or Mûstunjid, for that was the name of the reigning Khalif) the intention
became known to that Khalif; who dispatched a message to inform
the Atabek that it was expedient to establish Melek Arslan in the so-
vereign authority, without further delay. Atabek Eyldekez was
wrought upon, without much difficulty, to coincide in this measure,
and proceeded to conduct his ward from Tebreiz, immediately towards
Hamadaun. Sûliman Shah, devoted to wine and women, gave him-
self in the mean time but little concern about the arrangements of his
government; and the greater part of the nobles withdrawing from his
court in consequence, a conspiracy was formed to seize his person;
which was carried into execution, as soon as Mêlek Arslan and the Ata-
bek, were arrived in the vicinity of Hamadaun, towards the conclusion
of Ramzaun of this year.* The deposed Sultan was confined to the castle
or citadel of the metropolis, after a short reign of six months and a
few days; and he died in his prison shortly afterwards at the age of
forty five.
SULIMAN
SHAH.
SULTAN
ARSLAN.
Sûltan Rokken-ud-dein ARSLAN the son of Toghrel, in Hamadaun,
Irak Ajem, &c.
Immediately on his arrival at Hamadaun, this prince was confirmed
in the sovereign authority by the concurrent voice of his several
Ameirs; and he gave to the world, according to our author, both by the
splendor of his power, and the justice of his government, a course of
prosperity to which for some time it had been a stranger.
He was
however summoned at the commencement of his reign to oppose the
rebellion of Ezz-ud-dein Keymaur the governor of Isfahaun, and
Hussaum-ud-dein Eynaunje, or Eynauntch, governor of Rey; who
had proclaimed Mahommed the son of Seljûk Shah, and were advanc-
ing towards Hamadaun. In the neighborhood of Kazvein (Casbin)
* End of September, 1160.
377
ul-akhbaur.
they were met, and entirely defeated by Sultan Arslan, Mêlek Mahom- A. H. 555-63.
med flying towards Khûzıstaun, and Keymaur and Eynaunje towards A. D. 1160-68.
Rey and Mazanderaun. About the same period the province of Kholaussut
Azerbayjaun was menaced with an invasion from the prince of En-
jauz, a confirmed and profligate infidel,* which the Sultan hastened
without delay to repel. In a dreadful battle which took place not
far from the fortress of Kauk, the advocates of Islâm were deci-
sively triumphant: after which Sultan Arslan repaired to Kazvein,
and having made himself.master, sword in hand, of a fortress erected in
the neighborhood of that place by the Issmauilians of Almowut, he
levelled it with the ground.
Towards the conclusion of five hundred and fifty nine,† Sultan Arslan
proceeded towards Isfahaun; where being joined by Atabek Zungui
the Selghrian, he conferred upon that chief the government of Sheirauz
and Farss. Eynaunje was formerly stated to have fled into Mazan-
deraun. He repaired finally to the court of the king of Khaurezm ;
and having procured the assistance of that monarch, he returned in the
five hundred and sixty first of the Hidjerah, into Persian Irak, where
hc committed great enormities, particularly in the territories adjoining to
Kazvein and Ebher: but Sultan Arslan, accompanied by the Atabek
Eyldekcz, hastening to chastise the inroad, Eynaunje again retired into
Mazanderaun. In the five hundred and sixty third of the Hidjerah,
however, he once more entered the province of Rey; and succeeded in
defeating Nussrut-ud-dein Mahommed the son of Eyldekez, the Sûl-
tau's half brother, employed against him on this occasion. Atabek
Eyldekez was then dispatched in person to repel the invader; with
whom he found it expedient, nevertheless, to conclude a treaty of peace,
by which it was stipulated, that Eynaunje should accompany the Ata-
bok to the presence of Sultan Arslan. It was however so contrived, that
the very night preceding the intended interview, Eynaunje should
have been put to death in his own encampment, while no one was ever
discovered, to whom the fact could be ascribed. The Sultan ou in-
telligence of what had happened, conferred the government of Rey,
* We have not been able to identify the country of this prince.
VOL. II.
† End of A. D. 1161.
‡ A. D. 1168.
30
378
al-akhbaur.
A. H. 563-71. upon his maternal half brother Mahommed the son of Eyldekez, en-
A. D. 1168 75. titled Jahaun Pehelwaun-the peerless knight of the world; who soon
Kholanssut afterwards married one of the daughters of Eynauuje, by whom he
became the father of Kûtlûgh Eynaunje, destined to be the principal
instrument in the subversion of the power of the race of Seljûk in Irâk.
In the five hundred and sixty eighth* of the Hidjerah, died the mo-
ther of Sultan Arslan, who had been long married to Atabek Eyldekez;
a female than whom, according to our author, from the united testi-
mony of every historian of the age in which she lived, whether in piety,
sincere devotion, modesty, or zeal in promoting the happiness of her
people, none more distinguished was ever nursed in the cradle of the
illustriousgreat. Her husband followed to the grave at the expiration
of one month; and Sultan Arslan now added the dignities vacated by
his death, to the honors and appointments already enjoyed by his son
Jahaun Pehelwaun Mahommed. The Sultan was, however, so deeply
affected by the loss of his mother, and stepfather, that he does not ap-
pear at any time to have thoroughly recovered from the shock. He
died in the latter Jummaudy of the five hundred and seventy first of the
Hidjerah,† at the age of forty three, and after a splendid reign of fifteen
years eight months and some days. He is described to have been a
monarch of singular clemency, forbearance, and liberality; but posses-
sing too elevated amind to examine with sufficient minuteness into the
management of his finances, he unintentionally connived at abuses;
for, either discrediting, or banishing from his recollection, the crimes
and offences of delinquents, he suffered thein to experience no change,
or diminution in his bounty, in any shape. It is lastly to his praise
alleged, that in the very delirium of mirth and fi stivity, neither from
himself nor from his attendants, did he ever suffer the language of ob-
scenityon any occasion to escape.
SULTAN To-
OHREL, Ild.
Sultan Rokken-ud-dein ToGHREL the son of Arslan, last monarch
of the Irâkian branch of the race of Seljûk.
Succeeding to the sovereign authority, on the death of his father,
Sultan Toghrel committed the affairs of his government to the entire
controul and discretion of his uncle, Jahaun Pehelwaun Mahomined
4 A. D. 1172,
† December, A. D. 1175.
379
ul-akhbaur.
the son of Eyldekez. At the commencement of his reign, he was suc- A. F. 571-81.
cessively employed to repel an invasion of Azerbayjaun on the part A. D. 1175-85.
of the infidel prince of Enjauz, formerly noticed, and to suppress an Kholaussut-
insurrection in favor of his uncle Mahommed the son of Toghrel, who
was advancing against Persian Irâk. In both cases, under the direc-
tion of the minister Jahaun Pehelwan Mahommed, and his brother
Kuzzul Arslan, his arms were triumphant.
In a former part of his work, the author has noted from oriental wri-
ters, that a conjunction of the seven planets in aquarius, took place at
the period of the deluge; such a remarkable conjunction is now stated
to have also occurred, in the third degree of libra, during the five huu-
dred and eighty first of the Hidjerah*, the tenth year of the reign of
Sultan Toghrel. From this rare phenomenon, the astrologers ventured
to predict that the world was about to be visited by a general and tre-
mendous hurricane, which, in the course of the year, should not only
sweep away, and annihilate every structure erected by the hand of man,
but tear up the very mountains from their foundations. In this opinion
the philosopher Anwary is said to have been more pertinacious than
the whole of his brethren; and the people, in many parts of the em-
pire, proceeded in consequence of the alarming reports which prevailed,
to provide for themselves caverns in the bowels of the earth; in order to
secure themselves, if possible, against the awful impending visitation.
It happened, however, by God's merciful providence, that at the period
predicted for the occurrence of this tremendous calamity, there should
not have arisen even as much wind, as was sufficient to enable the pea-
sant to separate the chaff from his corn. Nevertheless, although in
one respect the astrologers might have been deceived in their prognos-
tications, it was in the course of this year that the irresistible Jenguiz
became the sole sovereign of the different tribes of his own nation;
and true it is, that before the termination of his eventful and over-
whelming career, such a tempest was produced, in the moral world, by
the exterminating fury of that dreadful scourge, as to have almost an-
nihilated the powers of Asia, that stood in the way of his vengeance.
* Commencing the third of April, A. D. 1185.
3c3
?
1
7
380
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 581-88. On the death of Jahaun Pehelwaun Mahommed in the course of the
A. D. 1185-92, year, his brother, the Atabek Kuzzul Arslan, succeeded to the govern
Kholaussut ment of Azerbayjaun; but some evil disposed persons having created
a jealousy between him and Sultan Toghrel, that powerful chieftain, a
short time afterwards, quitted Tebreiz and advanced towards Hamadaun;
which the Sultan, unprepared for resistance, suddenly abandoned at
his approach. Kuzzul Arslan entered Hamadaun without opposition;
but returning into Azerbayjaun at the expiration of a few days, Sultan
Toghrel was permitted to repossess himself of his capital. The disaf-
fected Ameirs of Irâk under the influence of Kuzzul Arslan, sending
however to announce to him that they sincerely regretted, and were
ashamed of their recent disloyal proceedings, and that they were hast-
ening to his presence to make him every suitable apology for their
misconduct, the Sultan suffered himself to be flattered by these insidi-
ous professions of returning duty; and informed them in reply, that
he should meet them the following day, on the Meydaun-e-kûi bauzy,
or goff course, in the neighborhood, and give them an opportunity of
renewing their engagements. Unconscious of evil the Sultan pros
ceeded the next day accordingly, to the place of appointment; and thus
furnished to the Ameirs an opportunity, of which they immediately
availed themselves, to carry their treacherous designs into execution,
by seizing his person, and conveying him to a prison in the fortress of
Alan, or Alenjek. Kuzzul Arslan upon this again came to Hamadaun,
proposing to vest the sovereignty of Irak in Sunjur the son of Suliman
Shah; but an agent from Baghdâd arriving at this very conjuncture, with
a message from the Khalif (UlNasser) urging it as expedient that the
Atabek should himself assume the sovereign power, Kuzzul Árslan
received the proposal with exultation; and declaring himself in pos-
session of the monarchy, proceeded, without further delay, to sta up
the coinage, and exercise, in his own name, the other functions of
royalty. Fakher-ud-dein Kûtlûgh, and the other Ameirs, conceiving
however that they had claims of their own, an hundred fold superior
to any that he could pretend to advance, though the uncle of their
degraded sovereign, were little disposed to submit to this assumption of
authority; and they contrived accordingly, in the course of the same
381
short week, to put Kuzzul Arslan to death, and to divide the provin- A. II. 588-99.
ces of Irâk between themselves.
A. D. 1192-9 i.
ul-akabaur.
In the mean time, through the assistance of Hussaum-ud-dein, Sepah- Kholaussut-
salaur,and other loyal adherents, Sultan Toghrel had succeeded in effect-
ing his escape from imprisoninent; and assembling a powerful body of
troops, hastened to avenge himself on his rebellious subjects. In the
neighborhood of Kazvein he brought them to a battle, in which, after
an obstinate conflict, the rebel chiefs met the reward of their guilt;
and the fortune of an illustrious monarch once more resumed its pre-
ponderance.
On the death of Atabek Mahommed, the Sultan had, it appears, mar-
ried his widow, the mother of Kûtlûgh Eynaunje; and this lady, wrought
upon by the importunities, or suggestions of her son, had formed, in
the course of the five hundred and eighty eighth of the Hidjerah,* the
design of destroying her royal consort, by introducing a poisonous
mixture into his lemonade. Sultan Toghrel becoming, however, by
some means or other apprized of her design, the traitress was justly
condemned to swallow the draught, which she had prepared for another.
Kûtlûgh Eynaunje escaped with a short imprisonment, after which he
was pardoned for his crimes, and set at large.
Such however was the innate depravity, and hardened malignity of
this mau, that it prompted him, notwithstanding, to enter into a corres-
pondence with Allà-ud-dein Tukkesh, king of Khaurezm; whom he
immediately invited to the conquest of Irak. The Khaurezmian ac-
cepted the invitation without difficulty, and marching into Irâk was
very punctually joined by the rebel ; but having continued for some
time in the territory of Rey, and reduced the fortress of Tabarek, he
withdrew into his own dominions, leaving the care of the recent con-
quests to one of his captains, of the name of Temghauje. Sultin Toghr 1
at the head of his troops advanced, however, in the course of the five
hundred and eighty ninth of the Hidjerah towards Rey; and having
recaptured Tabarek, and seized the person of Temghauje, he caused
that commander to suffer death.
In Mohurrim of the year following, the five hundred and ninetieth
of the Hidjeraht Kûtlûgh Eynaunje again invaded Irak with a great
† January, A. D. 1194.
* A. D. 1192.
}
382
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 590, army, under the authority of the king of Khaurez in; but being op-
A D. 1194. posed near Rey by Sultan Toghrel, he was totally defeated by that
Kholaussut menarch, and compelled to return with disgrace and loss towards Khau-
rezm. The Sultan now gave a loose to festivity, and in the ancient
metropolis of Rey totally resigned himself to his pleasures, to his propen-
sities for wine and women; neither was he to be awakened from his
delirium of debauch, by the reports continually repeated to him, of the
approach of Sultan Allâ-ud-dein Tukkesh, with a fresh army of Khau-
rezmians. In these sensual excesses, to the entire neglect of his affairs
the Sultan persisted in devoting himself, "from dusk to dawn, and from
“dawn to dusk," until his Ameirs, wearied out and disgusted with
the fatuity which seemed to have chaced away the understanding of
their sovereign, at last dispatched a message to hasten the advance
of his enemies. The Khaurezmian accelerated his approach accord-
ingly, and by forced marches unexpectedly presented himself in the
outskirts of Rey.
Sultan Toghrel proceeded, however, without delay to give him battle;
and in the latter Rebbeia of the year five hundred and ninety,* the
two monarchs met on this occasion, to decide their quarrel and the fate
of Irak. Not less from the pride and confidence of youth, than from the
effervescence of wine, by which he had been rendered insensible to dan-
ger, the Sultan is said on that day, on recognizing the person of Kût-
lûgh Eynaunje, to have spurred his borse towards him, repeating these
lines from the Shâh-nâmah of Ferdûssy. When the dust arose which
"attended the march of mine enemies-when the cheeks of my bravest
"warriors turned pale with affright-I raised on high my single
"stroked (ponderous) mace-left my soldiers in their stations, far be-
"hind-and lifting myselfon my saddle seat, uttered so fearful ashout-
"that the solid earth trembled beneath my feet, like a mill wheel." The
senses of the unhappy monarch were, however, so completely steeped
in wine, that in plying his mace, he struck his own horse on the fore
legs, which brought the animal and his rider to the ground; in which
situation Kûtlûgh Eynaunje, immediately coming up, dispatched him
with a single stroke of his scimitar.
* April, A, D. 1194
383
Thus, in the twentieth year of the reign of Sultan Toghrel, and after A. H. 590.
it had subsisted for about one hundred and fifty five years, terminated A. D 1194.
the power of the house of Seljûk in Irâk; undera monarch who is never- ul-akhbaur.
theless described to have surpassed in the elegance of his person, and
in the felicity of his disposition; in his zeal for the encouragement of
virtue, and in his abhorrence of vice; who is alleged to have been dis-
tinguished beyond the most illustrious of his race, for the benevolence
of his manners, and for the vivacity and acuteness of his genius; as
an illustration of which, the author has furnished us with a tetrastich
ascribed to him, of which the following is the sense.
"In this poor world how vainly we strut and fume.-We eat, we
"drink, forgetful of the fate of our ancestors (perhaps of the ocean of
eternity).-Nor wealth, nor family, nor lands, can permanently be
"ours. If then life itself must terminate, say let not ought survive."
Kholaussut-
Of the second branch of the race of Seljûk, which was settled in
the government of Kermaun, the account which we derive from our
author shall be comprized in a few brief passages; and this, without
further preliminary, we shall proceed to submit to the indulgent reader. A. H. 433-65.
The first of this series of princes was Kawerd, or Kadrû, or Kadrid, A. D. 1041-72.
it is impossible to determine exactly which, the son of Tchegher Beg;
who became lieutenant of Kermaun under the authority of his uncle
Toghrel Beg, in the four hundred and thirty third of the Hidjerah, Kawerd, Ist
and who in the year four hundred and fifty five, acquired the further of the Kermaus
nian Seljukians.
possession of the province of Farss; but uniortunately entering into a
war with his nephew, the illustrious Melek Shah, he was defeated
and taken prisoner, in the course of the four hundred and sixty-fi.th
of the Hidjerah; and died by poison, after holding his government for
a period of two and thirty years.
SULTAN
SULTAN SHAH, the son of Kawerd, second of the Kermaunian Selju- A. H. 467 77.
cides, succeeded by direction of his couzin german, on the death of his A. D. 1074-84.
father, and continued in the government until the four hundred and
seventy seventh of the Hidjerah, when he died, according to the state-
ment of the Târikh gûzeidah, after a reign of ten years; from which
it might appear, that it required some deliberation with Melek Shah,
before he restored to him the possessious of his father.
SHAH, IId.
384
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 477-89. TURAN SHAH the son of Kawerd, third of the Kermaunian branch
A. D. 1084-96. of the race of Seljuk, succeeded to his brother; and distinguished a
Kholaussut- reign of thirteen years by his uniform justice, and by numerous moǹ-
uments of piety and benevolence, which he erected in various parts
TURAN SHAH, of his dominions. He died in the four hundred and eighty ninth of
the Hidjerah.
Illd.
A.D.1096-1101.
IRAN SHAH, fourth of the Kermaunian branch, was the son of the
A. H. 489-94 preceding prince; but unlike him, devoting his power to every spe-
cies of debauchery and vice, of oppression and violence, the Ker-
IRAN SHAH IVth. maunians ultimately spurned at his authority; and in the four hundred
and ninety fourth of the Hidjerah put him to death, after a reign of
five years.
A. H. 494-536.
ARSLAN SHAH the son of Kerman Shah, fifth of this branch of
A.D.1096-1101. the race of Seljuk, was the couzin german of the former monarch,
through dread of whose cruelty he had been compelled to reside for
ARSLAN SHAH, Some time in the family of a shoemaker; but being raised to the sover-
eign authority, through the concurrence of the kermannian chiefs, on
the death of Iran Shah, he enjoyed a very prosperous and protracted
reign of two and forty years.
Vth.
A. H. 536 51.
A.D. 1141-56.
MED, VIth.
Melek Mogheyth-ud-dein MAHOMMED the son of Arslan Shah,
sixth of the Kermaunian branch, succeeded to the government, about
the five hundred and thirty sixth of the Hidjerah, on the death of his
MELEK MAHOM- father. He conceived it expedient, in order to secure his authority,
to destroy the sight of some of his brothers, and put others of them to
death. In other respects his attention appears to have been particu-
larly devoted to the study of astronomy, and to the encouragement of
sacred architecture. He died in the five hundred and fifty first of the
Hidjerah, after a reign of fourteen years.
A. H. 551-063.
A.D. 1156 68.
Mohey-ud-dein TOGHREL the sou of Mahommed, seventh ofthe Ker-
maunian branch, succeeded to his father, and died in the five hundred
and sixty third of the Hidjerah, after a reign of twelve years. On the
death of this prince, a contest for the government ensued between his
TOGHREL, VIIth. three sous, Behram Shah, Arslan Shah, and Türkan Shah, which
was prosecuted with alternate fortune for a period of twenty years;
each of the rival princes taking possession of the throne in turn, as
the issue was favorable to his claims. These distractions produced in
385
the state of Kermaun, and its inhabitants, every species of anarchy and A. H. 588:
distress; and prepared the way for the total subversion of power, which A. D. 1187.
shortly afterwards took place.
Kholaussut-
ian Seljukians.
MAHOMMED SHAH the son of Behram Shah, last of the Kermaun- ul-akhbaur.
ian Seljucides, ascended the tottering throne of Kermaun on the death
of his father and uncles; but being immediately assailed by an insur-
rection set on foot against his authority by Mûbaurek Shah, another
prince of the race of Seljuk, he retired for assistance to the dominions.
of Sultan Toghrel the son of Arslan; by whom he was enabled to re- MAHOMMED SHAR
enter his country in triumph, Mûbaurek Shah withdrawing precipi- last of the Kermaun-
tately into the territory of Ghour. On the authority of the Tarikh
gûzeidah, it is at the same time related, that in the five hundred and
eighty third of the Hidjerah, the province of Kermaun was finally
subjugated by Melek Dinaur, one of the chiefs of the Ghuzzi; by whom
the power of the Kawerdians, or Kadrûians, was thus totally extin-
guished, after it had subsisted, as it would appear, for about one hun-
dred and fifty years.
The third branch of the race of Seljûk was destined to the sovereignty A. H 480 500.
of the rich peninsula of Asia minor, or Anatolia, or Rûm,* as denomi- A. D 1087-1106.
nated by the orientals; and of this the first monarch is stated, on the
authority of the same Tarikh gûzeidah, to have been SULIMAN the
son of Kuttulmesh, son of Issrâeil son of Seljuk ; formerly described to
have been invested with the monarchy of that noble province, by his
magnificent kinsman, the illustrious Melek Shah; when that prince, SULTAN SULI-
as it is alleged, found on the death of his recent captive, the emperor MAN, Ist of the
of Constantinople, that he had left no issue qualified to succeed him.
It must be here repeated, that the Persian historian every where ascribes
to Melek Shah, the triumphs over the emperor Romanus allotted to his
father Alep Arslan, by the Latin and Greek writers. Be that, however,
as it may, Sûltan Sûliman established his authority in the noble terri-
tory thus assigned him, in the four hundred and eightieth year of the
Hidjerah, the sixth of the emperor Alexius Comnenus.
His reign
* The Seljukian kingdom of Rùm is described as extending from the Euphrates to Con-
stantinople, and from the Euxine to the confines of Syria; thirty days journey in length,
and in breadth between the rocks of Lycia and the Euxine, about ten or fifteen days. Nice
the metropolis of Bithynia was chosen for the capital. Vide Gibbon's Roman empire,
Vol. X. p. p. 372, 375, 8vo, edition.
VOL. II.
3 D
Rumian branch.
386
A. H. 500-18. continued for the space of twenty years, from that time to the period
A. D. 1106-24. of his death in the five hundredth of the Hidjerah.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
LAN, IId of the
KILIDJE, or Guilitch ARSLAN the son of Sûliman, second of the
Anatolian, or Rûmian Seljucides, succeeded to his father, and conti-
nued to reign for a period of eighteen years, to the five hundred and
KILIDJE ARS- eighteenth of the Hidjerah, when he died. It was during the reign of
Rumian branch this prince, that his capital of Nice, in Bithynia, was besieged by the
crusaders under Bohemund, Tancred, and Duke Robert of Normandy;
and would have fallen to those warlike adventurers, but for the intrigues
of Alexius the emperor, who took possession for himself.
SULTAN Mus-
SAOD IIIdofthe
same branch.
Sultan MUSSAOUD the son of Sûliman, third of the Anatolian Sel-
jucides, ascended the throne on the death of his brother; and died in
five hundred and thirty eight, after a reign of one and twenty years.
Sultan MUSSAOUD the second, the son of the preceding, and fourth
SAOUD Ild and of the Anatolian branch, enjoyed a splendid reign of fifteen years from
IV of the Rú- the demise of his father; and died in the five hundred and fifty eighth
of the Hidjerah †
SULTAN MUS-
mians.
KILIDJE ARSLAN the second, son of Mûssâoud, fifth of this branch of
the race of Seljûk, succeeded to his father; reduced the city of Mala-
tiah, and died in the five hundred and sixty eighth of the Hidjerah,‡
LAN, IId and after a reign of ten years. On the death of this prince the succession
Vth of the Ru- was disputed by his two sons, Sûliman and Key Khossrou; but the
KILIDJE ARS-
mians.
contest, after a sanguinary struggle of about ten years, ultimately ter-
minating in favor of the former, Key Khossrou submitted to his destiny.
Rokken ud-dein SULIMAN the second, son of Kilidje Arslan, sixth
and VIth of the of the Anatolian branch, reigned for a period of four and twenty years,
and died in the six hundred and second of the Hidjerah.§
SULIMAN, IId
Râmians.
KEY KHOSS-
the Rumians.
GHEYAUTH-UD-DEIN KEY KHOSSROU the son of Kilidje Arslan,
seventh of the Anatolian branch.
A nephew of this prince, the son of the former monarch, succeeded
for a short time, under the title of Ezz-ud-dein Kilidje Arslan; but be-
ROU, VIth of ing a minor was opposed in his authority by his uncle, who made him
a prisoner, and confined him to one of his castles. Key Khossrou then
assumed the sovereign power to himself, and retained it until the six
hundred and ninth of the Hidjerah, || when he perished in a battle with
the infidels—the crusaders so stigmatized by the oriental historians.
A. D. 1143. †1163. †1172. § 1205. || 1212.
387
Ezz-ud-dein KEY KAWUS the son of Key Khossrou, eighth of the A. H. 610.
Anatolian Seljucides, succeeded to his father; but died of a disorder. D. 1213.
in his loins, after a short reign of twelve months.
Allâ-ud-dein KEYKOBAUD the son of Key Khossrou, ninth of the
Anatolian branch, succeeded to his brother, and was esteemed the
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
ablest and most accomplished monarch of his family. He was several KEY KOBAUQ
times engaged in battle against the brave, but unfortunate, Sultan Jul- IXth of the Ru-
laul-ud-dein Meineg Bûrny, or Mengberni, the Khaurezmian, in which mians.
he was for the greater part victorious; but when he had continued to
reign for a period of six and twenty years, he was at last poisoned by
the direction of his own son Key Khossrou, in the six hundred and
thirty sixth of the Hidjerah.*
Gheyauth-ud-dein KEY KHOSSROU the second, the son of Key Ko-
baud, tenth of the Anatolian branch.
Xth of this
When this parricide had been suffered to reign for a period of about KEY KHOSS-
eight years, his country was invaded by the Moghûls; by whom he was Rou, Ild and
decisively defeated. He did not long survive his discomfiture, as he
appears to have exchanged his ill-gotten power for the grave, in the six
hundred and forty fourth of the Hidjerah.†
Rokken-ud-dein SULIMAN the third, the son of Key Khossrou,
eleventh of the Anatolian branch.
After a
branch.
and Ith of this
branch.
Having secured the diadem of his predecessors, his brother Alla-ud-
dein Key Kobaud was dispatched by Sûliman, as his agent to the court
of Hûlaukû Kbaun; with whom, having successfully terminated the
mission on which he had been employed, that prince was on his return SULIMAN IIId
to Rum, of which the capital was at this period probably Iconium, or
Cogni; when, his ungrateful brother, suspecting that he had views to su-
persede him in his power, suborned a person to poison him.
reign of twenty years he was himself condemned to a similar fate by
Abâka Khaun, in the six hundred and sixty fourth of the Hidjerah.‡
KEY KHOSSROu the third the son of Súliman, twelfth of the Auato-
lian branch, succeeded to his father, while a minor; the administration
of his government was placed, however, by Abâka Khaun, in the hands
of Khaujah Mûeyun-ud-dein Purwaunah (the moth) the Kaushian, who Mith of this
married the mother of the young prince. Key Khossrou continued in
the nominal sovereignty, until the six hundred and eighty second § of
* A. D. 1238. † J. D. 1246. ‡1265. § 1283.
KEY KHOSS-
ROV, Ildand
Lranch.
3D S
388
A. H. 682-98. the Hidjerah; when, after a reign of eighteen years, he was put to death
A. D. 1283-99. in Azerbayjaun, by direction of Sultan Ahmed Khaun.
Kholanssut-
ul-akhbaur.
MUSSAOUD &
Gheyauth-ud-dein MUSSAOUD the third, the son of Key Kawus,
thirteenth of the Anatolian branch, was sent to the government of Rûm,
now no longer an independent sovereignty, under the authority of
Arghûn Khaun. He died in the six hundred and ninety seventh of
KEY KOBAUD, the Hidjerah, when his nephew KEY KOBAUD the son of Feraumerz,
last of the Ru- under the auspices of Ghâzan Khaun, became the fourteenth and last
mian Seljucides of this branch of the race of Seljûk. For, not long after his acces-
sion, entering into designs hostile to the authority of that monarch,
either real or pretended, a force was dispatched into Anatolia; by
which, about the six hundred and ninety eighth of the Hidjerah,
the power of the family was finally extinguished: none of the race of
Seljûk, subsequent to that period, being admitted to govern the country.
From other authorities* we learn, that in the course of the 1299th ofthe
Christian æra, they were succeeded by another race of Turks, the sub-
sequent masters of Constantinople; of whom the founder was Osman or
Othman the son of Orthogrul, probably Ourtoghrel, on whose esta-
blishment, it would be foreign to the design of these pages to expatiate.
It becomes, however, in this place incumbent on the author to apolo-
gize for an inadvertency, of some magnitude, in the second page of the
preface to the first volume; where it will be observed that the Orto-
mians are spoken of, as if they were to be identified with the Anatolian,
or Rúmian Seljucides, from whom, as we have just seen, they must be
considered as entirely distinct. The sheet was indeed scarcely out
of the press, before the inaccuracy of the term was discovered, however
too late for correction. If the candid reader will substitute, "Oth-
manlû, or Turks of the house of Othman" for "Othmanlû or Ottoman
Seljucides" the passage will be unexceptionable.
Gibbon's Roman empire,
889
WITH
CHAP. IX.
WITH the ordinary brevity of the original, our narrative will next
be employed to describe the principal events that distinguished
the government of the Khaurezm Shâhies, or monarchs of Khaurezm;
whose elevation, decline, and extinction, without further preliminary,
it becomes our business now to examine.
The great ancestor of the princes of this race, then, according to
the generality of historians, is stated to have been Noushteguin, or
Noushtekein Ghirjah, a slave of Turkish extraction, originally the pro-
perty of Belgâtekein; but being promoted to the office of cupbearer,
or butler, to Melek Shah the Seljûkian, an office to which the reven-
ues of the province of Khaurezm were then attached, Noushtekein, as
formerly noticed, was invested by that monarch with the government
of the same province; which on his death was bestowed, with additional
honors and preferments, on his eldest son Kûtb-ud-dein Mahommed,
a prince of extraordinary endowments and ability.
Kútb-ud-dein MAHOMMED, the son of Noushtekein, first of the
Khaurezm Shâhies, or kings of Khaurez m.
A. H. 491-521.
A. D. 1998- (127.
During the reign of Sultan Burguiaurûg, in the four hundred and
ninety first of the Hidjerah, while Sûltan Sunjur was yet governor of
Khorassaun, Kûtb-ud-dein Mahommed became sovereign of Khau- Kholau.sat-
rezm, with the title of Khaurezm Shah; a dignity which he sustained ul-akhbaur.
with singular splendor and success, for a period of thirty years; conti-
nuing, nevertheless, year after year, alternately with his son Atseiz, to
attend the court of the Seljûkian monarch.
government is, indeed, represented to have been distinguished by an
exemplary course of service to the monarchs of that race, against whom rezm Shanies.
he never in any instance suffered the slightest sentiment of hostility,
or disaffection, to enter his breast. He died in the five hundred and
twenty first of the Hidjerah, and was a liberal patron of learning and
learned men.
The whole period of his KUTBUDDEIN
MAHOMMED,
Ist of the Khau-
390
A. H. 521-88,
A. D. 1127-43.
ul-akhbanr-
the Khaurezm
ATSEIZ the son of Mahommed, second of the Khanrezm Shahies.
Succeeding to the government on the death of his father, this prince
Kholaussut like him persevered in his attachment to the house of Seljûk; to the
reigning representative of which, Sultan Sunjur, he is also said to have
rendered the most important services. But, being in consequence of
these services admitted to a degree of favor with that monarch, far beyond
his compeers, the jealousy of the other courtiers was at last excited; and
they combined to expel him from the presence of their master. Atseiz,
ATSFIZ, IId of discovering however the malignant designs of his enemies, determined
to anticipate them, and obtained the permission of the Sultan to with-
draw into Khaurezm ; on which occasion it is said that the monarch,
on taking leave of his feudatory, should have observed, that this was a
bolt from his bow, which he was never likely to see again; and the
courtiers demanding the motive of their sovereign, for thus dismissing
him to his province, with such a conviction on his mind, Sultan Sun-
jur confessed, that the services of Atseiz were so great and so faithful,
that the slightest violence on his part, was not to be justified by any
principle of good faith or generosity.
Shabies.
Not long after he arrived in Khaurezm, Atseiz, as appears to have
been foreseen, began to exhibit those proofs of an ambitious and refrac-
tory disposition, which led to his undisguised and final rebellion ; on
which, in the five hundred and thirty third of the Hidjerah,* Sûltan
Sunjur proceeded with his troops into that province. Atseiz was, on
this occasion, entirely defeated, and expelled the country, and his son
Eyl Kûtlûgh was taken prisoner and put to death by the Sûltan; by
whom the government was now transferred to his own brother, Sûli-
man Shah; after which without suspicion of future mischief he returned
into Irâk. On the departure of Sûltan Sunjur, however, Atseiz em-
braced the opportunity to re-enter Khaurezm ; and Sûliman, being by
some failure or other unprepared for resistance, immediately evacuated
the country to join his brother. On this, Atseiz openly proclaimed his
independence of all foreign authority; and proceeded to prosecute his
designs against the power of the house of Seljûk, with increasing ani-
mosity and inveteracy.
In the five hundred and thirty eighth of the Hidjerah† Sûltan Sunjur
again entered Khaurezm, where he besieged his rebellious feudatory in
* A. D. 1138.
1
†A. D. 1143.
391
A. D. 1143-47.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
the capital of the same name. When he had, however, reduced it to the A. H. 538-42.
point of submission, he was prevailed upon by the intreaties, the prayers
of Atseiz, supported by some well-timed and costly presents, to grant
him terms of pardon and oblivion; and to leave him still in possession
of his government, in defiance of every maxim of ordinary policy, and
prudence. Accordingly, the Sûltan had no sooner reached his capital
of Merû, than he found ample reason to lament his ill-requited indul-
gence, in the information that reached him, that the prince of Khau-
rezm had openly resumed his former plans of disobedience and revolt.
Under such circumstances a person of the name of Azeib Sauber, a na-
tive of Termed, was employed on the part of the Sultan to reclaim him
to a sense of duty. Atseiz contrived to detain the agent, while he
dispatched a couple of assassins to Merû, for the purpose of destroying
bis sovereign. The treacherous design became however known to
Azeib, and he privately sent to apprize the monarch of his danger.
The assassins were upon this discovered and put to death, and the
faithful agent was condemned for his vigilance to perish in the Jeyhûn.
saun.
About four years afterwards, in the five hundred and forty-second
of the Hidjerah, Sultan Sunjur resumed hostilities with the Khaur-
ezmian; against whom he this time commenced his operations by the
siege of Hazaurasp, the principal frontier town on the side of Khoras-
On this occasion his bard Anwari, is said to have addressed to
the Sultan some verses, of which the following may be the sense of the
concluding lines. "Great monarch, be this day's effort directed to
"subjugate Hazaurasp; to morrow Khaurezm, with one hundred thou-
“sand horse, shall be thine;" this being a pun upon the word asp, which
siguifies a horse in the Persian, but a town in the Khaurezmian
dialect. Resheid Wetwaut, a friend of the Khaurez mian's, on the
other hand, attached the following couplet to an arrow, and shot it
into the camp of the Sultan. "Although thine enemy, noble prince,
(addressed to his patron) were possessed of the valour of Râstum;
"he shall not be suffered to appropriate even an ass, from Hazaurasp."
The sarcasm conveyed in these few words excited in the Seljukian a
very violent degree of resentment; and he declared that the unfortu-
nate bard should be cut into seven pieces, the moment he was master
of the town. Resheid found means, however, when the Sultan's
troops were in possession of the place, to interest some of the members
'
392
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 542-47. of the court in his favor; one of whom, at a convenient opportunity,
A. D. 1147-52. ventured to intimate to his sovereign that the Wetwaut, a bird
Kholaussut- so frail and diminutive, could ill support dissection, into so many parts
as seven; peradventure, if his highness were not particularly averse
to it, it might be more convenient to divide him, into two equal and
similar parts.
parts. This species of application had its effect with the be-
nevolent Sultan, who sealed the obnoxious poet's pardon with a smile.
On the reduction of Hazaurasp the Sultan proceeded to invest the
capital; but while he was prosecuting the siege, a devout person, of
the name of Ahû-poush, repaired to his camp, with overtures towards
an accommodation on the part of Atseiz; and the proposals being
again accompanied with presents of suitable magnitude and value, it
was finally agreed that on appearing on the bank of the Jeyhûn, and
prostrating himself to the earth in the presence of his lord paramount,
the Khaurezmian should be permitted to return unmolested, with
a general pardon for his multiplied offences. Atseiz presented him-
self very punctually on the spot agreed upon; but instead of the sti-
pulated prostration, to which his haughty spirit could ill brook to
submit, he contented himself with a respectful inclination of the head,
he, without dismounting from his horse; and without further ceremony,
quitted the conference before the Sultan. Although this was a spe-
cies of demeanor but ill suited to the disposition of the Seljûkian, he
was, however, prevailed upon by an excess of lenity and indulgence.
to wink at it, and to return to his metropolis of Merû, without exhibit-
ing any proof of resentment; neither did any further hostilities ever
after take place between him, and this refractory and powerful vassal.
In the five hundred and forty-seventh of the Hidjerah, the Khaur-
ezmian carried his conquests to the eastward of the Oxus; where he
made himself master of the city of Jûnd on the Seyhûn, and of the
territory of Soghnauk, or Saganac above Otraur. When, in the
course of the following year, Sultan Sunjur became a captive in the
hands of the Ghuzzians, he repaired, however, into Khorassann to a
conference with Rokken-ud dein Mahmûd, the sister's son of the
Sultan; with whom he continued for a period of three months, arrang-
* The Persian name for a mountain swallow, or martinet.
393
ing in the neighborhood of Nissa, those plans which were conceived A. H. 551-67,
best calculated to restore the legitimate government. Of these plans A. D. 1156-72.
Sultan Sunjur on his escape from captivity, failed however to take Kholaussut-
advantage.
In the early part of the five hundred and fifty first of the Hidjerah,
when confined to the bed of sickness, Atseiz happened to over-hear
one of his attendants recite a passage of the Koràn, adverting to the
awful crisis of death and dissolution; which conceiving to prognosticate
that his disorder would prove fatal, it assumed in consequeuce an un-
favorable and serious turn, and he died in the latter Jummaudy of the
same year, at the age of sixty one.
*
He had ruled over Khaurezm
altogether, for a period of nine and twenty years; for sixteen years of
which, with independent sovereignty; and he has, at the same time,
been equally applauded for the mildness of his disposition, the strength
of his understanding, and his exquisite learning.
ul-akhbaur.
the Khaurezm
AYEIL ARSLAN the son of Atseiz, third of the Khaurez m Shahies,
assumed the sovereign authority on the death of his father; and ex-
tended his dominions by a variety of conquests both in the territory AYEIL ARS-
beyond the Oxus, and in Khorassaun. Some indications of hosti- LAN, IIId of
lity on the part of his brother Sûliman, rendered it expedient as a mea-
sure of self defence, to consign him to perpetual imprisonment. Ayeil
Arslan died on the nineteenth of the month of Rudjubt of the five
hundred and sixty seventh of the Hidjerah, after a reign of nearly se-
venteen years.
SULTAN SHAH the son of Ayeil Arslan, fourth of the Khaurez m
Shahies.
Shahies.
This prince, in opposition to the prior claims of Tukkesh Khaun, his
elder brother, succeeded to the throne of the Khaurez mians immedi- SULTAN SHAK
IVth of the
ately on the death of his father; the administration of affairs being Khaurezin Sha-
undertaken by his mother Melka Khâtûn. In the mean time the elder hies,
brother, who presided in the government of Jùnd on the Seyhûn at
the period of his father's death, dispatched, on intelligence of that event,
an agent to demand from Sultan Shah the cession of a part of their father's
dominions; to which, in reply, he received a peremptory refusal, andan
+ Sixteenth of March, 1172.
VOL. II.
*August, A. D. 1156,
3 E
394
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 567-89. intimation that the sword alone must decide their claims. The Sultan
A. D. 1172-93. Soon afterwards took the field at the head of a powerful army to anti-
Kholaussut cipate the designs of his brother, who immediately retired for protec-
tion into Kara Khatay; the adjoining Tartarian territory, at this period
under the government of a female. To this princess, provided through
her assistance he should be enabled to reduce Khaurezm, Tukkesh
Khaun engaged to remit from the revenues of that country, an annual
proportion to a great amount; and the queen of Kârà Khâtây acceding
to his request, finally dispatched her own husband, to whom the histo-
rian has assigned the name of Kerma, with a prodigious force, to put the
fugitive prince in possession of his father's dominions. The country
was evacuated on their approach by Sultan Shah, who withdrew to
Neyshapûr, in the neighboring province of Khorassaun; on which,
in the latter Rebbeia of the five hundred and sixty eighth of the Hid-
jerah, Tukkesh Khaun entered the capital of Khaurezm apparently
without resistance. A contest, however, continued to be main-
tained between the two brothers, with unabated animosity, for a very
protracted series of years, Sultan Shah finding occasional support from
the surrounding powers; until about the conclusion of his life, hav-
ing succeeded in making himself master of some of the principal
cities of Khorassaun, an accommodation was at last brought about
with Tukkesh Khaun; who on the death of his brother, not long after-
wards, namely on the thirteenth day of Ramzaun of the five hundred
and eighty ninth* of the Hidjerah, became sole sovereign of the Khau-
rezmian dominions.
TUKKESH
KHAUN,
TUKKESH KHAUN the son of Ayeil Arslan, fifth of the Khaurezm
Shahies.
Tukkesh Khaun was proceeding for the last time into Khorassaun,
at the commencement of the year five hundred and eighty nine, to
chastize the ambitious spirit of his brother, when on his arrival at
Vth of the Abiwerd, he received from the governor of Serkhess, subject to the
authority of Sultan Shah, a dispatch with overtures of submission. On
which Tukkesh Khaun hastened his march; but before he could pro-
cure an interview with Sultan Shah, that prince had withdrawn to the
Khaurezm
Shahies.
* Twenty seventh of September, 1193.
395
+
ul-akhbaur.
mansions of the dead; thus leaving the whole of Khorassaun, a possession A. H. 530.
no longer disputed, to his more fortunate brother. It was the intention of A. D. 1194.
the Khaurezmian upon this, to confer the territory of Serk hess and Merú, Kholaussut-
upon his eldest son, Kûtbud-dein Mahommed; from which he suf-
fered himself however to be dissuaded by Melek Shah a younger son,
who solicited the government of these places for himself, Sùltan Ma-
hommed being invested with that of Neyshapúr. This, at the expiration
of a little time, Mahommed also committed to the same brother, re-
pairing himself to the presence of his father in Khaurezm.
In the course of the five hundred and ninetieth of the Hidjerah,* in
consequence of the defeat and death of Temghauje, his governor of Rey,
and of an alleged infraction of treaty on the part of Sultan Toghrel
the Seljûkian, Tukkesh Khaun invaded Persian Irâk; and the greater
part of that powerful province submitting to his authority, on the death
of the Sultan as formerly described, he consigned the government of
Isfahaun, together with the controul of all the feudatories dependent
upon it, to his ally Kûtlûgh Eynaunje; the city and territory of Rey
being, however, placed under the authority of his third son Yûness
Khaun, with Meyajek for his Atabek or tutor. Tukkesh Khaun re-
turned to pass the cold season iu Khaurezm; but in the course of the
ensuing spring, engaging in an expedition against Soghnauk, on the
Seyhûn, the Khaun of the country advanced to oppose him; and, either
through the treachery or cowardice of some of his principal command-
ers, gave him a total defeat, by which he was compelled to retire
into Khaurezm, with disgrace and loss. On the other hand, Nausser-
ud-dein Melek Shah, having delegated the government of Khorassaun
to his son Arslan Shah, hastened to join his father; while Sunjur Shah,
observing that province destitute of its presiding power, and abandoned
to the discretion of the turbulent and disaffected, began to form designs.
subversive of the established authority. But, before he could carry
those designs into execution, intelligence of his ambitious views
being conveyed to Tukkesh Khaun, that monarch demanded his
pite-
sence in aurezm, before he could be aware that his plans had been
detected. On his arrival he was immediately deprived of sight, aud
*A. D. 1194.
3 E3
396
A. II. 590-93. then imprisoned; but after a short time he was, at the solicitation of
A. D. 1194-97. the monarch's sister, set at large, and every pecuniary advantage res-
Kholaussut- tored to him.
ul-akhbaur.
Yûness Khaun being attacked, about the same period, by a complaint
in his eyes, and failing of a cure at the metropolis of his government,
proceeded into Khorassaun, leaving the province of Rey, with the au-
thority of lieutenant, to the discretion of Meyajek. Encouraged by
his absence on this occasion, Mûeyud-ud-dein, entitled Eben-ul-Kus-
saub (the butcher's boy) the Vezzeir of the Khâlif Ul Nausser, advanced
by direction of his sovereign with the design of seizing Irâk, while Kût-
lûgh Eynaunje, in order to defeat the enterprize, hastened to join Me-
yajek, and was unjustly put to death by that chief; his head being
transmitted to Tukkesh Khaun, with the statement that he had been
cut off in consequence of the discovery of some secret views of hosti-
lity, which he had been hatching against the authority of the Khaurezm-
ian. Tukkesh Khaun, although he required no further proof of the
contumacious disposition of his vassal, thought it advisable for the
present to dissemble his resentment, and to confine his suspicions to
his own breast, making the best of his way to the scene of danger.
The Khalif's general died in the mean time on reaching Merûgaun :
and the troops of Baghdad, although they concealed the death of their
leader, and evinced for some time a disposition at all hazards, to give
battle to the Khaurez mian, ultimately besought his mercy, or dispersed
in various directions. Having thus re-established his authority with-
out much difficulty, Tukkesh Khaun appears to have directed his
vengeance against the remains of the Khalif's general, which he caused
to be torn from the grave, and the head to be struck off and conveyed
into Khaurezm. Then placing one of his grandsons in the government
of Isfahaun, the Khaurez mian returned to the capital of his hereditary
dominions.
Nausser-ud-dein Melek Shah dying in the former Rebbeia, of the
five hundred and ninety third of the Hidjerah,* his father, at the expir-
ation of the customary period of mourning, deputed his other son Ma-
hommed, together with Saud-ud-dein Mussaoud his minister, to take
#
February, 1197.
•
397
charge of the government of Khorassaun.
ul-akhbaur.
Towards the close of the A. II. 591-96.
year five hundred and ninety four, the annunciation of independence in A. D. 1198-1290.
Persian Irak, on the part of Meyajek, drew upon him without further Kholaussut-
delay the resentment of the Khaurez mian monarch; at whose approach
the usurper immediately chose to fly. He fell however into the hands
of the troops employed to pursue him, although his life was spared at
the intercession of his brother; and his punishment remitted to a
twelve months imprisonment, at the expiration of which he was to
withdraw to Jûnd, there to pass the remainder of his days in exile.
Before he returned into Khaurezm from this expedition, Tukkesh
Khaun employed his troops to reduce the fortress of Arslangûshâi in
the neighborhood of Kazvein, belonging to the Ismauilians of Al-
mowut; which, after a siege of some months, the garrison agreed to
evacuate, on being allowed to retire to the metropolis of the sect.
On
the attainment of this object, the Khaurezmian, after placing the go-
vernment of Iråk Ajem under the authority of a fourth son, Tauje-ud-
dein Ally Shah, withdrew into his hereditary dominions. Thus were
matters circumstanced when Saud-ud-dein Mûssâoud, the Vezzeir,
falling by the knife of one of the Ismauilians, the resentment of the
Khaurezmian was afresh awakened at the intelligence; and his son
Kûtbud-dein Mahommed, subsequent monarch of Khaurezm, received
his instructions to proceed immediately with a competent force, to at-
tack and demolish the whole of the castles, and other receptacles of
these sanguinary zealots, from Tersheiz on the western boundary of
Khorassaun, to the utmost limits of their country.
In conformity
with his instructions, the Shahzâdah commenced his operations with
the siege of Tersheiz; during which his principal standard one day
being thrown down, in a manner that no person could account for, it
was immediately considered as an omen that foreboded some serious
evil; and accordingly intelligence soon afterwards reached him that his
father was dead.
Tukkesh Khaun had been attacked, in the course of the five hun-
dred and ninety sixth of the Hidjerah, by a quinsey, or inflammation
in the throat; but of this, in a little time, his physicians succeeded,
as they thought, in effecting his cure: and he was on his march from
Khaurezm to join in the war against the Ismauilians, when, on reach-
398
A. H. 596 607. ing the station called the well of the Arabs, he experienced a fresh at-
A. D. 1200-10. tack of his complaint, which carried him to his grave at the age of fifty
Kholaussut two, and after an eventful and splendid reign of eight and twenty years.
Sultan MAHOMMED the son of Tukkesh Khaun, sixth of the
Khaurezm Shahies.
ul-akhbanr.
SULTAN MA-
On intelligence of his fathers's dissolution, Sûltan Mahommed im-
mediately abandoned the siege of Tersheiz; and hastening into Khaur-
ezm with the celerity of lightning, he was triumphantly conducted
into the capital, by the nobles and the principal Ameirs of the govern-
ment; by whom, on the twentieth of Shavaul of the five hundred and
ninety sixth of the IIidjerah,* he was quietly seated on the throne of
the Khaurezmians.
He had, however, been scarcely well settled on his throne, when
the province of Khorassaun was wrested from him, by the Sultans
Gheyauth-ud-dein, and Shahaub-ud-dein the Ghûrians. For the re-
HOMMED VIth Covery of this important province, Sûltan Mahommed engaged in an
of the Khaur- arduous and protracted contest with the two brothers, during which,
in most of the actions which took place, he was victorious. On the
subsequent death of both the adverse Sultans, he finally subdued to
the authority ofhis exchequer, the greater part of the countries of which
they had forcibly usurped the possession.
ezmi Shâbies.
Towards the commencement of the six hundred and seventh of the
Hidjerah, S ûltan Mahommed had, however, not only reduced the whole
of Khorassaun, but by far the greater part of the other provinces of the
Persian empire. The views of the Khaurezmian, his mind being now
at rest with respect to his conquests westward, were then directed to
the reduction of Tûrkestaun; and to a war with Gurkhaun, the monarch
of Kara Khâtây, or black, or central Tartary. With that desigh he
accordingly crossed the Oxus, and invested Bokhâra; of which he soon
after made himself master, putting the governor who had recently
usurped his authority, to the sword. He proceeded next to Samar-
kand, and the governor, Sultan Othman, hastening to meet him, and
voluntarily enrolling himself in the list of his retainers, he acquired
possession of that city without furtherobstacle. Having secured these
two important acquisitions, Sultan Mahommed advanced without fur-
*. Second of August, 1200.
4
3.99
L
ul-akhbaur.
ther delay, and in great force towards the territory of Gûrkhaun; by A. H. 607-10.
whom an army not less formidable, under Taynkû Terauz, the princi- A. D. 1210-13.
pal minister, and most distinguished general of the empire, was em- Kholaussut-
ployed to oppose the invaders. On one of the Fridays in the former
Rebbeia, of the six hundred and seventh of the Hidjerah* the Khaurez-
mians and Kara Khatayans came to a decisive battle; which terminated
in the total defeat of the latter, and in the captivity of their general. In
consequence of this signal victory, the city of Otraur submitted to
Sultan Mahommed; who, after taking possession, and placing it in charge
of an officer in whose fidelity he could confide, returned towards Sa-
markand, and ultimately into Khaurezm; where he caused the captive
general of the Kara Khatayans, who had preceded him, to be put to
death,
Not long after this, he received however intelligence that the city
of Samarkand was closely invested by the Kârak hatayans, although the
garrison, in seventy two conflicts in which they had been engaged
with their besiegers, were said to have been only once beaten. The
Sultan proceeded without delay to the relief of that celebrated metro-
tropolis; and the Karakhatayans, receiving at the same time intelligence
of his approach, and of the revolt of Kûshlek, a prince of the royal blood
of Tûrkestaun, hastily broke up the siege, and withdrew to their own
country. The Khaurezmian now encamped near Samarkand; and was
employed in augmenting the numbers, and completing the equipments
of his army, when the agents of Kûshlek presented themselves, for the
purpose of negociating an alliance with him; and a treaty was with-
out much difficulty concluded on the spot, by which it was agreed,
that if the Khaurezmian succeeded in first subjugating the power
of the Kârakhatayan monarch, the whole of the country extending to
Kashghar and Khoten should be ceded to his authority; on the con-
trary, that the whole of the territory westward to the Seyhûn, or river
of Finauket, should belong to the Tartar Sultan, provided he outstripped
his ally in the successful prosecution of the war. Subsequent to the
ratification of this treaty, two battles were fought between Gûrkhaun
and Kûshlek, in one of which the latter was victorious, in the other
vanquished. Sultan Mahommed, when his arrangements were complete,
next proceeded to attack the Khaun; but, in the battle which ensued,
* September, 1210,
400
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 610-11. through a misunderstanding, as far as the passage is intelligible, be-
A. D. 1213-14. tween the white and blue sects (seffeid, kabûd jamahgaun) and some
Kholaussut others of his principal generals, the army of the Sultan suffered a
considerable check. The field being however obscured by an enorm-
ous cloud of dust, it became impossible to discriminate the victors
from the vanquished; and both armies being at the same time struck
with a panic, immediately fled in different directions. In these
circumstances, the Khaurezmian, attended by a few of his guards,
found himself when he least expected it, in the camp of his adversary ;
but being disguised, according to a practice which it seems he some
times adopted, in the uniform of the enemy, his person was fortu-
nately not recognised; and thus escaping the most imminent danger of
captivity, he made good his retreat to the river of Finauket, where he
rejoined his troops without further accident. Shortly afterwards he
returned into Khaurezm, in order to recruit his losses and restore the
equipments of his army.
In the course of the six hundred and eleventh of the Iidjerah,* on
suspicion of an illicit intercourse with his mother, the Sultan, in a fit
of inebriation, put to death a certain religious devotee of the name of
Mejid-ud-dein Baghdâdy, who had settled in his dominions; but the
next day repenting of his rashness, he endeavored to atone for the
act by conveying to Shaikh Nûdjm-ud-dein, another religious indivi-
dual of the time, a cup of gold, which he however declined to accept.
The same year, Ireceiving intelligence of the death of Tauje-ud-dein
Yeldûz, who had succeeded to the government of Ghez nîn, on the demise.
of Shahâb-ud-dein the Ghourian, and that one of the slaves had seated
himself on the throne of his master, Sûltan Mahommed was seized
with the desire of subjugating the metropolis of Sebekteggin; and ac-
cordingly proceeded, with the necessary expedition, at the head of his
troops for that quarter. He effected the reduction of Gheznîn with
the territory dependent upon it, without much difficulty; and in exam-
ining the repository of Sultan Shahaub-ud-dein's treasures, he found
among the archives of the government certain letters addressed to that
prince, under the signature of the KhalifUl Nausser, which sufficiently
attested that he had been the principal, if not sole cause ofthe hostilitics
*A. D. 1214
J
401
A. D. 1217.
in which the Ghourian had engaged with Sultan Mahommed. A cir- A. H. 614.
cumstance which produced, in the Khaurez mian, no slight augmenta-
tion to the displeasure with which he was already affected towards the Kholaussut
representative of the house of Abbas.
In consequence of this, in the six hundred and fourteenth of the
Hidjerah, having previously procured from the Imaums, or sacerdo-
tal order of his government, a decree or Fetva, declaring in substance
that the house of Abbas having, by its pernicious example, given a
sanction to the most unlawful practices, and long since discontinued
to advance the interests of Islâm by the sword, or by war against the
infidels, it was become the duty of any prince who possessed the
means of accomplishing it, (in order that justice might resume her
proper seat) to restore the dignity of the Imaumut to the Seyuds of
the race of Husseyne, the Khaurezmian publicly pledged his allegi-
ance to Seyud Alla-ul-mûlk Termedy, and commenced his march for
Baghdad. For reasons formerly stated, he was, however, constrained
to abandon his design. He had not yet passed through the territory
of Irak Ajem, when the dispatches reached him from Ghayr Khaun
the governor of Otraur, soliciting his sanction for the death of some
of the subjects of Jengueiz, who had appeared at that city for the pur-
pose, as they professed, of trade.
The nature of the incident, which produced in its consequences.
such dreadful effects, is thus briefly explained. The public tranquil-
lity, and the security of general intercourse had attained to so envia-
ble a pitch towards the conclusion of the reign of Sultan Mahommed,
that the merchant, with a confidence which feared no molestation,
and for a very moderate profit, might venture to convey his commd-
dities from the remotest limits of the east, to the extremities of the
west; and every species of apparel bearing at that period the most
advantageous prices in the extensive encampments and armies of
Jengueiz, a certain Ahmed Khojendy, with other merchants of his
class, availing themselves of the opportunity to enrich themselves,
hastened to transport a large assortment of silk, and linen goods, to so
profitable a market. They experienced from Jengueiz the kindest
treatment, and the most liberal encouragement; and that great con-
queror, when they were on their return to their own country, directed
VOL. II.
3 F
ul-akhbaur.
402
Kholaussut
ul-aklıbaur,
A. II. 614. that the princes, his sons, and his most distinguished Ameirs, should
A. D. 1217. each select from among his servants two persons, with a sufficient
sum of money, to accompany these merchants; for the purpose of pro-
curing an investment of the articles which might be thought best suited
to the demands of his people. Four hundred and fifty individuals of the
Mahommedan religion were accordingly chosen for the expedition,
and-furnished with a very great supply of treasure, to carry on a spe-
culation which seemed to promise such extensive reciprocal advan-
tages. They were further entrusted with a message, conceived in the
most friendly and conciliatory language, from Jengueiz to Sultan Ma-
hommed, proposing that the system of jealousy and reserve, which had
hitherto subsisted between them, might be exchanged for one of con-
fidence and unanimity.
When this peaceable body of merchants reached Otraur, they pro-
ceeded to visit Aynaljek the governor, who bore the title of Ghayr
Khaun. Unfortunately, one of the party, an old acquaintance of the
governor's, presumed on the strength of former intimacy to address
him by his original name; and this occasioned such offence, that a
design was immediately for ned on the part of the same governor to cut
them all off, and seize their treasure. He first however imprisoned
the whole, dispatching an agent to represent to Sultan Mahommed,
then in Irak, that certain spies in the employment of Jeuguerz Khaun
had appeared in the territory under his jurisdiction; and to request
instructions in what manner to proceed with them. Without the
slightest reflection on the consequences which might be the result,
the Khaurezmian sent orders that they should be put to death; which
with as little compunction, the governor of Otraur carried into imme-
diate execution. One of the merchants escaping, however, from the
very place of execution, conveyed to Jengueiz a uli account of this
atrocious proceeding; on which that monarch, with great apparent
moderation, dispatched an embassy to deasend reparation for the mjury,
and to request that the author of it might he delivered up to hra: sor
punishment. Súlten Mahoumed impelled by his evil destiny, and
Wabarity which hastened his downtal, caused the embassador
to be also put to death.
403
4. D. 1217-20.
ul-akhbaut.
The indignation of Jengueiz on receipt of this piece of intelligence, A. H. 614-17.
it would perhaps be easier to imagine than describe. And it was on
this occasion that he ascended the hill in the neighborhood of his Kholanssut
principal encampment, and earnestly implored the aid of the supreme
being, in the prosecution of a just vengeance; when hearing a sound
or noise, which he considered as indicative of the success of his design,
he hastened to carry it into execution; and with an army as numer-
ous as the sands on the desert of Khaurez m, entered on that war, on
which he had now irrevocably determined against Sultan Mahommed,
to whom he at the same time dispatched a final message, announcing
his approach.
The Khaurezmian on his part, leaving his son Rokken-ud-dein
Ghursantchei to preside in Irak, hastened without delay to meet the
danger; but, on his arrival at Neyshapûr, immersed, in a manner to
which he does not hitherto appear to have been accustomed, in wine
and debauch, he delayed his march for the space of a month. He
proceeded, however, at last across the Oxus'to Bokhara; in the precincts
of which he suffered himself to be again seduced into the same fatal
and unbecoming excesses, so ill suited to the tremendous crisis which
was approaching. In these circumstances he learnt that Tûkeia, or
Tûkna Khaun,* one of the princes of Tûrkestaun, was in motion
either to join him, or to oppose the advance of the Moghuls, and that
he was directing his march for Jûnd, on the Seyhûn; and soon after-
wards becoming further apprized that a division of the Moghul troops
under Jûjy Khaun, the eldest of the four sons of Jengueiz, was in
quest of the Tartar chief, he took, with a part of his army, the same
direction; and being ultimately joined, at Samarkand, by the remainder,
proceeded with all celerity to Jùnd. As he continued his march
from the latter place, the Khaurezmian, in a position between the cha-
nels of two rivers, was rather surprized at observing the ground covered
with the slain of a recent battle; from among which a wounded man
was discovered, who informed him, that Tûkcia Khaun had been
attacked by the troops of Jengueiz; and that the latter, after a dread-
ful slaughter of the Tartars, were now proceeding to rejoin the camp
*This was probably the prince of the Mekreit, who had separated from Koushluk, Khaun
of the Naymans,
3 F3
404
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 614-17. of their sovereign. Sultan Mahommed upon this, hastened without
A. D. 1217-20. delay in pursuit of the Moghûls, whom, in the course of the following
Kholaussut day, he came up with, and immediately prepared to engage. Jûjy
Khaun and his officers are said, on this occasion, to have made known
to the Sultan, that they were not exactly authorized to give him
battle; nevertheless, if he was determined to become the aggressor,
that they should not decline the conflict. The Sultan, however, in-
mediately attacked them with equal fury and impetuosity, while the
Moghûls resisted with immoveable firmness from sunrise until night.
Then kindling innumerable fires in their camp, to deceive their adver-
saries, they retired to join the main body of their army under Jen-
gueiz in person; who upon this accelerated his march for the territo-
ries on the Oxus.
Sultan Mahommed on the proof which he had thus just experienced
of the prowess and discipline of the Moghûls, gave way on the other
hand to the most discouraging apprehensions, and retreated without
further effort immediately to Samarkand. Here his alarms were not
a little augmented, and his judgment entirely bewildered by a declar-
ation of the astrologers, that the unfavorable aspect of the heavenly
bodies rendered it advisable to avoid, during the present year, a second
conflict with his enemies. At this period we are told, that there
were assembled under the immediate command of the Khaurezmian,
not much less than four hundred thousand horse; all of whom, however,
henow broke up into detachments, and dispersed to the different quarters
of bis dominions, he himself taking the direction of Khorassaun. And
it is here said that in crossing the ditch of Samarkand on his de-
parture, he should have observed to his attendants, that the arnies
which sought his destruction were in number so prodigious, that they
could fill that ditch by merely casting their whips into it. An expres-
sion which effectually destroyed the confidence, and broke the spirit
of every class of his subjects. He transmitted at the same time in-
structions to his another Tûrkan Khâtûn, in Khaurezm, to convey
the whole of his family, women and children, towards Mazanderaun;
which she immediately carried into execution, first casting several of
the younger princes into the Jeyhûn, and then prosecuting her journey
without incumbrance towards the province assigned for her retreat.
405
1
A. D. 1220.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
In the mean time, the fears of the Sultan daily gaining ground upon A. H. 617.
him, he proceeded to deliberate with his confidential ministers on
the measures which it might be advisable to pursue, under these accu-
mulating difficulties. By the morejudicious and discreet it was proposed
to him, to abandon the whole of the territory eastward of the Jeyhûn,
to concentrate his armies in the most advantageous positions, and on
that river to defend the approaches to Khorassaun and Irâk against the
enemy. By others, however, he was advised to withdraw immedi-
ately towards Gheznîn and Hindûstaun, there to secure himself
against the designs of his adversaries; and to this latter counsel the
Sûltan immediately subscribed. But, when he had proceeded in con-
currence as far as Bâlkh, he was overtaken by Emmaud-ud-dein Sâwjy,
the agent of his son Rokken-ud-dein; who prevailed upon him to
abandon that design, and take the direction of Persian Irâk. The
gallant and intrepid Jullaul-ud-dein Meng, or Mûngberny, had on the
former occasion, in vain made use of every argument to persuade his
father, to abide by the more judicious plan of defending the passes of
the Jeyhûn, against the troops of Jengueiz; and he now renewed his
intreaties, if it was his final resolution to withdraw into Irâk, that the
bulk of the army might be left under his orders, in prosecution of the
same plan of operations, but without effect.
The Sultan, on returning into Khorassaun on this occasion, learnt that
the Moghûls had reduced Bokhara, which hastened his retreat to Neysha-
pûr; during which a body of Kankûlians, a Tatar tribe of that name that
served in his armies, deserted his standard and went over to Jengueiz.
He arrived, however, at Neyshapûr in the month of Suffur of the six hun-
dred and seventeenth of the Hidjerah ;* and once more by the fumes
of intoxication, attempted to dispel the apprehension of impending
evil. In this situation intelligence reached him, that Hubbah Nûyan
and Soweidai Bahauder had crossed the Amûvah or lower Oxus, with
a division of thirty thousand men; on which, abandoning all further
hope of retaining his power, the Sultan withdrew from Neyshapûr by
the route of Esfrayein; leaving instructions that his mother with his
family and younger children, should secure an asylum, either in the
fortress of Kârûndezh, or in that of Eblaul, or Yellaula. He found,
however, on reaching the boundaries of Rey, that the Moghûl troops
April, A. D. 1220.
4
406
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 617 were in close pursuit of him; and he now repented of his plan of
A. D. 1220. retreating into Irak, immediately turning off towards the castle of
Kholaussut Kazvein, or perhaps Farzein, under the walls of which he received
information of the capture and destruction of the city of Rey. He then
continued his flight towards Kârûndezh, the whole of his followers
dispersing on the road; and having unexpectedly fallen in with a party
of Moghuls, from whom he contrived to escape however, with the loss
of his horse, which was mortally wounded by an arrow, in this
deserted state he reached Kârûndezh. From that place, perpetually
exposed to be intercepted by his pursuers, who beset his movements
in every direction, he proceeded into Guilaun: but after remaining
there for the space of seven days, he again changed the direction of
his flight; and wandering eastward along the shore of the Caspian,
with the intention of making his way to Asterabad, he came to a
town dependent on Amûl; from whence he threw himself for protec-
tion into one of the islands in the neighborhood. His residence
becoming, however, known to the Moghûls, he was at last compelled to
remove for further security to another island; one of those denominated
the islands of Absekûn, or Abeskûn.
Shortly after the Sultan had conveyed himself to this his last retreat,
his pursuers also appeared in the neighborhood; but conceiving that
he was at present inaccessible, they returned upon their steps, and
laid siege to Kârûndezh, which they reduced and levelled to the
ground; the infant children and treasures of the Khaurezmian here
falling into their hands. They next invested the fortress of Eblaul,
where, from other authorities, it would appear that the dowager prin-
cess, Tûrkan Khâtûn, had taken up her abode. During the siege, by
a fatality unexampled in the annals of the country, the occasional
rains from which the cisterns derived their supply of water, entirely
ceased; and the wells and tanks being dried up in a period as short, as
unexpected, the garrison and inhabitants were reduced to the utmost
distress; and the unfortunate Khàtûn, with Nausser-ud-dein the Vez-
zeir, and the other parched and exhausted associates of her destiny,
was ultimately compelled to descend fron her otherwise impregnable
bulwarks, and surrender to the mercy of the barbarians. This fatal
resolution had scarcely been carried into effect, before it began to rain
407
ul-akhbaur.
in such abundance,: that the water is said to have flowed in torrents A. H. 017:
from the gates of the place. An immense booty fell into the hands of the 1. D. 12 20.
besiegers, including, in particular, ten millions of meskals, or methkals, Kholaissut
of gold, a thousand ass loads of silken goods, and jewels to a prodigious
amount: all of which, together with the unfortunate captives, they
immediately conveyed to the camp of Jengueiz, by whom, for the
most part, they were put to death without distinction of sex or age.
ers.
Sultan Mahomined did not long survive the communication of this
afflicting intelligence; his despair and grief were violent in the
extreme; and perhaps not the less so, because his misfortunes had
been brought upon himself, by acts of repeated and unwarrantable
perfidy. He found, however, in death, a secure repose from his ap-
prehensions, and an effectual rescue from the vengeance of his pursu-
His attendants, unable to procure a shroud for the remains of
their sovereign, were constrained to commit him to the grave in the
same dress that he wore at the period of dissolution; which is here
stated to have taken place in one of the months of the six hundred
and seventeenth of the Hidjerah, after a reign of one and twenty years.
he is said to have left seven sons; of three of whom, the Sultans,
Rokken-ud-dein, Gheyauth-ud-dein, and Jullaul-ud-dein, the me-
mory has been preserved by historians; and of these in their order.
Sultan Rokken-ud-dejn GHURSANTCHEI, Son of Sultan Mahommed.
As soon as his father had withdrawn into the islands of Abeskûn,
this prince, retired into Kermann; and having the re obtained posses-
sion of the treasures of Melek Zûzen, be resolved on an attempt to make
himself master of Isiahaun. But being as resolutely opposed by the
inhabitants, he was driven from betore that city, with the loss of one SULTAN ROK.
thousand of his followers. Then directing his march by way of Rey KEN UD DEIN.
towards Feyrouzkob, in the mountainous boundary of Mazanderaun
north eastward of the beforementioned city, he succeeded in making
good his retreat to that ortress. It was however no sooner kaown
that Rokken-ud-dem had thrown himself into Fevrouzkoh, tuan it
was invested, and, after a siege of six mont is, reduced by the Moghuls.
When conducted by his besiegers to the presence of their general, the
* The closing scene of the like of Wahoo mes the Shure mia is circumstantially des
cribed by the elder Pets de la Croix, in his mstory of Geńgluzean the great.
+
408
A. H. 619-27. captive Sultam aware that, at all events, his death was determined
A. D. 1222-30. upon, resolutely withstood every importunity, to make him bend the
Kholaussut knee to his conqueror; and he was, on the spot, together with all those
who had adhered to his fortunes, sacrificed to the implacable vengeance
of the Jengueizians. This event appears to have taken place during
the six hundred and nineteenth of the Hidjerah.
ul-akhbanr.
Sultan Gheyauth-ud-dein SHEIR SHAH, son of Sultan Mahommed,
hastened also on the death of his father, into Kermaun, which he
appears to have held in Jâgueir; but of which the immediate govern-
ment was at this period in the hands of Abûl Kaussem Zûzeny, who
opposed in arms the entrance of the Shâhzâdah. The latter was
compelled in consequence to take up a wandering life in different.
SULTAN GHEY- parts of Irâk, until joined by Borâk Haajeb; a Kârakhatayan by ex-
AUTH-UD-DEIN. traction, who had long served in the armies of his father, and who
now united himself with a considerable force to the destiny of the son.
Thus strengthened, Sultan Gheyauth-ud-dein entered Farss; and hav-
ing defeated Atabek Saud the governor, and carried pillage and
slaughter through the province, returned again into Persian Irâk. In
the mean time, Borâk Haujeb and his followers were endeavoring to
force their way through Kermaun with the design of proceeding towards
the Indus, when their march was intercepted by Abûl Kaussem the
Zûzenian; who was, however, taken prisoner in the enterprize, and
immediately put to death by his conqueror. Borak Haujeb now entered.
into quiet possession of Kermaun.
On the other hand, Gheyauth-ud-dein had proceeded on his se-
paration from the Kârakhatayan, in the direction of Rey, where he
found means to establish his abode; and there he was, not long after-
wards, unexpectedly joined by his brother Jullaul-ud-dein, on his
return from Hindustaun. The two princes had continued to reside
together under the same roof in considerable harmony, when unfortu-
nately one day in a fit of inebriety, and for some reason not explained,
Gheyauth-ud-dein plunged his knife into the bosom of Melek Nuss-
ret, an officer of the household, and much in the confidence of Jullaul-
ud-dein. This produced a severe expostulation on the part of that
prince, and Gheyauth-ud-dein, a few days afterwards, fled into Khûz-
istaun, and ultimately to Baghdad; where he was kindly and hospita-
409
A. D. 1220-30.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
bly received by the Khalif of the house of Abbas, (Ul Mustunser). A. H. 617-27.
He quitted Baghdâd, however, without apparent reason, and pro-
ceeded towards Almowut; but from the latter place returning once
more into Khûzistaun, he dispatched an agent to Borâk Haujeb to
demand his permission to repair into Kermaun. The agent returned
to Gheyauth-ud-dein, after experiencing a reception favorable to his
wishes; and with a treaty of amity which the Kârakhatayan had agreed
to conclude with the fugitive Sultan. Gheyauth-ud-dein proceeded
upon this, without apprehension, into Kermaun; but in one of his very
first visits, he was destined to experience considerable mortification
from the haughty demeanor, and imperious assumptions of the Kârak-
hâtayan; who made no scruple to require that the Sultan's mother
should be assigned to him in wedlock. During one of the interviews
which took place between them, the Sultan ventured to demand of
his host, who it was that had bestowed upon him those circumstan-
ces of pomp and splendor, so ostentatiously displayed about his person ?
"That being," replied Borak Haujeb, "who wrested their empire
"from the race of Saman, and transferred it to their slaves, the sons.
"of Sebekteggin; who stripped the house of Seljûk of its imperial
"splendors, to bestow them also upon its slaves, the kings of Khaur-
"ezm." The insolence of the Kârakhatayan became, however, at
last so overbearing and undisguised, that some of his own kindred
proceeded to represent to the Sûltan, that it was impossible to place
any reliance on the engagements of their relative; and that if they
were permitted, they would drag him like a slave to the presence of
his master. From an extreme indolence of disposition, Gheyauth-
ud-dein declined to concur in the design; and as the subject of what
had passed was soon disclosed to the Kârakhâtayan, he first of all cut
off his officious kinsmen, then strangled his unfortunate guest; and
when the mother gave a loose to her sorrows, for the destruction of
her son, she was also dispatched to accompany him to the other
world. This event appears to have occurred in the six hundred and
twenty-seventh of the Hidjerah.
Sultan JULLAUL-UD-DEIN Mùngberny, or Mengberny, son of Sal-
tan Mahommed, last of the Khaurezm-Shâby dinasty.
VOL. 11.
3 G
1
410
ul-akhbanr.
A. H. 618-28. Having witnessed the circumstances of his father's dissolution, in
A. D. 1221-31. the island of Abeskûn, Jullaul-ud-dein appears to have proceeded
Kholaussut immediately into Khaurezm, which had not as yet been invaded by
the Moghûls. At this period a body of ninety thousand horse of the
Kankûly nation had occupied the heart of the province, of whom, on
his arrival, a part offered to place themselves under the authority of
the Shah Zâdah; others, however, evinced a disposition entirely hos-
tile to his views. Taking every thing into consideration, the Sultan
thought it therefore advisable to avoid all intercourse with that per-
fidious tribe; and with a remnant of his most faithful adherents,
conceived it accordingly more prudent to retire, by the way of Nissa,
JULLAUL-UD- towards Shâdmaukh. On his march he fell in with, and, after an action
DEIN, last of which continued for the whole of the day, finally succceded in effect-
ing his escape, from a division of Moghûl troops, to the place of his des-
tination. He remained, however, at Shâdmaukh not more than three
days, at the end of which he prosecuted his retreat to the metropolis
of Gheznîn, where he contrived soon after his arrival, to assemble a
very numerous and formidable body of troops; and with these, in the
spring of the year, (618 probably) he encamped at a station called Bar-
auny, or Birouan, said to be one day's journey from Gheznîn,
the Khaurezm-
shûbies.
While he lay encamped at this station, intelligence was conveyed
to Jullaul-ud-dein, that a division of the Moghûls, under Begjek and
Yemghûr, two of the Jenguizian generals, was besieging the fortress
of Waulian, and that the garrison was reduced to the last extremity.
The brave prince, without hesitation, determined to relieve the place;
and marching accordingly with all the expedition in his power, he
came upon, and immediately attacked the Moghûls, put a thousand
of them to the sword, dispersed the remainder, and returned in triumph
to Barauny. Jengueiz, at this time engaged in the siege of Bamian,
dispatched, on intelligence of the defeat, two more of his most dis-
tinguished generals at the head of thirty thousand men, to give battle
to the Khaurez mian, whom they found in his cainp. A conflict im-
mediately ensued, in which the Sultan was again victorious; the Mog-
hûls being cut to pieces in great numbers, and the remainder retiring
with disgrace and loss to the presence of their sovereign.
411
A. D. 1221-31.
ul-akbbaur.
Jengueiz now determined to proceed in person to attack Jullaul-ud- A. H. C18-28.
dein. But, a dispute on the subject of a horse having in the mean
time arisen in the camp of the Khaurez mian, between two of his Kholaus sut-
principal generals, Seyf-ud-dein Eghrauk, and Mêlek Meraut, the
former quitted the army without permission, and, with a great part of
the Sultan's troops, went off towards the mountains of Sekrauk.
Thus weakened, the Sultan was compelled to break up from his camp
and retire towards Gheznîn, whither he was immediately pursued by
the Moghûl monarch. On his arrival before that capital Jengueiz,
however, found that the Sultan was continuing his retreat towards
Hindûstaun; and he therefore, on his part, determined not to slacken
in his pursuit. Accordingly in the month of Rudjub,* of the six
hundred and eighteenth of the Hidjerah, at the mûabber, or passage,
of the Indus, he came up with the army of Jullaul-ad-dein, which he
formed an immediate disposition to assail; the stream of the Indus
composing the string, of which his line of battle was the bow. In
these circumstances, with the swords of the implacable Moghûls in
his front, and an unfordable torrent in his rear, the brave Khaurezmian
attacked his pursuers with unparalleled gallantry, cutting them to
pieces in great numbers. Disclaiming all idea of flattery, the author,
indeed, asserts that Jullaul-ud-dein exhibited, on that decisive day,
such unexampled proofs of courage and intrepidity, as might have ex-
cited the admiration and envy of Rûstum and Asfendiaur, the most
renowned heroes of Persian story. But, the countless multitudes of
the enemy continuing to press upon him from every side, he was at
last in imminent danger of being taken; when by a final effort, hav-
ing repulsed his assailants to a convenient distance for the accomplish-
ment of his design, he retired to the bank of the river; and throwing
off his armour, he plunged his horse into the rapid stream, and mira-
culously effected his passage to the other side. Continuing to ride
along the bank of the river, he proceeded until he came to a spot
from whence, on the opposite side, he perceived the enemy plundering
his camp; and Jengueiz was himself standing at the same time on the
bank, observing the actions of the princely fugitive. Jullaul-ud-dein
*Sept. A. D. 1221.
3 G 3
412
ul akhbaur.
A. H. 013-28. now dismounted very deliberately, and taking the saddle and other
A. D. 1221-31. furniture from his horse, he laid them, together with his own tunic
Kholaussut- and habiliments, in the sun to dry; then unfolding his umbrella, he
quietly sat down to repose himself under the shade. All this passed
under the immediate observation of Jengueiz, who could not forbear
expressing his admiration in terms of the warmest applause. "Like
"a lion invincible," he exclaimed, "in the conflict of the field of
"battle; like an alligator unterrified in the foaming stream, no father
"could ever boast a son like this!"
In short, having thus narrowly escaped across the Indus, Jullaul-
ud-dein took up his abode for two days, in an adjoining forest, until
his retreat was discovered by about fifty of his troops, who once more
attached themselves to his person; when, causing his small party to
furnish themselves with clubs, he one night fell upon, and surprised a
banditti of Hindûs who infested the neighborhood; and having des-
troyed the greater part, was thus enabled to supply his followers with
horses and arms, which, in swimming the river, they had been com-
pelled to sacrifice. His party became now daily more numerous and
formidable; and during a period of two years, in which he continued
to the eastward of the Indus, he succeeded in making many extensive
and valuable conquests in that quarter; and in repairing among the
unfortunate natives, the losses which he had sustained by the irruption
of the Moghuls. At the expiration of this period he formed the de-
sign of recovering Irak Ajem: and with that object accordingly led
his troops through Kutch and Mekraun, to the borders of Kermaun,
where he arrived in the early part of of the six hundred and twenty
first of the Hidjerah.* He experienced at first a very hospitable re-
ception from Borak Haujeb, who was by this time in possession of
the province; and whose daughter, in order to secure his friendship,
he condescended to take for his bride, the nuptials being celebrated
in the castle of Kermaun. In the short lapse of two days, however,
the Sultan, proceeding to the neighboring plains, to amuse himself with
the recreations of the chace, found that the Kârakhâtayan had re-
mained behind in the city, under the pretence of a pain in his feet.
* The Spring of 1224.
413
ul-akhbaur.
This led to the suspicion that his designs were hostile; and a message A. H. 621-28.
was dispatched by the Sultan to state, that it was his resolution to A. D. 1224-31.
depart, without further delay, on his expedition for the recovery. of Kholaussut-
Irâk; but that entertaining the highest opinion of his judgment and
experience, he was desirous of advising with him on the arrangements
which might best promote the design; and he therefore requested that
he would for this purpose repair for a short time to his camp. The Kârak-
hâtayan sent to inform him in reply, that the only arrangement which
he had to recommend, was to proceed immediately towards Irâk, since
the resources of Kermaun would not subsist his troops any longer.
Moreover, that if the Sultan made any attempt to re-enter the gates of
Kermaun, he would find them closed against him. With this reply he
dismissed the messenger; and having expelled the whole of the Sultan's
troops who had been admitted into the town, he immediately secured
the gates against any violence on the part of that prince.
With means inadequate to enforce reparation for this breach of
duty and hospitality, Jullaul-ud-dein took the road towards Farss;
the governor of which, Atabek Saud the son of Zengui, sending one of
his sons with suitable presents to conduct him to Shirauz, and adding
moreover, one of his daughters to the list of the Sultan's wives. Jul-
laul-ud-dein, found it expedient with a good grace to confirm the
Atabek in his authority; in the mean time, directing his own atten-
tion, in every possible way, to promote the welfare and happiness of
every class of his followers. Subsequent to this, he led them to Tus-
tur in Khûzistaun, and there established his winter quarters. From
thence at the opening of the spring,* he proceeded towards Baghdad,
in the hope of obtaining assistance from the Khalif Ul Nausser; but,
from a resentment long cherished towards his family, a body of twenty
thousand horse was immediately dispatched by that monarch, under
Koushtemûr, to expel the Sultan from his territories. Apprized of
the design, Jullaul-ud-dein determined, without hesitation, to abide
a conflict with this commander; whom, notwithstanding the disparity
of force, he succeeded in defeating. He was, however, now con-
strained to alter the direction of his march; and he proceeded for Teb-
* A. D. 1225.
414
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 622-28. reiz, at this period under the government of Atabek Ouzbek, the son
A. D. 1225-31. of Jahaun Pehelwaun Mahommed. The Atabek conceived it most
Kholaussut prudent to throw himself into the fortress of Alanjek, and to leave his
capital to the discretion of his wife, Melka Khâtûn, a princess of the
house of Seljûk. Jullaul-ud-dein appeared before Tebreiz, some
time in the six hundred and twenty second of the Hidjerah,* and
immediately laid siege to that ancient and celebrated city. While
operations were carrying on for the reduction of the town, the princess
Melka one day making a tour of the ramparts, happened to cast her
eyes upou Jullaul-ud-dein, with whose person she became immedi-
ately and violently enamoured; aud pretending to have been divorced
by her husband, contrived through the intervention of Kauzy Ezz-
ud-dein, the Kazvinian, to espouse the object of her new-born passion;
to whom the city was of course surrendered without further resistance.
Atabek Ouzbek could not survive the intelligence, which was soon
conveyed to him, of the perfidy and ingratitude of his libidinous wife.
Thus master of Azerbayjaun, through the treacherous surrender of
its capital, Jullaul-ud-dein next engaged in hostilities with the Geor-
gians; in a second and final expedition against whom, he reduced the
city of Teflis. While he still remained at that place, information
reached him that Borûk Haujeb was on his march to invade Irâk; and
it was on this occasion that the Sultan, in the short space of seven-
teen days, conducted his troops from Teflis to the frontiers of Ker-
maun; where the hostile chief was compelled to purchase his forbear-
ance by presents of the most splendid and costly description, and by
apologies the most submissive to atone for the recent aggression.
Upon this the Khaurezmian repaired to Isfahaun; but when he had
continued there a few days, intelligence was conveyed to him of the
ravages committed on the borders of Azerbayjaun, by a certain Hau-
jeb, or Hadjy Ally, employed in the government of Ekhlaut by Mê-
lek Ashruf, prince of Damascus ; and, what was still more agravating,
he further learnt, that his consort, that paragon of fidelity and purity,
the virtuous Melka'Khâtûn, had withdrawn from Tebreiz to Ekhlaut;
* A. D. 1225.
+ It is sometimes supposed to have risen from the ruins of Ecbatana. At others this
honor is assigned to Hamadaun,
415
where she maintained an unchaste and abandoned intercourse with A. II. 625-28.
the new governor.
A. D. 1223-31,
ul-akhbaur.
In order to avenge himself of these accumulated injuries, Jullaul- Kholanssut-
ud-dein returned without delay into Azerbayjaun; but, after having
carried pillage and slaughter to the gates of Ekhlaut, he there learnt,
to his infinite mortification, that the Moghûls were advancing upon
Irâk; and he was unwillingly constrained to postpone, to another op-
portunity, the reduction of that place, in order to make head against
the implacable adversaries of his house. In a battle which ensued
with the Moghûls, he was, however, defeated, and compelled to retire
with some precipitation into Isfahaun; where he proceeded to dis-
grace some of his officers, who had been remiss in their exertions in
the recent conflict, by exposing them through the streets in the habits
of women, while he distinguished, with commands and honors, those
who had faithfully discharged their duty.
In the six hundred and twenty-fifth of the Hidjerah, instead of
opposing an unavailing resistance to the growing ascendancy of the
Moghûls, Jullaul-ud-dein seems to have preferred engaging in another
invasion of the Georgians, of whom he is stated to have put great
numbers to the sword; and having otherwise obtained some signal
advantages in that province, he proceeded in the triumph of his vic-
tories, to resume the siege of Ekhlaut. Of that place, after considera-
ble resistance, he at last completed the reduction, and being singular-
ly irritated by the conduct of the governor, he issued orders that his
soldiers should be permitted, from the hour of sunrise to the forenoon's
repast, to satiate themselves with pillage and slaughter; the survivors
of the massacre were then spared; but he retaliated without scru-
ple on the wife of Haujeb Ally, the outrage offered to his bed by that
chieftain.
The reduction of Ekhlaut appears to have revived in a considerable
degree, the renown which Jullaul-ud-dein had acquired by former
exploits; and yet he had not quitted the vicinity of that place, when
information was communicated to him, that an alliance had been formed
against him between Alla-ud-dein Key Kobaud Sultan of Anatolia, and
* A. D. 1228.
416
ul-aklıbaur.
A. H. 625-28. the prince of Syria and Damascus; which seems to have engaged
A. D. 1228-31. him, further than was consistent with his views, in hostilities in that
Kholaussut quarter. Advancing, however, to anticipate the designs of his ene-
mies, the Sultan, in the desert of Moush, to the north west of Ekhlaut,
unexpectedly fell in with six thousand Syrian horse, whom he cut to
pieces to the last man. But in the battle which soon afterwards ensued
between him and the Sultan of Anatolia, Jullaul-ud-dein, although
previously confined to his litter, having exerted himself to mount
his horse, and being yet unable, through extreme debility, to hold
the reins of his bridle, the animal on which he rode, happened in the
heat of the action to retire a few steps backward. In these circum-
stances his attendants unfortunately suggested that a short cessation.
from fatigue seemed absolutely necessary to revive him; and the prince
as unfortunately yielding to their advice, withdrew to a corner of the
field of battle, followed by the royal standard. The wings of the army,
perceiving this movement on the part of their sovereign, too soon con-
cluded that he had unworthily abandoned the conflict; and in that
persuasion they hastily turned their backs to the enemy, and betook
themselves to flight; while Jullaul-ud-dein constrained by necessity,
also made the best of his way towards Ekhlaut. Happily for the
fugitives, the enemy, suspecting that all this was merely a stratagem
devised by the Khaurez mian to lead them into an ambuscade,
retained their position, without engaging a step in the pursuit.
On his return to Ekhlaut, Jullaul-ud-dein was further alarmed by
iutelligence that Jermaughûn Nûyan had crossed the Amûyah in great
force, and was advancing towards Persian Iråk. This determined
him to proceed without delay towards Azerbayjaun, dispatching one
of his principal generals on before him, in order to obtain more certain
information of the enemy. The officer thus employed, after visiting
Tebreiz, rejoined his sovereign with the assurance, without, however,
having taken the necessary precautions to ascertain the fact, that
there was neither in Azerbayjaun, nor Irâk, the slightest vestige nor
intelligence of the Moghûls. Delighted beyond all bounds of pru-
dence and moderation, by this deceitful report, the Sultan resigned
himself without reserve to a course of pleasure; his example being
followed by the greater part of his court, which was immediately
417
Of such a A. H. 628.
Many days A. D. 1231.
ul-akhbaur.
immersed in wine, and the most disgraceful excesses.
state of things, it was not difficult to foresee the issue.
were not suffered to elapse, when, in the six hundred and twenty Kholaussut-
eighth of the Hidjerah,* an army of Tatars, numberless as the drops
of a thunder shower, was afresh reported to have entered Azerbayjaun,
and to be immediately at hand. It was not without considerable
difficulty and exertion, that the Sultan could be awakened to a sense
of his danger; but, when by a plentiful ablution, he had contrived to
remove the disgraceful effects of intoxication, instead of abiding a
conflict with the destroyers of his family, Jullaul-ud-dein fled from
the scene of alarm; Azer Khaun, the same Ameir that had apprized
him of his situation, continuing, however, to oppose a feeble resist-
ance to the enemy, who was now upon them, until his wretched
master should have gained a sufficient distance on his pursuers. The
Klaun then also retreated, while the Moghûls, still conceiving that
they were engaged with the Sûltan in person, pressed on to secure
him, with an eagerness in proportion to the splendor of the prize.
But, being at length undeceived, they finally abandoned the pursuit,
and hastened to the residence of his unhappy family; where they
put to the sword, without distinction, every individual whom they
could lay hands on, either of the kindred, or clientage of the kings of
Khaurezm; the sun of whose power, when it had subsisted with
some variety of circumstance, for a period of one hundred and thirty
seven lunar years, became thus forever extinguished under the sur-
passing might of Moghûl vengeance.
With respect to the sequel, so unworthy of the outset of Jullaul-
ud-dein's adventurous career, there exists among historians a consi-
derable diversity of opinion; some authors relating, that in his flight
from the Moghûls, he entered the Kohestaun, or mountainous region
between Azerbayjaun and the Tigris, where, while he lay asleep, a
Kûrd, in order to possess himself of his horse and habiliments, ram
him through the body with his lance. Others again have stated,
that he assumed the garb of Sûfyism, and in that disguise wandered
about the world to screen himself from the vengeance of his pursuers;
nor hath any thing further been ascertained of the destiny of this un-
fortunate prince.
VOL. II.
3 H
418
A. H. 521-49,
ul-akhbaur.
The residue of this chapter may be devoted, perhaps not unprofita
A. D. 1127-54. bly, to furnish a short account of the Atabeks, who occupy so con
Kholaussut spicuous a share in the transactions of these times. With the author
we shall therefore proceed to state, that the Sultans of the race of Sel
jûk being in many instances accustomed to confide the education of
their sons, to some of the principal Ameirs in different quarters of their
empire, the young princes, in the course of habit, applied to the noble-
men thus entrusted with their breeding, the appellation of Atabek ;
a corruption of Atâeik-preceptor or tutor or perhaps Atabeg-lord
father, as explained by Mr. Richardson. Of these there were, how-
ever, four branches of distinguished renown, whose origin and dura-
tion we shall, in their order, endeavor to trace, to the limited extent of
our original.
1
In the five hundred and twenty-first of the Hidjerah, EMMAUD-UD
DEIN ZENGUI, the son of Auksungur became, under the authority of
Sultan Mahmûd the grandson of the illustrious Mêlek Shah, ruler of
he provinces of Arabian Irâk; and extending his power, in the pro-
cess of time and circumstances, to the territories dependent on Mos-
sûle and Aleppo, those of Diaurbekir and Kúrdistaun were further
superadded to the extensive and opulent domain already subject to
his government. After reigning, with distinguished probity, for about
Of the Atabeks three and twenty years, he was cut off by a conspiracy among his
of Mossûle Sy- Mamlûks, in the five hundred and forty-fourth of the Hidjerah ;* and
he bears in consequence, in the records of the country, the posthu-
mous title of Atabek Sheheid-the martyred Atabek.
ria and Diaur.
bekir.
Nûr-ud-dein MAHMUD, the son of Emmaud-ud-dein Zengui, second
of the Atabeks of Mossûle and Syria, succeeded, on the assassination
of his father, in establishing his authority through the territory of
Aleppo, Hamess, and Hama; and accomplishing the reduction of
Damascus, in the five hundred and forty-ninth of the Hidjerah,† his
power became from that period so formidable that he undertook, and
ultimately succeeded, to subvert the authority of the Fâtimite
Khalifs in Egypt, and to substitute in the Khotbah for the name of
Auzzed.ud-dein, that of Mûstunzy of the house of Abbas, in the
†A. D. 1154.
* A. D. 1149.
419
manner already related. The government of that province was then A. H. 549-76,
vested, under the authority of Nûr-ud-dein, in the celebrated Sullah- A. D. 1154-80.
ud-dein Yûssuf, (Saladin) the son of Nûdjm-ud-dein Ayûb; in whose Kholaussut
family it continued long afterwards.
The death of Nûr-ud-dein took place on the eleventh of Shavaul,
of the year five hundred and sixty-nine ;* which would give to his
reign a period of about five and twenty years.
MELEK SALAH the son of Nûr-ud-dein, third of the Atabeks of
Mossûle and Syria.
The diadem of Syria devolved to this prince at the age of eleven;
but when he had continued to sustain it for some years, Sullah-ud-
dein, who had received the title of Mêlek Nasser, advanced from
Egypt to form the siege of Damascus. On which the feeble Mêlek
Salah abandoned his capital to its fate, and fled to Aleppo; where he
died, at the age of nineteen, and after a reign of about eight years, in
the five hundred and seventy seventh of the Hidjerah.†
SEYF-UD-DEIN Ghauzzi, son of Emmaud-ud-dein Zengui, second
of the Atabeks of Mossûle and Diaurbekir, was employed to preside
over those provinces, under the authority of his brother Nûr-ud-
dein; as well as over part of Kurdestaun, which was annexed to his
government. He died in the five hundred and fifty-first of the Hid-
jerah.‡
KUTB-UD-DEIN MOUDUD, another of the sons of Emmaud-ud-
dein, and third of the Atabeks of Mossûle and Diaurbekir, succeeded
to his brother Seyf-ud-dein; and retained the government to the period
of his death, in the five hundred and sixty-fifth of the Hidjerah.||
SEYF-UD-DEIN Ghauzzi the second, the son of Kutb-ud-dein,
fourth of the Atabeks of Mossûle and Diaurbekir, assumed the govern-
ment at Mossûle on the death of his father. When his kinsman,
Melek Salah, was compelled to abandon Damascus on the approach of
Sullah-ud-dein, he dispateled a body of troops to assist him, under
his brother Mûssaoud. Seyf-ud-dein died in the five hundred and
seventy-sixth of the Hidjerah, after a reign of about eleven years.
EZZ-UD-DEIN MUSSAOUD the son of Kutb-ud-dein, fifth of the
Atabeks of Mossûle and Diaurbekir, succeeded to his brother in the
* Eleventh of May, A. D. 1174.
+ 1182.
1156.
1169.
ul-akhbaur.
3 H 3
420
ul-akhbaur.
:
A. H. 379-608. government; to which, on the death of Melek Salah, in the year 57%
A. D. 1183-1211. he added that of Aleppo. In the five hundred and seventy-ninth of
Kholaussut- the Hidjerah,* that city shared, however, the fate of Damascus, which
had been previously reduced by Sullah-ud-dein and two years after-
wards the same monarch having again drawn his troops out of Egypt,
proceeded to extend his conquests to Miafaurekein and Ekhlaut;
but on his return homewards from this expedition, he concluded a
treaty of peace with Ezz-ud-dein. Both these princes died in the course
of the same year, the five hundred and eighty-ninth of the Hidjerah.†
NUR-UD-DEIN ARSLAN SHAH, the son of Ezz-ud-dein, sixth of
the Atabeks of Mossûle and Diaurbekir.
Succeeding to the authority of his father, this prince became engaged
in a tedious and protracted warfare with Mêlek-ul-Audil the Sûltan
of Egypt; which does not appear to have terminated until the six
hundred and fifth of the Hidjerah, when a treaty of peace was con-
cluded between the parties. Arslan Shah survived this treaty for
about two years, when, in the course of the six hundred and seventh
of the Hidjerah he also died.‡
Ul Mêlek Ul Kâher Ezz-ud-dein MUSSAOUD, the son of Arslan
Shah, eighth and last of the Atabeks of Mossûle and Diaurbekir, as-
sumed the government in conformity to the instructions of his father;
but submitting the reins of his authority to the controul of Buddur-
ud-dein Lûlû, it was not suffered to experience any very considerable
duration. On the death of this prince, who probably did not long
survive the loss of power, the government was entirely appropriated
to himself, by the same Buddur-ud-dein, or Bedredin; the sequel of
whose history will possibly be resumed at a subsequent period, among
the events which distinguished the reign of Hûlaukû Khaun.
IIdly, of the Atabeks of Azerbayjaun. Among the Tartars of Kep-
tchauk, we are here apprized on the authority of the Rouzut-us-suffa
that, there formerly existed a regulation which provided, that when-
ever a merchant, in one and the same lot, agreed for the purchase of
forty slaves, the seller should make a deduction to the value of one
slave in favor of the purchaser. It was in conformity with such a
* A. D. 1183.
+1193.
‡ 1210.
421
A. D. 1136-72.
Kholanssut,
ul-akhbaur,
practice that, in the time of Sultan Mûssaoud of the race of Seljûk, a A. II. 531-68,
merchant having made a purchase in the same territory, to that num-
ber, a deduction was made in his favor for one of the slaves, whose
name was Eyldekez; not less remarkable for the defects of his person
than for the virtues which beamed on his brow. His purchase com-
pleted, the merchant proceeded on his return to Iråk, mounting his
slaves in waggons. During the journey, it happened that Eyldekez,
overcome with sleep, twice fell from his waggon, being as often
remounted by the care of his master; but falling over, a third time, in
the same manner, no one took any concern about him, and he was
abandoned to his fate. At day light, however, when he awoke, and
perceived himself alone in the midst of the boundless solitude, he
hastened in search of his companions; and by dint of exertion, to the
no small surprise of his owner, succeeded in overtaking the caravan in
the course of the evening.
Arrived in Irâk, the minister of Sultan Mûssâoud bought thirty
nine of the slaves, for the service of his master, rejecting Eyldekez, the
fortieth, on account of his cat-like, or decrepid exterior. On which the
unhappy youth, bursting into tears, is said to have exclaimed, that
since the Vezzeir had purchased the whole of the other slaves for his
own sake, it behoved him to take the only one remaining, for the love
of God. These expressions were repeated to the minister, and deter-
mined him to complete the allotment by the purchase of Eyldekez.
The circumstance was also related to Sultan Mûssaoud, who placed EYLDEKEZ Ist
the subject of it, not long afterwards, under Ameir Nasser one of his of the Atabeks
of Azerbayjaun,
captains, in order to be instructed in archery and horsemanship; and
as the young slave distinguished himself in a very short time, by his
address, activity, and skill, he was next enrolled in the train of one of
the great officers of the household, who superintended the Bekawuls,
or cupbearers; or with more probability, the purveyor of the royal
kitchens, since a savoury dish made up by Evldekez of the offals, or
such parts of a sheep as are in general rejected, proved so extremely
agreeable to the palate of the Sultan, that the now fortunate slave was
taken into particular favor. From that period his prospects became
daily more flattering to his ambition; until, as was noticed on a for-
mer occasion, the Sûltan finally bestowed upon him, together with
422
A. H. 568-87. the widow of his brother Toghrel, the government of Azerbayjaun;
A. D. 1172-91. which he sustained with vigor and ability to his death, in the five
Kholaussut hundred and sixty-eighth of the Hidjerah, a period of about six and
thirty years.
ul-akhbaur.
Atabek MAHOM MED, entitled Jahaun Pehlewaun, the son of Eylde-
kez, second of the Atabeks of Azerbayjaun.
Sultan Toghrel the son of Arslan, being seated at seven years of age,
on the throne of Irak Ajem, in the five hundred and seventy first of
the Hidjerah, through the activity and exertions of Atabek Mahoni-
med, the affairs of the monarchy, in addition to the government of
Azerbayjaun, to which he had succeeded on the death of his father,
were now consigned to the entire controul of this brave and able chief-
tain; who became in a short time, by his talents and firmness of mind,
equally respectable and formidable to the princes of the east and west.
He continued to direct the affairs of Irâk with splendid success for
a period of ten years; at the expiration of which, in Zilhudje,* of the
five hundred and eighty-first of the Hidjerah, he died, leaving four
sons, whose names are as follows: Abû Bukker, Kûtlûgh Eynaunje,
Mermeraun, and Ouzbek Pehlewaun.
Atabek KuzzUL ARSLAN the son of Eyldekez, third of that de-
nomination in Azerbayjaun.
Employed, during the administration of his brother, in the govern-
ment of Azerbayjaun, this prince hastened on his death, to the court
of Sultan Toghrel; and marrying Kûbtiah Khâtûn, the widow of his
deceased brother, (at least a princess of that name is mentioned as
the mother of Kûtlugh Eynaunje and Mermeraun). became immedi-
ately invested with the dignity of Ameir-ul-ûmra, or lieutenant general
of the monarchy. But differences having ultimately arisen between
him and the Sultan, which terminated in the hostilities, already tran-
Kuz- siently adverted to under the transactions of the race of Seljûk,
ZUL ARSLAN, Kuzzul Arslan, at the express recommendation of the Khalif Ul Naus-
ser, and in the month of Shavault of the five hundred and eighty
seventh of the Hidjerah, assumed the sovereign authority. He had,
however, been suffered to enjoy his power but for a very few days
when he was assassinated, at the instance of the nobles of Irâk, by one
* March, A. D. 1186.
+ September, A. D. 1191.
Atabek
Ild of the race.
423
of the zealots of Almowut. "'Tis not," observes our author, "“for A H. 587-622.
“rashness to repose in peace on the seat of the mighty ;" and yet the A. D. 1191-1225.
name of Kuzzul Arslan has found a distinguished record with the Kholaus sut-
votaries of the Persian muse.
Atabek ABU BUKKER, the son of Pehlewaun Mahommed, fourth of
the Atabeks of Azerbayjaun.
On the assassination of his uncle, Abû Bukker hastily withdrew
into Azerbayjaun, and there assumed the royal authority. He was,
however, destined to be opposed by his half brother Kûtlûgh Eynaunje;
with whom, in the course of one month only, he fought no less than
four separate battles, in each of which he proved victorious. After
this he retained his power against all opposition for a period of twenty
years, dying in the six hundred and seventh of the Hidjerah.*
Atabek Mûzuffur-ud-dein OUZBEK, the son of Pellewaun Mahom-
med, fifth and last of this race, succeeded on the death of his brother:
but in the fifteenth year of his reign, the six hundred and twenty-
second of the Hidjerah,† his country being invaded by Sûltan Jullaul-
ud-dein the Khaurezmian, Atabek Ouzbek retired into the fortress of
Elanjek or Alanjek; where, as recently observed in the story of the
Khaurezmian, he could not survive the intelligence of his wife's perfidy.
IIIdly, Of the Atabeks of Farss, of the Selghrian tribe.
ul-akhbaur,
The historian has recorded that when, in the early part of the fifth
century of the Hidjerah, a body of Tûrkmans, to the number of fifty
thousand horse, were urged by the pressure of the times, and in the
course of one of those afflicting changes which have been occasionally
permitted to visit the world, to migrate from their native country.
and seek for a settlement in foreign lands, one of their chiefs, of the
name of Selgher, with his sons and followers, made his way into
Khorassaun; and in the different parts of that province, proceeded to
exercise every species of outrage and violence, that might be expect- SELGHER.
ed from an uncivilized and necessitous banditti. But when, about the
four hundred and thirtieth of the Hidjerah, the authority of the race.
of Seljuk appeared to be permanently established throughout the
Persian empire, the same Tûrkman chief repaired to the court of one
• A. D. 1210.
+ 1225-
Of the Atabeks
of the race of
424
}
A H. 430-571. of the monarchs of that race, and was admitted to the rank of Haujeb,
A. D. 1038-1175. or lord of the bedchamber. His sons, however, preferred an abode in
Kholaussut- Farss, which was destined to become the ultimate and splendid lot of
the family.
ul-akhbanr.
+
The city of Shirauz, the admired and celebrated metropolis of the
province, being wrested from the Deylemites, in the four hundred
and fifty-eighth of the Hidjerah,t by the warlike Alep-Arslan, it con-
tinued for a period of eighty five years afterwards under the authority
of the race of Seljûk. But about the five hundred and forty second of
the Hidjerah, Sultan Mêlek Shah the son of Mahmûd, having made
himself master of the province, by the defeat and death of Atabek
Bûzaubah, that prince retained possession for the space of one year
only; when conceiving himself unequal to a contest with Atabek
Segher the son of Moudûd, who had revolted against his authority, he
chose to abandon the country; which was thus, apparently without dif-
ficulty, transferred to the insurgent.
Atabek Mûzuffer-ud-dein Segher, or perhaps SUNKUR, the son of
Moudûd, first of the Atabeks of Farss of the race of Selgher.
On the retreat of the Seljukian Sûltan, Atabek Segher under the
title of Mûzuffur-ud-dein, assumed the sovereign dignity at Shirauz,
some time in the five hundred and forty third of the Hidjerah; || and
laid open to every class of those who submitted to his authority, the
avenues of beneficence and happiness. He withdrew to experience
the reward of his virtues, in the ever blooming gardens of paradise,
in the five hundred and fifty seventh of the Hidjerah,§ after a felicitous
reign of thirteen years.
Atabek Mûzuffur ud-dein ZENGUI, the son of Moudûd, second of
the race of Selgher, succeeded to his brother, whose virtues he seemed
studious to emulate. He died in the five hundred and seventy first of
the Hidjerah, after a just and beneficent reign of fourteen years.
Atabek Mûzuffer-ud-dein fuKLAH, the son of Zengui, third of the
race of Selgher.
This prince was the heir, and successor to his father's wealth and
power, and even surpassed his predecessors, in the vigilance which
* Toghrel Beg. † A. D. 1066. $1147. || 11.48. § 1162.
425
}
ul-akhbaur.
he exerted to promote and secure the tranquillity of his government. A H. 591-614.
He died in the five hundred and ninety-first of the Hidjerah, after a A. D 1195-1217.
prosperous reign of twenty years. During the period in which he Kholaus sut-
swayed the sceptre of Shirauz, Atabek Kûtbuddein, a prince of the
same family governed in Irâk Ajem; but, although in other respects.
anable and benevolent monarch, engaging in an unavailing contest
with Atabek Tuklah, his power did not attain to any degree of stabi-
lity. He fell, in the issue, into the hands of his relative, and was put
to death.
Atabek Mûzuffur-ud-dein Abû Shûjia SAUD, the son of Zengui,
fourth of the race of Selgher.
Succeeding to the sovereign power, on the death of his brother,
Atabek Saud gave distinguished proofs of the bounty, and liberality
of his disposition; but yielding to an unfortunate ambition, by which
he was impelled to undertake the conquest of Irak Ajem, he engaged
himself in perpetual expeditions for the attainment of that object;
and thus exposed his defenceless capital to frequent surprise and pil-
lage, by those of his enemies who were ever on the watch for such an
opportunity. The last time, however, continues our author, in which,
like the axis of a wheel, Atabek Saud presented himself in various
directions, in the prosecution of these visionary projects of ambition,
he, in the six hundred and fourteenth of the Hidjerah, and in the
neighborhood of Rey, fell in with the course of Sultan Mahommed
the Khaurezmian, then proceeding on his design against Baghdad.
In these circumstances, although the whole of his force did not ex-
ceed seven hundred cavalry, the Atabek resolutely assailed the army
of the Sultan, and first with his arrows, and then with scimitar and
mace, produced extraordinary havoc among them. Considerably sur-
prised at the singular activity and prowess displayed on the occasion
by tho Atabek, the Khaurezmian gave orders that his archers should
forbear to aim at him; and that every exertion should be made to take
him alive, and without injury. Thus surrounded on every side, and
falling from his horse, his adversaries found at last an opportunity of
seizing his person, and he was immediately conveyed to the presence
OL. 11,
↑ A. D. 1217.
3 I
7
120
ul-akhbaur.
*
८
A, H. 614. of the Sultan; who proceeded to interrogate him as to tlie motive"
A. D. 1217, which could induce him to engage in a conflict so unequal. To this
Kholaussut- the Atabek replied, that for such apparent temerity, the only apology
which he could offer, was his entire ignorance that he was opposed
to the person of so mighty a monarch; and he continued to plead fur-'
ther so effectually with his conqueror, that one; of the impérial pavi-
lions was immediately ordered to be set apart for his accommodation;
with every requisite that could contribute cither to his pleasure or
convenience. All these, the Atabek, however, distributed among the
Sultan's retinue, even before he had set eyes' upon them; and the ad-
mination of the Khaurezmian being further excited by an instance of
liberality, which otherwise appears to have had neither bounds nor re-
flection, Atabek Saud became thenceforward the inseparable associ-
ate of his pleasures and amusements; in which, he indeed, as far sur-
passed by his convivial qualities, as he had formerly done by his
prowess in the field of battle. In the course of a few days it was fin-
ally agreed upon between the two princes, through the mediation of
Mélek Zouzen, that Atabek Saud should bestow one of his daughters
in marriage upon Sultan Jullaul-ud-dein; should engage for the ces-
sion of the fortresses of Istak hâr and Eshkowân; and for the annual
remittance of one third of the revenues of Farss to the exchequer of the
Khaurezmian.
On the conclusion of the treaty, Atabek Saud, accompanied by an
escort of Khaurez mian troops, was permitted to take the road to his
own dominions; but, his son Abû Bukker had become no sooner ap-
prized of the misfortune, and subsequent stipulations on the part of'
his father, than he abruptly forsook his allegiance; and took post, with
a body of his followers, at the foot of the pass of Baubeyn, to intercept
his return. Accordingly, when Atabek Saud arrived on the spot, the
head of his escort had just disengaged itself from the pass, when it
was attacked and cut off by the Shirâzians; while the main body, con-
ceiving that they were about to become a sacrifice to preconcerted
treachery between father and son, called aloud for mercy. Having
exerted all his eloquence to appease their apprehensions, the Atabek
hastened to present himself to Abû Bukker, who assailed his person
without the smallest hesitation; but the elder Atabek no sooner
稽
​427
felt the sword of the parricide, than he returned it so effectually with A. H. 623-58.
a stroke of his mace, that it brought him. headlong from his horse. A. D. 1226-60.
The rebel was afterwards confined to the castle of Istakhår; while Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
the father, having re-entered his capital of Shirauz without further
obstacle, proceeded to fulfil his engagements with the Khaurezmian,
with the most scrupulous fidelity; and ultimately dismissed his agents
in every respect satisfied with the treatment which they experienced.
Atabek Saud survived this untoward contingency for a period of
some duration; until the six hundred and twenty-third of the Hidjer-
ah, according to certain authorities, which would assign to his reign
an interval of two and thirty years.
Atabek Mûzuffur-ud-dein ABU BUKKER, the son of Saud Zengui,
fifth of the race of Selgher.
Notwithstanding the stain of rebellion, the Ameirs and principal
citizens of Shirauz unanimously concurred, on the death of his father,
in bestowing the sovereign authority upon Abû Bukker; and he is
said to have far surpassed the merit of all his predecessors, respecta-
ble as they were, in the vigor of his government, and in his vigilance
to provide for the welfare of his people. His zeal for the advance-
ment of the faith of Mahommed, and his exertions to promote the
success of every laudable pursuit, few men were qualified to do justice
to; neither would it be easy to delineate, continues our author, his
singular skill in jurisprudence, in the subtilties of logic, or in the ab-
struse reasonings of philosophy. His esteem for the religious and
sincerely devout, was at the same time so conspicuous, that he did not
scruple to assign to them on all occasions a decided preference over
priests and lawyers, and the learned of every description.
The race of Jengueiz having, however, by this time, completely
subjugated the oriental world, Atabek Abù Bukker exhibited a proof
of sagacity, and moderation of spirit, equally conspicuous, by the early
assurances of submission, which, by one of his nephews, he took care
to convey to the court of Oukdâi, or Octai Kaun; who treated the de-
putation with particular kindness and distinction, and returned a pa-
tent for the royal authority in Farss, with the title of Kutlugh Khaun
The
government of Abû Bukker was distinguished by the reduction
of kaish or Kaiss, Kateif, and Baharein, islands in the gulph of Per-
428
}
ul-akhbaur.
4
A. II. 658. sia, where he is stated to have acquired prodigious wealth. In the
A. D. 1260. mean time, Hûlaukû Khaun had made himself master of Baghdad,
Kholausant and extinguished the power of the race of Abbas; and it became ex-
pedient on the part of Abû Bukker, with other feudatories, to trans,
mit his congratulations, on an occasion which seemed to put the last
seal to his vassalage. His son Saud, the heir to his wealth and dig-
nity, was accordingly dispatched on this errand to the camp of the
Eyle, or Aeil Khaun; and the young prince was on his return to
Shiraug, after experiencing the most favorable reception from the
Moghul monarch, when intelligence reached him of his father's death,
which was, at a very short interval, followed by his own. Atabek Abû
Bukker had, it seems, withdrawn to the abodes of eternal happiness,
on the fifth of the latter Jummaudy,* of the six hundred and fifty
eighth of the Hidjerah, after a splendid and prosperous reign of five
and thirty years; and his son Saud having been already attacked by a
severe fit of illness on his journey from Baghdad, the information
which unexpectedly reached him, of the death of his father, and of his
own accession to the sovereign power, produced a violent aggravation
of his disorder, and hastened him to the tomb, just twelve days after
the former event. What renders the reign of Atabek Abû Bukker
eben Saud Zengui, however, more particularly interesting to the orien-
thlist is, that Saudi, the most elegant and classical of Persian poets, the
admired bard and moralist of Shirauz, the reformer of his religion, as
he has been entitled, flourished under this reign, and made the names
of both father and son the frequent subject of his praise.
Atabek MAHOMMED, the son of Saud, sixth of the race of Selgher.
Succeeding in infancy to the throne of Shirauz, in consequence of
the premature dissolution of his father, the administration of affairs
was undertaken in behalf of this prince by his mother Tûrkan, a wo-
man of singular prudence and sagacity; who did not fail, by a splen-
did embassy, and by presents not less splendid, to solicit and obtain
from Hûlaukû, a decree to ratify the succession of her son. But when
two years had elapsed of the infant reign of Atabek Mahommed, he
perished by a fall from the terrace of his palace; and he was succeeded by,
* Seventeenth of May, A. D. 1260.
:
429
Atabek MAHOMMED SHAH, the son of Selgher Shah, seventh of A. H. 600.
the race of Selgher.
A. D. 1262.
ul-akl.baur.
Indebted for his elevation to the exertions of the dowager princess Khola issut-
Türkan Khatûn, his mother in law and the widow of Atakeb Saud,
and at the same time to the recommendation of the nobles of Shir-
auz, this prince proved himself, however, at an early period, by aban-
doning himself to the excesses of wine and intemperance, and to the
society of youthful profligates, entirely unworthy of the throne to
which he had succeeded. A government so contemptible was not
destined to be of any duration. The total disregard which he evinced
for the counsels of his mother-in-law, produced on her part, notwith-
standing the intimacy of their relation, a conspiracy with the Ameirs
and leading men of the country, to remove him from authority; a de-
sign which was carried into execution without difficulty. It became,
however, expedient to represent, by an immediate deputation to Hû-
laukû Khaun, that the measure had been rendered indispensable, by
the total unworthiness and incapacity of the deposed prince, and by
the means which he had adopted to bring disorder and ruin upon the
affairs of the province. This, together with the consideration that
matters had already taken their course, induced the Eyle Khaun to
listen with favorable attention to the Khatûn's apology; at least, to
forbear from any manifest expression of displeasure at what had taken
place. The authority of Mahommed Shah terminated in the short
period of eight months.
Atabek SELJUK SHAH the son of Selgher Shah, eighth of the race
of Selgher, on the deposition of his brother, succeeded to the govern-
ment, likewise through the influence of Turkan Khatûn, whom he
immediately married. Being, however, a weak and inexperienced
youth, little inured to the trials and vicissitudes of life, although we
do not immediately perceive how this is to account for such early de-
pravity, he was led one night, during the fumes of intoxication, to
form the base design of destroying his benefactress; which, in one of
his mercenary and diabolical slaves, he found an instrument to carry
into immediate execution. The following day, when the guilty trans-
action became known to the public, two of the agents of Hûlaukû
Khaun, deputed to guard his interests in the government of Shirauz,
openly disapproved of the deed, and were put to death for the avowal.
430
ul-akhbanr.
A. H. 662-86. This daring outrage, on the part of the Atabek, brought upon him the
A. D 1264-87- speedy vengeance of the Tartar monarch; who immediately dispatched
Kholaussut one of his generals, of the name of Ultâjû, at the head of a powerful
army to chastise, and subvert the authority of the perpetrator. Sel-
jûk Shah had not the courage to abide the storm; but abandoning his
government, he withdrew on its approach towards the coast of the Ar-
abian, or sea of Omman. Thither he was, however, pursued by Ultâjû,
by whom he was overtaken and defeated in the neighborhood of Kau-
zerûn; in which place becoming a prisoner, he was in the six hundred
and sixty-second of the Hidjerah, by order of Hûlaukû, finally con-
demned to die ; being the last, in the male line, of the Atabeks of the
race of Selgher.
Of the Hazaur-
aspides, or Ata-
beks of Laris-
taun.
Atabek AEYSH, the daughter of Saud, son of Atabek Abû Buk-
ker, being the consort of Mangû Teymûr the son of Hûlaukû Khaum,
was, by the latter monarch, invested with the government of Farss,
on the execution of Seljûk Shah; and when it had been sufficiently
ascertained, that no one of the male line of the Atabeks appeared
worthy of the trust. She continued to preside at Shirauz to the day
of her death, in the six hundred and eighty-sixth of the Hidjerah; after
which none of the race of Selgher ever asserted any claim to the go-
vernment of this favorite domain.
IVth, of the Hazauraspides, or Atabeks of Laristaun.
At the period when Atabek Segher, or Sunkur the son of Moudûd,
in the year five hundred and forty-three,* had made himself paramount
in Farss, on the expulsion of Melek Shah of the race of Seljûk, as
was recently observed, he employed, under Abû Tâher the son of
Mahommed the Fuzlûian, a force to subjugate or take possession of
Laristaun. But that chief had no sooner accomplished the object of
the expedition, than he felt himself qualified to assume the title of
Atabek, and to declare himself independant in the province; and in
this his descendants followed his example.
Atabek Nussrut ud-dein HAZAURASP, the son of Abu Tâher, se-
cond of the A tabeks of Laristaun, as the eldest of his father's children,
succeeded to his authority; and having added to his possessions the
territory of Shoulistaun, (region of sands), he left the whole in undis-
puted sovereignty to his son.
* A. D. 1148,
431
Atabek TUKLAI, the son of Hazaurasp, third of the Atabeks of A. II. 655-87.
Laristaun.
A. D. 1257-88.
ul-akhbaur.
From the jealousies which might, however, naturally subsist between Kholaussut-
him and Atabek Saud the son of Zengui, of the race of Selgher, this
chief was thrice attacked in his government by the troops of that mon-
arch, and as often victorious in repelling the aggression. On the ex-
pedition against Baghdad,* Atabek Tuklah accompanied the army of
Hûlaukû Khaun; by whose directions he was particularly attached
to the Tomaun, or division of Keybûka Núyan. But, exciting the
suspicion of that conqueror, by some circumstance which implicated
his conduct ith respect to the unfortunate Mûstaussem, it was de-
termined to put him to death. Ile contrived, however, to protract
•
his fate for a short time, by escaping into Laristaun; but being closely
pursued by the Moghûl troops, he was soon overtaken, and, not long
afterwards atoned, with his blood for his supposed disaffection.
Atabek Shums-ud-dein Alep ARGHU, the son of Hazaurasp, fourth
of the Atabeks of Laristaun, became, on the death of his brother, in-
vested with the vacant government, by the instructions of Hulaukû;
and ruled with exemplary justice for a period of fifteen years.
Atabek YUSSUF SHAH, the son of Alep Arghû, fifth of the Atabeks
of Laristaun, succeeded on the demise of his father; subject to the
authority of Abaka Khaun. Being, however, in person a constant
attendant on the court of that monarch, the affairs of the province
were for the most part administered by his agents. He is said indeed
to have performed such acceptable and important services to Abaka,
as entitled him to a very distinguished share in his favor; and he re-
ceived in consequence from that prince a grant of the province of
Khûzistaun; which, together with Kohkeilûyah, the city of Ferouzan,
and Jermaudekan, was thus annexed to the territories already subor-
dinate to his controul. On the death of Abaka Khaun, he continued
his attendance in succession, upon Ahmed Khaun, and Arghûn Khaun;
whom he also served with distinguished and unabated zeal. Finally,
receiving towards the decline of life, the permission of this latter mon-
arch to make a journey into Laristaun, Atabek Yussuf was proceeding
* A. D. 1257.
432
A. H. 687-95. from thence on an expédition to Kohkeilûyah, when the occurrence
A. D. 1288-. of a fearful dream compelled him suddenly to return; and he died in a
Kholaussut very few days afterwards.
ul-aklıbaur.
Atabek AFRASIAUB, the son of Yussuf Shah, sixth of the Atabeks
of Laristaun, succeeded to his father, under the sanction of a decree
from Arghûn Khaun. However, while that prince was on his death
bed, Afrasiaub, through one of his uncle's sons, whom he employed
for the purpose, contrived to destroy the governor of Isfahaun, and to
seize upon the government of that city; and, when he had ascertained
that Arghûn Khaun had absolutely ceased to live, he proceeded without
further scruple, to nominate in his own behalf, agents and officers to
take possession of the other principal towns of Persian Irâk. He next
dispatched the son of Tuklah with a competent force to extend his
usurpations to Derbend of the Kerrahrûd; where his troops falling in
with some of the Moghûl detachments, they engaged and defeated them;
but, on entering the quarters of the Moghûls, proceeding to indulge them-
selves in every species of debauchery, and irregularity, they were in
turn assailed by the enemy, animated by the desire of vengeance; who
came upon them unexpectedly, and cut them to pieces in the midst
of their undisciplined excesses.
On the other hand, apprized of these ambitious undertakings, Kůn-
jaytû Sûltan, the successor of Arghân Khaun, dispatched a body of
ten thousand horse under Tûlaudài Nûyan, to restrain and punish the
usurpation of the Atabek; who was ultimately taken prisoner in a bat-
tle with that commander, and conveyed to the presence of kûnjaytû.
He was, however, pardoned through the intercession of some of the
ladies of the imperial family, and possibly from a recollection of the
faithful services of his father. But on his enlargement and return into
Laristaun, proceeding without a cause to put to death his kinsman
Kuzzul, and several other Ameirs, the guilt of innocent blood did not
fail to pursue him; and he accordingly perished by the sword of the
avenger, through the medium of Serkedauk Nûyan, one of the Mog-
hûl generals, in the subsequent reign of Ghazan Khaun, about the
six hundred and ninety-fifth of the Hidjerah.
Atabek Nussrut-ud-dein AHMED, the son of Alep Arghû, seventh
of the Atabeks of Laristaun.
433
A. D. 1296-1339;
Kholaussut-
This prince was raised to his government by command of Ghâzan A. H. 695-740.
Khaun; and by the influence of a just and virtuous administration re-
moved from his people, in a great measure, the smart of their recent
sufferings. He died in the seven hundred and thirty-third of the Hid-
jerah, after a long and prosperous reign of eight and thirty years.
Atabek Rokken-ud-dein YUSSUF SHAH, the second, son of Ahmed,
eighth of the Atabeks of Laristaun, succeeded on the death of his fa-
ther; after whom he governed, with equal justice and liberality, for a
period of six years. He died in the former Jummaudy, of the seven
hundred and fortieth of the Hidjerah.*
Atabek Mûzuffur-ud-dein AFRASIAUB the second, the son of Yûs-
suf Shah, ninth and last of the Atabeks of Laristaun; of whom nothing
further is mentioned, than, that after exercising the functions of au-
thority for a limited period, he also passed, like his predecessors, to
another and unknown state of existence. "On that world which
sprung from nothing, and which terminates in death, it would in-
"deed," observes the author, "be egregious folly to build the expecta-
"tion either of stability, or perpetuity."
66
Of the dinasties, of which it was proposed to include an account in
the present chapter, there still remain four to complete the narration ;
but as the circumstantial detail, even reduced to its utmost brevity,
would occupy the place of far more important matter, to which the
remainder of this volume must necessarily be devoted, the reader is
intreated to be satisfied with the subjoined list of successions, in the
several branches to which we have here adverted.
Ist, of the Karakhatayans in Kermaun.
ul-akhbaur.
Of the Kermau-
nian karakbat-
Of these the first who aspired and established his claims, to in-
dependent power, was the BORAUK IIAUJEB, formerly mentioned ;
who made himself master of the province of Kermaun by the defeat of
Abûl Kaussem Zûzeny, in the six hundred and nineteenth of the Hid-
jerah; obtained from Oukdài, or Octâi Kaun, the title of Kütlûgh ayans.
Khaun; and maintained his authority, with distinguished reputation,
until the twentieth of Zilkaudah, of the year six hundred and thirty-
two, when he died, after a reign of about fourteen years.
* November, A. D, 1339.
+ Fifth of August, A. D. 1235,
VOL. II.
3 к
434
ul-akhbaur.
*
A. H. 633-81. Sultan Rokken-ud-dein KHAUJAH HUKK, the son of Borauk Hau-
A. D. 1236-82. jeb, was absent at the period of his father's death, with the court of
Kholaussut Oukdâi Kaun; but obtaining from that great monarch a patent for the
government of Kermaun, he returned without delay to take possession
of his inheritance, and entered the capital of the province on the
twenty-sixth of Shabaun, of the year six hundred and thirty three;
his couzin german Kûtb-ud-dein Mahommed, who had obtruded him-
self into the government, retiring on his approach. Nevertheless, after
reigning with considerable prosperity for a period of fifteen years, he
was after all, by the injunction of Mangû Khaun, placed at the dispo-
sal of the same Kûth-ud-dein, by whom he was put to death.
Sultan Kûtb-ud-dein MAHOMMED, the son of Khemeir Taynkû,
assumed the government of Kermaun, in the middle of Shavaul of the
six hundred and fiftieth, and reigned with great happiness to his sub-
jects, until Ramzaun of the six hundred and fifty-fifth of the Hidjerah,†
the period of his death.
Although he left two sons, the government was conferred, on the
death of Kutb-ud-dein, on his widow Kûtlûgh Türkan, whose daugh-
ter was married to Abaka Khaun. The royal title was, however, nomi-
nally bestowed upon Hejauje Sûltan, one of the sons of the late
prince. But, on attaining to years of discretion, the young Sûltan
proceeding to treat his mother with indignity, and in one of his carous-
als, proposing to her to dance before him, the insulted princess justly
took offence, and withdrew to the court of Abaka. The Sultan not
a little terrified on his part, fled shortly afterwards into Hindûstaun.
At the expiration of ten years, followed by a considerable army raised
for his assistance by the princes of India, he was returning to recover
his inheritance; when he died on the march, in the month of Zilhudje,
of the six hundred and seventieth of the 1idjerah.
Sultan Jullaul-ud-dein SE YURGHETMESH, the son of Kûtb-ud-
dein Mahommed, solicited and obtained from Sultan Ahmed Khaun,
a patent for the province of Kermaun, and for the removal of Kûtligh
Tûrkan; and some time in the six hundred and eighty-first of the
Hidjerah, entered the capital and took possession of his government.
Kûtlûgh Tûrkan died of grief at Tebreiz in the course of the succeed-
+ September, A. D. 1257.
* Fourth of May, A. D. 1236.
435
ul-akhbaur.
ing summer, having held the nominal sovereignty of Kermaun for a A. H. 691-701.
period of six and twenty years. In six hundred and ninety-one Sûl- A. D.1292-1301.
tan Seyûrghetmesh was himself displaced, in favor of his sister Pad- Kholaussut-
shah Khâtûn, under the authority of Kûnjâitû Sultan, and confined
to the castle of Kermaun. He contrived, however, in the course of a
few days to make his escape; but, through the influence of his evil
destiny, falling again into the hands of his sister, he was inhumanly
put to death by her orders, in the six hundred and ninety-third of the
Hidjerah. He is spoken of as a just, prudent, and intelligent prince,
whose government was a model of propriety and regularity.
Seffûet-ud-dein PADSHAH KHATUN, the daughter of Kûtb-ud-
dein Mahommed, notwithstanding her cruelty to her brother, is des-
cribed as a just and accomplished princess, equally distinguished for
the beauties of her person, for the benevolence and purity of her dis-
position, and for her singular and extraordinary talents in every res-
pect. On the accession of Baydû Khaun, who succeeded to Kûnjâi-
tû, about the six hundred and ninety-fourth of the Hidjerah, and who
was married to Shah Allum the daughter of Seyûrghetmesh, the prin-
cess Padshah Khâtûn began with good reason to entertain apprehen-
sions of a sudden and gloomy reverse; and the widow of her brother,
with her dependents, escaping about the same time from Kermaun,
soon collected a numerous force, with which she returned and laid
siege to the capital. In a few days Padshah Khâtûn resigned herself
to her fate, and throwing open the gates of the capital to her besiegers,
she was by them imprisoned; and shortly afterwards, in Shabaun of
the six hundred and ninety-fourth of the Hidjerah, put to death by
order of Baydû Khaun; thus, by a just retribution, being compelled to
taste of the same bitter draught which she had so cruelly administered
to her unfortunate brother.
Sultan Jullaul-ud-dein MAHOMMED SHAH the son of Hejauje Sûl-
tan, was invested with the government, under the authority of Gház-
an haun, in Zilhudje of the six hundred and ninety-fourth of the
Hidjerah; and he died in the year seven hundred and one, at the age
of twenty-nine, in consequence of a fever contracted by debauch.
Kûtb-ud-dein SHAH JAHAUN the son of Seyürghetmesh, last of the
Kârakhatayans, assumed the government on the death of Mahomed
3 K 3
436
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 701-41. SHAH, under a grant from Ghâzan Khaun; but on the accession of
A. D. 1301-40. Uljàitû Sûltan, in consequence of some former grudge, he was de-
Kholaussut posed from his authority by that monarch. Shahjahaun withdrew
upon this to Shirauz, where, though calmly resigned to his destiny,
his merit rose superior to his fortune, and acquired for him yet some
share of power.
He left a daughter of the name of Khaun Kûtlûk,
who became the wife of Ameir Mahommed Mûzuffur, and the mother
of the princes Shah Shûjia, Shah Mahmûd, and Sultan Ahmed, of
Shirauz and Farss. On the removal of Shahjahaun, in short, the pro-
vince of Kermaun was assigned to the Jengueizian Ameirs in succes-
sion, until the seven hundred and forty-first of the Hidjerah; when it
was permanently transferred to the same Ameir Mahommed Mûzuffer,
of whom immediately.
IId, of the race of Mûzuffur.
Gheyauth-ud-dein Hâjy Khorassauny the founder of this family, is
stated to have been a native of Khawauf, who, on the irruption of the
Moghûls under Jengueiz, retired to Yezd, in the adjoining angle of
the province of Farrs. He had three sons, Abû Bukker, Mahommed,
and Munsûr. Of the two former of these, who engaged in the service of
Alla-ud-doulah the governor of Yezd, there remained no posterity;
but Munsûr, who continued with his father, had three sons, Mahom-
Of the race of med, Ally, and Mûzuffur; the latter, though youngest of the brothers,
becoming renowned beyond his compeers in the achievements of the
field of battle. After long wandering, without a settlement, through
different parts of Irâk Ajem, this warlike adventurer repaired at last
to the court of Arghûn Khaun; by whom, in consequence of his singu-
lar accomplishments of person and mind, he was early advanced to the
rank of Yessawul, or silver stick.
Muzuffur.
On the accession of Kûnjaytû, the fortune of Ameir Mûzuffur con-
tinued to be advanced, until by the time that Ghâzan Khaun ascended
the throne of Hûlaukû, he was of sufficient eminence to receive from
that monarch the government of Hazaurah, with the distinction of
the standard and kettle-drum. On the death of Ghâzan Khaun, he
became still further promoted under the auspices of Uljâitû, being at
the same time entrusted with the protection of the roads from Aber-
koh, Herât, and Merû, and with the government of Meybûd; at which
437
j
{
latter place, when he was not in attendance on the person of his so- A. H. 713-36.
vereign, he now generally resided, until the period of his death, in the A. D. 1313-35.
seven hundred and thirteenth of the Hidjerah.
He left an only son, Mûbaurez-ud-dein MAHOMMED, who hast-
ened on the death of his father to the presence of Uljâitû Sûltan; by
whom he was immediately invested with all the honors and appoint-
ments of the departed Mûzuffur. He continued at court for a period
of four years, at the expiration of which he was permitted to repair to
his government of Meybûd, by Sûltan Abû Sâeid, who then filled the
throne. In the seven hundred and nineteenth of the Hidjerah, he ap-
peared however again in the court of Abû Sâeid, from whom, in addi-
tion to his former dignities, he now received the government of Yezd.
In the course of the same year, with not more than eight of his brav-
est followers, he was engaged in a perilous conflict with the Nikòdri-
ans, a ferocious banditti who then infested the roads of Khorassaun; in
which no less than seventy arrows were lodged in different parts of his
armour. He escaped, however, otherwise uninjured, after defeating the
banditti, whose chief he captured, and conveyed in a cage, together
with the heads of several of his associates, to the camp of Abû Sâeid.
In the seven hundred and twenty-ninth* of the Hidjerah, as re-
cently intimated, Ameir Mnbaurez-ud-dein Mahommed, was united
in wedlock to Khaun Kutluk the daughter of Shahjahaun the exiled
chief of Kermaun. And in seven hundred and thirty four he again vi-
sited the court of Abu Sâeid, being on the occasion accompanied by
his son Shah Shurf-ud-dein Muzuffur, and experiencing from the suc-
cessor of Hulauku the most favorable reception. In the course of the
same year he attended Abu Sâeid to Baghdâd, and availed himself of
the opportunity to visit the tomb of Ally at Nudjef. He returned
shortly afterwards to Yezd.
The turbulent and ambitious having availed themselves, on the
death of Sûltan Abû Sâcid, in the seven hundred and thirty-sixth of
the Hidjerah,† of an opportunity to divide the empire, the whole pro-
vince of Farss was taken possession of, during the confusion, by Ameir
Mussaoud Shah the son of Mahmûd Shah Aynjû; Ameir Shaikh Abû
* A. D. 1329.
†A. D. 1335.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
438
ul-akhbanr.
A. H. 736-41. Ishauck, celebrated for the liberality of his disposition and the benig-
A. D. 1335-40. nity of his manners, proceeding immediately towards Yezd. He was,
Kholaussut however, met at some distance from that place by Ameir Mahommed,
by whose hospitable and conciliatory demeanor, he was for the present
diverted from any hostile design. But when, after a few days resi
dence in the neighborhood of Yezd, Ameir Abû Ishauck had proceed-
ed some distance on his march towards Kermaun, he suddenly re-
turned towards the former place; and Ameir Mahommed found him-
self now constrained to quit the city with the determination to give
him battle. Before matters had, however, been carried to the last ex-
tremity, an accommodation was arranged between these hostile chiefs
through the mediation of Shaikh Ally Amran, a celebrated Peir, or
Mahommedan saint, of that age.
In the seven hundred and fortieth of the Hidjerah, Ameir Mahom-
med associated with Ameir Peir Husseyne Tchoubauny in the design
of reducing Shirauz. On the arrival of the invaders at Istak hâr, about
forty miles from his capital, Ameir Mûssàoud Shah retired towards
Kauzerûn, whither he was immediately pursued by Ameir Mahom-
med; but the enemy entirely dispersing on his approach, the latter
returned without delay to rejoin Ameir Hûsseyne in the siege of
Shirauz; which, after a defence of some duration, was ultimately per-
mitted to capitulate, through the interposition of Kauzy Mejid-ud-dein
Ismâily, another very learned religionist of those times. Ameir Peir
Husseyne now made his entry into Shirauz in great triumph, assign-
ing to Ameir Mahommed the government of Kermaun; of which, in
Mohurrim, of the year seven hundred and forty-one,* he accordingly
*he
proceeded to take possession. He was received into the capital of the
province without opposition, Mêlek Kûtb-ud-dein Neikrouz, the go-
vernor, having fled at his approach towards Herât; but imprudently
dispersing his troops into separate and distant quarters, in order to
afford relief to the inhabitants, intelligence of the circumstance was
conveyed to Neikrouz; who prevailed upon Ameir Daoud the licu-
tenant of Herât, after he had resided for some time under his protec-
tion, to assist him in the recovery of his government. The fugitive
* July, A. D. 1340,
439
ul-akhbaur.
governor, accompanied by Ameir Dâoud, at the head of a body of A. H. 741-42.
Ghourians, arrived, by stolen marches, within, four farsangs of Ker- A. D 1340-41.
maun, before Ameir Mahommed was apprized of his danger. The Kholaussut-
latter, destitute of troops for his defence, quitted the city in the dead
of the night, and withdrew to a station on the frontier, until he could
assemble a force to make head against the enemy; Neikrouz with his
ally the lieutenant of Herât, entering Kermaun the ensuing day, and
proceeding without molestation to re-establish the government. But
Ameir Mahommed, having in a short time re-assembled a sufficient
force for the undertaking, and being further joined by a division of
the troops of Peir Hûsseyne, proceeded to carry fire and sword to
the gates of the city, and as speedily reduced it a second time, and
restored his authority throughout the country. Soon afterwards he
completed the subjugation of the province by the capture of the for-
tress of Bemm, or Bamm; which was, after a gallant resistance, and
several conflicts under the walls, ultimately surrendered to his mercy
by its then possessor Shûjia-ud-dein. This unfortunate chief exper-
ienced at first a kind reception from his conqueror, but exhibiting
some fresh proofs of hostility, he was finally put to death.
The harmony which had for some time subsisted between Ameir
Mahommed, and Peir Hûsseyne Tchoubauny was destined, through
the arts of the evil disposed, to terminate in the course of the seven
hundred and forty second of the Hidjerah; but as Peir Husseyne was
compelled soon afterwards, by the disaffection of some of his principal
followers, to withdraw to Tebreiz, to solicit the assistance of Ameir
Peir Hussun Kotchek, he was there basely poisoned by the hand from
which he sought relief. Irak Ajem, with Shirauz, upon this, fell
once more into the hands of Ameir Mûssaoud Shah; who now hast-
ened from Baghdad, and was quietly re-instated in the possession of his
capital. Endeavoring, however, to redress the inhabitants against some
excesses committed before his arrival, by Ameir Yaughy Pausty,
that chief took offence, and availed himself of the first opportunity to
put his superior to death. Ameir Shaikh Abù Ishauck was enabled
however, with the assistance of the people of Shirauz, to attack and
expel the murderer, and to assume the government in his own name.
440
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 745-47. Subsequent to these events, Kermaun was twice invaded by the
A. D. 1344-46. same Ameir Abû Ishauck, once in seven hundred and forty-five, and
Kholaussut- a second time in the seven hundred and forty-seventh of the Hidjerah;
on both which occasions the invader, after committing horrible devast-
ation, was, however, compelled to return without deriving any per-"
manent advantage. But in the course of the latter year, the Moghûts
of Jermaun and Oughaun, who had been called in, at the request of
Seyûrghetmesh the Karakhatayan, in the time of Arghûn Khaun, to
protect the roads in the neighborhood of the province, beginning to
exhibit some symptoms of a refractory disposition, Ameir Mahommed
was under the necessity of leading his troops against them; and be-
ing defeated by them, in a battle which took place in the desert of
Khawin, and forced to retire before them towards Kermaun, Ameir
Abû Ishauck, on intelligence of the disaster, and in defiance of recent
engagements, proceeded to the attack of Yezd; of which, in conse-
quence of the absence of Shah Shurf-ud-dein, at this period in attend-
ance upon his father, he obtained possession. Shah Shurf-ud-dein,
hastened upon this to the defence of Meybûd, the cradle and retreat
of his family, which Abû Ishauck had also dispatched a force to seize
upon. Shah Shurf-ud-dein succeeded in anticipating the design, and
in defeating the troops employed to carry it into execution. Abû Is-
hauck now appeared in person before Meybûd: but discovering in the
course of a few days' hostilities, that he had inadvertently engaged
in an enterprize full of danger and difficulty, he ventured to propose
a personal interview with Shah Shurf-ud-dein Mûzuffur, at which an
accommodation was readily agreed to on the part of the latter. Abû
Ishauck returned without further delay to Yezd; where, finding that
Sultan Shah Jandaur, whom he had employed to assist the Jermaun-
ian and Oughan, or perhaps Avghan tribes, had made but a discourag-
ing progress in his operations against Ameir Mahommed, he had re-
course to the mediation of two respectable and disinterested individu-
als, of their common faith, to bring about another treaty of peace; on
the conclusion of which, he once more withdrew to Shirauz.
The chiefs of the two hostile tribes now claimed the protection of
Ameir Mahommed, who consented to overlook their recent transgres-
sions, and otherwise treated them with extraordinary liberality,
441
Nevertheless, renewed provocations on the part of these untractable A. H. 749-54.
and ferocious banditti soon led him to seek their entire extirpation; A. D. 13-48-53.
which, by the destruction of their leaders, he shortly afterwards ac-
complished.
In the seven hundred and forty-ninth* of the Hidjerah, Ameir Abû
Ishauck, through an invasion of the territory of that prince, by a force
under Sultan Shah Jandanr, again violated his engagements with Ameir
Mahommed Mûzuffur; but disgusted with these repeated instances
of bad faith on the part of his employer, Sultan Shah now determined at
once to go over to his adversary; among whose most distinguished
officers, he became immediately enrolled. Two years afterwards,
about the seven hundred and fifty-first of the IIidjerah, Abû Ishauck
proceeded, notwithstanding, once more to form the siege of Yezd; but
after consuming much fruitless labour and exertion before the place,
he was this time compelled to return to Shirauz, covered with disa-
pointment. In seven hundred and forty-three, he appears to have
made his final effort for the subjugation of Kermaun, against which he
directed a powerful army under one of his most distinguished generals.
Ameir Mahomined, accompanied by his sons and noblest adherents,
hastened to oppose the invaders, with whom he came to an action at
a place called Punjangusht; and there, through the distinguished
prowess and activity of his two sons, Shah Mûzuffur, and Shah Shû-
jiah, he totally defeated the troops of his adversary.
These repeated aggressions, Ameir Mahommed, in the early part of
seven hundred and fifty-four, determined to retaliate by the final re-
duction of Shirauz; which, after a fruitless attempt at an accommo-
dation on the part of his rival, (who declined a battle on his approach,
and threw himself into his capital) he at length invested. During the
siege, which he prosecuted with extraordinary vigor for many months,
he was himself attacked by a severe indisposition; but, he experienced
a still more grievous affliction in the loss of his eldest son, Shah Shurf-
ud-dein Mûzuffur, who died in the former Juminaudy of this year, in
the flower of life. He continued, however, to carry on his attacks
without remission, and without exhibiting any outward mark of sor-
row, until the third day of Shavaul,† when he made a general assault
↑ October 29th, A. D. 1353.
VOL. 11.
*A. D. 1348,
S L
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
4.12
nl-aklıbaur.
-
A. II. 754-5. upon the town; into which, by a previous arrangement, he was ad-
A. D. 1353-4. mitted through the Mûristaun gate, by Kullû Nasser-ud-dein Omar,
Kholaussut the provost, or warden, of that quarter of the city. Such at the same
time, is described to have been the state of insensibility to which Abû
Ishauck had reduced himself by frequent debauch, that he could not
be immediately persuaded, that the alarm which reached his cars was
occasioned by the presence of his adversary; of whom he spoke with a
contempt which evinced the blindest fatuity. He was, however, not
suffered to be long dubious of the truth; and he fled, crest fallen and
dismayed, towards the Shoulistaun, or sandy region, on the sea coast
of Mekraun;* while his triumphant rival procceded at leisure to es-
tablish his power, and to assume the royal authority in the metropolis
of Suliman; a title by which the fair city of Shirauz has been some-
times dignified by the orientals. In the mean time, the extruded chief
continued his retreat through the Shoulestaun to Kellaseffaid, the
white fortress, and from thence dispatched to solicit the aid of Ameir
Shaikh Hussun the Eylekliaunian, at Baghdad. From that prince he
received, accordingly, a reinforcement of ten thousand horse, with
which, and some other troops whom he contrived to re-assemble, he
now returned towards Shirauz. But Shah Shujia, at the instance of
his father, hastening to oppose him, his followers dispersed without
coming to action; and the unfortunate prince, thus abandoned to his
destiny, and accompanied by a few only of his most faithful friends,
took the road towards Isfahaun. Shah Shûjia on returning to Shir-
auz on this occasion, was invested by his father, with the government
of Kermaun, to which he repaired shortly afterwards.
Leaving his sister's son, Shah Sûltan, in the government of Shirauz,
Ameir Mahommed Mûzuffur proceeded, in the seven hundred and
fifty-fifth of the Hidjerali to invade Irâk Ajem, being joined at the
station called the yellow palace, by his son Shah Shajia from Kermaun.
At this place, intelligence being, however, conveyed to him, that Eye-
temûr, at the head of a division of the adherents of Abû Ishauck, was
advancing from the Shoulistaun towards Shirauz, Shah Shûjia was ne-
* From what follows, it may, notwithstanding, apply to the rocky territory north west of
Shirauz.
· A. D. 1354.
443
ul-akhbaur.
cessarily dispatched to avert the danger from that quarter; but on his A. II. 755-57.
march, being joined by Shah Sultan the governor of Shirauz, he learnt A. D. 1354-56.
from him that the enemy were already in possession of the city, and had Kholanssut-
set fire to the quarter of the Mûrestaun. Shah Shujia on this intel-
ligence hastened his march; and, breaking unexpectedly into the town,
cut to pieces both Eyetemûr and his followers, and the whole of those
who had joined his standard; of whom not one escaped to describe the
unlooked for catastrophe.
In the mean time, Ameir Mahommed conducted his troops to the
gates of Isfahaun, of which he immediately formed the siege ;* but the
defence being protracted beyond his expectations, and his army evinc-
ing, moreover, a disposition to be refractory, he was compelled for the
present to forego the design, and return to Shirauz.
About two years afterwards, in the seven hundred and fifty-seventh
of the Hidjeran, he was, however, enabled to resume the siege; but,
the rigor of the cold season supervening, he consigned the prosecution
of the enterprize, after some months, to his nephew, Shah Sultan,
recently mentioned, and removed to a milder climate. Shah Sûltan
exerted his utmost resources and activity, to make himself master of
the town, and, in the course of the succeeding spring, he found himself
in possession of his object. In these appalling circumstances, per-
ceiving himself shut out from every hope of deliverance by the reduc-
tion of his capital, Ameir Shaikh Abû Ishauk Eynjû determined to fly
for sanctuary to Moulana Asseil-ud-dein, the Shaikh-ul-Islaum, or
patriarch of the province; but as Shah Sultan, utterly unmindful of
the multiplied obligations under which he stood to the unfortunate
prince for former favors, had dispersed his emissaries in every direc-
tion to discover his retreat, it also occurred to the Moulana, that they
must ultimately come upon their object; and he therefore did not
scruple to acquaint Shah Sultan with the abode of his victim. The
Sultan, with ungenerous zeal, immediately sent to seize the person of
the unhappy Ameir; who, together with one hundred of his most ob-
noxious adherents, was now conveyed towards Shirauz. The guards:
*During the siege Ameir Mahommed is said to have acknowledged the authority of Abù
Bukker of the race of Abbas, who had proclaimed himself, in Egypt, the successor to the
Khalifs, with the title of Ul Miatezzed Billah.
3 L 3
444
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 758-9. entrusted with the care of his person, conducted Abû Ishauck by un-
A. D. 1357-8. known roads, to the open space, or esplanade, before the gate of Istakh-
aur, where Ameir Mahommed, with the Ulemas, Kauzies, and prin-
cipal inhabitants, awaited his arrival. And, here the devoted captive
being interrogated by Ameir Mahommed as to his conduct in the death
of a certain Ameir Hadje Zoraub, and acknowledging without reserve
in his reply, that this person had suffered by his orders, was immedi-
ately delivered over to the sons of the same Zoraub, to atone with his
blood for the death of their father. The youngest of these struck off his
head on the spot, with a single stroke of his scimitar. This event,
which was regretted by multitudes of people, took place in the latter
part of the former Jummaudy of the seven hundred and fifty-eighth of
the Hidjerah.*
In the course of seven hundred and fifty-nine, Ameir Mahommed pro-
ceeded to Isfahaun, in order to prepare the equipments of an expedition,
which he had in contemplation, against the province of Azerbayjaun;
and was received, on his arrival in the neighborhood, by Shah Sultan,
at the head of the most distinguished inhabitants, who had hastened to
meet, and who now conducted him into the metropolis of Irâk, with every
possible demonstration of respect. Unfortunately, in consequence of his
indefatigable zeal and eminent personal services, particularly in exploring
the retreat, and relieving him from his apprehensions of an enemy so
formidable as Abû Ishauck, Shah Sultan had been led to indulge expecta-
tions of favor, on the part of Ameir Mahommed, which it might have
been difficult to realize. The reception which he experienced was,
however, equally cold and mortifying to his hopes. IIe proceeded
He
notwithstanding, to provide a most magnificent entertainment, to which
he invited his uncle. On entering the banqueting room, the eyes of
the old chief, however, no sooner fell on the costliness and splendor of
the arrangements, than he gave a signal to his attendants to seize on,
and appropriate to themselves, the whole of what had been thus collected
at a vast expence to do him particular honor; after which, and having
spoken to his nephew in language peculiarly acrimonious and severe,
he abruptly quitted the apartment. Treatment apparently so unmer-
May A. D. 1357.
1
445
:
ul-akhbaur.
ited and injurious, deeply implanted in the bosom of the Sultan, that A. II. 759.
animosity, which, at the proper period, did not fail to display its effects. A. D. 1353,
These ebullitions of jealousy, or ill temper, did not, however, divert Kholaussut-
Ameir Mahommed from the object which had brought him into Irâk.
With twelve thousand chosen horse, the flower of that country, of
Laristaun, and Parss, he advanced in due time towards Azerbayjaun;
Aukhy Jouk the governor of the province, at the head of a superior
force of thirty thousand men, at the same time hastening to oppose him.
At a place called Meyan Guerdan, these hostile armies came to a bat-
tle, in which, after a severe and obstinate conflict, Ameir Mahommed
was ultimately victorious, his two sons, Shah Shûjia and Shah Mah-
mûd pursuing the vanquished all the way to Nakhtchûan: where, for
the space of three days, they celebrated their victory, by every species
of festivity and recreation, and then returned to rejoin their father.
On this occasion, they were destined to experience from him, a treat-
ment similar to that by which he had already alienated the attachment
of Shah Sultan ; and he completed the measure of their grievances by
unjustly ascribing to Shah Yaheya the whole merit of his recent vic-
tory,
which determined them to watch an opportunity of revenge.
At the expiration of two months, during which he continued at Teb-
reiz, he received intelligence that Sultan Aweiss the Eylekhaunian
was advancing froin Baghdâd, to recover the capital of Azerbayjaun ;
and his astrologers having long since taught him that he was destined
to experience some grievous calamity, from a warrior tall in stature,
with the features and complexion of a Tartar, he all at once discovered
in Sultan Aweiss, the object of his apprehensions, and suddenly with-
drew towards Isfahaun. During his retreat, his behavior towards his
sons became every day still more aggravating. He would menace
them at one time with the loss of sight, at another with death; and on
some occasions, observes our author, he would condescend to address
them in language that would disgrace the lips of a camel driver.
Under these circumstances of perpetual irritation, Shah Shûjia and
Shah Mahmûd, both finally determined on seizing the person of the old
prince; and, for that purpose entered into immediate consultation
with their kinsman, Shah Sultan; who availed himself of the oppor-
tunity to apprize them, that their father had already formed the design
446
Kh laussut-
A. H. 760. of shutting them up in a prison, and ofraising Sûltan Abû Yezzeid to the
A. D. 1359. throne of Iråk, reserving to himself the command of the armies. And
upon this, a plan was concerted between the three malcontent princes,
to seize and immure the person of the old monarch, immediately on
their arrival at Isfahaun.
ul-akhbaur.
Some time had, however, been suffered to elapse after their return
to that city, when, one night, Shah Sultan appeared unexpectedly at
the residence of Shah Shûjia, alone and on foot, and urgently intreated
that he might be allowed to make his escape without delay; since he
had that moment discovered that the whole of their designs had been
betrayed to Ameir Mahommed; and which, if true, it was impossible
that they should be suffered to outlive the ensuing morrow. Shah
Shûjia made some effort to appease his apprehensions'; but it was
finally resolved to set them effectually at rest, by seizing the person
of Ameir Mahommed the very next morning. Accordingly, the three
princes proceeded together early in the forenoon of the following day,
to carry their design into execution. Ameir Mahommed happened at
the moment of their approach to be employed in reading his Korân,
in one of the Bâlakhânahs, or balconies, of the palace. Shah Mahmûd
remained at the outward gate, to occupy the attention of the servants
of the court; Shah Shujia, with some of the most resolute of his fol-
lowers, took post at the foot of the stair-case; while Mûssaufer Bou-
datchei, with six of the boldest conspirators, ascended to the presence
of the old chief, who demanded with some surprise where they had
been to? They evaded the question by beginning to state that Shah
Shujia had not the means of defraying his most necessary expences; and
Ameir Mahommed upon this, laying his hand upon his sword, with
an air of displeasure, Mûssaufer immediately threw himself upon him.
The old monarch rose, however, and defended himself with consider-
able activity and presence of mind, until overpowered by the united
strength of the six other conspirators; who at last succeeded in secur-
ing his person, and forcing him into the interior of the palace, where
he continued to give vent to his rage, without ceasing, and in the
most violent language, until sunset. He was sent off the same night
towards the castle of Tabarek, where, on the nineteenth of Ramzaun
447
of the seven hundred and sixtieth of the Hidjerah,* he was finally A. II. 760-65.
deprived of sight by his offended kinsman Shah Sultan.
A
Shah Shujia now publicly assumed the royal authority; and repair-
ing to Shirauz, from thence dispatched orders to remove his father
from Tabarek, to Kella seffeid, in the mountains north of Nobundejan.
When he had, however, remained in confinement at that place for about
two months, the Shah zadahs became ashamed of their unnatural
conduct; and opening a correspondence with their insulted parent,
sought to conciliate his forgiveness, by every method they could devise.
An accommodation was at last arranged, by which it was finally agreed
that the old prince should return to Shirauz, and be restored to the
royal authority; Shah Shujia engaging at the same time to take no
step in the government, without the concurrence of his father. Ameir
Mahommed upon this hastened once more to Shirauz; where he found
every stipulation punctually adhered to by Shah Shûjia. But, when
matters had proceeded in this train for a little while, Ameir Mahom-
med unfortunately suffered himself to be prevailed upon, by the sug-
gestions of the evil disposed, to adopt a plan for seizing the person of
Shah Shujia, and for raising Sûltan Abû Yezzeid to the royal dignity;
while the superintendance of the armies should be transferred to Shah-
Yaheya. Shah Shujia receiving, however, intimation of the design,
contrived to elude the snare, by cutting off the whole of his adversa-
ries, before they had an opportunity of carrying their plans into exe-
Ameir Mahommed was now banished to the Gurrumseyr,
the country below the mountains, towards the sea coast, probably so
called from the excessive heat of the climate. Here he fell into a state
of ill health, under which, when he had continued to linger for some
time, Shah Shujia, in the expectation that he might be relieved by the
change, directed him to be removed to the fortress of Bamm, in Ker-
The old monarch derived, however, but little benefit from
the removal; and breathed his last at the close of the latter Rebbeia of
the seven hundred and sixty fifth of the Hidjerah;* precisely fifty-two
years after the death of his father. His remains were conveyed to
Meyhûd, the early abode of the family; where they were committed to
+ February, 1364.
cution.
maun.
*August 12th, A. D. 1359.
A. D. 1359-6-4.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
448
A. H. 765-95. the grave in the edifice called the college of Mûzufriah, possibly erected
A. D. 1364-93. by Ameir Mûzuffur.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
Jullaul-ud-dein SHAH SHUJIA had, as we have seen, exercised
the royal authority for some years previous to the death of his father;
and he died on Sunday night, the twenty-second of Shabaun of the
seven hundred and eighty-sixth of the Hidjerah,* after a splendid, but
turbulent reign, of five and twenty years and two months. He is des-
cribed to have surpassed his contemporaries in every virtue, and every
accomplishment that could secure the respect and admiration of man-
kind; but the limits of our plan have necessarily precluded our en-
tering into a relation of the contest, which was long protracted between
him and his brother Shah Mahmûd, supported by the troops of Sûltan
Aweiss the Eylekhaunian, monarch of Baghdad, and which ultimately
terminated, notwithstanding, in favor of Shah Shûjia. At his death he
is said, in a most eloquent letter to have recommended his children to
the protection of Teymûr.
Sultan Mûjauhed-ud-dein ZEYNE-UL-AUBBEDEIN, the son of Shah
Shûjia, succeeded to the throne of Shirauz; but, his father's recommen-
dation was not sufficient to protect him from being expelled his do-
minions by Teymûr; in the vortex of whose tremendous career we find
ourselves thus insensibly engaged, in the seven hundred and eighty
ninth of the Hidjerah.
SHAH MUNSUR, the son of Shah Mûzuffur, and nephew of Shah
Shujia, on the retreat of Teymûr, in order to suppress the rebellion
of Touktemesh Khaun of Keptchauk, in the course of the seven hun-
dred and ninetieth of the Hidjerah, advanced from Shûshter, and
took possession of the government of Shirauz. But, on the fourteenth
of the former Jummaudy of the year seven hundred and ninety five,†
after exhibiting proofs of unparalleled valour, he was killed in an ob-
stinate battle, in which he dared to oppose his person to that of the
conqueror of the oriental world. He has been celebrated by the pen
of Hauffez, who hailed his accession in some lines, of which the fol-
lowing couplet is said to have been the exordium.
"Lo royal Munsûr's victor flag dis played,"
"The joy of promised triumphs to the stars conveyed!"
* October 8th, A. D. 1384. 26th of March, A. D. 1393.
449
ul-akhbaur,
The poet's enthusiastic vision was, however, as we have just seen, a. II. 795.
deplorably reversed in the sequel; and on the tenth of Rudjub, of the A. D. 1393.
same year, the whole of the race of Mûzuffur, (with the exception of Kholaussut-
Sultan Zeyne-ul-aubbedein and his brother, the sons of Shah Shujia
both deprived of sight, and transported beyond the Oxus) was extin-
guished in all its branches by thee xterminating vengeance of TEYMUR;
when it had subsisted, in considerable splendor, reckoning from the
time at which the government of Meybûd was conferred on Ameir
Mûzuffur, possibly about the seven hundred and fifth of the Hidjerah,
for a period of about ninety years.
IIId of the Serbedaurians, in Subbuzwaur.
Respecting the origin of this race, the author proceeds to inform us
that there lived, in the village of Bashtein depended on Bahik, in the
western quarter of Khorassaun, a person of some distinction, of the
name and title of Shahaub-ud-dein Fuzzulûllah, who had five sons, of the Ser-
whose names were as follows; Amein-ud-dein, Abdurrez auk, We- bedarians.
jeiah-ud-dein Mussâoud, Nusserûllah, and Shums-ud-dein. Of these
the two former became, by their distinguished gallantry, of considerable
eminence in the favor of Sultan Abû Sâeid Khodabundah, the successor
of Uljaytû: but, Ameir Abdurrezauk returning to his native village of
Bashtein, on the death of that monarch, in the seven hundred and
thirty sixth of the Hidjerah, found it in a state of no small confusion
from the following circumstance, not unfrequently repeated in the his-
tory of oppression.
An agent of the reigning government of Khorassaun had presented
himself in the village, and demanded from two brothers, of the names of
Hussun, and Hûsseyne, the sons of Hamzah, to be furnished with wine
and women for his recreation. To the article of wine, the two brothers
appear to have made no demur; but on that of women they requested
not to be importuned. The agent, or envoy, for that seems to have been
his designation, persisted however in this demand, and proceeded to
take some offensive liberties with the females of the family. Enraged
at his insolence, the brothers now drew their swords, and proclaiming,
that though their heads were destined for the stake, this was a dishonor
* May 20th, A. D. 1393.
3 M
VOL. II.
450
ul-akhbaur.
A. II. 736. to which they could not submit, immediately sa crificed him to their just
A. D. 1335. vengeance. In consequence of this act of violence Alla-ud-dein Ma-
Kholaussut hommed, who presided over the affairs of Khorassaun at the time, had
dispatched to require the attendance of the brothers to answer for the
offence; and it was while the villagers were devising some pretext tó
elude the summons, that Abdurrez auk arrived among them. Having
received from them an explanation of what had passed, he found no
difficulty in gaining over a party of his country men ; and he proceeded
to dismiss the messengers, in a manner which but little accorded with
the expectations of their employer. A detachment of fifty soldiers
was next employed by Alla-ud-dein with still worse success; being op-
posed, and ignominiously expelled by Abdurrezauk and his companions.
The inhabitants of Bashtein were now the whole of them assembled
by Ameir Abdurrezauk; who proceeded without reserve to explain to
them the magnitude of the danger in which they were engaged, and to
assure them that the slightest remissness, or irresolution, would be fol-
lowed by inevitable extermination. And he at the same time brought
to their recollection, that it was a thousand times better, like brave
men, to see their heads alternately exposed upon the stake, than like
dastardly cowards, to be butchered without resistance. For this rea-
son, together with what had been formerly expressed by the brothers
when they put the insolent envoy to death, they received the appellation
of Ser-be-dauran-those whose heads are devoted to the stake: which,
probably, became at once the watchword, and the name of their commu-
nity. But without further dilation, having in the course of a very
short time rendered their arms extremely formidable, the insurgents
succeeded in intercepting the Vezzeir of Khorassaun, the lately men-
tioned Alla-ud-dein Mahommed, on his way to Asterabad ; and having
put him cruelly to death, they advanced to Subbuz waur, of which
with the whole country in that direction, they made themselves mas-
ters, without further difficulty.
Ameir Abdurrezauk presuming, however, on this success to solicit
an union with the daughter of Alla-ud-dein, the lady conceived, by
some means or other, that he was actuated by licentious and unwarrant-
able designs on the person of her son; and, resolutely withholding her
assent, immediately quitted the town of Subbuz waar, which was be-
$
451
Kholaussut-
come the residence of her suitor, and made the best of her way towards A. H. 736 53.
Neyshapûr. In an evil hour, Abdurrezauk made choice of his brother A. D. 1335-52.
Mûssâoud, to pursue and bring her back; and this chief succeeded ul-akhbaur.
accordingly, in comng up with the fugitive dame. But in endeavoring
to compel her to return, he suffered his compassion to be so effectually
wrought upon by her tears, and other expressions of female distress, that
he bound himself by an oath, no further to interfere with her in any res-
pect. He then ventured to return to the presence of his brother, with
a representation that he had failed to overtake the object of his pur-
suit; which, producing some very acrimonious remarks on the part of
Abdurrezauk, Mûssâoud immediately resented by an appeal to his
knife, with which he killed him on the spot. Such appears to have
been the origin of the Serbedaurians, and such the early fate of their
first leader.
Ameir Wejeiah-ud-dein Mussaoud on thus destroying his brother,
succeeded to his authority; and, about seven years after his accession
was taken and put to death by the prince of Rûstumdaur; a part of
Mazanderaun, which he had unadvisedly engaged in an expedition to
reduce.
Mahommed EYTEMUR assumed the government on intelligence of
the death of Mûssaoud about the seven hundred and forty third of the
Hidjerah; and was himself assassinated, at the instance of one of the
Serbedaurian chiefs, about the year seven hundred and forty five.
To him succeeded Kalû, or Kellû ASFENDIAUR, whose authority
was however of short duration; being, in consequence of his arbitrary
and sanguinary conduct, not long afterwards also put to death by his
followers."
Shums-ud-dein FUZZULULLAH, the brother of their first chief, was
the person now chosen by the Serbedaurians to preside over their des-
tinies; but being entirely devoted to his pleasures, he made a volun-
tary resignation of his authority, after he had exercised it for about seven
months.
Khaujah Shums-ud-dein ALLY received the government from his
predecessor, some time in the year seven hundred and forty eight.
He was also assasinated by Heyder Kassaub, one of his own principal
officers, in the seven hundred and fifty third of the Hidjerah.
3 M 3
452
A
A. H. 759-83. Khaujah YAHEYA succeeded by the choice of the Serbedaurians;
A. D. 1352-81. and having governed them with considerable reputation for a period
Kholaussut of four years and eight months, was cut off through the treachery of his
wife's brother.
ul-akhbaur.
Khaujah ZEHEIR-UD-DEIN Kerauvy succeeded, through the exer-
tions of Heyder Kassaub; but being a slave to his pleasures he was,
at the expiration of forty days, removed from authority by the same
chieftain, who now took possession for himself.
Pehlewaun HEYDER KASSAU B (the butcher) did not, however, enjoy
his usurpation, above four months; being at the expiration of that pe-
riod, namely in the latter Rebbeia of the seven hundred and sixty
first of the Hidjerah,* cut off, at the instance of his master, by a slave
belonging to Pehlewaun Hussun Damaghauny.
Ameir LUTFULLAH, the son of Wejeiah-ud-dein Mûssâoud, suc-
ceeded through the influence of the same Hussun Damaghauny, who
was his preceptor, or Atabek; on occasion of some jealousies with
whom he was, however, at the expiration of fifteen months, in Rudjub
of the seven hundred and sixty second of the Hidjeraht deposed and
put to death by that chief.
Pehlewaun HUSSUN Damaghauny, upon this, possessed himself of
the government. He retained his authority for four years and four.
months; until about the month of Zilkaud of the seven hundred and
sixty sixth of the Hidjerah‡ when like most of his predecessors, he
was assasinated by his own followers, at the instigation of Khaujah
Ally Mûeyud; who had taken advantage of his absence on a distant
expedition, to make himself master of Subbuzwaur. Khaujah ALLY
MUEYUD Succeeded, and retained the government of Subbuzwaur to-
gether with Neyshapûr, and other parts of the adjoining extensive
territory, under considerable vicissitude of fortune, until the seven
hundred and eighty third of the Hidjerah; when, the greater part of
Khorassaun having been already subjugated by Teymûr, and that con-
queror being on his advance towards Subbuzwaur, Ally Mûeyud also
thought proper to submit, on his arrival at Neyshapûr. The independ-
ence of the Serbedaurians appears to have thus terminated, after it
had subsisted for something less than half a century.
* March, A. D. 1360. + Máy, A. D. 1361.
¡July, A, D. 1365.
1
453
IVth, of the Ghourians, or Sultans of Ghour.
A. H. 448-92.
A. D. 1056 98.
Kholaussut-
ul-akhbaur.
On the authority of former historians, it is stated, that when Feri-
doun, the restorer of the ancient Persian monarchy, succeeded in sub-
verting the power of the Arabian usurper Zohauk, some of the race of
the latter withdrew for safety to the mountains of Ghour, between
Balkh and Seiestaun; where, having secured an asylum, they supported
themselves in independent sovereignty, in succession, until the time
of Mahmûd of Gheznein. At that period it was vested in a prince of
the name of Soury, who falling into the hands of Mahmûd, was by him
put to death; but a grandson of the same Soury contriving to escape
from the power of the Gheznevide, made his way into Hindustaun; where
he fixed his abode in one of the celebrated temples, or pagodas, of that
country. The exile had a son of the name of Saum, who, towards the
decline of life took the resolution of returning to the land of his ances-
tors; and for that purpose embarked, with the whole of his family, on
board of one of the vessels employed on the coast of India, and pro-
ceeded to sea. Meeting, however, with adverse winds, and tempestu-
ous weather, the vessel foundered on the voyage, and every soul on Origin of the
board perished, excepting Hûsseyne the son of Saum; who, after hav- Ghourians.
ing been tossed about on a single plank, for three days and as many
nights, at the mercy of the winds and waves, at last fortunately reached
the shore. Thus miraculously delivered from the perils of the ocean,
Husseyne made for the first town that he could discover; and at the
entrance of a small shop laid himself down to sleep for the night, where
one of the patrole, or watchmen, taking him for a robber, immediately
seized and threw him into a prison, in which he continued for a period
of seven years. At the expiration of that period, the reigning prince
happening to die, a general enlargement of prisoners was proclaimed
throughout the country; and the unfriended Husseyne was among others
permitted to avail himself of the indulgence.
Once more at large, the son of Saum now took the road towards
Gheznein; but on his way falling in with a band of robbers, they were
unfortunately so struck with his apparent bodily strength and activity,
that they furnished him with a horse and armour, and prevailed upon
him to curol himself in their band. The very same night they were,
however, the whole of them, surprised and taken by a detachment of
451
ul-akhbaur.
A. H. 492-515. the troops of Sultan Ibrauhim of Gheznîn, by whom they were imme.
A. D. 1998-1121. diately bound hand and neck and conveyed to that capital; and they
Kholaussut were on their arrival, without much ceremony, by the Sultan con-
demned to die. When the executioner approached to bind the eyes
of Husseyne, the hopeless unfortunate addressed himself to heaven
in these terms. "Almighty being, I know that with thy divine nature
"error is eternally incompatible; how comes it, nevertheless, that
"these men are permitted to destroy an innocent stranger!" The words
made an impression on the executioner; and he found means, through
one of the royal household, to get them repeated to Sultan Ibrauhim.
Hûsseyne was now ordered to the presence, and desired by the Sultan
to relate his history; which having made known, as far as he thought
convenient, he was upon this directed to take his rank, among the
Haujebs, or chamberlains of the palace.
On the accession of Sultan Mûssâoud, in the four hundred and
ninety second of the Hidjerah, the fortune of Hûsseyne the son of
Saum was so far advanced, that he received from that monarch the
government of Ghour, the seat of his ancestors. But his children, on
his death, throwing off the authority of the race of Sebekteggin, a series
of inveterate hostilities ensued; in which Alla-ud-dein, the eldest of
those children, having expelled Behrâm Shah from Gheznin, and leav
ing his brother Seyf-ud-dein in possession of that capital, those events
were ultimately brought to pass, on his return to Feyrouzkôh, which
have been already related in a former page.
Alla-ud-dein HUSSEYNE jahaun souz (the conflagrator) the son of
Hûsseyne-Eben-Saum, most signally avenged the death of his brother,
betrayed by the inhabitants of Gheznîn, in the manner formerly related.
But being at a subsequent period defeated by Sûltan Sunjur of the
race of Seljûk, in an attempt against the province of Khorassaun, he
became the prisoner of that monarch. He made himself, however, so
acceptable to the Seljûkian by the conviviality of his disposition, and
an ingenious piece of flattery at a convivial moment, that he was, after
ashort and easy captivity, restored to the government of his country.
He did not, however, long survive his restoration.
Seyf-ud-dein MAHOMMED, the son of Alla-ud-dein, succeeded on
the death of his father; but at the expiration of little more than a
455
I
twelve month, engaging in hostilities with the predatory Ghezzians, A. H. 556-602,
he was, in an action with those banditti, first treacherously wounded A. D. 1161-1206.
by one of his own Ameirs, whose brother he had formerly put to death,
and finally dispatched by one of the enemy.
Sultan Abûl Futtah Gheyauth-ud-dein MAHCM MED, the son of
Saum, succeeded on the death of his couzin german, for they are said
to have been brother's children, about the five hundred and fifty sixth
of the Hidjerah. He made himself master of the greater part of Khor-
assaun, by the expulsion of the Khaurezmians; and died, after a long
and prosperous reign of three and forty years, in the five hundred and
ninety ninth of the Hidjerah. He was buried in the principal mosque
of Herât.
Sultan SHA HAUB-UD-DEIN, the son of Saum, had been already seated
on the throne of Gheznin, by his brother Gheyauth-ud-dein, so far
back as the year 577; and was the conqueror of Dehly and the north of
India, which he placed under the authority of Kût-bud-dein Eybek
one of his slaves. On the death of his brother, being in the territory
between Tûss and Serkhess in Khorassaun, he proceeded immedi-
ately to Baudgheiss; where having performed the last duties to the
remains of the deceased monarch, he invested himself with his author-
ity, and hastened to Gheznein. With an army, which he had there
drawn together, he shortly afterwards advanced towards Khaurezm;
but, being totally defeated in a battle with Sultan Mahommed, he
was compelled to retire once more to Gheznein. He was, how-
ever, preparing for an expedition of three years into Turkestaun,
when some hostile indications among the natives of Kohjûd, between
the Indus and the Behaut, drew his attention to that quarter; and he
was on his return from a successful inroad against those refractory
mountaineers, when, on the third of Shabaun of the six hundred and
second of the Iidjerah, he was assassinated, at a place called Deybek
or Debeik, by one of the Fedayan, or zealots of Almowut.
Sultan MAHMUD the son of Gheyauth-ud-dein, on the death of his
uncle, succceded at Feyrouz-koh of Ghour, to the authority of his
ancestors; and finally included within his dominions, together with
* March 13th, A. D. 1206.
Kholaussnt-
ul-akhbaur.
}
456
A. H. 607. Ghour and Gheznein, a considerable part of the territory beyond the
A. D. 1210. Indus, and of Khorassaun. Having, however, in compliance with in-
Kholaussut structions from Sultan Mahommed of Khaurezm, with whom he was
ul-akhbaur.
now at peace, imprisoned Alla Shah the son of Tukkesh Khaun, the
brother of that monarch, who had sought protection at Feyrouzkoh,
some Khorassaunies, and natives of Irak attached to the exile, scaled
the terraces of the palace of Sûltan Mahmûd, on the night of the third
of Suffur of the six hundred and seventh of the Hidjerah,† and suc-
ceeded in putting him to death.
Subsequent to this unexpected event, Saum, the son of Sultan Mah-
mûd, and Atseiz the son of Alla-ud-dein Jahaunsouz, made some feeble
efforts to sustain the grandeur derived from their ancestors; but as the
power of the family was now about to terminate, and Sultan Mahom-
med the Khaurezmian had by this time made himself entire master of
the Persian empire, their exertions were unavailing: and the hand of
destiny thus finally closed the record of the race of Ghour.
Of an inferior branch of the family which governed in Bamiaun and
Tokhaurestaun, and of the slaves of the same family who attained to
sovereign power in Hindustaun, it would be here unnecessary to insert
the brief account of the author. Neither is it of sufficient importance
to introduce the history of the race of Guerret, said to claim its descent
from Sultan Sunjur the Seljûkian; which flourished with consider-
able splendour at Herât and in the neighboring countries, from the
time of Gheyauth-ud-dein Mahommed, the son of Saun, to the irrup-
tion of the Tcheghatayans, or Moghûls of Transoxiana, under TEY-
MUR, of whom more hereafter.
* July 26th, A. D. 1210.
457
CHAP. X.
TH
seyr.
HE origin of the KHAUNS, or sovereigns of the Turkish, or Tartar Habeib-us-
nations, which overspread the vast interior continent of Asia, has
been ascribed by the recorded traditions of the east, to Yapheth, or
Japhet, the son of Noal; whom the plurality of historians have agreed
to represent as a Peyghamber-merussul, or prophet acting under the
immediate and express inspiration of heaven, for the instruction or
reformation of erring humanity. When, after escaping the tremendous
catastrophe of the deluge, the ark rested on mount Jûd, and the great
patriarch, either by the direct inspiration of the divine being, or from
the impulse of his own discretion, proceeded to allot to his children
the different quarters of the earth, he assigned to Yapheth the coun-
tries of the north and east; and we are further informed that when the
latter was about to depart for the regions allotted to him, he requested
that his father would instruct him in some form of prayer, or invocation,
that should, whenever he required it, procure for his people the bles- Origin of the
sing of rain. In compliance with this request Noah imparted to his nations of Tar-
son, one of the mysterious names of God, inscribing it on a stone;
which, as an everlasting memorial, he delivered at the same time into
his possession. Yapheth now proceeded with the whole of his family
to the north east, according to appointment, devoting himself, as is
the manner of those who inhabit the boundless plains in that quarter,
to a wandering and pastoral life: and having instituted for his followers
the most just and virtuous regulations for their conduct, never failed
to procure for them, through the influence of the sacred deposit consigned
to him by his father, rain and moisture for their lands, whenever occa-
sion made it necessary. This stone has been denominated by the Arabs,
the hidjer-ul-mattyr-lapis imbrifer, or rainstone; by the Persians, Sung-
yeddah-aidstone or stone of power; and by the Turks, Jeddahtaush,
And it is affirmed that the same stone was preserved among the Moghùls
VOL. II.
3 N
tary.
t
458
Habeib-us- and Ouzbeks, possessing the same mysterious property, to the days
of the author, in the beginning of the sixteenth century.
seyr.
Having lived to be the father of a numerous progeny, Yapheth with-
drew, in the process of time, from this transitory to a more permanent
state of existence; leaving, according to Shurf-ud-dein the Yezdian,
in his introduction to the Zuffurnâmah, seven sons, in the following
order; I. Tûrk; II. Khozzez or Khozzer; III. Seklaub; IV. Rûsse;
V. Mussung or Munsug; VI. Tchein or Cheen; VII. Gomaury, by
some nations called also, Keymaul. To these have been added four
more by another author, making altogether eleven, of whom the fol-
lowing are given as the names of Three; VIII. Khillidje; IX. Sedsan ;
X. Ghezz. Of the eleventh the name is not recorded.
On the death of Yapheth, his eldest son Tùrk, whom the nations.
of Tartary have further distinguished by the name of Yapheth Oghly,
and Oghlan, the younger Yapheth, succeeded to his father's authority;
and is described as equally brave, polished, intelligent, and discreet.
He fixed his abode at Seiling, or Selingai, celebrated for its hot and cold.
springs; first constructing his habitations of poles and straw. Ulti-
mately he was, however, the inventor of tents; and he instructed his
people to fabricate for themselves short tunics, and fillets for the head,
of the skins of Animals. In other respects he abundantly fulfilled the
duties of a just and beneficent ruler; and he is considered by the Turks,
or nations of Tartary, as the first of their monarchs, in the same manner
as Keyomars is considered as the first of the kings of Persia. He had
five sous. I. Almenjah; II. Tontug or Toumuk; III. Tehuggul;
IV. Bereskhaur; V. Amlauk. Of the second of these, whose name by
latter historians, has been corrupted into Ghoudug, it is stated, that one
day while on a hunting party, letting fall a part of what he was eating
to the ground, which happened to be impregnated with salt, he tound,
when he picked his morsel up again, and conveyed it to his mouth,
the flavor so agreeable, that he forthwith introduced among his coun-
trymen for the first time, the use of salt with their food.
Of Khozzez, or Khozzer, the second son of Yapheth, it is related
that be settled on the banks of the Attel, or river Volga so called;
where he devoted himself to the taking of foxes, and of their skins
taught his followers to make their clothing. In exploring the moun-
459
sevi.
tain-caverns, his children, conducted by a swarm of bees, discovered a Habeib-us-
mass of honey, of which they soon learnt to make confections. Strai-
tened by a numerous progeny, Seklaub, the third of the Yaphethites,
alternately applied to his brothers Rûsse, and Khozzez, and Gomaury,
for permission to erect his dwelling in their territories; and receiving
from each a decided refusal, a war ensued, in the course of which the
Seklaubiah, or Sclavonians, the descendants of Seklaub, were defeated;
and retiring beyond the boundary of the seventh climate, into the fri-
gid zone, were compelled by the intensity of the cold, to seek for
habitations in the bowels of the earth. On the authority of the Rou-
zut-us suffà it is further related, that one of the wives of Seklaub dying
in child birth, the new born infant was consigned to be suckled by
his fathers hounds; hence when he became of age the child, like one
of the canine species, sprung upon every man that fell in his way.
With respect to Rûsse, the fourth of the sons of Yapheth, nothing more
is mentioned, than that he was a fierce and intractable savage, and that
the practice of judicial inquiry, (Yerghû pûrsiden) was introduced by
him; an argument rather of improvement in the arts of life, if it was
not indeed accompanied with the torture. Munsug, the fifth of the
sons of Yapheth, and possible the progenitor of the Massageta, was
distinguished for his crafty and perfidious disposition, and settled on
the confines of Bulghaur.
In the introduction to the Zuffurnamah already adverted to, it is, it
seems, stated that Munsug, or as he is sometimes denominated, Mes-
senje, had a son called Ghezz, and that from him descended the Ghezz-
ian tribes, the most ferocious and vicious of all the Moghul race; although,
from a preceding statement, we were led to consider this individual as
the son of Yapheth, without any intermediate link in the chain. On
the death of their common parent, however, a contest is said to have
arisen between this Ghezz and his elder brother Yapheth Oghlan, on
the subject of the Sungyeddah, of which the former had by some means
or other possessed himself. For, when his brother made a demand of
the precious deposit, Ghezz contrived to impose upon him, instead of
the real Sungyeddah, a supposititious one, which he had himself en-
graved for the purpose; and the fraud which had been put in practice
upon him, being detected on the first occasion on which he was required
>
}
3 N 3
460
seyr.
Habeib-us- to invoke the heavenly powers for rain, Yapheth Oghlan procceded
at the head of his followers to punish the insolent imposition. In the
course of the hostilities which ensued, Beighû the eldest son of Ghezz,
was slain on the field of battle; and the animosity which hence ori-
ginated, continues to subsist to this day (that on which Khondemeir
was writing his history) between the descendants of the two brothers.
Tchein, or Cheen, the sixth of the sons of Yapheth, became an inhabi-
tant ofthat region which still retains his name ; and was distinguished
for subtilty of invention, and discrimination of judgment. To him are,
of course, ascribed the arts of painting and sculpture, of weaving in
mixed, or divers colours, and the discovery of silk, from the labours of
the silk worm. In short, he is recorded as the inventor of all those ad-
mired productions in manufacture and art, for which the natives of
China have ever been, and still continue, so deservedly celebrated. His
son Mâtchein constructed, during the life of his father, the city to which
he gave his own name; and which extended in the process of time
to the countries situated between China proper, and India.* This lat-
ter prince introduced the practice of wearing feathers in the turban;
and he also first discovered, and applied to use the precious drug, gen-
erated under the navel of the musk antelope.
Of Gomaury, (Gomer) the seventh of the sons of Yapheth, it is al-
leged that he became entirely devoted to his pleasures, but more par-
ticularly to those of the chace; and that he fixed his abode on the spot
subsequently occupied by the city of Baghdad, if indeed this is not an
error of the transcriber. He had two sons, Bulghaur, and Burtauss,
or Bertas; and it was the latter of these two, that first brought into
use the skins of the ermine, and the sable.
At
The elder brother, Tûrk, or Yapheth Oghlan, after attaining to the
age of two hundred and forty, died; and was succeeded by his son
Almenjah Khaun, who proved a just and virtuous monarch, adding
considerably to the prudent regulations established by his father.
a very advanced age he chose however to abdicate the sovereign power
in favor of his son, and to withdraw to a life of seclusion. Deib Bakai
Khaun, the son of Almenjah. Khaun. This appellative, or rather the
first term of it, Deib, is stated to signify glory, a throne, and dignity.
He was a magnificent and puissant prince, and at his death devised the
succession to his son. Geyûg or Guyûg Khaun the son of Deib Bâkûi,
* Unless, indeed this is to be identified, with Mangi,
461
on the death of his father, seated himself on the throne of the Turkish Habeib-us-
sovereigns, and at the close of life also devolved the succession to his
son.
Alenjah Khaun the son of Guyûg Khaun, proved like his prede-
cessors a just and beneficent prince; but the Turkish nation, elated by
the pride of uninterrupted prosperity, dishonored his reign by forsaking
the path of rectitude, the worship of the true God, and erring into
the absurd systems of idolatry and impiety. Alenjah Khaun had two
sons, twin brothers, whose names were Tatâr and Moghûl; betwixt
whom in the zenith of his power he made a division of all his posses-
sions. And over these respectively, on the death of their father, the
two princes proceeded each to exercise a separate authority.
Of the line of Tatar, including himself, eight persons successively
enjoyed the sovereign power, in the following order. 1. Tatâr Khaun.
2. Bouka, or Bouga Khaun, the son of Tatâr Khaun. 3. Melinjah Khaun,
the son of Bouka Khaun. 4. Assely, or Essely Khaun, the son of Melinjah.
5. Atseiz Khaun, the son of Essely Khaun, 6. Ourdû Khaun, the son of
Atseiz Khaun. 7. Baydû Khaun, the son of Ourdû Khaun. Baydû was a
prince of exalted spirit; but engaging in hostilities with the Moghûl
tribes he laid the foundation of that inextinguishable animosity, which
subsequently subsisted between the Tatâr and Moghûl nations. 8. Sounje
Khaun, was the last monarch of the race of Tatâr; for the hostility
which had been recently kindled, between the collateral and rival tribes,
was blown to such violence, during the reign of Sounje Khaun, as to
be no longer appeased by the ordinary expedients of conciliation.
Moghûl Khaun and his descendants, on the other hand, possessed
the sovereign authority for nine successions. 1. Moghul Khaun, the
son of Alenjah Khaun. The name is said to be a gradual corruption
of the term Mûngawul, which signifies abject and simple-hearted.
He had however four sons: Kâra Khaun; Auzir Khaun; Kerr Khaun;
and Ouz Khaun. 2. Kâra Khaun, the eldest of these, assumed the
government on the death of his father; fixing his residence at Kârako-
rum, situated as here described, in a hollow between two hills, named
Outauk and Kertauk.* During his reign, the Moghuls are said to
*The supposed situation of this celebrated metropolis is fixed by modern geographers in
the 45th degree of N. latitude, and in the 107th of longitude East of Greenwich; and ac-
cording to Petis de la Croix about twenty days' journey North of China.
sevr.
462
seyr.
Habeib-us- have been so totally immersed in idolatry and impiety, that the fathers
slew their children without mercy, on perceiving the slightest indica-
tion of a disposition to abstain from their vile and polluted practices.
However, while the nation was absorbed in these circumstances of de-
grading superstition, an infant ofsingular beauty was born to the consort
of Kàra Khaun; which having obstinately refused the breast of its mother,
for three days and as many nights successively, and assuring her very dis-
tinctly, in her dreams, that until she embraced the belief of the only
true God, her milk should never pass his lips, she privately became a con-
vert to the truth, not yet daring to make an open profession of it, through
dread of her husband's resentment. The child upon this immediately
took to her breast. At the period under consideration it was the cus-
tom of the Mogbûls to defer the naming of their children until they were
a twelve month old; accordingly, when the infant prince had attained
the proper age, and a sumptuous entertainment had been provided for
the occasion, Kâra Khaun demanded in the presence of his assembled
Ameirs, and the members of his court, what name he should bestow
upon the royal child; the latter replied with perfect fluency of lan-
guage "my name is Oghûz." A point thus determined by the inter-
vention of a miracle must have secured unanimous concurrence.
Arrived at years of maturity, the young prince was married by his
father, to one of his cousins, the daughter of Kerr Khaun; but, in con-
sequence of the discrepancy on the subject of religion, Oghûz Khaun
finding it difficult to reconcile himself to his bride, his father pro-
cured for him, some time afterwards, the daughter of his second uncle,
Auzir Khaun; whom, for similar reasons, he felt himself equally dis-
posed to dislike. In this state of oscillancy, and incertitude, the young
prince happened one day, on his return from hunting, to pass by the
gate of Ouz Khaun, his third uncle's mansion; where he perceived the
daughter of the Moghûl chief, superintending the labour of her maids,
who were occupied in washing the linen of the family.
The prince
called her to him, and declared that if she would consent to abjure the
gross impieties of her tribe, and embrace the religion of truth, he would
immediately espouse, and hold her far dearer than life, or any of its
blessings. The nymph, like other bashful maidens, gently whis-
pered in reply, that when she became his wife, she trusted that she
r
463
+
seyr.
should be found in no circumstance, disobedient to his will, who was Habeib-us-
the master of her destiny. Oghûz Khaun now obtained his father's
consent to unite himself to the object of his choice; and an exclusive,
and ardent attachment taking place between him and his new bride,
the jealousy of his other wives was excited to that degree of animosity,
that they embraced the opportunity, one day, while their husband was
absent on a hunting party, to apprize their father in law of his son's
contempt, and that of his favorite wife, for the idolatrous superstitions.
of their country, and of their private adherence to the worship of the
true God.
Enraged at what he now for the first time understood, the old mon-
arch hastened at the head of some of his followers, with the view of
surprising the person of the prince, while unsuspectingly engaged in
the chace. But his faithful and affectionate wife finding means to con-
vey to him intelligence of the danger, Oghùz Khaun was enabled to
put himself in a posture of defence; and a conflict ensuing, which ter-
minated in the death of Kâra Khaun, his soldiers gave up the contest,
and the crown, to his victor son.
3. Oghûz Khaun the son of Kâra Khaun. This, by the concurrent
testimony of historians, was a magnanimous and potent prince, for-
tunate in all his designs, and obeyed in his authority, through a most
extensive portion of the oriental world. But more than all, his acti-
ons received an unfading lustre from his belief in the dictates of etcr-
naltruth. In other words, he was a monotheist, professing the pure and
uncorrupted faith of the patriarchs, and early progenitors of the human
race. The extent of his dominions is, at the same time, stated to have
been beyond the ordinary conceptions of the understanding, and he
bears among the Turkish nations, the same venerated character as
Jemsheid among the Persians. He was, however, at the commence-
ment, compelled to sustain a long and arduous contest with his uncles,
and other relatives; but proving ultimately triumphant over all oppos-
ition, he finally threw open to mankind the avenues to that liberal
and unbounded beneficence, which dwelt in his bosom. He is indeed
described to have reduced the whole of the territory of the Moghûls
and Tartars to the river Oxus; and by some it is asserted that he even
crossed that river, and subjugated a great part of the Persian empire.
464
seyr.
Habeib-us- He reigned with unrivalled splendor and prosperity, for a period of se
venty two years; leaving at his death, six male children, two of whom
attained to the sovereign power.
To Oghûz Khaun we find ascribed many, if not most of the appellations
still retained by the principal Moghûl and Tartar tribes; the enumer-
ation of which, as presented by the author, it may in this place not be
improper to introduce. I. During the period in which he was con-
tending for dominion with his uncles, a body of his kindred from
whom he had been recently separated, appeared most seasonably to
his aid. To these he assigned the appellation of Eyghur; which in the
preliminary to the zuffurnâmah, is stated to signify conjunction, and
mutual compact. II. In one of the great battles in which he triumphed
over his adversaries, a prodigious booty fell into the hands of his fol-
lowers, and some of them hit upon the construction of a waggon for
the conveyance of the spoil. Oghûz Khaun bestowed upon these the
appellation of Kankuly, that being in the Turkish language the name
for a waggon, or perhaps for a wheeled carriage of any description.
III. On another occasion, on which he had been unsuccessful in a con-
flict with Ayeit Borâk, one of the most powerful chieftains of Tûrkes-
taun, and he had encamped, during his retreat from the field of battle, in
a peninsula between the beds of two rivers, a pregnant woman, whose
husband had been killed in the recent conflict, was delivered of her
infant in the cavity of a hollow tree. The Khaun, in pity towards the
helpless, and widowed female, adopted the child for his own, and gave
it the name of Keptchauk; derived from Kebouk, which is said to sig-
nify a tree, hollow in the trunk. Seventeen years subsequent to this
disaster, Oghûz Khaun triumphed in his turn over the same Ayeit
Borak, and took ample vengeance for his former discomfiture. IV.
On his return into Tûrân, from his expedition against the Persian ter-
ritory, being intercepted by the severest rigors of an inclement winter,
and his march impeded by heavy and incessant falls of snow, many
of the soldiers dropped to the rear, unable to keep up with the army.
To these, when apprized of the circumstance, the monarch applied
the term Khaureik-proprietors, or perhaps, partners in the snow.
V. From the preliminary to the zuffurnamah of the Yezdian, the his-
tory of Teymûr so called, it is further related, that while engaged in
465
1
seyr.
one of his expeditions for the subjugation of an adjoining territory, Habeib-us-
Oghûz Khaun had found it expedient to prohibit that any of his sol-
diers should under any pretext stray from their standards. It happened,
however, that one of the soldier's wives should be taken in labour dur-
ing the march, and, through the failure of strength and sustenance being
unable to proceed, her husband remained to take care of her. When
he least expected it, a sheghal, or jackal, passed along the road with a
pheasant in its mouth, and the soldier throwing his cudgel at it, the
animal dropped its prey; with which, dressing up an excellent kabaub,
a dish well known in the east, he relieved the hunger of his wife, and
enabled her to give nourishinent to her new-born infant. The Khaun
expressing much displeasure that any circumstance however urgent,
should be thought of sufficient weight to authorize a disobedience of
his commands, addressed to the husband the term Khelidje; which
implies, "woman! remain where thou art!" According to another writer
in the court of Shah Rokh, who dedicated his work to Mirza Ulûgh
Beg, the exclamation, to which Oghûz Khaun gave utterance on this
occasion, was Kalanje, which signifies, "remain behind in hunger."
This in the lapse of ages became gradually corrupted into Khelidje ;
but either way, the origin of the tribe of the Kheljies, or Gueltchies, is
referred to this man.
On the information of the Rouzut-us-uffà, the author proceeds to
state, that in the course of a few generations, the descendants of Ogh-
ûz Khaun diverging into four and twenty distinct branches, some of
these settled in Khorassaun, and the territory along the Oxus; and
their posterity, either through the influence of climate, or the unerring
providence of the creator, losing in a great measure, their original cast
of features, the neighboring nations bestowed upon them the appella-
tion of Turkomaun; as much as to say Türkmaunind-Turk-resemb-
ling. By Seyud Jullaul-ud-dein, an Arabian author who composed a
treatise precisely on this subject, which he dedicated to Mirza Eskun-
dur the son of Omar Sheikh, and grandson of Teymur, it is however
contended that the Turkmauns are a race cntirely distinct, and without
the slightest affinity to either Turk or Moghûl; notwithstanding this,
it is a fact very clearly demonstrated, in the preliminary discourse to
the zuffurnamah of the Yezdian, so often referred to on artar subjects,
30
VOL. II.
466
seyr.
Ilabeib-us- that the Turkmauns, or Turcomans, are indisputably descended from
Tûrk the son of Yapheth; since in the sequel of the war between Tûrk,
and Ghezz the son of Munsug, or Messenje, it is unequivocally as-
serted, that from the day on which Beighû the son of Ghezz fell in one
of the conflicts of that war, an inextinguishable hostility was perpetu-
ated from generation to generation between the Turks and Tûrkomauns.
and still continued to subsist to the days of the Yezdian historian.
Having found repose from his conquests in Tûrkestaun and the Per-
sian territory, Oghûz Khaun, on his return to the seat of his ancestors,
at or near Karakorum, caused a suit of magnificent pavilions of cloth
of gold, to be erected, in which he gave, to the nobles and distinguished
inhabitants of all the countries subject to his authority, a most sumptu-
ous and splendid feast. Of this the magnitude may be in some degree
estimated from the statement, that there were nine tomauns, or ninety
thousandsheep, and nine hundred mares slaughtered for the occasion;
and that there was a proportionate supply of wine and Kommeiz, (a li-
quor made of fermented mare's milk) with every accompaniment that
could serve to render this display of Tartar festivity, complete in all its
circumstances. On the same occasion the monarch is said to have
invented the Sheirah,* on which to spread the eatables and drinkables
provided for the entertainment; he arranged his children and grand-
children according to their stations in his court and army, and treated
the whole, without distinction, with extraordinary marks of kindness,
and with unbounded liberality.
Of Oghûz Khaun it is further related, that his sons presenting him with
a golden bow, and three arrows of the same metal, which they had
found during one of their hunting parties, the old monarch allotted
the bow to the three eldest, whose names were respectively, Kunn,
Aey, and Yeldûz; who divided it, or the metal of which it was composed,
betwixt them in three equal shares. From this circumstance they
obtained the appellation of Bouzûk, or Bouzuk. The arrows were as-
signed to the three younger brothers, Keyûg, or Guyûg, Deyauc, and
Tengueiz, from which they became distinguished by the appellation
of Oujûk; and hence the Tartar tribes have assigned to the line of the
* It was probably a set of painted cloths, since the orientals use no tables.
It was per.
haps the Soffrah,
467
seyr.
Bouzûk a precedence over that of the Oujûk, synonimous with Ou- Habeib-us-
jaûk; the bow bearing an analogy to the sovereign power, and the
arrows to its agents, the organs of its authority. He lastly ordained
that the command of the right wing of his army, by the Arabs called
Meymenah, and by the Tartars Beranghaur, should be always vested
in the Bouzûk, while that of the left wing, by the Arabs designated the
Meyesserah, and by the Tartars Juanghaur, should in like manner in-
variably reside in the Oujûk, or younger branch; a superiority which
he further confirmed by establishing the succession in the elder branch,
and by expressly ordaining that the Oujûk should be subject to their
authority.
4. Kenn, or Kunn Khaun, which is stated in the Tartar language to be
synonimous with the sun, succeeded to his father; and equally extended
to his subjects the blessings of a just and beneficent reign. Through
the advice of his father's ministers, he was prevailed upon to make an
equal division of the departed monarch's moveable property between
his brothers and their children, assigning to each his proper rank, and
Tûmghau, or charter of immunities: by which disinterested and prudent
measure, a permanent and unshaken friendship was confirmed through
every branch of the family. For the rank and pretensions of every
individual being thus unalterably regulated, and distinctly understood,
no circumstance could occur to interrupt their harmony; and hence it
subsisted unimpaired for a series of years among the descendants of
Oghûz Khaun, and the imperial power continued in his posterity, for
so many generations. Kunn Khaun died after a prosperous reign of
seventy years.
5. Aey Khaun the son of @ghûz Khaun, succeeded to his brother;
his name being, in the Tartar language, that also of the moon ; and hence
possibly the name of the goddess Anaitis. He emulated the example
of his predecessor, in the justice and beneficence of his reign; which
after it had continued for several years in great prosperity, terminated
like that of all other earthly sovereigns, in the grave.
6. Yeldûz Khaun, the son of Oghûz Khaun. The name of this monarch
signifying'in the Tartar language, a star, his glory is said to have attained
its zenith at the death of his father; whose throne having filled for the
303
468
Habeib-us destined period, he also withdrew to the mansions of unterminating
seyr.
splendor.
7. Mûngaly Khaun, the son of Yeldûz Khaun, was the heir and suc-
cessor to his father's power; which he exercised with the same virtu-
ous moderation, that so generally distinguished the reign of his ancestors.
8. Tengueiz Khaun, the son of Mûngaly Khaun. The ocean, we
are also informed, is known in the idiom of the Turks by the name of
Tengueiz. He succeeded to power, at all events on the death of his
father; and having supported it to a very advanced age, ultimately re-
signed it to his son, and withdrew to atone in retirement for the errors
of his past life.
9. Aeil, or Eyle Khaun, the son of Tengueiz Khaun, is said to have
been the cotemporary of Tûr the son of Feridûn, king of Persia; who
formed with Sounje Khaun, the eighth of the Tatar sovereigns recently
enumerated, an alliance hostile to his power. In elucidation of this it
is represented, that when a period of one thousand years had elapsed
after the death of Oghûz Khaun, (we should rather say, from that of
Yapheth Óghlan, or Tûrk the son of Yapheth) during which his des-
cendants had reigned with equal splendor and felicity, fortune with
her usual caprice, conducted their power at length to the verge of
decline; or to that point in the destiny of nations, beyond which they
rise no further. At such a crisis, Tûr, the son of Feridûn, the happy
monarch of Persian story, having completed the subjugation of the
territory on the Oxus, and the adjoining regions of Tûrkestaun, or
western Tartary, and formed an alliance with the Tartar monarch above
alluded to, advanced in conjunction with him, to invade the possessions
of Eyle Khaun. In a great battle which speedily ensued, perceiving,
however, that in fair and open conflict their utmost exertions were un-
availing, the allied monarchs had recourse to stratagem; and affecting
to retire from the field of battle in dismay, halted and encamped at the
distance of two farsangs, or Persian leagues, from the positions, which
they might have understood to be occupied by their adversary. The very
day following, they suddenly recoiled upon the army of the Moghûls,
and coming upon them by surprise, obtained a most complete victory;
which was succeeded by a slaughter so dreadful and exterminating
that, excepting Keyan the son of Eyle Khaun, his mother's brother's
469
son, Tükûz, and their respective sisters, not an individual of the whole Habeib-us
race'escaped the carnage.
These four personages, having lain for some time concealed, among
the bodies of their slaughtered countrymen, seized the opportunity of
night, to mount their horses and fly from the scene of blood. They con-
tinued their flight without intermission until dawn of day; when, about
that hour, they found themselves at the entrance of a steep and difficult
defile, which led upwards into a valley surrounded on all sides by stu-
pendous mountains.* The four illustrious fugitives, after considerable
toil and exertion, succeeded however at last in gaining the summit
of the pass, when they were transported with indescribable delight at
the enchanting landscape which suddenly broke upon their view; a
landscape which, in its lovely enamelled meads, in the chrystal and
delicious streams that murmured in every direction, in the multiplied
groves which presented themselves on every side, embellished at the
same time by the most beautiful and luxuriant foliage, and loaded with
fruit of the richest flavor and of every description, and enlivened as it
was, by the herds of wild animals of the chace, without number, which
brouzed and gamboled in its ever verdant glades and recesses, the sister
seyr.
*So on he fares, and to the border comes
Of Eden, where delicious Paradise,
Now uearer, crowns with her inclosure green,
As with a rural mound, the champain head
Of a steep wilderness whose hairy sides
With thicket overgrown, grotesque and wild,
Access deny'd; and over-head upgrew
Insuperable height of loftiest shade,
Cedar, and pine, and fir, and brauching palm,
A sylvan scénc, and, as the ranks asceud,
Shade above shade, a woody theatre
Of stateliest view. Yet higher than their tops,
The verd’rous wall of Paradise up sprung :
Which to our general sire gave prospect large
Into his nether cmpire neighb'ring round.
And higher thau that wall a circling row
Of goodliest trees, loaden with fairest fruit,
Blossoms and feunt at once of golden hu~,
Appear'd, with gay enamell'd colours mixed;
thus was this place
A happy rural seat of various views;
Grores whose rich trees wept odorous gums and balm,
Others whose fruit, burnish'd with golden rind,
Hung amiable, Hesperian fables true,
If true, here only,' and of delicious taste:
Betwixt them lawns, or level dowus, and flocks
Grazing the tender herb, were interpos'd,
Or palmy hillock; or the flow'ry lap
Of some irriguous valley spread her store,
Flow'rs of all hue, and without thoru the rose :
Another side, umbrageous grots and caves
Of cool recess, o'er which the mantling vine
Lays forth her purple grape, and gently creeps
Luxuriant ; meanwhile murin'ring waters fall
Down the slope hills, dispers'd, or in a lake,
That to the fringed bank with myrtle crown'u̸
Her crystal mirror holds, unite their streams.
The birds their quire apply; airs, vernal airs,
Breathing the smell of field and grove, attune
The trembling leaves, while universal Pan
Koit with the Graces and the Hours in dance
Led on th' eternal spring.
PARADISE I UST.
470
seyr.
Habeib-us- arts of poetry and painting were alone competent to delineate. Here then,
in this sequestered Glen, known to the Tartars by the name of Irgnah, or
Irganah Koun, as much as to say Kumter-und-they are lost, or rather,
according to a manuscript of the Kholaussut-ul-akhbaur, Kummur-
tund-a strong and rugged pass,* they determined to fix their abode;
and having intermarried with their sisters reciprocally, the two chiefs
became the origin of a numerous progeny; the descendants of Keyan
being known to succeeding generations by the name of Keyaut, and
those of Tukûz, by that of Derelkein, or Derleguein.
When, in the process of time, the two tribes became from their accu-
mulating numbers so multitudinous, that the valley of Irganah Koun
no longer afforded sufficient space to contain them, their thoughts were
powerfully impelled to devise the means of bursting from their re-
treat, and of repossessing themselves of the abodes of their forefathers.
Their egress was principally obstructed by an enormous range of rocks,
composed for the greater part of iron ore. After much careful deli-
beration, it was ultimat ely determined to put the whole mass into a
state of fusion; and having for the purpose conveyed to the spot a pro-
digious quantity of firewood, they proceeded to char the whole; after
which having prepared of the skin of the gaozen, or wild ox, nine
hundred pairs of bellows, they fired the charcoal, and set the
bellows to work. By the blast of so many simple machines, the heat
of the fire was at last wrought to the proper intensity, and the ore
was perceived, in due time, streaming along the earth in a state of com-
plete fusion. And thus they are said by melting down a part of the
precipice with which they were begirt, to have opened for themselves a
passage from Irganah Koun. They immediately directed their course
to the country of the Moghûls; and having sword in hand expelled
their ancient enemies the Tartars, with other adverse tribes, they suc-
ceeded in establishing themselves in the possessions of their ancestors ;
and the natives, who occupied the territory round the mountains of
Irganah Koun, soon joining their standards, became ultimately incor-
porated with themselves.
The Yûrut, or original territory of the Moghûls, thus regained by
their posterity, is here described to lie towards the east, far remote from
*We otherwise learn, from Mr. Maurice's history, that 1rganah Koun, or Khaun, as
he expresses it) signifies the valley of precipices: and he i probably well founded in his
explanation. I have given what appears in my original.
471
seyr.
any habitable region, and included within a circumference of eight Habeib-us-
months journey.
Its eastern frontier is, however, said to unite with
that of Khâtâi, or northern China, its western with that of the country of
the Eyghûrs; its northern adjoins to the territory of Kerkeir, or Krekeir,
and Selingâi, and its southern boundary stretches to the limits of Tibet.
The natives subsisted by the chace, and their apparel was usually com-
posed of the skins of wild beasts of every description.
On the egress of the two collateral tribes from Irganah Koun, and
their recovery of the land of their forefathers, the sovereignty of the
Moghûl race is said to have been vested in Yeldûz Khaun, the son of
Teymûr Taush, who was descended in a direct line from Keyan. This
Yeldûz is described to have surpassed in the extent of his power, and
in the splendor of his reign; and by the wisdom of his government
to have secured to the Olouss (quere eluths) or numerous tribes sub-
ordinate to his sway, a state of prosperity and abundance beyond
example. Hence it has become an established opinion among those
of Moghûl race, that he possesses the surest claim to the Khauniet,
or supreme authority, who can most satisfactorily trace his origin to
Yeldûz Khaun. Alankoua, the illustrious mother of Bûzunjur Kâan,
who was the common ancestor of both Jengueiz and Teymûr, was the
grand-daughter of Yeldûz Khaun; since, in the often cited preliminary
to the Zuffurnamah, or history of Teymûr, she is described to have
been the daughter of Tchoubeinah, who was the daughter of Yeldûz
Khaun.
The same Alankoua is further described to have been a maid of con-
summate beauty, and of singular modesty and virtue. "A maid!"
exclaims our author in his enthusiasm on the subject," rather she was
a star of the highest brilliance in the constellation of the Tartarian so-
"vereigns; the richest pearl in the casket of imperial magnificence."
At the proper age she became, however, one of the wives of her cousin-
german, Dûyûn, or Dûbûn Beyan, at this period monarch of the Mo-
ghûl tribes; whose residence is stated to have been, iudifferently, at
Baun, Kalúran, and Toughlan; the channels of three rivers issuing
from the mountains of Berghaudûter, on the banks of which he might
occasionally have taken up his abode. By her husband she had two
şons, Belkêda and Yekjêda. Dûyûn Beyan died, while his wife was yet
472
"
}
scyr.
Habeib-us- a young woman; and the dowager princess devoted herself with zealous
assiduity to the government of her subject tribes, and to the education
of her children. In these circumstances one night, when she had in-
nocently retired to her repose, she was surprised by a ray of light sud-
denly shining through the window of her pavilion, and penetrating
her mouth and throat; and her surprise was not diminished when, in
a little time afterwards, she found herself pregnant. Hence, the orien-
tals have not scrupled to draw a triumphant comparison between her,
and the blessed and immaculate virgin of the Christian dispensation.
When they became, however, apprized of her mysterious preg-
nancy, the Moghûl tribes were not to be restrained from conveying
the most scandalous imputations against the chastity of Alankoua ;
and she therefore found it expedient to convoke the chiefs of the na-
tion, in order to repel the accusation, and assert her innocence. Ac-
cording to some authorities, and particularly to the compiler of the Jam-
mia-ul-touaurikh, the princess averred on this occasion, that her preg-
nancy had been the result of a dream, in which, for several nights suc-
cessively, she imagined that she perceived a person with a dazzling torch
in his hand, softly and silently approach her bed, and as softly with-
draw; and she added moreover, that if they entertained the slightest
suspicion of her veracity, they might watch round her tent, and by the
evidence of their own senses convince themselves of the truth of her extra-
ordinary story. Several of the most distinguished individuals of her tribe
stationed themselves accordingly, for some nights round her tent to
watch the disclosure of this singular mystery; when it is alleged, that
they observed a light enter at the top of the pavilion, and shortly dis-
appear through the same aperture. This was received as indubitable
testimony of the truth of Alankoua's statement, and forever silenced
the invidious remarks of her slanderers.
In consequence of this mysterious, and very suspicious intercourse
with the children of light, Alankoua becaine the mother of three sons
at one birth, whose names were as follows. 1. Boukûn Kepkein, from
whom descended the clan or tribe of Kepkein. 2. Bûssoukein Saul-
tchy, from whom the tribe of Saljût; and 3. Bûzunjur Mûncfauk, the
common progenitor of the Khauns of Moghûlstaun. The descendants
of these three, whom the Turkish nations believe to have been generated
473
sevr.
by the light, they have distinguished by the appellation of Neyrûn, luci- Habeib-us-
geni-sons of light; and they are esteemed the most exalted of the
Mogbûl race.
Búzunjur Kaan, the son of Alankoua, as soon as he attained to the
agc
of discretion, was raised to the throne of the Khauns with the un-
animous concurrence of the heads of the nation; a choice which he
gloriously vindicated by the splendor of his virtues. He is said to have
been the cotemporary of Abû Mosslem, the champion of the house of
Abbas.* After a reign eminently distinguished for its justice, he died,
leaving two sons; 1. Bûka, who was the eighth ancestor of Jengueiz,
and of his able and faithful minister Kâratchaur Nûyan; and 2. Bùkeia,
who had a son, to whom he gave the name of Mâtchein.
Bûka, or Bûga Khaun, the son of Bûzunjur, succeeded to his father;
and at his death devised the supreme authority to his son, the next in
succession.
Datoumnein Khaun, the son of Bûka Khaun, proved also a distin-
guished example of temperance and justice. By his consort Menûloun,
who is described as a woman of singular sagacity and talents, he had
nine sons; with whom, on the death of her husband, and with the
courage of a lioness, she retired to a high mountain called Noushârgui,
or Noushârki, where she entirely devoted herself to the education of
her children. Here, in the process of time, she became the mistress of
flocks of sheep and herds of cattle without number. Unhappily,
while she continued engaged in her secluded retreat and occupations,
about seventy Kours, or associations of Turks, each Kour consisting
of a thousand families, and all of the tribe of Jellâeir of the branch of
Derleguein Moghûls, who had been recently expelled from their ha-
bitations at Kalûran, by an irruption of the Khatayans, or Chinese, came
to settle near the abode of Menûloun. In this they met with no ob-
struction; but proceeding to dig up the earth, for the wild or mountain
onions which they used for food, they were forbidden to continue the
practice, by the agents of Menûloun, because, by the excavations thus
formed, they rendered the ground unsafe for the young princes in their
equestrian exercises. The Jellàcirians took offence at the prohibition,
and watching their opportunity, put the princess to death with eight
* In the early part of the eighth century of the Christian æra,
VOL. II.
3 P
474
1
seyr.
Habçib-us- of her nine children. The ninth, who bore the name of Kaydû, es-
caped the catrastrophe; being fortunately absent at the time, a suitor
for the hand of his kinswoman, the daughter of his cousin german
Matchein. On intelligence of this base procedure, an agent was dis-
patched, in the name of Mâtchein, to demand of the chiefs of the tribe
of Jellaeir, immediate reparation for the injury. They positively dis-
claimed any share in the transaction, declaring that the barbarous murder
had been perpetrated without the slightest concurrence on their part;
and, as a proof of their sincerity, they at the same time seized, and exe-
cuted seventy individuals known to have been concerned in this per-
fidious and ungrateful act of violence, delivering up their wives and
families in bonds to the mercy of Kaydû; who appeased his vengeance
by marking their foreheads with the badge of perpetual slavery.
Kaydû Khaun, the son of Dûtoumnein Khaun, in consequence of
these events, and through the support of his kinsman Mâtchein, became
the sovereign of his tribe. During his reign he employed himself in
forming, from one of the principal rivers of the country, a noble canal,
to which he gave the name of Jerauli; and he founded on the banks of
it several populous towns and villages. He had three sons, 1. Bay-
sungur, the lineal ancestor of Jengueiz and Karatchaur. 2. Jerkalen-
gûm, from whom the nation of Tanjût, vulgo Tangut; and 3. Haur-
tchein, from whom the tribe of Seyhout. The grandson of Jerkalengûm,
the second of these, whose name was Hamikaud the son of Serûkud,
falling when a youth into the hands of the Khatayans, or northern Chin-
ese, was condemned by Altay, or possibly Altan Khaun, the monarch of
that nation, to suffer a most miserable and cruel death;being nailed to alog
of wood in the form of an ass, by an iron snike driven through his body.
Baysungur Khaun, the son of Kaydû Khaun, succeeded on the de-
mise of his father, and, after having exercised the sovereign authority
for the destined period, withdrew to the mansions of futurity, devising
the succession to his son.
Toumnah Khaun, the son of Baysungur, was a great and successful
monarch, adding considerably to his hereditary dominions by the sub-
jugation of several of the neighboring countries of Moghûlstauu
and Tartary. He was the husband of two wives, by one of whom he
had seven sons; the other brought him two at one birth. Of these
1
475
seyr.
twins, one was Kubbul, or Kabal, the third ancestor or great grandfather Habeib-us
of Jenguciz; the other was Katchûly Bahauder, the ancestor in the
cighth degree of Teymûr.
In this place we are informed, on what is alleged to be the most res-
pectable written authority, that one night during the life of his father,
while he was reposing in the arms of sleep, two remarkable dreams oc-
curred to Katchûly, of which the following circumstances are described
in detail. First of all, he thought he saw three stars issue from the
Bosom of his brother Kabal, and successively rise and set, after making
the regular circuit through the meridian; the last of these, after shooting
out several other stars, which reflected their separate lustre on various
countries, disappeared in a stream of refulgence which seemed to illumi-
nate the whole earth. Kathchûly now awoke; but while his mind
was yet engaged in tracing some sort of interpretation for his dream,
he again fell a sleep, and imagined that he saw seven stars issue in the
same manner from his own bosom; and that, after these had successively
disappeared, an eighth arose of surpassing magnitude, which also seemed
to diffuse its radiance to every quarter of the globe; and from this, like
that in the former dream, several minor stars seemed to emanate, and
shed their lustre through different regions, in their course through the
heavens. In both instances, the minor stars on the setting of their
primaries, seemed for some time to cast an equal lustre through the fir-
manent. Katchûly, when he awoke the second time, perceived that
it was break of day; and immediately hastening to his father, proceeded
to relate the particulars of both his dreams.
The old prince appeared to experience an extraordinary degree of
satisfaction at what he heard; and sending for his other son Kabal, he
furnished the two brothers together, with the following obvious in-
terpretation to these singular dreams. The first, he said, indicated
that of the descendants of Kabal Khaun, three persons should in order
ascend the throne of their ancestors, and that of these, the third was
destined to subjugate the greater part of the habitable world; that he
would ultimately divide his empire among his children; and that the
empire so divided would continue in their possession long after his
demise. The second dream he conceived to prognosticate, that of the
race of Katchûly seven persons were successively destined to arrive
3P 3
476
Habeib us-
* seyr.
at great power; and that an eighth, animated with the spirit of universal
dominion, would also succeed in extending his conquests to the re-
motest corners of the globe; and finally, that the authority of his chidren
would in like manner continue long established over many regions of
the oriental world.
On this, by their fathers desire, the two brothers entered on the spot
into a solemn engagement, by which it was mutually agreed that the
Khauny, or sovereign authority, should be forever established in Kabal
Klaun and his descendants; and that the subordinate governments, and,
the general superintendance of the armies should be permanently invested
in Katchûly, and his posterity; and to this effect an instrument was
immediately prepared, and finally ratified under the Altumghâ, or im-
perial seal of Toumnah Khaun.
court.
Kubbul, or Kabal Khaun, the son of Toumnah Khaun, in conformity
with the arrangement above adverted to, ascended the throne of the
Moghûls, and ultimately obtained by his virtues the enviable title of
Alantchung Khaun-nourisher, or father of his people. He is indeed
described to have surpassed the whole of his cotemporaries, in clemency
and justice, in courage and liberality, and in short, in every quality
that could render the character of a monarch estimable and illustrious.
Hence, won by the reputation of his virtues, the sovereign of Khatâi
dispatched an embassy to solicit his friendship, and invite him to his
In an evil hour, Kabal Khaun determined to comply with the
invitation; and having deputed the government of his hereditary do-
minions to his brother Katchûly, proceeded accordiagly to the capital
of Khatài; where he experienced from Altan Khaun, the most distin-
guished and honorable reception. At the grand and solemn carousal,
which was given by the Khataian monarch on his arrival, Kabal Khaun
could not entirely divest himself of the suspicion of personal danger;
and accordingly, every now and then, in the course of their libations he
privately withdrew, and plunging his head beneath the stream of the
river which ran by, there disgorged the whole of what he had been
swallowing, and returned to renew the debauch; much to the surprise
of all present, who, not aware of his expedient could not forbear to
express their astonishment at the strength of constitution, which
could bear such a quantity of liquor without inebriation. Some days
W
477
seyr.
after this, however, when he had been less prudent in his proceedings, Habib-us-
Kabal Khaun, in a state of drunkenness, entered the presence of the
Khatayan monarch; and seizing him by the beard, applied to him every
term of abuse and insult, that he could find language to express. The
injury excited in the mind of Altan Khaun a sufficient degree of re-
sentment, but he thought fit for the present to confine it to his own
bosom; and his imprudent guest hastening, when he came to his re-
collection, to express the deepest regret for what had happened, Altan
Khaun had the magnanimity to overlook the offence; and presenting
him with a rich diadem, and girdle set with gems, shortly afterwards
dismissed the Moghûl prince for his own country. But the Khatayan
nobles, eager for his destruction, proceeding on his departure to remon-
strate with their Khaun, on the impolicy of suffering so formidable a
rival, to escape the snare which might be laid to circumvent him, the
monarch finally dispatched a messenger to solicit the return of his
guest. Kabal Khaun declined the invitation; observing that he had
left the chinese court with full permission, and that he was not aware
of any particular advantage that could arise from his return.
Perceiving that his victim was otherwise likely to elude the toil,
Altan Khaun now directed a detachment of troops to pursue, and bring
him back by force; but when these had overtaken their object, he
contrived to cajole them into a concurrence that he might be
permitted to repose, for a short time, at the habitation of a friend, of
the name of Satchûly, who resided on the road. By this friend he was
cautioned, as his existence depended upon it, not to put himself any
more in the power of the Khatayan monarch; and in order to ensure his
escape, he tendered him a horse of incomparable fleetness, which he
had in his stables, and which he recommended that he should imme-
diately mount and make the best of his way to his tribe. Kabal Khaun
gratefully availed himself of the offer; and giving his horse the reins, soon
afterwards reached the encampment of his followers, in perfect safety.
His pursuers were not long behind him, and were the whole of them
put to the sword at the recommendation of Katchûly; and the Moghûl
chief was thus fortunately extricated from the hazards, of his imprudent
and adventurous journey.
#
478
Habeib-us,
seyr.
By his wife, whose name was Karákereik, of the tribe of Kunkur,
or Kongûraut, Kabal Khaun was the father of six sons, of whom the
following are the names of three; Oukein Yerkauk, Kaueilah, and
Burtan. The former of these, was a youth of extraordinary personal
beauty; but unfortunately straying one day, into the adjoining exten-
sive plains, beyond the protection of his attendants, he was surprised
and taken by a troop of Tatars, who delivered him into the hands of
Altan Khaun; and he was condemned by that monarch to the same
cruel death, as had been inflicted on a former occasion on his kinsman
Hamikaud.
Kaueilah Khaun, the son of Kabâl Khaun, succeeded on the death
of his father, and is described as a man of extraordinary courage, and
bodily strength; the latter of which he possessed to such a degree, that
he broke the backs of the most powerful antagonists, with the same
facility as he could bend a twig, and his voice was of that compass
that he could make himself heard at a seven-fold distance. He con-
ducted a successful expedition, to avenge the death of his brother on
the Khaun of Khatâi, whom in a great battle he totally defeated; after
which he returned in triumph to his native land.
Burtan, or Purtan Bahauder, the son of Kabal Khaun, succeeded
to his brother, and equally surpassed all rivalship, in personal prow-
ess and military virtue; and hence his surname of Bahauder-heroic.
His uncle Katchûly dying while he was on the throne of the Mogh-
úls, the superintendance of the army was conferred by him on his
cousin german, Eirdumtchy, or tehci, the son of the departed chief.
Eirdumtchei was subsequently distinguished by the title of Berlas,
Burtan
and to him is ascribed the origin of the tribe of that name.
Bahauder was the parent of a numerous offspring; but of these the
most renowned, for his intrepid and martial spirit, was Beysouka, to
whom, on the death of his father, the supreme authority was in conse-
quence assigned.
Beysouka Bahauder, the son of Burtan, is said to have ennobled, or
reflected additional lustre on the throne of his ancestors, when he en-
circled his brows with the diadem of the Moghûl sovereigns. On the
death of Eirdumtchei Berlas, leaving a progeny of nine and twenty sons,
479
the dignities and appointments of the father were continued, by Bey. Habeib-us-
souka Bahauder, to Sogbûtchein, the oldest and ablest of the whole.
seyr.
On his return from a successful expedition against that branch of
the Tatar nations, by Petis de la Croix called the Sou Moghûls, the
wife of Beysouka Bahauder was delivered, at his residence of Deylûn
Yeldak, of a son, to whom he gave the name of Temûtchin; which is
said to have been that ofthe sovereign of the Sou Moghûls, whom he had
recently vanquished and slain. This child, the afterwards invincible
JENGUEIZ, his father pronounced to be the star of the dream of Kat-
chûly Bahauder, which was destined to extend its radiance throughout Birth of Jen-
the habitable world. By the same mother with Temûtchin, he had gueiz.
furthermore three sons, Jûjykessaur, Kajiûn, in another place called
Eiltcha, and Ountchei, elsewhere Utakein: and he had by a different
wife, a fifthson, whose name was Balkouty. Of these four, Jûjykessaur,
the former, was remarkable for his courage, and extraordinary stature; as
a proof of which, or possibly of the exquisite symmetry of his form,
it is alleged that when he reclined on one side, a bow might be passed
beneath it, without coming in contact with his body. Beysouka Ba-
hauder quitted this perishable world in the Moghûl year Tengûrneil,
the five hundred and sixty second of the Hidjerah ;* and his kinsman
Soughûtchein, who possessed the principal controul in his government,
dying about the same period, the Neyrûn race ungenerously abandoned
the children of their sovereign, and united with the tribe of Tanjut;
of which more hereafter.
We have just seen that the father of Jenguci: was Beysouka,
the son of Burtan Bahauder; the name of his mother was Oulun Ay-
kah, or Ankah; and his birth took place at Deylùn Yeldak, supposed
to be about ten days journey north of the frontiers of China, on the
twentieth day of Zilkaudah, of the five hundred and forty ninth of the
Hidjerah. According to the statement of Shurf-ud-dein Ally the
Yezdian, in the Zuffurnamah, this circumstance which was destined
to produce such memorable and dreadful events, occurred when the
constellation libra was predominant among the heavenly bodies; and
when the whole of the seven planets were in conjunction, the head in
A. D. 1167.
1 Twenty fifth of January, A. D. 1155, the second month of the reign of Henry the IId.
of England.
480
seyr.
A. H. 562. the third, and the tail in the ninth degree of that sign. A plurality
A. D. 1167. of historians, however, contend that this conjunction of the planets did
Habeib-us- not take place until the five hundred and eighty first of the Hidjerah,*
when Jengueiz became invested with the universal sovereignty of all
the tribes of the Neyrûn race.
But the oriental writers in general con-
cur in representing that the portentous infant came into the world grasp.
ing in his hand a quantity of congealed blood; which was declared to
indicate not only his warlike disposition, but the dreadful slaughter
of the human race, of which he was destined to be the instrument.
At the death of his father, Temûtchin had only attained to the thir-
teenth year of his age, when he was abandoned by the major part of
his tribe and family, who went over to the nation of Tanjût. At this
period the young prince is described to have dreamt, that having a
sword in each hand extended in opposite directions, the point of one
seemed to touch the eastern, as that of the other did the western horizon.
The following morning when he related the dream to his mother, it was
again interpreted to denote the extraordinary power to which he was
destined to attain; that he should accomplish the subjugation of the
world from east to west; and that the point of his sword would be felt
through all the countries extending to both horizons.
It appears, at the same time, that while the immediate ancestors of
Temûtchin maintained their authority over the Neyrûn tribes, the ge-
nerality of the Moghûl and Tatar nations were seldom, or never, subject
to one and the same sovereign. On the contrary, as convenience might
suggest, one or more nations would associate under the government
of a separate and independent ruler. Hence they were engaged in
perpetual hostilities, mutually directed to the extermination of one
another; and hence, when left an orphan minor on the death of his fa-
ther, as just related, Jengueiz was abandoned to his destiny, by those
whom the obligations of duty and gratitude, should have bound to
protect him, at least until he was of age to protect himself. In consc-
quence of this ungenerous defection, the young prince was involved in a
train of the most serious difficulties, and for several years exposed to
* A.D. 1185, commencing the third of April. N. B. If this alludes to his assumption of
the supreme power, after the subjugation of the Keraeit, that event did not take place
until the 599th of the Hidjerah.
481
seyr.
the most imminent danger of destruction. At last, perceiving that he A. H. 582-70,
was no longer able to contend with his adversaries, with a prospect of A. D. 1167-74.
success, he finally determined, at the recommendation of Karatchaur Habeib-us-
Nûyan, the son of Soughûtchein, a youth not older than himself, for
they were both minors at the death of their parents, to throw himself
on the protection of Oung-Khaun the monarch of the Kerâeit, whose
capital was Karakorum; and who is described, both in point of extent
of territory, and of the numerous population subject to his authority,
as the most potent and formidable of the Khauns of Tûrkestaun.
With respect to the origin of this prince, and of the nation over
whom he governed, we find it stated, that at a period more remote,
there reigned among the Tartar tribes, a monarch who had eight sons
all of a black complexion, and who on account of their colour, received
the appellation of Kerâeit, or Kâraeit-black fleshed. From this sable
stock then, the subjects of Oung Khaun derived their origin. With res-
pect to himself, he was called originally Toghrel, but this, as the name
of a bird of ill omen, he is said to have changed, possibly at his acces-
sion to sovereign power, into Oung Khaun; which latter, as well
as Beysouka, borne by the father of Jengueiz, is here alleged to signi-
fy, the prince of a single territory. His father's name was Kartchaur
Koulû Berûk. We shall finally remark that this same Oung Khaun
is represented, by Petis de la Croix, as the Prester John of Asia of the
Nestorian Christians, in the latter part of the twelfth century.
A system of the closest amity had, at all events been cultivated, for
many years, between this monarch and Beysouka Bahauder; and Jen-
gueiz,* on the demise of his father, had given every proof of a disposi-
tion to continue it unimpaired. That which he was, by the pressure
of his misfortunes now to give, was perhaps not the least; and he was.
not deceived in his confidence. He experienced from the Khaun on his
arrival, the most generous attention, with every testimony of favor and
esteem; and his followers met a reception equally benevolent and hu-
Jengueiz acquired, in a short time, by the superiority of his
understanding, and by his singular talents and sagacity, as well as by his
*Although he did not assume the title until his solemn inauguration, as king of kings, many
years subsequent to the present period, this is the name by which, with the author, we shall
henceforward continue to distinguish him.
mane.
VOL. II.
3 Q
482
seyr.
A. II. 570-89. amiable manners and affability of deportment, the highest degree of
A. D. 1174-93. confidence with his protector; who was ultimately induced to entrust
Habeib-us him with the management of the most arduous, and important concerns.
of his government, being in all cases invariably directed by his opinion.
During the period in which, under these circumstances, he resided
under the protection of Oung Khaun, he exhibited on a variety of oc-
casions, the most distinguished proofs of extraordinary courage and
consummate abilities. He brought to a triumphant issue the war, in
which that monarch was involved with his brother Tchankû; he van-
quished Tourkein, the chief of the Mekreit, or Merkeit, with his ally
Toukta Beiggy; and, much about the same period, the five hundred
and seventy-eighth of the Hidjerah, at a place called Kuytenn, he
gained a memorable and signal victory, over the associated tribes of
Tanjût, Saljút, Konkùraut, and Jellâeir; notwithstanding the inter-
vention of a dreadful snow-storm, which they are particularly described
to have brought on, through the influence of the Sung Yeddab, or lapis
imbrifer.
In short, at the expiration of about eight years, in which he conti-
nued to serve with undiminished felicity and reputation, in the court
and armies of Oung-Khaun, the splendid advancement, and daily in-
creasing predominance of Jengueiz, at length excited the jealousy of
his envious and malignant rivals. A combination was privately formed
to effect his destruction; and it was for that purpose insidiously repre-
sented to the Khaun, that his illustrious favorite aspired at independent
power, or at least to obtrude himself into the succession, to the preju-
dice of the princes of his own blood. But the man who distinguished
himself beyond all others, in his exertions to hasten the destruction of
Jengueiz, was Jamouka, the chief, or prince, of the Jajeraut. His en-
deavors proved, however, for some time unsuccessful; until address-
ing his applications to Sankoun, or Sankoum, the son of the Khaun,
that prince was persuaded to associate in his hostile desigus, and
by repeated importunity, ultimately brought his father to coincide.
A particular morning was now fixed upon, by Oung Khaun, to attack
the person of the obnoxious favorite, when he least suspected the dan-
ger to which he was exposed. But, the very day before the design
was to be carried into execution, one of the hostile chiefs happening to
1
483
seyr.
make it the subject of a conversation with his wife, it was overheard A. II. 589-99.
by two youths of the name of Bâta and Keshlek, who sat without the A. D. 1193-1202,
tent; and who instantly flew to the camp of Jengueiz, to whom they labeib-us-
disclosed the circumstances of his danger. Under considerable alarm,
Jengueiz entered into consultation with his faithful relative Kara-
tehaur; and it was determined on the spot to leave their tents standing,
and to retire immediately, under cover of the night, to a station called
Kellaltchein; at the foot of some of the hills adjoining to the frontiers of
Khatai, or northern China, there to await the issue.
In the course of the same night, Oung Khaun approached the en.
campment of Jengueiz at the head of his troops, and observing the tents
all standing, directed his archers to ply them with their arrows; until
it was finally discovered that their quivers were exhausted in vain,
and that the tents had been previously abandoned by their inmates.
The Khaun then hastened in pursuit of Jenguciz, whom he attacked
in his post with equal obstinacy and animosity. The Moghul prince
continued, however, and in spite of the vast disparity of his numbers,
to defend himself until night-fall, when the combat mutually ceased.
Jengueiz availed himself of the opportunity, and silently withdrew to the
fountain head, or lake of Baljoutah; where, at the recommendation of the
prudent Karatchaur, he proceeded to enregister, for future appropriate
titles and dignities, the whole of his gallant associates in the late unequal
conflict. Upon the two youths in particular, who had so seasonably fore-
warned him of his danger, he conferred the title of Terkhan; expressly
ordaining, that their posterity for nine generations, should be exempted
from all questions for their offences, on the part of his sons and succes-
From these descended the whole of the Terkhanians who sub-
sequently appeared, during the power of the monarchs of the lines of
Jengueiz and Teymûr, both in Khorassaun and the territory on the Oxus.
sors.
From the head of the lake Baljoutah, Jengueiz removed, at a proper
opportunity, still nearer to the frontiers of Khatâi; taking post on the
banks of a certain river, supposed to be the Kâramûran; the yellow river,
according to a note in Mr. Petis de la Croix's history.*At a subsequent
period he hastened, however, with his little band of four thousand six
hundred warriors of tried experience, to the station of Nawerd; from
Possibly Feramiran; since Karamûran would be more properly, the black river,
39 3
484
A. H. 599. whence, for the purpose of amusing, or of laying his vigilance asleep,
A. D. 1202. he dispatched his agents to solicit terms of peace from Oung Khaun.
Habeib-us- In the process of time, however, after a series of hostilities, which must
seyr.
have been protracted under various circumstances, for a period of nine or
ten years, and which, we are here briefly told, produced the utmost de-
solation through the country of the Kerâeit, he brought the army of the
Khaun to a great and decisive battle. Towards the close ofthe conflict, the
horse of Oung Khaun being killed by an arrow, from the bow of Kâratchaur
Nuyan, that monarch immediately mounted another, and accompa
nied by his son Sankoun, made the best of his way from the field of
battle, to the court of Tayang Khaun, the monarch of the Naymans; by
some of whose principal officers, he was shortly afterwards basely put
to death. His son escaped for the present to the country of Kashghâr;
to experience, however, at a subsequent period, a similar fate by the
hand of a chief of the tribe of Khilije, or Guellitch, of the name of
Kellidje Kurrahı.
Having thus finally triumphed over the armies of their sovereign,
Jengueiz found no further difficulty in subjugating the whole nation
of the Kerâeit; and he proceeded, in the five hundred and ninety ninth
of the Hidjerah, being then in the forty ninth year of his age, to seat
himself, at the station of Thamankohrah,* on the throne of the Khauny ;
and hence boldly displaying the standard of his power, multitudes of the
Moghûl tribes submitted to his authority. This piece of information
awakened the most inveterate spirit of hostility in Tayang Khaun, the
son of Eynaunje Khaun, the prince, or monarch of the Naymans; who
is here stated to have borne the name of Taubkû, until it was changed
by the Khaun of Khatay, or sovereign of China, into Tayang Khaun,
alleged to signify, son of the Khaun. At all events, he determined to
employ the resources of a powerful monarchy for the immediate extir-
pation of the new sovereign; and for that purpose proceeded to as-
semble a vast force, dispatching to every quarter of the land of the
Moghûls, to demand their co-operation in the design.
On the other hand, apprized of these formidable preparations, Jen-
gueiz hastened to deliberate with his sons, and relatives, and principal
Ameirs, on the means of opposing the storm. His half brother Bal-
* Some station probably near his native place of Deytün Yeldak.,
485
seyr.
kouty, embraced the opportunity of suggesting to Kâratchaur, that if A. H. 600.
their sovereigu would but march, to anticipate the attack of the enemy A. D. 1204.
on his own territory, he would be responsible for the success of the Habeib-us-
measure. Jengueiz immediately subscribed to the plan; and in the
middle of the latter Jummaudy of the six hundredth of the Hidjerah*
conducted his troops, accordingly, to seek the Khaun of the Naymans,
in the heart of his own dominions. The adverse monarch, who was, at
the same time, the father in law of Jengueiz, had however already as-
sembled his numerous legions, and hastened to give battle to the invader.
In the dreadful conflict which ensued, he was severely wounded; and
withdrawing his person to a pass in one of the neighboring mountains,
some of his principal generals followed, to intreat that he would re-
sume his station in the field. But finding him deaf to their arguments,
they returned without him, and precipitated themselves in despair upon
the troops of Jengueiz; among whom they found a speedy and honorable
death. When night came on, Tayang, with considerable difficulty, de-
scended to the foot of the pass, and succeeded in conveying himself
to'a place of safety. He died however before the conclusion of the
year; his son Koushlûk escaping to the country of an uncle, of the name
of Bûyrûk.
In the mean time the followers of Jamoukah, who wandered through
the Tartarsolitudes perpetually harassed by his terrors of the vengeance
of Jengueiz, seized their unhappy lord, and delivered him up to his
successful rival. For this piece of treason, and foul ingratitude, the mis-
creants were, by Jengueiz, deservedly punished with death; and for
his malicious calumnies with Oung Khaun, and the prince his son
Jamoukah was himself immediately hacked to pieces. These events
were succeeded by the entire submission of all the Moghûl tribes, that of
Mekrcit or Merkeit alone excepted, which was under the authority of
Toukta Beiggy. Against that nation, Jengueiz now turned his victorious
arms; and, having at the very first onset put a period to the power of
Toukta Beiggy, that prince and his son were also driven for protection
to the court of Bûyrûk, the brother of Tayang Khaun; while their con-
queror continued his successful career into the country of Tangueit,
*February A. D. 1204.
་
186
A. II. 602. known also by the name of Kashein, which he reduced to subjection
A. D. 1206. with his usual celerity.
Habeib-us-
sejr.
}
By the month of Rudjub of the six hundred and second of the Hid-
jerah* when the sun should have attained to the mausion of its highest
sublimity, in aries at the vernal equinox, and when the hills and plains
should have arrayed themselves in nature's loveliest robe, Jenguciz
had given directions to prepare for a Kouriltài, or general diet of the
states of the empire, so called by the Tartars. A prodigious concourse,
consisting of his sons, and generals, and of the majority of the higher,
with many of the lower classes from all parts of the Moghûl territory,
assembled accordingly, at the appointed pcriod, at the imperial residence.
On this occasion, Jenguciz, having caused the great white standard of
nine degrees (or tails) to be erected, presented himself on a magnificent
throne under the shadow of it, and proceeded to extend to every rank
of his admiring subjects, the most liberal proofs of his munificence.
He was saluted by an universal burst of acclam ation and applause, from
the whole of the nobility and grandecs of the empire; not an individual
of the vast assembly omitting, at the same time, to offer before the throne
some token of allegiance, together with his vows for the prosperity
and happiness of the monarch. In the midst of this tumultuous
agitation of zeal and joy, a Moghûl devotee, or enthusiast, gencrally
known by the appellation of Bût-tongry, but whose real name was
Kouktchû, claimed the attention of the assembly; and addressing the
monarch on the throne, who had hitherto retained his original name of
Temûtchîn, expressed himself briefly in these terms; "by the myster-
"ious authority which I possess, on Temûtehîn, on his sons, and on
*his kindred, have I bestowed the whole surface of the globe ; hence-
''forth therefore, no longer Temûtchin, thy name be Jenguciz Khaun?”
The title is here expressly said to signify, Shâhshahan-king of kings;
and it was immediately confirmed by a general acclamation of the
assembly.
Among other artifices, by which this enthusiast endeavored to impose
upon the understanding of mankind, he pretended to possess the secret
of diving into their inmost thoughts; that he had, on several occasions,
* March A. D.'1206.
•
487
seyr.
ascended to the skies; and that he spoke from the supernatural knowledge A. II. 602-7.
acquired in his visits among the stars in their constellations. But, A. D. 1206-10,
although sufficiently aware of the grossness of the imposition, Jen. Habeib-us--
gûeiz did not on that day conceive it expedient either to check, or
molest the proceedings of the impostor. Some time afterwards, how-
ever, the same Bût-tongry discovering certain symptoms of an aspiring
ambition, which ill became the sanctity which he professed, and obtrud-
ing upon Jûjy Kessaur, the brother of Jengueiz, some inquiries of a
nature beyond his proper concern, that chief, without ceremony, seized
him by the throat, and dashed him with such violence against the earth,
that he never rose, or spoke again. It is moreover added, on the tes-
timony of the Jammia-ul-towaurikh, that this Bût, or perhaps Bûhd-
tongry was, by a second husband, the son of Oulûn Aykah, the widow of
Beysouka Bahauder, and mother of the immortal Jengueiz; that he
had rendered himself equally insensible to the effects of heat and cold ;
and that he was thus capable of sitting naked without apparent incon-
venience in the midst of ice and snow; and, finally, that he had fixed
his abode on a solitary mountain called Outan karvan, and that he
disdained to solicit the means of existence from any human being.
On the dissolution of the Kouriltâi, at which he may have promul-
gated the Yaussa, or code of laws, detailed in the 6th chapter of Petis
de la Croix's respectable history, Jengueiz hastened to carry his designs
into execution, against Buyrouk, the brother of Tayang Khaun; whom
he suddenly attacked, defeated, and killed, on the plains, or hunting
grounds of Ulûgh, or Alughtauk. Koushlûk, the nephew of the van-
quished monarch, in company with Toukta Beiggy, the Khaun of the
Mekreit, betook himself to flight on the fall of his relative. The fu-
gitives were, however, pursued, and overtaken by Jengueiz, at Erdeish,
(not the Irtish) where Toukta Beiggy was killed; but Koushlûk again
contrived to escape, and claim the protection of Gûrkhaun, a mon-
arch of whom more hereafter; and it was at this conjuncture that the
prince of Eyghûr, who bore the title of Eidykout, the lord of power,
or ruling prince, impressed by the reports which continually reached
him, ofthe invincible prowess and surpassing magnificence of Jengueiz,
suddenly threw off the authority of Gurkhaun; and hastened to join,
and solicit an alliance with the Moghûl monarch, who received him
1
488
A. H. 607. with distinguished kindness, and ultimately bestowed upon him, one
A. D. 1210. of his daughters in marriage.
Habeib-us-
seyr.
The animosities which had so frequently broke out between the
Khaugans of the Moghûl tribes, and the monarchs of Khatâi, or north-
ern China,* although composed by temporary cessation, were never-
theless in a state of perpetual effervescence; and now that, in the
oriental strain, his armies might be said to out-number the drops in
rain, Jengueiz considered, perhaps, that they could not be better em-
ployed than in avenging the wrongs of his country by the subjugation
of that powerful monarchy. This enterprize he therefore determined
to undertake without further delay; but, he first of all thought it expe-
dient to dispatch one of his oldest officers, ofthe name of Jauffer Khaujah,
equally distinguished for his commanding eloquence and sagacity of
mind, to convey to Altan, or Altûn Khaun, which appears at this pe-
riod to have been a title generally borne by the Chinese emperors, a
formal demand of allegiance and tribute. The Khâtayan monarch is
described to have received the message with equal indignation, and
disdain. He desired that it might be made known to the arrogant
and haughty Jengueiz, that the dominions over which he governed, had
hitherto never been polluted by the footsteps of a foreign adversary;
that it behoved him to make an estimate widely different, between the
monarch of a powerful empire, and the uncivilized and undisciplined
Moghûls, against whom his enterprizes had hitherto been solely di-
rected; and he admonished him to beware of drawing upon himself, a
train of calamities and vengeance, of which it was impossible that he
could form the slightest conception. But, if in spite of every suggestion
of prudence, he was still determined to tempt his fate, by approaching
the provinces under his authority, he should infallibly experience to his
cost, what a numerous, and victorious soldiery was capable of achieving.
When the obvious result of his embassy had been communicated, by
Jauffer Khaujah, to Jengueiz, that monarch, as appears to have been
his practice on all extraordinary occasions, ascended a lofty eminence;
and there loosing the girdle from his waist, and casting it round his
* Khatâi is the name applied, with great apparent propriety, by De la Croix, to the
seven northern provinces of China; as that of Mangi, quere Matchein, is to the nine southern
provinces.
489
seyr.
neck, in the humblest terms implored the Almighty to crown his efforts A. H. 607-8.
with victory. He remained on the same spot, engaged in supplication A. D. 1210-11
for several days and nights; but descending at last to resume the func- Habeib-us-
tions of his power, and having set apart a body of troops for the
defence of the Ourdû, or principal seat of government at Kârakorum,
he finally proceeded at the head of the main body of the army, towards
the Khâtayan territory. Soon afterwards penetrating the frontier of
the empire,* he subdued with surprising rapidity the country of Jour-
anjet, containing, as it is said, the incredible population of seventy
thousand tomauns, of ten thousand each (the former would make
seven hundred millions, the latter the rather more moderate aggregate
ofseventy millions); and he added to his conquests by the reduction of
many other great and flourishing cities.
Altan Khaun, on intelligence of this formidable invasion, with an
army such as, for multitude, the blue firmament with its thousand eyes,
had hitherto never before contemplated, now advanced from the me-
tropolis of Tchengdû, or Tchengtû ;† (for it would be difficult to give,
from the original, the precise orthography of this and many other
Chinese and Tartar names which occur in the history)† and took post
at the head of one of the passes of his country. He detached, how-
ever, some of his generals with a force sufficiently numerous more in
advance; both to observe the frontiers of the province, and, as opportu-
nity occurred, to harass and annoy the Moghuls. The division thus
employed receiving unexpected information, that Jengueiz, after forc-
ing one of the cities in the neighborhood, was at this moment engaged
without suspicion of danger, in dividing the booty, the Chinese generals
conceived it to be one of the opportunities, of which they had been
instructed to avail themselves; and they hastened by as expeditious a
movement as possible to take the enemy by surprise. They were so far
successful, as to come upon the Moghûls while they were preparing
one of their meals; but the ever-active Jengueiz, mounting his horse
in person on the first alarm, and directing his soldiers to reverse their
* De la Croix states, that the great gate in the Chinese wall, the Sedd-c-Yâjûje of the
Arabs, was betrayed to him by Alacous, the Khaun of Ankout. The wall is not even-men-
tioned by our author, which seems rather extraordinary. It is, however, to be observed,
that frankoḥ is the name assigned by some writers to the same wall.
4 It will be found, iu a subsequent part of the work, that this city lay something to the
northward of the modern metropolis of khaun-baligh, or Cambalu, or Pekin.
VOL. II.
3 R
490
A. II. 008. cooking utensils and take to their swords, immediately assailed the.
A. D. 1211. Khatayan troops; who gave way at the very first onset, and were de-
Habeib-us- feated with extensive loss.
seyr.
かつ
​1
In the great battle which was soon afterwards fought between Jen-
gueiz, and the Khâtayan monarch in person, the Moghûls were as
usual triumphant; Altan Khaun flying in dismay to his capital, whi-
ther he was immediately pursued by his conqueror. In this extre-
mity, the Khatayan deliberated with his ministers and principal generals,.
the names of three of whom, Kiouking, Dioungshah, and Tcheingsang,
unequivocally bespeak their Chinese identity, as to the measures
which he should adopt to repel the danger. Tcheingsang declared for
a temporary accommodation with the invader; and that, if he could
be prevailed upon to withdraw to his own country, means might easily
be devised to repair the losses, of whatever magnitude, sustained by
the invasion. This plan met with the approbation of Altan Khaun;
by whom an embassy was immediately dispatched to open a negocia-
tion for peace with Jengueiz, and to make him an offer of his daughter
Kebkhûr, or Kenjûr, (the Kubcou Catune, or Khâtûn, of De la Croix,)
for his bride. The Moghûl monarch, from some motive of present
convenience, agreed to a treaty of peace; and, accompanied by the
Chinese princess, soon afterwards withdrew to his own territories.
Altan Khaun is stated upon this to have consigned the government
of Tchengdû, and that part of his dominions, to one of the princes his
sons, aided by a council of some of the most distinguished Ameirs of
the empire, and to have retired himselfto Tayming; a noble city, which
had been erected by his father, and which, in loftiness and extent, seemed
to rival the stupendous vault of heaven. On the authority of the Jam-
mia-rashidy, and of the preliminary to the zuffuruâmah of the Yezdian,
we are further informed that this was a city of forty farsangs, or leagues,
in circumference; that it was defended by three prodigious ramparts;
and that it was washed on one side by a vast river, of such a breadth
indeed, that it occupied an entire day, with the utmost exertion, in
the vessels which navigated the stream, to cross it and return from
one bank to the other. It is, inoreover, stated to have been supplied,
in equal abundance, with all the fruits indigenous to both warm and
cold climates.
491
seyr.
On the removal of Altan Khaun, however, to a remoter part of his A. H. 008-10.
dominions, that which he seems to have abandoned soon became a A. D. 1212-14.
prey to the most alarming disturbances and disaffection; great numbers Habeib-us-
of the military chiefs, with their followers, displaying at the same time
the standard of insurrection and revolt, and disseminating the baneful
influence of their disloyalty and treason, throughout the whole of north-
ern China. Thus circumstanced, the son of the Khaun found himself
constrained to resign the government of Tchengdû to its fate, and he
withdrew from the surrounding convulsions, to join the person of his
father; and intelligence of the forsaken situation of the metropolis of
Khatai, being early conveyed to Jengueiz, by the agent of Aboukah the
governor of Jûrjah, supposed to be the peninsula of Corea, together
with assurances of his master's allegiance and attachment, Mangû, and
Samoukah, two Ameirs, or commanders of tomauns, were immediately
appointed, at the head of a competent force, to resume on the part of
the Moghûl monarch, the conquest of the country south of the wall
of China.
These two generals appeared in due time before Tchengdû, of which
they immediately formed the siege; and it employed their exertions and
vigilance to a protracted period, until, indeed, the resources of the garrison
became entirely exhausted. In this extremity, the besieged ventured
to apprize their sovereign, in his new capital, of the situation to which
they had been reduced; and a numerous convoy under the direction
of a chief of the name of Boutekshâi, and three other Ameirs, was dis-
patched with all expedition to their relief; each of the soldiers and
followers carrying three measures ofgrain, for the supply of the garrison.
When it reached a place called Seyning, or some such name, the cou-
voy was however intercepted by a body of the Jengueizian troops;
who suffered the escort to pass, but took care to disencumber them of
the invaluable supply for the garrison, of which they were in charge.
In despair at the circulation of this disastrous intelligence among their
followers, two of the Chinese commanders, Kiou Keing, and Tcheing-
sang, destroyed themselves by poison; the others effected their escape
to Tayming; and thes c rcumstances were followed by the immediate
submission of the capital, and the whole of the Khatayan territory,
3 R 3
492
A. H. 610.
Ilabeib-us-
seyr.
On intelligence of this prodigious acquisition, an officer of the name
A. D. 1214. of Konk û Nûyan proceeded by order of Jengueiz, to Tchengdû, to con-
vey to Karakorum the long accumulated treasures of the Khatayan
monarch; which, in specie beyond all estimate of numbers, and in costly
effects without measure, together with the individual, who as treasurer
had been formerly vested with the inestimable charge, were now trans-
ported entire to the presence of Jengueiz; by whom, with his charac-
teristic liberality, the whole was immediately distributed on the spot,
to his armies. The subjugation of Khatay appears to have been com-
pleted in the six hundred and tenth, or eleventh of the Hidjerah; soon
after which, returning from the frontier of his new conquests to his own
capital, the Moghul monarch consigned the final settlement of the
conquered countries, to Moghuly Guyang of the tribe of Jeilâeir.
Having enjoyed a short interval of repose, the attention of Jengueiz
was next employed to carry into execution the design, which he had
probably for some time had in view, of extinguishing the rival ambi-
tion of Koushlûk, prince of the Naymans, and of subjugating the Karak-
hatayan nation with whom he had taken refuge. Before he proceeds,
however, to record the events of this expedition, the author supplies
us with the following curtailed account of the people who were the
ultimate object of it. A short time previous to the period under con-
sideration, the Kârakhtayans were governed by the last ofa line of princes,
to whom, for reasons similar to those which had bestowed upon the
monarchs of Northern China that of Altan Khaun, they assigned the
general title of Gûr Khaun. Their ancestors were indeed genuine Khâtay-
ans of the most distinguished class; eighty individuals of whom, together
with their kindred and dependents, comprising in the whole a numer-
ous population, some time previous to the birth of Jengueiz, had emigrat-
ed from their native country, and appeared on the confines of Kerkeir, or
Crequir,north of the peninsula of Corea; but meeting with opposition
from the inhabitants of Kerkeir, they passed thence to the territory of
Eymil, where they erected a considerable city. This became the resort of
the most warlike of the Tartar tribes; of whom a colony of four thous-
and families was induced not long afterwards, to settle in the vicinity.
At this particular period the city of Balasaughûn, called by the
Moghûls, Aghû or Oghûbauligh-the city of beauty, or the beautiful
}
493
city, was governed by a Khaun of the race of Afrausiah; whose weak- A. II. 610-11.
ness exposing him to the cupidity of the neighboring tribes, the fron. A. D. 1214-15.
tiers of his country were perpetually plundered and laid waste, and in
particular, by the Kereik and Kankuly Tartars.
To relieve himself
from these repeated aggressions, the prince of Balasaughûn determined
?
to call in the assistance of the chief of the Kârakhatayans, who had
already assumed the title of Gûrkhaun; and whom he accordingly soli-
cited, through his agent, to come and put himself in possession of
Balasaughûn, and avenge his injuries on the predatory and hostile tribes.
The Gurkhaun did not require much solicitation; he hastened to Bala
saughûn, divested the imbecile prince of his hereditary authority, and
transferred it to himself, with the title of Eylek Türkman or, more pro-
bably, Turkan. He then directed his resources to the subjugation of
all the tribes that might prove hostile to his government; after which,
he further extended his conquests by the reduction of Kashghâr and
Khôten southwards, and, ultimately, by the submission of several of the
petty princes of Mawur-un-neher and Ferghanah, westward to the
Oxus. It was the same monarch who opposed, and defeated Sûltan
Sunjur of the race of Seljûk, about the five hundred and thirty sixth
of the Hidjerah, as noticed on a former occasion.
On the death of this able monarch, his authority appears to have
devolved to his widow whose name was Gûyang, or Kûloun, for it is
written both ways in the same line; and she was cheerfully obeyed
by the nation, so long as she continued to deport herself as a chaste
and virtuous matron. But the moment she suffered herself to be led
away by her voluptuous propensities, the Kârakhatayans did not scru-
ple to cut her off, together with the associate of her pleasures; and to
transfer the authority and title of Gûrkhaun, to the brother of their late
sovereign.
Between the second of the Gûrkhauns, and the kings of Khaurezm,
occurred those transactions of alternate peace and war recorded in a
former page; and it was to him that Koushluk the prince of the Nay-
mans fled for protection, on the death of his uncle Bûyrûk Khaun, and
the fall of Toukta Beggy; and the kind and hospitable reception which
the fugitive experienced on the occasion, was succeeded by an union
Habeib-us-
seyr.
494
A. H. 610-11. with the daughter of the Kârakhatayan. All which was but ill-requited
A. D. 1214-15. in the sequel.
Habeib-us-
seyr.
While Jengueiz was absent on his expedition against Khatâi, Koush-
luk availed himself of the opportunity to represent to his father in law,
that his hereditary subjects, the Naymans, had been left too long to wan-
der, like sheep without their shepherd; and that if the proposal met
with his approbation, the friend on whom he had conferred such lasting
obligations, would now undertake to collect them together, and con-
duct them to the service of his benefactor. The Gûrkhaun too easily
and imprudently acceded to the insidious proposal; and immediately
dismissed the Nayman, loaded with distinction and favor, to carry his
design into execution. Koushluk conveyed himself without accident
to the country of his birth, and was joined, as soon as his arrival be-
came known, by the whole force of the Nayman tribes; and not long
afterwards by the prince of the Mekreit, who embraced the opportu-
nity of repairing to his standard. Finding himself at the head of a
powerful army, instead of avenging himself on the adversaries of his
family, Koushluk, in violation of every tie of friendship and hospita-
lity, proceeded without scruple, to plunder and lay waste the terri-
tory of his father in law. And, as if determined to ensure the destruc-
tion of his benefactor beyond the possibility of failure, he dispatched
to Sultan Mahomined the Khaurezmian, the message described in a
former chapter; inviting him to attack the Karak hatayan from the west-
ward while he continued hostilities against him from the east and
stipulating, as already observed, that if the Khaurez mian was foremost
in his successful exertions to destroy the power of the common enemy,
he should compensate himself by taking possession of Kashghår and
Khoten; on the other hand, if success first dawned on the arms of the
Nayman, Sultan Mahommed should cede to him the whole of the country
westward of Tûrkestaun, to the Seyhûn or river of Finauket.
In conformity with the plan of operations thus proposed, the Kârakha-
tayan found himself shortly afterwards exposed to two formidable
attacks on opposite quarters of his dominions. The Nayman, who pressed
to the scene of action before his ally, was, however, defeated; after which
succeeded the battle between Gûrkhaun and the Khaurezmian, already
referred to; in which either wing of the contending armies having been
495
+
seyr.
beaten, cither through the treachery or misconduct of the sepâhbud, or A. H. 610-11.
commander, of the Kabûdjâmaligan, or blucs, on the side of Sultan A. D. 1214.15.
Mahommed, both ultimately separated without claiming the victory. Habeib us-
But, on returning to his capital of Balasaughûn on this occasion, the
inhabitants tired of the yoke of the Kârakhatayans, and expecting that
the Khaurezmians were in close pursuit, at once shut their gates in the
face of the Gûrkhaun; and proceeded to assail his person with darts
and stones, and every species of annoyance that the most determined
hostility could have devised. The monarch prepared without delay to
reduce them to their allegiance; and at the expiration of sixteen days,
succeeded in carrying the place by assault, and to signalize his vengeance,
immediately gave orders for a general massacre of the inhabitants. In
consequence of this, during three days and three nights, for which the
slaughter was continued, forty seven thousand of the most distinguished
individuals in Balasaughûn, were put to the sword.
Such were the circumstances of the Khatayan monarch, when, his
treasury being entirely emptied by the expences of the war, an opn-
lent courtier, apprehensive of a claim upon his own wealth, suggested
to him the expedient of calling upon his officers, as an equivalent for
his disbursements, to deposit the plunder, which they had amassed
during the campaign, in the hands of the treasurer of state. To this
unpopular measure the Gûrkhaun unfortunately gave his assent; and it
hastened the crisis of his destruction. His captains, obtaining intelli-
gence of what was in agitation, alternately withdrew from court under
various pretexts, and excited, in different quarters, a general spirit of
disaffection, and revolt against his government. The Nayman prince,
Koushluk, hastened to avail himself of the general discontent ; and
like a sudden and unexpected calmity appeared, at the head of his
followers, within the walls of Balasaughûn, of which he became imme-
diately master; the aged monarch, deprived of friends and resources,
presenting himself, in a posture of silent and humble resignation, before
the throne of his ungrateful betrayer. Affecting, however, to be
shocked at this public and striking proof of the inconstancy of fortune,
Koushluk caused him, in appearance, to be treated with respect and
tenderness; although he seized, without ceremony, on every article of
his property, whether treasure or cattle, moveable or immoveable.
496
!
A. II. 611-12. Gûrkhaun survived his degradation for a period of two years; at the
A. D. 1215. end of which, and at the advanced age of ninety five he died, after an
Habeib us alleged reign of eighty two years. This appears however to be an in-
consistency; and probably refers to the entire duration of the existence
of this dinasty, which expired with him.
sexr.
Having thus attained the climax of his usurpations, Koushluk pro-
ceeded in a short time to extend his dominion to the countries of
Almauligh,* Kashghâr, and Khote,† signalizing his government by
every species of oppression, rapacity, and violence. In his religion he
is described as a rank and inveterate idolater, while his consort profes-
sed the doctrines of the Messiah. Hence the malignity, with which
they are both accused of having persecuted the advocates of the Ma-
hommedan dispensation. The memory of Koushluk was however
rendered particularly odious, because he condemned a distinguished
Mussulman doctor, of the name of Alla-ud-dein Mahommed-ul-Hus-
seny, to be crucified at the door of his own college, for having success-
fully vindicated the tenets of his belief, and retorted upon the tyrant
the abuse with which he had presumed to treat the name of his pro-
phet: a circumstance which, at the same time, might inspire some doubt
as to the justice of that obloquy, to which the historian seems disposed
to consign the memory of this prince, and his consort.
In the mean time, his ally the prince of Mekreit, or Merkeit, on some
disgust, separated from the Nayman, and retired among the tribes of
Keptchauk; and Jengueiz, apprized of the sudden and unexpected
accession to power of Koushluk, hastened to adopt those measures
which might most effectually bring it to a termination. Jubbah, or Hub-
bah Nûyant with several tomauns, was immediately directed to march
westward, in order to disconcert the designs of the successful fugitive.
Koushluk was at this period employed in the territory of Kashghâr; which
he however abandoned, the moment he found that the Moghûl general
was arrived on the frontier. Hubbah Niyan was accordingly suffered
*Said to be in the same degree with Kashghar, 44 north
+ In 42 degrees of north latitude.
This name is pointed Jubbah, throughout the manuscript; but as it is in most Euro
pcan writers laid down as Hubbah, we shall abide by the latter.
1
1
497
seyr.
to take possession of Kashghår* without the slightest resistance; and A. H. 612-15.
he caused it to be immediately proclaimed through the streets, and A. D. 1215-18.
market-places, that every person should quietly adhere to the religion Habeib-us-
of his forefathers, without presuming to molest or interfere with that
of his neighbours; but that the followers of Koushluk were to be put
to death wherever they were to be found. The Mahommedans were
thus relieved from the persecution of their odious oppressors; and a
division of the Moghûl troops proceeding in pursuit of Koushluk, cut to
pieces every living being, of the Nayman nation, that fell in their way.
The prince escaped, however, into the mountainous region of Badukh-
shaun: betaking himself, in the perplexity of his fears, to the deep glen,
or pass, of Saureg-koul, to which there was, unfortunately for him, no
opposite egress. Some hunters who frequented these mountains im
pursuit of game, were easily engaged by the Moghûls, on a promise
that the lives of the captives should be spared, to seize and deliver up
to them, the Naymans who were flying from their vengeance. Koushluk,
and his remaining followers were accordingly surrounded by the hunters,
and soon afterwards taken and consigned to. the mercy of their pur-
suers; by whom the head of the Nayman prince was instantly struck off,
and conveyed to their general.
Subsequent to these events, according to our author, Jûjy, or
Tehûtchy, or Tûshy Khaun, as he is frequently denominated, the
eldest of the sons of Jengueiz, was employed in Keptchek, or Kep-
tchauk, to extinguish the last surviving spark of Tartar independence,
in the prince of Mekreit, Tûkeina, or Yûkeina, or Tûfikaun, (such is.
the uncertainty of the manuscript) the successor of Toukta Beggy,
who had retreated into that country, on his separation from the prince
of the Naymans; and there his career, together with the destiny of his
nation, was early decided, by the exertions of the Moghûl prince, who
then returned to join his father.
* In the 44th degree of latitude, and 2nd of longitude, east of Greenwich. M. Sharven-
feldt, master of the ceremonies to the king of Sweden, being at Paris in 1691, assured Mr.
Petis de la Croix, that he had read in the ancient annals of Sweden, that the Swedes took
their original from Kashghår. Vide history of Genghizcan the great, p. 116, in the notes.
+ Born when his father was in the fifteenth year of his age: the name signifies, happily
arrived. Vide De la Croix's history of Genghizean.
*
VOL. II.
3 s
498
ته
A. H. 612-15.
A. D. 1216-18.
seyr.
Being at leisure from his conquests, and having amply satiated his
vengeance on his enemies, in the eastern and northern part of the Asiatic
Habeib-us- continent, Jengueiz now finally resolved on his expedition against the
dominions of Sultan Mahommed of Khaurez m; from whom, in the
murder of the defenceless merchants, and subsequently of his embassa-
dors, at Otraur, as formerly described, he had received the most wanton
and atrocious provocation. Before we conduct him, however, on
his memorable and sanguinary career, it may be useful to insert, from
de la Croix's history, a sketch of the state of Asia, at the period of this
fearful irruption.
"The Indians," adverting to the nations of Hindustaun, "were go-
"verned by many kings, the most powerful of whom was the king of
"the Patans (at Dehly). The southern China, which was called
"Mangi, had its particular monarch; and the northern, that is to say
66
Cathay, was under the Moguls, as were also both the Tartarys, the
"east and north, with a great part of the west, and of Turquestan. The
"Sultan Mehemed possessed also several parts of Turquestaun, and
"all Transoxiaua; besides which he was master of the best part of
"the empire of Persia, called by the Persians Iran: and all the Coras-
"sane, all the frontiers of India, the country of the Medes, which was
"called Azerbijana, and the Persian Hircania, otherwise called Irac
66
Agemi, were dependent upon him. The ancient Persia called Fars,
"of which Schiraz was the capital, and several other provinces, lived
"under his government. In a word, the sovereigns of the ancient em-
pires of Persia, and the Medes and Parthians, were almost all become
"subject to him, and paid him tribute.
Georgia and the countries adjacent had their own particular princes
"who were independent. As for the great Armenia, its king paid tri-
"bute to the king of Carizme. The Califf Nasser reigned in Bagdad,
"over Chaldea, otherwise called Irac Araby, over a part of Mesopo-
tamia, the three Arabias, and some other countries of Persia. The
"Atabequite princes of Mouscl, improperly called Niniveh, the des-
"cendants of the great Noureddin prince of Syria, possessed almost
"all the rest of Mesopotamia; but the civil wars caused by the mino-
rity of Nassereddin and by ambition held these princes in arms one
against another. At this time the successors of Saladin were also
66
46
499
+
ર
66
very powerful, one part of Syria had submitted to them, and Egypt A. H. 615.
acknowledged them for sovereigns.
"The Sultans of Iconia of the third branch of the Seljukides, go-
“verned in Asia minor, or Anatolia, which the orientals call Bilad-
erroum, that is the country of the new Romans; Azzeddin Keicaous
reigned there. The sceptre of the empire of Constantinople, which
"as yet bore sway in some parts of Asia, was at this time in the hands.
"of the French, who had made themselves masters of it, A. D. 1203.
Heg. 601.
CL
66
66
"The Christian affairs in Palestine were at this time in a very ill posture;
they had lost the city and kingdom of Jerusalem, which, with many
"others, were taken from them by Saladin A. D. 1187-Heg, 583.
“and there remained in their hands but some few places, as the city of
"Acre or Ptolemais which Philip Augustus king of France, aided by
"Richard king of England had conquered, according to the account of
"William ofTyre, in 1191 or 1192. As also the city of Tyrus, Cæsarea,
"and Tripoly in Syria. This was pretty near the state of affairs in Asia
at the time of the Moghûls irruption in 1218 and 1219. While Lewis
"the son of Philip Augustus, according to Calvisius, was employed
"against the Albigenses". History of Genghizcan the great, p, p.
1.56, 157.
A. D. 1218.
Petis de la
Croix,
;
*Henry IIId was king of England,
૩૭ ૩
500
ร
A. H. 615-17.
A. D. 1218-20.
Habeib-us-
seyr,
SOM
CHAP. XI.
OME time in the six hundred and fifteenth of the Hidjerah, his
armies being assembled, and his preparations complete, Jengueiz set
his countless myriads in motion westward, for the territory on the
banks of the Jeyhûn; by a route which, together with the period con-
sumed in the march, the author has entirely omitted to determine. On
his arrival, however, in the neighborhood of Otraur,* on the banks of
the Seyhûn, or Jaxartes, in the forty-fourth degree of latitude, and about
the sixty third of longitude, he consigned the siege of that place to
his second and third sons, Tcheghatay, and Ouktay; and detaching
his eldest son, Jûjy, towards Jûnd on the one hand, and Alak Nûyan,
towards Finauket, and Khojend on the other, he proceeded himself,
accompanied by his fourth and favorite son, Tûly Khaujah, by the
orientals entitled, by way of eminence, Ulûgh Nûyan-the great Ameir,
on the way towards Bokhâra.
Appearing unexpectedly before the walls of Zarbouk, or Zarnûk,
the inhabitants ventured to shut their gates against him, with the
generous design of defending themselves, while they had arms in their
hands; but being dissuaded from their purpose, by the intervention
and arguments of a Mahommedan chief in the service of Jengueiz,
whose name was Daneshmund, they ultimately forbore hostilities, and
were admitted to some species ofcapitulation by the Moghûl conqueror.
Their walls were however levelled with the ground, and their young men
compelled to attend the army; which now proceeded to Nûr, a city
between Samarkand and Bokhara, which submitted on similar terms.
But, in this instance, the inhabitants were sternly admonished, for the
future, to confine themselves to less perilous, and humbler habits of
* It is also obvious to remark, that the author has omitted to notice the action which
took place on the march to the Sèyhùn, between the Khaurezmian Sûltan, and a division of
the Moghul army under Jújy Khaun, as mentioned in the history of the kings of Khaurezm;
but in which, according to de la Croix, Jengueiz commanded in person.
}
501
scyr.
life-to the employments of husbandry, and the care of their flocks and A. H. 617.
herds; for that their dwellings and all they contained, were to be im- A. D. 1220.
mediately resigned to spoliation. They were not in a condition to Habeib-us-
resist; and all that belonged to them became, accordingly, the prey of
the Moghûls. Jengueiz now proceeded without obstacle to Bokhára;
in the neighborhood of which he is here said to have encamped, in the
early part of the six hundred and fourteenth of the Hidjerah. In the
summary prefixed to his reign by the author, he is however stated to
have quitted Kârakorum in the 615th, and to have reached Bokhâra in
the commencement of the 617th of the Hidjerah; to this latter date
we shall take the liberty of adhering.
This celebrated city, lying, according to de la Croix, in the fortieth
degree of north latitude, and about a day's journey north-east of the
Oxus, is alleged to derive its name from a similar word, signifying in
the language of the Magians, or ancient Persians, the mart, or empo-
rium of the sciences; and it is, indeed, at the period under consider-
ation, described to have been the resort of science, learning, and ge
nius, from every quarter of the oriental world. But, whatever its splendor
and renown, it was now destined, like the gem in his signet, to be on
all sides enclosed by the countless host of Jengueiz. Nevertheless,
on the very first night of its investiture, the Khaurez mian garrison, to
the number of twenty or thirty thousand, under three of their generals,
attempted to surprise the camp of the Moghûls. But as the guards
of the besiegers, like the unslumbering fortune of their sovereign, were
ever on the watch, the design was frustrated, and the greater part of
those employed to carry it into execution, cut to pieces. The ensu
ing day, divesting themselves of all idea of further resistance, the prin-
cipal inhabitants of Bokhâra threw open the gates, and in all their
classes, proceeded to implore the mercy of Jengueiz.
Inmediately mounting his horse, the Moghûl monarch now entered
the devoted city; and approaching the principal mosque, struck with
its splendid appearance, demanded, if that was the palace of the Sûltan.
Being answered in the negative, and that it was, on the contrary, an
edifice consecrated to the worship of the supreme God, he introduced
himself, nevertheless, mounted as he was, into the interior of the build-
ing; and proceeded without checking the reins of his bridle, until he
502
A. H. 617. came to the meksûrah, or more sacred part. Here he dismounted, and
A. D. 1220 ascending the steps of the mumber, or pulpit, there seated himself with
Habeib-us- the utmost unconcern, cooly giving orders to his soldiers. The most
seyr.
essential of these was, since the adjacent plains were entirely destitute
of forage of every description, that they were not to lose a moment, to
secure provender for their horses. The Moghûls proceeded, accord-
ingly, to throw open the doors of the magazines and granaries.
They scattered abroad the sacred sections of the Koran, from the cof-
fers in which they were deposited, and applied them, instead of straw,
as litter for their horses; and after this, they compelled the venerable
Sheikhs, and doctors of the law of Mahommed, to hold their chargers
by the bridle, while they proceeded to circulate the goblet, and to divert
themselves with the barbarous strains of their Moghûl music.
In the mean time, Jengueiz repaired at his leisure to the Eidgah, (the
edifice generally erected without the walls of the town for the cele-
bration of the principal festivals) where he had directed the whole
population of Bokhâra to be assembled to receive his commands. As-
cending the tribunal, he first addressed himself in prayer to the most
high; after which, having expressed himself in terms of severe re-
proach against the Sultan of Khaurezm, he thus. concluded. "Men
"of Bokhâra! you have been guilty of enormous crimes; hence the
"wrath of God, of whose vengeance I am the instrument, hath employ-
"ed me against you. Of all the property of this city that is visible,
"it would be needless to require an account. That which I demand
"is the unreserved, and immediate surrender of all that lies concealed."
The opulent inhabitants. hastened, in consequence, to place at the dis-
cretion of their conquerors, the whole of their treasures, and effects of
every denomination; which were taken possession of without abate-
ment, and yet without the application of the torture in any instance
to force a discovery. But, an order having been early issued by Jen-
gueiz, that the adherents of the king of Khaurezın should be entirely
expelled the city; and it being unhappily discovered that many per-
sous of this description had found protection with the inhabitants, the
judignation of the vindictive monarch was awakened, and he directed
the town to be immediately set on fire. Thus, the buildings being in
general cased or covered with wood, in the course of a single day, this
5
503
seyr.
noble and celebrated city was consumed to ashes; nothing indeed es- A. H. 617.
caping the conflagration, but the cathedral, or principal mosque, and A. D. 1220.
such of the public edifices as were constructed of burnt brick. The Habeib-us-
warlike youth of the town were then commanded to attack the citadel,
which still held out for the Khaurezmian ; and this being also after a consi-
derable resistance, ultimately reduced, every individual who had borne
arms in its defence, was put to the sword, and the women and children
condemned to slavery. The castle was levelled with the ground; and
it is said that one of the inhabitants, who had escaped into Khorassaun,
being desired to describe the events of which he had been witness,
replied in these words: "They came--they exfodiated-they bound
-they massacred—and they consumed." Than which five words,
concludes the author, the Persian language does not furnish terms to
delineate more briefly, or accurately, the fate of Bokhâra, on its con-
quest by the Moghûls. The same, or similar words, have been, how-
ever, by others applied to the subsequent rapid and exterminating course
of these fierce invaders, through the provinces of the Persian empire;
to which the destruction of Bokhara was but the melancholy, and fearful
prelude.
46
Recurring to the operations of Tcheghatay and Ougtay, who had
been charged with the reduction of Otraur, the narrative proceeds to
relate, that those princes no sooner appeared in his vicinity, than
Ghâeir Khaun, the governor, with not less than sixty thousand horse
under his orders, conceived it prudent to confide his safety to the
strength of his fortifications; rather than to the hazard of an open
conflict in the field of battle. He provided, however, with activity and
vigilance for the defence of the place. At the expiration of five
months, the situation of the besieged, notwithstanding every precau-
tion, verged on extremity; and at such a crisis, they were abandoned
by Karautchah IIaujeb, (Cariacas of De la Croix) one of the Khaur-
ezmian generals, who had been expressly appointed by his sovereign to
provide for the support of Ghâcir Khaun; but who now entered into
a correspondence with the Moghûls, and one night quitted the city
by the gate of the Sûfikhaunah, (the convent of the mystics perhaps)
which he had probably betrayed to the besiegers. Be this as it may,
the Moghûls poured into the town on the same night; Ghâeir Khaun
504
A. H. 617. with twenty thousand of his bravest troops retiring into the citadel..
A. D. 1220. Next day, having loaded him with deserved reproach for his base ingra-
Habeib-us- titude to his king, the Shahzadahs put the traitor Karautchah to death;
and driving the whole population of Otraur to the adjoining plain,
there butchered them without mercy.
seyr.
They now commenced their attack upon the citadel, which was ably
and gallantly defended by the governor; who employed his numerous
garrison, in bold and frequent sallies to disturb, and retard the opera-
tions of the Moghuls, until the greater part had perished sword in
hand, in the honorable discharge of their duty. The siege had been in
this manner protracted for the space of a month, not without material
loss to the besiegers, when the latter at last succeeded in penetrating
into the castle; the warlike associates of Ghâeir Khaun being reduced
to two persons only. With these, however, taking post on the terrace
of one of the dwelling houses, he continued to defend himself, and keep.
the enemy at a distance with bricks and stones, until he saw his two
faithful companions lifeless by his side. The Moghûls had been cau-
tioned, at all hazards, to take the obnoxious governor alive; hence
they forbore to assail him with their darts or arrows. But they at last
accomplished their object by mere dint of numbers, and they seized and
effectually secured his person, as they had been directed to do. The
citadel was immediately rased to the ground; and the surviving inhabi-
tants, with the exception of the mechanics and artificers, who were
reserved for transportation to the Moghûl territory, were all put to
death. Tcheghatay and Ougtay then proceeded across the Seyhûn,
to rejoin their father's camp, which they found in the vicinity of Samar-
kand. The governor of Otraur suffered the death to which he had been
long destined, in the Kouki Serrâi, a country palace not far from that city.
It has been already observed, that on the arrival of the Moghûl armies
on the Seyhûn, Jûjy Khaun was detached in the direction of Jûnd, or
Jonda city on the borders of Turkestaun, at a short distance from
that river. In his route towards that place, his march appears to have
led him through the neighborhood of Sughnauk, or Saganac; to dissuade.
* De la Croix, on the authority of the Rouzut-us-suffà, reports "that it was out of this
"city, and some others in the same country, that twenty Scythian embassadors went to meet
Alexander-reproached him with his ambition &q”
505
A. D. 1220.
Habeib-us-
seyr.
the inhabitants of which from unavailing hostilities, he dispatched a A. H. 617.
merchant of Bok hâra, now in the employinent of Jengueiz, of the name
of Hussun Hâjy. This person had, however, scarcely entered the town,
and before he had well explained the object of his mission, when he
was assailed by the licentious and misguided multitude, and, to the cry
of the tekbeir, immediately put to death. An act of such daring and.
unwarrantable violence naturally excited in the Moghûl prince the ut-
most indignation; and he hastened, with the fury of an angry lion, to
avenge the outrage, calling upon his soldiers not to relax in their exer-
tions, until they were masters of the place. The Moghûls exerted
themselves with more than ordinary zeal. In two days the wretched
city was subverted to the very foundations, and every living creature
put to the sword. Having consigned the ruins of Sughnauk to the
son of Hussun Hajy, the march of Jûjy was next directed to Ouzkund,
(situated in the latitude of forty four) which capitulated without resist-
ance; and thence, retrograde as it would appear, to Asaush, Ashaush,
or Taushkent; the inhabitants of which, making a determined and.
gallant defence, were for the greater part cut to pieces.
These sanguinary executions being described to Kûtlûg Khaun, the
governor of Jûnd, with circumstances of aggravated horror, appear to
have deprived him of that firmness, with which it was necessary to brave
the approaching storm, with any prospect of success; and he prudently
withdrew into Khaurezm. On this, an officer of the name of Tchein-
temûr (Gitmur of de-la-Croix) was deputed on the part of the Moghûl
prince, to confer with the Jûndians; but, perceiving among the peo-
ple, indications which menaced his life, the agent by some seasonable
piece of address, contrived to elude the design, and returned without
delay to his general. On the fourth day of Suffur of the six hundred and
seventeenth of the Hidjerah, Jûjy presented himself, before the town;
of which the inhabitants, after securing the gates, are said, like unconcern-
ed spectators, to have taken the seats on the ramparts; and, as if they had
been fastened to their posts by the operation of enchantment, to have
looked quietly on, while the Moghûls laid their bridges across the ditch,.
fixed their ladders to the walls, and scaled the parapets; and descend--
VOL. II,
**
* Ninth of April, A. D. 1220.
3 T
506
*
seyr.
A. H. 617. ing to the interior of the works, proceeded without the smallest mo.
A. D. 1220. lestation, to open the gates to their fellow soldiers from without. This
Habeib-us- done, the population was as usual driven, like cattle for the slaughter,
to the adjoining plain; and their property sweptoff by a general pillage.
But, as they had forborne all shew of resistance, the lives of the inha-
bitants were in this instance spared, with the exception of two or three
unfortunate miscreants, who had spoken with insolence to Tcheinte-
mûr. The government of Jûnd was conferred on Khaujah Ally Ghe-
jendwauny; after which, Jûjy also proceeded to rejoin his father.
The reduction of Finauket, (or as it is sometimes called Tûnkaut)
and Khojend, had been allotted to Alak, or Elak Nûyan. Of the for-
mer city, which is said to lie in the forty third degree of latitude,*
dependent on Alshaush, the garrison was, for the greater part, composed
of Kankuly Tartars; who, with their governor Eylenkû Mêlek, retired
within their works, immediately on the approach of the Moghûl general.
They were shortly afterwards invested by the enemy, and, for three
days, manfully exerted themselves in the defence of the place; but, at
the expiration of that short period, requesting to capitulate, they eva-
cuated the town on the fourth, and were on the spot immolated in their
own blood. The operations of Elak Nûyan were next employed against
Khojend, a well known and respectable city on the Seyhûn, in 41-25
of latitude, and within seven days journey of Samarkand, on the side
of Ferghaunah. The place was, at this period, under the government
of Teymur Melêk; than whom, the wide extent of the Khaurezmian
monarch's dominions did not then furnish an abler, or a braver prince.
He had, moreover, in his train one thousand warriors of established
renown, each of whom might boast that he was inferior only to the
most distinguished heroes of Persian story. With these, he is ulti-
mately said to have retired into the citadel, constructed in the middle.
of the stream; from which, with indefatigable activity, and to their in-
finite loss and inconvenience, he continued for a long time to harass,
and annoy his Moghûl assailants. After all, when reduced to the last
extremity, he embarked the whole of his family and followers,
venty covered boats, on the Seyhûn, or river of Khojend; each of which
in se-
* It is described by the orientals as a most delightful place of residence. See de la Croix's
history.
507
had been previously overlaid, in order to protect them against the darts A. H. G17.
and fire works of the enemy, with a composition of clay and vinegar. A. D. 1220.
He stationed himself in one of the last of the vessels, and committed the Habeib-us-
whole, with the fleetness of the morning breeze, to glide along the stream.
As soon as his departure became known to the Moghûls, they pur-
sued, with equal perseverance and activity, along the banks of the river,
from which they perpetually assailed him with darts, and every'species of
missile; while he repelled, with the skill of an archer who never missed
his aim. Until, either designedly or by accident, his little armament
took the ground, at a particular spot, probably on the left bank of the
river. Here he disembarked, and continued his retreat by land; occa-
sionally halting to make head against his pursuers, while his family
and baggage, made the best of their way to a place of safety. At last,
the whole of his escort having perished, and his family secured be-
yond the reach of the enemy, he found himself entirely alone; with
not more than three arrows in his quiver, one of which was without
a head.
In this forlorn and hopeless situation he rode on, though.
very closely pursued by three Moghûl troopers; when, observing the
pertinacity with which they seemed to press upon him, he made a short
turn round, and lodged his headless arrow in the eye of one of his pur-
suers. The others drew off upon this, and suffered him to continue his
retreat without further molestation into Khaurezm; where he ultimately
arrived in safety.
From Khaurezm, at a subsequent period, Teymur Melek retired
into Persian Irák, and ultimately into Syria; where he continued until
these dreadful calamities had exhausted their violence. Impelled by
the desire of revisiting the land of his birth, he then returned to the
neighboring province of Ferghaunah; from whence, at a proper oppor-
tunity he conveyed himself to Khojend.. Here, he learnt on inquiry
that, having accompanied the person of Bautû, the son of Jûjy Khaun,
in his progress through that country, his son had been put in posses--
sion of his property. With this son he sought, and obtained an inter-
view; at which he demanded whether, if fortune restored his long lost
parent, he thought he should recognize him. The son replied, that
at the period of their separation, he was but an infant at the breast of
his nurse; but, that there still existed in the place an individual, in the
seyr.
3 T 3.
508
seyr.
A. H. 617. humble condition of a slave, to whom his features might yet be fami-
A. D. 1220. liar.
This slave was accordingly sent for, and he without hesitation
Habeib-us- acknowledged the identity of his former lord. The circumstance of
his re-appearance soon circulating through Tûrkestaun, Teymûr Nelek.
in the hope that he might be permitted to participate in the liberality
of that magnanimous monarch, who had by this time succeeded to the
throne of Jengueiz, conceived the design of proceeding immediately to
the presence of Ougtay Kâan. On his journey, it was his misfortune
to meet with Kedkaun Oghlan, one of the numerous offshoots of the
imperial family, by whom he was directed to be immediately manacled;
and who in that state proceeded to question him, as to the various con-
flicts in which he had been engaged. The brave old chief had accord-
ingly commenced the recital of his exploits, when, accident, or his
evil genius, ushered to the spot the very Moghûl in whose eye he
had lodged the headless arrow, on his retreat from Khojend; and, as
he also proceeded to interrogate him on the same subject, with a
freedom, or insolence, to which he was little disposed to submit,
Teymur Mêlek was not to be restrained from replying with equal haugh-
tiness and asperity; which awakening the displeasure of Kedkaun
Oghlan beyond all moderation, that prince discharged an arrow
with such force through the body of the unfortunate Khaurezmian,
that he instantly breathed his last. The siege of Khojend, and the ad-
venturous retreat of this gallant chieftain, have been given more in detail
by the elder De-la-croix, in his history of Genghizcan; but we have
conceived it sufficient to adhere to the above brief narrative, derived
from the original statement of Khondemeir, the author of the work now
before us. It remains to add, that having completed the reduction of
Khojend, Elak Nûyan like the other generals, proceeded towards Sa-
markand; in the neighborhood of which, Jengueiz had been, now for
some time, encamped with the main body of his armies.
The city of Samarkand, which Jengueiz was at this period proceeding
to reduce, is said, by De la Croix, according to the determination of
Ulûgh Beg, to lie in the fortieth degree of north latitude, in the anci-
ent Sogdiana; both the territory by which it is surrounded, equally
celebrated for its fertility and amenity, and the river which passes un-
der its walls on the north side, being known to this day, by the name
609
,:༑:
seyr.
of Soghd. During the winter, in which he fatally resolved on the se- A. II. 617.
paration and dispersion of his force, Sultan Mahommed had left, notwith, A. D. 1221.
standing, for the defence of this noble city, a body of one hundred and Habeib us-
ten thousand men; and the multitude of its population is moreover
described to have been such as to surpass the powers of calculation.
But, in order to enable them the more vigorously to resist the formi-
dable attack with which they were menaced, the multitudinous garrison,
assisted by the inhabitants, added to the ordinary defences of the town
by a line of breastworks and intrenchments, if not an entire rampart,
with which they surrounded it at different points; and the ditch being
made to communicate at the extremities with the river, it could of
course be at all times filled with water. A consideration of these cir-
cumstances is said to have operated with Jengueiz, to employ himself
and the princes his sons, in the previous reduction of Bokhâra, and of
the other cities of Transoxiana, and Tûrkestaun. But when his mind
had been set at rest by the accomplishment of these minor undertak-
ings, he no longer delayed the execution of his design against Samarkand;
before which he appeared, in tremendous force, in the latter part of
Zilhudje of the six hundred and seventeenth of the Hidjerah, fixing
his head quarters in the Kouk, or Gougserrâi, the country palace in the
neighborhood ofthat city, already mentioned; where he was successively
joined by the princes and his other generals, on the termination of the
services on which they had been severally employed.
Having enjoyed a short, and unmolested repose of two days, Jengueiz
was suddenly, and resolutely assailed in his quarters on the third, by
the Khaurezmian generals; who succeeded in cutting to pieces a great
number of the Moghûl troops, and retired in triumph into the town,
with a multitude of prisoners. But, on the fourth day, Jenguciz at
the head of his whole armv, attacked the place on all sides, with such
irresistible impetuosity, that the garrison no longer thought it safe to
trust themselves without the gates. On the fifth night, a difference
of opinion arose among the besieged'; part evincing a disposition to ca-
pitulate, while the other, faithful to its engagements with the king of
Khaurezm, persevered in a determination to resist to the last extremity.
*February, A. D. 1221.
510
A. H. 617.
seyr.
At the dawn of the ensuing day, however, the Kauzy, with the Shaikh-
A. D. 1221. ul-isslaum, or patriarch of the believers, at the head of a party of the
Habeib-us- nobles, came out of the town; and being conducted to the presence-
of Jengueiz, implored his mercy for themselves and fellow citizens.
The Moghûl monarch assured them, as far as their own persons were
concerned, of perfect safety from the effects of his impending vengeance,
and permitted them to return into the city; of which, without further
security, they immediately threw open one of thegates, called the gate
of the Nomauzgah-place of prayer, or mosque. The besiegers in-
stantly poured into the town; and having set apart the Kauzy and
Shaikh-ul-isslaum, and fifty thousand of their friends and dependants,
and driven the remaining population according to custom, to the plains
without the gates, betook themselves to the usual scenes of pillage and
outrage. On the day following, they proeceded to attack the citadel;
of which the governor, Alep Khaun, perceiving no other prospect of relief,
with one thousand of the bravest of the garrison, with minds prepared
for death, nobly cut his way through the ranks of the assailants; and,
on the borders of Persian Irak, ultimately joined his master, with the
appalling intelligence of the lost state of Transoxiana. Jengueiz be-
came master of the citadel, on the same day on which Alep Khaun
succeeded in effecting his escape from it. Nearly thirty thousand
of the Khaurezmian garrison with their officers, were put to the sword ;.
thirty thousand of the citizens, and manufacturers, or merchanics, were
selected by the conqueror, and divided between his sons and relatives,
for the purpose of conveying the arts of peace and luxury among the
uncivilized tribes of Tartary; and, taking from the most opulent of the
surviving inhabitants, a contribution of two hundred thousand dinaurs,
as a ransom for their lives, he appears to have been satisfied without
exposing them to further molestation.
While he was preparing for the siege of Samarkand, intelligence was.
conveyed to Jengueiz, that Sultan Mahommed, with a splendid escort,
anda mind oppressed with alarm, was flying through Khorassaun towards
Frâk Ajem ; in consequence of which Jubbalı, or Hubbah Nûyan, So-
weydài Bahauder, and Touktcher, or Touquer, another Moghûl chief,
with thirty thousand horse, or three tomauns, were immediately dis-
patched in pursuit of the fugitive monarch. Their instructions were
511
!
seyr.
to
prosecute their march with the utmost celerity, and without allow- A. H. 017.
ing themselves the smallest respite, until the inveterate foe of their A. D. 1221.
sovereign was in their hands; in the event, however, that they should Habeib-us-
find themselves overmatched by superior force, they were to avail them-
selves of some advantageous position, and to transmit an immediate
report of their danger. In conformity with these instructions, the three
Moghûl captains drew off towards Khorassaun, and separately crossed
the Amûyah, or Oxus, about the end of the latter Rebbeia of the six
hundred and seventeenth of the Hidjerah ;* the two former generals,
with their divisions, proceeding towards Herât. Being met by an agent
with assurances of submission from Amein Mêlek, the prince or gover-
nor of that city, these two appear to have passed on, without molesting the
place; but Touktcher, the other commander, taking the same direction,
and coming before Herât, after his collegues had left it, obstinately closed
his ears against every thing that the prince could allege in proof of his
recent accommodation, and immediately commenced hostilities for the
reduction of the town. Being however killed by an arrow, this noble
city escaped for the present, the Moghûls hastening on the death of their
leader, after Jubbah and Soweydâi; whom they overtook in the neigh-
borhood of Zawah, a city then of moderate size, said to lie in the thirty
sixth degree of latitude, between Hcrât, and Neyshapûr. The Moghûl
generals had required from the inhabitants a supply of forage and pro-
visions, and had been peremptorily refused. But, as they were in haste
to prosecute the object of their march, they were defiling from the neigh-
borhood, without resenting this hostile spirit on the part of the town;
when the silly inhabitants proceeding from their walls to insult them,
with expressions of obscene and abusive ribaldry, the indignation of
the two chiefs was roused, and they determined to chastise the insult.
They instantly countermarched, and invested the town; and having
made themselve masters of it in the course of three days, they mas-
sacred the whole of the inhabitants; and, that a vestige might not
remain to indicate that the spot had ever been the residence of a hu-
man being, they broke up, and consumed to ashes every article that
they could find either in, or belonging to this ill-fated town.
Beginning of July 1220,
#
1
$19
Habeib-us-
seyr.
A. H. 618. After this severe example of vengeance, they proceeded to Neysha-
A. D. 1221. pûr, placed by De la Croix in the same latitude with Tüsse, that of
thirty seven north; the latter city being however considerably to the north
east. Neyshapûr appears for the present to have escaped the cruelties
of these barbarians; Jubbah Nûyan there separating from his collegue,
and directing his march for Mazanderaun by the route of Jowein; while
Soweydâi took that of Tûsse, where, on his arrival, he made a dreadful
slaughter of the inhabitants. From thence he proceeded into Rau-
degan, which for the delight he experienced in its beautiful rural
scenery, its meads and meandering streams, he was induced to spare.
But, for this temporary departure from the ordinary course of desolation,
he made himself ample amends by the atrocities in which he indulged,
soon afterwards, at Jenûshaun and Esfrâein, and latterly at Dâmaghaun;
on the licentious and disorderly multitude of which towns, he inflicted
the direst calamities. Having marked his course through Mazan-
deraun with the same desolating ravages, and left a part of his division
to besiege one of the castles of that country, in which the family of
Sultan Mahommed had taken refuge, Jubbah Nûyan drew off to the
left into the territory of Râi, or Rey, (the Rages of scripture) situated
in thirty five degrees thirty five minutes of north latitude, four days
journey from Neyshapûr; being joined shortly afterwards, in the same
territory, by his collegue Soweydâi.
At this period, the unhappy city was rent asunder by the inveterate
animosities prevailing between the two sects of Shaffai and Haneifah;
who persecuted each other with mortal and unrelenting hostility.
Hence, on the approach of the Moghûls, the Shaffaites hastened to join
them, urging the generals to destroy one half of their native city, because
that balf was occupied by the rival sect. The town was accordingly
no sooner in possession of the invaders, than the wretched Haneifites
were immediately butchered without mercy. The opposite sect were
not, however, suffered to enjoy their triumph for many days; for the
two generals, not unjustly, reasoning that little faith was to be reposed
in a description of men who could devote their fellow citizens to the
slaughter, with such unsparing malignity, without much ceremony,
dispatched them to the same bourne with their detested rivals.
Soweydâi now proceeded northward to Kazvein, situated in thirty
seven north, between Râi and Ebher; Jubbah moving westward, in
513
Habeib-us-
seyr.
the direction of Hamadaun. On his arrival at Komm, said to lie in A. H. 618.
thirty four degrees forty five minutes north, about midway between A. D. 1221.
Kazvein and Isfahaun, the latter general, still at the wicked suggestion
of rival sectaries, here described to be Sûnnihs, caused the whole po-
pulation of the place to be put to the sword. He consented, however,
on his arrival in the neighborhood of Hamadaun, to some species of
accommodation, with Mejid-ud-dein the son of Alla-ud-doulah, of the
race of Ally. But, directing his course towards Gorzroud, and Khor-
remabad, he converted the former into a heap of smoking ruins, and
the latter, from the mansion of delight, into the abode of melancholy
and woe; enclosing the inhabitants of Nihawend on the other side in
the
very web of pain and wretchedness, and exhibiting in every country
which he found abandoned by its legitimate protectors, and this he dis-
covered at almost every step, the same dreadful lessons of slaughter
and desolation. At Kazvein, Soweydâi, on his part, was sufficiently
active in extending the sweep of extermination; having put to the
sword not much less than fifty thousand of the unresisting inhabitants.
After which, these two wandering and unrestrained hyenas again re-
united, to pass the winter of the six hundred and eighteenth of the
Hidjerah, on the boundaries of Râî.
Early in the spring, they proceeded in concert to invade the province
of Azerbayjaun; exhibiting the ordinary scenes of pillage and massacre,
at Zenjaun, Ardebcil, and Soraut; and from this latter place they has-
tened in full career to Tebreiz, the destruction of which was, however,
for the present averted by a magnificent ransom forwarded to the Moghul
generals by Atabek Ouzbek the governor; who conceived it prudent,
perhaps on any terms, to purchase their forbearance. Part of the fol-
lowing winter, that of six hundred and nineteen,* they passed in can-
tonments, or quarters, at Moghan, on the banks of the Kurr and Oras;
but, before the season was expired, they crossed into Gûrgestaun, or
Georgia, where they committed deplorable havoc among the natives.
In the course of the same year, they signalized their barbarons rage at
Meraughû, Hamdan, and Khoui, Selmauss, Nakhtchûaun, Beylekaun,
and Shamaukhy, all in the neighborhood of the rivers just alluded to,
VOL. II.
A. D. 1222.
SU
A
514
;
A. II. 018.
A. D. 1221.
Haleib-us-
seyr.
extending their inroads at the same time, as far as they had an oppor-
tunity, into the territory of Shirvaun,
The Moghul captains hegan at last to direct their views to the plan,
which they had probably long since had in contemplation, of pene-
trating to their native country, through the Shirvanian Derbund. Bẹ-
ing, however, entire strangers to the road they proceeded to remove
the difficulty by the following expedient. An intelligent agent was
dispatched on their part to the prince of Shirvaun, who had shut himself
up in one of the impregnable strong-holds of the country, to assure him
that they harboured no designs hostile to his government; and to pro-
pose that he should send to their camp some respectable person, with
whom they might come to an explanation of the past, and to a solemn
engagement for the future. Rejoicing at a proposal, apparently so
moderate and pacific, the prince of Shirvaun immediately deputed ten
of his principal officers, to confer with the Moghûls. The moment
they reached the camp of the invaders, the head of one of the deputies
was struck off, and the remainder apprized, that if they honestly pointed
out the road which led through the pass of Derbund, their lives would
be safe; otherwise, the fate of their associate inevitably awaited them.
Intimidated by the prospect of immediate destruction, the men con-
sented to become the guides of their betrayers; whom they conducted
accordingly, without further obstacle, to Derbund. IIere again, thẹ
Moghûls having glutted themselves with blood and spoil, passed on-
wards on their march into Tûrkestaun; leaving on their way, among
the Alans, and in the territory of Orûs (of the Russians) the same fear-
ful memorials that had marked their progress through Khorassaun and
Irak. They had probably by this time crossed the Volga, or Attel, and
they availed themselves of the opportunity to transmit to Jengueiz,
who was now returned to his hereditary dominions, a narrative of
their proceedings. This has carried us far beyond the regular course
of the history; and we shall now pause to remark in the words of our
original, that from the above rapid detail, may be formed some estimate.
of the terror impressed by the irresistible might, and impetuosity of
the Moghûl armies; say rather, of the height to which the wrath of
an avenging God had been excited against the nations of that period
of time, for, to the wrath of God alone could it be ascribed, that of nearly
515
A.. D. 1221-
seyr.
one hundred potentates of no ignoble rank, who then governed in the A. H. 618.
fertile and populous regions of Khorassaun and Irak, with soldiers un-
numbered under their authority, and resources inexhaustible at will, Habeib-us-
not one was inspired to make as much as a single effort, to combat
and oppose the ferocious herd of barbarians, who thus desolated with
impunity, and covered with blood and massacre, a land which, in beau-
ty and improvement might, at least, be justly said to rival the hoasted
productions of Chinese painting, if it did not excite the envy of heaven
itself.
When he had allowed himself a repose of some days, after the capture
of Samarkand, Jengueiz detached his three eldest sons, Jûjy, Tchegh-
atay, and Ougtay, to reduce the province of Khaurezm. Júrjauniah,
by the Tartars called Ourgunje, was the noblest of its cities, and, at the
period under consideration, the metropolis of the Khaurezmian mon-
archy. According to De-la-Croix, on the authority of Abûl Feda, it
lay in the forty-second degree of north latitude, on the western side of
the Oxus, and about six short days journey from the Caspian : and it
was, according to our author, the assemblage of every thing that is
excellent, whether in arts or arms, to a degree, beyond which it would
be impossible for the imagination to form an idea. At the tremendous
crisis, which was now approaching, the government of this superb city
had devolved to Khemartekein, a near relative of the mother of Sultan
Mahommed; and the defence might have been expected to be in pro-
portion to the vast, and important interests consigned to his charge.
With an army, which like the awful visitations of heaven, is said to
bave far surpassed the ordinary measure of human calculation, the three
imperial princes, in conformity with their father's instructions, entered
Khaurezm. The advanced, or light troops, appeared in sight of the
capital; and they were proceeding to drive away the cattle from under
the very walls, when the Khaurėzmians, deceived by the apparent in-
significance of their numbers, issued from the gates both horse and
foot in formidable strength, and impetuously assailed the Moghûls.
The latter, in order to lead them the more effectually into the snare,
retired with all the appearances of alarm and dismay; occasionally, how-
ever, making a stand against their unsuspecting pursuers, until they drew
them to the Baugh-c-khorrem; a pleasure garden about a tarsang, or
3 U 3
516
seyr.
A. II. 618. league, from the suburbs, where the main body of the advancedguard
A. D. 1221. of their enemies, lay in ambuscade for their reception. The Khaur-
Habeib-us- ezmians were from every quarter immediately attacked with equal
fury and impetuosity They fled in their turn, and were pursued with
dreadful slaughter into their very gates; the Moghûls entering pell-
mell with the fugitives into the streets of the town, without abandon-
ing the pursuit until they reached the quarter called the Tunnowerah,
or quarter of the bakers ;* when, the sun then setting, they conceived
it prudent to withdraw to their main body; the loss of the Khaurez-
mians, from sunrise to sunset on this fatal day, being estimated notfar
short of one hundred thousand men.
Two days subsequent to this event, the city was formally invested,
on every side, by the whole of the Moghûl army; but, before they
commenced the operations of the siege, the three princes invited this,
and the neighboring towns of Khaurezm, to submit peaceably to the
authority of Jengueiz. Such proposals were, however, not destined
to produce the slightest effect; those to whom they were addressed,
proceeding by every method which they could devise, or put in prac-
tice, to harass and annoy their besiegers; who, on their part, employed
their utmost activity and exertions, to counteract and repel the efforts
of the besieged. Hostilities had thus continued with mutual destruc-
tion, and the siege been protracted for a period of considerable duration,
to the great injury of the city, which had been in many quarters ei-
ther consumed or laid in ruins, by the stones, and pots of burning
naphtha, discharged by the Moghûls from their warlike machines,
when the design was conceived of cutting off, or diverting to another
quarter, the branch, or canal of the Oxus, which supplied the town
with water. Three thousand men were accordingly set at work to
execute the design, when it was discovered by the Khaurezmians, who
hastened without delay, and in great force to attack the workmen ;
the whole of whom, after some resistance, they succeeded in cutting
to pieces.
Animated by this partial advantage, the Khaurez mians exerted them-
selves with redoubled vigor and activity in the defence of their capi-
* It was probably in the suburbs, for the Moghûls would scarcely have withdrawn if they
had once penetrated into the city.
•
517
A. D. 1221.
seyr.
tal; and a serious misunderstanding, about the same time, arising A. H. 618.
between the princes Jûjy and Tcheghatay, a period of five months was
consumed, before the Moghûls had made any material advancement Habeib-us-
towards the reduction of the place. This want of harmony among
the brothers was no sooner made known to Jengueiz, than he trans-
mitted instructions that the command of the siege should be imme-
diately transferred to Ougtay; and that the two elder brothers, with
the whole of their subordinate generals, should submit without reserve
to the authority of that prince. The attention of Ougtay was first
directed to bring about a reconciliation between his brothers; and
that point accomplished, and discipline and order restored, which had
been recently weakened by a clashing of interests and authority, he
hastened by a steady and well concerted plan of operations, to urge his
arduous undertaking to a conclusion. A most sanguinary and des-
tructive contest immediately ensued; and the Moghûls gradually
working a passage through the fortifications, and successively beating
the Khaurezmians from house to house, and from street to street, found
themselves at last, after a most memorable and gallant resistance, in
entire possession of the ruins of this great metropolis. The surviving
inbabitants were then driven like cattle, according to custom, to the
plain without the walls; about one hundred thousand of the mechan-
ics and manufacturers were set apart, and the younger men, women,
and children, condemned to slavery; after which, the remainder of the
garrison and inhabitants were consigned, in lots of four and twenty
each, to the soldiers of the Moghûl army, for slaughter; and it is said
that the victims thus sacrificed in cold blood to the demon of ven-
geance, exceeded a hundred thousand human beings. In the Kho-
laussut-ul-akhbaur it is positively stated, that the number of the sol-
diers employed in this horrible butchery was one hundred thousand ;
and that of the slaughtered, two million four hundred thousand, which
surpasses all belief. The capture of Ourgunje took place some time
in the six hundred and eighteenth of the IIidjerah, and is described
with ample detail, in De la Croix's history.
Those, continues our author, who have undertaken to be the narra-
tors of these tristful and sanguinary events, proceed to describe, that
after he had detached his sons to the conquest of Khaurezm, Jenguez
518
A. H. 618. passed the spring of the year (618) on the confines of the territory, if
A. D. 1221. not in the vicinity, of Samarkand; having it in his contemplation to pos-
Habeib-us-
seyr.
sess himself of, and to demolish, the fortress of Termed, at the passage
of the Jeyhûn, in the thirty-seventh degree of latitude. He removed
his camp, however, to pass the summer at Nakhsheb, and there con-
tinued until about the autumnal quarter; when he finally drew his
armies towards Termed. Confiding to the strength of their works,
but more particularly to the waters of the Oxus, by which they were
surrounded, the inhabitants of this place had determined on an obsti-
nate defence; and accordingly when the Moghûls approached within
range of their missiles, they found themselves assailed by vollies ofstones,
darts, and every species of annoyance. Every effort of superior force,
skill and activity, became therefore necessary to hasten their subju-
gation. In the short space of ten days, the town was reduced to a heap
of ruins, its towering ramparts overthrown into the stream of the
Jeyhûn, and every individual of the inhabitants, without distinction of
sex, rank, or age, put to the sword. On this occasion it is said, that
the Moghûl soldiers being about to put one of their female prisoners.
to death, she assured them, that if they spared her life she would put
them in possession of a pearl of inestimable value; and unhappily ac-
knowledging that she had swallowed the jewel, these monsters in hu-
man shape immediately ripped up her belly. The example was in-
stantly followed throughout the town; every inhabitant living, or dead,
being cut up and mutilated in the same manner, in the expectation of
finding some similar deposit. After this important capture, which
secured him the passage of the Oxus, Jengueiz withdrew his army to
the territory of Languert and Semaunah, where he passed the winter
of six hundred and nineteen; while a division of his troops was em-
ployed in Badukhshaun to compel the submission of that country, or
to cover it with desolation in case of resistance.
In the spring of the year, Jengueiz proceeded by the passage of Ter-
med, across the Jeyhûn, directing his march for Bâlkh; which, accord-
ing to De la Croix on the authority of Abûlfeda, lies in thirty six de-
grees forty one minutes north, in a most fertile plain four leagues dis-
tant from the mountains, and eight only from the celebrated river just
mentioned; being watered by the Dehak, a tributary stream which dis-
519
1
Habeib-us-
seyr.
charges itself into that river, at the distance of about twelve leagues, A. H. 619.
Hence, it is sometimes said to be situated on a branch of the Jeyhûn, A. D. 1222.
or Oxus. At this eventful period of its history, it is described to
have been of such extent, as to contain, either within the body of the
town, or the contiguous villages, not less than twelve hundred Ma-
hommedan places of worship, and the same number of public baths,
for the accommodation and recreation of the inhabitants; and it was
at the same time the abode of fifty thousand Seyuds and Shaikhs, pro-
fessors of the law, and ministers of religion. As soon as they were
assured of the approach of Jengueiz, the magistrates and principal in-
habitants, bearing the most costly and magnificent presents, hastened
to meet him; but, Sultan Jullaul-ud-dein having about this crisis, at
Gheznein, assembled a respectable force, with which he seemed pre-
paring for some important object of hostility, both their presents, and
their early offers of submission in behalf of their trembling fellow ci-
tizens, availed them nothing. The whole population of the town, and
district, were drowned in their own blood, by the fury of the inexora-
ble Moghuls." The noble city," said one of the poets,
"he laid as
"smooth as the palm of his hand-its spacious and lofty structures he
"levelled in the dust."
Having completed the destruction of Bâlkh, the tabernacle of the
true faith (Kebtah-ul-isslam) as it is sometimes denominated by the
orientals, Jengueiz, after detaching his youngest son Tûly Khaun, to
extend the circle of desolation and havoc through the noble province of
Khorassaun, proceeded to form the siege of Taulekan; in thirty seven
degrees twenty five minutes north, between Balkh and Mrû, about
seven days journey from the former city, and from its situation on
the precipitous mountain of Nûkrakôh, the silver mountain, esteemed
one of the strongest places in Asia. Here, he experienced from the
garrison, the most formidable resistance; neither could he accomplish
the reduction of it, until the expiration of the seventh month of the
siege; after he had been rejoined by Tûly Khaun from his tour of deso-
lation, and by the other divisions of his army which he recalled to his aid.
The fortress was however ultimately carried by assault; and, as might
have been expected, every individual it contained put to the sword.
The Moghûl monarch was now on his march towards Gheznein, to
520
Habeib-us-
seyr.
A. H. 619-20. check the designs of Jullaul-ud-dein, which appear to have given him
A. D. 1222-23. considerable uneasiness; but his progress was again suspended by the
unexpected and obstinate resistance of the strong fortress of Bamian,
situated on a mountain, at the foot of which is said to run one of the
branches of the Oxus; in thirty four degrees five minutes north, about
ten days journey from Bâlkh, and eight from Gheznein. This place,
after a most determined and sanguinary defence, was however also in
the end, carried by storm; and every living creature, both man and
beast, put to death, in order to gratify the vengeance of the wife of Oug-
tay, one of whose sons had fallen during the siege.
Jengueiz now prosecuted his march, without further obstacle to
Gheznein, and from thence to the banks of the Indus;* where he de-
feated Jullaul-ud-dein, in the manner formerly noticed in the abridge-
ment of the Khaurezmian history. Balasâghûn, or rather Bala Nûyan,
one of his generals, with two tomauns, was afterwards detached across the
Indus; and that fearful instrument of his vengeance, having carried
plunder, slaughter, and desolation, to the gates of Mûltaun and Lahour,
returned at the proper period to rejoin his sovereign.
At the period already adverted to, when he had reposed from the
work of destruction and massacre at Bâlkh, it will be recollected that
Tûly Khaun was detached by his father to invade Khorassaun. The
prince led with him, on this occasion, a division of eighty thousand
horse, here expressly stated to be just one tenth part of the army of
Jengueiz; the total of which must therefore have amounted to eight
hundred thousand fighting men. Thus formidably accompanied, Tûly
first presented himself under the walls of Merû-shahjahaun, in thirty
seven degrees forty minutes north; five leagues below, or to the north-
ward, of the city of the same name on the same river, and equally
distant, that is twelve days journey, from cach of the four celebrated
cities of Neyshapûr, IIerât, Balkb, and Bokhâra.
The city of Merù was at this time governed by Shurf-ud-dein Mà-
zuffur, ocasionally entitled Mejeir-ul-mûlk; one of the most distin-
guished members of the court of Súltan Mahommed the Khaurezmian,
with a numerous garrison of veteran soldiers, and with abundant means.
In September, A. D. 1221, according to that account-it should probably be a year later.
521
Habeib-us-
seyr.
of defence and subsistance. Thus prepared, the moment the Moghûl A. II. 019-20.
prince displayed his numerous legions before the town, Mejeir-ul- A. D. 1222-23.
mûlk, at the head of his garrison, resolutely sallied out, and attacked
the invaders; of whom, in the course of less than half an hour accord-
ing to some writers, he cut to pieces to the number of a thousand men.
Not less surprised, than exasperated at an instance of daring intrepi-
dity, to which he had not recently been accustomed, Tâly prepared
to retaliate with equal fury, and more fatal effect. He put himself at
the head of some of his bravest troops; and assailing the garrison in
the midst of their imagined triumph, instantly drove them back with
equal slaughter and celerity into the gates of the town.
According to other authorities, the son of Jengueiz, having lain be-
fore Merû in a state of inactivity for six days, on the seventh directed
a general attack upon the gate of the Shehrestaun, or exterior wall
of the city; from which a small body of the garrison had the audacity
to sally out upon the assailants. They were, however, repulsed at the
fust onset; their adversaries continuing to press upon their defences
until night-fall, and then resting upon their arms without drawing back,
until day light should enable them to renew their attack. On the
eighth day, Mejeir-ul-mûlk conceiving, however, that resistance was
no longer availing, adopted the sudden resolution ofsubmitting; and dis-
patched Jummaul-ud-dein, one of the most discreet and virtuous of
the inhabitants, to implore the mercy of the besieger. He received, in
reply, every assurance of safety and indemnity, and having provided, in
specie and valuables, a most superb and costly present, repaired with-
out further delay to the pavilion of of the Moghûl prince. He had
scarcely entered, when he was called upon to furnish without reserve,
and on the spot, a list of the most opulent of the inhabitants; and hav-
ing accordingly wrote down the names of two hundred, the commissi-
oners of the spoil proceeded into the town, to exact their property from
the individuals thus distinguished for plunder. The Moghûl troops
were then employed for four days successively, in expelling the wretched
inhabitants from the city; and when that was accomplished, and about
four hundred artificers, and a few boys and girls, had been set apart
for other purposes, the residue, both male and female, old and young,
were distributed in lots of three and four hundred each, to the merciless
soldiery; by whom, it is incredible to relate, they were all butchered
VOL II.
3 X
522
A. H. 619-20. with unpitying, and unrelenting cruelty. On this occasion we are
A. D. 1222-23. further apprized, that a certain Seyud Ezz-ud-dein, a native of Nissa,
Habeib-us-
seyr.
was employed, with several assistants, for the space of thirteen days,
from morning till night, to take an account of the slain at Merû; and
that, of those who belonged to the body of the city alone, exclusive of
the adjoining villages, the number of those who perished, amounted
to a thousand thousand, and three hundred thousand, and a fraction.
Having satiated their thirst for blood in the massacre of the inhabi-
tants, the Moghûls proceeded to demolish the buildings of Merû; and
when that was effected, Tûly Khaun consigned the government of the
melancholy ruins, with authority to preside over such as might yet
venture to appear in any quarter, to a certain Zeia-ud-dein Ally, who
had been excepted from the general slaughter of his countrymen, from
a consideration of his secluded habits, and retirement from the world; a
Moghûlofthe name of Barmauss being however nominated to superintend
the revenue of the depopulated waste. Tùly then took his departure
for Neyshapûr; and the remnant who had escaped the carnage gradually
issuing from the ravines, and caverns in the earth, into which they
had conveyed themselves, had restored to the town a considerable
population; when a band of the savage barbarians, who had by some
means or other remained in the rear of the Moghûl army, unexpectedly
entered the place; and, determined not to forego their share of human
butchery, required that every inhabitant should repair to the plain
without the city, with each as much grain as he could carry in the skirt
of his vest, for the supply of the detachment. By this cruel device, a
further proportion of the inhabitants was deemed to perish by the swords
of these atrocious exterminators. A little afterwards, an officer of the
name of Yauness, who had separated from the division of Jubbah Nûy-
an, and who appears to have retained some vestige of the feelings of
humanity, arrived among the ruins of Merû; and exerted himselt in
some degree, to heal the wounds, which were yet bleeding from the
barbarity of his countrymen. In the mean time, Zeia-ud-dein had been
drawn towards Serkhess, by the disturbances which had been excited
in that quarter, under Pehlewaun Abû Bukker Diwaunah; and Bar-
mauss had also quitted the town, on his way to Bokbâra; when, unhap-
523
seyr.
pily ascribing the departure of the two chiefs, to some intelligence of A. H. 619 20.
the approach of Jullaul-ud-dein the Khaurezmian, which had com- A. D. 1222-23.
pelled them to abandon the place, a few infatuated miscreants from Habeib-us-
among the inhabitants, without further deliberation, struck up their
kettle drums, and displayed the standard of revolt. Barmauss, who
was still in the neighborhood, though upon this he forbore to re-enter
the town, yet failed not, before he proceeded on his journey, to cut
to pieces every living being whom he found without the gates.
The city was soon afterwards taken possession of by Koushkein, with
a party of the adherents of the Khaurezmian Sûltan's; and he also
thought fit to exhibit an example of vengeance, however feeble, by
putting to death the wretched Zeia-ud-dein, who had recently returned
from the expedition to Serkhess. But, intelligence of these transactions
being soon conveyed to Jengueiz, two Moghûl commanders with five
thousand men proceeded from Nakhsheb, by order of that monarch,
to complete the extirpation of the devoted Merûzians. By these, the
town was carried on the first onset, and not much less than one hun-
dred thousand of the inhabitants added to the list of former massacres ;
such a population having in this short period re-assembled among the
ruins. The slaughter over, these commanders passed on to some other
quarter; leaving one of their companions, of the name of Auk melek,
properly attended, to dispatch the unhappy few, whom hunger or want
might compel to creep from their hiding places. This barbarian, after
exhausting every device to complete the destruction of the devoted
inhabitants, as a last expedient, directed one of his followers to give
the summons to prayer. Deceived by the unexpected call, the me-
lancholy remnant which had shrunk from the dreadful spectacles
that surrounded, into the caverns and sewers beneath the city, once
more ventured to raise their heads; and were in an instant doomed to
share the fate of their slaughtered fellow citizens. In short, the des-
truction was so nearly complete, that of the vast population of this ancient
and magnificent city, not more than four hundred individuals, of every
class and description, were left alive.
It appears, that at the period when Tûly Khaun was about to proceed
towards Merû, Toghatchaur Gùrekan, who is by some considered as
a younger brother of Karatchaur Nayan, had been dispatched by Jen-
3 X 3
521
seyr.
A. II. 619-20. guciz, with ten thousand horse, in the direction of Neyshapur, situ-
A. D. 1222-23. ated in thirty seven degrees of latitude, and about twelve leagues from
Habeib-us- Tûsse. Mejeir-ul-mûlk Khowaufy, and Zeia-ul-mulk Zouzeny, two
nobles of the court of Sûltan Mahommed the Khaurezmian, and most
eminent among the natives of Khorassaun, presided in the town; and
were both equally impelled by their confidence in a numerous and
resolute garrison, and in the resources of every kind with which the
place was abundantly supplied, to defend it to the last extremity.
Thus animated, in spite of the previous appalling examples, they
proceeded to plant, and arrange the various warlike inachines on the
towers and ramparts, in order to repel the assaults of the enemy. Of
this an opportunity was not long wanting. Toghatchaur laid siege to
the city; but being killed by an arrow on the third day of the attack, the
Moghul troops abandoned the undertaking, immediately on the death -
of their general; and separating into two distinct divisions, the one
directed their course for Subbuz waur, where they massacred seventy
thousand of the Mûssulman inhabitants, and the other for Tûsse, which
became the scene of similar enormities.
Tûly Khaun being, however, at leisure from the desolation of Merû,
was no sooner apprized of the death of Toghatchaur, than he determined
on employing the force at his disposal in the reduction of Neyshapûr;
and he immediately commenced his march in that direction, detaching
a division of his army on before, in charge of the catapultæ and imple-
ments of siege, while he followed with the main body; every indivi-
dual of which, because the country in the vicinity of Neyshapûr was
composed of solid rock, he directed for several stages, to carry with
him a quantity of stones, for the supply of the warlike machines.
Hence, when the Moghúls in taking up their stations before the walls,
deposited their burdens in enormous piles, in the view of the inhabi-
tants, Mejeir-ul-mulk and his garrison, were not at a loss to discover
that they were now to contend with a more formidable description of
men, than those whom they had recently repulsed, and, that they were
not likely to get rid of them so speedily. The contemplation of such
a spectacle seeins, at the same time, at once to have dissipated the
generous resolution of resistance; since it was immediately determined
under the impression of terror produced by it, to dispatch the Kauzy
·
525
seyr.
of the province, to the presence of Tûly Khaun, in order to intercede A. II. 619-20.
for mercy in behalf of the unhappy Neyshapûrians. The Moghul A. D. 1222 23.
prince was, however, inexorably deaf to their supplications, detaining Habe-us-
the Kauzy a prisoner in his camp. On Wednesday the twelfth of Suf-
fur, (A. H. 618)* in the morning, hostilities commenced on both sides,
with equal fury and animosity, and continued without intermission
until the Friday following. Towards the close of that day, the be-
siegers had succeeded in filling the ditch in several places; and, com-
pleting their passage across to the Khaukreiz, or fausse bray, from
thence effected a breach in the principal rampart. On Saturday
night, the walls swarmed with the enemy; and the next day, pouring
with united force, into the devoted city, the Moghûls proceeded to the
usual work of pillage and blood. The garrison continued to defend
themselves to the last, from the porticos and principal buildings.
Mejeir-ul-mûlk the governor, when resistance appeared to be no longer
availing, attempted to conceal himself, either in the gallery of a mine,
or in some excavation of the earth; but, being soon discovered and
dragged to light, and making use of harsh and intemperate language
to his captors, he was dispatched by the most cruel and painful death
that the spirit of vengeance could devise.
Resistance being at an end, and the Moghûls entire masters of the city,
the inhabitants, both male and female, were driven according to custom to
the plain without the walls; and there, with the exception ofabout forty
mechanics, and most ingenious manufacturers, who were exempted
from the slaughter, perished the whole of them by indiscriminate but-
chery. The daughter of Jenguciz, and widow of Toghatchaur (hence
the title of Gûrekan, son in law,) then entered the town; and to avenge
the death of her husband, left not the vestige of a living creature in
the place. It was now laid under water for seven days; and the foun-
dations of every building thus sapped, the whole city was finally le-
velled with the earth, and the site sown with barley. A work entitled the
the history of Khorassaun, is here cited to inform us, that it occupied
twelve days to number the bodies of those who perished at Neysha-
pûr; and it is affirmed, that exclusive of women and children, they
*Fifth of April, A. D. 1221.
526
Habeib-us-
seyr.
A. H. 619-20. amounted to the horrible total of one million seven hundred and forty
A. D. 1222.23. seven thousand. Tûly Khaun now returned to carry his designs against
Heraut into execution, leaving a detachment of his troops to destroy
the wretched remnant, that might yet have escaped the frightful mas-
sacre just recorded. And, should the number of those, who, on this
and other occasions, fell a sacrifice to the indiscriminate vengeance of
the Moghûls, appear to surpass the bounds of credibility, we have unfor-
tunately to add, what is but too probable, that the whole population
of the surrounding country might have crouded within the walls of
the principal cities, for protection against the exterminating fury of
their invaders; and thus served to accumulate an hundred-fold the sad
list of victims immolated by the sword of the destroyer.
Having acquitted himself as above, in the entire desolation of Ney-
shapûr, Tûly disclosed the design of proceeding next against the cele-
brated metropolis of Herât; the supposed Aria of the Grecian histori-
ans, situated in thirty four degrees thirty minutes north,* and two
leagues from a mountain still distinguished as the resort of Magian
superstition. In the requisite series of marches he arrived accordingly,
and pitched his camp among the delicious lawns, and groves of Mes-
hertû. From thence he dispatched an agent, of the name of Zenbûr, to
the magistrates of this splendid city, to require that the governor, the
Kauzy, the Khateib, or public orator, and all the most distinguished
inhabitants should repair to meet his standard; " in order that under
"in
"the shadow of his protection, who was the most powerful of earthly
"monarchs, they might screen themselves from the effects of that awful
"visitation which had swept off so many myriads of their unhappy fel-
"low subjects." Mêlek Shums-ud-dein the Júrjanian, with a garrison
not far short of one hundred thousand strong, had by this time assumed the
government of the place, on the part of Sûltan Jullaul-ud-dein ; and
receiving the message with a burst of indignation, proceeded, with a
violence equally unwarrantable and unavailing, to put the agent to
death; proclaiming aloud, that he trusted the sun would never rise on
that day, on which he should be compelled to submit to the impious
and detested barbarians.
*It is but justice to remark, that the situation of places is, throughout, taken from De
la Croix's history.
527
seyr.
When the report of this frantic and useless piece of barbarity, was A. H. 619-20.
circulated in the camp of the Moghûls, it produced an universal buzz A. D. 1222-23.
of rage and resentment; and they obeyed, with the eagerness of blood Habeib-us-
hounds, the commands of their general to surround the city. Mêlek
Shums-ud-dein stood most gallantly to his defence; and, for the space
of seven days, and to their heavy and mutual loss, the most extraordi-
nary proofs of intrepidity were exhibited on both sides; no less than
seventeen hundred Moghûls of distinguished rank falling in the early
days of the siege. But, on the eighth day, exposing himself at the head
of his troops with more than his usual forwardness to repel the attacks
of the besiegers, Shums-ud-dein was transfixed by an arrow, and ex-
pired in the heat of the conflict. This fatal misfortune was succeeded
by one still more fatal, in the dissensions which immediately broke out
in the city; the adherents of Jullaul-ud-dein, and the immediate depen-
dants of the Jûrjanian declaring their resolution not to cease from hos-
tilities while a spark of life continued to animate their bodies, and the
Kauzies, the lawyers, and others the most distinguished and opulent
inhabitants, evincing on their part, a disposition to capitulate.
The salubrity and mildness of the climate, the beauty of the gardens
and surrounding scenery, and the delightful fragrance shed on every side
by the multiplied variety of odoriferous shrubs and flowers, had, in the
mean time, softened even the austere and rigid nature of the son of Jen-
gueiz; and he conceived a repugnance to involve this superb, and fa-
voritecity, in the destruction which had visited the rest of Khorassaun.
On that day, therefore, on which he discovered in the inhabitants a
disposition to treat, he approached, with two hundred horse, to the
edge of the ditch, near the gate of Feyrouzabad; and taking off his hel-
met, announced aloud to the people on the works, that the person who
spoke to them was Tûly Khaun, the son of the king of kings; that if
they were willing to accept of terms by which they might secure their
lives, they would immediately cease from hostilities, and submit to his
authority; and that, on engaging to be responsible to his agents, for the
payment of one half only of the revenues which they had furnished to
the officers of the king of Khaurezm, he would be their pledge for
the clemency and generosity of his august parent. He confirmed the
promises by the most solemn oaths, adding, that if they threw open their
1
528
seyr.
A. H. G19:20. gates without further resistance, they should experience from him, in
A. D. 1222-23. every respect, the most just and benevolent treatment. After witness<<
Habeib-us- ing from the lips of the prince himself, a language so singularly moderate
and unexpected, the citizens immediately ceased hostilities, and aban-
doned all idea of further resistance; and, among the first who presented
themselves before the Moghûl, with assurances of submission, was the
provost of the weavers, at the head of one hundred of the trade, each
bearing nine pieces of manufacture of the most beautiful fabric, and
costly materials. After which, the principal inhabitants in their several
classes, also came out of the town; and were treated with a condescen-
sion and humanity, perhaps beyond their hopes. The mercy of Tûly
Klaun was however withheld from twelve thousand of those more
immediately attached to the service of the prince of Khaurezm,
whom he caused to be put to death; this ended, the inhabitants were.
exposed to no further molestation. The government of the city was
conferred upon Mêlek Abû Bukker, a Moghûl officer of the name of Men-
gatay being appointed imperial commissioner; all which being satis-
factorily arranged, the prince no longer delayed to join his father, who
was still engaged in the arduous siege of Taulekan, of which we have
already spoken.
The reader of these pages, if haply they should ever fall into the per-
usal of any, may here perhaps congratulate himself on the exemption
of this admired and splendid city, from the cruel desolation which had
laid its neighbours in the dust. Alas! his horrors will experience but
a short suspension. It was destined that Herât should share the fate
of it's sister cities to the utmost circumstance-should swallow the
bitter draught of affliction to the very dregs.
Mêlek Abû Bukker, and his collegue Mengatay, had exerted them-
selves with considerable zeal in promoting the welfare and repose of
the people entrusted to their care; and the inhabitants had engaged
with extraordinary confidence in re-edifying the buildings which had
been injured during the late siege, and in resuming the culture of
their lands but a circumstance was about to occur, which drew upon
them in its direst horrors, the common lot of Khorassaun. On this head
the author has presented us with two relations, in some points materi-
ally different from each other. The first, and that to which the author
529
Habeib-us-
seyr.
of the Teymurian Zuffurnamah has given the preference, is the following. A. H. 619-29.
Melek Abû Bukker, and Mengatay had continued to exercise their au- A. D. 1222-23.
thority but for a few days, or for some comparatively short period, when
rumours of unexpected victories, gained by Sultan Jullaul-ud-dein the
Khaurezmian, obtained circulation in Khorassaun. Hence, it was
rashly concluded by men of narrow comprehensions, that no longer
able to contend in the field of battle with his enterprising antagonist,
Jengueiz would withdraw into the Tartarian solitudes, with the same.
expedition and rapidity as he had emerged from them. In consequence
of such rash and absurd misconceptions, the Moghúl governors and
agents in every part of the province, were indiscriminately devoted
to destruction; and it was under the influence of the prevailing mania
that, notwithstanding the benevolence of their administration, the
magistrates set over them by Tûly Khaun were put to the sword by the
people of Herât
But, the account to which, by the adoption of it into his laborious
work of the Rouz ut-us-suffà, the venerated father of our author is said
to have given the stamp of truth, he submits to his reader in the sub-
joined particulars. During the period in which Tuly Khaun was em-
ployed in carrying pillage and slaughter through Khorassaun, the
Moghûls were frustrated in every attempt to make themselves masters
of the fortress of Kaliouss, subsequently known by the name of Neir-
ahtû; and afterwards, when. the departure of that prince to rejoin his
father had been ascertained, a report being conveyed to the garrison of
the same fortress that the people of Herât had pledged themselves to their
newmasters for the reduction of the place, and that they were busily en-
gaged in preparations for the siege of it, the jealousy of the Kalioussians
became alarmed; and it was resolved, in the course of their deliberations,
that some device should be immediately put in practice to create, be-
tween the Moghuls and the men of Herât, such a subject of animosity
as it might be difficult, if not impossible, to reconcile, or appease. For
this purpose, they fixed upon a man whose name, or perhaps the ad-
junct to it, was Saheb, remarkable for his daring and intrepid spirit,
whom, with eighty desperados of a similar texture of mind, they directed
to proceed to Herât; where, by whatever means they found practica-
ble, they were to dispatch both Melck Abû Bukker, and his collegue
VOL 11.
3 Y
530
Ilabeib-us-
seyr.
A. II. 619-20. Mengatay. Having accordingly obtained admission into the city, under
A. D. 1222-23. the disguise of merchants, the assassin and his accomplices, in order
to carry ou the deception, amused themselves for some time in travers-
ing the streets and squares, in the pursuits of their pretended avocation;
until one day, that Abû Bukker and Mengatay were riding without
suspicion of evil at the foot of the rampart, or fortifications of the town,
they availed themselves of the opportunity, and put them both to death
with their knives and daggers. In conformity with the proverb, "the
"wish is cause sufficient," the whole city immediately flew to arms,
and put to the sword without exception all who had been attached to
the murdered magistrates; after which they proceeded to vest the govern-
ment in Mêlek Mûbaurez-ud-dein Subbuzwaury, and an Arab chief
of the name of Abdurraihian.
When Jengueiz became informed of this sudden act of violence, on
the part of the people of Herât, his indignation may be better imagined
than described; he discharged however, the first effusions of it upon his
son, whom he bitterly reproached as the origin of the mischief, by his
misplaced lenity, in diverting from the inhabitants of that turbulent
city, the vengeance to which he had destined them. Eiltchigaday, or
Eiltchikdai Nûyan, with a fresh body of eighty thousand horse, was
then ordered to repair the error; with express and positive injunction,
when he should have reduced the devoted town, not to spare the life
of a single human being. Eiltchigaday marched accordingly and en-
camping at a convenient distance on one side of the place, allowed to
his soldiers, the interval of a month, to prepare their materials for the
siege. In the mean time, he was further joined by reinforcements from
different quarters, to the number of fifty thousand men. Neither were
Mûbaurez-ud-dein and his associate, on their part, less attentive in
their preparations to repel the formidable attack which menaced them;
exacting from the inhabitants, from the highest to the lowest, a so-
lemn engagement, to decline no sacrifice, to omit no exertion, in the
defence of all that could make existence valuable; but of all things
to beware of that fatal disunion which, on the recent occasion, had pro-
duced the surrender of their independence.
At the expiration of the stated period of a month, Eiltchigaday pro-
ceeded to assign to his officers their respective stations opposite to the
531
Habeib-us-
seyr.
principal gates of Herât, posting at the same time on each face of the A. H. 619-20,
town a powerful division of thirty thousand men; threatening the se- A. D. 1222-23,
verest punishments to those who failed in the discharge of their duty;
and holding out the noblest and most liberal encouragements to those
who bravely and honorably acquitted themselves. The attack of the
city was immediately commenced on four separate points.
For six months and seven days, to which the siege was now pro-
tracted, and during which, both the attack and defence were supported
with infinite valour, and mutual slaughter, but little progress appears.
to have been made towards the reduction of the town; until some time in
the latter Jummaudy of the six hundred and nineteenth of the Hidjer-
ah,* when, the Moghûl general having carried on his assaults without
intermission for several days successively, although with the loss on
each occasion of five thousand of his bravest troops, the revetement
of the rampart began to be perforated in several places by the repeated
impetus of the warlike machines; and the mines which the besiegers
carried on under cover of their tents were now approaching the foun-
dations of the principal towers. In these circumstances, a part of the
wall to the extent of fifty cubits suddenly gave way, and overwelın -
ing one of the tents in which the Moghûls were at work, four of
their most distinguished officers perished under the ruins. Three days
afterwards, the garrison, reduced to the verge of despair, by the scarcity
if not the total failure of the means of subsistance, became evidently"
languid in their exertions; and of this, on one of the Fridays of the
month just mentioned, in the morning, Eiltchigaday immediately avail-
ed himself, to storm and take possession of the tower, called the Bûrj-
e-khauk-ber-serr, subsequently designated the "tower of ashes" and
from thence pouring sword in hand into the unhappy city, his sol-
diers proceeded with more than their ordinary ferocity to massacre the
whole of the inhabitants, without the exception of male or female,
old or young; neither, for the space of seven days and as many nights,
were the infuriated barbarians engaged in any other employment than
that of pillage and slaughter, and conflagration and ruin: during which
July, A. D. 1222,
This is equivocal; their battering 1ams were probably wrought under cover of tents,
3 Y 3
532
A. H. 619-20. they are said to have immolated to the number of one million six hun
A. D. 1222-23. dred thousand persons, and upwards.
Habeib-us-
sevr.
Having accomplished his bloody errand, Eiltchigaday Nayan withdrew
to the territory of Heratroud; but, lest a vestige should remain alive of
the miserable inhabitants of the late flourishing metropolis, he dis-
patched, on his arrival at the town of Oubah, a body of two thousand
Moghûls back again, with orders to hasten to join the spirits of their
slaughtered fellow citizens, such of the melancholy remnant as might
have ventured to creep from concealment. These remorseless barbarians.
returned accordingly, and to the fearful list of slaughter, added that of
three thousand persons more, who had unhappily re-assembled among the
ruius of their country. To close this mournful detail, the historian pro-
cecds to relate, that, of the whole population of Herât, not more than six-
teen individuals survived, by concealing themselves either in the drains,
or channels, in the dome of the principal mosque, one of whom was
Mowlana Shurf-ud-dein, the Khateib or public orator, or preacher, of the
village of Jeghartaun; and that when the Moghûls had finally quitted
this scene of devastation and blood, one of the sixteen issued from the
mosque, and scated himself before the slab of what had been a confec-
tioner's shop; where, after looking for some time wistfully round him,
and perceiving no human being but himself, he at last veatured to exclaim
aloud, "heaven be praised a man may be permitted once more to
"breath in safety !" after this, they were gradually joined by four and
twenty other persons, from different places in the adjoining territory;
and for the period of fifteen years, exclusive of these forty individuals,
not a human being was to be found in the whole extent of this once
magnificent city and its dependencies. The forlorn remnant took
up its abode beside the principal mosque and college of Sûltan Ghey-
auth-ud-dein the Ghourian, where they subsisted for some time, it is
said, on the dried flesh of the carcases of the slain; until, by exploring
the granaries and stables, and collecting, grain by grain, a few measures
of wheat and barley, they proceeded by such means as they could devise,
to cultivate a small piece of ground for its reception, and secured a
scanty crop for their first harvest. They elected the above-mentioned
Shurf ud-dein, to preside over their infant community; and they con-
tinued to exist, under various difficulties and discouragements, until
533
Habeib-us-
the period at which, on succeeding to his father's power, Ougtay Kâan A. H. 620-21.
determined to restore their beloved city; and for that purpose dis.. A. D. 1223-24.
patched from his court, accompanied by other respectable persons,
Ezz-ud-dein Mûkuddum, with instructions to rebuild and repeople the
long neglected ruins of Herât.
Jengueiz, either by himself or his generals, had thus satiated his
vengeance, in the manner which we have briefly attempted to describe,
and in the entire subversion of every thing that constituted the strength
and glory of the Persian empire, when he conceived it expedient to
deliberate with Kâratchaur and others his ministers and principal ge-
nerals, on his future proceedings. To the majority it appeared advisa-
ble, that his son Tcheghatâi should be immediately detached to the bor-
ders of Mekraun, in order to lay waste and destroy the approaches from
Hindûstaun through that province; while prince Ougtâi should be
employed with a similar object, to over-run the whole territory to the
Indus. Thus, in the event that Sultan Jullaul-ud-dein should attempt
to return in either direction, he might find himself entirely destitute
of the means of subsistance for his army. The mandates of Jengueiz
were issued in conformity with this plan of operations; and the two
princes, each with a powerful division of troops, hastened to carry it
into execution. In the spring of the year (620), the Moghûl monarch
finally resolved on returning to his native dominions; and taking the
same road by which he had entered the province of Gheznein, that of
Tokharestaun, he proceeded to Baklaun or Bakalaun, in the same
territory, where he passed the summer. In the cominencement of au-
tumn, he recrossed the Jeyhûn and marched to Samarkand; where he re-
mained during the winter, or cold season of 620-21.
The princes Tcheghatâi and Ougtài proceeded, on the other hand,
to complete the designs of their father's vindictive policy, with their usual
promptitude and precision ; and having carried pillage, and massacre,
and desolation, through the greater part of the countries exposed to
their fury, and destroyed among other places, in particular, the city of
Gheznein, they returned, at the termination of this predatory sweep
by separate routes into Transoxiana, and went into winter-quarters at
Bokhara. The short relaxation which they now enjoyed from the
fatigues of war was devoted to the field sports of hawking and hunting:
seyr.
*
534
A. H. 621-24. and they are said, on this occasion, to have furnished their father at
A. D. 1221-27. Samarkand, with a weekly supply of fifty ass-loads of game.
Habeib-us-
seyr.
At the conclusion of the cold season, and the opening of the beauties.
of spring, *Jengueiz took his final departure for the country of the Mo-
ghûls; giving direction that the captive dowager, Tûrkan Khâtûn the
mother of Sultan Mahommed the Khaurezmian, with the wives and
women of that once powerful monarch, should be conducted, in cruel
triumph, at the head of his columns of march, while the misfortunes and
ruin of her house were proclaimed, with every circumstance of humi-
liation, through the countries so recently subject to her authority. On
the banks of the Seyhûn, both Tcheghatâi and Ougtâi rejoined the
camp of their father; which, after passing that river, was subsequently
removed to the plains of Baklanyauzy, in the neighborhood, as it would
appear from De la Croix, of Tonkaut, or Finauket.
In consequence of the jealousies which subsisted between him and
his brother, Jûjy, or Tchûtchy Khaun, after the reduction of Khaurezm,
had marched with his division into Keptchauk Tartary, eastward of
the Volga. From thence he was now summoned, to complete on his
side, the arc of the grand circular hunt, (Jerkah)† which his father and
brothers, with the main body of the army, were gradually proceeding
to carry on from the banks of the Seyhûn. At the station of Oukâeir,
where the different points, or extremities, of the enormous circle be-
came united, Jengueiz first advanced to the slaughter of the infinite
variety of wild animals which had been, driven together towards the
centre; and having killed with his own hands a heap of deer and an-
telope, and in short of every species of game, until he became weary of
the sanguinary amusement, he consigned the remainder to the disposal
of the shahzâdahs of the imperial family, and of the other generals.
When the whole became also satiated with this species of slaughter,.
the animals that survived were liberated to their native solitudes, va-
riously marked according to the fancy of the liberators.
At the termination of the imperial hunt, Jûjy Khaun, who had la-
boured for some time under displeasure, was restored to his father's
* A. D. 1224.
† According to De la Croix the circle on its earliest formation, is called Nerke. See bis
description of this magnificent amusement, in Cap. VII. of his history.
535
}
presence, whose hands, submissively kneeling, he was permitted to A. H. 621-24.
kiss. Among the vast and splendid display of presents, which he of. A. D. 1224-27.
fered on this occasion to the acceptance of his father, was a lot of one Habeib-us-
hundred thousand valuable horses, of which twenty thousand were
all of one colour, grey-(Khink).
Jengueiz passed the summer season* (621) at the same station of
Oukâeir,† having there convoked an extraordinary Kûriltâi, or general
diet of the states of his immense dominions; at which the only trans-
action noticed by our author, is the punishment of some Eyghûrian
chiefs. And in the month of Zilhûdje, the last of the six hundred and
twenty first year of the Hidjerah, after an absence of about six years,
this mighty monarch returned to his imperial residence of Karakorum.
+
He was however suffered to enjoy but a very short repose from the
fatigues of this memorable expedition. During the severity of
the same winter, reports successively came in, of the disaffection and
rebellious designs of Sheiderk û or perhaps Sheidazků, the prince of Tan-
gueit, or Neiket, otherwise called also Kashein, north-west of the
Chinese frontier; and of his activity in assembling vast bodies of troops
for purposes manifestly hostile. Jengueiz did not hestitate a moment
to forsake the festivities of his capital, and to proceed at the head of
his troops to anticipate the designs of his adversary; who advanced,
on his part to oppose him, with an army of not less than five hundred
thousand fighting men. Of the dreadful battle, which, at a subsequent
period, terminated this war, the author furnishes no other description,
than that, through the operation of that eternal destiny which in all
things sustained the grandeur of Jengueiz, the Tangutian was defeated,
with the loss of the greater part of his army; that among the Moghûls
there prevails a ludicrous persuasion, that for every hundred thousand
killed in battle, one of the slain will be found standing on his head re-
versed; and that on this occasion three of those who perished on the
side of Sheiderkû, were found in that position. Hence it is inferred
that the number of those who fell, on the part of the vanquished mon-
arch amounted to three hundred thousand. After this dreadful and
July, August, 1224.
+ A plain seven leagues in extent, in the neighborhood of Tonkaut; according to De la
Croix,
December, or January, A. D. 1224-25.
seyr.
536
A. H. 622-24. sanguinary discomfiture, Sheiderkû retired to the fortress of Artakia,
A. D. 1225-27. perhaps Arbaka, among the mountains bordering his country to the
Habeib us- westward, between it and the territory of the Eyghûrs; while Jen-
seyr.
gueiz proceeded without interruption, to extend his destructive ravages
to the whole of the country of Kashein, now abandoned to his mercy.
When he had glutted his troops with pillage and slaughter, on the
dominions of his adversary, Jengueiz drew them westwards, in the
direction of Jûrjah (Jûrje) and Tengnaush. The prince of the for-
mer country hastened, however, to avert the approaching storm, by
early assurances of submission, and by a dispatch of presents suitable
to the grandeur and power of his formidable assailant. Among the
articles which composed this splendid offering to disarm a tyrant of
his vengeance, is said to have been a tray of pearls, of the finest water
and beauty; which Jengueiz directed to be distributed on the spot, to
such of his soldiers as had their ears perforated for the reception of such
a jewel; and it is further stated, that while the imperial attendants
were carrying into execution, the orders of their sovereign, several of
the Moghûls, whose ears had not previously undergone the neces-
sary operation, proceeded without ceremony to bore and mangle them
with their knives and packing needles, in order to possess themselves
of these precious ornaments. A circumstance which is possibly des-
cribed to attest, at the same time, the brutality and avarice of these
ferocious tribes. There was, however, such abundance of the article,
that a prodigious surplus undisposed of, still remained among the trea-
sures of Jengueiz.
The agents of Sheiderk û, or Sheidezkû, hastened in the mean time.
from Artakia, with proposals from their master to submit himself to
the mercy of Jongueiz, and even to appear in person in his camp,.
at the expiration of one month. provided the Moghûl monarch would
solemnly engage to spare his life. To this engagement, Jenguciz did not
scruple to pledge his faith, at the moment that he harboured the
most deliberate design to violate it, whenever the credulous prince
should put himself in bis power, But, the health and strength of this
great and ferocious conqueror were now rapidly declining; and he per-
ecived that the period was fast approaching, in which all the views of
caithly grandeur and ambition, must finally terminate.
537
seyr.
At this solemn crisis, he called together around him his sons, and A. H. 624.
brothers, and the other princes of his blood, at the head of whom ap- A.D. 1227.
peared hissage and faithful counsellor Kâratchaur. Having dispatched Habeib-us-
some preliminary admonitions, in which above all things, he strenu-
ously recommended a spirit of harmony among themselves, as the firm-
est basis on which to preserve unbroken the glorious inheritance which
he was about to leave them, he addressed himselfexclusively to his three
sons, Tcheglatâi, Ougtài, and Tûly Khaun, all of whom were present,
and demanded, in the event they conceived such a designation advi-
sable, whom in their opinion they thought he should nominate to suc-
ceed him? the royal brothers at once declared, that by inclination and
duty, they were equally disposed to submit to any arrangement, that
might accord with their father's sovereign pleasure. Jengueiz then
pronounced, that to the bulk of his dominions, and to the throne of the
Khauns, he vested the succession, without alternative, in his third son
Ougtâi; and causing an instrument to that effect to be drawn up on
the spot, he immediately required that his other sons, and his brothers,
should affix their signatures to it, engaging themselves, under every
contingency, and with unfailing zeal, to be obedient to the authority of
that prince. The territory of Tûrkestaun westward, with Mawur-un-
neher or Transoxiana, he at the same time allotted to Tcheghatâi.
Then calling for the covenant between Kabal Kbaun and Katchùly
Bahauder, attested under the great scal of Toumnah Khaun, he delivered
it into the hands of Tcheghatai; with a solemn charge, that in confor-
mity with the stipulations of that venerated engagement, he should in
all things govern himself by the counsels of Káratchaur Nûyan, whom
he admonished him to consider, in every respect, his associate in wealth
and power, and to whose guidance and discretion he now finally con-
signed him. To all this, Teheghatâi pledged himself faithfully to conform.
This important arrangement dispatched, Jengueiz finally required
that his death, whenever that awful consummation which he daily
looked for should have taken place, might as long as possible be kept
a secret; and, as if he were desirous to the last that his glories should
be steeped in blood, but ostensibly that his children might succeed to
their inheritance, undisturbed by external hostility, he commanded that
when Sheiderku, relying on the faith of the recent treaty, should quit
VOL. II.
32
538
seyr.
A. II. 624. the safeguard of his asylum in the mountains, and appear in the
A. D. 1227. camp of the Moghûls, he should be instantly put to the sword, toge-
Habeib-us ther with the whole of his followers. Shortly afterwards he expired;
but it would be difficult to coincide with our author and his muse,
in the remark "that the eyes of this tremendous conqueror were no
sooner closed, than it might be forgotten that he was ever born,” al-
though few will be disposed to question, that there were millions who
lamented that he ever saw the light.
The dissolution of this fearful instrument of the vengeance of an
offended God, is said to have taken place on the fourth day of the
month of Ramzaun, of the six hundred and twenty fourth of the Hid-
jerah* corresponding with the Tengûzeil, or year of the mouse; if that
be the first of the twelve-year cycle of the Moghûl kalendar, exhibited
in De la Croix's history, remarkable for being also the year of his birth,
and of his accession to sovereign power. He had nearly attained to
the seventy fifth Lunar year of his age; having lived exactly seventy
two Solar years, six months and two and twenty days, and held the
universal sovereignty of the Tartar nations, for a period of five and
twenty Lunar years.
Of wives and concubines he his represented to have entertained up-
wards of five hundred; of whom the pre-eminence is assigned to the fol
lowing five princesses in particular. 1. Burtal, or Purtah Koutchin, the
daughter of Zei Nûyan, chief of the Konkoraut, or Congorat nation:
2. Kenjû, or Kebkhû Khatûn, the daughter of Altan, or Altûn Khaun,
of Khatâi. 3. Goury, or Gouzi Sûrun, the daughter of Tayang Khaun.
4. Beysûloun, perhaps Ouisoulougine, the daughter of Oung Khaun.
5. Tchankû, or Jankû Kûloun(Koulan Khatûn of De la Croix) the daugh-
ter of Tairasûn (a Moghûl, Khaun or chief of the Merkeite). Of these
five illustrious ladies, the precedence is again allotted to Burtah Kou-
tchin, who bore to her august consort, four sons and five daughters.
The male children to Jengueiz are, however, on the authority of the
preliminary discourse to the Teymûrian Zuffur-namah, represented as
nine in number in the whole; of whom the four sons of Burtah Kou-
tchin, have obtained a very distinguished place in the history of na-
tions. These were 1. Jûjy, or Tchûtchy, or Tushy. 2. Tchoghatâi,
or Zagatay. 3. Ougtâi, or Oukdâi, or Octai. 4. Tûly. The former,
* Sixteenth of August, A. D. 1227.
539
f
A. D. 1227.
sejr.
and the two latter, under their father's authority, presided with dif- A. II. 621.
ferent titles, in the principal departments of the state. Jûjy, the pro-
genitor of the Khauns of Keptchauk, and the Crimea, was grand hunts- Habeib-us-
man, and master of the revels. Ougtâi superintended in the depart-
ment of civil affairs; and Tûly Khaun, hence probably entitled Ou-
lûgh, or Ulûgh Nûyan, the great Ameir, presided over, and regulated
all things relating to the safety of the camp, and the administration of
the armies.
The author concludes his summary of the acts of this wonderful
man, by describing that Jengueiz professed himself of no particular
religion, or mode of faith; and that he equally avoided either molesting,
or giving the preference, to any one profession of belief beyond ano-
ther; on the contrary, that he treated with respect and humanity the
learned and the pious of all religions; rendering this his medium to the
favor of that Eternal King, whose nature is superior to all wants and
imperfections, and whose beneficence surpasses measure, as much as
his power transcends all magnitude. To Jengueiz are finally ascribed
most of the laws and usages observed to the days of the author, among
the Moghûl tribes; and, from an anecdote with respect to his son
Ougtâi, it would appear, at the same time, that he was totally unac-
quainted with all other languages than his own. A native of Bokhàra,
of the name of Mahmûd Yelwauje, held a distinguished, if not a prin-
cipal employment in the Vizzaurut, or ministry, of this great monarch.
Soon after the death of Jengueiz, like the wild animal which volun-
tarily steps into the snare of the hunter, the unfortunate Sheiderkû
presented himself in the camp of the Moghûls; and, in strict confor-
mity with the dying injunctions of their father, was immediately cut
to pieces, by the Shabzâdahs, together with all that accompanied him.
They then returned to the imperial residence of Kârakorum; in the
neighborhood of which, at the foot of a tree, expressly marked out for
the purpose by himself, one day during a hunting party, they commit-
ted the remains of their august and renowned parent, to the narrow
chamber of the grave. In a very short time, the spot which encircled
the tomb, was so overgrown with trees and shrubs, planted in all pro-
bability by the hands of those who vencrated the immortal spirit which
reposed there, as to become equally impenetrable to the winds of hea-
32 3
i
A
540
{
A. H. 624. ven, and inaccessible to the curiosity of man; nothing human, being
A. D. 1227. thus further permitted to imprint its footsteps upon the hallowed sod
Habeib-us- which covered the ashes of the invincible Jengueiz.
seyr.
Before we resume the legitimate course of the narrative, the reader
may, perhaps, be disposed to lend his attention a little further, while
we briefly dispatch the history of the immediate successors of this
magnanimous monarch, in the remoter regions of the east.
It has already been seen, that the title to the succession was dis-
tinctly decided in favor of the third son, Ougtâi,* by the express and
solemn judgment of his father; and he appears to have proved himself
a prince of singular talents, benevolence, and virtue, selected by the
goodness of providence to heal those wounds inflicted on the still
bleeding nations, by the avenging power of his predecessor. Never-
theless, after discharging the last solemn duties to the remains of the
departed hero, the Shalizâdahs separated to their respective places of
residence, without coming to any express resolution on the subject of
the sovereign authority.
Two years subsequent to this separation,† the leading branches of
the family of Jengueiz re-assembled, however, from different parts of
Moghûlstaun, in order to form a general diet of the states of Tartary,
at the imperial Ourdû of Kârakorum. Among those enumerated to
have met on this important occasion, were Bâtû, and his brothers the
sons of Jûjy Khaun, from Keptchauk ; Outakein, Balkouty, and Eyl-
tcha, the brothers of Jengueiz, from the provinces to the eastward;
and Kâratchaur from Peishbâligh, on the part of Tcheghatai; Ougtâi,
and Tûly Khaun, with the younger children of Jengueiz, being already
on the spot. The dying instructions of that monarch, and the elevation
of his third son to the throne of the Moghûls, by the title of Ougtài
Kaan were now made the subject of serious deliberation; and that
prince was urged by the unanimous voice of the august assembly, to
invest himself without futher delay, with the supreme and sovereign.
power. Ougtâi, at first, appeared to decline the arduous task, alleging
*In the same and in different manuscripts, this name is indiscriminately written Ouktâi
and Oukdâi; we have chosen that which appears in the text, as conveying the nearest rescin-
blance of the original. European writers have however in general made it Octai.
+About A. D. 1229.
541
A. D. 1229.
Habeib us-
seyr.
sors of Jengueiz.
at the same time, the superior claims of his elder brother Tcheghatai, and A. H. 623.
the pre-eminent talents of his uncles; the debate being thus protracted for
a period of forty days. On the forty first day, however, as soon as the sun
had ascended his golden car in the azure vault of heaven, the whole of
the Shahzâdabs with the princesses of the imperial family, and Nûyans,
declared in a body to Ougtâi, their equal repugnance and inability to
proceed, in any respect, contrary to the express and solemn decision of
their late venerated sovereign; and that it therefore behoved him to waive
these scruples more specious than solid, and to charge himself, since
there was no alternative, with the security and happiness of that countless
mass of nations, which extended over so vast a proportion of the habitable OUGTAI KAAN,
globe. Ougtâi no longer resisted their united importunities; but nod- Ist of the succes
ding a reluctant assent, the Shahzâdals, in conformity with the practice
of the Moghûls on similar occasions, immediately cast loose the girdles
from their waists; and, Tûly Khaun taking his brother by the right
hand, while his uncle Outakein supported him on the left, the whole
proceeded, at the hour agreed upon by the astrologers, to seat him on
the throne of his father, accompanying the ordinary vows and congra-
tulations, with a shower of gold and jewels which they scattered upon
his head. The princes and Ameirs then bent their knees to the earth,
nine times; after which, agreeable also to the custom of their forefa-
thers, they repaired to a spot without the imperial residence, and again
knelt three times, with their faces towards the sun. They finally re-
turned to the presence of Ougtài, to partake in the scenes of festivity
and joy, usual on such occasions; while the gates of the imperial trea-
sury being thrown wide open by the new sovereign, a distribution
of presents, in jewels, and specie, and costly habiliments, immediately
took place, to an incalculable amount.
When the attention of the monarch, and his court, was sufficiently
disengaged from the dispatch of these important preliminaries, the wis-
dom of Ougtâi was directed to compose the disorders which had ari-
sen in some of the remoter provinces of the empire. Among others.
employed to assert, and vindicate his authority, throughout the regi-
ons of Tartary and the territories of the Persian empire, was Jermau-
ghûn Nûyan; detached, about this period, with three tomauns, or
thirty thousand horse, into râk and Azerbaijaun, to oppose the designs
542
A. H. 627. of Sultan Jullaul-ud-dein. This chief, as well as others who proceeded
A. D. 1230. on similar errands to different quarters, at the same time, returned at
Habeib-us- distant periods, crowned with victory, and loaded with spoil.
seyr.
In the former month of Rebbeia* of the six hundred and twenty
seventh of the Hidjerah, Ougtâi, accompanied by his brothers Tche-
ghatai and Tûly, engaged in an expedition to complete the conquest
of China; the emperor Altan Khaun, who continued to support his
authority at Tayming, having probably about this crisis, evinced the
design of recovering his hereditary dominions to the northward. When
they had proceeded for some marches together, Tûly Khaun was de-
tached with an advanced division of two tomauns, to enter China by
the route of Tibet; Ougtài in person, with the main body, taking the
right hand, or perhaps more correctly, the direct road into the enemy's
territory. The division under Túly Khaun appeared first before a city
upon the Feramûran, or white, or perhaps yellow river, which after a
siege of forty days, he succeeded in taking posssesion of. From thence,
after exhibiting the customary scenes of pillage and slaughter, he cou-
tinued his march towards the metropolis of Tayming. In the pass of
Dutûngfan Kehlika, (perhaps Kentacla) he appears to have been hemmed
in by one of the Chinese generals, at the head of one hundred thousand
horse; after having been driven for some time on the way towards Kha-
tài, or northern China. On this occasion, Tuly is described to have
had recourse to the mysterious influence of the Sung yeddah, or lapis
imbrifer, to relieve him from his perilous situation; and this is said to
have actually produced so prodigious a fall of snow, that the Chinese
army, rendered incapable of exertion by the severity of the cold, was
for the greater part cut to pieces: thus, according to our author, though
without explaining wherefore, exhibiting in another shape, the judg-
ment anciently inflicted on the sinful countrymen of Lot. Be that,
however, as it may, the obstacles thrown in the way of Tûly Khaun
on this occasion, appear for the present to have prevented the attack
of Tayming; since he must have immediately deviated from his ori-
ginal course, to rejoin the main body of the army under Ougtâi, who
caressed him with fraternal kindness on his escape from his perilous
January, February, 1230.
543
expedition. Koutûlkû, or Koutûkou Hurreby; a commander of high A. H. 627-31.
distinction in the Moghûl armies, was chosen upon this, to proceed A. D. 1230-31,
with a powerful force to the reduction of the Chinese capital, and fi-
nally to terminate the authority of Altan Khaun.
Ougtâi returned shortly afterwards to the Yûrut, or seat of his an-
cestors; but, his brother Tûly was seized with his last illness, and died
on the march homewards, on this occasion. He was, as we have al-
ready seen, the fourth son of Jengueiz, the inseparable companion of his
enterprises, and his faithful counsellor under the most difficult contin-
gencies of his arduous career. He left eight sons; four of whom, by
the same mother, who was the daughter of Jankû or Tchangû, a chris-
tian prince, the brother of Oung Khaun. These were Mangû, Koub-
lâi, Artekbûka, and Hûlaukû Khaun. The names of the others would
be unimportant.
In the mean time, Koutûlkû, the Moghûl general, appeared before
Tayming; and was attacked, and defeated by an immense multitude
which issued from the gates of that city. A report of his misfortune
was conveyed to his sovereign without delay by the general; and a
reinforcement, numberless as the sands of the desart, was immediately
dispatched to his aid. By this, Koutûlkû was enabled to resume the
wonted superiority of his nation, and, having soon afterwards beaten
the Khatayan armies out of the field, to invest the then metropolis of
the Chinese monarchy. Subdued by his apprehensions, Altan Khaun,
or the prince who bore the title, embarked, in these circumstances of
his capital, on the great river by which it was protected on one side;
and for the present withdrew from the danger. But, being unceasingly
pursued by the persevering and indefatigable Moghûls, he was at last
shut up in one of the remoter cities of his dominions, without the pos-
sibility of further escape; and there, cut off from all hope of deliverance
from the rancour of his enemies, he took his final resolution. Having
scated one of his Kourtcheis, or guards, on the throne of the Chinese
monarchy, he deliberately cast himself, together with his wives and chil-
dren, into the bosom of the burning pile; in which he was immediately
consumed to ashes. According to others he put a period to his life and
misfortunes by hanging himself The whole empire not long after-
wards, submitted in consequence, to Koutûlkû; and prodigious riches
Habeib-us-
seyr,
544
A. H. 631-33. became, as might be well conceived, the lot of the victorious Moghûls;
A. D. 1234-36. and, when the triumphant conclusion of the undertaking was made
Habeib-us- known to the imperial Ougtâi, he hastened to provide for the security
of the new government, by dispatching Mahmûd Yelwauje, the Bokh-
arian formerly adverted to as one of the ministers of Jengueiz, with a
code of laws and orders for its permanent regulation.
seyr.
The complete subjugation of the Chinese monarchy, on the death of
Altan Khaun, by the sons of Jengueiz, is here stated to have occurred
in the former Jummaudy of the six hundred and thirty first of the
Hidjerah ;* about six years and six months after the demise of that great
conqueror. In the course of the same year, Ougtâi having erected for
himself at Karakorum, a palace of extraordinary magnificence, each of
the Shahzâdahs, and principal Ameirs proceeded to follow his example,
by raising, contiguous to, and in the quarters round it, superb and
lofty structures, decorated with all the skill and exquisite workman-
ship, for which the artists of Khatay and China, now assembled at the
imperial residence, have ever been so justly celebrated. Two years
afterwards, namely, in the six hundred and thirty third of the Hidjerah,*
bis nephew Bâtû the son of Jûjy, his own son Guyûg, or Gayûg, with
Mangû the son of Tûly, and Mûngaotoury, and Paydaur, the sons of
Teheghatâi, proceeded by the directions of Ougtâi to reduce the several
countries of Rûsse, or Muscovy, Tchirkess, or Circassia, Bulghaur,
north of Keptchauk, and lastly of Kashghar. In a period of seven years,
during which they were employed in these widely extended operations,.
they are said to have been triumphant in every quarter; returning at
the expiration of that period, covered with glory to the court of Oug-
tâi; and it was probably during this expedition, which took place be-
tween the 1236th and the 1243d of the Christian era, that Bâtû carried
his ravages through Poland, and Moravia and IIungary, to the banks.
of the Danube.
About the same period, the six hundred and thirty third year of the
Hidjerah, an officer of the name of Arghún Aka, or Aga, of the tribe of
Ouairat, brought up in the civil, or financial department of the army,
and enrolled among the macebearers of the court, was appointed to
the government of Khorassaun. This nobleman, soon after his arrival
* February. A. D. 1234.
†A. D. 1236.
545
seyr.
in his province, undertook in one of his dispatches to describe to his A. II. 633-36.
sovereign, some faint outline of the melancholy desolation which still A. D. 1236-39.
covered the territory of Herât. The heart of Ougtâi long inured, as he had Habeib-us-
been, to the most dreadful scenes of havoc and blood, had by this time
begun to expand to the sentiments of benevolence to which he was
disposed by nature. He became impressed with an earnest desire to
restore from its ruins, that once splendid and beautiful city; and gave
orders that Ameir Ezz-ud-dein, the provost of the weavers, who with
five hundred of his trade, had been formerly transported into Tartary,
on the submission of the inhabitants to Tûly Khaun, should immedi-
ately proceed into Khorassaun; accompanied by fifty of his fellow ex-
iles, expressly charged to employ their utmost exertions in rebuilding
their native place, and in restoring cultivation to the surrounding soli-
tude. A Moghûl chief of the name of Kereik was their associate, with
a patent for the government of Herât, and letters addressed to the peo-
ple of Khorassaun in general; calling upon them to be ware of exhibit-
ing the slightest neglect in promoting the benevolent design. In the
six hundred and thirty sixth of the Hidjerah,* Ezz-ud-dein and his
associates reached Herât, and commenced without delay, and with the
utmost activity, the work of restoration. The exertions of patriot
zeal, and benevolent policy, were in a short time recompensed. The
long lamented city rose again majestic among the ruins, and rapidly
resumed the resemblance, at least, of her former stateliness, and exten-
sive population.
Many conspicuous and striking proofs are further related of the en-
larged understanding, benevolent disposition, and extensive liberality
of Ougtâi ; but it will be sufficient for the design of these pages to in-
troduce the two following instances; the first, as it refers to the extreme
dread ofthunder ascribed to the Moghûls, in the XXth article of the
code of laws, exhibited in his history, by De la Croix ; and the second,
as it is represented, on the authority of the Rouzut-us-suflà, to have
but a short time preceded, and in some respect perhaps to have hast-
ened his death.
By a law of the Moghûls, the people are strictly prohibited from sit-
ting in their ponds and rivers, either to bathe or even wash their hands;
from carrying water in vessels of gold or silver; and from spreading
VOL. II.
4
A. D. 1239.
4 A
546
*
seyr.
A. II. G36. their linen when washed, on the open plains to dry, during the day
A. D. 1239. time, whether in spring or summer; their country being subject to
Habeib-us dreadful thunder-storms from the cominencement of the one season
to the close of the other, and it being the national belief that all the
above circumstances, (either by the exhalations produced in disturbing
the waters, or some other cause unexplained) had a tendency to increase
the violence, and frequency of those phenomena. Hence, as Ougtâi
and his brother Tcheghatâi, were one day on their return from a hunt-
ing party, they came unexpectedly upon an unfortunate Mussulman
while bathing himself; and Tcheghatâi was proceeding to execute sum-
mary justice, by putting him to instant death, when moved by an in-
herent sentiment of compassion, Ougtâi interceded for the man, by
stating that the day was far spent, and that he was not then at leisure to
inquire into the circumstances of his offence. He therefore suggested
the propriety of committing him for that night, to the custody of Daun-
eshmund Hâjeb, one of the grooms of his bedchamber; and that it
would be time enough to put the law in force against him, on the fol-
lowing day. Tcheghatâi was prevailed upon to agree to this arrangement,
and the man was accordingly consigned to the care of Dauneshmund,
who conveyed him to his own quarters. The same night, Ougtâi dis-
patched a person in whom he could confide, to deposit a bâlesh of sil-
ver* in that part of the river, in which the man had been found bathing
himself; while another person was employed to instruct the delin-
quent, when he should be brought the next day for trial, to allege in
extenuation, that being a man in indigent circumstances, and all his
wealth comprised in a single bàlesh of silver, he was overcome by
his apprehensions of losing it, when he perceived himself suddenly sur-
rounded by a strange body of cavalry; and that he therefore plunged
into the stream where he had hidden it.
Next morning, in conformity with the directions ofTcheghatâi, Daun-
eshmund conducted his prisoner to the presence of Ougtâi; where, to
the questions put to him, as to the motives by which he had been ac-
tuated to violate the known laws of the empire, he made the reply in which
he had been previously instructed; and some of the attendants were
ordered to the spot, to search for this obvious proof of his truth or false-
A coin of the value of about four shillings; the bâlesh of gold being of the weight of
eight methikals, and two daunkals, each methikal or meskal, equal to a dram and a half.
547
seyr.
hood. The bâlesh was found, in the same place in which it had been A. H. 638,
deposited, and laid before the monarch. On this Ougtâi proceeded to A. D. 1239.
declare, that he did not conceive there existed a human being who could Habeib-us
deliberately venture to set his laws at defiance; and that this wretched
creature, smarting under the excess of poverty and want, had therefore
probably been induced to risk his life for the preservation of a single piece
of silver. Then directing ten more pieces to be added to the original
bâlesh, he gave the whole to the Mussulman; and dismissed him, with
a caution to beware in future, of committing himself by a similar
transgression.
The next instance exhibits a similar trait of benevolence, combined
with a strong tincture of superstition. A Moghûl shepherd had the
greater part of his flock destroyed, in the course of a single night, by the
savage depredations of a wolf; and he ventured on the morning which
followed, to describe to the imperial Ougtâi, the cruel mischief by
which he had been thus stripped of his property. The monarch de-
sired him to console himself, for that the destroyer must soon be taken.
It so happened that a band of wrestlers, or athletæ, who were travelling
from Khorassaun to exhibit their performances at the court of Ougtai,
should seize the wolf, and bring it with them into the presence of that
monarch. Assigning to the athlete a reward of one thousand bâlesh,
Ougtài sent for the shepherd; and telling him, that the death of the
wolf could avail but little to repair his losses, at the same time made
him a present of one thousand sheep, and set the ferocious marauder
at large but some greyhounds which lay on the watch, immediately
tore the wolf to pieces. The Kâan appeared considerably disturbed
by the latter circumstance; and as a sort of retaliation for blood, causing
the dogs to be also destroyed, retired to his pavilion under extreme
depression of mind. To his courtiers he explained, that perceiving in
himself some strong symptoms of approaching debility, and decline of
health, he had conceived the idea that by rescuing some living crea-
ture from the jaws of death, heaven might in compensation be disposed
to prolong his life. But, since the wolf had not been permitted to escape,
it was manifest that the propitiation was rejected, and that he must
shortly prepare to die. His conjecture proved well founded. Not
many days clasped before he was confined to the bed of sicknes; and he
4 A 4
518
-
A. H. 039-42. expired shortly afterwards, justly lamented by his subjects, some time
A. D. 1242-44. in the six hundred and thirty ninth of the Hidjerah, after a reign of
Habeib-us- about thirteen years.
seyr.
From an inspection of the map, it will not be disputed that Ougtai
was possessed of the greatest monarchy that ever appeared on earth;
since he was paramount sovereign of all the countries from the southern
limits of China to the mountains of Irak Ajem, extending from the
forty seventh, to the hundred and twentieth degree of longitude, and
from the twenty second to the fiftieth degree of north latitude.
GUYUG, OF GAYoUG Khaun, the son ofOugtâi, second.of the mor-
archs of Karakorum and Kalûran, of the race of Jengueiz.
In the zenith of his power, Ougtâi is described to have declared his
eldest son Koutchû by Tûrakeina Khatûn, heir apparent to his vast
possessions; but that prince dying before his father, his son Sheiramûn,
an infant, was in his stead nominated to the succession. This minor,
GUYUG KHAUN, on the death of Ougiai, his grandmother Tûrakeina, the common mother
Ild of the sucees- of all the children of the deceased monarch, placed upon the throne of
sors of Jenguciz. the Moghûls, taking upon herself the arduous task of administering in
his behalf the affairs of the empire; and, by her consummate skill and
sagacity, as well as by a seasonable distribution of favors and rewards,
succeeded in producing a temporary submission to her power, in the
armies, and the people in general. The dowager had, however, about
her person a female captive of the name of Fatima, a native of Tûsse,
or Mush-hed-e-mûkodsah, who possessed her confidence in a pre-e-
minent degree, and whom she consulted in the most secret concerns of
her government. This imprudent preference excited, in many of the
Ameirs and principal officers of the court, a spirit of jealousy and envy
towards its object, that, at a convenient opportunity, did not fail to dis-
close itself.
At the expiration of about three years, during which the destinies
of the úlous, or family of Jengueiz, continued at the discretion of Tûr-
akeina, Guyûg Khaun returned to Kârakorum, from the expedition in
which he had been engaged against Circassia, and the territory of Bul_
ghaur. With all his power, he declined however for the present, to as-
sume the imperial authority; which he left, to be exercised unimpaired,
in the hands of his mother. In the mean time, that princess had dis-
549
Habeib-us-
seyr.
patched to every quarter of the empire, to summons the different chiefs A. H. 643.
subordinate to the Jenguizian succession, to the general assembly which A. D. 1245,
she was about to convene at the imperial residence. A numerous con-
course, composed of the princes, nobility, and most distinguished
orders of natives, from every part of the vast territory between the fron-
tiers of Syria and Keptchauk, and the utmost limits of China, with the
exception only of Bâtû the son of Jûjy, who was hostile to the inter-
ests of Guyûg Khaun, accordingly met at Oordû, or Ourdûbâligh, the
designation frequently given to Kâra korum, as the city of the Ourdû,
or imperial encampment; where it required an equipment of two thousand
tents, with a vast provision of every article of subsistance and luxury, to
accommodate, and entertain the variegated and splendid multitude.
When the diet, by the presence of those who were destined to form
it, appeared complete, the Khauns, and principal members of the im-
perial family proceeded to determine, which of the individuals of the
race of Ougtâi, they should permanently invest with the supreme
power; and, as it was now perceived that Koutan, the son of that
monarch, was incapacitated by some personal infirmity, and his grand-
son Sheiramûn by childhood, from the adequate exercise of the func-
tions of imperial authority, and the dowager Tûrakcina, as well as
Seyûrkoukteny, the widow of Tûly Khaun, were both in favor of the
claims of Guyûg, the other branches of the imperial stock, and more
powerful Nûyans, were without much difficulty brought to coincide.
Guyûg Khaun, in the latter Rebbeia of the six hundred and forty third
of the IIidjerah,* and at the moment indicated by the astrologers, was
accordingly seated on the throne of the Kâans, with the customary
formalities; his cousin german Mangû, the son of Tûly Khaun, hold-
ing him by the right, and another of the august family of Jengueiz,
by the left hand. This was followed by a liberal display of munifi-
cence, on the part of the new sovereign, and by several days of festivity
and rejoicing; after which, it was found expedient to investigate with
some severity, the occurrences which had taken place since the de-
mise of the late Khan.
It has been already noticed that a Khorassaunian female, by her in-
fluence with the dowager Tûrakeina, had rendered herself extremely
September A. D, 1245-Kholaussut-ul-akhbaur,
16
550
seyr.
A. H. 643. obnoxious to some of the great officers of the empire; whose jealousy
A. D. 1245. she had excited by availing herself of her favor with her mistress, to
Habeib-us- interpose in the affairs of government. While their attention was
engaged in solemnizing the installation of Guyûg Khaun, his brother
Koutan, or Goutan, became dangerously disordered; and one of the
dissatisfied Nûyans contrived to persuade him, that his distemper was
the effect of witchcraft, or sorcery on the part of Fatima. The weak
prince, on his journey homewards, dispatched a message to inform his
brother accordingly, that the disorder under which he languished, had
been produced by the diabolical practices of the Persian favorite; and
expressing a confidence, that if the result was fatal to his existence,
the sorceress would not be suffered to escape the punishment due to
her crimes. Not long afterwards, the death of Koutan was actually
announced; and Tcheighâi, one of the generals, who had acquired an
unbounded influence in the councils of the emperor, became extremely
urgent, that the matter might be made the subject of immediate, and
serious scrutiny. A letter was upon this conveyed to Tûrakeina, from
the emperor her son, requiring that Fatima might be sent to his pre-
sence. The dowager, on various pretences, at first eluded the demand;
but the emperor becoming more peremptory in his applications, she
was ultimately constrained to deliver up her favorite: and, as that
princess died in the course of a very few days, the investigation of the
charge against Fatima, was prosecuted with unmitigating severity.
At last, by keeping her for several days exposed in a state of hunger
and nakedness, and otherwise menacing her with punishments still
more aggravated, they finally succeeded in extorting from her a con-
fession of her guilt; and this innocent and defenceless female was there-
upon condemned to suffer immediate execution.
It was next discovered, that some time previous to the arrival of
Guyûg Khaun at Kârakorum, Ounj, or Outchakein, or Outakein Nûy-
an, the brother of Jengueiz mentioned in a former page, and the aged
sire of eighty sons and grandsons, had approached the same metropolis,
with acknowledged views on the sovereign authority. And, as in the
course of the investigation which followed, the venerable chief appears
either not to have disavowed or at least to have made but a slight ex-
ertion to exculpate himself of the design, several of his principal fol-
551
seyr.
lowers were condemned to atone with their lives, for the offence of their A. II. 043.
leader. The Moghûl and Tartar chiefs, who had met at Kârakorum A. D. 1245.
for the purpose of attending the general diet, were now dismissed to Habeib-us-
their respective governments; and the agents of several of the powers,
still suffered to exist in Tûrkestaun, and Persia, and other parts of Asia,
took their leave at the same time, loaded with honors and rewards, while
others were treated with extreme disdain and indignity. Among the
former we find mentioned the governor of Hâleb, or Aleppo, the bro-
ther of the Seljûkian Sultan of Rûm, or Anatolia (Key Khossrou IId)
who received a patent of distinction, with a magnificent Khelaut, or
dress of honor. A message of severe reproof was, on the other hand, dis-
patched to the Khalif of Baghdad (Ul Mûstaussem b'Illah), in conse-
quence of some complaint transmitted against him, by Sheiraumûn, the
son of Jermaughûn Nûyan, then employed at the head of the Moghul
troops in Persian Irâk.
At the period under consideration, we are informed that Kedauk, and
and Tcheighâi, the former Atabek, or preceptor, or governor of Gûyûg
Khaun, and the latter Ameir-ul-ûmra, premier grandee, and lieutenant
general of his armies, were both christians; and, that by perpetually
holding up to the admiration of their sovereign, its doctrines, these
men at last succeeded in leading him, to evince a decided preference in
favor of the religion which they professed. Hence, the whole influence of
the government being exerted to promote, and encourage the christians,
they flocked in great numbers to the court of the Kaan, while their adver-
saries, the disciples of the Korân, experienced the most mortifying and
degrading depression, from the predominance of their detested rivals;
it being indeed represented, according to our author, that no Mussulman
durst venture even to address himself to a christian in an elevated tone
of voice. In this crisis of their prosperity, the christians are accused of
having obtained, through the medium of the two ministers, Kedauk and
Tcheighâi, a decree for the emasculation of every Mahommedan, through-
out the empire of Guyûg Khaun; but one of their leading men, while
bearing from the court of the monarch the obnoxious decree, for the
purpose of announcing it, being fiercely assailed by the dogs in the street,
they seized him by, and tore to pieces the very organs, of which he was
preparing to bereave the adverse sect. Ajudgment sostriking deterred
↓
552
A. H. 643-44. the christians from prosecuting their insolent designs against the Ma-
A. D. 1245-46. hommedans; nay further, it rendered them cautious of repeating even
Habeib-us- the names of those, over whom they had so recently, and haughtily
presumed to domineer.
seyr.
Such a statement as the above might lead us to a belief, that the
Prester John of Asia, the problematical christian sovereign so much
spoken of in the latter end of the twelfth, and beginning of the
thirteenth century, is to be sought for in Guyûg Khaun, the second
of the successors of Jengueiz, and the subject of the present article ;
who had probably acquired a pretty intimate knowledge of christianity,
during the expeditions in which he was for several years engaged, on
the borders of Circassia, and the Russian territories. The character
has however, perhaps on better grounds, been by others assigned to
Oung Khaun, the sovereign of the Kerâeits; whose brother Tchangû,
or Jaunkû, the father of Seyûrkoukteny Beiggy, and maternal grand-
father, of Mangû, Kûblái, and Hûlaukû Kâans, is expressly acknow-
ledged to have been a christian. On this point, the author of these pages
confesses his incompetence to give an opinion. He will only presume.
to remark, that the resemblance is more striking in Guyûg Khaun and
his government, than he has been able any where else to discover, in
the course of his researches in Persian history.
Not long after he had vindicated his claims to the succession, and in other
respects firmly established his authority, Guyûg Khaun determined on
an excursion westward, to visit the territories on the Jeyhûn ; and he
accordingly departed from Ourdûbâligh, at the head of his army, and
accompanied by every requisite for pleasure, or recreation, in the con-
cluding year of his life. Contrary to the practice exhibited by his
tremendous progenitor, every city, and town, which lay in the direction
of his march, experienced on this occasion, either from his treasury
or his wardrobe, the most extensive proofs of a bounteous and munifi-
cent disposition: but, continues our author, the splendor of the imperial
standard had no sooner shed the lustre of its beams on the territory of
Samarkand, than his progress, like that of all of mortal kind, was sud-
denly arrested by the hand of death; about the latter Rebbeia of the
six hundred and forty fourth of the Hidjerah,* after a short reign of
one year.
* August A. D. 1246.
553
seyr.
In spite of the inveterate prejudices of the Mahommedan writers, A. H. G44.
they are constrained to acknowledge, that in the justice of his admin- A. D. 1246,
istration, in the paternal care with which he laboured to promote the Habeib-us.
welfare and prosperity of his people, and in his extensive and universal
benevolence, he closely imitated the illustrious example of his father.
MANGU Kâan the son of Tûly Khaun, third of the monarchs of Kâr-
akorum and Kaluran, of the race of Jengueiz.
When the life of Guyûg Khaun thus unexpectedly terminated in
the neighborhood of Samarkand, the fabric of that stupendous power,
which had been erected by the talents and prowess of Jengueiz, began
to give way to the spirit of discord; which at this period seems to have
more clearly manifested itself in the final separation of many of the
princes of the imperial blood, each with different views and projects
of ambition, to their respective governments. But of all the princes of
the race of Jengueiz who flourished at the same crisis, Bâtû or Bâtûi,
the son of Jûjy Khaun, the sovereign of the boundless plains on the
Volga, and Borysthenes, on whom the Tartars have conferred the title
of Sâein Khaun, surpassed in the magnificence of his court and the gran-
deur of his power. Independent of these grounds, he might neverthe-
less, as the representative of the elder branch of the family, have pro-
ceeded without aaterially incurring the implication of arrogance, to
exercise the privilege of which he now availed himself, to demand in
Keptchauk, the presence of the whole of the Shahzâdahs of the kindred of
Jengueiz, the most powerful of the Nûyans, and other chieftains of the
Moghûl tribes; in order to seat on the throne, that individual whom
they conceived most worthy of the imperial, dignity. Some of the
princes, however, violently opposed this usurpation of power; contend-
ing that the legitimate abode of the Jenguizian authority, being at Kâr-
akorum, a journey to Keptchauk, was on their part as unnecessary, as
it was subversive of established precedent. At the same time, many
thought it prudent to appear by their representatives, while others
proceeded in person to assist at the diet thus convoked in Keptchauk.
Among the latter class, influenced by the counsels of his mother,
Seyûrkoukteny Beiggy the daughter of Telangû, or Jaunkù, the bro-
ther of Oung Khaun, by religion a Christian, and a woman of singular
liberality, talents and virtue, was Mangû the son of Tûly Khaun; whom
VOL. II.
4 B.
t
55-1
A. II. 644-19. she persuaded, however the majority of his kinsmen seemed disposed
A. D. 1246-51, to the contrary, to hasten, accompanied by his brothers to the presence
Habeib-us of his kinsman Bâtû. Mangù experienced from the Khaun of Kep-
seyr.
tchauk the most flattering reception, that prince affecting to discover in
his countenance the most evident indications of an exalted destiny;
and immediately declaring, that of all the princes of the blood of Jen-
gueiz, this young man* appeared to him the best qualified to succeed
to the sovereign power. And, in this opinion, most of those present
being brought to concur, Bâtû without further debate put off his tiara,
and his girdle from his waist, and on his bended knee proceeded on the
spot to do homage to his kinsman. It was then determined, that in the
course of the ensuing year, Mangû should be solemnly enthroned in
the presence of a general diet of the states of the empire, to be convened,
forthat purpose, at the ûlûgh yûrut or imperial residence of Karakorum.
Soon after this, Bâtû dispatched his brother Berkah Oghûl, with Bouka
Teymur and a great army, to conduct the Kaan elect to the metropolis
of Kalùran, and to secure the general acknowledgement of his authority.
MANGU KAAN, Here, in pursuance of their plan, they proceeded on their arrival to cir-
cessors of Jen- culate to the different parts of the empire, letters to expedite the meet-
guciz.
ing of the Kuriltâi, or general convention; but, as the arrangements
for adjusting the succession were openly disapproved of by Beissû-
menka the son of Tcheghatai, by Sheiraumûn the son of Kûtchûi, and
by Bâtû Oghûl the son of Guyûg Khaun, they peremptorily refused to
obey the summons; declaring that the blood of Ougtái was alone worthy of
the imperial dignity; and conveying at the same time, by their res-
pective agents, to the Sâein Khaun a formal protest against the as-
sumption which he had exercised, in thus disposing of the sovereign
power. These obstacles produced in the final determination of the
diet, a delay on nearly four years; and Berkah Oghûl becoming at length
weary of the tedious suspense, wrote to his brother, requiring further
instructions, in what manner to proceed, in order to bring the matter
in which he was engaged to a favorable termination. Ile was directed
in reply, to seat his cousin Mangû on the throne of Jengueiz, without
regard either to the assent or dissent of the Shazadahs; and to strike
Ild of the suc-
* At this period he might be about two or three and thirty.
555
}
seyr.
off the heads of those who persisted in opposing the measure. This A. H. 649.
hastened the point to a decision. Mangù Kâan was enthroned with- A. D. 1251.
out further delay, and with the usual formalities, in the presence of Habeib-us-
those who had long since concurred in his elevation; and he gave on
the day of his accession a strong proof of his universal benevolence, by
extending the effects of it, as far as possible, even to the brute creation,
which on that day he entirely cxempted both from labour and slaughter.*
The family of Ougtâi Kâan, and the Shahzadahs adverse to the suc-
cession of Mangû, were in the mean time forming a conspiracy to sub-
vert his power; and for that purpose were clandestinely approaching
the imperial residence, accompanied by a number of waggons secretly
loaded with arms. An attendant of the Kaan's, in search of a stray
camel, falling however, unexpectedly, upon the camp of the malcon-
tents, became acquainted with the design in agitation, and hastened
to convey the intelligence to his sovereign. Mengasaur Nûyan, one
of the imperial generals, with a body of two thousand horse, was im-
mediately detached to throw himself in the way of the Shahzâdahs,
and to ascertain the truth of the report. This chieftain succeeded in
surrounding the camp of the conspirators, one morning, before he
could be observed; and sent to inform the princes that their intenti-
ons had been represented at court, in such colours, that in order to
remove the unfavorable impression, it behoved them to appear with-
out delay in the presence of the emperor. Sheirômûn and his associ-
ates, when they recovered from the first moments of surprise, solemnly
protested that their design in approaching the metropolis, was actuated
by the most innocent, if not the purest motives; and with these as-
surances mounting their horses, accompanied the general without hes-
itation to the presence of Mangû. After entertaining them with
sumptuous hospitality for a period of three days, that monarch pro-
ceeded in person on the fourth day, to examine into the truth of the
facts alleged against them. The guilt of the Shahzâdahs was suffici-
ently substantiated; and Kedauk, the christian minister recently ad-
* For one week nevertheless, during which the festivities of the installation continued on
this occasion, the consumption of the court is said to have amounted to two thousand wag-
gon or cart loads of liquor, three hundred horses and oxen, and two thousand sheep,
556
Look
A. II. 649-51. Verted to, who had held the most distinguished employments, both
A. D. 1251-53. under Ougtâi, and Guyûg Khaun, together with seventy thousand
Habeib-us- individuals concerned in leading the princes astray, suffered by the
sword of the executioner.
seyr.
Having thus set his mind at rest, with regard to those who were
hostile to his authority, Mangû Kâan now dismissed the princes Berkah
Oghûl, and Bûka Teymûr, with suitable presents, and acknowledge-
ments of their important services, to his kinsman Bâtû. The govern-
ment of the eastern provinces of the empire, including the conquered
part of China, for it does not yet appear to have been entirely subdued,
was continued to Mahmûd Yelwauje; while the son of that minister,
Mâssâoud Beg, was invested with the Vizzaurut of Transoxiana. The
great provinces of Khorassaun, Irak Ajem, and Azerbayjaun, were
assigned in permanence to Arghûn Khaun; who was accompanied,
unfortunately, by Shurf-ud-dein, a Khaurezmian scribe, or notary, of
the most arbitrary and unprincipled character, as commissioner to su-
perintend the collections. By an ordinance issued under the autho-
rity of Mangu Kâan, a levy of four thousand bâlesh had been fixed
on these provinces, as a composition for arrears of tribute; and the
Khaurezmian, immediately on his arrival, employed his son to exact
from the inhabitants ten dinaurs, for every one, of the authorized con-
tribution; and his scheme of oppression was prosecuted with such
unrelenting obduracy, that these noble provinces were again soon de-
solated by the ordinary train of distress and dispersion.
The authority of Mangû had, at the same time, not long been consolidated
on a basis of security, and the affairs of Tûrkestaun, of the country of the
Moghûls, and the territory on the Oxus, finally terminated to his satis-
faction, when, about the six hundred and fifty first of the Hidjerah, in
consequence of some statements which reached him, through Kauzy
Shums-ud-dein the Kazveinian, relative to the usurpations of the schis-
matical zealots of Almowut, and to the pride and arrogance of the Kha-
lif Mûstaussem, he resolved to dispatch his brother Hûlaukû, into the
provinces of the Persian empire. This circumstance would lead us
inmediately within the natural limits of our design; but as it might
be unsatisfactory to dismiss the history of the monarchs of Karakorum,
557
however brief, in a manner so abrupt, we shall intreat the indulgence A. H. 651-53.
of the reader, to the completion of the series.
A. D. 1253-55.
seyr.
Having sent Hûlaukû to secure and extend his dominions westward, Habeib-us-
the views of Mangû Kâan were next directed to the final subjugation
of China; and for this enterprise he selected his brother Kúblài, pro-
posing to follow in person at a convenient period. An embassador was
however employed in the first instance, as on former occasions, to re-
quire that the Fughfûr, or monarch of that great country, whose name
is stated to have been Tehoukan, perhaps Tchoukang, should acknow.
ledge himself tributary to the Moghûl. Hence it would appear, that
the Tartar conquests had not previously extended beyond the northern
part of China. Otherwise it would be difficult to account for the high
sounding and indignant reply of the monarch; in which the ambassa-
dor is charged to inform his master, that the limits of the land which
acknowledged his authority, far transcended the measure of the ima-
gination, and that the number of his armies was only exceeded by that
of the drops in the ocean; that if the Moghûl valued the permanence
of his power, he would confine himself to the territory already sub-
ject to his authority. but beware of precipitating himself and his
people, into an abyss of tribulation and sorrow, of which he could form
no conception. This proud message furnished fresh stimulus to the
ambition of Mangû; and, in the six hundred and fifty third* of the Hid-
jerah, he accordingly approached the Chinese frontier, at the head of
an army of sixty tomauns, or six hundred thousand men. When he
reached the banks of the Ferâmun, probably the Feramûrau, or yellow
river, he caused the unfortunate Sheiraumûn, the grandson of Ougtâi,
and Khaujah Oghûl, and Bàtû, the sons of Guyúg Khaun, to be cast
into that river, and drowned. On the frontiers of ulterior China, after
evincing his prowess, and the superior force ofhis arms, in the subju-
gation of numerous cities and places of smaller importance, his career
was at last arrested by a fortified mountain of prodigious height and
circuit, and furnished, in the utmost abundance, with every requisite.
for subsistance and defence.
This formidable post was immediately invested by the Moghùl armies;
and a siege commenced which, notwithstanding their utmost activity
* A. D. 1255.
}
558
Habeib-us-
scyr.
A. H. 65459. and exertion, they found themselves foiled in every attempt to bring
A. D. 1256-67. to a successful termination-winter and spring elapsed without either
a cessation to their labours, or any reasonable prospect of the reduction
of their adversaries' impregnable position: and the heats of summer,
bringing with them a pestilential disorder, swept off the besiegers in
alarming numbers. In these circumstances, and in the belief that it
would enable him to escape the contagion, Mangû Kâan had recourse
to frequent and protracted inebriety; but he found it in vain to con-
tend, or temporise with his destiny. The contagion at last reached
him, and after eight days illness conveyed him to his grave, some time.
in the course of the six hundred and fifty fourth of the Hidjerah.
KUBLAIKAAN,
KUBLA, OF KUBLAI KAAN, the son of Túly Khaun, fourth of the
monarchs of Kârakorum and Kalûran, of the race of Jengueiz.
At the period of his brother's death, this prince was employed in the
northern part of China, or Khatâi, of which he probably held the go-
vernment; and in consequence of the dissensions which now prevailed
among the descendants of Jengueiz, did not succeed in establishing his
authority until some time in the six hundred and fifty eighth of the
IVth of the suc- Hidjerah. On his departure for the Chinese expedition, Mangû Kâan
cessors of Jen- had consigned the protection of the imperial residence of Kârakorum
gueiz.
to his second brother, Artekbouka. Hence on the demise of Mangû,
that prince had an opportunity of asserting his claim to the sovereign
diguity; which he determined to support by immediate hostilities against
his elder brother Kublai. In three great battles, which took place be-
tween the rival brothers, Artekbouka was beaten in the two first, but
victorious in the last; and Kûblâi, yielding to his adverse fortune with-
drew into Khatâi. But, by one of those unlooked for vicissitudes so
frequent in the events of human life, the power of Artekbouka being
destroyed in a contest with Alghû Khaun, the Teleghatayan monarch of
Almaufigh, that prince became a suppliant for the protection of the
brother whom he had so mortally injured; and to whom he now made
a voluntary surrender of his person. The empire of Karakorum with
the entire of the dominions of Jenguciz, became thus ultimately and
permanently vested in the hands of Kublai; who punished his brotherby
confining him to a narrow enclosure, or wall of Arabian thorns inter-
woven, in which he perished at the expiration of a twelve-month.
559
A. D. 1261-94
H.beib-us-
sevr.
Soon after he had finally established his power, Kûblâi determined to A. H. 659-93.
resume the designs of subjugation against the Chinese territory; of
which, after a succession of campaigns he ultimately rendered himself
complete master. In Khatâi, not far from Tchengdû, the ancient me-
tropolis of the Khauns, we find that he now proceeded to erect the ce-
lebrated city called by the Moghûls Khaunbâligh, (or Cambalu,) the
Pekin of the moderns, within a square, of which each face is described
as four farsangs, or leagues in length; and moreover, that he connected
his new metropolis, by a canal of forty days' journey in length, with
the Zeytoun, here said to be the river which forms the boundary be-
tween China and Hindûstaun. It was probably the Chartom or
Tchaytam, of which name there appears a river in the maps, about that
distance, west-south-west of Pekin. He thus formed with that remote
peninsula, a communication which led.into the heart of Khatài; the
merchants of India bringing the produce of their country, in vessels
along the canal, to the very centre of Khaumbàligh, which, in the lapse
of a very short time, became a most populous and flourishing city.
The death of Kûblâi Kâan appears to have taken place about the six
hundred and ninety third of the Hidjerah,* when he had attained to
the age of eighty three, and after a reign of five and thirty years.
He
left a progeny of twelve sons.
TEYMUR, entitled Ouljaytû Kâan, the grandson of Kûblai, aud fifth
of the monarchs of Karakorum, of the race of Jengueiz.
While he was yet in possession of health and power Kûblai had pub- TEYMUR KAAN,
licly declared his son Jeimkeim, heir to the throne of Jeugneiz; bat vth of the succes-
that prince dying before his father, the succession was settled on his sors of Jengueiz.
son Teymûr, not less distinguished for his failings, than for his love of
justice. At the period of his father's death, Teymûr was absent on
the borders of western Tartary, superintending the equipment of the
armies about to be employed against Shalizadah Keydû ; an able and
warlike prince, one of the grandsons of Ougtâi Kaan, who had recently
become extremely formidable in that quarter. The mother of Teymur,
however, took charge of the government in the absence of her son ;
and dispatched Nausser-ud-dein Abû Bukker, entitled, Sâman, and
* A. D. 129 1.
560
h
Habeib-us-
+
seyr.
A. H. 694. sometimes Beyan Kinjan,* (oue of the four ministers of finance of the
A. D. 1295. deceased monarch, and a descendant of Seyud Ajel of Bokhara) go-
vernor of the Chinese province of Karatchang, in the reign of Mangû
Kâan, to hasten his return to the capital. The prince proceeded with-
out delay, on intelligence of this event, towards Khaunbâligh, which
he reached some time in the six hundred and ninety fourth of the
Hidjerah. He was immediately enthroned, by the whole of the Shah-
zadahs, and Nûyans, or principal nobility on the spot, with the title.
of Ouljaytû, or Ooljaytû Kâan, and gave ample display to the scenes
of festivity, and to the munificent liberality, usually exhibited on si-
milar occasions. Among those to whom he continued the dignities and
appointments held under his grandfather, he particularly distinguished
the Mahommedan minister Saman Kinjan recently adverted to, whose
power and respectability he considerably advanced; whom in all mat-
ters of revenue he directed to be implicitly obeyed; and who retained
by his sovereign's express instructions, the simple designation of hist
father and grandfather, Scyud Ajel. The government of Kârakorum,
and of the patrimonial inheritance of Jengueiz, he consigned to his elder
brother Kumlai, and that of Seinkout, to his cousin german Abendah
Oghûl, another of the grandsons of Kublai Kâan.
The war with Shahzadah Keydû, which had gradually assumed the
most alarming aspect, was entrusted to the management of Kouktchû,
the son of Kouz Gûrekan; the imperial residence being at this time, tɔ
all appearance, permauently transferred to the new city of Khaunbàligh.
It has been already intimated that Teymûr Kâan was the slave of par
ticular failings; and it is now recorded to his praise, that all the atten-
tion which he could spare from his intemperate indulgences, was en-
tirely devoted to repress the iniquitous usurpations of tyrannical, vio-
lence, and to enforce the administration of justice. From the earliest
period of life, he had, however, to a degree of frenzy, been addicted to
wine; from which he was not to be reclaimed either by admonitions, or
by any mode of restraint imposed upon him, by the paternal care of an
anxious grandfather. Hence on the death of Kûblai, and his conse-
quent accession to the sovereign power, he became an absolute slave
† Kinjan, or Kiljan, was the appellation bestowed upon his four finance ministers by the
emperor Kublai; as Tehinsang was the title conferred on his four principal ministers of state,
561
seyr.
to this his ungovernable propensity, consuming day and night without A. H. 694-707.
intermission, in the same intemperate course of indulgence; and in this, A. D. 1295-1307,
in defiance of the remonstrances of his best friends, he persevered until Habeib-us-
at the expiration of six years, these gross and brutal excesses produced.
upon him their natural effect, an incurable paralytic disorder, unler
which he, however, languished to the twelfth year of his reign, when he
died. During the latter period, the government was administered by
his consort, assisted by the advice of the principal ameirs of the empire.
Of the remaining monarchs of Karakorum, of the race of Jengueiz,
-fourteen in number, it will be sufficient with the author, to subjoin
the annexed list of names.
A. D. 1307-1405,
VIth. Kushilâi, the son of Jenisek the son of Termah the son of Jeim-
keim, the son of Kublai Kaan. VIIth. Tuktai, or Túguiâi, the son of A. H. 707-807.
Kûshilai. VIIIth. Bayzy or Taizy the son of Touleg, or Noulek.on whom
his subjects conferred the title, or surname of Beylektû. IXth. Noush-
iraun, perhaps Noushirvaun, the son of Dara, during whose reign, not-
withstanding the many virtuous and amiable qualities which are said
to have adorned his character, the authority of the Kaans of Karakorum,
became convulsed by the most serious disturbances. Xth. Tougatey-
mûr, the son of Teymûr Kâan. XIth. Tensûr, or Beissourdaur. XIIth.
Aynkah, or Aykah, the son of Tensûrdaur. XIIIth. Eyleng Kaan.
XIVth. Keytemúr, or Guytemûr. XVth. Arekteymur. XVIth. Eyl-
tehyTeymûrKâan. This prince, for some time, attended the court of Tey-
mûr. We learn however, according to our author, from the introductory
discourse to the Zuffurnamah ofthe Yezdian, that the prince who visited
the court of the great Teymûr bore the name of Taizy ;* who on the
death of his patron (in the 807th of the Hidjerah†) returned to the
úlugbyúrut, or imperial residence near Karakorum, where he ascended
the throne of the Kâans. But an insurgent, of the name of Tutkour,
having revolted in Khatâi, some time previous to the accession of
Tàizy, and ultimately rendered himself entire master of the greater
.
Taizi Aglen, or Oghlan, of the race ofOctai, is mentioned as being present at the court
of Feymur, a little before the death of that monarch at Otraur. Vide history of Timur
Bec. chap. 29.
1 A. D. 1405.
VOL. II.
502
>
Habeib-us-
seyr.
A. H. 807. part of the Chinese empire, the successor of Jengueiz was reduced to
A. D. 1405. confine himself to the original Yûrut, or territory of his ancestors, here
expressly stated to refer to Kalmauk and Karakorum. XVIIth. Altâi
Kâan, of the line of Artekbouka, the third son of Tûly Khaun. XVIIIth.
Werdai the son of Melek teymûr. XIXth. and last, Adâi the son
of Arekteymûr. These two latter princes are also stated to have
been descended from Artekbouka, and like him, according to De la
Croix, not to have been numbered among the Kâans; our author in-
deed finally remarks, that the Tâizy recently mentioned, having been
killed, after a short reign, the dominions of his ancestors were taken
possession of, by the chiefs of the tribe of Queyraut.
563
CHAP. XII.
A T
gr
Habeib-us-
seyr.
T the close of the fifth chapter, the reader will have witnessed the A. H. 656.
final extinction of the Khclaufut, in the person of the unfortunate A. D. 1258,
Mûstaussem; whose possessions, with the whole of the territory west-
ward of the Oxus, then devolved to IIULAUKU KHAUN, the fourth son
of Tûly Khaun, and Ist of the Persian monarchs of the race of Jengueiz.
Having decided the fate of Baghdâd then, in the manner which we
have attempted to delineate in the preceding pages, Hûlaukû returned
into Azerbaijaun. At Meraughah, in the latter end of Rudjub*, he
received the submission of Budder-ud-dein Lûlû, prince of Mossûle, at
this period in his hundredth year, and whom on that account he treated
with particular kindness and distinction. He was honorably dismissed
to his principality, during the succeeding month of Shabaun. Not long
afterwards, the envoys of Hûlaukû proceeded by his instructions, into
Syria, to demand the submission of several chiefs who governed in that.
province, part of which was still subject to the authority of the Egyptian HULAUKU Khaun,
Sûltans. These agents returned however to their sovereign, after an Ist of the Persian mon-
ineffectual discharge of their mission; and in order to vindicate the archs of the race of
claims of superior force, the Eyle Khaun immediately determined to Jengueiz.
conduct his armies into the country. During his absence, to secure.
the allegiance of the prince of Mossûle, he required that Mêlek Sàlah
the son of that chief, should be sent to bear him company on the expe-
dition; and on the arrival of the young chief in his camp, he married
him to Tûrkan Khâtûn, the daughter of Sultan. Jullaul-ud-dein the
Khaurezmian.
On the twenty second of Ramzaun.† Hûlaukû proceeded on his marchi
towards.Syria; but on eutering the province of Diaurbekir, he detached
the Shahzadab Yeslmout to attack the fortresses of Miafàurekein, and
* July, A. D. 1258, + September 20th, A. D. 1258.
4 € 4
*
$
r
50-4
seyr.
A. 11. 656. Mardein, while the reduction of Amida, or Hamid, was entrusted to
A. D. 1258. Melek Salah. He advanced in person against Roha, or Edessa, which
Habeib-us surrendered on capitulation; but the cities of Nessebein, and Harran,
(Carrha) which had presumed to resist his power, he consigned over
to plunder and slaughter. After this, he appears to have experienced
no obstacle until he reached Aleppo; under the walls of which, before
the gate of Antioch, he now encamped, directing his generals with the
several divisions under their orders, to occupy the approaches to the
other gates. The operations of the siege commenced without delay;
and the Moghuls, having in a short time forced a passage into the city,
through one of the gates called the Baub-ul-ferauk, indulged without
controul in their ordinary ferocious excesses. The citadel continued
to resist for some days longer, but ultimately shared the fate of the town;
the whole of the inhabitants, with the exception of some manufactur-
ers and mechanics, being put to the sword without mercy.
On the reduction of Aleppo, or Haleb, Hûlaukû proceeded to the at-
tack of a place in the neighborhood, to which the author has not con-
ceived it expedient to assign a name, but which is described as possessing
great strength and extent. When driven to extremity the garrison how-
ever, sent out to propose to the Moghûl monarch, that a certain Mûssul-
man, ofthe name of Fakher-ud-dein Sauky, now employed about his per-
son, and formerly known to the inhabitants, might be allowed to confer
with them; and to announce that they were willing to surrender, provided
this person would engage on oath, that their lives and property should
be safe. Whatever were his intentions as to the performance, the
scruples of IIûlaukû were not of a nicety to withhold any engagement;
and he accordingly authorised the person they had fixed upon, to ac-
cede, without hesitation, to whatever terms they might think proper
to demand. In such circumstances, it was not difficult to come to a
conclusion; the conditions were formally ratified, and the garrison, re-
lying upon the solemn pledge which they had received, unwarily des-
cended from their posts; when orders were issued by the inexorable
Hûlaukû, that they should be instantly cut to pieces, even to the child
in the cradle, and the infant at its mother's breast; all which being
carried into execution, not a single individual was suffered to escape,
but an Armenian goldsmith, who was spared in consideration of his
565
labeib-us-
exquisite skill in his profession. Fakher-ud-dein, the wretched instru- A. H. 059-58.
ment of this barbarous and detestable piece of treachery, was constituted A. D. 1258-60.
governor of Aleppo; but having, at the expiration of a very few days,
reudered his conduct suspicious to the Moghûl, he was also condemned
to die, and his government transferred to Zeyne-ud-dein, a native of
Khawauf.
Warned by the fate of Aleppo, and of the castles in its vicinity, the
people of Damascus hastened, through the medium of certain Bulgha-
rian merchants who had settled among them, to convey, to the court
of Hûlauku, a most splendid display of presents, with offers of prompt
submission and allegiance. Keybouka Nûyan was immediately dis-
patched, on the part of the Eyle Khaun, to take possession of the
capital of Syria, and was received by the inhabitants with every out-
ward demonstration of respect. In the mean time, intelligence reaching
Hûlaukû of the death of his brother Mangû, during the expedition into
China, he appears to have felt it as a stroke of severe affliction, and it
seems to have occasioned his sudden return into Azerbaijaun. Key-
bouka remained, however, at Damascus; where he continued to admin-
ister the government with considerable success and reputation; until
unexpectedly attacked, and made prisoner by Seyf-ud-dein Kodouz,
or Todouz, the third Maumlûk Sûltan of Egypt, by whom with the
greater part of the Moghûls who composed his garrison, he was subse-
quently put to death.
It was formerly observed that on his arrival in Diaurbekir, Hûlaukú
detached his son Yeshmout, with a division of the army, to invest the
important fortress of Miafaurekein, at this period under the government
of Melek Kaummil. Accordingly, having conducted his troops to
the neighborhood, the Shahzadah conveyed a message to that chief,
inviting him to submit without resistance. In reply to his message
he was informed by Mêlek Kaummil, that recent examples were too
flagrant, to admit of the slightest reliance on the professions of a Mo-
ghûl; witness the treatment of the unfortunate Mûstaussem, of Rok-
ken-ud-dein the Issmâilian, and of many other unhappy princes; whom
his ferocious countrymen had no sooner cajoled into their power by
their insidious promises, than they basely put them to the sword with-
out compunction, or otherwise made away with them, by devices still
seyr.
566
A. H. 656-58. more cruel. That for his own part, so long as a spark of life continued
A. D. 1258-60. to animate his frame, he was resolved never to abandon the ramparts
Habeib-us- of his fortress. From the tone of this reply, the Moghûl prince was
taught to prepare for the operations of an arduous siege.
seyr.
On the other hand, in encouraging his troops to a gallant defence,
Mêlek Kaummil desired them to be assured that all the wealth, of which
he was master, was entirely at their disposal. He thanked heaven,
that he was a stranger to the sordid and avaricious spirit which had
led the wretched Mûstaussem, instead of generously applying it to the
preservation of his independence, to accumulate gold and treasure for his
own selfish gratifications. The hope of reward thus held out to them,
and the confidence that their wants were abundantly provided for,
united the garrison in the resolution of opposing to the attempts of the
enemy, the most manful and determined resistance; and they were, not
long afterwards, fiercely assailed on every quarter. In modern times
we have heard of cannon-shot meeting in the air, and being shattered to
pieces in the concussion; and in the course of the siege of Miafaurekein,
the author remarks, that instances frequently occurred, in which the
stones impelled from the adverse catapulta, on Manjeneik, of the be-
siegers and the besieged, were shivered by a similar concussion.
At the expiration of the second year, to which the siege was protracted,
the garrison becane, however, so straitened, as to be reduced at last
to eat their horses, and some, of stronger appetites, even to subsist on
the carcases of their fellow soldiers. In this extremity, Melek Kaum
mil was seized by his famished garrison, aud conducted, with his hands
bound, and a halter about his neck, to the presence of Yeshmout; by
whom these wretches, to the number of seventy, were instantly put to
the sword. The Moghûls shortly afterwards entered the place, and
proceeded to avenge thems elves for the tediousness of the siege, by a
general massacre of the inhabitants. Melek Kaummił was, however,
himself reserved for a more terrible and cruel retribution. He was,
conveyed to the camp of Hûlaukû; who caused him to be fed with the
flesh torn from his own body, until he finally expired under the hands.
of his tormentors.
The fortress of Mardein was next invested by Yeshmout; and after
a protracted siege, either through domestic treachery, or external fraud,
567
Habeib-us-
seyr.
fell also into the hands of the Moghûls. The relation which ascribes A. II. 658.
its capture to the former source, represents that when the siege had con- A. D. 1250,
tinued for a period of some duratiou, the garrison was attacked by a
pestilential disorder, and the son of Melek Sâeid the governor, wearied
out by certain vexatious severities exercised towards him by his father,
contrived to destroy him by poison; then entering into negociation
with Yeshmout, he threw open the gates, and delivered up the cas-
tle to that prince. The other statement, however, alleges that Melek
Sâeid agreed to an accommodation with the Eylekhaunian Ameirs, on
a promise that he should be invested with the Atabekship, or govern-
ment of Diaurbekir; but giving up the fortress on the basis of this treaty,
he was conveyed by Yeshmout to the camp of his father; by whom
he was put to death, and the government of Mardein bestowed upon
Melck Mûzuffer, the unnatural son by whom he had probably been
betrayed.
Budder-ud-dein Lùlû, prince of Mossule, having died at a very ad-
vanced age, either in the six hundred and fifty-seventh, or fifty ninth
of the Hidjerah, after a prosperous government of two and fifty years,
the succession was confirmed by Hûlauk û to his son Melek Salah, for-
merly mentioned; and for a short time, he evinced his gratitude by an
unreserved submission to the authority of the Tartarmonarch. But when
this period of deceitful tranquillity was destined to close, the natural
antipathy of his disposition could no longer be restrained; and he sud-
denly withdrew into Egypt, confiding the government of Mossûle to
one of his officers, on whose attachment he could venture to rely. From
Bundekdaur, or Bundkedaur, the Sultan of Egypt, he experienced a
very friendly and hospitable reception; and in order to bring away his
treasure and most valuable effects, an escort of one thousand horse
was employed by that prince to reconduct him to Mossûle. The cir-
cumstance of his return was early made known to IIûlaukû; whose
generals were immediately instructed to seize and secure with the strict-
est vigilance, the different roads and passes which led from the country,
in order to frustrate any attempt which he might make to reconvey him-
underself into the dominions of the Sultan of Egypt. A powerful division
under Sendaughû Nûyan, was dispatched at the same time to invest Mos-
sûle, and to leave no method unemployed to make sure of the person of the
508
Habeib-us-
seyr
A. H. 658. refractory chief. Thus, observes our author, while Melek Salah, with
A. D. 1260. the heedlessness of unoffending innocence, was one day socially indulg-
ing in the enjoyments of wine and music, his ears were suddenly as-
sailed by the horrible and discordant din of the Moghûl horns and kettle-
drums. He contrived however to secure the gates, and, by a season-
able display of liberality, to animate the Kurds and Tartars in his ser-
vice to defend the rainparts of his capital; of which the siege was im-
mediately commenced by the Moghul general.
Early apprized of the danger to which it was exposed, the Sultan of Egypt
directed one of his principal generals, with the troops which composed
his army in Syria, to proceed, without delay to the relief of Mossûle.
On his arrival at Senjaur, for the purpose of announcing his approach
to the besieged, the Egyptian commander attached a note to the wing
of a pidgeon, and set it at large. It happened, however, unfortunately
that, fatigued with the length of its flight, the bird perched prematurely
on one of the warlike machines of the besieging army; the superintend-
officer of which immediately possessed himself of the note, and con-
veyed it to the head quarters of his general. A tomaun of the Mo-
ghul troops was detached without delay, to intercept these daring intru-
ders; and separating into three bodies, on its entrance into the district
of Senjaur, secretly lay in ambush for the enemy. The moment they
reached a certain point, the Syrians found themselves accordingly
attacked unawares from several quarters at once; they continued how-
ever to defend themselves for some time with considerable resolution;
but, a violent gust of wind arising, and carrying the dust into their eyes,
contributed to secure the victory to their assailants, by whom they
were for the greater part cut to pieces. The successful Moghûls then
stripped the slain, and, disguised in their apparel, soon afterwards pre-
sented themselves under the walls of Mossûle; the inhabitants of which,
too readily conceiving that they were the troops of Sultan Bundkedaur
coming to their relief, issued from their gates in joyful crouds, to em-
brace their supposed deliverers. The result it were unnecessary to
describe. The Moghûls instantly closed upon them, and put the whole
to the sword.
After this cruel disaster, the hopes of Melek Salah became exhausted
with his resources; and he sent out a person, to intreat that he might
1
569
4X
seyr.
be permitted to capitulate. The Moghûl general readily engaged to A. H. 658-62.
mediate for his pardon with Hûlaukû; and on the faith of such an A. D. 1260-64.
engagement, in spite of multiplied experience, the credulous chief ad- Habeib-us-
ventured to quit the protection of his walls, and to surrender his per-
son into the power of his besiegers, by whom, in the charge of a
competent escort, he was sent off without delay to the court of his
sovereign. Exasperated beyond measure by his contumacious beha-
viour, Hûlaukû condemned him to a punishment as horrible as it was
unprecedented. He caused him to be smeared from head to foot,
with mutton-fat, or some other greasy substance of the sort, and in
that situation, wrapped up in coarse cloth, and straitly bound with
cord, he was consigned to a lingering and miserable death; being
at the same time supplied with as much food as served to protract his
existence as long as possible. In a few days innumerable vermin being
engendered in the substance with which he had been besmeared, the
very flesh was gnawed from his bones. Nevertheless, in this disgust-
ing and deplorable condition, the unhappy chief continued to languish
for the space of a nionth, before he was relieved from his miseries by
the hand of death. His son, an infant of three years old, was afterwards
cloven in twain, and the divided halves of his body, suspended on the
opposite banks of the Tigris at Mossùle.
In consequence of the services rendered under the instructions of
his brother Bâtû, in securing for Mangû Kàan the throne of Karakor-
um, Berkah Oghûl, the son of Jûjy Khaun, had presumed on all occa-
sious to arrogate a superiority over his cousin Hàlankû, whose haughty
spirit he never omitted to mortify, when an opportunity occurred-
Impatient of these insolent pretensions, Hûlauku, at last, openly avowed
bis resolution no longer to submit to them; declaring that thence-
forward all ties of friendship between them, were to be considered as
dissolved. Of these declarations Berkah Khaun became apprized ;
and he as openly Affirmed on his part, that the destruction of so many
Mahommedan sovereigns, and the desolation of their dominions, but,.
above all, the immolation of the Khalif of Baghdâd, unauthorized by
the instructions of his superior, had long called for vengeance against
Hûlaukû; and that at a proper opportunity, he should not fail to require
at his hands a dreadful atonement for the effusion of so much inno-
VOL. II.
4. 0
570
1
A. II. 558-62. Cent blood. With mutual animosity thus fermenting in their bosoms,
A. D. 1260-64. the crisis of actual hostility was accelerated by the death of Tatar
Habeib-us- Oghûl or Oghlù, a near relative of Berkah Khaun; whom, on the se-
venteenth of Suffur of the six hundred and fifty eighth of the Hidjerah*
on the pretext of having practiced magic, Húlaukû caused to perish
by the hand of the executioner.
seyr.
This, in addition to the catalogue of injuries, either real or inaginary,
already accumulated between them, determined Berkah Khaun, who
had by this time succeeded to his brother Bâtû on the throne of Jûjy
Khaun, to decline every other object, whether of policy or ambition,
for that of humbling the pride of his detested rival. The advanced
guard of his army consisting of thirty thousand horse, under Togâi, per-
haps Nogai, was accordingly dispatched without further delay through
the countries westward of the Caspian, to invade the dominions
of Hulaukû. A period of four years seems, however, to have elasped
before the latter, either found himself at leisure, or conceived it expe-
dient to make any decisive movement to repel the aggression; but in
the month of Shavaul of the six hundred and sixty second of the Hid-
jerah,† IIûlaukû proceeded from Alatauk, a summer residence of the
Moghûl princes towards the source of the Oras, or Aboras, on his
way to the regions of Caucasus; while Sheirâmûn Nûyan, at the head
of a powerful division hastened in advance to observe, or give battle to
the invaders. In the neighborhood of Shamaukhy this general suf-
fered himself to be taken by surprise; and a great part of the division
under his orders, was cut to pieces by the enemy. A second division
of the army, under Bâtâi Nûyan, was however more fortunate in
checking the progress of the troops of Berkah; who appear to have with-
drawn after their recent successes, from the north of the Kûrr towards
Shabraun; within a farsang, or league, of which, in the month of Zil-
hudje of the same year they were in their turn attacked and defeated
by their adversaries.
Early in the month of Mohurrim of the succeeding year, Hûlaukû
advanced in person, skirting the district of Shamaukhy; and on the
twenty third of the month§ appeared before the Shirvaunian Derbund
↑ August, 1264.
December 6th, 1261.
* First of February, 1260.
↑ October.
571
seyr.
(so called to distinguish it from the Derbund of Bâkû). The banditti A. H. 663.
at the head of the pass having considerably annoyed his troops, the lat- A. D. 1264.
ter proceeded to disperse them by their archers; and having closely Habeib-us-
pursued them through Derbund, fell unexpectedly upon the army of
the Khaun of Keptchauk, which they entirely defeated. The victory
was followed, on the part of the Persomoghûls under Hûlaukû, by an
unsparing and indiscriminate massacre; so that by the first of the mouth
of Suffur,* not a vestige was to be perceived in that quarter either of
Togai, or of his army. Prosecuting their advantage, the advanced divisi-
ons of Hûlauku's troops led on by his son Abaka Khaun, and Sheirâmûn
and Bâtâi Nûyan, crossed the river of Terek, or Terki, into the territory
the enemy. They had not proceeded to any great distance on their
march, before they discovered the encampment of the Khaun; which
was found to be entirely and unaccountably abandoned, not a soldier to
be seen in any direction; and a vast booty in sheep and cattle, and
other property of every description dispersed among the tcuts, secmed
designedly left as a lure to remove all thought of danger.
With that total absence of circumspection which has been so fre-
quently, and deservedly, punished with defeat, the troops divided them-
selves through the tents of the enemy; and for a day and a night became
totally immersed in the delirium of wine and music, and in the soci-
ety of the Tartar women, who had probably been also abandoned, in
order, by the fascinations of beauty, to complete the spell. At sun rise
of the second day, they were awakened from this dream of sensuality
and indulgence, by an attack from Berkah Khaun in person, at the
head of an innumerable force, which suddenly and at ouce broke upon
them from different quarters. Abâka Khaun and the other generals
made, notwithstanding, a courageous resistance to the efforts of the
enemy, until sunset; when yielding to superior numbers, they retreated
with precipitation to the Terck. The river was at this time frozen
over; and the ice giving way under the pressure of the terrified and
impatient inultitude, which thronged together to cross to the other
side, the greater part of the army here met its fate, and was swallowed
up in the stream.
Twenty second of December, 1264.
4 D 4
572
A. II. 603.
scyr.
This disastrous reverse produced in the mind of Hûlauků, a degree
A. D. 1255. of affliction bordering on despair. He set on foot however, through-
out his dominions, the most formidable preparations to retrieve and
avenge the disgrace; which he resolved to do the moment his equip-
ments were in a sufficient degree of forwardness. But his destiny had
otherwise ordained it. He had moved from his summer residence at
Meraughah, in the former Rebbeia of six hundred and sixty three,*
to take up his winter quarters at Tcheghaitû, when one day on quitting
his bath, he was seized by a sudden fit of illness; and the medicines
prescribed for his relief augmenting the violence of his disorder, his
recovery was soon despaired of. During his illness for several nights
successively, two fearful apparitions are said to have presented them-
selves at the bed side of Hulaukû, and continued so to do, until he
was forever withdrawn from the abode of mortal grandeur, when they
altogether disappeared. The remains of the departed monarch were
deposited, by his ministers, ina mausoleum prepared for their reception ;
and, it is in this place expressly stated, that in conformity with the
usages of his country, several beautifulyoung women, decked out with
a profusion of gold and jewels, were sent to accompany their dead so-
vereign, in order to dispel the melancholy of the tomb.-Observe, con-
tinues our author, the singular sagacity of these ferocious barbarians,
the very chiefs of whom could be led to entertain a conception so ab-
surd, as that the dead should be, in any respect, sensible of either con-
solation, or relief, from the presence of the living.
Hûlauku Khaun, according to some lines ascribed to Nusseir-ud-
dein the Tûssite, expired precisely on Sunday night, the nineteenth of
the latter Rebbeia, of the six hundred and sixty third of the Hidjerah ;†
at the age of forty eight, and after a reign of about nine years. He had
by several wives, fourteen sons, of whom Abâka Khaun, the eldest, im-
mediately succeeded to the throne of Iran. His mother, it will be
recollected, was a christian, the niece of Oung Khauu monarch of the
Kerâeit, the supposed Prester John of the twelfth century.
However unfavorably the character of Hûlaukû may have been de-
lineated for posterity, by the malignaut prejudices of Mahommedan wri-
* January, 1265.
+ Seventh of February, 1265.
573
Habeib us-
seyr.
ters, it would appear that, in him at least, ferocity of disposition is A. H. 603.
not incompatible with the love of science. In this respect his brother A. D. 1265.
Mangû was also particularly distinguished, whose favorite study was
the solution of the problems of Euclid. That prince had, probably
during his Chinese expeditions, acquired a taste for astronomical re-
search, and had long sought in vain for a person to aid him, in the
construction of an observatory; and when Hûlaukû was on his de-
parture to subjugate the territory west of the Oxus, one article of his
instructions was, so soon as he should have reduced the strongholds
of the Bowautinists, or disciples of Ilussun Sabah, to send to court
Nusseir-ud-dein the Tûssite, above mentioned, and at this period
eminently celebrated for his extensive acquirements, and singular skill
in astronomy. On the reduction of Meymûndezh, in the Kohestaun,
or mountainous range between Persian Irâk and Khorassaun, Nusseir-
ud-dein, who had been long and liberally patronized by the governor
of that fortress, and to whom he had dedicated the Akhlauk, or Ekh-
lauk-e-Naussery, a treatise on ethics much esteemed by the orientals,
attended the presence of Hûlaukû; and the latter was so captivated
by the singular talents and instructive conversation of the philosopher,
that, instead of dispatching him to the court of Mangû, as he had been
originally enjoined to do, he ventured to detain him about his own
person.
On the subsequent conquest of Baghdâd, in prosecution of his plans
to facilitate the study of astronomy, Hûlaukû, at his own request,
furnished Nusseir-ud-dein, with an imperial mandate authorizing him
to the construction of an observatory, and to proceed with all prac-
ticable dispatch, to the formation of a set of tables in his favorite sci-
ence. For the site of his observatory, Nusseir-ud-dein fixed upon
a lofty eminence north of the Tebrizian Meraughah; where being pro-
vided with a power to command, without limitation, the assistance of
the officers of the imperial treasury and revenue, he succeeded in a
short time, in bringing the fabric to a completion. As far as we are able
to collect from the original, it is described to have been furnished
with some species of apparatus (perhaps an Orrery) to represent the
celestial sphere, with the signs of the Zodiac, the conjunctions, transits,
and revolutions of the heavenly bodies. Through a perforation in the
571
A. H. 663. dome, the rays of the sun were admitted so as to strike upon certain
A. D. 1265. lines on the pavement, in a way to indicate, in degrees and minutes,
Habeib-us the altitude and declination of that luminary, during every season, and
seyr.
marking the time and hour of the day, throughout the year. It was
further supplied with a map of the terrestrial globe, in all its climates,
or zones, exhibiting the several regions of the habitable world, as well
as a general outline of the ocean, with the numerous islands contained
in its bosom; all so perspicuously arranged and delineated, according
to our author, as at once to remove, by the clearest demonstration,
every doubt from the mind of the student. From an extraordinary
difference in the sun's altitude and declination, at corresponding pe-
riods, between what was exhibited in the Zeytch-e-Eylekhauny, Eyle-
khaunian tables, now framed, and in those hitherto established, an
error of surprising magnitude, and to the great confusion of chronology,
was detected, in the mode formerly observed to adjust the commence-
ment of the new year. But, before this celebrated observatory had
been entirely completed, the sun of IIûlaukû's power had set forever.
We find it moreover recorded, that a considerable attention was de-
voted by this monarch, to the encouragement of architecture; having
not only erected a splendid palace for his own residence, probably at
Meraughab, but, throughout the territory of Azerbaijaun and of
Arran, in the peninsula of the Kûrr and Aboras, many temples of great
extent and magnificence dedicated to the idols of his country, also re-
mained to attest his liberal spirit in that respect; exclusive of numerous
works of public utility in different parts of his dominions. This pro-
pensity is said to have increased towards the decline of life, without,
however, in the slightest degree relaxing his application to the more im-
portant concerns of his government. Some time before he died, he
had, together with the sovereign dignity as the heir to his power, as-
signed to his eldest son, Abâka Khaun, both the provinces of Irâk, with
Mazanderaun, and Khorassaun to the banks of the Oxus. To Shah-
zâdah Yeshmout he bequeathed the government of Azerbaijaun and
Arran; and to another favorite son, Ameir Toudan, he gave that of
Diaurbekir and Rebbeia. By the last of his ministers, Shums-ud-dein
Mahommed Joweiny, the government of Baghdad was bestowed upon
his brother, Khaujah Atâ-ul-múlk, the author of the tarikh jahaun
575
A. D. 1265.
gûshai, an history of the Jenguizian conquests; by whom, from an A.IL. 003 4.
heap of ruins, that celebrated city was restored to a state of compara-
tive prosperity and splendor. The same person, at the expense of Habeib-us-
more than ten thousand dinaurs of gold, while governor of Baghdad,
opened a fresh canal to the territory of Nudjef, by which he conducted
a part of the Euphrates to the mausoleum of Ally.
*
ABAKA KHAUN the son of IIûlaukû, second of the Persian mon-
archs of the race of Jengueiz.
seyr.
At the period of his father's death, Abâka was in winter quarters in
Mazanderaun; but being early apprized of that event, and at the same
time invited by Eyleka Nûyan, Sunjauk Bahauder, and others of the
Moghûl Ameirs, to repair without delay to the imperial residence, he
hastened with all the expedition of which he was capable, to the can-
tonments of the departed monarch; and he reached his destination, on
the nineteenth of the former Jummaudy, of the year six hundred and ABAKA KHAUN,
sixty three. Ilis inauguration does not however appear to have taken II of the Perso-
place for some months afterwards; not indeed, until the month of Ram- moghul race.
zaun.‡when at the station of Tcheghanawer in the district of Berahaun,
he was with the unanimous concurrence of the princes of his family,
and of the Ameirs of the whole empire, publicly seated on the throne
of Hûlaukû; and thus commenced a reign which is acknowledged to
have been attended with unabated, aud uuiform repose and happiness
to every class of his subjects. He conferred the diguity of Ameir-ul-
ûmra, or lieutenant general of the empire, on the above mentioned
Sunjauk Bahauder, entrusting the government of Khorassaun to one
of his brothers, the Shahzadah Tepshein Oghûl; and he continued the
post of Vezzeir to his father's minister, Shums-ud-dein.
In the early part of his government, his attention was required to op-
pose the Tartars of Keptchauk; who by the usual route of Derbund,
were advancing, under the orders of Shalizâdah Noukâi (perhaps Nogâi)
the son of Berkah Khaun, to invade Azerbâijaun. He consigned the
task of repelling the invaders to his brother Yeshmout; to whom he
had confirmed his father's bequest of the territory in that quarter. On
the twentieth of the month of Suffur, of the six hundred and sixty
* At the lowest calculation, about 4,5831. Gs. 8d. † Seventh of March,
† July, 1265.
576
seyr.
A. H. 664-79. fourth of the Hidjerah,* the enemy were attacked, and totally defeated
A. D. 1265-80. by that prince; their general being wounded in the eye by an arrow,
Habeib-us- in consequence of which they were possibly thrown into confusion.
To avenge this disgrace, which was in all probability confined to the
advanced division of his army, Berkah Khaun soon afterwards appeared
in person, at the head of three hundred thousand horse; and bearing
down every obstacle until he reached the left bank of the Kûrr, he
there encamped; while Abàka with his army took post on the adverse
side of the river to dispute his passage. At the expiration of some
days, Berkah Khaun determined to ascend the river towards Teflis,
with the design of crossing by the bridge of that city; but being seized
on his march by a fit of the cholic, the hand of death put a sudden
period to all his projects of revenge. His army embraced an early op-
portunity of withdrawing from the danger, and betook themselves to
their native solitudes, between the Seyhûn and the Don-the Jaxartes
and Tanais.
During the six hundred and sixty seventh, and sixty eighth of the
Hidjeraht Abâka was employed in Khorassaun; that province having
been invaded (after an insidious embassy in which Mûssàoud Beg, the
son of Mahmûd Yelwauje, was engaged to amuse the Eylekhaunian)
by Borauk, or Berauk Oghlan, who had succeeded to the possessions.
of Tcheghatâi, north east of the Oxus. In a decisive battle, which took
place in Zilhudje of the six hundred and sixty eighth of the Hidjerah‡
within five or six farsangs of Herât, the invader was totally defeated,
aud compelled to retire, with precipitation and disgrace, into his own
dominions.
The eleven succeeding years, since they appear to have been barren
of materials for the pen of the historian, may, perhaps be considered to
have passed in comparative tranquillity; the narrative bringing us at
once to the six hundred and seventy ninth of the [Fidjerah. During
that year, Abâka Khaun employed his brother, Mangû Teymûr, to in-
vade the possessions of Seyf-ud-dein Kullawun, surnamed the Bas-
ilisk, (ul aflai) Sultan of Egypt. In the month of Rudjub,* in the-
neighborhood of lams or Hamess, north of Damascus, the Egyptian
November 30th, 1265-
August, A. D. 1270, Kholausut-ul-akhbaur.
+1268-9.
|| November, A. D. 1280.
1
577
gave battle to the Persian army, and the Maumlük Sultan was signally A. H. 679.
victorious; the Moghûl prince with the whole of his troops being stated A. D. 1280-81.
to have been entirely destroyed, either in the action, or the pursuit. Habeib-us-
Others, however, relate that Mangû Teymûr himself escaped the car-
nage, and reached Baghdad, where he died a natural death before the
termination of the year.
At the crisis of his brother's defeat, Abâka appears to have been sta-
tioned at Senjaur in Mesopotamia; but considering it not immedi■
ately either convenient, or advisable, to avenge the disgrace, he with-
drew to Baghdâd; and in Zilhudje of the same year, her moved further
to llamadaun, where he arrived on the eighth of the month.* Here he
is said to have contracted a habit of immoderate drinking, by which
be very soon reduced himself to the most wretched state of debility:
and while thus languishing under the effects of intemperance, he hap-
pened one day to fall asleep in his chair; and a raven, perching itself on
an opposite building, was not to be prevented from serenading him with
its discordant clamours. The attendants hastened to drive away the
inauspicious bird; but, it had already awakened the debilitated mon-
arch, and occasioned so severe a shock to his distempered nerves, that
he expired on the spot.
This event took place on the twentieth of Zilhudje of the six hun-
dred and seventy ninth of the Hidjerah,† when Abâka had swayed the
sceptre of the Persian monarchy for about sixteen years. He left two
sons, Arghân, and Keykhautû, or Kûnjaytû Khaun, each of whom, at
subsequent periods, attained to the sovereign power.
Among the men of genius and letters, who flourished and died dur-
ing the reign of this monarch, we cannot omit to mention the name of
Moulana Jullaul-ud-dein Rûmy, the celebrated author of the Messnûi
sherreif. He was originally of Balkh ; but from having long resided
with his father, at Larindah, in Anatolia, he obtained the appellation of
Rûmian. His grandmother is represcutedto have been a grand-daugh-
ter of Sultan Mahommed the Khaurezmian. Ile was born about
the six hundred and fourth, and his death is stated to have taken place
on the fifth of the latter Jummaudy of the six hundred and seventy
* March 30th, A. D, 1281.
VOL. II.
4 E
† April 11th, 1281,
seyr.
578
1
. H. 630. second of the Hidjerah.* We also learn, from a passage in his own
A. D. 1281. works, that the elegant and ingenious Sheikh Saudy of Sheirauz, al-
Habeib-us- though then far advanced in years, was on one occasion presented by his
minister to Abaka Khaun; and his guarded compliment to the monarch
is on record.
seyr.
NEKUDAUR,
NEKUDAUR, entitled SULTAN AHMED, the son of Hulaukû, third of
the Persian monarchs of the race of Jengueiz.
On the death of Abakâ Khaun, it was determined by a convention
of the principal Ameirs, that Nekùdaur should succeed to the authority
Id of the of his deceased brother, to the prejudice and exclusion of the princes
Perso-Jengui- his children; and he accordingly assumed the sovereign dignity, on
Sunday the thirteenth of the former Rebbeia, of the six hundred and
eightieth of the Hidjerah.†
zians.
Having previously embraced the doctrines of the Korân, this prince,
on his accession, assumed the title of Sultan Ahmed, and proceeded
to restore to the followers of the law of Mahommed their long lost
predominance; compromising, however, with the physicians and astro-
nomers of the Christian and Jewish persuasion, by assigning to each a
moderate advance in cash from the imperial treasury, in lieu of the
pensions which they had enjoyed under his predecessors. He conti-
nued the office of Vezzeir, to Shums-ud-dein Mahommed the Joweinian;
who united to the zeal of his sovereign, his own exertions, to promote
the advancement of their common religion.
Measures so hostile to the ancient prejudices of their nation, excited
in several of the members of the imperial family, a most lively sensation
of jealousy and discontent; and particularly in Shahzadah Arghún, the
son of Abaka, who was in possession of the government of Khorassaun.
When he had, however, determined on hostility against the authority of
his uncle, the Shahzadah hastened in the first instance, to secure the
support of Toghatchaur Nuyan and the bands of the Kâraounauss,
then reputed the fiercest and most warlike of the Moghul tribes; and
in this, he appears to have been successful. Some fruitless attempts fol-
lowed, to accommodate these differences, without proceeding to ex-
*Them nuscript exhibits 654 for the period of his birth, and 772 for that of his death;
which is neither consistent with probability, nor with the former statement, that he died
during this reign.
+ Second of July, 1281.
579
seyr.
tremity; and these having in every instance failed, the troops of Sultan A. II. 643.
Ahmed were finally put in motion, to gain the eastern frontiers of Azer- A. D. 124,
baijaun; while Shahzâdah Arghûn with all the force he could assemble, Habeib-uz-
approached towards the same point. On the plains of Auk-khaujah,
he was, however, opposed and entirely defeated, on the first of Suffur,
of the year six hundred and eighty three,* by Ally Eynauk, at the head
of fifteen thousand men, the advanced division of the troops of Sultan
Ahmed. Shahzâdah Arghûn fled with precipitation from the field of
battle, and threw himself into the fortress of Kolaut,† whither he was
soon afterwards pursued by his conqueror. Sûltan Ahmed now proceed-
ed, without further obstacle, to enter Khorassaun; while Arghûn, consi-
dering resistance no longer availing, resolved to hazard an interview
with Ally Eynauk, with whom he accordingly held a conference un-
der the walls of Kolaut. In return for this proof of his confidence, Ally
Eynauk accompanied the young prince into the fort, and finally pre-
vailed upon him to venture, under his protection, to the camp of Sultan
Ahmed. After proceeding several stages, they at last came up with
the army of the Sultan at Khojaun, where the Shahzadah was com-
pelled to stand for several hours exposed to the sun, before he was ad-
mitted to the presence of his uncle. Having been thus sufficiently
mortified, he was then suffered to approach the Sultan, who embraced
him with much apparent cordiality, consoling him with the expecta-
tion of being restored to the government of Khorassaun; after which,
in a suite of tents set apart for his accommodation, the Shahzâdah
was placed in the custody of a select guard of four thousand men,
under the orders of Arûk the brother of Bouka, of whom more here-
after.
Unfortunately, in these circumstances the Sultan, through an impati-
eut anxiety to be restored to the society of his wife, was led to separate
from his army; leaving instructions with Ally Eynauk, by whatever
means he found practicable, to terminate the existence of Shahzadah
Argbûn. Sultan Ahmed bed, however, no sooner quitted the army,
than Bouka and some of the other Nûyans conceived the design of sub-
verting his power altogether; and with these views, after lamenting
*April 18th, 1284.
There appears a place of this name to the northward of Rey-and another between
Tasse and Meiû; it was probably the former.
4 E 4
580
seyr.
A. H. 683. the humiliation brought upon the lineage of Jengueiz, by the Sultan's
A. D. 1284. apostacy from the religious system of his ancestors, and by his minister's
Habeib-us- partial advancement of the disciples of the Korâu, they proposed to the
princes of the imperial family on the spot, and to the Ameirs of the
court, that Hûlaujû, the young son of Arghûn Khaun, should be raised
to the throne of Hûlaukû, and that Sultan Ahmed should be still suf-
fered to retain the subordinate dignity of king; and they concluded
by remarking, that the accomplishment of this plan would be most ob-
viously facilitated by the immediate enlargement of Arghûn. The
measure was universally assented to; and it was determined to carry
the design into execution, the moment the obscurity of the approach-
ing night, was sufficiently advanced to cover their proceedings.
On Tuesday evening, accordingly, the eighteenth of the latter Reb-
beia,* the conspirators entered the tents of Arghûn, and roused him to
the apprehension, that the solemn hour was arrived, in which he was
to be forever separated from his family, and all that was dear to him.
Bouka took him however by the hand, and by explaining what was in
agitation, soon removed his alarm; after which mounting their horses,
they proceeded, with their utmost celerity to the station of Ally Ey-
nauk, whom they surprised asleep, on the terrace of his pavilion.
Ameir Ally Tumghatchei, (clerk of the signet) one of the depend-
ants of Bouka, struck off the head of the general while he still reposed
upon his pillow; and amidst the alarm and confusion which ensued,
which it is not difficult to conceive, the greater part of the Sultan's
friends and adherents were put to the sword. One of them how-
ever escaped; and, overtaking his master on the road towards Azer-
bâijaun, about four farsangs on that side of Esferâcin, informed him.
of the sudden and disastrous revolution, which had occurred to his
affairs. Plunged by the intelligence into a state of melancholy and
despondence, the Sultan shaped his course for Soraub, probably in
Mazanderaun, at this period the residence of his mother Tûty, or Kûty
Khatun; his courtiers, and principal officers, with their followers, like
his better fortune, gradually abandoning him at every stage. Shums-
u in the prime minister, on his arrival at Jaujerem, proceeded to-
wards Istahaun, from whence he had it in contemplation to withdraw,
*July 3rd A. D. 1284.
581
Habeib-us-
by way of Shirauz, into India; but from this latter design, at a subse- A. H. 633.
quent period he receded, through motives of affection for his numerous A. D. 1284.
dependants, whom he found it repugnant to his feelings to abandon to
the mercy of a vindictive succession. And to these manly sentiments
he ultimately fell a victim.
Shahzâdah Arghûn, who had thus providentially triumphed over
the designs of his adversaries, passed the night of his deliverance, in
anxious watchfulness for the dawn of the succeeding day. He then
received the congratulations of the princes his relatives, and of the
ameirs, on the preservation of his life, and on his unlooked for restor-
ation to power. In the mean time, a camel dispatch was sent off, by
Bouka, the head of the conspiracy, with instructions to the Kâraounauss,
to intercept the retreat and terminate the career of Sultan Ahmed; while
another message proceeded to require that the Koustcheian, or archer
militia, would exert themselves to destroy the followers of the forsaken
monarch. Arghûn, in person, soon engaged in the line of pursuit.
The Sultan, on the other hand, on reaching Soraub, was advised by
his mother, with the few followers who continued attached to his for -
tunes, to remain where he was; and abide with patience, the gradual
disclosure of those events, which must yet arise from beneath the veil
of futurity.
For some days, the state of his affairs was concealed from the ser-
vants of the dowager princess, and each individual, as fancy might
lead him, was suffered to indulge in conjecture; until Kâraneghaury
and Sengûr Nùyan, two of the princess's officers, one morning that
they attended the presence of the Sultan, according to custom, ventured
to enquire how it happened, that contrary to his practice on former
visits, he should have appeared among them unaccompanied by his
army? The monarch replied, that having made a prisoner of his formi-
dable adversary, he had conceived it prudent, as a competent safeguard,
to leave the whole army in charge of his person; and for his own part,
that he had hastened on before, to provide for the passage, and accom-
modation of his troops. One of the chiefs, who sat without the pavi-
lion, exclaimed aloud upon this, that what they had heard, was a gross
mis-statement of circumstances; for that Arghûn Khaun had been posi-
tively raised to the supreme dignity, by a great majority of the Shal
seyr.
582
ป
scyr.
A. II. 683. zâdahs and principal nobility, and that they were now in actual pur-
A. D. 1284 suit of Sultan Ahmed, with the determined purpose of putting him to
Habeib-us death. If therefore the two Nûyans entertained a genuine regard for
the welfare of their country, they would not omit so fair an opportu-
nity of securing the person of the Sultan, against the possibility of es-
On this disclosure, the two Ameirs immediately quitted the
tent, and without further ceremony, proceeded to cut off all communi-
cation with the unfortunate and devoted monarch.
cape.
Such was the state of things, when a numerous body of the Kâra-
ounauss forced the station of Soraub, and filled every quarter with the
uproar of pillage and violence; and at the expiration of two or three
days, the unfortunate Sûltan was sent off hand-bound, to meet his tri-
umphant nephew. Agreeable to a custom prevailing among the Moghûls,
on the appearance of a vanquished adversary, Arghûn is described on
this occasion, as soon as the royal captive was conducted to his pre-
sence, to have made use, looking at his attendants, of the exclamation
Mercu! an expression of which, whether it was intended to convey
irony, or contempt, or insult, or all together, the author does not furn-
ish us with any explanation. This spoken, he proceeded to celebrate
his victory, by a liberal circulation of the goblet. But, as recent ex-
ample had taught him, within his own experience, the hazard of com-
mitting to a subjugated rival, the chance of life to avenge his misfor-
tunes, and the bitter repentance of which, alone, such imprudent lenity
was the source, he immediately delivered over the person of Sultan
Ahmed, to the disposal of the sons of Konkûrbai; who had been put
to death either by him, or by his authority. In retaliation for the blood
of their father, the avenging sous proceeded accordingly, on Thursday
the twentysixth of the former Jummaudy of the six hundred and eighty
third of the Hidjeraht to tear up, like his shipwrecked hopes, the
existence of the unfortunate monarch; when he had possessed the
sovereign authority, for a period of about three years one month and
seven days. He left three sons, Kûblantehei, Arslantchei, and Bou-
katchei, neither of whom ever attained to the imperial dignity.
ARGHUN KHAUN, the son of Abaka Khaun, fourth of the Persian
monarchs of the race of Jengueiz.
* August 9th 1284.
583
A. D. 1284.
However on their determination to subvert the authority of Sultan A. H. 683.
Ahmed, and on their enlargement of Arghûn, it had been, for some rea-
son or other, agreed upon by the agents of the revolution, to place the Habeib-us-
young Hûlaujù in nominal possession of the sovereign power, the
shahzadahs on the spot, in Azerbaijaun, resolved notwithstanding on
seyr.
the death of the Sultan, and on the arrival of that prince in the imperial ARCHUN KHAUN,
residence, to acknowledge the authority of Arghûn Khaun; and he was IVth of the Perso-
accordingly, on the twenty seventh of the latter Jummaudy,* at Shour- jenguizian mon-
aub on the confines of Yuzleka, with the usual solemnities, publicly
seated on the throne of Hûlaukû.
When a period of festivity of more than ordinary duration had ex-
pired, and Arghûn Khaun had exhibited very liberal proofs of his
bounty, towards the different orders of the nobility, he proceeded to
reward the service of Bouka, who was at the same time the author of
his deliverance and of his aggrandizement, by investing him, as prime
minister, under the title of Tchingsang formerly explained, with the
entire controul of every department of the state. At the same time, he
bestowed the government of Baghdad upon Aruk, the brother of the
minister, who had the custody of his person, for the short period of his
confinement at Khojaun; and he contrived to reconcile his son Ilû-
laujû to his disappointments, by lavishing upon him every proof of
regard and attachment, short of that power, to which he had been so
prematurely taught to aspire.
It was formerly observed that the late prime minister, Shums-ud-dein
Mahommed, on intelligence of the unexpected revolution in favor of
Arghûn Khaun, was making the best of his way towards Isfahaun ;
With the ultimate design of retiring by sea into Hindustaun. A sud-
den resolution to trust to providence, and resign himself to his fate, actu-
ated him, however, to abandon that design; and he determined to mea-
sure back his steps, and submit, with a good grace, to the authority of
the new sovereign. On his journey he received from Arghùn Khauu,
by some persons of distinction, a declaration, confirmed under the
imperial signature, that he had freely forgiven the past; and an assur-
ance of a friendly and honorable reception, if he would repair without
further delay to the royal presence. Encouraged by these assurances,
* September 9th, 1264.
archs.
581
A. H. 683. Shums-ud-dein prosecuted his journey with additional confidence and
A. D. 1284. alacrity; and on the tenth of Rudjub* he reached the camp, or resi-
11abeib-us-
seyr.
•
dence of Arghûn Khaun, being accommodated on his arrival in the pa-
vilion of Bouka, the new minister of state. The following day he was
introduced to the sovereign, from whom he experienced a very favor-
able reception. But many days were not suffered to elapse, before
some envious individuals in his confidence, suggested to the Vezzeir,
that unless he was on his guard, notwithstanding his present specious.
humility, he would soon find his authority eclipsed, if not entirely super-
seded, through the consummate talents for intrigue of Shums-ud-dein.
Is thine adversary in thy power?" said they, "beware lest thou suffer
"him to escape. For shouldst thou be imprudent, and he retain the
"power of injury, repentance will little avail thee." Snch malevolent
insinuations did not fail to produce an impression on a mind already jea-
lous of his influence; and Bouka, at the earliest private conference
with his sovereign, embraced the opportunity of warning him against
the absurdity of forming expectations of honorable or faithful service,
from the traitor, who had poisoned his benefactor, the just and bene-
volent Abâka; and ultimately to assure him, that the stability of his
power essentially depended on the annihilation of this intriguing states-
man's existence.
These and similar arguments finally prevailed with Arghúnto direct,
that the illustrious minister of so many kings, (for he had, for a period
of thirty years, enjoyed the highest and most splendid distinctions
in the state) should be brought to answer to the atrocious charge of
having poisoned his sovereign. A council of the Nuyans, or principal.
Ameirs, was accordingly assembled; and Shums-ud-dein was brought
before them with his hands bound, and to the infinite regret of a whole
people, which could not suppress the most bitter lamentations at his
unmerited fate. In reply to the charges of mismanagement and pecu-
lation, he desired it might be understood, that he voluntarily admitted.
an hundred fold, all that the utmost envy and malignity of his accusers
could allege against him; but of the foul charge of treason against the
life and person of his benefactor, whether in thought, word, or deed,
he protested his perfect innocence, and solemnly disavowed the slightest
*September 21st, 1281.
585
A. D. 1284-87,
knowledge. Against the premeditated purpose of his enemies, the A. II. 683 36.
appeals of innocence, and the exertions of eloquence, were equally un-
availing. He was condemned to die, and suffered the punishment of Habeib-us-
his condemnation, amidst the sighs and groans of thousands, on Mon-
day the fourth of Shabaun, of the six hundred and eighty third of the
Iidjerab.*
Having thus secured himself against the competition of rival talents,
Bouka, or Bouga Tchingsang, now proceeded without controul, to
the full exercise of his power; and in spite of his prejudices, the author
is in truth compelled to acknowledge, that this uncircumcised Turk
was as terrible to his adversaries from his inflexible and undaunted
spirit, as he was respectable for his consummate prudence and sagacity,
and for his rigid and impartial administration of justice. Of this lat-
ter quality the following circumstance is introduced as an illustration.
A muletcerattached to the imperial stables, a native of Seiestaun, had pre-
sumed to snatch an apple from a fruit-stall in the market; and the stall-
keeper endeavoring to wrest his property from the marauder, received
a blow from him, of which he immediately hastened to lay his com-
plaint before the minister. Without a moment's hesitation, Bouka direct-
ed the muleteer to be cut in two; remarking to the by standers, that if
offences of this sort, however trivial in their nature, were suffered to go
unpunished, it would operate as an encouragement to crimes of greater
magnitude, and ultimately so extenuate the bonds of civil authority,
as to render the machine of government unmanageable to the resources
of human skill. The power of Bouka became, however, at last so over-
bearing and excessive, that there remained to Arghûn Khaun scarcely
ought of the sovereign authority but the name; and this producing in
the minds of the nobility, and principal courtiers, the ordinary concom-
itants of jealousy and envy, they commenced, for the removal and
destruction of the obnoxious minister, the usual course of intrigue.
But so deeply had he wrought himself into the confidence and friend-
ship of his master, that every effort to supplant him proved in vain; and
his enemies were accordingly compelled for some time longer to feed
upon their own maliguity.
VOL. II,
* Fifteenth of October, 1284,
4 F
seyr,
586
+
seyr.
A. H. 683-86. The materials for the degradation of the minister were however in-
A. D. 1284-87. sensibly maturing, in the splendid destiny which awaited the fortunate
Babeib-us- Saud-ud-doulah; a Jew, of a Jewish family long settled at Ebher, who
was introduced into the household of Arghûn Khaun by his talents
as a physician. This person at an early period of his life, had taken
up his residence in the metropolis of Baghdad; and freely associating
with men of all countries, Turks, as well as Persians and Arabs, con-
trived to acquire an extensive and intimate knowledge in their res-
pective languages. At the same time, he obtained a considerable degree
of insight into the state of the revenues of that once flourishing metro-
polis, and into the embezzlements and malversations by which, in every
direction, the government was defrauded of its rights. While he was
himself thus employed at Baghdâd, some of his nation who had found
means to establish themselves in the confidence of Arghûn Khaun,
under some pretext or other, which is not very satisfactorily explained,
prevailed upon that monarch to require his attendance at court.
Soon after the arrival of Saud-ud-doulah, the monarch was attacked
by some complaint, which rendered the medical talents of the Jew pe-
culiarly useful; and he prescribed with singular success in alleviating
the complaint. On his visits during the period of convalescence, the at-
tention of the man of physic was directed to ascertain the subjects
which seemed to contribute more strikingly to interest and amuse his
patient; and he soon discovered that an inordinate desire to accumu-
late wealth and treasure, was the ruling propensity of Arghûn. Saud-
ud-doulah then availed himself of the information which he had col-
lected, to furnish the monarch with some very clear and important.
details, with respect to the resources and expenditure of the different
provinces of the empire, and to those of the government of Baghdâd
in particular. In short he alleged that the minister Bouka, and his
relatives, had so completely monopolized every species of intelligence,
that it was next to an impossibility to form a true judgment of the state
of affairs; for in none of the departments under their controul, had they
left a single item on which to determine the real balances due to the
imperial treasury. And finally that his brother Arûk, or Arouky, had
indulged in so many acts of oppression and arbitrary violence, through-
out Baghdad and its dependencies, that justice and her concomitants
587
private happiness and repose, like the elegant embellishments of genius A. H. 686-87.
and the arts, had totally disappeared from the country.
A. D. 1287-88.
seyr.
In consequence of these representations, a royal mandate was at last Habeib-us-
issued that Saud-ud-doulah, accompanied by two Moghûl commission-
ers, should immediately repair to Baghdâd; with authority to collect the
revenues, to investigate the conduct of the former officers, to take an
account of the actual state of the treasury, and to exert their utmost
assiduity to prevent the recurrence of the prevailing abuses. In the
latter part of the six hundred and eighty sixth of the Hidjerah, Saud-
ud-doulah and his associates proceeded accordingly to Baghdad; but
having in a very short time, raised a large sum of money from the ar-
rears of the preceding, and from a demand in advance on the collections
of the current year, be thence returned without delay to the presence
of Arghûn Khaun, whose ruling propensity he amply gratified by the
unusual display of treasure, and other valuable property now placed
at his disposal. The satisfaction of the monarch was evinced, among
other favors, by the appointment of Saud-ud-doulah, to the controul
of the revenues of Baghdad; where, by resorting to the expedients
which had proved so productive on the former occasion, he a second
time succeeded in realizing an abundant supply for the imperial
treasury; with which he punctually repaired to the court of Arghùn,
now at Kûnkûr or Kûnguraulung, ata subsequent period destined to rise
into the celebrated city of Sultauniah.
From the contemplation of such a mass of treasure produced in so
short a time, Arghûn Khaun was easily led to calculate that the sums
of which Arûk had annually defrauded the state, out of the revenues of
Baghdad alone, could not have been much inferior in amount; and
hence his confidence in the just discrimination, and consummate skill
of Saud-ud-doulah was raised to the highest pitch. The report which
he received at the same time, from Ourdûkeia, one of his Tartar col-
legues, of the extensive capacity of the Jew, and of the astonishing ad-
vantages that would be the result, if the affairs of the whole empire were
placed under the management of a person, who twice in so short a pe-
riod, had furnished from a single department, so considerable a supply
to the imperial treasury, lending additional force to his own opinion,
the Eylekhaun issued, without further deliberation, an edict announ-
588
sez r.
A. II. 686-87. cing that while the Imaurut, or command of the armies, should be hence-
A. D. 1287-88. forth considered as residing in Toghatchaur Nûyan, Ourdûkeia, and
Habeib-us- another Moghûl chief, Saud-ud-doulah was to be acknowledged with-
out limitation, as Vezzeir and sole minister in all affairs of civil au-
thority, and finance. And moreover, that while the Ameirs of the
empire of whatever rank or dignity, were positively forbidden to make
any representation to the throne without his concurrence, Saud-ud-
doulah was himself, on the contrary, to have free and unquestioned
access to the presence of the sovereign, whenever he had matters to
communicate, without previous consultation with any one whatever.
Saud-ud-doulah having become thus invested with such extensive
authority, the reputation of Bouka Tchingsang rapidly declined; and
his enemies, who had long been on the watch for such an opportunity,
eagerly availed themselves of the occasion to bring to the recollection
of Arghûn, the base ingratitude with which this man had betrayed the
confidence reposed in him by Sultan Ahmed, his former master ; nei-
ther did they omit to remark, how trifling his resources at that period,
in comparison with what he had since acquired, in his immoderate
wealth, and in the numerous soldiery retained to serve under his stand-
ard. Hence the awe with which every branch of the imperial family
looked up to his opinion, and hence the implicit obedience to every
thing which he chose to dictate. A prudent prince, said they, would
not be regardless of the proceedings of such a man-would hasten on
the contrary to curtail him of the means of acting over again, with im-
punity, the same lessons of treason and ingratitude. These, and other
arguments, which were not wanting to awaken the jealousy of the mon-
arch, soon wrought in the mind of Arghûn, an entire change to the
prejudice of Bouka; and the disgrace of the falling minister became
complete, when, not long afterwards, both he and his dependants were
directed to deliver over without delay, into other hands, the whole of
the public records hitherto entrusted to them, and to withdraw forever,
from all further employment in the state.
In order to avenge the disgrace, Bouka on his part inmediately de- ·
termined on forming a conspiracy to subvert the authority of his so-
vereign; and with that object he now dispatched a confidential message
to Joushkaub the son of Jerinaughûn, and grandson of Hûlaukû, at
589
A. D. 1288-89.
sevr.
this period residing at some place, which he had chosen for his abode, A. H. c37-08.
on the banks of the Euphrates. The design of the message
after au-
nouncing the displeasure into which he had fallen with Arghún Khaun, Habeib-us-
through the jealousy and intrigues of his enemies, was to communi-
cate to the prince, a proposal to assert his claim to the throne of his
grandfather; and a promise, that he would, on his appearance in Azer-
bâijaun, immediately join him with a numerous party of his adherents
whom he had already engaged to promote the enterprize. The Shahzâdah,
though taken by surprise, did not hesitate as to the principle by which
he was to be governed on the occasion. He informed the messenger
that, under present circumstances, it was impossible to place any re-
liance on the statements of which he had been the bearer; but if his
concurrence was in any shape thought of importance to the undertaking,
a list of the principal chiefs engaged to support it, and a written detail
of the plan in contemplation, would at once secure his confidence,
and remove all his doubts on the subject. The agent hastened back
to his employer, and having obtained from him the written proofs re-
quired, soon afterwards returned, and placed them in the hands of the
Shabzadah; by whom he was now directed to apprize his master, that
on a certain night, he, the Shahzâdah, would be in the camp of Arghûn;
and that it was expected that Bouka and his party would be ready in
arms, to support him, in the ultimate execution of the design against
the life and authority of their imperial adversary.
In the mean time, nothing was further from the intention of Joush-
kaub than any measure of hostility against the person or government
of his kinsman ; on the contrary he was deliberating on the speediest
means of making him acquainted with the designs of his degraded min-
ister. At last he determined to be himself the bearer of his intelligence;
and having provided against reaching the camp, on the night fixed upon
for the appearance of the conspirators, he hastened, the following morn-
ing, to the presence of Arghûn Khaun, to whom he made a full disclo-
sure of the plan in agitation to subvert his authority. Arghin retused
at first, to give credit to the information; but the paper containing the
list of Bouka's accomplices, together with their written engagement,
being shewn to him, his doubts gave way to his indignation, and a strong
division was sent off without delay, to attack the quarters of Bouka, and
590
?
Habeib-us-
seyr.
His
A. H. 688-90. to bring him in bonds to the foot of the throne. The rebel however ob-
A. D. 1289-91. tained some intimation of his danger, and contrived for the present to
escape to the camp of Ouljai Khatûn (probably Ouljâitû); where he
had the effrontery to demand an investigation of his conduct.
guilt was established on the clearest proofs; and the Shahzâdah whom
he had endeavored to seduce into rebellion, at the same time that he
was his accuser, consented to become his executioner, and struck off
his head with his own hand.
For a period of two years subsequent to this event, in spite of the
antipathies of an adverse religion, the author is compelled to acknow-
ledge, that Saud-ud-doulah the fortunate Israelite, continued to direct
the machine of government with a success, which raised the empire to
a pitch of almost unexampled prosperity and splendor. And, although
he is reproached with having distributed every employment of the
state, between his brothers and relatives, yet, at the conclusion of the
period to which we have alluded, with a treasure of one thousand to-
mauns, or ten millions of dinaurs of gold,* in the imperial exchequer,
such was the moderation and uniform integrity of their deportment,
that not a single complaint of violence, or injustice in any shape, was
heard against them from any part of this wide extended monarchy. In
the mean time, the-proofs of his sovereign's bounty descended upon this
highly favored minister in rapid succession, and every returning day
brought with it some fresh accumulation of dignity and honor; until
the familiarity with which he was permitted to approach the person of
his master, made him at last forgetful of his place, and of the respect
which was due to the majesty of the throne. Hence on one occasion,
while engaged at dice with the monarch, in making a throw, he inad-
vertently stretched out his leg from beneath his robe; and one of the
Tartar nobles coming in at the instant, proceeded to upbraid him, in bitter
terms, with the grossness of the indecorum, and with the contumaci-
ous insolence with which he presumed to comport himself, under the
accumulated favors of an indulgent sovereign. Saud-ud-doulah en-
deavored to apologize, by explaining that a sudden pain in his knees.
had been the cause of an inattention so apparently disrespectful; and
that he conceived it would be a mark of folly, if even in this instance,
he had refused to obey the commands of so just and considerate a monarch.
* 4,583,3331. Cs. 8d. at the lowest computation.
591
Habeib-us-
seyr.
His exorbitant power had, however, by this time become extremely A. H. 688-90.
obnoxious to the courtiers and principal Ameirs; all of whom now A. D. 1289-91.
united in a combination to destroy him, with Toughan Nuyan, a pow-
erful noble whose pride had been, in some point or other, more parti-
cularly offended. But the design was carefully concealed, until mat-
ters should be perfectly ripe for its execution. In his progress to gran-
deur, the minister had, it seems, at first outwardly evinced a disposition
to favor, if not to associate in the doctrines of Mahommedism; and
this spirit it was that, peradventure, dictated the letters dispatched in
Rainzaun of the year six hundred and eighty eight* to Baghdad, pro-
viding for the protection and accommodation of the pilgrims to Mekkah.
But, when he became thoroughly intoxicated with his good fortune, hist
pride and arrogance at last exceeded even that of the impious race of
Aud; and both he and his profligate relatives, and the miscreants of
his nation, proceeded without scruple, to insult and deride the sacred
principles of Islâm.
In short, the impiety of Saud-ud-doulah was at last carried to such
a pitch, that, whenever an opportunity occurred, he employed every
argument to inculcate into his master, that the divine mission of his illus-
trious ancestor Jengueiz having descended to him by a just inheritance,
he possessed through the goodness of heaven, all the means that were
requisite, not only for the consolidation of a mighty monarchy, but,
whenever he thought proper, for establishing, like the prophet of the
Arabs, a new system of religion of his own, on the abrogation of every
previous code of faith, that had hitherto subsisted in the world. Arghin
Khẩun, whose avaricious disposition had confirmed him the adversary
of every Mûssulman, derived from these arguments fresh pretences for
their persecution, and humiliation; and a mandate was now issued,
ordaining that for the future, none who professed the religion of the Kor-
ân, should on any consideration be employed in the collections; nay,
furthermore, they were rigorously excluded, by the same mandate, from
holding any intercourse whatever with the imperial residence. To
complete the climax of his impieties, the minister brought his mis-
guided sovereign finally to resolve on polluting the sacred sanctuary
September, A. D. 1289.
+ Described in the preliminary discourse to Sale's Koran, p. p. 8, and the following.
592
A. II. C90. of the Kaaubab, by the re-establishment of idolatry within its hal-
A. D. 1291. lowed walls; and on converting the Mahommedans, and every subject.
Habeib-us of his authority, from the worship of the true God, to the absurd and
sevi.
impious adoration of stocks and stones.
In the very zenith of his power, these alleged malignant designs were
however, suddenly suspended by the hand of destiny. His sovereign
was seized with a dangerous illness, which was soon found to resist
the powers of medicine; and the minister began to tremble at that ven-
geance which he had justly to apprehend from an enraged nobility.
It was in vain that he had recourse to various expedients to disarm
the resentment of his enemies, and to recover his popularity. The
dissolution of his master was finally ascertained to be at hand; and he
sought by privately dispatching into Khorassaun, to invite Shahzâdah
Ghâzan, afterwards emperor, to repair with all possible expedition to the
imperial residence, in order to shield himselfunder the protection of that
prince against the swords of the exasperated Ameirs. His intentions
could not however escape the vigilance of the powerful party combined
against him. A conference was immediately held at the quarters of
Toghatchaur, one of the most distinguished Nûyans, where it was re-
solved, in the first instance, to destroy or make away with the prin-
cipal adherents of Saud-ud-doulab; and this was carried into immediate
execution. They then secured the person of the minister; and after
he had been suffered to languish for several days, in a state of the
most agonizing suspense and apprehension, in the custody of Toghat-
chaur, they ultimately put a period to his existence.
Arghuu Khaun did not long survive the fate of his minister. He died,
at his gardens in the territory of Arran, on Tuesday the third of the for-
mer Rebbeia of the six hundred and ninetieth of the Iidjerah ;* to the
great relief of every friend of Islâm, and to the equal mortification of
all that were hostile to the law of Mahommed. His reign appears to
have occupied a period of about six years and six months. He left
four sons, Ghazan Khaun, Beissûteymûr, Ouljâitû Sûltan, and Khatái
Oghul; of whom the first and third at succeeding periods, attained to
the sovereign power.
* March 4th, 1291.
593
1
The decided part which this monarch took against the religious A. H. 690.
system, which prevailed throughout his dominions, might justify the A. D. 1291.
apprehension that his character would be unfavorably delineated; and Habeib-us-
yet his memory appears to have escaped that obloquy to which it was
exposed from the violence of Mahommedan prejudice.
Among the learned cotemporaries of Arghûn Khaun we cannot omit
to mention the name of Nasser-ud-dein Abdullah Beizauvy; the author
of the Nizaum-ul-towaurikh, a chronicle frequently referred to by ori-
ental writers, who died in the six hundred and ninety second of the
-Hidjerah.
KEYKHAUTU, or GUNJAUTU KHAUN the son of Abaka, fifth of the
Persian monarchs of the race of Jengueiz.
seyr.
KEYKHAUTU,
Vth of the Per-
Through the culpable negligence of transcribers, the name of this
monarch has been indifferently committed to record in the manner
above perfixed; but it having been observed, by Mirza Ulûgh Beg in
his history of the four tribes, that the word Keykhautû must origin- so-jenguizian
ally have been written Tcheyghautûn, which bears in the Moghûl dia- monarchs.
lect the positive signification of astonisher, (der taujeb andauz,) the
author whom we have chosen for our guide has assigned the preference
to the former method.*
Under his brother's authority, Keyklautû appears to have held the
government of Rûm, or western Anatolia ; and on the death of that brother,
in the manner just related, the whole of the principal Ameirs now con-
curred in deputing Alguzzy Gûrekaun one of their number, to apprize
him of the recent event; to announce to him his accession to the sover-
eign power; and to request his immediate presence at the residence of
the imperial authority, at this period permanently established either
at Tebreiz, or some of the towns in the neighborhood. They had
however scarcely dispatched their agent, when a difference of opinion
arose among the same Ameirs, with respect to the succession in which
they had so recently concurred; Toghatchaur, and another chief, openly
declaring for Baidû Oghûl, the son of Teraghai, the son of Hulaukû, to
whom, in his retreat at Baghdâd, a letter was accordingly written, with
* In the Kholausut-ul-akhbaur we find nevertheless, that the same author, or his trans-
scriber, invariably writes the name Gùnjatùn.
VOL. II.
4 G
594
A. H, 690-91. a tender of the vacant throne. But, with a consideration unusually
A. D. 1291-92. disinterested, for the claims of his kinsman, Bâidû peremptorily de-
Habeib-us- clined the offer.
scyr.
On the other hand, when the death ofhis brother was announced to him
by the person deputed for the purpose, Keykhautû hastened without
delay towards Azerbaijaun; many of the nobility proceeding at the
same time as far as Alatauk, towards the source of the Aboras, Aras,
or Araxes, to meet, and congratulate him on his elevation. And on Sun-
day the twenty fourth of Rudjub of the six hundred and ninetieth of
the Hidjerah,* in the presence of a general diet of the states of the em-
pire, he publicly ascended with the usual solemnities, the throne of
Hûlaukû; some of the Ameirs submitting to his authority with unaf-
fected zeal and cordiality, while others were constrained to acknow-
ledge his power, with an exterior of satisfaction which but ill accorded
with their private feelings.
When some days had been devoted without interruption to the
ordinary festivities of the occasion, Keykhautû did not fail to summons
the disaffected Ameirs to answer for their conduct; and Toghatchaur
and Kenjekbaul in particular, were condemned to atone under the
the bastinado, for their declared predilection in favor of another; after
which they were exempted from further punishment, and received to
pardon, through the mediation of some of the Moghûl chiefs in the
interest of the new sovereign. The presence of Keykhautû being soon
afterwards required to quell some disturbances in Anatolia, he was
compelled, on the fourth of the succeeding month of Ramzaun,† to
make the best of his way to that province. His secret enemies among
the Ameirs,and the Shahzadahs his relatives, immediately took advantage
of his absence to excite commotions against his government; but re-
turning unexpectedly, and in triumph, into Azerbâijaun, in the latter
Jummaudy of the six hundred and ninety first of the Hidjerah,‡ he
ably vindicated his power, restored submission to his authority, and,
with a moderation rarely exhibited by the victor, bestowed upon his
vanquished adversaries the most liberal proofs of kindness and indul-
gence. He now conferred the dignity of Ameir-ul-ûmra, or lieuten-
ant general of the empire ou Auk Bouka Bahauder; and on the sixth
*July 21st, 1291. ↑ August 29th, A. D. 1291. ↑ May A. D. 1292.
595
of Zilhudje of the same year,* with the title of Suddurjahaun, he con- A. H. 691-93.
signed the office of Vezzeir, or minister of civil affairs, to Sudder-ud- A. D. 1292-94.
dein Ahmed, the Zenjaunian.
}
The testimony of historians is uniform in bestowing upon Keykhau-
tûn, the character of the most liberal and munificent of the race of Hûl-
aukû; a disposition which he carried indeed to such excess, that in
the course of a very limited period, he contrived to dissipate, among
the Shahzâdahs and Ameirs of his court, the whole of the treasures
accumulated by his predecessors. A general enlargement of prisoners
in the early part of his reign, and his uniform attention to the repose and
happiness of his people, bespoke the mildness and philanthropy of his
heart; and his repugnance to the effusion of human blood was so great,
that the whole period of his authority did not furnish a single example
of the punishment of death. With all these amiable qualities the Eyl-
khaunian monarch was, nevertheless, so wretchedly enslaved to his
sensual and irregular indulgences, and particularly to an inordinate
passion for women, that in order to gratify this latter, he seized with-
out scruple, and with unblushing effrontery, on the wives and daugh-
ters of the subjects of his power, from the highest Ameir to the meanest
peasant, and of every tribe and complexion. But, these repeated vi-
olations of the most sacred rights of society terminated, as they justly
should have done, in his ultimate destruction.
In the mean time, our attention will be devoted to the recital of
some interesting particulars in the administration of his Vezzeir,
Khaujah Suddurjahaun Ahmed; who derived his original from a family
which had long exercised the office of Kauzy, at Zenjaun, and who
commenced his career in the service of Toghatchaur Nûyan. Having
succeeded to the prime ministry, through the sole preference of Keyk-
hautû, he received from his sovereign every mark of distinction in his
power to bestow; and if a disposition equally bountiful and liberal with
his own, could justify the choice, the monarch had no reason to regret
the preference. But, very shortly after his accession to power, the
Vezzeir proceeded to exclude the Ameirs of the empire from all inter-
ference in the councils of government, and without communicating
with them in any shape, to regulate at his own entire discretion every de-
* November 17th, 1292.
Habeib-us-
seyr.
4G 4
596
A. H. 691-98. partment of the state. Hence a combination was formed among the
A. D. 1292-94. principal inhabitants of Tebreiz to represent to Keykhautû, the decay
Habeib-us- and ruin into which his armies and military equipments had fallen
seyr.
through the blind presumption of the minister, who had arbitrarily un-
dertaken, on his own private decisions, to dispose of the resources of
the empire.
Keykhautù did not hesitate to ascribe the remonstrance
to an ignoble motive of jealousy, and in this belief immediately issued a
fresh decree, by which the entire authority of the monarchy, from the
banks of the Oxus to the confines of Egypt, was vested without con-
troul in the hands of Suddur-jahaun; whom he further empowered to
proceed against his accusers to any extremity that he might conceive
commensurate with his injuries. Availing himself of these extraordi-
nary powers the minister hastened to lay his adversaries in bonds; but
when they had in some degree atoned, by the indignities to which they
were thus exposed, for their malevolent attack, he took, at the expir-
ation of a few days, compassion on their sufferings, and freely forgave
them all.
The boundless and indiscriminate liberality of the monarch, com-
bined with a magnificence not less prodigal on the part of his minister,
had soon exhausted the treasury, of every description of specie ; and a
destructive disease among the cattle throughout the empire, producing
at the same time, additional demands on the benevolence of Keykhautû,
the Vezzeir found himself at a loss for the means of supplying even the
necessary expences of the imperial household. In these circumstan-
ces, a variety of plans were discussed in order to remove the difficulty;
and among others, Ezz-ud-dein Mûzuffer, an officer of the revenue, of
great acuteness and ability in his department,* and who was possibly
not over scrupulous about the means so that the ends were accom-
plished, proposed in the room of specie to introduce a paper exchange,
similar to what had been long since established in China, and the terri-
tories of the Kaauns, or Tartar sovereigns; and thus, by substituting
a medium for the objects of trade and commercial intercourse, ultimate-
ly to transfer into the imperial treasury, the whole of the gold and silver
of the country, and without the slightest prejudice to the interests of
* The epithet of Sherreir applied to him, conveys an ambiguous meaning, either acute
or profligate-shrewd knave perhaps.
597
seyt.
individuals, to create a most material addition of strength and vigor to the A. H. 691-93.
monarchy. A debt of five hundred tomauns, or five millions of dinaurs,* A. D. 1292-91.
of which the treasury presented no probable source of liquidation, and Habeib-us-
the daily exigencies of the government for which he must indispensably
provide, urged the vezzeir to attend to the novel suggesstion of Mûzuffer;
and he accordingly proceeded, in conjunction with Pûllaud Tchingsang,
the minister of the court of China and Tartary, to communicate to his
sovereign this alleged absurd, and impracticable plan.
Keykhautû was easily led to concur in a measure which promised
to supply such abundant resources for his prodigality; and an edict
was immediately issued, under his authority, from thence-forward
strictly prohibiting throughout his dominions the use of the precious
metals either as the medium of trade, or in any species of manufacture,
further than was expressly required for the personal service of the «
monarch. Goldsmiths and embroiderers were proscribed their em.
ployments; and as a substitution for specie, it was directed that stump,†
or banking houses, should be forthwith established in every city and
principal town, throughout the several provinces of Azerbayjaun, Ara-
bian and Persian Irâk, Diaurbekir, Khûzistaun, Farss, and Khorass-
aun, comprising the extent of the Persian empire, at this period. Agents
were, at the same time, appointed to carry the decree into execution,
in every district; and it was furthermore ordained, that when they en-
gaged on any expedition, voyage, or journey in trade, the governors of
provinces, and all merchants should supply themselves, in lieu of cash,
with Tchâo, or bank notes; and, as an indemnity for their loss of em-
ployment, as well as to prevent them from having recourse to their res-
pective professions, it was finally announced that all goldsmiths, Ser-
aufs, or money changers, and embroiderers, or manufacturers in gold and
silver, would be paid a certain annual stipend in notes, at the established
banks.
In consequence of this singular arrangement, a tchào khaunah, or
banking house, was immediately erected, at a considerable expence, in
every principal town throughout the empire. But in order to enable
us to form some competent judgment on the subject, the author pro-
*2,2916661. 13s. 4d. at the lowest computation.
+ Tháo bhaumah.
598
seyr.
A. H. 693. ceeds to state that the Tchuo was an oblong square piece of paper, con-
A. D. 1294. taining a short inscription in Khatâian, or Chinese characters, and ex-
Ilabeib-us hibiting on each side the Mahommedan confession of faith, asserting
that there is no God but God, and that Mahommed is the messenger
of God! with the terms Eirentchei and Routchei, titles which seem
to have been bestowed by the Kâans of Khatâi, upon the Persian mon-
archs. In the middle of the note was described a circle, within which
was expressed the value, from one half to ten dirhems,* together withi
the declaration, that in the year six hundred and ninety three, his im-
perial majesty had instituted that species of bank paper, for the cur-
rency of his dominions; which, on pain of the most serious punish-
ments,to themselves, their wives, and their children, his liege subjects
were thence-forward to make use of in all the transactions of life.
The promulgation of this decree appears to have occasioned the most
extensive alarm among all descriptions of people, but more immediately
in the metropolis of Tebreiz; where its objects were carried into actual
execution, in the month of Zilkaudah of the six hundred and ninety third
of the Hidjerah.* For two or three days, the shopkeepers and retail
dealers endeavored through compulsion, to give currency to these notes,
ju the ordinary transactions of the market. But at the expiration of
that short period, many of the more opulent inhabitants, apprehensive
of the serious injury which they were likely to sustain in their pro-
perty, could no longer tolerate what they conceived to be so grievous
an imposition, and fled the town; while others, at the same time that
through terror of the displeasure of government, they continued to
keep open the doors of their shops, nevertheless carefully secreted
every article of clothing and subsistance. The general and domestic
inconvenience, which was the immediate result, produced the most
violent agitation; and the whole remaining population of Tebreiz united,
with loud clamours, to complain of the obnoxious measure; and to exe-
crate the author of it, Ezz-ud-dein Mûzuffer, who fell, according to
some historians, an immediate sacrifice to the rage of the disorderly
multitude. The passage of the Karavauns from one province to another
now ceased, and every species of trade, and commercial intercourse was
totally at an end.
* From two pence three farthings, to four shillings and seven pence.
* October, 1294.
599
3
Habeib-us-
seyr.
In such circumstances of alarm and embarassment, it is not strange A. H. 693-94.
that the vezzeir should have united with the Ameirs of the court, in A. D. 1294-95.
representing to Keykhautû that the bank-note system appeared fraught
with ruin to his people, and extinction to the revenues of the state;
and that if it were suffered to continue in force, but for a very few days.
longer, the result might prove most calamitous, if not fatal to his for-
tune and government. Neither did it require any great exertion of rea-
soning, to prevail upon the monarch to listen to this appeal; and he
consented without hesitation to rescind the decree, which seemed to
threaten such inauspicious consequences. Those of the inhabitants
who had abandoned the city immediately returned to their dwellings,
and the country was soon restored to its former state of prosperity and
abundance.
The manner in which, in defiance of every principle of justice and
decorum, Keykhautû dared to force to his licentious propensities the
wives and daughters of every class of his subjects, and more particularly
those of the Mahommedans, has already been intimated. It is therefore
not surprising that, smarting under the recollection ofsuch gross and ac-
cumulated injuries, they should at last have united in aspirit of determin-
ed hostility against his government, and should have looked with anxi-
ous expectation, for the developement of some favorable crisis to relieve
themselves from the cruel insults, to which they were perpetually ex-
posed. The intemperate excesses of the monarch did not keep them
long in suspense. One evening at Alahtauk, for some conceived offence
in a fit of drunken ill humour, he directed Ayat Kuly, one of his officers,
to inflict several blows upon his kinsinan, Bâidû Oghûl, the grandson of
Hûlaukû. Next morning, when he was recovered from the effects of
his debauch, the monarch evinced the utmost regret for what had pas-
sed; and in order to make the most ample reparation in his power for
the insult, he immediately assembled his whole court, and taking the
diadem from his own brows to place it on those of his offended kinsman,
proceeded in their presence to offer every apology for his conduct. The
haughty Moghûl, though deeply incensed, conceived it however at
that moment, unseasonable to exhibit any symptoms of dissatisfaction ;
and he accordingly consented to pass the day in mirth and conviviality,
as if all were buried in oblivion.
600
:
seyr.
A. H. 693-04, The discontented Ameirs, who were privately on the watch for their
A. D. 1294-95. opportunity, and no sooner discovered the secret displeasure which was
Habeib-us- brooding in the mind of Bâidû, than they obtained an interview with
that prince; and, on his promise to advance from Baghdâd in the course of
the ensuing year, they readily entered into an engagement to join his
standard, against the tyrant by whom he had been insulted. The
Shahzâdahs, who were not associated in the conspiracy, had quitted the
court, and retired to their estates in the provinces; but in the middle
of winter receiving intelligence of the designs in agitation, they trans-
mitted to Keykhautûn, without the smallest delay, a full disclosure of
what they had learnt, together with the names of all concerned in the com-
bination. Three of the leaders of the conspiracy were immediately
seized and imprisoned, by Keykhautû; but Toghatchaur Nûyan, the
fermenting principle of the mischief, being unaccountably left at large,
omitted not to avail himself of the circumstance to dispatch an express
to Baghdad, urging the immediate departure for Azerbaijaun, of Bâidû,
as he tendered his hopes of realizing their just expectations of success.
In compliance with this request Bâidû instantly put his troops in mo-
tion for Persian Irâk.
Keykhautû, who was at this period at his residence in the district of
Arran in the peninsula of the Kûrr and Oras, hastened on intelligence
of the hostile approach of his kinsman, to Tebreiz; from whence he dis-
patched an advanced guard of five thousand men, under Neinauk, or
Teynauk, or some such uame, to check the march of the insurgents.
Aukbouka, and the traitor Toghatchaur, followed shortly afterwards
with two tomauns, or divisions often thousand each; and on the third of
the former Jummaudy, of the six hundred and ninety fourth of the
Hidjerah, the monarch in person, at the head of the main body of the
army, proceeded in the saine direction. The advanced guard under
Teynauk was soon engaged with the light troops of the enemy, although
the issue is not explained; but when they had marched together in
concert for two days, Toghatchaur, on the morning of the third, pro-
ceeded with his division in advance, without advising with his collegue;
although, when required to account for his behaviour, he asigned as
his reason, the scarcity of forage and water. Which for the present allayed
* March 19th, 1295.
601
A. D. 1295.
Habeib-
seyr.
us-
the suspicions that had been awakened against him. Continuing how- A. II. 694.
ever his separate march on the fourth day, Aukbouka became again
Jealous of his intentions; and in more peremptory terms, sent to demand
an explanation of his conduct, so diametrically at variance with the sys-
tem of military arrangement established by their superiors. Togh-
atchaur now boldly threw off the mask; and announced in reply, that
hitherto, indeed, as Ameir-ul-ûmra, or lieutenant-general of the em-
pire under the authority of Keykhautû, his obedience was due to Auk-
bouka; but circumstances being now materially altered, by the trans-
fer of that important charge to himself, under the more recent author-
ity of Baida Khan, he must be excused if he considered himself no
longer subject to the orders of any other person. Such a communi-
cation was not calculated to diminish the apprehensions of Aukbouka;
and the troops of his division, like a torrent overflowing its banks,
proceeding in crouds to join the standard of the revolter, he found it
expedient, with the few who continued firm to their allegiance, to seek
the presence of his master,
When apprised of the unfavorable train, into which his affairs had
been thrown by this unexpected desertion, Keykhautû expressed a
desire to withdraw, immediately into the confines of the Anatolian pen-
insula; but, to some of his courtiers, whose prudence and fidelity were
perhaps equally questionable, such a step appeared inexpedient, and
he was prevailed upon to proceed, on the contrary, towards Ebher,
a little to the southward of Sultauniah. At such a crisis, Towukkel
Nuyan, who had been but recently sent with a numerous body of
troops, into Gûrjestaun, or Georgia, suddenly re-appeared; and being
joined by the disaffected Ameirs, who had contrived to make their es-
cape from imprisonment at Tebreiz, all together, spurred on by the most
determined and inveterate hostility, pushed for the camp of Keykhautù.
The unfortunate monarch was soon afterwards seized, and delivered
up into the hands of his rebellious nobility; by whom, on Thurs-
day the sixth of the latter Jummandy, of the six hundred and ninety
fourth of the Hidjerah* he was finally put to death, when he had ex-
ercised the sovereign authority for the exact period of three years and
VOL. II,
Twenty-first of April, 1295.
A L
602
A. II. 694. nine months. He left three sons, Ulafreng, Iranshåh, and Jungpûllaud,
A. D. 1295. neither of whom ever attained to the imperial power.
Habeib-us-
SPYT.
BAIDU KHAUN,
VIth of the Perso-
jenguizians.
BAIDU KHAUN, the son of Teraghâi, sixth of the Persian monarchs
of the race of Jengueiz.
The destiny of Keykhautû having been determined in the manner
just recorded, by the swords of a rebellious aristocracy, Toghatchaur,
with most of the Ameirs of the empire, hastened without further de-
lay to join the standard of Bâidû ; whom, before the close of the month
of Jummaudy, in the neighborhood of Hamadaun, they seated on the
throne of H∙laukù. The festivities incident to his inauguration being
also at an end, the new sovereign proceeded to regulate the more im-
portant concerns of the monarchy. To Toghatchaur, who had been
so conspicuously instrumental to his elevation, he confirmed the dig-
nity of Ameir-ul-ûmra, to which he further annexed the government of
Diaurbekir, and Rûm. Suddur Jahaun was removed from the Viz-
zaurut, which was bestowed upon Jummaul-ud-dein Dustjerdauny ;
the superseded minister being nevertheless, appointed to preserve or-
der and tranquillity, in the provinces of Diaurbekir and Rûm, as the
lieutenant of Toghatchaur. The toinauns of Irak Ajem were consigned
to Tûlaudâi, and Kenjek, or Keutchekbal, was nominated to the super-
intendance of Shubangaurah. Of the ministers of the late monarch,
Aukbouka, and Taynjû were both put to death; others were received
to pardon, and in particular Ayat Kûly, the officer who, at the instance of
his master, had struck the prince at Alatauk; and whom, in consequence
of his bold and manly reply, when taxed with an offence for which he
was no further responsible, than as having without scruple, obeyed
the commands of his then sovereign, the new monarch very honorably
enrolled in the establishment more immediately attached to his person.
Bâidû was, however, scarcely well seated on his throne, when he dis-
covered that he was to combat for it, with a more formidable rival, in
the person of Shahzâdah Ghâzan, the son of Arghûn Khaun, who ac-
companied by Ameir Norouz Ghauzzy, soon afterwards entered Azer-
bâijaun; to whose fortune he was constrained to yield, and ultimately,
brim-full to swallow to the dregs, the bitter draught so recently ad-
ministered to the unhappy Keykhautû. The reign of Bâidû did not
extend beyond the short period of five months; but the circumstances-
*
603
!
of his fall will be more particularly detailed under the history of his A. II. 604.
victorious competitor, which next demands our attention.
SULTAN MAHI MUD, or sometimes MAHOMMED GHAZAN KHAUN,
the son of Arghûn Khaun, seventh of the Persian monarchs of the race
of Jengueiz.
From the singular complacency with which the Mussulman writers
appear to dwell upon his memory, we are induced to recur, with our
author, to the earliest events of the life of this prince.
A. D. 1295.
Habeib-us-
seyr.
GHAZAN KHAU
VIIth of the Perso-
His birth is stated to have taken place at Sûltandowein in the de-
pendency of Asterabad, and province of Mazanderaun, on Friday the
twenty ninth of the latter Rebbeia, of the six hundred and seventicth
of the Iidjerah.* The particular year is indeed omitted in the ma- jenguizians.
nuscript; but as he is represented to have been in the tenth year of
his age, at the death of his grandfather Abâka, we have ventured to
supply the omission.
:
On the death of Abaka, at whose court he had received his education.
from the age of three years, he hastened to join his father, Arghûn
Khan on whose subsequent triumph over Sultan Ahmed, and ele-
vation to the sovereign dignity, in the six hundred and eighty third of
the Hidjerah, he was invested with the government of Khorassaun.
And in that province, some years afterwards, it fell to the lot of the
young prince to contend against the valour and experience of Ameir.
Norouz, the inveterate foe of infidels in general, and of the Moghûls in
particular. This warlike chieftain was the son of Arghûn Aga, who,
under different monarchs of the race of Jengueiz, had exercised the
functions of government, in some or other of the provinces of the
Persian empire, for a period of nine and thirty years. Ameir Norouz
had early embraced the tenets of Isslâm, and, on all occasions, had
evinced the most ardent zeal in its interests, and advancement. In
Zilhudje ofthe six hundred and eighty seventh of the Hidjerah,† soon
after Arghûn Khaun had found it expedient to make an example of
his minister Bouka Tchingsang, Norouz, who was connected by the
strongest ties of friendship with that minister, withdrew in discontent
to his winter quarters at Derrahjord ; and there entered into a conspir-
acy with the Shabzadah Kenshour, his sister's husband, and some of
* December 3rd, A. D. 1271. + January, 1289.
4 11 4
601
A. D. 1295,
Habeib-us-
scyr.
*
A. H. 694. the Ameirs of Khorassaun, against the provincial government of Ghâ-
zan Khaun. On the eighth of the former Rebbeia of the year six hun-
dred and eighty eight, he unexpectedly surrounded that prince in
his camp at Keshefrûd; but by some chance or other, suffered him to
escape into his native province of Mazanderaun. On his arrival in that
country, Ghâzan immediately seized the person of his brother Hûlaujû,
in whose support Norouz had declared himself to have taken arms,
and sent him in safe custody to his father's presence; after which, hav-
ing re-assembled his scattered troops, he returned to make head against
the insurgents. On the fifteenth of the latter Rebbeia,† in the terri-
tory of Raudegaun, a battle ensued between the adverse parties, in
which Norouz was signally victorious; acquiring at the same time an
immense booty, and exalting the fame of his exploits to the highest
pitch of glory.
For part of the ensuing winter,‡ Shahzadah Ghâzan remained inac-
tive at Kalbous, another dependency of Asterabad; but after a repose of
forty days, during which he had been joined by a powerful reinforcement
dispatched to his aid by his father, under Bâidû, and Touzein Nûyan,
he marched without further delay, to try the issue of another conflict
with Norouz. The latter advanced to meet him from the side of Rau-
degaun; but discovering, on his arrival at Jermoghaun, that his force
was inadequate to the hazard of a contest with the Shahzadab, with any
reasonable prospect of success, he took the sudden resolution of retir-
ing across the Jeyhun, into western Tartary. He was pursued to the
gates of Herât, by Ghâzan Khaun; who returned however, after con-
tinuing some time on the plains of Hazaurjcreib, with a considerable
booty, to pass the remainder of the winter at Neyshapûr. The spring
of six hundred and eighty nine,§ the young prince enjoyed among the
delicious meads of Randegaun; and in the succeeding summer, he re-
moved to Torûn (bordering on the Kohestaun), from whence he dis-
missed Bâidû Ogbûl, with the greater part of the reinforcements from
Irak and Azerbaijaun. Towards the close of the summer, he proceeded
to a station in the neighborhood of Serkhess, called Shersebeil, and
there encamped.
* March 30th, 1289.
+ May 6th, 1289.
§ A. D. 1290.
1 Of 1290.
605
A. D. 1295.
seyr.
While he remained in his encampment at this place, reports were A. H. 694.
continually conveyed to him of the hostile designs of Keydû Khaun;
whom, on his retreat into Tûrkestaun, Norouz Beg had never ceased Habeib-us-
to importune with representations of the facility, with which he might
achieve the conquest of Khorassaun. His solicitations at last pre-
vailed; and that monarch confiding the execution of the design to his
son in law, Arektemûr, the latter, some time in the 690th of the Hid-
jerah, crossed the Amûyah, or lower Oxus, accompanied by Nor-
ouz, at the head of thirty thousand veteran cavalry. Shahzadah
Ghâzan and the Ameirs under his orders, conceived that this was a
force against which they were not possessed of the means of resistance;
and they accordingly evacuated the province, retreating with their
utmost celerity all the way to Semnaun, on the borders of Persian
Irâk and Mazanderaun, Having pursued them as far as Jour, the
troops of Arektemúr and Norouz extended their ravages through great
part of Khorassaun, acquitting themselves, with sufficient activity
and effect, in the cruel work of pillage and slaughter. But, in every
district through which they passed in their return, the oppressed in-
habitants, whenever it could be undertaken with advantage, by night
and by day, failed not to harrass their invaders with incessant attacks;
so that by the time they reached Baudgheiss, they discovered that
they had lost, in a manner for which they could not account, very
little short of five thousand horse. Such a circumstance awakened
some suspicions in the mind of Arektemûr; and he gave a proof of the
direction in which they tended, by condemning his auxiliary Norouz
to the discipline of the cane, or perhaps of the bastinado.
In the mean time, intelligence was announced of the death of Arghùn
Klaun, and of the accession of Keykhautû; events which were made
known to Ghâzan during his abode at Semnaun. Whence, after exhi-
biting the usual proofs of sorrow on the demise of his father, the young
prince proceeded at first towards Damawend, possibly Damaghaun, retir-
ing ultimately to Sûltandowein, the place of his nativity. At that place,
he was not long afterwards joined by the Shahzâdah Ambartchei, with
the Ameirs Touldâi, or Tûladai, and Kenjckbaul, dispatched by Key-
khaut, at the head of a chosen detachment of troops to his support.
606
A. H. 694.
seyr.
Thus secured against the attempts of the enemy, Ghâzan continued
A. D. 1295. in a state of inactivity at Sûltandowein, until the spring of the six
Habeib-us- hundred and ninety second of the Hidjerah,* when he announced his
intention of visiting Tebreiz; in order as he alleged, to bring the state
of Khorassaun, under the more serious consideration of Keykhautâ. But
the presence of his nephew being deemed by that monarch, a circum-
stance likely to affect the tranquillity of his government, he employed
some of his nobles to dissuade the Shahzâdah from his design; and to pre-
vail upon him to take the opposite direction, that of the province in
which he was so deeply concerued. Ghâzan remained however in
Mazanderaun, in which province he now continued until the close of
six hundred and ninety three.† Then it was that he transferred his
quarters to Neyshapûr, where he finally came to an accommodation
with his late formidable adversary Ameir Norouz.
It would appear that having accompanied Arcktemûr to the banks
of the Amûiah, on his return from the predatory expedition into Khor-
assaun, and having already experienced some proof of the treatment
to which he might be in future further exposed, Ameir Norouz availed
himself of the earliest opportunity to separate from the Tcheghatâians ;
and very shortly afterwards, at the suggestion of his wife, that he dis.
patched two of his followers to solicit, or propose a reconciliation with
Shahzâdah Ghàzan. The prince met the overture with unfeigned sa- '
tisfaction; immediately concluding that the friendship of this able and
warlike chieftain must essentially contribute to promote the advance-
ment of his own fortune, and of those views which he probably had
already in contemplation. A treaty was arranged between the par-
ties without much difficulty; and although it was in the depth of win-
ter, Ghâzan proceeded without delay, through Serkhess and Merû, to
Sbabreghaun; in the neighborhood of which place, he came to a con-
ference with Norouz, at which it was reciprocally agreed to bury all past
animosities in oblivion, and to cultivate for the future, the most sincere
and lasting friendship. The Shahzâdah bestowed the most liberal-
proofs of his esteem and kindness, upon his new ally, accompanied by
whom he, shortly after this, set off on his return for Sultandowein.
* A. D. 1293. † September, A. D. 1294,
607
seyr.
While he was on his march to Sûltandowein on this occasion, at A. H. C91.
the commencement of the six hundred and ninety fourth of the Hid- A. D. 1295.
jerah,* repeated advices were communicated to Ghâzan, of the death of Haheib-us-
Keykhautû, and of the elevation of Bâidû Oghůl, or Oghlû, as already
related; events which were calculated to agitate his mind in no ordi-
nary degree. Accordingly on his arrival at Sultando wein, he proceeded
to deliberate with his officers, on the measures which he should pur-
sue, in order to vindicate his own claim to the throne of his ancestors,
and to subvert the power of the usurper. Having expressed his con-
fidence that the period was not remote, at which they should see the
prince of their selection elevated to the splendor of a throne, and the
power of the usurper with his conglomerated Ameirs, dispelled with
the clouds that obscure the views of infidelity, Norouz embraced his
opportunity to intimate to his associates, that there was one step which,
beyond all others, would promote and facilitate the object of their
ambition-This was, that the Shahzâdah should engage, at a proper
period, to profess his belief in the doctrines of the last of the prophets.
A proposal to which Ghâzan appears to have subscribed, without hes-
itation ; and he soon afterwards commenced his march for Azerbâijaun.
On his arrival at Tehraun, or Tchroon, then a dependency of the an-
cient city of Rey, the Shahzâdalı, at the instance of Norouz, who was
now become his principal adviser, dispatched a deputation to the court
of Baidû, with a message importing, that as it was the first instance in
which the Karajú nobility had presumed to offer violence to the il-
lustrious blood of Jeugueiz, he trusted that the individuals engaged in
the death of Keykhautû, would be conveyed to his camp without delay;
in order that, after a solemn and impartial investigation, those chiefs
who should be found guilty of having betrayed their unhappy sover-
eign, might suffer the punishment due to their crimes. The deputies
of Ghâzan Khaun found the court of Baidû, at Hushtrùd, near Mer-
aughah; and when they had explained the object of their visit, the
monarch did not pretend to deny that for certain reasons, which it were
superfluous to detail, Keykhautû had suffered death; but, as the mem-
bers of the imperial family, and the Ameirs of the empire had since
united to acknowledge the authority of another sovereign, in himself, it
* December, 1294.
1
کھا
608
A. HI. 694. appeared advisable that the Shahzâdah should retrace his steps towards
A. D. 1295. Khorassaun, without exposing himself to any further inconvenience.
Habeib-us- Ghâzan Khaun received this reply at Kungûraulung, (the future Sûl-
tauniah) and hastened without further delay towards IIushtrûd-the
eight rivers.
seyr.
Bâidû on the other hand, on intelligence of the approach of his adver-
sary, advanced with equal resolution to meet him; and on Thursday
the fifth of Rudjub of the six hundred and ninety fourth of the Hid-
jerali,* in the neighborhood of Korbansheirah, and on the banks of the
river which runs by the village of Sheirgueiran, the hostile armies
came in view of each other. Before, however, the martial instruments
had yet sounded "to battle," the left wing of Bâidû, under Towukkel
Nûyan and another chief, being assailed by Ameir Kutlûg Shah, with
part of the right wing of Ghâzan Khaun, Towukkel basely fled, and
abandoned his collegue; who was killed on the spot with nearly two
hundred of his bravest cavalry. This circumstance produced a strong
suspicion of treachery in the mind of Bâidû, and he immediately sus.
pended hostilities; dispatching his Akhtatchei, grand equerry, or mas-
ter of the horse, to propose an accommodation to the Shahzadah; re-
minding him at the same time of the tics of friendship that formerly
subsisted between them, and assuring him that he felt not the slightest.
repugnance to his possessing his full proportion of wealth and grandeur.
The Shahzâdah appeared equally disposed to compromise the un-
fortunate differences that had arisen to disturb the empire; and it was
immediately arranged that the two princes should have a private con-
ference, at which, without the intervention of any third person whatever,
they might freely disclose to each other their respective views and
sentiments. On the day following, Bâidû Khaun and Shahzadah Ghâ-
zan, each accompanied by a slight escort, accordingly proceeded to
the place of conference, at some distance from either army; and there
embracing, with mutual profesions, of respect and esteem, the Shalizâ-
dah declared without reserve, that his wishes extended to no other ob-
ject, than to that of being put in possession of the governments of Farss,
Kermaun, and Iråk, on the same terms as they lad been formerly
held by his father. To this arrangement Bâidû appeared to accede
* Nineteenth of May, 1295.
609
seyr.
with cheerfulness and sincerity; and having agreed to meet a second time A. H. 694.
the day following, in order to ratify the accommodation, at a magnificent A. D. 1295.
entertainment, the princes separated, again expressing their mutual labeib-us-
regard and satisfaction. Bâidû and his Ameirs were, nevertheless, at
the same moment, digesting a plan to cut off the Shahzâdah during the
conviviality of the intended repast: which, from some indications or
other, fortunately did not escape the observation of the young prince,
and he took his measures accordingly. That very night, the tenth of
Rudjub,* leaving Ameir Norouz and Boukitemûr to receive the pa-
tent for the governments to which he laid claim, and further to ascer-
tain the views of the hostile Ameirs, he privately withdrew himself
towards Mazanderaun.
When he considered his person secure from danger, he dispatched
Arek or Arkitemûr, one of his principal officers, however, to explain
to Bâidû Khaun the reasons of his sudden departure, and to assure
him, that with respect to himself he could not harbour the slightest
suspicion of evil; but, that discovering in the demeanor of his courtiers
certain symptoms, which too clearly indicated a design to counteract
the views of their superiors, he had found it expedient, without appriz-
ing him of his intentions, to remove to a place of safety. He conceived,
notwithstanding, that the engagements contracted between them were
of a nature not to be violated, and that it behoved him without demur
to transmit by Norouz Beg, whom he had left behind him for the pur-
pose, the necessary letters patent investing him with the governments
enjoyed by his father; thus guarding against the mutual inconvenience
which must be the issue of an infraction of the treaty on either side.
Bâidû continued to conduct himself with an appearance of moderation,
and immediately gave orders that Jummaul-ud-dein, the lieutenant
of Farss, should deliver over that province to the agents of Ghazan
Khaum. But while he still endeavored to temporize, aud procrastinate
with Norouz, that able chieftain availed himself of the opportunity to
bring over Toghatchaur, to form with him a secret engagement to sub-
vert the authority of Baidû, and to establish that of the Shahzâdah.
This point successfully arranged, Norouz presented himself one day
to Bâidù, and, with a duplicity not unsuitable to his character, very
* May 24th, 1295.
VOL. II.
A I
610
A. H. 694. deliberately swore to him, that if the monarch would permit him to
A. D. 1295. depart his camp without further delay, he would engage to deliver
Habeib-us- Ghâzan, bound hand and foot, into the custody of his officers. Baidů
seyr.
inconsiderately fell into the snare; and on the fifteenth of Rudjub,
both Norouz and Boukitemûr received permission to return to their
master; whom on the twenty seventh of the same month,† they joined
in perfect security at Feyrouz kôh. All that had passed in their con-
ferences with his uncle was punctually reported to the nephew; and
to his infinite mortification, Báidù was soon afterwards apprized in a
dispatch from Norouz himself, that he had been completely out-witted.
On the fourth of the mouth of Shabaun, in performance of his en-
gagement with Ameir Norouz, and in the presence of a certain eminent
doctor of the name of Shaikh Sudder-ud-dein Ibrauhim, Glâzan Khaun
proceeded to make his public profession of Isslâm ; and not much less
than one hundred thousand ofhis nation are represented to have followed
his example, on the same day.
+
Shortly after this, the agent who had been dispatched on his part, to
receive the investiture of the government of Shirauz, returned to in-
form the Shahzâdah, that the lieutenant of Farss had refused both to
resign his trust, and to pay any attention to the orders conveyed to him.
This rekindling his resentment with no slight degree of violence, Ghâ-
zan gave immediate orders to prepare afresh, for an expedition into
Azerbâjjaun. In the mean time, Sudder Jahaun Ahmed the Zenjaun-
ian, who had been nominated as already seen, to take charge of the
affairs of the province of Rûm, suddenly quitted the road to that pro-
vince; and striking through Guilan, on the seventh of the month of
Shavaul, succeeded in joining the army of the Shahzâdah, still at Fey-
rouzkóh. He was received with distinguished favor; and at his ear-
liest opportunity, having previously stipulated with the prince, that he
should on his part, when he had triumphed over his adversaries, engage
to the utmost of his power, to confirm and stabilitate the interests of
the true faith, to restore the charitable endowments instituted by the
monarchs of former times, and to relinquish the property of those who
should fall in battle, to such as possessed the claims of legitimate in-
heritance, pledged himself to conduct Norouz, by a way through Gui-
May 29th, 1205. † June 10th. 1 June 17th. § August 18th,
611
seyr.
lan, that should render him absolute master of the destiny of Bàidů. A. H. 694.
To these several stipulations, the Shahzâdah subscribed without the A. D. 1295.
smallest reserve; and on Friday the fifteenth of Shavaul of the six hun- Habeib-us-
dred and ninety fourth of the Hidjerah,* finally advanced on the direct
route towards Azerbaijaun. While Ameir Norouz proceeded the same
time, by forced marches, and through extraordinary difficulties of coun-
try through Guilan, by a road which brought him, by midnight of a
certain date, to a station from whence, in two days journey he could
reach the camp of Bâidû. From this station he conveyed intelligence
of his approach to Toghatchaur, and the other chiefs engaged in the
conspiracy; who were no sooner apprized of his arrival, than, like his
better fortune, they abandoned the standard of their sovereign, and
hastened to join that of Norouz.
The defection of these chiefs determined Bâidû, on the fifteenth of
the month of Zilkaudah,† to break up the camp which he had formed
on the Seffeidrûd, or white river; and to retire with considerable pre-
cipitation, by the route of Oujaun and Marend, towards Georgia;
while Norouz, after dispatching to announce the event to the Shahzâdah,
hastened with his utmost celerity in pursuit of the fugitive. On the
confines of Nekhtchûaun, the unfortunate monarch was overtaken and
secured, by the advanced guard of Norouz's division, and he was con-
veyed without delay to that general at Tebreiz. From thence he was
further dispatched towards Qujaun, by this time the head quarters of
Ghâzan Khaun. This determined his destiny. His master of the horse
was now employed by the Shahzadah, to meet and destroy his unfor-
tunate relative; whose existence was accordingly put a period to, on
Wednesday the twenty third of Zilkaudah, of the six hundred and ninety
fourth of the Hidjerah.+
The power of Baidû becoming thus finally extinct, through the as-
cendancy of Shahzâdah Ghâzan's better star, and the ardent zeal of
Ameir Norouz, the victor prince on the twenty ninth day of Zilhudje,
the last of the 694th of the Hidjerah,§ publicly seated himself on the
throne of Hûlauků. On the same day he issued a mandate, requiring
every Moghûl subject to his authority, to abjure, on pain of death,
the errors of infidelity and idolatry, and to make immediate and public
* August 20th. September 24th, October 2nd. November 8th, A. D. 1225.
†
↑ §
4I 4
612
seyr.
A. II. 694. profession of Isslâm; further signifying his pleasure that the dis-
A. D. 1295. ciples of the book, or advocates of divine revelation, adverting to the
Habeib-us- different sects of jews and christians, already tributary to his exche-
quer, should on no pretence be persecuted with exactions or impositions,
beyond what was expressly authorized by the strict letter of the law.
Here then properly commences the reign of GHAZAN KHAUN. To
leave, however, nothing unperformed, that could in any shape contri-
bute to secure the stability of his power, he proceeded shortly after-
wards, to Karabaugh of Aran, in the peninsula of the Kûrr and Aboras;
where, in conformity with the practice of his predecessors, having
summoned a Kûriltài, or grand convention of the Ameirs of the empire,
He received on his throne, a written pledge of fealty and allegiance,
from the princes of his blood, aud from the whole of the Khauns and
Nûyans there assembled; closing the ceremony with a sumptuous
entertainment, splendid in proportion to the exalted rank of the donor.
Among other circumstances, with which the new monarch conceived
it of importance to distinguish the commencement of his reign, he caus-
ed the Aliumghau, or imperial seal of state, to be altered from a quad-
rangular, to an oval shape, considered the most auspicious, as it is
the most elegant of all forms; and on this, he at the same time di-
rected to be engraved, the confession of faith, La-illanh, &c. He further
ordered that all letters and state papers should, for the future, invari-
ably open with the sentence, B’ismil-lanh-urraihman-urraheim—in
the name of God the most merciful, most beneficent: and he finally
made it known to all under his authority, that every decree, pension,
or grant, formerly enacted or established in favor of the disciples of the
Korân, should be held, to all intents and purposes, in undiminished
force. The dignity of Ameir-ul-ûmra, with the superintendance of,
his armies, he conferred upon Norouz, and the Vizzaurut, or civil ad-
ministration, was assigned to the veteran statesman, Suddur-jahaun.
In the first year of the reign of Ghâzan Khaun, intelligence from
Khorassaun announced that a powerful army from western Tûrkestaun
had crossed the Oxus, under Oujâi the son of Berauk, or Berrac Khaun;
whom the military chiefs of the province declared their inability to re-
sist, unless their anxious expectations of powerful support were speed-
ily fulfilled. Conceiving that this aggression could be effectually
1
613
1
seyr.
repelled by no other arm than that of the experienced and warlike No- A. H. 695.
rouz, Ghâzan Khaun immediately dispatched that able chief, at the A. D. 1296.
head of a numerous force, to relieve the province from the outrages of Habeib-us-
invasion. The Tcheghatayan Tartars, on information of the approach
of Norouz, put themselves in immediate retreat; being dreadfully har-
rassed, and ultimately driven across the Amûyah with infinite loss and
disgrace, by that general. Norouz then returned in triumph to the
presence of his sovereign, who accumulated upon him fresh honors and
rewards. On the other hand, Suddur Jahaun, who fell under some.
suspicion of embezzlement in the revenue, was about the same period
degraded from the Vizzaurut, and his office transferred to Jummaul-
ud-dein Dustjerdauny.
A powerful party among the Moghûl Shahzâdahs and Ameirs, who
continued secretly hostile to the recent re-exaltation of the influence
of Isslâm, was forming in the mean time against Norouz, whose des-
truction they solemnly engaged to produce, by exciting against him the
indiguation of his sovereign; and thus once more to convert the sacred
edifices, devoted to the pure rites of Mahommedan worship, into the
temples of christian superstition, and the unhallowed dens of a more
detestable idolatry. But, before their plans could be brought to ma-
turity, the safety of the empire again required, in Khorassaun, the ser-
vices of Norouz; two of the Ameirs who had conspired to destroy him,
being unsuspectingly ordered by Ghâzan Khaun, to accompany him into
that province. It was therefore now determined among the conspira-
tors, instead of looking forward to a contingency which might never
occur, that their two associates who were proceeding with Norouz,
should, at a certain fixed period, on reaching the borders of Khoras-
saun, put that chieftain to death; while two of their accomplices, Aus-
teymûr, and Arslan, should in Azerbaijaan put a period to the exis-
tence of Glâzan. Before they arrived in Khorassaun, however, Beis-
souka, and Boulai, the two chiefs who attended Norouz, in the ex-
pectation that he would gladly associate in their design, conceived it
expedient by a confidential messenger, to communicate what was in
agitation, to Shalizâdalı Taghtchû. The Shahzâdah affected to concur;
but privately dispatched to acquaint Norouz with all that had been
discovered to him, of the plot laid for his destruction.
614
A. H. €95.
Habeib-us-
seyr.
Thus seasonably apprized of his danger, Norouz, on the night ap-
A. D. 1296. pointed for the execution of the design, secretly withdrew from his
camp; placing the whole of his troops at a convenient distance, in am-
buscade. Hence, when at midnight, Beissouka and Boulâi, armed and
accoutred at all points, entered the camp of Norouz, and found it thus
entirely and unaccountably abandoned, their suspicions were immedi-
ately alarmed; and they addressed themselves without delay to escape
by flight. In this they were also frustrated; for the veteran Ameir, sud-
denly rushing from his ambush, entirely intercepted their retreat, and
they were with the whole of their followers, either cut to pieces or taken
prisoners. Boulâi and Beissouka, or Souka, as he is indifferently de-
nominated, who had fallen alive into the hands of their exasperated
collegue, were both put to death the following day; while dispatches.
were transmitted without loss of time to communicate to Ghâzan Khaun
the objects of the conspiracy.
Conceiving that the design against Norouz was in the course of ex-
ecution in Khorassaun, Austeymûr and Arslan, with a formidable body
of insurgents whom they had raised in Azerbaijaun, were proceeding
to attack the person of Ghâzan Khaun; while that prince, already aware
of their object, with equal eagerness and resolution advanced to oppose
them. In the neighborhood of Beylekaun, at no great distance from
the banks of the Aboras, he gave them battle; and Austeymûr, with
some of the bravest of the insurgents having fallen in the action, the
remainder betook themselves to flight. They were, however, closely
pursued, and for the greater part overtaken at different stages, and ul-
timately put to death; not less than five princes of the blood of Jen-
gueiz, and seven and thirty Ameirs of the most distinguished order, per-
ishing by the sword of the executioner, within the period of one month.
These events were followed by extraordinary rejoicings among all classes
of Mahommedans; it being generally understood that if the authors
of the insurrection had been triumphant, Isslâm would have been again
exposed to the most serious evils.
In the early part of Mohurrim* of the six hundred and ninety sixth
of the Hidjerah, having been but a short time before reprieved, almost
from under the axe of the executioner, through the timely interven
* October, 1296.
615
seyr.
tion of Herkedauk Nûyan, Suddur Jahaun was once more restored to A. H. 696.
the Vizzaurut, on the disgrace and death of Jummaul-ud-dein. But, as A. D. 1297.
this minister had some reason to conceive that Ameir Norouz had been, Habeib-us-
one way or other, chiefly instrumental to his recent supersession, he
determined to make it the object of his unceasing study, to bring about
the humiliation of that distinguished commander. In the spring of
the year, while Ghâzan kept his court at Hamadaun, he accordingly
availed himself of the opportunity, to fix upon Norouz, the suspicion
that he was carrying on a traitorous correspondence with the Sultan of
Egypt, for the express purpose of destroying his own sovereign. In
order to support the foul charge with adequate proof, he proceeded to
forge some letters, as having passed between Norouz and the Egyptian
prince; and during the conviviality of an entertainment, contrived to
convey them into some part of the dress of a person of the name of
Kayssar who occasionally travelled between Persia and Egypt, and of
Hadjy Beg, the brother of Norouz. The charge against his general
was now brought to the notice of Ghâzan Khaun, in so determined at
shape, that it could not prudently be withheld from investigation; and
Kayssar, and Hadjy Beg being summoned to the presence of the mon-
arch, the alleged correspondence was immediately discovered, where
it had been perfidiously disposed of, upon their persons. The Egyptian
traveller was beaten to death with clubs, upon the spot; and Hadjy Beg,
together with all the family of Norouz, whose residence in Irâk had
placed them within the reach of their enemies, were all condemned to
perish by various methods of execution. The Ameirs Hountai and
Herkedauk Nûyan, with two tomauns, or divisions of ten thousand
each, were at the same time, ordered to march immediately into Khor-
assaun; with instructions not to return, until they had accomplished
the destruction of Norouz. A further division of the army under Ameir
Kûtlûk Shah proceeded in the same direction, shortly afterwards, to
secure the attainment of this object.
Intelligence of these severe and fatal examples of his master's ven-
geance, was communicated to Norouz at Neyshapûr; where he pro-
ceeded to consult with his principal followers, as to the measures
which, under such alarming circumstances of danger, it would be ad-
* A. D. 1297,
616
Habeib-us-
seyr.
A. H. 696. visable to pursue; declaring, at the same time, his own opinion in favor
A. D. 1297. of retiring to Herât, to demand the protection of Melek Fakher-ud-
dein Guerret, or Kirret, the independent prince of that place, who was
married to his niece, and on whose good faith and honor, he had other
reasons for reposing his utmost confidence. Others, alleged on this
occasion to have reasoned with greater prudence,observed that the Mo-
ghûls' surest bulwark was to be found in the unlimited range of the
plains; and that it behoved their general to beware of cooping himself
up within the walls of Herât, or of placing too great a reliance on the
doubtful attachment of its prince. Norouz adhered, however, to his
own judgment; and the greater part of his Ameirs, finding their coun-
sels disregarded, with the whole of their followers, shortly afterwards
abandoned him to his destiny. With four hundred men, who continued
still resolved to abide the issue of his fate, Norouz now hastened to
Herât, where he was received with every testimony of satisfaction by
Mêlek Fakher-ud-dein; who lodged him and his followers, for their
greater convenience and security, in the castle of Ekhtiaur-ud-dein-
A few days afterwards, Ameir Kütlük Shah with his army encamped
under the walls of Hierat; and immediately commenced the most vi-
gorous operations for the reduction of the place.
Relying on the strength of the works, and on the numbers and bra-
very of the Ghourian garrison, by which they were defended, Ameir
Norouz, one day in private conversation with the associates of his des-
tiny, could not forbear congratulating himself on the felicity with
which he had chosen an asylum; and expressing his assured conviction,
that all the efforts of Kutluk Shah to make himself master of it, must
terminate in disgrace and defeat. To this, one of his friends ventured
to remark in reply, that for his own part his apprehensions did not in
truth, proceed so much from the efforts of Kûtlûk Shah without, as from
the dubious fidelity of the Ghourians within the walls. He was there-
fore of opinion, that the person of Mêlek Fakher-ud-dein should be
immediately secured, and committed to safe custody; that Ameir Nor-
ouz should himself without delay undertake the defence of the city:
and that when he should have relieved himself from external danger,
by compelling his adversaries to withdraw from the siege, it would
be still in his power to make amends for this act of temporary violence,
617
seyr.
by restoring his relative to authority. With a magnanimity worthy of a A. H. 696.
better fate, Ameir Norouz renounced without hesitation, a plan by A. D. 1297.
which he should incur so foul a charge of ingratitude, and breach of Habeib-us-
hospitality. The conversation was, however, unfortunately overheard
by a Seiestaunian chief, who listened without the pavilion, and who
instantly communicated the subject of it to Melek Fakher-ud-dein;
and a resolution was adopted by that chief, on the advice of his ameirs,
to secure the person of Norouz without delay, and to deliver him up
to the mercy of his enemies.
Such a resolution taken, Mélek Fakher-ud-dein repaired to the re-
sidence of Norouz; and with an apparent solicitude for his safety, pro-
posed that he should detach his best and most faithful soldiers to de-
fend the principal gates of the town; on the pretext, that in a garrison
composed of so many different nations, some conspiracy might even-
tually be formed to betray them to the besiegers. Ascribing the pro-
posal to the most friendly motives, and without the slightest suspicion
of its perfidious tendency, Norouz immediately sent off the whole of
his followers, a very few only excepted, to the different gates; and was
thus left to the protection of not more than three or four attendants.
In such a situation, Fakher-ud-dein employed four of his captains.
with a division of Ghourians, to seize his unsuspecting guest.
Norouz happened at the moment to be on the ramparts of the cita-
del, amusing himself with his bow and arrows; which as opportunity
offered, and they exposed themselves to his view, he discharged at the
besiegers. Just as he was stooping down to rectify some defect in his
bow string, the Ghouriaus suddenly made their appearance, each bear-
ing in his hand the door of an apartment, taken off the hinges; on
which the gallant chief demanded, without however exhibiting any
concern, the object of this visit. Tauj-ud-dein Yeldûz, one of the cap-
tains replied, that they were sent by Fakher-ud-dein, with the mater-
ials which he saw in their hands, to construct a breast work, in order
to protect him from the darts and other missiles of the enemy. Norouz
observed, that it was all very well, and again applied himself to the
re-adjustment of his bow. Yelduz then advanced and struck him an
unexpected blow on the temple with his mace; while the Ghourians
under his command rushed on, and succeeded in securing the unfor
VOL. 11.
4 K
618
A. É. 696. tunate Ameir without further difficulty. He was now conducted, with
A. D. 1297. his hands bound, and a bruised and battered visage, to the presence of
Habeib-us- Melek Fakher-ud-dein, who was just approaching the gate of the ci-
tadel, at the head of two hundred horse.
seyr.
The catastrophe may be easily foreseen. The unhappy Norouz, with
his followers, was conveyed straight to the camp of Kûtlûk Shah; who,
in the usual course of summary justice, with his own hand instantly
struck off his head. It was finally transmitted to the presence of his
sovereign; by whose directions it was suspended to a gibbet, as an
example to the disaffected, and furnishing another striking proof of
the inconstancy of fortune, and of the instability of human greatness.
The death of this able chieftain is stated to have taken place on the
twenty second of Shavaul, of the six hundred and ninety sixth of the
Hidjerah.*
A disorderly and restless banditti had been permitted, under the
appellation of Nikoudrians, some time after the accession of Ghâzan
Khann, to settle in different parts of Persian Irâk; but as they could not
be restrained from indulging in their natural habits of a predatory life,
which were coutinually breaking out into some act or other of robbery
and violence upon the public, the monarch was at last compelled to
exact from them a formal engagement, that if for the future they should,
in any shape, be found guilty of the enormities of which his subjects
were perpetually complaining against them, their lives and property
were to be considered as forfeited to the state In consequence of this
arrangement, on the occurrence of any theft or robbery ou the highway,
the magistrates invariably seized upon the Nikoudrians, and rendered
them immediately responsible for the offence. But, as it might some
times happen that they should suffer when innocent, they became
at last weary of perpetual persecution; suddenly quitted the pro-
vince without the sanction of the sovereign authority; and, passing
through the Kohestaun, made the best of their way to 1lerât, where
they chimed the protection of the same Melek Fakher-ud-dein, re-
cently adverted to. From that chief they experienced a favorable re-
ception; and he readily consented to furnish them with horses and arms,
and a wariant, moreover, under his authority to exercise their profession
August 11th, 1297.
1
619
A. D. 1297-98,
of plunder and violence, along the frontiers of Khorassaun; in which A. H. 693-97.
they soon after engaged, to the infinite loss and annoyance of the un-
fortunate inhabitants exposed to their barbarous incursions.
Driven to extremity by the unceasing depredations of this banditti,
the natives of Khorassaun no longer deferred to carry their demands for
redress to the presence of Ghazan Khaun; and that monarch determined
to make the chastizement of their oppressors the object of his imme-
diate, and most serious attention. In the course of the six hundred
and ninety seventh of the Hidjerah, his brother Bundah Oghûl, the
same who on his accession to the throne obtained the appellations of
Ouljâitû Súltan, and Sultan Mahommed Khodabundah, then residing
in Mazanderaun, was accordingly nominated to conduct a powerful
expedition, to avenge the wrongs of Khorassaun. By his instructions,
he was in the first instance to demand from Melek Fakher-ud-dein, an
immediate and unconditional surrender of the Nikoudrians under his
protection; and in case of the slightest demur on the part of that
prince, he was without further preliminary to lay siege to Herât. But
when he had accomplished the reduction of that place, he was to pro-
eeed to the ultimate object of the enterprise; the total extirpation of
the depredators who had excited such displeasure, without leaving a
vestige of their hated race to create further mischief to the world.
On his arrival at Neyshapûr, Ouljitâ accordingly dispatched an
agent to announce to Mêlek Fakher-ud-dein, the object of his appear-
ance in such force in his neighborhood, and to make the demand which
he was authorized to do, on the part of his brother; and as Fakher-ud-
dein evinced equal unwillingness, and delay to accord with the princi-
pal points of the demand, hostilities shortly after comrnced between
him and Ouljaitû. But, when these had continued for some time, an
accommodation was brought about, through the intervention of Shaikh
Shabaub-ud-dein Jaumy; the inhabitants of Herât, as a ransom from
the further calamities that might ensue, consenting to pay to the Mo-
ghul prince, the sum of one hundred thousand Kobeiky, or Kopeiky
dinaurs.* Ouljitû appears then to have withdrawn to his own pro-
vince, without any further exertion.
1
* 572911. 13., 4d, at the highest, and 458731. 6s. &d. at the lowest computation, Ko.
beik has, with tolerable credibility, I ceu considered the Copce of the Bussiaus,
Ilabeib-us-
seyr.
4 K 4
620
A. H. 097-98.
seyr.
In the course of the same year, having formed some imperfect views
A. D. 1298-99. on the sovereignty, through the absurd and wicked suggestions of an
Habeib us impostor who pretended to dive into the events of futurity, and who
presumed to foretel, that within the period of forty days he should
ascend the throne of Persia, Shahzâdah Taltchû, or Taynjû, became
obnoxious to his imperial relative; and his design being seasonably
betrayed, he was, together with the Ameirs attached to him, and the
wretched wizard who had imposed upon him, without ceremony con-
demned to suffer by the hand of the executioner.
In the latter Jummaudy of the year six hundred and ninety eight,†
party of the Ameirs of the court, headed by Kûtb-ud-dein and Mûeyen-
ud-dein Khorassauny, seized a favorable opportunity of bringing be-
fore their sovereign a charge of malversation, and corrupt practices against
the minister Suddarjahaun ; which terminated in the arrest of that able
statesman, on the seventeenth of Rudjub. On the nineteenth his con-
duct was investigated, and he was condemned to die; and two days
afterwards,† one of his hands being held by Ameir Soutâi, and the
other by Pellewaun Mêlek the Ghourian, he was, in pursuance of his
sentence, cut through the middle by Kütlük Shah Nuyan. His bro-
ther Kûtb-e-jahaun, whom they could accuse of no other offence but
that of consanguinity with the unfortunate Vezzeir, suffered by a si-
milar death at Tebreiz, exactly a month afterwards. At the close of
the same year, on his departure from Tebreiz for Oujaun, and on his way
to pass the winter at Baghdad, Ghâzan Khaun conferred the Vizzaurut
conjointly, with the entire coutroul of affairs during his absence, on
two very eminent literary characters, Khaujah Reshid-ud-dein Fazzel-
ullah, or Fadlallah, the author of the Tarikh Ghazauny, and Jaummia-
ul-towaurikh, and Saud-ud-dein Sâwjy; the former equally distinguish-
ed for his attainments in philosophy and physic, and by his reputation as
a writer of oriental history, and the latter not less celebrated for his skil
in theology and arithmetic.
Shortly afterwards, as if the heavenly bodies were jealous of this
mark of a sovereign's predilection for the favorites of science, there oc-
curred a conjunction of the malignant planets Mars and Saturn,* in
March, 1299.
† April 22nd.
↑ Keraun-en-he ein; as that of Jupiter and Venus is called the Keraun-e-Sandcin-il e
førtunate conjunction.
621
1.
Habeib us-
seyr.
Cancer, the earth's ascendant. This was succeeded by so total a fail- A. H. 693-99.
ure of rain, that the waters of the three great rivers, the Oxus, the Tigris, D 1299.
and the Nile, (we know not why the Euphrates should have been ex-
cluded) were dried up to a degree equally alarming and unprecedented.
A dreadful famine and pestilence ensued, the latter, which attacked
the human frame in a peculiar manner,* being described to have swept
away from the city of Shirauz alone, not less than fifty thousand per-
Before he had yet recovered from the contemplation of these
grievous afflictions, intelligence was brought to Ghâzan Khaun, that
four thousand of the troops of Mêlek Nausser, Sultan of Egypt, the
brother of Seyf-ud-dein Kullawun surnamed the basilisk, had suddenly
broke into the territory of Mardein, and Rauss-ul-eyne, both tributary
to the Persian monarch; and after committing the most cruel ravages,
had succeeded in carrying off into slavery, vast numbers of the defence-
less women and children of his Mussulman subjects.
sons.
This daring insult awakened in the mind of Ghâzan, a full measure
of indignation; and he left Tebreiz, on the nineteenth of Suffur of the
six hundred and ninety-ninth of the Hidjerah,* with ninety thousand
horse, and six months' provisions, for the invasion of Syria. On his ar-
rival at Nissebein, he was entertained with singular and sumptuous
hospitality by Nûdjm-ud-dein, the tributary Sultan of Mardein. From
Diaurbekir he proceeded without obstacle to Aleppo; the reduction of
which he however thought it convenient to postpone, until he should
have secured his superiority in the field, in a conflict with the Egypti-
In the neighborhood of Aleppo he reviewed his troops; and in
passing the front of the Seldûzian division, Ameir Tehobaun the com-
mander, presented himself to his notice, and on his knees intreated his
acceptance of a valuable and beautiful charger, then brought before him.
The monarch was pleased to signify his acceptance; and the example
of Tchobaun was immediately followed by every commander in the
army. As this chief is destined to occupy a distinguished place in the
history of the descendants of Hùlaukù, it was of some importance to
mark his introduction.
an.
On Wednesday the twenty-seventh of the latter Rebbeia,‡ in the
neighborhood of Hamess, or Hems, or Emesa, between Damascus and
↑ January 20th, A. D. 1300.
* In testibus.
† November 14th, 1299.
622
seyr.
A. H. 699. Aleppo, about ninety miles from the former, and one hundred and fif
A. D. 1300 teen from the latter, Melek Nausser adventured to give battle to the
Habeib-us- Persian monarch; in which, after a conflict of some duration and ob-
stinacy, the Egyptian was defeated with great loss: the Sultan retreat-
ing with so much precipitation, that when he reached his capital of
Cairo, a distance however of five hundred miles, he found that not
more than seven of his followers had been able to keep up with him.
Ghâzan Khaun remained for two days at Hamess, for the purpose of
distributing the spoils of the victory; after which he proceeded towards
Damascus.
Advertised of his approach, the principal inhabitants of this latter
city hastened, with suitable presents, to greet the Persian monarch on
his arrival, and were received by him with extraordinary kindness and
condescension. After he had given them every assurance of his pro-
tection, the monarch, further to dispel their apprehensions and confirm
their hopes, bestowed the civil government of Damascus upon Ameir
Keptchauk; an officer who had recently abandoned the cause of Melek
Nausser to secure an asylum with the Persian. The inhabitants were
so greatly rejoiced at a circumstance, which they appear to have con-
sidered so much to their advantage, that they agreed without difficulty
to a contribution of one hundred tomauns ;* and two commissioners
accordingly proceeded into the town on the part of Ghâzan Khaun,
to receive the money.
Certain events had now occurred to produce an alteration in the
plans of the Persian monarch ; and he conceived his views would be
perfectly answered, if he committed to Kûtlúk Shah Nûyan the siege
of the citadel of Damascus, which still held out for the Sultan of
Egypt. He bestowed the government of Emesa, Terabolis, or Tripoly,
Akkah, Salaumiah, aud Mûkerrat-ul-Eyaun, comprising what was
denominated the middle Syria (Shaum-c-wassety), on Taimelek; and
those of Haleb, or Aleppo, Hama, Eynetaub, Jubbul-ul-Semauk, and
Beirah, to the Syrian Rahebah, called the lower Syria (Shaum-c-seffely)
on Reigteymûr another of his captains. A certain Mowlai Rûmy was
made governor of Ghaza. All which arrangements completed, Ghâzan
Khan proceeded on his return towards Diaurbekir.
* If of dinaurs, this would amount to 458,8331. 6s. 81. If of dirrems, to 22,916). 135.
4d. at the lowest computation,
623
Habeib-us-
seyr.
On the departure of his sovereign, Kütlük Shah commenced his A. II. 699.
operations for the reduction of the castle of Damascus; of which he A. D. 1300,
was encouraged in the expectation of a speedy accomplishment, by
the assurances of a very skilful engineer who had the direction of his
military machines, and who had engaged to open a passage into the
place, with the stones of his catapultæ only. The governor of the cas-
tle, on the other hand was no stranger to the singular skill of the engi-
neer; and offering the reward of one thousand dinaurs to any person
who should bring him his head, one of his followers, a man of desper-
ate courage, undertook to gratify him, or perish in the attempt. Ac-
cordingly quiting the castle in disguise, he found an opportunity, while
the engineer was absent about evening prayer, to enter his quarters.
unobserved, and conceal himself. As might be apprehended, the un-
fortunate man no sooner set foot within his door, on his return, thay
the assassin rushed from his concealment, and killed him on the spot.
Then striking off his head, with that in one hand, and his knife in the other,
he sallied from the house; and with the rapidity of lightning, regained
the citadel, where he laid his bloody trophy before the governor.
This incident produced in the operations of the siege, a suspension
fatal to the final result; and the traitor Keptchauk, about the same
time, effecting an accommodation with the Egyptians, and suffering
the garrison to pass outofthe citadel both day and night, without either
interruption or discovery on his part, the Moghûl troops were hourly
surprised and cut off; and their horses led away in great numbers,
without the possibility of guarding against the danger.
All these circumstances taken into consideration, Kütlük Shah con-
rcived it at last expedient to abandon the siege; and he shortly after-
wards accordingly withdrew from before Damascus, taking with him
the greater part of the principal inhabitants of the town.
In crossing
the Euphrates on this occasion, his troops in great numbers perished in
the river; and it was not without considerable difficulty, fatigue, and
hardship, that he at last contrived to rejoin the camp of his sovereign,
in the territory of Mossûle, as nearly as we can judge, on the fifth of
Rudjub, of the year six hundred and ninety-nine.* The Persian
monarch appears to have experienced the most sensible mortification
· March 27th, 1300.
624
A. D. 1300-2.
A. H. 699-700 at this miscarriage, although he exerted himself for the moment to
suppress his feelings. He repassed the Tigris on his return towards
Habeib-us- Azerbaijaun, on the first of Shabaun,* and on the fifteenth of the suc-
ceeding month of Ramzaun,† he reached Meraughah; where he re-
mained until Zilhudje, some time in which he proceeded to the metro-
polis of Tebreiz.‡
seyr.
*
Although the design of completing the subjugation of Damascus,
and the Syrian territory is said, sleeping or waking, to have been the
inseparable companion of his thoughts, Ghâzan Khaun does not ap-
pear to have resumed the undertaking, for the whole of the year next
succeeding. But on the first of Moburrim of the seven hundred and
first of the Hidjerah,§ he set out on his second expedition across the
Euphrates. Finding, however, on his arrival at Aleppo, that the Sûl-
tan of Egypt had signified his resolution not to take the field that
season, he subscribed to the opinion of his Ameirs, although the rea-
son appears not very solid, to measure back his steps; and he had ac-
cordingly returned to Oujaun, on the fourth of Ramzaun of the same
year, without the performance of a single action worthy of his renown.
Here an attempt was made on the part of some of his courtiers, while-
the monarch was engaged in the conviviality of an entertainment,
to impeach the integrity of the two associated ministers, Khaujah
Reshid-ud-dein, and Saud-ud-dein Sawjy. The attempt recoiled how-
ever on its authors, some of whom suffered death for their malignity.
It appears that on the tenth day of Rudjub of the year seven hun-
dred and one,
** although we have not been able to trace our authority
for the fact, a new æra under the denomination of the Khauniun, was
established under the directions of Shums-ud-dein Kaushy.
In Mohurrim, of the seven hundred and second of the IIidjerah,††
the Persian monarch quitted Oujaun on his third expedition into Sy-
ia. On this occasion he had, however, previously dispatched Kanzy
Nusseir-ud-dein of Tebreiz, and Kauzy Kûtb-ud-dein of Mossûle, on
an embassy to Mélck Nausser, the Sultan of Egypt. The object of
their mission was, in substance, to explain that if the name of their
master was exhibited on the coinage, and pronounced in the public.
* Apid 22nd- + June 4th.
|| May 1st, 1302,
↑ September, 1300, September 5th, 1301.
** March 10th, 1302. 11 September 1302.
625
A. D. 1302-3.
Habeib-us-
seyr.
prayers, and the Egyptian consented to the payment of a stipulated A. II. 702.
tribute, his country would be redeemed from the ravages of a resist-
less army; if not, that his people would be visited by the same fear-
ful train of calamities, as had been inflicted on the Khaurezmians, by
the invincible hosts of Jengueiz. The ambassadors on their arrival in
the court of Melek Nausser, did not fail to acquit themselves of their
trust with due diligence and precision; that prince informing them,
however, that he should transmit by some persons in his own particu-
lar confidence, the requisite reply to the demands of their sovereign.
In the mean time the Kauzies were dismissed, loaded with presents,
and distinguished by all the liberal proofs of attention, that could be
expected from the most civilized and polished government.
In his camp near Hellah on the Euphrates, the ambassadors described
to Ghâzan Khaun the occurrences of their journey; and not long after-
wards, the agents of Mêlek Nausser also arrived with a letter from
their sovereign, which they delivered to the Persian monarch. The
letter was written in characters of gold; a mark of respect which, as
far as can be understood from the original, in this place rather obscure,
seems to have been omitted on the part of the Persian. It stated,
however, that with regard to the coinage, the Sultan conceived it was
a point that could be adjusted without great difficulty, by inserting
the name of the Persian monarch on the one side, and retaining on the
other, after, or under the creed of their common religion, the name of
the Sultan of Egypt. But, with respect to the other demand it was
sufficient to observe, that the continual wars in which the Sultan was
engaged, with the enemies of the faith, and in defence of the legitimate
possessions of the disciples of the Korân, left little to supply the arro-
gant, and insatiable exactions of foreign tribute. In short, that the re-
venues of his country were entirely absorbed by the exigencies of the
state.
When he had perused the letter, Ghâzan Khaun demanded of the
ambassadors of Egypt to describe the contents of a chest, carefully
locked up and scaled, which they had also conveyed to his presence from
their master. On this head they professed their entire ignorance; al-
leging that it was a secret, which it had not been thought proper to
confide to their discretion. The attendants were then directed to open
VOL. II,
626
1
A. II. 702, this chest, when a disclosure exhibited itself but little cafculated to
A. D. 1303. appease the angry passions; a complete assortment of every implement
Habeib-us- at that period in use for the purposes of human destruction. The am-
seyr.
bassadors were, however, very sumptuously entertained, although they
were immediately ordered to Hamadaun, there to reside until the
Persian should have returned from his expedition. He then proceeded
to cross the Euphrates.
Taking the route of Ghâzauniah, a town which had risen under the
auspices of his own reign, he repaired to visit the mausoleum of Ally
at Nudjef; after which he continued his march upwards, along the Eu-
phrates, to Anah, which he reached on the twelfth of Rudjub.* Dis-
patching his heavy baggage from thence to Mossûle, the Persian mon-
arch on the twenty eighth of the same month,† displayed his stan-
dard in sight of the fortress of Rahebah, still ascending the Euphrates.
Here the two ministers, Khaujah Reshid-ud- dein, and Saud-ud-dein,
were both employed in an attempt to prevail upon Ameir Aulum-ud-
dein the governor of the place, to submit to the authority of their master.
That officer, however, after furnishing a supply of grain for the army,
and shoes for their horses, eluded the invitation to surrender; on the
plea, that being the key of Syria on that quarter, he could not then so
shamefully betray his trust, as to deliver up such important points as
the town and citadel of Rahebah: but as soon as the Persian monarch
should have made himself master of the interior of the province, that
he would not be found remiss in opening his gates to the conqueror.
Ghâzan, for the present, conceived it expedient to subscribe to these
precarious stipulations; and on the sixth of Shabaun, without com-
initting the reputation of his arms by any act of hostility against the
place, withdrew from before Rahebah, on his march towards Aleppo.
When he had however continued for a short time with his army, in the
territory between Rahebah and Aleppo, entirely occupied with his
pleasures and amusements, the monarch consigned to the abilities of
Kütlük Shah Nûyan, Ameir Tehobaun, Teynauk Bahauder, and his
other generals, the prosecution of the Syrian war; while he returned in
person, by the route of Senjaur and Mossule, towards his hereditary
dominions. In the mean time Mêlek Nausser, at the head of a formi-
† March 25th.
* March 1st, 1303.
1 March 27th.
627
dable army had hastened, with equal secrecy and dispatch, to the neigh- A. H. 702.
borhood of Damascus ; where he attentively watched the proceedings, A. D. 1303.
and awaited the approach of the Perso-moghûl troops.
Not having discovered the slightest vestige of an enemy's force on
his march from the Euphrates, Kûtlûk Shah advanced straight to Ha-
mess, which he immediately invested; but while he was engaged before
that place, hearing that Melek Nausser was not yet arrived at Damas-
cus, a report manifestly circulated to deceive him, and that the inhabi-
tants were collecting their property for the purpose of withdrawing
into Egypt, an avidity to possess himself of this supposed booty, and
to glut himself with the blood of the proprietors, determined him to
suspend the siege of Hamess. And with these views, he hastened by
forced marches towards Damascus. On the second day of Ramzaun,*
ascending a rising ground on his arrival at the channel of the Merj-e-
saffer, and casting his eyes to the plain beyond it, he beheld a spectacle
to excite his utmost astonishmeut-an innumerable host which seemed
to extend to every part of the horizon within his view. This proved to
be the army of the Sultan of Egypt; which equally unconscious of the
approach of an enemy with himself, was employed in pitching its tents,
and otherwise establishing its quarters for the day. Under the first im-
pulse of surprise and terror, Kûtlûk Shah conceived that nothing short
of instant rstreat could save him from destruction; but from this he
was dissuaded by the more deliberate prudence, and presence of mind
of Ameir Tchobaun; who urged, on the contrary, the necessity of au
immediate, and resolute attack upon the enemy. In conformity with
this nobler alternative, Ameir Tehobaun, and Teynauk Bahauder, with
the bulk of the army, defiled directly towards the plain; while Kütlük,
with two tomauns, or divisions of ten thousand, took post in reserve,
on the hill which over-looked it.
On the other hand, Mêlek Nausser had not delayed to prepare his
troops for battle, the moment he became apprized of his situation ;
and a conflict of surpassing obstinacy immediately ensued, in which
Ameir Tehobaun, and Teynauk Bahauder, with the troops under their
orders, signalized themselves by efforts of unexampled intrepidity.
The left wing of the Sultan of Egypt, thrown into complete confusion
* Eighteenth of April,
Habeib-us-
seyr.
4L 4
628
Habeib-us-
seyr.
A. II. 702. by the impetuous onset of these gallant commanders had been com-
A. D. 1803. pelled to give way; but the Egyptian monarch directing a body of
ten thousand horse to make an attack upon the left of his adversaries,
Aydauk Togateymûr, an officer of the highest distinction among the
troops of Ghâzan Khaun, suddenly abandoned his post, and the whole
army immediately fell into irretrievable disorder. All the exertions
of Tchobaun to rally them proved in vain, and they finally fled in the
utmost dismay, and in every direction; the Egyptians pursuing with
all the eager ferocity of wolves after a flock of sheep. Teynauk Ba-
hauder, and a number of the most distinguished Ameirs, perished in
this disgraceful rout; but Ameir Tchobaun, after unparalleled exer-
tions to save the fugitives, succeeded in joining the reserve under
Kûtlûk Shah, on the eminence in the rear of the field of battle; where
they passed the night under the utmost anxiety and perturbation of
mind.
When the day broke, they perceived that they were completely sur-
rounded, by a countless multitude of the troops of Melek Nausser;
whose attack they prepared however to resist, with the firmness of ve-
teran soldiers. But, to avoid the hazard of a direct assault upon a body
of brave and skilful soldiers, under such circumstances of despair, the
Sultan of Egypt caused his ariny to present, towards one of their flanks,
an opening for their retreat. Kûtlûk Nûyan and his associates in dan-
ger, did not disdain the advantage; but immediately descending the
hill, commenced their perilous march, again closely followed by the
Egyptians. The Moghûls had not long prosecuted their retreat, when
they found it unexpectedly interrupted by a deep morass, occasioned
by the overflowings of the Merj-e-satfer, the river recently adverted
to; and here the greater part of the fugitives, equally exhausted with
fatigue, and embarrassed by the weight of their arins, miserably perished
in the mud and clay. The number of those who perished by the
sword on this occasion, is not recorded; but ten thousand of the Mo-
ghûls, with ten thousand horses, fell alive into the hands of the Egyp-
tians, together with arms and defensive armour in vast abundance.
Not yet contented with the fruits of his victory, Melek Nausser di-
rected the governor of Damascus to continue the pursuit, without in-
termission, to Rahebah on the Euphrates; so that the unfortunate
629
scyr.
Moghûls found no termination to their disasters, until driven completely A. H. 702-3.
across that river; when the Egyptians at length ceased to molest them. A. D. 1:03.
On the nineteenth of Ramzaun,* the generals who survived this fa- Habeib-us-
tal discomfiture, rejoined the camp of Ghàzan Khaun; and on the
following day, that monarch conceived it prudent to proceed on his
return towards Oujaun, which he appears to have reached on the tenth
of Zilkaudaht. At that place, he now instituted a formal investiga-
tion into the conduct of the commanders in the recent unfortunate ex-
pedition; and the result was, that Kûtlûk Nûyan, and his associates
in defeat, were each of them, in proportion to the degree of culpability,
condemned to the discipline of the cudgel, or perhaps the bastinado ;
and all were for a certain time banished the court, and the presence
of their sovereign. Ameir Tchobaun himself, although his conspicu-
ous gallantry and exertions were duly acknowledged, was yet compel-
led to suffer three strokes of the club; but martial justice having had
its course, he was immediately afterwards received to the distinguished
favor of his master. In Mohurrim of the seven hundred and third of
the Hidjerah, the monarch transferred his abode from Oujaun to the
metropolis of Tebreiz; where, for a period of six weeks or two months,
he was now permitted to resign himself to the enjoyments of domestic
repose.
Again on the nineteenth of the former Rebbeia.‡ Ghâzan Khaun
quitted Tebreiz for the last time, proposing to take up his winter quar-
ters at Baghdad; but on his arrival at Jowherserrâi, his progress was
suspended by the intenseness of the cold, and by the heavy snow which
fell in the middle of the latter Rebbeia § and he was compelled to re-
linquish that design, and fix his residence for the season on the banks
of the IIûlanmûran.
During the winter months in which he resided at this station, an ab-
surd and unprofitable attempt to disturb the repose of his government,
was made in favor of Shalizâdah Ulaffreng his first couzin, the son of
Keykhautû Khaun. Another impostor of the name of Peir Yakub
Baghestauny had, it seems, again contrived, under the ordinary garb of
hypocrisy, an affectation of superior sanctity, to attach to his devotion
from among the ignorant classes of society, a very considerable mass of
May 5th, 1903. † June 21th. October 30th. § Beginning of December.
630
seyr.
A. H. 703. proselytes; and he undertook on the strength of his reputed sanctity,
A. D. 1304. to announce to the Shahzâdah his speedy accession to sovereign power.
Habeib-us- But, that no means might be omitted in order to secure the accomplish-
ment of his prediction, he disdained not to employ about the court,
one of the disciples of his imposture, to pervert and corrupt the ser-
vants of the monarch; and to engage them in secret, in favor of the
claims of Ulaffreng. To such as, from factious motives, he found dis-
posed to encourage his plans, the emissary represented that a superna-
tural being, forty cubits in stature, and five in the breath of his shoul-
ders, and whose body was as strong and immoveable as the mountain
on its base, was in communication with his master; and had disclosed
to him, that the saints, or elect of God, had determined to raise the
Shahzâdah Ulaffreng to the sovereign authority, and would exalt his
glory to the skies, (the Pleiades).
The delirious fabrication being, however, at length communicated to
the minister Saud-ud-dein, it was by him instantly made known to his
sovereign; and measures were adopted without delay, to secure the dis-
affected at Tebreiz. In the space of ten days, Ulaffreng, with Peir
Yakûb, and the other leaders of the conspiracy, were brought in safe.
custody to the camp of Ghâzan; who proceeded in person to investigate
the circumstances of this treasonable imposture. It required, perhaps,
no great force of evidence to establish the guilt of the conspirators.
The wretched Yakub was cast head long from the summit of a rock,
and dashed to pieces. His disciples suffered by the sword of the ex-
ecutioner; and the misguided Ulaffreng, although indulged with a res-
pite of some days, was however ultimately condemned to share the fate
of his accomplices.
The discomfiture of his troops by the Egyptians had implanted in
the breast of the Persian monarch, a sensation of pain and uneasiness
from which he was destined never to recover. While he remained at
Jowherserrâi, he was attacked by a serious indisposition and confined
to his bed; and such a variety of unfavorable and dangerous symptoms
soon made their appearance in his disorder, as utterly to dispel every
hope of his restoration. The power of medicine, the invocations of
prayer, and the distributions of charity proved equally unavailing. In
the spring of the year he attempted, however, to remove towards his
631
Habeib-us-
seyr.
summer residence; and being constrained, very early in the journey, A. H. 703.
through the aggravation of his complaint and extreme debility, to take A. D. 1304.
to his litter, he was in that manner conveyed to the neighborhood of
Kazvein. There he quietly resigned himself to await the stroke of
death, which he was now sensible to be at no great distance. He as-
sembled round his couch, his ministers, and the nobles of his court;
proceeded to arrange the last concerns of earthly grandeur, expressly
devising the succession to the throne, to his brother, Sûltan Mahom-
med Khodabundah; and, on Sunday the fifteenth of Shavaul of the
seven hundred and third of the Hidjerah,* this distinguished monarch
breathed his last; continuing, observes our author, to assert and repeat
his unaltered belief in the inseparate unity of his creator, long after
every other faculty had failed him; until life and recollection had entirely
faded away in the cold embrace of death, His body was conveyed by
the Ameirs of the empire, to the metropolis of Tebreiz: where it was,
with the usual solemnities, committed to the grave in the superb mau-
soleum erected by himself, either in one of the vallies adjoining to that
favorite city, or in a quarter of the town called the Shiaub-e-Tebreiz.
It is at the same time observed that, of the Moghûl princes, he was the
first that suffered the place of his sepulture to be known by the world.
Calculated from his public inauguration, on the twenty ninth of
Zilbudje of the six hundred and ninety fourth of the Hidjerah, the
reign of this mouarch comprizes a period of eight solar years, six months
and two days; and, although its glory was considerably tarnished to-
wards the conclusion, by the disastrous issue of the campaign in Syria,
yet, independent of the force of Mahommedan prejudice in favor of so
zealous and ardent a proselyte, it was not unreasonable that the short-
ness of its duration should have been the subject of sincere regret
throughout the Persiau empire. His sacred love of justice, and his
paternal solicitude for the happiness of his people, as a king, has ren-
dered his memory deservedly respected-venerated; and his undaunted
courage in the field, his mildness of disposition and affability in pri-
vate life, secured for him the love and admiration of mankind. He was
possessed of uncommon understanding and sagacity of mind, and had
made considerable advances in every branch of literature and the sci-
* May 20th, 1304.
632
4
A. H. 703. ences, as studied in the east. He spoke a variety of languages in great
A. D. 1304. perfection, and was singularly well informed in the laws and genealogical
Habeib-us-
seyr.
history of the sovereigns and founders of the Moghûl tribes; insomuch
that his minister, the learned and ingenious Reshid-ud-dein Fazzel-
ullah, while composing the Jaummia Reshidy, or Towaurikh, is stated to
have derived great part of his knowledge on that subject, and on the
history of the Moghûls, from the relation of his accomplished master.
He was a zealous Shiah, and as such did not fail to distinguish the
Seyuds, descendants of Ally and Fautima, by many favors, by many
conspicuous proofs of his bounty. On the very day of his accession
he directed that a canal should be cut from the Euphrates to the se-
pulchre of Ally at Nudjef; and by similar communications with the
same beneficent river, he brought the arid plains of Kerbêla into a state
of flourishing cultivation.
But lest posterity might be disposed to suspect that the talents, the
liberality, and the other virtues of Ghâzan Khaun, should have been
in any degree exaggerated in the above eulogium, our author has en-
tered, under twenty distinct heads, into a very elaborate statement on
the subject; in which is introduced in detail, the code of regulations
established by this illustrious monarch, both for his own domestic
oeconomy, and for the different departments of his government in ge-
neral. It is, indeed, sufficiently instructive and original to form a
chapter of itself; but as these pages have been already distended far
beyond what was proposed at their commencement, the subject has
been indispensably omitted. It may at the same time be interesting
to remark, that when the monarch who framed, or at least patronized
these regulations, was snatched from the hopes of his people by the
hand of death, he had not yet attained to the age of thirty four. Neither,
before we dismiss the subject entirely, will it be superfluous to add
that, exclusive of the splendid mausoleum at Tebreiz already adverted
to, the dome of which is described to have been eighteen cubits,* or
about three and thirty feet in diameter, illuminated by eighty lamps
of gold and silver, with its spacious and magnificent appendages, con-
sisting of the cathedral mosque, a college for the instruction of youth,
The manuscript states this to have been the thickness of the walls, and that the lamps
were each of the weight of 15 maunas, or about four hundred pounds troy; it is more
probable that tin- was the aggregate weight of the whole.
633
Habeib-us-
seyr.
and the cultivation of the sciences, with observatory, refectory and A. H. 703.
hospital, and sumptuous baths, the city of Oujaun was almost entirely A. D. 1304.
rebuilt by the bounty of this celebrated monarch; and scarcely a part
of the empire but exhibited some useful monument of his liberal and
patriotic spirit. And, lastly, it is recorded that for the lofty walls with
which it was once surrounded, the city of Shirauz was in a great mea-
sure indebted to the princely munificence of Ghâzan Khaun.
VOL. II.
4 M
篆
​634
A. H. 703.
A. D. 1304.
O
CHAP. XIII.
ULJAITU SULTAN, entitled SULTAN MAHOMMED KHODA BUN-
DAH, the son of Arghûn Khaun, eighth of the Persian monarchs
Habeib-us- of the race of Jengueiz.
seyr.
At the period of his brother's death, Ouljâitû was absent in his go-
vernment of Khorassaun, to which he had been some time since ap-
pointed by the late monarch; but when he became apprized of the event
which had so early called him to the succession, he hastened towards
Tebreiz; not, however, before he had secured himself against the me-
ditated hostility of some of the Shahzâdalis, and of Herkedauk Nûyan
one of the principal Ameirs in particular, by putting them to death. He
reached the metropolis of Azerbâijaun, on the fifth of Zilhudje ;* where,
at the age of three and twenty, he ascended without opposition, the
throne of Hûlaukû; and commenced a reign of uncommon splendor,
TAN, VIIIth of by giving effect to every measure that could tend in any shape to pro-
the Perso-Jengui- mote the prosperity of Isslâm, and to close against his people every
OULJAITU SUL-
zians.
avenue of oppression and violence. He continued the Vizzaurut to
Reshîd-ud-dein Fazzel-ullah, and Saud-ud-dein Sâwjy, the ministers
of his predecessor; and he is here recorded as the first monarch of the
race of Jengueiz, who publicly embraced the tenets of the Shiahs, which
he testified by directing the names of the twelve Imaums to be struck
on the coinage of the realm, and invoked in the performance of divine
worship in the mosques. The funds bequeathed for the support of
charitable endowments (aukauf) throughout the empire, had possibly
by this time become of considerable magnitude, and importance; and
one of the first objects of the new monarch's attention, was to place
them under the management of talents and integrity; and he selected
for his purpose Guya Baha-ud-dein Yakub, whom he strictly charged
to beware that every bequest was honestly secured, and scrupulously
* Sixth of July, 1304.
635
appropriated, in exact conformity to the design of the testator, as ex- A. H. 701.
pressed in the letter of his will. This was, perhaps, strictly speaking, A. D. 1305.
the office of the Suddur-ul-suddûr, or grand almoner.
In the spring of the seven hundred and fourth of the Hidjerah, Oul-
jâitû, at Kunkûraulung, laid the foundations of the city of Sûltauniah;
and, having omitted neither labour nor expence, to render it a beauti-
ful and splendid residence, as well as a place of strength and security,
he constituted it, when completed, the metropolis of the Persian
monarchy.
But, in order to retain the narrative within its regular course, it will
be necessary to proceed with the progressive detail of events; and among
the first of these, we find recorded the impeachment of Saud-ud-dein
Mahommed Sawjy, one of the ministers, on a charge of embezzlement
in the revenue, to an enormous amount, (500 Tomauns, or five millions
of dinaurs ;) for which, on full conviction before the monarch in person,
he was with several of his accomplices, in the month of Shavaul of
the present year,* put to death at Mehoul, one of the dependencies of
Baghdad. In concurrence with the suffrages of the principal members
of his court, whom Quljâitû condescended to consult on the occasion,
his place was supplied by Tauje-ud-dein Jilauny.†
The eighth of Zilkaudah of the same year+ gave birth, according to
the Tarikh-gûzeidah, to Sûltan Abû Sâeid Bahauder Khaun, the fu-
ture hope of the Persian monarchy.
Equally desirous with his brother to effect the subjugation of Syria
and Egypt, the thoughts of Ouljâitû were early directed to prosecute
the designs in that quarter; but, reflecting on the impolicy of leading
his armies on any distant enterprise, while the provinces of Guilân, at
the very threshold of his capital, continued independent of his power,
(and, indeed, notwithstanding their proximity, had never yet submitted
to any of the successors of Hûlaukû) he conceived it expedient to hold
a consultation with his nobles, on the propriety of a previous expedi
* Fourth of May, 1305.
† Among the presents offered to Ouljaitù, in the spring of the year, he is said to have re-
reived from Khaujah Ally Shah, at Baghdad, a tiara enriched with jewels, of the weight of
fourteen pounds; in the diadem or fillet of which, is described to have been a ruby of sine
gular beauty, of the weight of 21 methkals, or 36 drams,
4 Thirty first of May.
Habeib-us-
seyr.
4 M 4
636
A. D. 1307.
Habeib-us-
A. H. 706. tion against that strong and almost inaccessible territory. It was how-
ever, resolved as a preliminary, that an agent should be dispatched to
require the ruling princes to acknowledge the authority of the Persian
monarch. If they obeyed, nothing further was necessary; if other-
wise, it would then be advisable to proceed to coercion.
seyr,
At the period under consideration, the country appears to have been
under the separate dominion of several independent chiefs; among
whom, however, a certain Ameir Demmauje, is described to have
maintained the greatest degree of splendor. To him therefore Oul-
jaitû determined on dispatching the first invitation; and he seems to
have acquiesced without a demur. He immediately accompanied the
agent employed to demand his submission, with every suitable pre-
sent, to the camp of Ouljâitû, by whom he was received with every
mark of attention and kindness. But, after a short residence, cou-
ceiving some suspicions at the ceremonious delays, and restraints,
peradventure, of a polished and ostentatious court, he, one night, sud-
denly and privately withdrew to his own country. The Sultan took
offence at his unauthorized departure; and having assembled his troops,
gave orders, shortly afterwards that both provinces should be imme-
diately attacked in three different directions; Ameir Tchobaun pro-
ceeding against Kesker, from the northward by the route of Ardebeil;
while Ameir Kûtlûg Shah advanced towards Foumen, Resht, and Tou-
man or Kouman, by Khelkhanl, and two other commanders from the
south east, through Rústumdaur, and the nountainous defiles in that
quarter.
About seven days subsequent to the march of his generals, Ouljâitû
proceeded from his capital directly towards Lahejan; and was joined,
without any unfavorable contingency, before he reached that place, by
Ameir Tehobaun from Kesker. But, although apprized with honest
zeal, on his arrival at Khelkhaul, by the governor, of the obstacles
which he would experience in the narrow passes, and rugged roads that
lay before him, and of the indispensable necessity of proceeding with
the utmost vigilance and circumspection, particularly as the unpolished
natives had not as vet been taught to respect the prowess and disci-
pline of the imperial armies, Küthig Shah suffered a sordid avidity, to
possess himselt of the wealth of the native princes, to blind him towards
637
passes
Habeib-us-
seyr.
every consideration of prudence; proud, at the same time, of his own A. H. 706.
conceived superior strength, and the terror of his name, and despising A. D. 1307.
the counsels of experience, he hastened accordingly towards the
of Guilan, with no other precaution than that of sending a division in
advance, under Ameir Fùlaud Keia. The troops of Demmauje had
previously taken post along the narrowest of the passes, in readiness
to oppose or intercept the march of this detachment; but they were,
however, signally repulsed, in three repeated attacks which they made
upon it. In consequence of this check, Ameir Demmauje conveyed to
Fûlaud an application for peace, which he transmitted to his superior.
Impelled by the intemperate ardour of a son, who urged to be em-
ployed in advance, Kûtlûg Shah declined the overture; and sent the
same son forward to the support of Ameir Fulaud. The young chief,
in the presumption of inexperience, proceeded to attack the Guilan-
ians in the midst of their defiles; was entirely defeated in the attempt;
and the greater part of his followers perished in a morass, in the con-
fusion of a disorderly retreat. The fugitives who escaped, commu-
nicated to the main body, under Kûtlùg Nûyan, the panic by which
they were themselves affected; and the whole immediately fled, in the
utmost consternation. The general disdained, however, to accompany
them in their disgraceful light; and maintaining his ground with unsha-
ken firmness, until transfixed at last by an arrow, he expired at his post.
The troops of Ameir Demmauje after possessing themselves of a consi-
derable booty, retired within their native recesses, contented with their
victory, without courting further triumphs.
The division which approached the southern extremity of Guilàn,
through Rûstumdaur, was met in a peaceful manner on reaching the
frontiers, by Ameir Hindû Shah, who governed in that quarter ; aud
who accompanied the imperial generals, with equal readiness and
submission, to the camp of their sovereign. Ouljâitù, at the head of
his troops, shortly afterwards entered the territory of Lahejan; the ruler
of that part of Guilân submitting also to his authority, without resist-
ance. While he was, however, celebrating the festival of the tenth of
Zilhudje,* in the town of that name on the coast of the Caspian, intel-
ligence unexpectedly reached him of the defeat and death of Kutlug
* Eleventh of June, 1307,
638
A. H. 706-12. Shah; a disaster which appears to have affected him with the deepest
A. D. 1307-12. distress. A body of three thousand horse under the Ameirs Sheikh
Habeib-us- Behloul, and Aba Bukker, was immediately dispatched to avenge the
seyr.
disgrace. These were soon followed by other troops in considerable
force, under two other able commanders. After indefatigable exertion,
and some severe conflicts, the generals of Ouljâitû succeeded at last,
in subjugating with considerable slaughter, the possessors of this difficult
country; and having pillaged Resht, Foumen, and Toulem, three of the
principal towns, returned victorious to rejoin their master. The whole
of the independent chiefs of Guilan now submitted to become tribu-
tary; (part of the tribute consisting of a stipulated number of ass loads
of silk,) and Ouljaitû withdrew towards Sûltauniah; having inflicted
the discipline of the cane upon the son of Kûtlûg Shah, for his miscon
duct during the expedition, and conferred the dignities of the father
upon Ameir Tchobaun, who was thus created lieutenant general of the
empire.
From this period to the seven hundred and twelfth of the IFidjerah,
the attention of Ouljâitâ appears to have been principally devoted to
the general improvement of his dominions, in which he constructed
several large and flourishing cities; and among others, those of Sultan-
abad Jeijmaul in Kûrdestaun, at the foot of mount Beisetoun, and
Ouljâitû-Sultanabad in Moghaun, either on the Kûrr or Araxes, are
stated to have been indebted for their origin to him. From the Tarikh
gûzeidah we learn, that about the year seven hundred and ten,* Ham-
dallah Mûstouffy, the author of that work, received from the imperial
ministry, an appointment over the Tomauns, perhaps collections, of
Kazvein, Ebher, Zenjaun, and Tarmin; from whence, peradventure,
his appellation of Mûstouffy, which implies auditor, or inspector, of
revenue accounts.
In the course of the year seven hundred and twelve, the governors
of Damascus and Aleppo, both Ameirs of the highest distinction in the
court of Melek Nausser, Sultan of Egypt, terrified at the severity, and
suspicious of the designs of their master, presented themselves to Oul-
jâitú, in the neighborhood of Sûltauniali, accompanied by five hundred
cavaliers; and were most graciously and hospitably received. The
A. D. 1310,
639
:
seyr.
defection of these chiefs, supported by the most earnest solicitations A. H. 7012.
on their part, revived in the bosom of the Persian monarch, those plans A. D. 1313.
of subjugation in Syria, which had only lain dormant for disclosure at Habeib-us-
a proper opportunity. For the accomplishment of this favorite object,
the most extensive preparations were immediately set on foot, through
the medium of all the ministers and generals of the empire; and equip-
ments upon a scale of extraordinary magnitude were expedited through
every department of the monarchy.
Among these we find enumerated, fifteen hundred suits of mail, of
European fabric; two hundred and sixty chargers, gorgeously caparis-
oned, and their saddles enriched, with jewels for the imperial equipage;
and two thousand five hundred camels, for the conveyance of the im-
perial furniture and baggage. Ninety balistæ, or machines of war for
distant annoyance; eleven thousand arrows of steel; one hundred pots,
for discharging fire works, and naphtha; one hundred ass-loads of ket-
tle drums, and one hundred embroidered standards. A corps of three
hundred sappers and miners, with an extensive apparatus of all things
necessary for the attack of fortified places, was also formed to accom-
pany the expedition.
Having assembled the army at Mossûle, he marched from thence,
by the ordinary route of Senjaur, on the last day of Rudjub, of the year
already mentioned,* and, after crossing the Euphrates, he appeared on
Friday the sixth of Ramzaun,† under the walls of the Syrian Rahebah;
with the siege of which it was immediately determined to open the
campaign. At the period under consideration, it was esteemed a place
of great strength and importance; being defended by twelve spacious
and lofty towers, or bastions, and by a ditch of thirty cubits deep, and
half as many wide, the foundations of the rampart in general, con-
structed of stone; and Buddur-ud-dein Mûssa, the governor, by nation a
Kürd, had under his command a numerous and veteran garrison, with
ample stores of every description, whether for subsistance or defence.
Thus provided, Buddur-ud-dein early evinced his determination to
make a formidable and resolute resistance; and the moment the arinies
of Irak and Azerbâijaun appeared in view, proceeded to put in practice
all the methods which he could devise, to disturb and retard their
Thirtieth of November, 1312. 1 Fourth of January, 1918,
640
seyr.
A. H.712-13. operations. The besiegers, on their part, were not less active in ad-
A. D. 1313. vancing their works; their exertions being more immediately directed
Habeib-us to fill the ditch. But, when that object had been accomplished, and
the miners had carried a gallery so far through the rampart, as to be
within hearing of the garrison behind it; while the soldiers by laying
in vast quantities of fascines were completing the passage of the ditch,
the besieged became at last dismayed by the boldness and pertinacity
of their assailants, and indicated a disposition to surrender; which,
through the mediation of Kauzy Nùdjm-ud-dein, and the address of
Reshid-ud-dein the Vezzeir, the Sûltan finally permitted them to do,
on terms of equal advantage to either party. After the capitulation
of Rahebah, Ouljáitû appears, however, to have declined the further
prosecution of his design against Syria; since, on the twenty fourth of
Ramzaun,* we find him taking measures to recross the Euphrates, on
his return into Azerbaijaun, which he immediately carried into effect.
And he arrived in the ordinary series of marches, and without any par-
ticular accident, at his capital of Súltauniah, before the conclusion of
the year.
In the course of the ensuing year, Abû Sàeid, who had not yet at-
tained to his ninth year, was created by his father, governor of Khor-
assaun, under the tutelage, of Ameir Sounje; being accompanied to
his government by a numerous and splendid retinue, consisting of the
sons of most of the principal nobility of the empire.
The young
prince, on his arrival in his province, experienced from all classes of
the inhabitants, as well as from some of the border chiefs, every proof
of satisfaction, that could be tendered by a people overjoyed at the pros-
pect of a mild and benevolent administration.
Under these circumstances, and in consequence of some serious mis-
understanding which had arisen between the Teleghataian princes, Kc-
peik Klaun, and Shahzâdalı Beyssour, the latter conceived it expedi-
cut to secure a retreat across the Amûyah, in some favorite recess of
the province of Khorassaun. For that purpose, he dispatched a con-
fidential agent to communicate his situation to Ouljâitù, and to solicit
a retreat under his protection. The agent was favorably received, and
an answer through him transmitted, that the Shahzadah was author-
*Twenty second of January.
641
zed to take up his abode in any part of Khorassaun that might be most A. H. 713-16.
Í.
agreeable to himself; on which, Beyssour, or Tensour as he is occasi- A. D. 1313-16-
onally denominated, soon afterwards hastened across the Oxus, and Habeib-us-
fixed his residence on the plain of Kawus, in the neighborhood of
Baudgheiss.
The remaining part of the reign of Khodabundah does not appear
to have furnished any event sufficiently remarkable for the record of
history, since the author now passes, at once, to the period of his death,
in the seven hundred and sixteenth of the Hidjerah. Towards the close
of the year, about a fortnight after his return to Sûltauniah from a hunting
party, he became indisposed; and his disorder assuming a very serious
appearance, all the powers of medicine were called into exertion by
his physicians, to give him relief; and they were at first successful.
But, unfortunately, conceiving that his complaint was entirely remov-
ed, the Sultan ventured to make use of his baths, and imprudently
indulged in some species of diet unsuitable to his state of health. The
result was a dangerous relapse; from which, neither the skill of his phy-
sicians, nor the aid of medicine, any longer availed to recover him.
Relinquishing then every hope of the recovery of their sovereign, the
principal Ameirs of the court now dispatched into Khorassaun; to an-
nounce to Abû Saeid, the circumstances of his father's danger, and
to urge the necessity of his immediate presence at Sultauniah, in order
to secure the throne of his ancestors, while his royal parent was yet
alive. Before that object could, however, be attamed, the dying mon-
arch breathed his last, on the evening of the first of Shavaul,* being
that of the festival at the conclusion of the fast of Ramzaun, in the
thirty sixth year of his age, and after a prosperous reign of twelve years,
five months, and ten days. He was committed to the grave, with the
usual solemnities, in the mausoleum crected by himself adjoining to
the principal mosque of Sûltauniah, opposite, or near to the gate of
Alburz.
This monarch has been also greatly eulogized for his extensive pa-
tronage of letters and literary men: since, exclusive of other liberal
establishments for the advancement of knowledge, and the cultivation
of the sciences, supported by his bounty in different parts of the empire.
* December 16th, 1316.
seyr.
VOL. JI.
4 N
642
A. H. 716-17. one hundred individuals distinguished for their genius and talents,
A. D. 1316-17. are stated to have been maintained in constant attendance about his
Habeib-us-
person, whether in peaceful quarters, or in the field. If, indeed, any
seyr.
credit be due to the testimony of his cotemporary, the author of the
Tarikh gûzeidah, Ouljâitû, from the unclouded prosperity and benevo-
lence of his reign, is to be classed in the most distinguished rank among
the princes of of the race of Jengueiz. The splendor of that family in
Iran, is, indeed, considered under him to have attained its zenith; and, in
short, he is represented to have been a just, prudent, magnanimous,
and accomplished prince, equally respected abroad, from the terror of
his arms, and beloved by his people for the paternal mildness of his
government.
The building of Sultauniah by this monarch has been already ad-
verted to. It is here described to have formed an exact square of five
hundred cubits, with a gate in each face, and defended in the whole,
by sixteen towers. The ramparts were constructed of hewn stone,
and they were of such a width as to admit of four horsemen riding
abreast without inconvenience. This must, doubtless, refer to the castle;
for the city of Sultauniah must have greatly surpassed the narrow li-
mits of a square of three hundred yards. Within that square was
however included the mausoleum erected for his grave, of which the
dome is described to have been sixty cubits in diameter, and one huu-
dred and twenty, or just double, in height; together with the principal
mosque, an edifice of very finished workmanship, also erected by him,
with its several appendages, consisting of refectory, halls for reading,
and college; with an establishment of sixteen lecturers or professors,
and accommodation and maintenance for two hundred students.
Among the writers, who flourished under the reign of Ouljâitâ, we
shall only mention Abû Sûliman Fakher-ud-dein Dâoud, of Binauket,
or Finauket, on the banks of the Seyhûn, the author of the Rouzut-ul-
lubaub-the paradise of the understanding; better known to the ori-
entals by the title of the Tarikh Binaukety, or chronicle of the histo-
rian of Binauket.*
笨
​For this discrimination of the fact, the writer of these pages is more particularly indebt-
ed to the information of his learned acquaintance Sir William Ouscley; from whose inge-
nious researches, the lovers of oriental literature may yet hope to derive much additional
gratification, of the highest order, on his return from the mission to Persia.
6-13
Sûltan Allà-ud-dein ABU SAEID Bahauder Kraun, the son of Out- A. H. 717.
jâitû, ninth of the Persian monarchs of the race of Jengueiz.
A. D. 1317.
Habeib-us-
seyr.
When accounts reached him, about the conclusion of the year seven
hundred and sixteen, of the demise of his father, the young Sûltan,
at this period in the twelfth year of his age, was in Mazanderaun.
From thence, after deferring his journey long enough to be joined by
Ameir Sounje, his Atabek, or governor, from Khorassaun, he now has-
tened towards Irâk; and, on his arrival in the neigborhood, was con-
ducted into Sûltauniah, by Ameir Tchobaun, at the head of the nobility,
and principal inhabitants of that metropolis. After the customary
period had been devoted to discharge the duties of filial affection, and SULTAN ABU
respect for the memory of his father, a general assembly was convened SABID, IXth of
on the plain of Sûltauniah; in the presence of which, on the first of
Suffur of the six hundred and seventeenth ofthe Hidjerah,* Ameir Teho-
baun supporting him on the right hand, and Ameir Sounje on the left,
he was, with universal applause publicly seated on the throne of IIù-
laukû.
Being yet in his minority, the Sultan appears to have deputed the
supreme authority of the state to Ameir Tchobaun; continuing, howe-
ver, the office of Vezzeir to Khaujah Reshid-ud-dein, and Khaujab Ally
Shah in conjunction, as formerly. The government of Diaurbekir was
at the same time conferred on Ameir Terenjein, and that of Roum, or
that part of Anatolia annexed to the persian empire, on Teymûr Taush,
the son of the regent Tchobaun.
The intellectual powers, and singular prudence of the Vezzcir, Res-
hid-ud-dein Fazzel-ullah, have already in some degree claimed the at-
tention of the reader; more particularly, as the anthor of a much res-
pected oriental chronicle, entitled the Jaummia-ul-tow aurikh Reshidy.
He had conducted his ministry with distinguished reputation, through
the latter part of the reign of Ghâzan Khaun, and the whole of that of
Khodabundah, or Ouljâitâ, in whose favor he held a more conspicuous
share than in that, even, of his royal brother. And, he appears to have
rendered himself equally worthy of his high destiny, by the uniform
justice of his demeanor towards all classes of society, and by his boun-
tiful encouragement of learning and science, in all its votaries; of which
* April 14th, 1317.
the Perso-jen-
guizians.
4 N 4
644
A. H. 717. he left numerous and extensive proofs in different parts of Azerbai-
A. D. 1317. jaun and Irâk.
Hlabeib-us-
seyr.
Khaujah Ally Shah the Jilaunian, his associate in the ministry, had
it seems, towards the conclusion of the reign of Ouljàitù, arrogated to
himself rather more importance in his station, than his collegue was
disposed to submit to; and of this the latter embraced an opportunity
of complaining to his master. He requested at the same time, that if,
as he conceived himself warranted in the expectation, he was to be
considered the superior in his office, Ally Shah might also be made to
obey him in every other circumstance; on the contrary, if he was him-
self to be considered in any respect subordinate in the Vizzaurut to
his collegue, he must intreat to be employed in some other department
of the state. Nevertheless, if Ally Shah could be brought to accede
to either of the following propositions, he would, for his own part, still
continue to act in conjunction with him. First, that Ally Shah should
undertake the entire present management of the department of fiu.
ance, while Khaujah Reshid-ud-dein should be alone responsible
for the accounts of preceding years. Secondly, that all affairs con-
nected with the office of Jezzeir should be vested in the discretion of
Khaujah Reshid alone, so as to be exclusively accountable to the so-
vereign. Or thirdly, that the whole of the provinces of the empire
should be arranged under two equal and separate departments; one
consigned to each Vezzeir independently, and each of these restrained
respectively from interfering with the department of the other.
all these, Ouljâitû appears to have objected, alleging that both his min-
isters, however in different respects, were equally worthy of his con-
fidence; the one from his wisdom matured by the experience of age,
and the other with uurivalled talents, in the prime and vigour of life.
He therefore signified his pleasure that they should continue to offici-
ate in conjunction; the elder exhibiting a reasonable indulgence to the
limited experience of his collegue, and the younger yielding due de-
ference to the maturer age of his senior.
To
Compelled to acquiesce in the decision of their sovereign, thus ex--
plained to them, the two Vezzeirs proceeded as formerly to transact
the civil affairs of the government, in conjunction. But, on the acces-
sion of Abù Sâeid, the animosities of the rival statesmen again broke out;
645
seyr.
commencing, however, on the part of the younger, in an unsuccess- A. H. 717-18.
ful attempt to impeach the integrity of his collegue, on a charge of A. D. 1817-18.
embezzlement, or corrupt appropriation of the revenue. On the other flabeib-us-
hand, with the propensity, as our author seems disposed to think, na-
tural to men of that class, some officers of revenue proposed to Khaujah
Reshid, to insinuate themselves into the confidence of Ally Shah, in
order to discover some grounds to establish against him a charge, si-
milar to that which he had attempted to bring forward against his rival.
With this proposal, Khaujah Reshid, whose temper was equally mild.
and easy in the extreme, refused to concur; offering at the same time
if it proceeded from any injury on the part of his collegue, to use his
influence with him to redress them. Disappointed in their views on
Reshid, these men are said to have applied themselves next to the
other Vezzeir; in whom they found an instrument better framed for
their purpose, and with whom they immediately united in collecting
proofs of guilt, against his innocent and unsuspecting associate. Cor-
rupted at the same time by the gold of Ally Shah, the personal min-
isters of Abû Sâcid succeeded in influencing their master to the pre-
judice of Khaujah Reshid ; and the young monarch, towards the close
of the month of Rudjub,* was at last prevailed upon to remove this
able and virtuous statesman from all his employments; notwithstand-
ing the express opinion to the contrary of his Atabek, Ameir Sounje.
The latter then labouring under severe indisposition, and dying on the
twentieth of Zilkaudah of the seven hundred and seventeenth of the
Hidjerah, at Mahoul, where he was with his imperial pupil, on the
way to pass the winter at Baghdad, was by these circumstances, per-
adventure, prevented from exerting that influence, which might other-
wise have been sufficient to protect the unfortunate Vezzeir from the
malignant designs of his enemies. At the opening of the spring, Abû
Sâeid returned to Sultauniah.
In the mean time, Khaujah Reshid had retired on his dismission to
reside at Tebreiz; and Ameir Tchobaun having remained, during the
absence of the Sultan, on the frontiers of Azerbaijaun, engaged in the
amusements of the chase, ventured to request an interview with the
discarded minister; to whom he declared without reserve, that he con-
* October, 1317,
January 234, 1318,
646
Habeib-us-
seyr.
A. II. 718. ceived his presence in the councils of his sovereign to be as indispen-
A. D. 1318. sable as the very salt to their meals; and he accordingly proceeded by every
argument he could devise, to urge the necessity of his immediate re-
turn to court, to resume his employments. Khaujah Reshid, for some
time, continued to resist his importunities, on the plea of advanced
age, and declining life; of the treatment which he had experienced,
as singularly unmerited, as his fortune had been unprecedented.
That he had, however, thirteen sons, by their talents and experience,
abundantly qualified to supply his place; and he trusted that while on
his part, he devoted the remains of life to secure a pardon for the errors
of humanity, the agents of his master's authority would draw the pen
of oblivion through the record of his offendings; would dispense with
the further services of one now bent to the earth under the weight of
years, and infirmity: and that they would finally forget that there was
any longer such a man in existence. Nevertheless, Ameir Tchobaun
becoming still more importunate in his solicitations, and the habitual
love of power possibly adding its influence, Reshid at last reluctantly
ielded to his wishes.
But, when intelligence of what was in agitation was conveyed to Ally
Shah, and the party who had conspired to the ruin of the aged Vezzeir,
they became to a very considerable degree alarmed; and they hastened
without delay to adopt those measures that appeared best calculated
to avert the danger. The most effectual was by a very considerable
sum of money to prevail upon Abû Bukker Aga, the oracle of Ameir
Tchobaun's opinions, to prejudice the mind of his pupil against Khau-
jah Reshid; and Ameir Tchobaun, although in other respects irre-
proachable, being a man of great simplicity and flexibility of mind,
easily wrought upon, by such as had any interest in practicing on his
credulity, little difficulty was experienced to persuade him, that Ibran-
hin, one of the sons of the Vezzeir, who was the Sherbet-daur, or chief
butler of the late Ouljâitû, had been induced at the suggestion of his
father, to poison his master; and that this was the true cause of the
premature death of that respectable inonarch. The atrocious charge
was immediately communicated to Abû Sâeid, by Ameir Tehobaui;
and the accusation being confirmed by the testimony of several of the
Ameirs of the court, who had been suborned for that purpose, the learned
647
Habeib-us-
seyr.
and upright minister was condemned without alternative to die. Hav- A. II. 718.
ing first struck off, before his eyes, the head of his son Ibrauhim, the A. D. 1318.
exccutioner addressed himself to the further discharge of his office, upon
the unhappy father; who desired him, when he should have inflicted
the stroke of death, to inform Ally Shah on the part of his suffering
collegue, that having sought the life, and brought about the condemn-
ation of an innocent man, the unerring hand of justice, would most.
assuredly, at some period or other, avenge the injury; and that if there
existed any shade of difference between his own destiny, and that which
was reserved for his persccutor, it would appear in this circumstance
alone; that while the tomb of him who now suffered innocently, would
continue a memorial to distant ages, that of the other would not be
suffered to stand for many days, before it would be demolished by the
just rage of an indignant people. It will however be seen in the sequel,
that this prediction was not justified by the event. The executioner
then clove his victim in twain, without giving himself much concern
as to the subject of his guilt or innocence; the Rebbia-resheidy a
neighboring town dependent on, and possibly erected by the sufferer,
was given up to pillage; and the entire property of the family seized
as a forfeiture to the imperial treasury. The death of Reshid-ud-dein
took place on the seventeenth of the former Jummaudy of the seven
hundred and eighteenth of the Hidjerah; the exact year being ex-
pressed by the letters, numerically taken, of the Arabic sentence, Tau-
ba-serrchû-may he rest in peace.
The manner in which, towards the close of the reign of Ouljaitû.
the Tcheghatayan Shahzadah Beyssour was permitted to chuse au
asylum at Baudgheiss, has already claimed our attention. Unhappily,
on intelligence of the death of that monarch, the ambition of appropri-
ating to himself the noble province of Khorassann, immediately fas
tened on the mind of the fugitive; and he secretly communicated with
Ameir Bektûb, the associate of his exile, the design to which the mi-
nority of Abû Sâcid had possibly given birth; representing at the same
time the expediency in the first instance, of some plan to cut off Ameir
Yessawul, the imperial lieutenant, as the principal bar to its accom
plishment. This was greatly facilitated by the arbitrary and oppressive
measures with which, on various pretexts for raising money, Yes-
6-48
A. II. 718. sawul persecuted the inhabitants of his government; among others
A. D. 1818. was that of providing for the entertainment, on different occasions, of
Habeib-us- the Tcheghatayan Shahzadah himself, which finally brought upon this
seyr.
tyrannical proconsular the universal execration of the people. And
hence, the two chiefs who were conspiring to ruin him, might ob-
scurely intimate that as the care of entertaining them might at no dis-
tant period be transferred to other hands, it behoved them while the
means were in their power, at least to make sure of Yessawul.
For this an opportunity was not long wanting. Ameir Yessawul
with the produce of his arbitrary exactions, consisting of a variety of
gold and silver furniture, of horses of the choicest Arabian breed, and
slaves of the greatest beauty, with two thousand sheep, three hundred
asses, or perhaps mules with articles for the table, and sundry dried skins
of wine, (borachios) had set out for the residence of the Tcheghatayan ;
but coming first to the station selected for the abode of his followers
by Ameir Bektûb, he there halted to refresh and regale himself. While
thus employed without suspicion of evil, he was however surprised by
the report of one of his attendants, that the retainers of Ameir Bektûb
had made prisoners of a part of his people, and were too evidently ap-
proaching to offer violence to himself. Yessawul instantly mounting
his horse, made the best of his way towards Irák; and he had not pro-
ceeded to the distance of half a league, before Shahzâdalı Beyssour en-
tered his camp, and plundered it of all its contents. Yessawul found
his retreat cut off in the neighborhood of Jaum, by a detachment of
fifty horse, under Mübaurek Shah Oujauny, a chief who had borne
him agrudge of long duration. Here he was compelled to combat for
existence, and having with him no more than thirty horse against fifty,
he was soon killed.
As soon as they became known at Sultauniah, Ameir Eyss Kútlûgh
was dispatched by Abû Sâeid to compose the disorders in Khorassaun;
but, when that chieftain reached the borders of the province, he was
met by Ameir Bektûb with a message from Shahzâdah Beyssour, an-
nouncing that having without the slightest provocation, formed a de-
sign against the life of the Shahzâdah, Yessawul had been unavoidably
destroyed, in his attempt to carry it into execution. Contrary to all
reasonable expectation, Kútlugh proceeded to treat the agent of the
649
Habeib-us-
seyr.
usurper with distinguished kindness, and finally dismissed him with the A. H. 718.
declaration, that the Ameirs of Khorassaun were henceforward bound A. D. 1318.
to yield obedience to the authority of Shahzadah Beyssour; from whom
a paper was shortly afterwards received, in which he professed to ac-
knowledge the supremacy of Abû Sâeid, and with which, in the simpli-
city natural to the Moghûls, Kutlûgh returned satisfied to Sultauniah.
He died some time after this, on his way to Karabaugh, whither he
was proceeding by order of his sovereign.
The successful termination of his conference with Eyss Kütlûgh
completely established Ameir Bektûb in the favor of Shahzâdah Beys-
sour, who furnished him with the last proof of his confidence, by plac-
ing him, with one thousaud of his bravest followers well equipped and
armed, in charge of Baudgheiss; the Shahzâdah withdrawing in his
own person into Gurrumseyr, whither he had already dispatched his
family, in order to provide against the contingencies of adverse fortune.
When he had reached his destination, and had enjoyed a short in-
terval of repose, he there finally determined on hostilities against the
authority of Abû Sâeid; and with that determination he now entered
Seicstaun, the lieutenant of which, Nausser-ud-dein, he had by letter
previously invited to submit to his power. Terrified at his approach,
Nausser-ud-dein at first prepared to transmit to him a moiety of the
revenue of his province, by way of Peishikesh, in acknowledgement of
submission; but discovering, in the interim, that Teymûr, the chief
of the Nikoudrians, bad resolved to oppose the pretensions of the Tche-
ghatayan, and that Gheyauth-ud-dein prince of Herat, had also dis-
dained to listen to any proposals from him, the governor of Seiestaun,
on further reflection, proceeded to put the agents of the Shahzadah to
death, and at the same time conveyed to him a message of defiance.
consequence of this, Beyssour proceeded on his part to over-run and
plunder the frontiers of the province, putting great numbers of the in-
habitants to the sword without merey. Turning then upon the Ni-
koudrians, he defeated and killed their chief, the Teymûr just menti-
oned; after which his attention became exclusively directed towards
the accomplishment of his more important enterprize, the subjugation
of Khorassaun.
VOL. II.
40
In
650
seyr.
A. H. 718. Very punctually informed of the design, the prince of Herât dis-
A. D. 1318. patched to apprize some of the Ameirs of Abû Sûeid's troops, then
Habeib-us- stationed at Raudegan, of what was in agitation. To this however
they paid no attention; ascribing the message to a disposition on the
part of the Tazeik, or Persian, as they chose to denominate Gheyauth-
ud-dein in contempt, to produce among them an alarm, of which they
disdained to be thought capable. They could not be persuaded that
the Tcheghatayan would ever presume to oppose the power of their
master; neither did they conceive it probable, were he ever so well dis-
posed to make the attempt, that he would with the force which he
could command, dare to set his face towards Khorassaun, with any
hostile design. Having nevertheless, assembled the whole of his fol-
lowers, and confiding the place which he had chosen for the residence
of his family, to the protection of his son Jouky, or Tchougui, Beyssour
proceeded, in the middle of the latter Jummaudy of the seven hundred
and eighteenth of the Hidjerah,* on his way into Khorassaun. On his
arrival at Tchesht, he was joined by Ameir Bektûb, and the other chiefs,
whom he had left at Baudgheiss, and he now resolved to push without
delay for Mazanderaun; but not before he had made one other attempt
to persuade Melek Gheyauth ud dein of Herât, to submit to his authoriy;
which was finally repelled with disdain.
Thus totally disappointed in his views on Herât, Beyssour, in the
month of Rudjub,† hastened with his utmost expedition towards Raude-
gan; where he completely succeeded in surprising the generals of Abû
Sâeid, in their dream of security, and in making himself master of all
their equipments, together with a vast multitude of sheep, and cattle
of every description. Ameir Bektûb then advanced on the one hand
to Damaghaun, while the Shahzâdah proceeded, without suffering his
attention to be diverted to any other object, until he found himself in
the heart of Mazanderaun. He there committed deplorable devasta-
tion, making captives of nearly ten thousand of the Seyuds, and most
distinguished inhabitants of the province.
His career was, however, now drawing to its conclusion. When he
had continued his violent proceedings in Mazanderaun for some months,
it was at last announced to him, that the troops of Abû Sâeid were
↑ September.
*August, 1318,
651
Habeib-us-
seyr.
advancing in great force to expel him, under Ameir Husseyne Gûre- A. H. 718-19,
kan, sometimes denominated Ameir Hûsseyne Bûzûrg, the son of A. D. 1318-19.
Aukbouka Jellàeir. Beyssour immediately withdrew from the pro-
vince, although it was in the middle of winter,* making the best of
his way to Neyshapûr. Into that city he sent a thousand of his sol-
diers, in order to raise a heavy contribution on the inhabitants; but
when these agents of violence had exhausted every expedient of com-
pulsion to extort their property from the citizens, and before they had
yet been able to secure the fruits of their iniquitous proceedings, the
report which they received, that Ameir Hûsseyne was suddenly ap-
proaching in eager pursuit, compelled them, not only to abandon their
prey,
but their very helmets and turbans, and to shift for themselves by
a precipitate flight. Beyssour next appeared in the neighborhood of
Mûsh-hed, and the mausoleum of Ally Ruzza; and there receiving in-
telligence that Gheyauth-ud-dein Guerret, the prince of Herât, had
taken advantage of his absence, to employ a detachment of Ghourians
in the plunder of Baudgheiss, by which Ameir Bektûb and his follow-
ers were stripped of the whole of their property, the circumstance af-
fected him with equal rage and distraction of mind. Hence, when
Seyud Buddur-ud-dein, the chief, with the other Seyuds, residents of
Mûsh-hed attended to visit him, with such presents as on the spur of
the occasion they had been able to provide, the Tcheghatayan, after
compelling them to stand in his presence, for the whole of the interval
between the hours of meridian and afternoou prayer, sullenly refused
to reply to their salutation, or to notice them in any shape. The gentle
Shahzâdah, as he is here called in irony, then sternly told them that
his soldiers must be supplied with provisions and forage, and his kitch-
ens with good mutton for the table. Buddur-ud-dein assured him
that his wishes would be cheerfully complied with ; and requested that
some of his followers might be permitted to accompany them into the
town, in order to collect all that was required for the supply of both
himself and his army. A detachment of three hundred men proceeded
accordingly, in company with the Seyuds, to take charge of this supply,
which was determined at five hundred sheep, three hundred ass-loads of
flowet, and five hundred of barley; together with such other articles as
* A. D. 1319,
404
652
"
styr.
A. 11. 719. the troops might be more immediately in want of. Buddur-ud-dein
A. D. 1319. conducted the detachment into the city, and having lodged them se-
Habeibus curely enough in a particular quarter, that very night caused the
whole of them to be put to death, together with many others of the
Beyssourians who had, for a variety of purposes, at the same time en-
tered the place. With the horses and arms of those whom he had thus
destroyed, Buddur-ud-dein then made up a very suitable present, with
which, on his arrival in the neighborhood, he hastened to an interview
with Ameir IIûsseyne Gûrekan; by whom he was received with dis-
tinguished kindness.
On the other hand, passing to the neighborhood of Jaum, Beyssour sent
to demand the attendance of Shahaub-ud-dein Issmâcil, who presided in
that town, in order to extort a supply of some kind or other for his
followers, and received a very peremptory refusal; the chief taking
post in a Koushek, Kiosk, or country house in the vicinity, and re-
pelling with his arrows the approach of those who came to repeat
the messages of the Tcheghatayan. In the mean time, the exhausted
state of his cattle had compelled Ameir Hûsseyne to suspend his pur-
suit for some days, in the luxuriant pasturage afforded among the mea-
dows of Raudegan; a delay, of which Beyssour and Bektûb availed them-
selves to ravage the territory of Herât; which city they at last pro-
ceeded to invest in form, expecting that they should yet succeed in
terrifying Gheyauth-ud-dein Guerret, into a restoration of the property
plundered at Baudgheiss. Every device to obtain that object, whe-
ther by negociation or hostility, proving however fruitless; and the
reports of Ameir Husseyne's approach becoming every hour more
frequent and alarming, the Shahzadah saw no other alternative than
that of retiring once more into Gnrrumseyr, probably the country so
called between Kermaun and the sea coast.
Ameir Husseyne ap-
peared before Herât, towards the close of the year seven hundred and
nineteen, and having by every mark of favor and regard, evinced his
approbation of the conduct of Gheyauth-ud-dein, proceeded without
delay, in conjunction with that chief, in pursuit of the Beyssourians;
of whom having cut off a considerable number, he retnrned for the
present, without prosecuting his advantage, to Herât.
653
seyr.
In the course of the following year, Kepcik Khaun the son of Dowa A. II. 20.
Khaun, monarch of Transoxiana, having received intelligence of the A. D. 1320,
ungrateful contest in which Beyssour was engaged with his benefac- Habeib-u-
tors, determined to gratify the impulse of domestic revenge by imme-
diately co-operating to his destruction. For this purpose he dispatch-
ed the Shahzadahs Eiltchigadâi, Rûstûm, and Monguly Khaujah, at
the head of ten thousand horse, across the Amûyah; with instructions
not to return until they had effectually terminated the career of Beys-
sour, and his associate exile Ameir Bektub. He employed, at the
same time, an agent with Ameir Hûsseyne, to urge the expediency, on
his part, of sending a proportion of the army of Khorassaun, to support
the Tcheghatayan troops in the extermination of the rebels. A body
of twenty thousand men was accordingly equipped by Ameir Husseyne,
and directed to follow in the steps of the Tcheghatayans. But, when
this force had proceeded to the station of Kherseng, they learnt that
Shahzâdah Beyssour had already fallen into the hands of his pursuers.
On arriving within about ten, or perhaps, two farsangs of the resi-
dence of Beyssour, it appears that some emissaries were sent by those
in pursuit of him, to tamper with the fidelity of his principal officers;
who finally succeeded, by very liberal promises, in engaging them to
abandon their chief in the hour of battle, and to join his adversaries.
The Shahzadah on his part, as soon as he discovered that the Tchegh-
atayan troops were in his neighborhood, with an unsuspecting con-
fidence in the attachment of his followers, resolutely prepared to combat
them sword in hand. But, his officers suddenly quitting him the mo-
ment they had been arranged in their posts for the battle, and going
over to the enemy, the Tcheghatayan chiefs immediately rushed on-
wards to assail the Shahzâdah. Coming however first upon Ameir
Bektûb, and striking off his head, Beyssour had an opportunity of per-
ceiving his danger, and immediately betook himself to flight. Eiltebi-
gadâi, with one thousand horse, was dispatched in pursuit of him,
attacked, and killed him. The Tchegatayans then seized his children
and women, and returned with a very considerable booty to the east-
ward of the Oxus; and the disturbances thus for the present appeased,
the people of Khorassaun were permitted to enjoy a short interval of
comparative repose.
854
A. H. 720.
seyr.
At the period when he detached Ameir Hûsseyne to oppose and
A. D. 1820. quell the usurpation of Shahzadah Beyssour, Abû Sâeid, to whom it
Habeib-us- becomes now necessary to return, was residing at Karabaugh, in the
peninsula of the Kûrr and Araxes; and not long after the departure of
that chief, he proceeded in person in the same direction, to support
him in case of need, in his operations for the re-establishment of his
authority in Khorassaun. He had, however, prosecuted his march no
further than Beylekan, when he was compelled to suspend this object,
by intelligence which reached him that the Khaun of the Ouzbeks,
or of the Keptchauk Tartars, though this is the first instance in which
we find them so designated, had issued from the plains on the Volga,
and entered Georgia; where he had defeated and cut to pieces, the of-
ficers charged with the defence of that quarter. The fugitives who
had escaped, overtook the Sûltan at this crisis; and he conceived it
expedient to return without delay, with the troops about his person,
which did not exceed two thousand horse, to make head against the in-
vader; and disposing ofthese, on the right bank of the Kûrr, in a strait, and
perhaps extended line, from point to point, in order to conceal the dis-
parity of numbers from the enemy, he encamped to watch their mo-
tions. The Ouzbeks on the opposite side of the river, employed them-
selves, in the mean time, in overrunning every district of the adjoining
territory, and in driving off the inhabitants into captivity. But Ameir
Tchobaun arriving shortly afterwards, also from Beylekan, with a‍re-
inforcement of two tomuuns to join his master, they conceived it pru-
dent to withdraw; while Tchobaun immediately crossed the Kûrr, and
pursued them with great slaughter, as far as it was thought convenient.
After which he returned, with a considerable number of prisoners, to
rejoin the camp of his sovereign; who conceived it no more than just
to acknowledge the important service performed on this occasion, by
loading his general with additional honors and rewards.
Ameir Tchobaun proceeding, however, to demand that certain of
the chiefs, whom he had rescued from captivity during his successful
pursuit of the Ouzbeks, should be brought to an account for their con-
duct in Georgia, on the recent irruption; and the son of Alynauk with
some of his associate Nûyans, having suffered the discipline of the club,
while others were degraded from rauk for their behaviour, the circum-
655
stance became the source of the most dangerous discontent against that A. II. 720.
distinguished commander; and it was determined to seize the earliest A. D. 1320.
opportunity of revenge.
Abû Sâeid, not long afterwards, returned to Sûltauniah; while Tcho-
baun marched again into Georgia, directing his course towards a
station here called Kouktcheh Tengueiz, and leaving part of his equip-
ments, possibly his family, in charge of his son Hussun. His enemies
conceiving this to be the opportunity for which they had been for some
time on the watch, hastened, like wolves in quest of their prey, in search.
of Tchobaun. The latter was timely apprized of the design; but un-
able to give entire credit to his information, he employed two of his
followers to ascertain the truth; and these two persons falling into the
hands of the malcontents, were immediately put to death. In the
mean time, to prepare for the worst, Tehobaun secretly abandoned
the cantonments, in which he had been previously stationed, and re-
moved to join his son; while the adverse Ameirstcoming at midnight,
in the expectation of surprising his quarters, and finding their victim
flown, were compelled to console themselves with plundering the
station; after which they proceeded further in quest of Tchobaun.
Thatchief no longer declined to meet them; but, after opposing them for
some time with very unequal numbers, and with his usual gallantry and
resolution, he found himself, at last, constrained to fly. He succeeded
however, with some difficulty in conveying himself, in company with
his son Ilussun, to Tebreiz; where he experienced all the consolations
of friendship and gratitude from Ally Shah the Vezzeir, who accom-
panied him soon afterwards, on his way to the presence of Abû Sàeid.
A mandate from the Sultan, purporting to authorize the death of
Ameir Tchobaun, having, in the mean time, been fabricated, and ex-
hibited to the people as they advanced, by the factious Ameirs, the cir-
cumstance when it became known to him, did not fail to produce
some slarming suspicions in that general; and he was, accordingly, prose-
cuting his journey to Sûltauniah under considerable hesitation and dis-
quietude of mind. But the Vezzeir Ally Shah, hastening to court before
him, and ascertaining that his favor with Abû Sâeid was rather increas
ing, than on the decline, the minister dispatched without delay to re-
move his apprehensions, and quicken his approach to the metropolis.
Habeib us-
seyr.
656
A. H. 720. Tchobaun was thus encouraged to enter the presence of his master with
A. D. 1320. unruffled confidence; and he proceeded to communicate without re-
Habeib-us- serve, all that he had seen and heard with respect to the insurgents.
seyr.
On the other hand, Ameir Eirentchein, or perhaps Terentchein, who
was father to one of the Sultan's wives, at the head of the Ameirs of
the adverse party, having drawn together a very superior force from
various quarters of Azerbaijaun, had now crossed the Seffeid-rûd, or
white river; and there taking post, prepared for battle. The Sultan,
with Ameir Tchobaun, also advanced from Sûltauniah in the same di-
rection; equally disposed to vindicate the authority of his government,
and to protect the person of his general. In the mean time, repeated
messages were conveyed by his daughter, to alarm the mind of Eiren-
tchein against the probable consequences of his rebellious conduct; and
to urge him to come to an accommodation, in the hope of being restored
to the favor of her imperial consort. Eirentchein dispatched a mes-
sage to inform his daughter in reply, that if her representations were to
be at all relied on, and the Sûltan were serious in his amicable profes-
sions, it was expected that on the following day he would cause a
white standard to be displayed, in that part of the field where he fought
in person. And this was agreed to without a demur on the part of Abu
Abù
Sâeid.
But, the next day, when this standard was displayed according
to promise, a persuasion ran through the ranks of the insurgents, that
the troops of the Sultan were either averse to, or dreaded a conflict
with them; and deriving additional confidence from such a belief, they
hastened to commence the action, with all the arrogance to which it had
given birth. The resolution with which their adversaries advanced
to repel the attack, might however have tended in some measure to
dissipate the illusion; but, the Sultan having directed the head of Ameir
Sheikh Ally, the son of Eirentchein, to be struck off, and affixed to
the point of a spear, proclaiming, at the same time, that such would
be the fate of every rebel to the cause of his sovereign, the indignation
of the father was so inflamed by the spectacle, that rushing into the
battle with impetuous fury, and accompanied by his wife the princess
Kûnjeshk, he produced such extraordinary havoc among the Abû
Sâeidians, as threatened to terminate in the most fatal result. At this
*
657
A
Habeib-us-
seyr.
crisis, the young Sûltan now in his seventeenth year engaged in the A. H. 720-22,
conflict; and exhibited such conspicuous proofs of gallantry and ad- A. D. 1320-22.
dress, that his principal commanders, animated by his example, and
casting away the reins of a more cautious circumspection, precipitated
themselves individually, and at once, on the front of the enemy.
strong wind arising at the same time, and carrying the dust in heavy
clouds directly into the faces of the insurgents, furnished an advantage
which left the victory no longer doubtful. Many of the rebel chiefs
met their fate in the field of battle; others, among whom was the ge-
neral Eirentchein, fell alive into the hands of the imperial party; and
being conveyed to Sûltauniah, were there suspended to gibbets, and
fires being kindled beneath them, they were in that manner tortured
to death.
The singular valour displayed by the youthful monarch on this occa-
sion, gave him an undoubted claim to the appellation of Bahauder,-
heroic; which was now bestowed upon him by the voice of the army;
and the imperial secretaries received instructions to add this to his other
titles. The letters which were circulated to announce the victory ac-
cordingly opened with the following preamble-Ul-Sultan-ul-auddel-
Aba Sacid Bahauder Khaun-Súltan Abû Sàeid, the just, the heroic
lord.
In the seven hundred and twenty first of the Hidjerah, Ameir Teho-
baun solicited, and obtained in marriage the hand of the princess Sauty,
or Sauky Beg, the daughter of Ouljâitû, and sister of his sovereign;
which appears to have placed him on the very pinnacle of his glory, and
beyond which indeed, as a subject, it was impossible to ascend further.
In the course of the year following occurred the death of Ameir Hús-
seyne, the son of Aukbouka of the tribe of Jellàeir, at this period go-
vernor of Khorassaun; and occasionally denominated by historians
Sheikh Husseyne Eylekhauny, and Sheikh Husseyne Bûzûrg, whose
children were destined for a short time to fill the throne of the Persian
monarchy. During the same year, the seven hundred and twenty second
of the Hidjerah,* Ameir Tchobaun experienced the mortification to learn
that his son Teymur Taush, who held the government of Râme, or
that part of Anatolia subject to the Persian empire, had been misled
by the suggestions of some gross and ignorant flatterers, to usurp the
VOL. II.
* 1322.
4 P
658
seyr.
A. H. 729 24. functions of royalty; and, pretending to the character of the Mehedy,
A. D. 1822-21. expected by the faithful at the latter age of the world, had entered
Haberbus into an alliance with the princes of Syria and Egypt, with a view to
secure their support in the plans which he was forming, for the subju-
gation of Azerbâijaun, and the two great provinces of Arabian aud
Persian Irâk. The old chief was however, no sooner apprized of the
dangerous and disloyal designs of his son, than he disclosed to the
Sultan so much of the intelligence that had reached him, as he thought
necessary, and directed his march with a body of troops for the Ana-
tolian frontier. But the approach of his father being announced to
Teymur Taush, he suddenly abandoned his ambitious views, and has-
tened without delay to cast himself upon his mercy. Tehobaun, after
putting the mischievous advisers of rebellion to the sword, returned
into Azerbâijaun, and there delivered his disloyal son, bound, into the
hands of his sovereign. From a regard to the unshaken attachment
of the father, Abù Sâcid bestowed his pardon upon the rebel, and im-
mediately employed him, moreover, to command in Kermaun.
Of the seven hundred and twenty third of the Hidjerah, the greater
part appears to have been consumed in the prosecution of some very
odious and vexatious claims laid by Ameir Tehobaun, to various lands
and other hereditaments in Iråk Ajem; having been persuaded, by
persons otherwise interested in the question, to consider himself the
only legitimate surviving heir of Nanz Khautùn, princess of Kurdis-
taun, represented to have been married to his father, Melek Bahauder
the son of Toudan Nûyan. Without, however, harassing the reader
with the detail, it will be sufficient to note, that these claims were
founded on a variety of Kabaulah, title deeds, or charters, either gen-
uine or fictitious, placed in the hands of Tchobaun, by individuals who
had objects in contemplation, to the attainment of which he was thus
to be made instrumental. By the intemperate and illjudged avidity
with which he was led to engage in these views, and by the apprehen-
sions excited to a great extent, by this litigation of property on the
representation of every insidious informer, Tehobaun rendered himself
at last the object of universal ill-will, if not of execration. With an at-
tention to the tranquillity of the subject, which reflects honor on his
meinory, Ally Shah the Vezzeir interfered to remonstrate with Tcho-
659
scyr.
baun, on the rapacious propensity which seemed to have taken posses- A. II. 721.
sion of him; and having consigned to his agents, on the part of the A. D. 1324.
Sûltan, certain districts in Anatolia, in exchange for what he conceived Habeib-us-
himself entitled to, as the heir of Nauz Khautûn, together with twenty
thousand dinaurs from his own private purse, he finally prevailed upon
him to forego these vexatious proceedings, and to imprecate upon him-
self the most serious curse, if ever he attempted to revive them.
The respectable Tauje-ud-dein Ally Shah did not long survive this
popular and benevolent exertion of his influence. He was attacked
by a complaint which equally baffled the skill of medicine, and the
solicitude of his sovereign for his recovery; and he expired at Oujaun,
in the seven hundred and twenty fourth of the Hidjerah, not less re-
gretted by that sovereign, than lamented by his fellow subjects. His
remains were conveyed to Tebreiz, and deposited in the contignity of
a mosque which had been erected by himself in that city. Of all the
ministers of the race of IIûlauku, he is recorded as the only one, who
escaped a violent death; as a statesman of consummate talents, and
extensive resources of mind, his fame could not have been soon for-
gotten; and he left in different parts of Azerbâijaun and Irâk, notwih-
standing the prediction of his coadjutor recently adverted to, endow-
ments of charity, and structures devoted to the purposes of religion,
of a sufficient magnitude long to preserve his memory from oblivion.
Abû Sâeid was very honorably disposed, through a sense of gratitude,
to place the Vizzaurut in the hands of one of the surviving sous of the
deceased minister; but the two brothers quarrelling, and mutually
charging each other with corrupt and fraudulent practices, in the course
of their employment under their father's ministry, the whole of the pro-
perty accumulated by him, during a life of zealous service to the state,
was finally confiscated; and instead of succeeding to the highest dig-
nities in the empire, the wretched brothers were both condemned to
exist in obscurity and indigence.
The vacant appointment was, upon this, conferred by the Sultan,
upon Rokken-ud-dein Sâcin, the son of Zeiâi-ul-inûlk Mahommed ;
the latter of whom had held the office of Kauzy to the armies, either
of Sultan Mahommed the Khaurezmian himself, or of some other of
the last of that family. Ever since he had attained to years of discre-
4 PA
660
1
A. D. 1324-25.
Habeib-us-
A. 11. 721-25. tion, Rokken-ud-dein bad served among the retainers attached to the
person of Ameir Tchobaun, who had promoted and encouraged his
early merit; and through whose influence he found himself now raised
to the first civil dignity of the state.
seyr.
One of the daughters of Ameir Telobaun, whose name was Bagh-
đâd Khautûn, is described to have been a woman of exquisite beauty
and attractions; whose cheek surpassed the damask rose in bloom
and freshness, and the brilliance of whose charming features eclipsed
the lustre of the moon and stars. This masterpiece of nature's work-
manship had been married, in the seven hundred and twenty third of
the Hidjerah, to Ameir Sheikh Hussun, the son of Ameir Husseyne
Gûrekan, recently noticed: but, some time in the seven hundred and
twenty fifth of the Hidjerah, it unfortunately happened that the young
Sûltan, theu in his twentieth year, should have seen and become most vio-
lently enamoured of this bewitching female, to such a degree, as it is said,
as to have been equally subdued in reason and in patience. It is here stated
to have been an article in the code of Jengueiz, that when the sover-
eign evinced a predilection for the wife of any one of his good sub-
jects, whatever his rank or dignity in the state, the husband was ex-
pected immediately to divorce and send her to the imperial haram :
and Abû Sâeid, in one of the paroxysms of the delirium to which
he was a prey, was induced to communicate, by a confidential person
to Ameir Tchobaun, some hints of his attachment for his daughter,
and of his expectation that it should be gratified without delay. The
reply which this haughty and powerful chieftain transmitted on the
occasion, was, however, dictated by a jealousy of his honor, and
a sentiment of indignation, but little consonant with the views of the
Sûltan; although the latter found it expedient for the present not to
disclose his disappointment, whatever unfavorable impressions the
unaccommodating demeanor of Tchobaun had left upon his mind.
These untoward circumstances appear to have occurred at Oujaun
about the close of the summer of seven hundred and twenty five; and
as the winter drew near, Ameir Tehobaun, conceiving that by a separ-
ation from its object, the Sultan might be able in some degree to ex-
tinguish his unwarrantable passion, availed himself of the opportunity
to remove his daughter and son in law, to Karabaugh, in the peninsu-
661
la of the Kurr and Oras; while Abû Sâeid, with whatever reluctance, A. II. 725.
proceeded to pass the winter at Baghdad. But instead of diminishing, A. D. 1325.
this constrained separation contributed to augment and confirm beyond Habeib-us-
controul, the delirium by which his faculties were by this time com-
pletely subdued.
At a conjuncture thus critical, Sâein the Vezzeir, who had received
on his advancement, or soon afterwards, the title of Nussret-ud-dein,
found means to discover the change which had taken place in the Sul-
tau's disposition towards Tchobaun; and he availed himself without
remorse of the occasion to detail to his master, in terms which were
calculated to soothe his disappointed feelings, every circumstance that
was offensive, in the conduct of his early benefactor, and of his depen-
dents and relatives. And he finished the delineation by bringing to
the Sûltau's recollection, that every dirhem of the revenues of the em-
pire was entirely at the discretion of this over grown subject; through
whose exorbitant usurpation of authority, neither minister, nor Ameir,
nor noble of any class, possessed any longer the slightest influence in
the state. These malevolent suggestions on the part of his Vezzeir,
did not fail to sink deep into the mind of the young monarch; and in
addition to the distaste already occasioned on the subject of Baghdad
Khautûn, completely filled the measure of his aversion to Ameir Telio-
baun.
Perceiving that Abû Sâcid had, for several days, declined giving au-
dience to his people, Tehobaun, in private ventured to express his
surprise that any thing should be sufficient to produce in the breast of
a monarch, whose power extended to the greater part of the habitable
world, such serious disquietude, as that which appeared to have taken
possession of him. The Sultan told him in reply, that having lodged
in his hands the entire authority of his government, he expected, as
the least return, that his conduct would be so regulated as to secure
the repose of his master, from every species of interruption; yet, in
truth, that the time was long since gone by, in which he had been
allowed to pass his days as he could wish: and he finally expressed
himself, in some respect dissatisfied with the conduct of his son Da-
mashk Khaujah, who at this period superintended the Sultan's house-
hold. Tehobaun quitted the pavilion of his master under considerable
seyr.
662
Hlabeib-us-
seyr.
A. H. 726. perturbation of mind; and immediately sending for Damaslik, after
A. D. 1326. describing what had just passed between them, proceeded to urge in
strong terms, the necessity of his discharging the duties of his employ-
ment, with such unremitting zeal and attention, that the merit of his
services with the Sultan might operate on an emergent occasion, to alle-
viate the sense of a father's errors; but to beware that no intemperate, or
illregulated proceedings on his part should bring a father's life into jeo-
pardy. Damashk protested, in reply, that every faculty of his mind
had been uniformly devoted to obey, and even to anticipate, the very
slightest intimation of the Sultan's pleasure; an object to which he
had long since sacrificed every gratification of his own. Nevertheless,
he could not forbear to acknowledge that he had for some time per-
ceived a very obvious change in the behaviour of their sovereign; and
that he could ascribe it to no other cause than the malignity of Sâein
the Vezzeir.
Having made this discovery, Ameir Tehobaun conceived the expe-
dient of withdrawing himself for some time, from the Sûltau's presence;
and, in order to secure a convenient opportunity of destroying him,
contrived that the Vezzeir should accompany him. Accordingly at
the return of spring, on the pretext that his appearance was immedi-
ately necessary for the preservation of tranquillity in Khorassaun, he
proceeded to that quarter, attended by the Vezzeir, and many other
distinguished persons, whom he chose to select on the occasion; Dam-
ashk Khaujah being left, as before, in the superintendance of the Sùl-
tau's household. The young monarch quitted Baghdâd, about the
same period, on his way to Sûltauniah.
Tchobaun received, in fact, intelligence on his arrival in Khorassaun,
that Termashérin Khaun, the sixteenth of the Teleghatayan monarchs,
was encamped in the territory of Kabul, with the manifest design of
invading his province. Tehobaun immediately dispatched his son
Hussun, who will hereafter be better known to the reader, under the
appellation of Sheikh Hussun Kotchuk (the lesser), with a division of
the army under his orders, to oppose the execution of this design.
apprized of the movement, Termasherin on his part, advanced a nu-
merous body of his troops, to give battle to the son of Tchobaun ;
and a very obstiuate conflict shortly afterwards ensued in the neigh-
·
663
A. D. 1326.
Habeib-us-
seyr.
borhood of Gheznein, in which the Tcheghatayans were finally defeated; A. H. 726.
Ameir Hussun, when he had secured his victory, hastening to Ghez-
nein, which he immediately consigned to pillage and slaughter. Among
the excesses committed by the soldiery on this occasion, not the least
offensive was their violation of the mausoleum of Sultan Mahmûd;
where they destroyed the library, barbarously trampling under foot
the venerated pages of the Koran, and the other precious manuscripts.
Having thus signalized his vengeance, Hussun rejoined his father in
Khorassaun, some time before the conclusion of the year seven hun-
dred and twenty six.
In the mean tinc, notwithstanding his father's prudent admonitions,
Damashik Khaujah proceeded to exhibit, in the exercise of his func-
tions about the person of the Sultan, such an immoderate love of power,
and so totally usurped the anthority of government, that there remained
at last to his sovereign nothing but the name. This odious usurpa-
tion, the young Sultan found so far to surpass his forbearance, that it
is not surprising he should have made it in private the subject of com-
plaint to those more intimately in his confidence. One of these, re-
joicing in the opportunity of giving expression to the feelings of pri-
vate malignity, directly disclosed to the prince, that an unwarrantable
intercourse had for some time subsisted, between this imperious mayor
of the palace, and one of the widows of the late Ouljaitû. Abû Sâeid
desired, upon this, that when the lover should next venture to visit
his mistress, whose abode was within the castle of Sultanniah, the
circumstance should be immediately made known to him. Of this
an opportunity was not long wanting. Impelled by the violence of
an over-ruling passion, Damashk Khaujah was discovered to have en-
tered the forbidden precincts; and Abû Saeid, punctually informed of
the sacrilegious intrusion, gave orders that he should be instantly put
to death. Such, however, was the habitual awe of his power with
which all were impressed, that not one man was found bold enough to
carry the orders into execution. It happened just at this crisis, that the
heads of several Kûrds, who had been executed for outrages on the high
roads, should be brought to the presence of the Sultan; and it very
seasonably occurred to him, that these should be proclaimed as the
664
A. II. 727. heads of Ameir Tchobaun and his followers, put to death by one of the
A. D. 1327. imperial generals, in Khorassaun.
Habeib-us-
seyr.
The device had all the effect which it was intended to produce;
for Damashk was no sooner apprized of the appalling report, than his
presence of mind forsook him. He immediately quitted the castle;
and, accompanied by no more than ten persons, abandoned himself to
his fears, of which he neither knew the cause nor the object. Two of
the Sultan's domestics, Messer Khaujah and Aga Lûlû, were employed
to pursue, and soon afterwards overtook the fugitive, although he was
mounted on the fleetest horse in the stables of the race of Hûlaukû;
for his pursuers no sooner drew near, than, in spite of the efforts of his
rider to spur him on, the animal stood stock still, and immoveable as
the horse, or knight, on a chess board; and to complete his misfortune,
when, on finding that he must combat for existence, he endeavored to
draw his sword, the blade by a similar fatality was not to be disengaged
from the scabbard. Thus deprived both of the means of self defence,
and further flight, he was overtaken by Messer Khaujah; who was
about to dispatch him without further ceremony, when his companion
called out to him to forbear, since Damashk was not of a consideration
so humble, as to be destroyed without the express and final commands
of their sovereign. Messer hastened accordingly to the presence of
the Sultan; from whom he received a signet to be conveyed to Aga
Lûlû, as his warrant for execution, and the cxistence of the devoted
captive was terminated without further demur. This event is stated
to have occurred on the sixth of Shavaul of the seven hundred and
twenty seventh of the Hidjerah.* The vast property of the unfortu-
nate chief was given up to be pillaged by the multitude; and many an
individual, the most wretched mendicant in the streets of Sultauniah
in the morning, found himself by the evening of the same day, in a state
of comparative opulence from his share in the treasures accumulated
by the son of Tchobaun.
Having vindicated his supremacy by this severe exertion ofhis power,
Abû Sâeid proceeded to dispatch instructions to the generals in Khor-
assaun, charging them to employ their utmost zcal and diligence, to
the extirpation of Tchobaun and his adherents in that quarter; and
* August 23d, A. D. 1327
665
A. D. 1327.
seyr.
mandates to a similar effect were expedited at the same time to every A. II. 727.
other province of the empire, in order that not a vestige of this once
favorite and powerful family, might be suffered to remain on earth. Habeib-us-
The Sultan, shortly afterwards, repaired in person to Kazvein, where
he had directed his troops to assemble with all possible expedition.
The agent employed to convey the Sultan's instructions into Kho-
found Ameir Tchobaun with the army of the province at
Baudgheiss; here said to be a dependency of Herât, as in other places
we are told of the Tehraun of Rey, and the Meraughah of Tebreiz. The
Sultan's orders were communicated in private to the Ameirs, to whom
they had been addressed; but, as it appeared on deliberation that an
open attempt against the person and authority of Tchobaun, was at
present impracticable, they proceeded immediately together to the pa-
vilion of that chief, and apprized him, without reserve, of all that they
had been required to execute; totally disclaiming, at the same time,
all concurrence in the death of his son. When the conference broke
up, at which he had received this afflicting and alarming disclosure,
his eldest son Hussun represented to Tchobaun that it would be equally
absurd and preposterous to calculate henceforwards on any measures
of conciliation with the Sultan; and that it was not less dangerous
than imprudent, to place any reliance on the professions of the Ameirs.
The plan of proceeding which he should therefore propose was, imme-
diately to dispatch those of the generals whose attachment to Abù Saeid
was sufficiently notorious; and to demand the assistance of the Tche-
ghatayan Sultans, for the final subjugation of, and the establishment
of the authority of the family in, Khorassaun. These objects accom-
plished, it would not be difficult to contend with the power of Abú
Sheid, when he should approach the province; and ultimately to avenge
in the centre of Irak the injuries with which he seemed disposed to
overwhelm them.
Too confident in the multitude of his troops, and in the energies of
his own personal valour, this did not, however, accord with the bolder
views of Ameir Tchobaun. "What man in Irak," exclaimed he with
his natural arrogance, "is there that dares array himself in arins against
"me; nay who is there, that even in thought can endure the idea, much
less for the design of supporting a serious conflict with me ?" Then
4 Q
VOL. II.
1
666
A. II. 727. requiring the attendance of Nussret-ud-dein Sâein the Vezzeir, whom
A. D. 1827. he considered as the fermenting principle of these evils, he directed the
Habub-us- executioner to dispatch him without delay. The Vezzeir was thun-
seyr,
derstruck at the suddenness of his condemnation; but perceiving that
there was little room for expostulation, he contented himself with de-
siring the executioner to direct his blow so as to sever him exactly
through the middle. Then fixing his eye stedfastly upon Tchobaun,
he observed to him-"let this spectacle remove thy confidence in the
stability of worldly power; by the sword hast thou attained it, and
by the sword shall it be terminated.
66
Ameir Tchobaun now directed his march without further delay for
Persian Irâk, at the head of seventy thousand horse, which at this pe-
riod served under his standard; having first exacted, from the generals
who accompanied him, a solemn oath to be faithful to his interests.
This oath, on his arriving at Semnaun, he conceived it however expe-
dient that they should repeat in the presence of Sheikh Rokken-ud-
dein Alla-ud-doulah, whom he prevailed upon, at the same time, to
repair to the presence of Abu Saeid, for the purpose of mediating an
accommodation; stipulating for no other terms than that the individu-
als concerned in the death of his son might be delivered into his hands.
The Sheikh undertook his friendly office with cheerfulness, and he
proceeded with all convenient dispatch to the camp of the young mon-
arch; by whom he was received with all the respect to which the re-
puted sanctity of his character appears to have entitled him. His
arguments to promote an accommodation with Tchobaun, proved how-
ever totally unavailing, both the Sultan and his courtiers continuing
unshaken in their resolution to proceed to extremities. The Sheikh
returned therefore to communicate to Ameir Tehobaun the unsuccessful
result of the conference; neither did he now forbear to caution him,
at his peril, to draw his sword, whatever his injuries, against the au-
thority of his sovereign.
The pride of Tchobaun had, however, not yet sustained any con-
tingency to make him recede in the slightest degree from his purpose ;
and he continued accordingly to advance, until he came to the station
of Kouha, or Ibrauhimabad, within one day's march of the army of the
Súltan. But here he experienced a fearful presage of what he was to
667
seyr.
expect from the constrained attachment of the Ameirs, in the defection A. H. 727.
of Mahommed Beg Tchitchek, the maternal uncle of Abû Sâeid; who, A. D. 1327.
notwithstanding the solemn engagement so recently repeated, went Habeib-us-
over, with other chiefs, and thirty thousand horse, to join the Sultan.
This appalling circumstance at once opened his eyes to the dangers
which threatened him, and banished all confidence in the Ameirs who
yet remained apparently attached to his standard; and he drew off,
without further delay through the desert, on his return towards Kho-
rassaun. The whole of the subordinate chiefs with their followers
immediately dispersed in different directions; and Tchobaun, having
previously dismissed his consort, Sauty, or Sauky Beg, to avail herself
of the protection of her imperial brother, continued his retreat with-
out halting, to the banks of the Mûrghaub, or river of Merû; it being
at first his intention to retire across the Oxus, to claim the protection
of the Tcheghatayan monarch. But having reached the Mûrgbaub,
without any further untoward contingency, he suddenly abandoned
that design, and resolved to seek an asylum at Herât, with Melek Ghey-
auth-ud-dein, who is here said to have been brought up under his pat-
ronage; and from this he was not to be dissuaded by the most earnest
expostulations and entreaties, on the part of his wife Dûlendy, another
of the daughters of Ouljâitû, who, in vain, conjured him to recollect
the many instances of flagitious perfidy, recorded of the race of Guer-
ret, particularly in the examples of Dauneshmund Bahauder, and
Ameir Norouz. But the measure of Tchobaun's destiny had now
reached its consummation, and it was not to be averted by any precau-
tions of human prudence.
Procceding to Herât, in conformity with the resolution thus fatally
adopted, Ameir Tchobaun experienced on his arrival, from Gheyauth-
ud-dein, in appearance at least, the strongest proofs of humanity, and
of his regard for the claims of hospitality; and who assigned him a place
of residence worthy of those professions of attachment, and entire de
votion to his interests, which he did not cease to lavish upon him. At
this very conjuncture, however, a letter from Abú Sâeid was delivered
to the prince of Herât, which conveyed to him a proposal to put Teho-
baun to death; for which his wife Gurdûntchein, together with the
wealth of the Atabek of Farss, would be the compensation. Forgetting at
42 4
668
Habeib-us-
scyr.
A.H. 727-28. once the ties of gratitude, and the sacred rights of hospitality, the
A. D. 1827. perfidious chief dispatched the executioner to take away the life of his
guest. In the first emotions of surprise and horror, Tchobaun intreated
an interview with his betrayer; but that indulgence being peremptorily
denied him, he prepared himself with becoming resolution to meet his
fate. He requested, however, that when the stroke of death should
have been inflicted upon him, his last wishes might be attended to in
three points. The first was, that his head might not be severed from
the body; but that one of his fingers, which was remarkable for having
two ends, might be taken off, and transmitted in its stead, as a proof
that his career had been forever closed. The second was, that his son
Jullao Khaun a child of great beauty and promise, the offspring of the
princess Dulendy, another of the sisters of the Sultan recently menti-
oned, might not be put to death, but sent to his uncle in Irâk. The
last was, that his body might be conveyed to Medeinah, to be depos-
ited in the sepulchre which had been there long since erected by him.
for its reception. All this Gheyauth-ud-dein faithfully engaged to ful-
fil, when he finally directed the executioner to dispatch him.
In Mohurrim of the seven hundred and twenty eighth of the Hid-
jerah,* therequisite proof of Tchobaun's execution was received at the
head quarters of the imperial army. In the winter of the same year,
Gheyauth-ud-dein, on his way to claim from Abû Saeid the reward of
his perfidy, became apprized that Baghdad Khautûn had been placed
in the royal haram; and had already established a very powerful influ-
ence over the mind of her imperial paramour, which she was not very
likely to exert to the advantage of her father's murderer. Hence con-
ceiving some alarm, he unaccountably dispatched one of his attend-
ants back again into Khorassaun, with orders to put to death the in-
nocent Julláo Khaun, which were very punctually executed. Ghey-
auth-ud-dein then continued his journey to court, which he found at
this period at Kârabaugh of Arran. In consequence of the recent ex-
altation of Baghdad Khautûn, his reception was not the most flatter-
ing to his hopes. He was in fact, placed under some kind of restraint,
until the bodies of Ameir Tchobaun and Jullâo Khaun, which he had
been directed to send for to Herât, arrived at Oujaun. The sum of
* November, A. D. 1327.
669
sevr.
forty thousand dinaurs was then added by the Sultan, to furnish cano- A. H. 727.
pies, or palls, of suitable magnificence for the coffins of the departed A. D. 1328.
chiefand his murdered son; and they were by his orders both committed in Habeib-us-
particular charge to the pilgrims proceeding to Mekkah; with instruc-
tions to convey them finally to Medeinah for sepulture, in conformity
with the dying request of Tchobaun. The remains of that chief, and
his child were accordingly conducted by the Hadjies through the whole
routine of the pilgrimage, and ultimately consigned to the grave, by
the side of Imaum Hussun at Medeinah; it being considered a vio
lation of that respect which was due to the memory of the prophet, to
open any graves in the sanctuary of his mosque, in, or near which,
Tchobaun had caused his mausoleum to be erected.
Ameir Tchobaun is described to have been a man of great integrity
and firmness of mind; to have devoted himself with uniform zeal to
the exercise of the duties of his religion; and to have left, on the roads
to Syria and Egypt such memorials of his magnificent spirit, as to have
obliterated, in a great degree, the fame of the most splendid and cele-
brated structures of the ancient Persian empire. He is lastly said to
have conducted to the sacred city of Mekkah an abundant supply of
water, which from a desart changed the neighborhood of the place to
a scene of flourishing cultivation.
To leave nothing unrecorded of a person who has engrossed so ex-
tensive a share in the subject of these pages, the author proceeds to de-
liver, in brief, an account of his nine sons and their descendants. The
eldest of these was Ameir Hussun recently spoken of, who had also
three sons, Taulesh, Hadjy Beg, and Ghouje Hûsseyne. Taulesh had
enjoyed, for some time, under the authority of Abû Sâeid, the govern-
ment of Isfahaun and Farss; and at the period of Ameir Tehobaun's
disastrous return into Khorassaun, accompanied his father into the
province of Mazanderaun; from whence they proceeded together into
Khaurezm, to claim the protection of Kûtlûgh Teymûr, the governor
of the province under the authority of the Khaun of the Ouzbeks. By
the assistance of that officer, they were enabled to prosecute their jour-
ney to the court of his sovereign, by whom they were immediately ad-
vanced to some of the most distinguished employments under his go-
vernment. Being ultimately dispatched with an army to reduce Tchir-
670
A. D. 1327.
seyr.
A. H. 728. kess, or Circassia, Ameir Hussun received in the course of the service,
a wound in his shoulder of which he died. His son Taulesh expired
Habeib-us- by a natural death, about the same period. Of the two other sons,
Hadjy Beg was poisoned by his cousin german, Sheikh Hussun Kou-
tchek; and Ghouje Husseyne perished also by a violent death, through
the direction of Sûliman Khaun of the race of Yeshmowut the son of
Hûlaukû, as will be seen hereafter.
The second son of Tchobaun was Teymur Taush; the ambitious
governor of Rûme formerly adverted to, as having aspired at indepen-
deut power. When intelligence reached him of his father's disgrace
and death, he happened to be at Sivauss, in the same province; and
having immediately shut himself up in one of the strong holds of the
country, he might perhaps conceive that, for some time at least, his
person would be sufficiently secure from danger; but on a more deli-
berate view of circumstances, he collected his property, which is re-
presented as enormous, and sought an asylum with Melek Nausser,
Sultan of Egypt. Here, by a liberal distribution of his wealth, he
acquired among the higher classes of the natives, such distinguished
popularity, that his protector, after treating him for some time with
great kindness and attention, became at last jealous lest his growing
influence might endanger his own authority; and he embraced an early
opportunity to put him to death. His head was transmitted to Abû
Sâcid; by whom it was received, while in summer quarters at Oujaun,
in Shavaul of the seven hundred and twenty eighth of the Hidjerah.*
Teymûr Taush left four sons, of whom Ameir Sheikh IIussun Kou-
tchek, and Melek Ashruf, will be sufficiently distinguished in the suc-
ceeding pages.
The fate of the third son, Damashk Khaujah, has been already des-
cribed. He left four daughters, one of whom, Dilshaud Khautûn,
celebrated by the muse of Khaujah Sûliman Sawjy, became at a sub-
sequent period the wife of Abû Sâcid.
The fourth son of Tchobaun was Ameir Mahmûd, who presided in
Gûrjestaun; and who was taken and put to death by the Abusâcidian
generals, in the same year that proved fatal to the father. He left se-
veral children, all of whom perished either by poison or the sword,
through the animosity of their relative Sheikh Ilussun Koutchek.
* August, 1328,
671
These four sons were by the same mother with Baghdâd Khautun. A. II. 723-32.
The fifth son was Jullâo Khaun recently noticed to have been per- A. D. 1328-32.
fidiously put to death by Gheyauth-ud-dein, prince of Herât.
The sixth was Seyûrghaun, or Seyûraga, whose mother was the
princess Sauty or Sauky Beg, the daughter of Ouljaitû, and sister of
Abû Sâeid.
The seventh, eighth, and ninth, were Seyûgû Shaud, Yaughy Baus-
sety, or Pausty, and Norouz, all three by one mother; and they will
separately be brought under the attention of the reader in a future page.
Resuming the narrative, we are informed that notwithstanding the
deadly aversion which he entertained for the rest of the family, his
passion for Baghdad Khautûn continued to rule, with undiminished
and uncontroulable violence in the bosom of the Sultan; and he at
last employed the intervention of one of his Kauzies, of the name of
Mûbaurek Shah, by whatever arguments he thought most advisable,
to prevail upon Shaikh IIussun the Eylekhaunian, to accede to his
wishes, and consent to a separation from his wife. Conscious of his
inability to contend with despotic authority, and of the personal danger
to be apprehended from resistance, the envied husband submitted to
part with her who was the delight and pride of his existence. At the
"expiration of the prescribed period, the Sultan proceeded to espouse
the repudiated beauty, and she became at once the partner of his bed
and throne; and the influence which she obtained, in consequence, in
the administration of the government, restored, in some degree, the
fortunes of the family of Tehobaun.
Baghdâd Khautûn appears, at all events, to have retained her power
over the Sultan's affections unimpaired, until the seven hundred and
thirty second of the Hidjerah; when he was persuaded by the sugges-
tions of private malevolence into a belief, that she continued to hold a
clandestine intercourse with her former husband. In the first moments
of irritation, orders were issued that the unfortunate Ameir Hussun
should be immediately put to death; although he was preserved for a
more exalted destiny, through the intercession of his mother, who was the
monarch's aunt. He was, however, imprisoned in the fortress of
Kaukh, and the suspected Khautun banished from all correspondence
with her imperial consort. But, some time afterwards, discovering
Habeib-us-
seyr.
672
}
A. II. 732-36. that she had been basely traduced by her calumniators, the Sultan res-
A. D. 1332-35. tored her to his favor, and the government of Rûme, or Anatolia, was
Habeib-us- conferred on the injured Ameir Hussun.
seyr.
The circumstances attending the administration of Gheyauth-ud-
dein Mahommed, the son of the late Vezzeir Reshid-ud-dein Fazzel-
ullah; the conspiracy set on foot by Naurein Toghâi the son of Key-
bouka Nûyan, and other powerful Ameirs, in order to destroy the
minister, with Baghdâd Khautûn, and eventually the Sûltan himself,
had it not been defeated principally through the personal vigilance and
energy of the monarch; together with other less important matters
which occupy the remaining periods of the reign of Abû Sâeid, would,
in interest, scarcely compensate the labour of detail. We shall there-
fore, with little regret, and without further taxing the indulgence of
the reader, pass on at once to the seven hundred and thirty sixth of the
Hidjerah.
About the close of the summer of that year, which had been remark-
able for the excessive heat of the season, reports conveyed to him of
the approach towards that frontier, of the armies of Keptchauk, neces-
sarily drew the attention of the Sultan to the banks of the Kurr; and
he was accordingly on his march in that direction, when his health
became suddenly and seriously affected. At the expiration of a fort-
night, the complaint appearing, however, to give way to the efforts of
medical skill, he ventured, like his father, to make a premature use of
his bath, which produced a violent relapse of his disorder. Some of
his physicians conceiving a suspicion that he had been poisoned, pro-
ceeded to prescribe such remedies as the case seemed to require. Every
application proved, however, unsuccessful. The young Sultan was
seized, in spite of all their skill, with the agonies of dissolution, and
expired on the thirteenth of the latter Rebbeia of the seven hundred
and thirty sixth of the Hidjerah,* in the neighborhood of Kârabangh ;
at the age
of thirty years and six months, and after having wielded the
sceptre of Húlaukû, with considerable glory, for a period of eighteen
years seven months and sixteen days.
According to some statement in the preliminary to the Zuffurnamah,,
it would appear that towards the concluding period of his life, Abi
* November 30th, 1335.
673
seyr.
Sâeid had transferred his affections to Dilshaud Khautûn, the daugh- A. H. 736.
ter of Damashk Khaujah, whom, with the usual facility, he proceeded A. D. 1335,
to enrol among his wives; and on this, finding her influence declining, Habeib-us-
that Baghdad Khautûn in a fit of revenge and jealousy, dared to admin-
ister poison to her royal husband, which was, therefore, considered the
actual cause of his premature death. It is, nevertheless, equally strange
and unaccountable that all historians should so blindly agree in represent-
ing both Baghdâd, Khautûn and Dilshaud, as the wives of Abû Sâeid
at the same time; although it could not have escaped them, that a
connection by marriage with the aunt and the niece together, is strictly
proscribed by the laws of the Korân; and that Abû Sâeid was an or-
thodox Mussulman, does not appear to be at all questioned. In this
view it would seem more consistent with probability, that the Sultan
should have first dissolved his union with Baghdad Khautûn by re-
gularly putting her away, and then only to have espoused her niece;
all which is, possibly, noticed by the author, in order, by evincing the
impracticability of executing such a design, to remove from that prin-
cess the foul and horrible stigma of having destroyed her husband.
The remains of the Sultan were conveyed to the metropolis of Sul-
tauniah, and deposited, with the usual solemnities, in astructure erected
for the purpose by himself in the outskirts of that place.
Among the most respectable of the contemporaries of Abû Sâeid,
we cannot omit to mention the celebrated Sheikh Seffy-ud-dein Arde-
beily; the ancestor of the Seffûides or imperial race of SEFFY, extin-
guished by Nadir Shah, in the former part of the eighteenth century.
By the sanctity of his character, and the unblemished purity, and be-
nevolence of his life and manners, he had contrived to establish, amidst
the distractions which pervaded his country, so powerful an influence
over the minds of men, that the very Tartars, with all their ferocity
and disregard to the dictates of humanity, are said to have yielded an
extraordinary deference to his commands. He was the ancestor in the
sixth degree, of Shah Issmâcil Seffy the first, the founder of the mon-
archy in this family.
Another who flourished during the reign of Abû Sâeid, was Ham-
dullah ul Mûstouffy, the son of Abi Bukker, the Kazvinian, author of◄
the Târikh gûzeidah and Nuzzehet-ul-kûlloub, (recreations for the
VOL. II.
4 R
674
A. D. 1335.
seyr.
A. H. 736. heart), both highly esteemed performances in the east. He was a clerk
or secretary, in the offices of the learned Vezzeir Reshid-ud-dein Fazzel-
Habeib-us- ullah, and his son Gheyauth-ud-dein Mahommed; to the latter of
whom, he inscribed his work the Târikh gûzeidah, which is brought
down to the seven hundred and twenty ninth of the Hidjerah; and
which, considering the sources from whence he had an opportunity of
deriving his information, would seem entitled to a more than ordinary
degree of our confidence, were it possible to conceive an Asiatic of
that age capable of delivering to posterity a faithful and impartial re-
view of events. His brother, Fakher-ud-dein Futtah-ullah, was not
less distinguished for his genius and learning.
It is, lastly, not to be forgotten that the year, in which the glories
of the race of Jengueiz in Irân expired with Abù Sâeid, (for the fleet-
ing pageants subsequently exhibited on the throne, are scarcely worth
the record of history) gave birth to the invincible Teymûr; an event
which took place at Kesh, sometimes denominated the green city, or
the city of verdure, between Samarkand and Nakhsheb, on the twenty
fifth of the month of Shabaun ;* about the period at which our third
Edward was preparing for his glorious expedition into France.
Mûezz-ud-dein ARPA KHAUN, tenth of the Persian monarchs of
the race of Jengueiz.
This prince was a descendant from Artekbouka, one of the sons of
Túly Khaun, and previous to his elevation bore the name of Arpa Ka-
wun. In consequence of the declaration of the late Sultan, that there
remained no person of the line of Hûlaukû qualified to sustain the functi-
ons ofthe imperial dignity, and that the important trust therefore necessar-
ily devolved to Arpa Kawun, a message was dispatched by Gheyauth-ud-
dein the Vezzeir, as soon as the Sultan was perceived to be in the ago-
ARPAKHAUN, nies of death, to invite that prince from the private residence of his
so-jenguizians. family, to take possesion of the splendor of a throne. The new monarch
reached the imperial encampment, on the day subsequent to that on
which his predecessor had expired; and was immediately seated in so-
vereign power, with the usual Moghûl formalities.
Xth of the Per-
In addressing the Ameirs of the empire the day after his accession,
Arpa Khaun is described to have stated to them, that he was not, like
* April 8th A, D. 1336
675
Habeib-us-
seyr.
the Sultans his predecessors, a man devoted to the sensual enjoyments A. H. 736,
of life; that instead of a tiara and girdle, of gold and gems, a cap of felt,
and belt of woollen, would best accord with his simple habits: and that,
for a mild and moderate government on his part, he should expect a
reciprocal harmony and conformity to law, on the part of his armies.
He then confirmed to the several Ameirs, and officers of state, the dig-
nities which they had held under the authority of Abû Sàeid; and the
ensuing Friday, he received from them by acclamation the title of Mezz-
ud-dein-wa-ud-dûnnia-the monarch who reflects lustre upon his re-
ligion, and upon the age in which he lives. And in truth without
exaggeration, observes the author, the robe of imperial authority would
have derived no ordinary splendor from his person and character, were
it not that when he became invested with it, the fortune of the empire
was already in astate of rapid decline; and that an adverse destiny denied
to a just and benevolent prince that opportunity for the display of his
virtues, which they eminently deserved.
Notwithstanding all that might be intended to be conveyed by this
remark, Arpa Khaun was scarcely well seated on his throne, before he
conceived a suspicion that until those who possessed the confidence of
his predecessor were removed, his own power would never acquire perma-
nent stability; and his earliest attention was accordingly directed to re-
lieve himself from his apprehensions on this head. The first who fella vic-
tim to this suspicious policy, was the princess Baghdâd Khautûn; whom
he condemned to die on the charge of having poisoned her husband,
and of encouraging the designs of the Khaun of the Ouzbeks, who
had about this period entered Shirvaun. She was accordingly dis-
patched in her bath, by Khaujah Lûlû, one of the eunuchs of the Serai,
or women's palace, towards the end of the latter Rebbeia.* Arpa
Khaun then proceeded in the midst of winter, across the Kûrr to give
battle to the Ouzbek monarch, whom he totally defeated; after which
returning in triumph to his capital, he espoused the princess Sauty
or Sauky Beg, the widow of Ameir Tehobaun, and sister of the late
Sultan.
While he was yet solemnizing his nuptials with this lady, on the
suspicion of having concealed one of the descendants of 1Iúlaukû as a
* December 1335.
4R 4
676
Habeib-us-
seyr.
A. H. 736. Cover for future revolt, he seized and executed Ameir Mahmûd Shah
A. D. 1336. Aynjù; and Towukkel Kütlùgh, of the line of Ougtâi Kaan, with two
most promising youths his children, was condemned to suffer the same
fate. Ameir Mûssâoud, and Abû Ishauck, the sons of Ameir Mah-
mûd Shah, contrived however to escape from Tebreiz; the former to
Rûme, where he claimed the protection of Ameir Sheikh Hussun the
Eylkhaunian, and the latter into Diaurbekir, to Ameir Ally Bâidû Shah,
who had declared himself hostile to the government of Arpa Khaun.
On the other hand, Ameir Eyss Kutlug, and Sultan Shah the son of
Neikrouz, with some other chiefs who had been imprisoned under the
authority of Abû Sâeid, now found themselves by some means or other
at large, and attached themselves to the service of the new sovereign;
but an habitual turbulence of disposition did not admit of their for-
bearing to encourage the spirit of revolt and sedition, which was at this
period bursting forth in every quarter of the empire. In the mean
time, Dilshand Khautûn also, who was pregnant by the late Sûltan,
fled to Ally Baidú Shah in Diaurbekir; while Khaujah Lâlâ hastened
to apprize him, on the part of his sister IIadjy Khautûn, the mother
of Abu Sâeid, of the hostile designs of Arpa Khaun, although she had but
recently concurred in his elevation. All which, united with the ani-
mosity derived from his ancestor, who was engaged during the reign of
the emperor Kûblâi, in perpetual hostilities with Artekbouka, who
held a similar relation of ancestry to the new monarch, at last confirmed
Ally Bâidû Shah in his design of raising Mussa Khaun the grandson
of Bâidû Khaun, to the throne, in opposition to the established author-
ity of Arpa Khaun.
Confiding in the strength of his armies to support the claims which
he had thus determined to assert, Ameir Ally Bâidů Shah finally ad-
vanced in considerable force from Diaurbekir towards Azerbâijaun;
while Arpa Khaun, reposing in the counsels and experience of his min-
ister, Gheyauth-ud-dein Mahommed, hastened with equal resolution
to vindicate the rights of established authority, and to oppose his ad-
versaries in the field of battle. During the reciprocal approach of the
armies, Ghevauth-ud-dein received, by a deputation from the chiefs of
the adverse party, a proposal to compromise the dispute, by confer-
ring upon Ally Bàidû Shah, the dignity of Ameir-ul-ûmra, or captain
699
Haberb-us-
seyr.
general of the empire; which was however rejected with haughty dis- A. H. 736.
dain, by the Vezzeir. At the same crisis the expedient was suggested, A. D. 1336.
by Arpa Khaun, of cutting off such of the commanders in his train,
as he had reason to suspect of favoring the interests of the enemy; in
which, with a magnanimity deserving of a better fate, the minister also
refused to concur, alleging that he considered their existence or non-
existence, their attachment or hostility, as equally unimportant in the
scale.
On Wednesday the nineteenth of Ramzaun,* in the neighborhood
of a station called Tcheghtû, the adverse armies came to battle; but
Eysskûtlûgh, and Sultan Shah Neikrouz, deserting the standard of Arpa
Khaun in the heat of the action, and going over to the enemy, victory
finally declared for Mûssa Khaun, and the Ameirs who supported his
claims. The vanquished monarch and his minister fled in different
directions; but being closely pursued, the minister was taken at Mer-
aughal, and immediately conveyed to the presence of Ally Baid Shah,
who treated him with respect and compassion, and seemed, otherwise
disposed to spare his life; but the associated Ameirs uniting to urge
his indispensable destruction, that just, learned, and accomplished
statesman was condemned, on the twenty third of the same month of
Ramzaun,† to perish by the sword of the executioner. Arpa Khaun
was, a few days afterwards, also seized in the territory of Senjauss, and
brought to Oujaun; where by the direction of Mussa Khaun, or his
party, he was delivered over to the sons of Ameir Mahmûd Shah Ayu-
jû, who did not fail to retaliate upon him with rigid severity, the
death of their father. Arpa Khaun was thus cut off, on the third of
Shavaul of the seven hundred and thirty sixth of the Hidjerah, after
+
a short and turbulent reign of five months and thirteen days.
MUSSA KHAUN, the son of Ally Khaun, and grandson of Baidû
Khaun, eleventh of the Persian monarchs of the race Jengueiz.
Having terminated the career of Arpa Khaun, in the manner just
related, Ameir Ally Báidû Shah proceeded without further obstacle,
to place Mûssa Khaun on the throne of Hûlaukû. He conferred the
office of Vezzeir on Ameir Hadjy the son of Tauj-ud-dein the Shir-
vaunian; reserving, however, to himself, the unlimited exercise of the
* May 1st, 1336. ↑ May 5th.
May 15th.
678
1
seyr.
MUSSA KHAUN,
A. H. 736. sovereign power. But, as this conduct evinced a disposition to exclude
A. D. 1336. the great Ameirs of the empire from the influence to which they pre-
Habeib-us- tended in the management of affairs, they became very early disgusted
with his administration, and withdrew from all public employment;
resolved, at the same time, to avail themselves of the first convenient
opportunity to declare against, and punish this inordinate ambition of
XIth of the Perso- rule. The usurpation of Ally Bâidû Shah, and the predominance of
jenguiziaus. his tribe, that of Owâiraut, did not experience a much better reception
in the more distant provinces. Ameir Hadjy Toghâï suddenly quitted
Diaurbekir, and withdrew into Anatolia; where he joined Sheikh
Hussun the Eylkhaunian, who was, it is to be recollected, the uncle's
son of Abû Sâeid, and whoin he finally prevailed upon to oppose the
authority of Mûssa Khaun, and his more ambitious minister.
In order to give to his proceedings the colour of justice, Ameir
Sheikh Hussun conceived it expedient to invest Mahommed Khaun,
a descendant in the third or fourth degree from Mangû Teymûr, the
son of Hûlaukû, with the royal authority; and having resolved with-
out further delay on an attempt to take possession of the Persian em-
pire, soon afterwards approached the frontiers of Azerbâijaun. On
the other hand, Ally Bâidû Shah, with Mûssa Khaun the instrument
of his ambition, hastened to oppose the invasion; and on the fourteenth
of Zilbudje,* at the station of Nosheher, a dependency on Alatauk,
the rival powers prepared to bring their claims to a decision. Before,
however, he committed his fortunes to the uncertain issue of a battle,
Ally Bâidû Shah, whose thoughts appeared directed to obtain his ob-
ject rather by stratagem than open force, conveyed a message to Ameir
Sheikh Hussun, intimating that, as the two monarchs were engaged in
a particular quarrel of their own, he saw no absolute necessity that
their ministers, who were but remotely concerned, should be person-
ally their associates in the blood about to be drawn. What he there-
fore proposed was, that both he and Sheikh Hussun should remain
quiet spectators, apart from the conflict, while the principals in the
dispute, decided their claims before them; and that, when the victory
was determined, they should both submit to the conqueror.
* July 24th, 1336.
679
seyr.
Acceding to the proposal, Sheikh Hussun with two thousand of A. H. 736.
the best soldiers, drew off accordingly, and took post on a neighbor- A. D. 1336.
ing eminence which overlooked the field of battle. But the residue Habeib us-
of the armies were no sooner engaged, than, either alarmed at a move-
ment, the object of which it had, possibly, not been thought expedient
to explain to him, or through some other apprehension of personal dan-
ger, Mahommed Khaun suddenly abandoned the field to his adver-
sary; and Ally Bâidû Shah, unmindful of the fantastic changes with
which a capricious fortune is frequently disposed to surprise her vo-
taries, conceiving that the victory was no longer doubtful, descended
from the eminence, on which he had taken post according to agree-
ment; and pitching his tents on the banks of the river which intersected
the adjoining plain, proceeded without further concern or precaution
to enjoy the luxury of the refreshing stream. Ameir Sheikh Hussun
determined without hesitation to avail himself of the advantage thus
incautiously thrown in his way; and rushing, sword in hand, among
the troops so culpably exposed to destruction, easily succeeded in cut-
ting them to pieces. Intelligence of the disaster was soon commun-
icated to Mûssa, who now fled in his turn, after having sustained his
precarious authority for about two months and nine days; while Ma-
hommed Khaun hastened back to reap the fruits of a victory to which
he had so ill contributed.
MAHOMMED KHAUN, the son of Youlkutlugh, the son of Anbar-
tchei, the son of Mangû Teymûr, son of IIûlaukû Khaun, twelfth of
the Persian monarchs of the race of Jengueiz.
MAHOMMED
Ameir Ally Bâidû Shah having perished in the confusion, and Mùs-
sa Khaun having disappeared in consequence of the recent conflict,
Ameir Sheikh Hussun proceeded to seat Mahommed Khaun on the
throne of Hûlaukû, at Oujaun; and among his arrangements to pro-
vide for the security of the government, he determined to restore to
KHAUN, XIIth
favor and employment, the yet surviving branches of the family of of the Perso-
Gheyauth-ud-dein the late minister; and to retaliate in some degree, jenguizians.
the injury which he had sustained from Abû Sàcid, in the compul-
sory separation from his wife, he availed himself of the carliest opportu-
nity, after the establishment of his power, to console himselfin the embra-
ces of Dilshaud Khautûn, the surviving widow of that monarch. But,
while he was yet engaged in the festivities attending the celebration
680
A. D. 1337.
A. II. 737. of his nuptials, the turbulent spirit of the nobles was already at work
to contrive the means of his degradation; and many of them, the most
Dabeib-us distinguished in rank and reputation, immediately betook themselves
with that view, to the remoter provinces of the empire, in order to en-
courage the plans of hostility and disaffection.
seyr.
Of these, Ameir Ally Jauffer directed his course for Khorassaun ;
where, on his arrival, he experienced no great difficulty in persuad-
ing Ally, the son of Ameir Ally Koustchei, (the archer) and the other
officers in authority, that the provinces of Irâk and Azerbâijaun might
be wrested from the Eylekhaunian, with the utmost facility. Having
been brought to concur in this belief, and having provided themselves
with a proper pageant, the third now on foot at the same time, to cover
their designs, in the person of Togha Teymûr Khaun, a descendant in
the sixth degree from Jujy Kessaur the brother of Jengueiz, whom
they invested with the sovereign dignity, the Ameirs of Khorassaun
proceeded with a powerful army towards Azerbaijaun; and in Shabaun
of the seven hundred and thirty seventh of the Hidjerah,* they appeared
before Sûltauniah, having made themselves master of the whole of the
surrounding territory.
Apprized of their designs, Ameir Sheikh Hussun on the other hand,
made the best of his way from Tebreiz, into the peninsula of Arran;
where he formed an alliance with the princess Sauky, or Sauty Beg, in
behalf of her infant son Seyûr Aga, now scarcely two years old. After
which he prepared with the accession of support thus acquired to his
cause, to chastise the enormities which the Khorassauniaus were com-
initting in Azerbaijaun. In the mean time these had also been joined
by the fugitive Mussa Khaun, and they now proceeded in conjunc-
tion, in quest of the Eylekhaunian; whom they found ready to oppose
them on the banks of the Guerrah-roud. In the middle of the month
of Zilkaudah of the year seven hundred and thirty seven,* the ad-
verse armies came to a battle; but Togha Teymur Khaun, with a de-
generacy unworthy of his warlike extraction, quitting the field before
the troops were yet fairly engaged, and retiring towards Khorassaun,
his associate Mussa Khaun was left to combat alone against the supe-
rior skill of Ameir Hussun; until the slaughter of great numbers of his
* March 1337. ↑ Jane, A. D. 1337.
681
Habeib-us-
seyr.
followers, and of the Owâiraut clans in particular, compelled him also A. II. 737.
to consult his safety by flight, many of the Ameirs throwing themselves A. D. 1337.
for protection into one of the fortresses in the neighborhood. Not long
afterwards, Mûssa Khaun was taken among the defiles of Hazaurah,
and put to death on the tenth of Zilhudje ;* the day of the feast of sa-
crifice among the pilgrims at Mekkah.
the pilgrims at Mekkah. This was followed by the en-
tire dispersion of the Ameirs of the party, and of the fugitives who had
taken shelter in the fortress just alluded to.
On reaching the vicinity of Bostaum, Togha Teymûr Khaun was
joined by Arghûn Shah, one of the sons of Ameir Norouz Ghauzzy,
who had prudently declined engaging with the Khorassaunian chiefs
in the recent expedition; and at that place, on the same day that was
destined for the execution of Mussa Khaun, the tenth of Zilhudje, To-
gha Teymûr, on some groundless suspicion, caused Ameir Sheikh Ally,
one of the most distinguished leaders of the expedition, to be perfidi-
ously put to death; so that at one and the same period, relieved from
the hostility of two of the most formidable of his adversaries, the Eyle-
khaunian, for the nominal sovereign appears to have been used merely
as the stalking horse of his ambition, found himself in almost un-
disputed possession, of the whole of Azerbaijaun and Iràk. The Viz-
zaurut was now conferred by him on Shums-ud-dein Zekkareia, the
nephew and son in law of Gheyauth-ud-dein Mahommed the Reshi-
dian; and early in the year seven hundred and thirty eight, the power
of the Eylekhaunian was further confirmed by the death of the Ameirs
Mahmûd Eysskûtlûgh, and Kerenje, two of the most inveterate agi-
tators of these turbulent scenes; who were both killed in the disguise
of Sûfyism, in which they had hoped for fome time to elude the ven-
geance of their enemies.
That same year, however, in the person of Sheikh Hussun the son
of Teymur Taush, to whom authors have in general assigned the ap-
pellation of Sheikh Hussun Koutchek, (in order to distinguish him
from his rival, who is called Sheikh Hussun Buzurg-the greater) pro-
duced an adversary to the power of the Eylekhaunian, far more for-
midable than any thing to which it had hitherto been opposed. This chief,
on the retreat of his father into Egypt, in the manner formerly noticed,
had contrived to secure himself in some part of the Anatolian province,
July 9th, 1337.
1
1
VOL. II.
A S
682
seyr.
A. H. 738. and, about the period at which the narrative is now arrived, like the
A. D. 1337-8. rest of his contemporaries, yielded to the spirit of ambition which
Haleib-us- seemed to expand itself in every bosom. Conceiving also that his
plans would be less invidiously carried on in the name of another, and
discovering in a slave of Turkish extraction of the name of Kârajery,
a very striking resemblance to his father, Teymûr Taush, he immedi-
ately arrayedhim in splendid attire, and circulated the report, that that
distinguished chieftain was yet alive, and had recently been restored to
his family; and in order to obtain the more implicit belief for the as-
sertion, he prevailed upon his own mother to cohabit with the impostor,
and in every respect condescended to treat him as if he considered him
in the revered and actual relation of a father.
When the rumour became public in Azerbaijaun and Irâk, the Owâir-
aut Ameirs, and many of the principal officers of the army, who had
never been thoroughly reconciled to the authority of Sheikh Hussun the
Eylekhaunian, suddenly quitted his standard, and went over to that
of the grandson of Tchobaun; and the latter, having by this time com-
pleted the necessary warlike equipments, in great perfection and abun-
dance, no longer delayed to advance towards Azerbaijann, at the head
of a numerous and formidable army. The Eylekhaunian, accompa-
nied by Mahommed Khaun, hastened to meet the invader; and on the
twentieth of Zilhudje of the year seven hundred and thirty eight,* in
the neighborhood of Alatauk, the hostile armies arrived in the presence
of each other. While the troops were preparing for battle, Sheikh
Hussun the Tchobaunian, who is described as possessing an inven-
tion singularly fertile in expedients, put in practice the following de-
vice, in order to awaken a mutual jealousy among the generals of the
enemy. He caused a large fire to be made at some distance apart from
the field of battle, to impress his adversaries with the belief that it was
a preconcerted signal, exhibited in consequence of the understanding
which he had established with some of the chiefs in their camp; and
in fact, the action had no sooner commenced, than Husseyne the sou
of Mahmûd, the Tchobaunian, went directly over to the side of his
cousin german. In consequence of this defection, at a moment so cri-
tical, the suspicions of the Eylck haunian became seriously alarmed
and he fled without further effort, towards Tebreiz; while Malionmed
*July 9th, 1338,
683
Khaun, falling into the hands of the Tchobauniau, was immediately cut A. H. 736.
off in the bloom of youth, after he had enjoyed his circumscribed A. D. 1338.
and precarious authority, for a period something short of two years.
Sheikh Hussun Tchobauny and his adherents, now proceeded to
exercise without remorse, every species of oppression and violence
throughout the provinces of Irak and Azerbâijaun; but, the pretended
Teymûr Taush, considering that so long as Sheikh Hussun was in ex-
istence, he would be permitted to derive but unsubstantial advantage
from the character which had been imposed upon him, watched an
opportunity, and plunged his poniard into the side of his adopted son.
The blow fell short, however, of its intended effect; and Sheikh Hussun
withdrawing immediately into Georgia, there united himself to the
party of the princess Sauky Beg, the widow of his grandfather, and her
son Seyûrghaun, or Seyûragha, after candidly disclosing the secret of
the recent imposture. The false Teymur Taush proceeded in the mean
time towards Tebreiz, where being entirely defeated in a battle with
Sheikh Hussun the Eylekhaunian, he thence fled with the shattered
remains of his army towards Baghdâd.
The princess SAUTY OF SAUKY BEG, daughter of Ouljâitu Sultan
Khodabundah, thirteenth of the Persian monarchs of the race of Jen-
gueiz.
Habeib-us-
seyr.
zians.
On experience that his plan of aggrandizement did not succeed under
the auspices of an impostor father, having withdrawn into Georgia, as
we have just seen, Sheikh IIussun Tchobauny next made choice of
Sauky Beg, the sister of Abû Sâeid, to fill the throne of Hulaukù ; and
that princess was accordingly inaugurated, with the usual solemnities,
and her name inserted in the Khotbah and coinage of the monarchy, SAUKY BEG,
about the commencement of the seven hundred and thirty ninth of the XIIIth of the
Perso-Jengul
Hidjerah. He then returned into Azerbâijaun, accompanied by this
new pageant, in order once more to combat the power of the Eyle.
khaunian; who had however quitted Tebreiz for Sûltauniah, and who
retired further to Kazvein, on intelligence of the approach of his ene-
mies. Sauky Beg and her general were thus allowed to possess them-
selves of Sûltauniah, and of the entire province of Azerbaijaun, without
opposition. Having entrusted the civil administration of the country
to Rokken-ud-dein the Reshidian, and Gheyauth-ud-dein Ally Shahy
* August or September, A. D. 1338.
4 S 4
684
A. D. 1338-9.
seyr.
A. H. 739. as conjunctive Vezzeirs, they proceeded shortly afterwards for Kaz-
vein. Ameir Sheikh Hussun drew out of the city on their approach,
Habeib-us- with a design to give them battle; but without coming to a conflict,
some species of accommodation was arranged between the parties; in
consequence of which, Sauky Beg and Sheikh Hussun Tehobauny
withdrew again towards Aran, and the Eylekhaunian returned to Sûl-
tauniah.
Reposing, however, but little confidence in the stability of such an
arrangement, the Eylekhaunian, not long after his return to Sûltaun-
iab, dispatched his own Atabek or preceptor, Taush Teymûr, on a mis-
sion into Mazanderaun; to invite Toglia Teymûr Khaun, who had es-
tablished his authority over that province, and some part of Khorassaun,
to come and take possession of the throne and capital of Abû Sâeid.
In compliance with this invitation, Togha Teymur hastened towards
Sultanniah, accompanied by Arghûn Shah the son of Norouz, and his
other ministers; and on his arrival at Sawah, some time in the month
of Rudjub,* was joined by Ameir Sheikh Hussun the Eylekhaunian,
from whom he received every necessary proof of zeal and submission.
But, Togha Teymûr being with the other Ameirs of Khorassaun, entirely
governed by the councils of Alla-ud-dein Mahommed the Vezzeir,
and that minister, although the authority of his master could as yet have
been but very imperfectly, if at all, established in the country, pro-
ceeding to scrutinize, with a vexatious minuteness, into the tenures
by which the several chieftains held their possessions, without sparing
those which had been annexed, even from the time of Ghâzau Khaun,
to the family of Ameir Sheikh Hussun, the latter repented of the alli-
ance thus hastily formed; although he clearly perceived that there was
at present no alternative but forbearance.
Apprized of these occurrences, Sheikh Hussun the Tchobaunian
accompanied by the princess Sauky Beg, again quitted Arran, and pro-
ceeded into Azerbaijaun. While on his march, on this occasion, some
of the Owâiraut Moghûls who had secured Karajery the pretended
Teymur Taush, brought him to the camp of the Tchobaunian, where
by order of the pageant queen he was instantly put to death. In the
mean time, the invention of Sheikh Hussun was at work to contrive
some scheme, by which he might effectually disconcert the measures
* January, 1339.
685
A. D. 1339.
seyr.
and break up the army of Togha Teymûr and the Eylekhaunian; and A. H. 739.
he at last determined on the following. He sent a deputation to
the camp of his adversaries, ostensibly, to propose afresh negociations Habeib-us-
for peace; but in private to intimate to Togha Teymûr, that if he would
unite in a design which was in contemplation to destroy the Eyle-
khaunian, he would on his part engage that the princess Sauky Beg
should become his wife, and further evince his attachment by the most
important and loyal services. With this proposal the credulous Mo-
ghûl immediately closed; and after some further interchange of com-
munication, finally transmitted to his artful correspondent a paper in
his own hand writing, expressly inviting the Tchobaunian Ameirs to
co-operate with cordial zeal, in the extermination of the Eylekhaun-
ians; in order, as he stated, that the government of the Tartar tribes
might be once more united, and the world effectually relieved from those
distractions to which it had been so long a prey.
Delighted with the success of the artifice, Sheikh Hussun the Tcho-
baunian, accompanied by a few of his principal officers, hastened in
the middle of the night, to the out skirts of the enemy's encampment;
and requesting that one of the Eylekhaunian leaders would attend to
him, proceeded to explain that however the Sheikh his opponent had
associated himself with one who under the mask of friendship, could
harbour a design so perfidious against his person, as that which he was
about to disclose, he for his own part, disdained to be an accomplice
in the base collusion, and should regret to see his most determined
enemy become a victim to such perfidy. Then putting the paper which
he had received from Togha Teymur, into the hands of the officer who
had presented himself at his approach, he returned to his own quarters.
The Eylekhaunian received this paper with some degree of astonish-
ment; and sending for one of the chiefs in the particular confidence of
Togha Teymûr Khaun, accommodated him with a perusal of the per-
fidious scroll, which appeared to throw him into considerable confu-
sion. He hastened however to disclose to his master, without delay,
the mortifying result of his ill-advised intercourse with the crafty Tcho-
baunian. Togha Teymûr, no less surprised at the effrontery of the
deception which had been practiced upon him, than alarmed at the
probable consequences of the developement, withdrew, in the course
of the same night, towards Khorassaun; while, thus abandoned to his
.686
A. II. 739-40. own resources, the Eylekhauuian retired to Alatauk, in the neighbor-
A. D. 1339-40. hood of which he fixed his abode, until something should occur to
Habeib-us- incite him to further enterprize.
seyr.
JAHAUN TEYMUR,
XIVIL, and SULI.
MAN KHAUN XVth
zians.
JAHAUN TEYMUR, the son of Ulatfreng, the son of Keykhautû, four-
teenth, and SULIMAN KHAUN, descended from Yeshmout the son of
Hûlaukû, fifteenth of the Persian monarchs of the race of Jengueiz.
His alliance with Togha Teymûr Khaun having terminated thus in-
auspiciously, Sheikh Hussun the Eylekhaunian did not, however, con-
tinue long inactive, before his invention was employed to discover some
fresh instrument wherewith to mask the designs of his own ambition.
of the Perso-jengui- His choice at last fixed on Jahaun Teymûr, the son of Shahzâdah Ul-
affreng son of Keykhautû, whom he accordingly raised to the sovereign
authority; and proceeding with him into Arabian Irak, he succeeded
inashort time in subjugating the whole of that territory, with the metro-
polis of Baghdad, and ultimately with Diaurbekir and the country along
the Tigris upwards. In the latter part of the year seven hundred and
thirty nine,* Sheikh Hussun Tchobauny, discovering also that the ma-
chine of the Persian monarchy was not likely to proceed with suffici-
ent energy or regularity, under the direction of a delicate and tender-
hearted female, thought fit, with little regard to her inclinations, to trans-
fer the sovereign power, together with the person of the princess Sauky
Beg, to Suliman Khaun, one of the descendants of Yeshmout the son
of Húlaukû, whom he then seated on the tottering throne of Irân; after
which, fixing his head quarters, or principal residence, at Oujaun, he
found, by the month of Shavaul of the year seven hundred and forty,†
that his authority was supported by a numerous and well affected body
of soldiers.
In the mean time, after securing his acquisitions in western Irâk,
Sheikh Hussun the Eylekhaunian, with Jahaun Teymûr, the feeble
monarch of his creation, had quitted Baghdad, and was advancing with
determined hostility towards Azerbaijaun; but being early opposed
by Suliman Khaun, and his general, Sheikh Hussun the Tchobaunian,
he was defeated in battle with considerable loss, in the concluding
days of Zilhudje of the same year. In consequence of this defeat, the
Eylekhaunian was compelled to return to Baghdad, in circumstances
of disgrace and humiliation; while Ifussun Tchobauny conducted his
*The summer of 1339,
† April, 1310.
687
seyr,
army in triumph to Tebreiz. He there nominated Ameir Seyûrghaun, A. H. 740 41
or Seyûr Aga, the son of Sauky Beg by Ameir Tehobaun, under the A. D. 1340-11.
tutelage of his brother Melek Ashruf the son of Teymûr Taush, to the Habeib-us-
government of Persian Irâk; Ameir Peir Hûsseyne the son of Sheikh
Mahmûd the Tchobaunian, who had, among others, exhibited distin-
guished proofs of intrepidity and martial spirit, in the recent battle,
was at the same time invested with the government of Farss.
Having, on the other hand, effected his retreat to Baghdad, Sheikh
Hussun the Eylekhaunian, who had lost two of his principal generals,
Ameir Mahommed Eysskûtlûgh, and Ameir Mûssaufer Eynauk, in the
late battle, proceeded without ceremony to depose from his ill-assorted
honors, the passive and unimportant Jahaun Teymur, on the plea of in-
capacity; then collecting afresh an army of Arabs and Tartars he ad-
vanced, in the spring of the seven hundred and forty first of the Hid-
jerah,* once more towards Azerbâijaun. In Zilhudje of the same
year, while Sûliman Khaun and the Ameirs of his party were as-
sembling at Oujaun to resist this new invasion, it happened that, on
some suspicion of intended violence on the part of his nephew Sheikh
Hussun, Ameir Yaughy the son of Tehobaun, should have adopted
the sudden resolution of withdrawing from the army of Suliman; and
in his flight driving before him to the number of six thousand horses,
which he had taken from the grounds where they had been left at pas-
ture, his course unexpectedly led him through the vicinity of the spot,
where the Eylekhaunian lay encamped. Observing the enormous
cloud of dust occasioned by the motion of such a number of horses,
and conceiving that they were about to be attacked by an immense
force of the enemy, the troops of Irâk were immediately struck with a
panic; and made the best of their way home again, without halting
to undeceive themselves. To complete the series of fortunate
events which appeared to favor the aggrandizement of this power-
ful family, the troops of Togha Teymur Khaun which menaced the
invasion of Irâk about the same period, in an opposite direction, un-
der his brother, Sheik Ally Kawun, were attacked and defeated by Me-
lek Ashruf the son of Teymûr Taush, employed against them under
the authority of the Tchobaunian. Sheikh Ally Kâwun was killed
some time afterwards, in an expedition against the Serbedaurians; and
June, 1341.
* A. D. 13 11.
688
A. D. 1341.
A. H. 741. about the seven hundred and fifty second of the Hidjerah, long sub-
sequent to the period under consideration, Togha Teymûr himself per-
Habeib-us- ished in the same quarter, by the hand of Khaujah Yaheya Kerauvy,
one of the chiefs of that insurrection; of which some notice has already
been taken, in a collateral part of the compilation.
seyr.
Subsequent to the disclosure of the above fortunate train of circum
stances, the Tchobaunian, accompanied by Sûliman Khaun, conducted
an army in the direction of Diaurbekir, committing dreadful ravages in
his course, particularly in the territory of Moush; where he is described
to have burnt and destroyed the habitations and the harvests of the de-
fenceless natives, without the exception of either Mahommedan or
infidel. On his arrival at Mardein, of which the governor submitted
to his authority, he detached a division of the army, under his cousin
german, Hadjy Beg the son of Hussun Tchobauny, towards Baghdad.
Here the tide of fortune appears to have turned against him. The di-
vision under Hadjy Beg was entirely defeated by Ameir Hussun the
Eylekhaunian, assisted by Ameir Ally Jauffer, and Kâra Hussun, and
other chiefs of his party. Rejoined at Mardein by the fugitives who
escaped from this disaster, the Tehobaunian now directed his march
northward across the Euphrates into Rûme, where he unworthily sig-
nalized his vengeance by the total destruction of every town in that
province, which had the slightest connection with the party of his rival;
and having levied an enormous contribution in specie upon the opu-
lent inhabitants of Erzerum, he then withdrew into Azerbâijaun, to take
up his residence at Tebreiz.
His attention was henceforward principally devoted to the super-
intendance of several public buildings, of which he had laid the foun-
dation at that city, and in particular, of a college, and convent for
religious Mahommedans, of great extent and magnificence, of which
he lived to see the early completion. Having, however, dispatched
another army into Rûme, under the personal direction of Súliman
Khaun, assisted by Ameir Yakub Shah; and the expedition terminat-
ing in defeat and disgrace, the Tchobaunian conceived a suspicion of
some treachery, or misconduct on the part of Yakub Shah, and imme-
diately threw him into prison. It would appear, that an adulterous.
intercourse had for some time subsisted between this chief and Ezzetmê-
689
seyr.
lek, the wife of Ameir Sheikh Hussun; and the lady, apprehending that A. H. 744.
her paramour had been imprisoned in consequence of the discovery A. D. 1343.
of the intrigue, immediately determined on the destruction of her hus. Habeib-us-
band. She prevailed upon three other women of the haram to assist
in the atrocious design; which was successfully carried into execution,
on the night of the twenty seventh of Rudjub of the seven hundred and
forty fourth of the Hidjerah* in a way which singularly evinced the
malignity of female revenge.†
Having thus accomplished her perfidious design, this abandoned
profligate, next morning privately fled the palace with her accompli-
ces, and found means to conceal herself in one of the city baths; and
the dread of Sheikh Hussun's severity deterring every one from ap-
proaching the apartments of the women, without particular permis-
sion, his death continued for two days unknown. On the third day,
however, the officers of his train becoming impatient, a female attend-
ant was employed to enquire why their chief had remained for so many
days invisible? The maid on entering the apartments, found the life-
less body of the Tchobaunian, alone, the haram having been abandoned
by all the women; and the circumstance was immediately announced
to the Ameirs. After considerable search, the traitress and her ac-
complices were discovered and secured; and by an ignominious death
made some atonement, however inadequate, for the enormity of the crime.
The disordered fabric of the Persian government was now destined,
in great part, to devolve to the rigid sway of MELEK ASHRUF the son
of Teymur Taush; a man whose tyrannical and sanguinary disposition
is described to have made him equally feared and detested by friends
and enemies. With his brother Sheikh Hussun he had lived on terms,
alternately, of friendship and hostility; and at the commencement of
the year seven hundred and forty three, being employed with a body of
troops in the siege of Shirauz, he thought fit to abandon his designs
in that quarter; and returning suddenly to Sûltauniah, he there en-
tered into engagements of close amity with his uncle Yaughy Baussety,
or Pausty, the son of Tehobaun; with whom he shortly afterwards
retired to Baghdad, where they experienced from Sheikh Hussun the
Eylekhaunian, every proof of kindness and respect.
* December 14th, 13 13.
VOL. 11.
A Constrictione testium.
4 T
1
690
Habeib-us-
seyr.
A. H. 744-45. From thence, however, they were soon compelled to remove by the
A. D. 1343-44. characteristic address of Sheikh Hussun the Tchobaunian, who had
not then suffered through the treachery of his wife; and who found
means through the intervention of one of the principal citizens, to
persuade the Eylekhaunian, that the two chiefs had repaired to Bagh-
dâd, in reality with the concurrence of their relative, and in order to seize
an opportunity of making away with his rival. The insidious repre-
sentation found immediate credit with the Eylekhaunian; and he was
concerting measures to secure the persons of the suspected refugees,
when they became apprized of their danger, and very seasonably made
their escape, Having through a thousand difficulties conveyed them-
selves to Ebher, south-east of Sultauniah, they there learnt that Rai-
mêlek the son of Eysskûtlûgh, with a numerous and splendid retinue,
was encamped in the neighborhood, and they immediately determined
on an attempt to surprise him. With the handful of desperate adven-
turers by whom they were attended, they accordingly attacked the en-
campment in the dead of night; and having killed the chief, and posses-
sed themselves of a very considerable booty, they made the best of
their way to Istahaun. At that place, by raising heavy contributions
from the opulent inhabitants of the country, they were enabled to levy
a numerous body of troops, with which they proceeded towards Shir-
auz, at this period in possession of Sheikh Abû Ishauck Eynjû; but
when they had advanced within one stage of that city, the death of
Ameir Sheikh Hussun the Tchobauniau, as recently described, was
announced to them; and on this, they returned with their utmost ce-
lerity into Azerbâijaun.
It would appear that having, for reasons unexplained, put to death
Ghouje Husseyne, the son of the elder Hussun Tchobauny, soon after
the assasination of Ameir Sheikh Hussun Koutchek, Sûliman Khaun
suddenly withdrew towards Karabaugh, conferring the office of the Viz-
zaurut on Hadjy Hamzah, and Tchobaun Akhtatchei, (the grandequer-
ry, or master of the horse). He proceeded then to the enlargement of
Yakub Shah, his collegue in the unsuccessful expedition into Rûme;
but possessing, already, resources and influence far beyond the other
Ameirs of the empire, that chief very early presumed to usurp an over-
bearing predominance over the authority of his superior. Hence, find-
ing his power reduced to a cypher, Sûliman Khaun dispatched with
691
Habeib-us-
out delay to solicit the support of Melek Ashruf and Ameir Yaughy; A. H. 745.
and this was the communication which suspended the design against A. D. 1344.
Shirauz, and hastened their return into Irâk and Azerbâijaun. They
reached Sûltauniah on the first day of the new year,* prosecuting their
march shortly afterwards, for Tebreiz.
Pending these circumstances, Ameir Seyûrghaun, or Seyûr Aga, for
the name is thus indiscriminately exhibited, who had been confined
in the castle of Kârahessaur, in Rûme, by the direction of his nephew
the late Sheikh Hussun Tchobauny, contrived to cut off the governor
of the place; and having equipped himself, and those who joined him, from
the stores which that fortress furnished in vast abundance, was also
approaching Tebreiz. On intelligence of his design, the Ameirs Yau-
ghy and Melek Ashruf hastened to meet, and to render all the testimo-
nies of respect and zeal that they conceived to be due to their illustri-
ous relative. From Mamouriah, where the first interview took place,
they conducted the prince to Kouktchehpeyker, a summer palace.
erected by Ameir Tchobaun; where they remained for a period of
two months, totally engaged in a course of festivities and amusements,
which did not, however, prevent the party from becoming every day
more formidable in reputation and strength,
After flattering himself with the expectation that the elder Ameirs,
whom he had invited to his support, would have readily submitted to
his authority, Suliman Khaun was considerably mortified to discover
that his interest formed so trivial a part of their consideration; and
he withdrew, on the first opportunity, into Diaurbekir, his minister
Hadjy Hamzah, with Gheyauth-ud-dein Mahommed Ally Shahy,
and Emmaud-ud-dein Serauy, quitting him to join Melek Ashruf.
Nevertheless, in the hope that he should be able to engage the party
in hostilities among themselves, Emmaud-ud-dein, one of these, ven-
tured to adopt the following expedicnt. Having left Iris tents and
equipage all standing, he suddenly presented himself to Ameir
Seyûrghaun, and Yanghy Pausty, and announced to them that Melek
Ashruf, who was encamped at the distance of a league or two, was
secretly arming his troops, with the design of attacking them by sur-
prise. The two chiefs upon this, proceeded without delay to prepare
their followers to repel the perfidious attempt; while Melek Ashruf
on his part, alarmed about midnight by a counter-report, that his kins-
May 14th, 1344.
4 T 4
scyr.
692
seyr.
A. II. 745. men were in motion to circumvent him, stood also to his defence. At
A. D. I 1314.
the return of day, Melek Ashrufsent to demand the occasion of all this
Habeib-us- alarm and uproar, since, with the Persian empire yet to conquer, it
appeared rather premature to dispute about the division. He was ac-
quainted in reply with the nature of the intelligence communicated
by Emmaud-ud-dein; to which having solemnly averred that there ex-
isted not the slightest foundation, he further demanded that the incen-
diary should be immediately conveyed to his presence, as the surest
means of restoring that harmony which he had so maliciously endea-
voured to destroy. Emmaud-ud-dein was accordingly conducted to
the camp of Melek Ashruf, by whom he was immediately put to death.
The three chiefs then proceeded together to Tebreiz.
NOUSHIRVAUN,
last of the Perso-
jeugueizians,
This coalition was, however, not destined to be of any stability or
duration. For the inhabitants of Tebreiz exhibiting for the Ameirs
Seyûrghaun and Yaughy Pausty, as the immediate issue of Ameir
Tchobaun, far more distinguished marks of respect, than they seemed
disposed to yield to Melek Ashruf, who was only the grandson of that
illustrious chief, the jealousy of the nephew was excited; and he re-
moved in displeasure from Tebreiz to a place called Sehend. When he had,
for some time, continued to reside at this place, he either received, or
affected to have received, intelligence that his relatives were at last seri-
ously engaged in a design to attack him, ou a particular night. On which he
armed in earnest, and accompanied by one of his surviving brothers march-
ed straight for Tebreiz. Learning, however, on his approach that the ob-
jects of his vengeance had decamped in the night for Khoui, he pro-
ceeded without delay in pursuit of them; and having arrested their
retreat on the plain of Aanabad, he there brought them to battle, and
in a conflict of considerable obstinacy, eutirely defeated them.
His superiority being completely established by the defeat and flight
of the Ameirs Seyûrghaun, and Yaughy, Melek Ashruf took up his
quarters for the present, at a station called Tâteil; where he thought
it expedient to bestow the sovereign dignity, now extenuated into a
mere shadow, on a prince of the name of Noushirvaun, allied to the
monarch of Keptchauk, on whom he conferred at the same time the
title of Ul Audel-the just. Soon after this he extended his power
throughout the territory of Arran, and the whole of Azerbaijaun; but
693
of the individual whom he thus nominally raised to the royal authority, A. II. 715-48,
and who may be considered as the last of the Persian monarchs of the A. D. 1344-47.
race of Jenguciz, little further appears to have reached posterity.
Having effected their escape from the late battle to a station called
Baubi, the Ameirs Yaughy Baussety and Seyûrghaun, on the other
hand, dispatched two persons from thence, to sue for an accommoda-
tion with their nephew; who expressed himself, on his part, extremely
well disposed to accede to their wishes, at the same time that he urged
the necessity of their presence on the spot, to share with him in the
fatigues of government. Seyûrghaun could not prevail with himself
to repose any confidence in these professions; but retiring into Diar-
bekir, was there ultimately destroyed by Sheikh Hussun the Eyle-
Ehaunian. While Ameir Yaughy, venturing to commit his destiny to
the discretion of Melek Ashruf, was shortly afterwards made away with,
by means that were never disclosed.
Melek Ashruf now conceived himself at liberty to indulge, without
restraint, in his violent and cruel propensities. In the seven hundred
and forty sixth ofthe Hidjerah, he seized his brother Melek Nusser, and
confined him to an iron cage; and in the year following, in addition to
the miseries already inflicted upon her by the iron hand of Ashruf,
the city of Tebreiz was visited by a dreadful pestilence; which ban-
ished from that place, and from the greater part of Azerbâ¡jaun, all who
possessed the means of securing a tolerable reception in other countries,
beyond the reach of the oppressor.
In the spring of seven hundred and forty eight,* at the head of a
powerful army, the tyrant proceeded to invade the territories, in Ara-
bian Irak, under the authority of Sheikh Hussun the Eylekhaunian,
and laid siege to the metropolis of Baghdad; his antagonist being un-
able to keep the field against him. Finding, however, after some time,
that the enterprize was accompanied with difficulties which he was
not prepared to surmount, or, according to others, being seized with
alarming apprehensions in another quarter, Ashruf determined to raise
the siege; and in consequence of such determination, soon afterwards
withdrew into Azerbâijaun.
Three years afterwards, namely, in the seven hundred and fifty first
of the IIidjerah,† he marched with fifty thousand horse to invest Isfa-
* A. D. 1347.
↑ A. D. 1350.
Habeib-us-
seyr.
4
694
1
Ilabeib-us-
seyr.
#
A. H. 751-52. haun; which he found, however, so vigorously protected against his
A. D. 1350-51. efforts, by the courage and circumspection of the Ameirs Nûdjm-ud-
dein, and Khaujah Mahmûd, who commanded on the part of Ameir
Abû Ishauck Aynjû, that after a siege of fifteen days, he consented to
a treaty of peace: the Isfahaunians agreeing on their part, to include
the name of the pageant Noushirvaun in the Khotbah, to pay down
the sum of two thousand dinaurs of gold, (a sum of no great magnitude
for such a city) and to send out what was equivalent to one hundred
thousand more, the produce of their most esteemed manufactories. Sa-
tisfied with these concessions, Melek Ashruf returned into Azerbaijaun.
He is now said to have abandoned all further views of conquest, and
to have transferred his abode to the town of Rebbeia Reshidy; whither,
after causing it to be surrounded by a ditch and rampart, he directed the
whole of the inhabitants of Tebreiz and the neighborhood, excepting
perhaps such as were attached to the religious establishments, to be
removed; and the new town soon exhibited, in consequence, a popu-
lation which in multitude, far surpassed the bounds of credibility.
The murders and confiscations of which this tyrant had been guilty
towards all classes of the people, not excepting even his own nearest
relatives, had, however, been carried to an extent so grievous and op-
pressive, that his mind became at last the abode of the most gloomy
apprehensions. The light was excluded from the apartment which
he usually inhabited. The most extraordinary precautions were adopted
with respect to what he eat and drank. Sheep and poultry were kil-
led in his own presence, and the water brought for his use was
poured into china jars under his own inspection; and five thousand
guards selected for the purpose were perpetually on duty in his palace.
Last of all, an iron chain hung round with bells, to which he gave the
name of the chain of justice, was suspended to the entrance of his
chamber of state; in order that by putting the bells in motion, such as
sought redress of injury might make their complaints immediately
known to him. Conceiving perhaps at the same time, that his appre-
hensions might be in some measure alleviated by the soft endearments
of beauty, he, in the course of the seven hundred and fifty second of
the Hidjerah, espoused the daughter of the prince of Mardein; but
after solemnizing his nuptials with extraordinary magnificence, he con-
A. D. 1351.
695
ceived at the first interview an aversion for his bride, and never saw A. H. 752-58.
her afterwards.
A. D. 1351-57.
sevr.
A representation of the accumulated crimes and oppressions of the Habeih us-
tyrant was, at length, conveyed to Jauny Beg Khaun of Keptchauk,
through the medium of the Kauzy of Berdya; and that monarch, in the
course of the seven hundred and fifty seventh of the Hidjerah,* was on
his march towards Azerbaijaun. Having ascertained the truth of this
intelligence, Melek Ashruf, after a seclusion of several years, issued
from the gates of his favorite abode, and formed an encampment at the
station of Shabbeghauzan; his treasure, and jewels, and the most va-
luable of his effects, having been previously conveyed, by a train of
one thousand camels, and four hundred mules, towards Oujaun. But,
finding that Jauny Beg was much nearer at hand, than his information
had led him to expect, his fears increased upon him to a degree of per-
turbation; and charging two of his confidential domestics, Khaujah
Lûlû, and Shukker Khauzen, to conduct the women and his treasures,
by the pass of Mezeid, to the well, or reservoir, of Khaujah Reshid,
he proceeded himself in the direction of Oujaun; the domestics being
instructed to remain in their retreat, until they should hear that he was
triumphant over his enemies, in which case they were to return to
Tebreiz. Otherwise, they were to make the best of their way towards
Khowi, north-east of the lake of Van. Having thus far provided for
the security of all that was most valuable, Ashruf pitched his camp by
the side of the Mehranroud; detaching Aukhy Jouk, and other Ameirs,
with the main body of his troops, and abundantly supplied with arms
and treasure, towards Oujaun. After this, with two thousand of his
household troops and domestics, he took post apart from danger on
a range of hills, somewhere in the vicinity, to await the issue of the
impending contest.
Until convinced, by the evidence of their own senses, of the over-
whelming force led on by Jauny Beg, and of the impracticability of such
an attempt, the generals of Ashruf had, on first assembling at Ou-
jaun, formed a plan of surrounding the Ouzbeks. But they no sooner
viewed the formidable array, and vast multitudes of the invaders, than
all their bolder plans gave way to the despair of effectual resistance;
and they immediately dispersed in every possible direction. Melek
* A. D. 1356.
696
A. H. 758. Ashruf, on the hills where he had taken post, was soon apprized of this
A. D. 1357. prelude to the consummation of his destiny. He returned immedi-
Habeib-us- ately to Shubbeghauzan; and having rested there for one night, he
seyr.
continued his retreat towards the pass, within which he had directed
his domestics with their sacred charge, to await his instructions. In
the mean time he was forsaken by the whole of his attendants, two Georg-
ian slaves excepted, with whom he reached the spot where he expected
to find his family. But on intelligence of the fatal reverse in their
masters's fortune, the men, to whom he had consigned the precious dc-
posit of all that remained valuable to him, proceeded to pillage his ef
fects, and to set the women at large. The cruel disclosure that thus
awaited him at the well of Reshid could not contribute to revive his
hopes; and he finally directed his trembling steps towards Khowi, for-
merly mentioned. On the way to that place, he ventured to solicit
a few hours' repose at the residence of a certain Sheikh Mahommed
Balektchei, perhaps Bâlkhy, who received him with every outward
demonstration of respect and kindness; but who, at the same moment,
dispatched a message to the Khaun of Keptchauk, to acquaint him with
the retreat of his unhappy guest.
The person of Ashruf was immediately secured by an officer employed
for the purpose by the Ouzbek monarch, and he was now conducted
a prisoner to Tebreiz; where, from the terraces of their houses, the
inhabitants cast ashes on his head, and otherwise treated him with
every mark of indignation and insult, in return for the multiplied op-
pressions which he had accumulated upon them. The ensuing day
he was conveyed to Oujaun, to the presence of Jauny Beg Khaun;
whose first and only question on his approach was, "wherefore he had
desolated the noble countries placed at his discretion by the indul-
"gence of a capricious fortune?" To which he replied, that the evils
ascribed to him had been perpetrated without his concurrence, by the
agents of his government. Jauny Beg then quitted Oujaun, and en-
camped on the banks of the Hushtroud; where he caused the wretched
Ashruf shortly afterwards, to atone with his blood, for the crimes
committed either by himself, or under the sanction of his authority.
His head was conveyed to Tebreiz, and suspended to the raven mosque
at that city. Jauny Beg followed at his convenience, aud cnter-
697
ing at the head of ten thousand troops, took up his abode in the palace A. H. 758.
of the successors of Hûlaukû, in the same metropolis. Having then A. D. 1357.
vested the government of the conquered countries in his son Berdy Habeb-us-
Beg Khaun, he finally returned towards the Volga; taking with him
the greater part of the treasures, together with a son and daughter, of
the tyrant Ashruf.
These concluding events appear to have taken place during the sever
hundred and fifty eighth of the Hidjerah, under which we have accord-
ingly ventured to class them.
Not long after his return into Keptchauk, Jauny Beg Khaun reposed
from all his cares in the chamber of death; and this event requiring
the presence of Berdy Beg to secure the throne of his ancestors, the pro-
vince of Azerbâijaun was immediately abandoned to its fate. An
opportunity thus occurred of which Aukhy Jouk, the chief recently
adverted to, did not neglect to avail himself; and he accordingly hast-
ened, with the assistance of the relatives of Melek Ashruf and the
friends of the family, to take possession of Tebreiz. Of that city, and
of the territory of Azerbaijaun depending upon it, he appears to have
made himself master without difficulty; after which, committing the
subordinate administration of the government to the discretion of Em-
maud-ud-dein Mahmûd the Kermauuian, and Abú Bukker the son
of Ally the Jilaunian, he kindled afresh the devouring flames of op-
pression and violence, and restored, in all its iniquitous forms and prac-
tices, the hated system of the tyrant Ashruf.
Sultan AWEISS, the son of Ameir Sheikh IIussun Buzurg, second of
the Eylekhaunians.
scyr.
After having, for many years, maintained himself in independent
power, over Baghdâd, and the territory adjoining to the Tigris, Sheikh
Hussun the Eylkhaunian, not unfrequently entitled Sheikh Hussun
Bûzûrg—the greater, appears to have died a natural death some time
in the course of the seven hundred and fifty seventh of the Hidjerah; on SULTAN AWEISS,
which the chiefs attached to his government concurred in bestowing the ld of the Eyl-
diadem and authority of the father, on Sultan Aweiss, his eldest son by
Dilshaud Khautun, the daughter of Teymur Taush, and sister of his
inveterate rival Sheikh Hussun Tehobauny. This prince then suc-
eceded to his father's government in Rudjub of the year seven hundred,
VOL. II.
4 U
khaubians.
698
A. D. 1357-58.
Habeib-us-
zeyr.
A. II. 750-59. and fifty seven; and he proved, according to our author, without exag
geration of language, a just and humane sovereign, the father of his peo-
ple, and the liberal encourager of genius and learning in every shape.
Aided by the fame of his virtues, he experienced therefore but little
difficulty in reducing to his authority, in a very short space of time,
the whole of Irâk Ajem, with Azerbâijaun and Arran; and in reco-
vering, at least, the western provinces of the Persian empire, from that
abject state of misery to which they had fallen, under the flagitious
tyranny of its recent oppressors.
In the spring of the seven hundred and fifty ninth of the Iidjerah,
when it was well ascertained that Berdy Beg Khaun had returned into
Keptchauk, and that Aukhy Jouk had made himself master of Azer-
bâijaun on his departure, Sultan Aweiss quitted his capital of Bagh-
dâd, at the head of a numerous and formidable army, and directed his
March for Tebreiz. In some part of the intervening mountainous fron-
tier, he was resolutely opposed by Aukhy Jouk; and a conflict of two
days ensued between the hostile chiefs, on the former of which nei-
ther pretended to claim the victory; but, on the second day, the Sul-
tan succeeded in driving his adversary from the field of battle. Aukhy
Jouk retired towards Tebreiz closely followed by his conqueror; to
whom on his approach, he abandoned that metropolis, without resis-
tance, continuing his own retreat towards Nakhtchûaun. Sultan Aw-
eiss entered Tebreiz shortly afterwards, and took up his quarters in the
palace of the Reshidian family; where he received the submission of
the Ameirs of the party of Ashruf. These he treated, at first, with
distinguished kindness; but at the expiration of a few days conceiving
some suspicion of treachery, he condemned not less than forty seven of
them, during the sacred month of Ramzaun,* to perish by the sword
of the executioner. A remnant escaped, however, to join Aukhy
Jouk, with whom they next proceeded from Nakhtchûaun to Karabaugh.
Not long after this, Ameir Ally Peiltun was detached by Sultan
Aweiss, to crush the designs of the enemy. But, in consequence of
some secret discontent which he harboured against his employer, this
commander either through treachery or criminal misconduct, suffered
himself to be defeated; and the Sultan was compelled, by the consternati-
on which followed among his troops, to abandon Azerbaijaun, and return
*July, 1356,
€99
to Baghdad. Hence, Aukhy Jouk found himself in a situation to repos- A. II, 759-65,
sess himself once more, of that devoted province, and to resume at lei- A. D. 1358-63.
sure his plans of oppression and violence.
In the spring of seven hundred and sixty,* he was, however, assailed
from another quarter, and finally driven from Tebreiz, by Mûbaurez-
ud-dein Mahommed of the race of Mûzuffur, with the army of Shir-
auz. He now separated from the associates of his turbulent designs,
and took sanctuary with a certain devotee of the name of Suddur-ud-
dein Kebaun, whom he had adopted as his spiritual father. Some time
afterwards, Sûltan Aweiss recovered Azerbâijaun, on the retreat of the
Shirauzian; and prevailed upon him, by a promise of indulgent and li-
beral treatment, to quit his asylum, and repair to the presence. But,
when he had continued for some time to enjoy the advantages of the Sûl-
tan's humane protection, he could not be withheld from entering afresh,
with Ally Peiltun, and Jullaul-ud-dein the Kazvinian, into a conspir-
acy to subvert the government of his protector; and the design being
discovered to the Sultan, by the Sheikh Suddur-ud-dein recently al-
luded to, Aukby Jouk and his accomplices were immediately con-
demned to die for their ingratitude.
To omit the recital of some events of little moment, which distin-
guished the intervening period, the narrative may be suffered to pass
without much injury to the subject, to the seven hundred and sixty
fifth of the Hidjerah ;† when Khaujah Merjan, who conducted the
government of Baghdad, as the lieutenant of Sultan Aweiss, ventured
to exalt the standard of rebellion against the authority of his superior.
The Sultan marched without delay to chastise the disobedience of his
refractory vassal, who appeared at first disposed to hazard a conflict
in the field; but the banners of his master no sooner met his view,
than he conceived himself abundantly fortunate to make good his
retreat, behind the walls of Baghdad, after destroying the bridge of
the Tigris. The day following, however, calculating on the distin-
guished moderation and clemency of his offended sovereign, he threw
open the gates, and dispatched the whole of the principal and most res-
* 1359.
† 1863.
† This, with similar passages in other parts of the original, led the translator to conceive
that the city of Baghdâd, must still have lain on the western bank of the Tigris ; cise, where
the utility of destroying the bridge on that river?
Habeib-us-
seyr.
*
4 U 4
+
700
sevr.
5. H. 765-71. pectable inhabitants to meet and conduct the Sultan in triumph, into
A. D. 1363-69. the city. Sultan Aweiss had the magnanimity to realize the expect-
Habeib-us- ations, by pardoning the offences of this audacious and ungrateful rebel.
Having devoted a period of eleven months to a variety of amuse-
ments at Baghdad, Sultan Aweiss conferred the government of that place
on Sultan Shah his treasurer, and proceeded towards Mossûle; which
he succeeded in wresting from the possession of the brother of Behram
Khaujah the Turkman. From Mossûle, he continued his march up-
wards to the plains of Moush, where he gave battle to the same Beh-
ram Khaujah, who is described as the uncle of the afterwards cele-
brated Kâra Yussuf; and having carried pillage and desolation through
all the possessions of the tribe, that of the Karakûynlû, or black wea-
thers, he returned by the route of Kârakeleissia, or the black churches,
to the metropolis of Tebreiz.
While the Sultan was absent at Baghdad on this occasion, Melek
Kawus the son of Keykobaud, prince of Shirvaun, whose descendants
retained a considerable share of distinction even to the days in which
the author composed his history,* embraced the opportunity to make
two successive incursions into the territory of Karabaugh; from whence
he transported the greater part of the population into his own country.
On his return into Azerbaijaun,† the Sultan, on intelligence of these
repeated acts of aggression, resolved to employ his minister Behram
Beg, with other distinguished chiefs, to chastise the insolence of the
aggressor, and finally to reduce Shirvaun. The troops of Sultan Aweiss
entered the province accordingly in great force, Melek Kâwus retiring
before them into, or within the range of, the strong holds of his coun-
try. When the invading generals had continued, however, for a period
of three months, to harass his dominions in every direction, without
evincing in any shape a disposition to withdraw, the prince of Shirvaun,
considering that if he did not contrive by a seasonable submission, to
avert the mischief, his country must be finally ruined, adopted the
hazardous resolution of delivering his person into the hands of Behram
Beg; by whom he was immediately conveyed in fetters to the pre-
sence of his sovereign. After an imprisonment of three months, his
confidence in the liberality of his adversary, was justified by a restora-
tion to the government of his native and hereditary dominion.
The early part of the sixteenth century of the Christian æra. † A. D. 1361.
#
701
From this period to the seven hundred and seventy first of the Hid- A. H. 771-73.
jerah, the only events recorded by the historian, are the deaths of Ameir A. D. 1369-71.
Kaussem the brother of Sultan Aweiss, of Sultan Shah Khâzen the Habeib-us-
governor of Baghdad, who was succeeded by Khaujah Merjan, and of
seyr.
the Sultan's favorite minion, Behram Shah; for the latter of whom, he
appears to have exhibited some unprecedented demonstrations of grief
and mourning.
During the year seven hundred and seventy one, nearly three hun-
dred thousand persons are stated to have perished, either in or about
Tebreiz, of a dreadful pestilential disorder; and in the course of the fol-
lowing year, Ameir Wully, who, on the assassination of Togha Tey-
mûr Khaun, had possessed himself of the territory of Jûrjaun adjoining
to the south-east angle of the Caspian, discovering some designs hostile
to the authority of Sultan Aweiss, the latter proceeded in force to-
wards that quarter. In an obstinate conflict which took place in the
territory of Rey, Ameir Wully was totally defeated by the Eylkhaun-
ian; who pursued his routed troops without intermission, and with
great slaughter, all the way to Semnaun. At that place the Sultan
relinquished the pursuit, and, having conferred the government of Rey
upon Kûtlûg Shah, returned into Azerbaijaun. Two years afterwards,
on the departure of Kûtlûg Shah for Isfahaun, the same government
was vested in Aadel Aga, of whom much will occur in the subsequent
pages; but of whom, for the present, it will be sufficient to state, that
he was the same person referred to, by the historians of these times,
under the designation of Saurek Aadel; that he commenced his ca-
reer as superintendant of the arsenal; after which, becoming enrolled
in the train of Sâliman Begum, the foster mother of Sultan Aweiss,
he gradually attained to the most important governments under the
Eylkhaunian monarchs.
During the seven hundred and seventy third of the Iidjerah, is men-
tioned the death of Ameir Zauhed, the brother of Sultan Aweiss; who
fell from the terrace of the palace of Oujaun, in a fit of intoxication, and
was killed on the spot. In the course of the same year, Ameir Wully
appeared before the gates of Sawah, which he attacked and carried by
assault. Mûbaurek Shah the governor, after concealing himself for
some days, finally secured the protection of the conqueror, by present-
702
seyr.
A. H. 773-76. ing him with his daughter, a maid of singular beauty and attractions.
A. D. 1371-74. The Jûrjaunian withdrew shortly afterwards to his own province. Melêk
Habeib-us- Kâwus dying in the course of the year seven hundred and seventy three,
the country of Shirvaun was bestowed on his son Hoshung; who had
accepted of some employment under the authority of Sultan Aweiss.
The government of Baghdad was consigned to Khaujah Serour, on
the death of Khaujah Merjan, towards the eonclusion of the seven
hundred and seventy fifth of the Hidjerah and in seven hundred
and seventy six, that part of the city which lay along the Tigris, being
overwhelmed by an extraordinary inundation of the river, near forty
thousand of the inhabitants perished among the ruins. Khaujah Ser-
our is said to have been so deeply affected by this unforeseen calamity,
as to have died of grief; on which his government was transferred to
Wejeiah-ud-dein Ismâeil, the son of Nejeib-ud-dein the Vezzeir.
Towards the end of the latter Rebbeia of the same year, the 776th of
the Hidjerah,* Sultan Aweiss was attacked by a severe and dangerous
disorder, from which he never recovered. According to the relation
of Hauffez Abrû, he had been apprized of the period of his death for
three months previous to the attack which produced it; and he had in
consequence, made every arrangement preparatory to the awful crisis,
even to his shroud and coffin. The symptoms of his approaching dis-
solution became, at last, sufficiently visible to all, and the Ameirs and
officers of his court assembled round the pillow of their amiable sover-
cign, to receive his dying instructions. The Sultan expressed a desire
that the succession to the supreme power, should be considered to have
devolved to his son IIûsseyne, and the government of Baghdad and
western Irâk to Sheikh Huss un; but, as the latter was the elder brother,
he left them to decide, whether he would submit to such an arrange-
ment. The courtiers considering this a sufficient warrant for their
proceedings, hastened to secure the person of Hussun, whom they
immediately threw into imprisonment. The Sultan breathed his last,
on the night of the second of the latter Jummaudy ; and the devoted
Hussun was the same night, dispatched to accompany the spirit of his
father.
Sultan HUSSEYNE, the son of Aweiss, third of the Eylkhaunians.
* September, 137i. ↑ November 7th, 1374,
703
A. D. 1374-75.
seyr.
The succession thus secured to him by the assassination of his elder A. II. 776 77.
brother, Sultan IIûsseyue ascended the throne of Tebreiz without op-
position, immediately confirming to the several Ameirs, the honors Ilabeib-us-
and appointments which they had held under the authority of his fa-
ther; and, if the advantages of a person uncommonly handsome, and of
eloquence to command universal esteem and obedience, had been suf-
ficient to ensure a prosperous and splendid reign, the new monarch SEYNE, IIld of
is described to have possessed these qualifications in a very eminent the Eylkhauni
degree.
Early in the spring of the seven hundred and seventy seventh of the
Hidjerah, Sultan IIûsseyne conducted a force against the possessions
of Behram Khaujah, and Kâra Mahommed, the Turkmans ; who had
by this time established themselves at Arjis, or Arjish, and in the
territory adjoining, north westward, to the lake of Van. Having wit-
nessed the successive reduction of many of their castles, the Türk-
man chiefs, finally submitted to a treaty, under which they engaged,
by way of tribute, to furnish the Sultan with an annual supply or
twenty thousand sheep. In the course of the same year he was, how-
ever defeated with great loss, at Jermaukhan, by Shah Shujia, the son of
Mahommed of the race of Mûzulfur, the Shirauzian, and compelled to
fly to Baghdad. But when he had continued, for a period of about
three months, to enjoy the fruits of his victory at Tebreiz, Shah Shûnjia
being recalled to Shirauz, to oppose the hostile designs of his brother
Yaheya, Sultan Husseyne hastened to avail himself of the opportu-
nity to regain his capital.
Subsequent to this, for some time at least, the Sultan appears to have
resigned himself to his pleasures; and removing from Tebreiz to Ou-
jaun, he fixed his permanent residence at the latter place, inviting
Aadel Aga from Sûltauniah to take upon himself the entire manage-
ment of the government; and this the latter accordingly proceeded to
exercise with unlimited controul.
Such a delegation of authority proved, however, as had been exper-
ienced on a variety of former occasions, the source of serious discon-
tent among the Ameirs; and a combination was soon concerted among
them to ruin the minister. In order to assist in the execution of their
design, they undertook to recal from Syria, whither he had been ban-
SULTAN Hus-
ans.
704
seyr.
A. H. 780-82. ished for life by the Sultan, a certain Kauzy Sheikh Ally; and soon
A. D. 1378 80. after the return of this person, they proceeded in the course of some
Habeib-us- public discussion of affairs, to declare to Aadel Aga, that although they
had hitherto acquiesced without remonstrance in the authority which
he had been chosen to exercise, they were now come to a resolution
no longer to submit to it. The Aga replied, with apparent unconcern,
that they were perfectly at discretion to judge for themselves; and
immediately quitting the assembly repaired to his own mansion, and
from thence, without giving them time to deliberate on their further
plans, made the best of his way to Sûltauniah. The factious chiefs
repented, when too late, that they had suffered an adversary so dan-
gerous to escape the toils; and they employed an agent to endeavor,
by every concession in their power to make, to prevail upon him to
The minister was, however, not to be imposed upon by pro-
fessions so insidious, and continued his journey without remission,
until he reached the plain under the walls of Súltauniah. Soon after
he had thus escaped from his enemies, he gave protection to Shah
Munsûr, who had fled from Shirauz to avoid the resentment of his bro-
ther Shah Shujia; and he obtained the government of Hamadaun for
the fugitive.
return.
Sultan Hûsseyne, under considerable alarm with respect to the ul-
timate views of his Ameirs, ou the flight of Aadel Aga, availed hiur-
self of the pretence of a ride to the country, to withdraw as suddenly
from. Oujaun, aud to hasten with all the celerity of which he was ca-
pable, to Tebreiz; where he immediately prepared to defend himself,
by barricading the streets and entrances into the town. On the elope-
ment of the Sultan, the seditious nobles threw off all further restraint;
and having distributed the contents of the treasury and arsenals among
their followers, proceeded straight for Baghdad. In the mean time, in-
telligence of their movements was early conveyed by the Sultan to
Aadel Aga; and they were pursued by that minister, accompanied by
Shah Munsûr the Shirauzian, without delay, at the head of five thous-
and horse. They were overtaken by the advanced guard of these
troops under Shah Munsûr, at the station of Altûnkoua ; and part of
them having dispersed for safety, the remainder claimed the protection
of Munsûr, who unguardedly promised them their lives. Kauzy
705
seyr.
Sheikh Ally and others of the disaffected Ameirs, who had thus sur- A. II. 780-82,
rendered themselves, were now conducted to the camp of Aadel Aga, A. D. 1378-80,
who immediately hastened in charge of them towards Tebreiz. When Habeib-us-
he reached Meraughah, on the way to that metropolis, in consequence
of a letter from the Sultan written in letters of gold with his own hand,
the minister, however, in spite of the most serious remonstrances on
the part of Shah Munsûr, who had pledged himself for their personal
safety, directed the whole of the prisoners to be put to death; with
the exception of the factious Kauzy, who contrived to redeem himself
from the sword of the executioner, at the expence of one hundred to-
mauns.*
Shah Munsûr immediately withdrew to Hamadann, highly
offended at the disregard with which his intercession in behalf of the
rebellious Ameirs, had been thus treated; while Aadel Aga continued
his march to Tebreiz, where additional favors awaited him from the
gratitude of his sovereign.
On the death of Khaujah Serour, Ameir Ismâeil, the son of the Vez-
zeir Zekkareia, had, as formerly noticed, succeeded to the government
of Baghdad. Having, however, by his indiscriminate advancement
of individuals of low birth and vicious morals, given considerable of-
fence to Shahzâdah Sheikh Ally the son of Sultan Aweiss, who re-
sided there at this period in a private capacity, Ameir Ismaeil was
unexpectedly, attacked on his way to the principal mosque, one Friday
in the 782d of the Hidjerah, and assassinated, by the man who bore
hisquiver; and his uncle, in endeavoring to assist him against the mur-
derer, shared his fate. The assassin and his accomplices hastened
immediately to the presence of the Shalizâdah to announce what had
passed; without, however, obtaining credit for their information, until
they had returned for the head of the fallen chief, which was then sus-
pended to the end of a beam in the walls of his own palace. On this
subject, it is described as a remarkable circumstance, that while he
was one day superintending the progress of the building, a carpenter
was about to cut off the end of this very beam, because it projected
through the wall; when Ismâeil himself interposed with the observation
* There would be considerable difficulty in deciding what this might amount to. The
But the to-
tomaun of the present day, (1799) is estimated at about thirty half crowns
maun taken at ten thousand, would make the sum one million; whether of diņaurs 91 dia
renis, must yet be doubtful. T.
VOL. II.
4 X
(
706
A. II. 789. that it might one time or other, serve some such purpose as that to which
A. D. 1880. it was now applied, little dreaning that he was unconsciously p. ognos-
Habeib-us-
seyr.
ticating the fate of his own head.
When these proceedings became known at Tebreiz, Sultan Hûsseyne
yielded with a good grace to confer the government of Baghdad upon
his brother; assuring him in the letters which accompanied the patent
of investiture, that he could not entertain the slightest objection to his
assuming the authority which had thus incidentally fallen to him; he
should only recommend it as a measure of expedience, that some noble-
man of rank and talents might be retained about his person, in order
to superintend the discipline of the soldiery, and watch over the peace.
and tranquillity of the people at large; and for this object, any per-
son of that class whom he thought fit to name, should be immediately
directed to attend his orders. The agent employed to convey these
dispatches, returned to his master highly gratified with the reception
which he had experienced from the Shahzadah; although the latter
proceeded to exercise his own discretion, in his choice of the officers
of his government; bestowing the charge of the Vizzaurut upon Abdul-
mélek Tümghatchei, and raising the murderers of Ameir Ismâcil to the
most distinguished appointments under his authority.
Finding, however, on experience, that his affairs derived but little
advancement from the exertions of such men as these, Sheikh Ally at
last directed his views towards Peir Ally Baudek, the governor of
Shûshter on the part of Shah Shujia the Shirauzian; who had for-
merly served among his stipendiaries, and whom he now invited to
Baghdad. Peir Ally gladly accepted the invitation, and was invested
by the Shahzâdah on his arrival, with the uncontrouled administration
of the government; and he succeeded in a short time, in reducing the
whole of Arabian Irâk under the authority of his employer.
This was an extension of power, that did not exactly square with
the views of Sultan Hûsseyne and his minister; and, accordingly, as
soon as he had assembled and equipped a sufficient force for the expe-
dition, that prince proceeded, in the spring of the seven hundred and
eighty second of the Hidjerah,* towards Baghdad. Shahzâdah Sheikh
Ally, and his minister abandoned the place, at his approach, without
resistance, and retired to Shûshter, the capital of Khûzistaun; whi-
* A. D. 1380.
707
}
seyr.
ther, had the intreaties of Aadel Aga availed, they would have been im- A. H. 782-83.
mediately pursued by the undivided force of the Tebrizians to their A. D. 1380-81.
entire extermination. But, the habits of debauchery to which the Sûl- Habeib-us-
tan was become now deplorably devoted, irresistibly attracted him to
Baghdâd; while Aadel Aga, with a part only of the army, proceeded,
under considerable dissatisfaction of mind, towards Shûshter. There
in a short time, he concluded a treaty with the enemy; only stipulating,
that the Shahızâdah should for the future confine himself to the terri
tory of Shûshter, and the province of Khâzistaun, without interfering
any more with the government of Baghdad. Aadel Aga rejoined Sultan
Hûsseyne on the tenth of Zilhudge ;* but perceiving in the monarch
no disposition to abandon his effeminate courses, he left him for the
last time; and with the troops of his own government, returned to
Sûltauniah, where he proceeded to exercise without restraint, all the
powers of independent authority.
Not long afterwards, the principal inhabitants of Baghdad, with a
remittance of four hundred tomauns in specie, conveyed to Shahzadah
Sheikh Ally, and his minister at Shûshter, an invitation to return and
resume his authority among them. This, they did not conceive then-
selves under any engagement to decline; and they accordingly advanced
without further delay into Arabian Irak. The effeminate Sultan Hûs-
seyne contented himself with dispatching two of his generals, Mah-
mûd Dowauty, and Omar Keptchauky, to oppose the design; but these
commanders being defeated with great slaughter, and taken prisoners,
by Peir Ally Baudek, the Súltan quitted Baghdâd on intelligence of
the disaster, with a precipitation which partook of all the circumstances
of a disgraceful flight. Making, however, the best of his way towards
Tebreiz, he ultimately contrived to reach that place in safety, after
experiencing a thousand difficulties, and being reduced to practice a
thousand shifts and expedients.
About the period at which Sultan IIûsseyne returned to Tebreiz, in
these circumstances of defeat and distress, Aadel Aga was employed
in recovering some of the castles in the territory of Rey, which had
been taken possession of by Ameir Wully; who had by this time ex-
tended his authority from Jurjaun into Mazanderaun westwards. Dis-
regarding all considerations of personal hazard, in order to concili
* March 5th, 1381.
4 X 4
708
A. II. 781. ate, and perhaps restore to himself the confidence of Aadel Aga, the
A. D. 1382. Sultan did not hesitate to detach to his support the greater part of the
Habeib-u
seyr.
SULTAN AHMED
troops of his province; thus resigning the protection of himself and
his capital, to a very slender and in-competent force. Such was his situ-
ation, when in the early part of the seven hundred and eighty fourth of
the Hidjerah, his brother Sultan Ahmed, sufficiently celebrated under
the title of Sultan Ahmed Jullàeir, than whom in audacity of mind,
according to our author, this earth has seldom produced the equal,
carried away by an unprincipled ambition of power, suddenly quitted
Tebreiz and took the road to Ardebeil, which he held in jagueir, or feu-
dalsubjection under the authority of his brother. From Ardebeil, in spite
of every solicitation on the part of Sultan Hûsseyne to return, be pro-
ceeded towards Moghaun, and from thence into the peninsula of Arau,
between the Cyrus and Araxes, where he succeeded in assembling a
body of troops; and at the bead of these he now retraced his steps to-
wards the metropolis of Azerbaijaun. On the fifteenth of Suffur of the
seven hundred and eighty fourth of the Hidjerab,* he entered that me-
tropolis by surprise; and although the unhappy Sultan contrived to
conceal himself in the first moments of alarm, he was however early
discovered, and the same night condemned to die, through the merci-
less rigour of an unfeeling brother.
This prince appears to have enjoyed his precarious sovereignty for
a period of eight years, five months, and two and twenty days; but, if
the representation of some historians be true, that, notwithstanding his
acknowledged singular endowments, he was not only immoderately
addicted to his pleasures, but guilty of actions equally inconsistent
with the dignity of a monarch, and unworthy of his character as a man,
his fate could not have been either long, or extensively lamented.
Sultan AIMED JULLAEIR, and Sultan BAYEZZID, last of the EYL-
KHAUNIANS.
It is here repeated that Sultan Ahined the son of Aweiss, was a prince
not less distinguished for his singular audacity, than for his sangui-
JULLAEIR, last of nary and turbulent spirit, the gloominess of his mind, and the unre-
the Eylkhaunians. lenting cruelty and injustice of his disposition. With these qualities,
he is however allowed to have possessed from nature some very con-
siderable endowments, and in particular he is described to have been
* April 29th, 1382.
709
an unrivalled proficient in music. But without entering further into A. H. 784.
the discussion of these points, which cannot at present be very mate- A. D. 1882.
rial, the author proceeds to state, that however he had stained the palace labeib-us-
of Tebreiz with the blood of oue brother, there yet remained another
in Sultan Bayezzid, who with some difficulty contrived to effect his
escape to Sûltauniah, to dispute his claims to the sovereign power.
At that place Sultan Bayezzid was received with distinction and re-
gard by Aadel Aga, who declared in support of his authority; which
he immediately prepared to assert with all the force of his government.
Aadel Aga was accordingly soon on his march towards Tebreiz, having
first, on some jealousy or other, found it expedient to confine the per-
son of Shah Munsûr the S hirauzian, to the fortress of Kerrautû. Be-
ing however deserted on his arrival at the town of Miaunah, by Yaughy
Baussety the son of Ally Aynauk, and Abû Sâeid the son of Deher
Melek, these two chiefs conveyed intelligence of his approach and
that of Bayezzid, to Sultan Ahmed; and the latter, whose power was
as yet but imperfectly established, very gladly availed himself of this
early information, to abandon Tebreiz; which was, shortly afterwards,
entered without resistance, by Aadel Aga and his royal associate. Con-
signing the government of Tebreiz to Abbas Aga and Mûssaufer Bou-
datchei, Aadel Aga continued his march to Marend; from whence he
detached two of his captains, Mahmûd Dowauty, and Kâra Bostaum,
towards the Araxes, or Oras, with orders to establish themselves on
that river, and to seize and fortify the bridge of Zeia-ul-mulk. All
which was accomplished without difficulty.
In the mean time, Sultan Ahmed contrived to open a secret corres-
pondence with these two commanders, as well as with Abbas and Mus-
saufer, who had been left in charge of Tebreiz; and he finally succeeded
in persuading them, that the services which they rendered to another
were justly due to himself alone. This change of disposition on the
part of his followers, was by some means or other intimated to Aadel
Aga, and he conceived it prudent to return without delay to Sûltaun-
iah; while Sultan Ahmed, on intelligence of his retreat, dispatched
Hamzah, one of his generals, accompanied by Yaughy Baussety, and
Abû Sâeid recently mentioned, towards Tebreiz. These chiefs, on ap-
proaching the neighborhood of that city, and observing from afar the
scyr.
710
T
seyr.
A. H. 784-85. column of troops under Mûssaufer and Abbas, who were marching to
A. D. 1382-83. join Sultan Ahmed, mutually expressed an apprehension, that if Abbas
Habeib-us- and his collegue, who were both of the same national stock with the
Sultan, that of Jullâeir, were once admitted to a familiar intercourse
with the prince, the result must necessarily prove, an acquisition of
influence over his councils, far superior to any thing to which they could
pretend. It was therefore determined at once to set their minds at
rest on this point, before the objects of their jealousy were suffered
to proceed any further; and the two chiefs were accordingly put to
death, at the conference which necessarily took place, and before they
had yet opened their lips in explanation of their designs. The heads
of the two commanders were conveyed to Sûltan Ahmed; who thought
fit, since the act was past redemption, and however privately he dis-
approved of it, for the present to dissemble his resentment.
He soon
afterwards re-entered Tebreiz, and for some time devoted his attention
to regulate the government, and to conciliate the minds of the people.
He had not, however, been long thus laudably engaged, when sud-
denly interrupted in his pursuits, by reports repeatedly announced of
the approach of Shahzâdah Sheikh Ally, and Peir Ally Baudek; who
had been drawn into Azerbâijaun by the insidious representations of
Aadel Aga. The Sultan hastened to oppose, and to give them battle;
which he was enabled to do, on the banks of the huft-roud, or seven.
rivers; but, his left wing being thrown into confusion by the unex-
pected desertion of Omar the Keptchaukian, who. went over to the
enemy, he was totally defeated, and compelled to retire by the route of
Khowy, to Nakhtchûaun. Here, however, at the tomb of Peir Ma-
hommed Nakhtchûauny, he had an interview with Kâra Mahommed
the Turkman, whose aid he earnestly solicited to obtain vengeance on
his enemies.
The Turkman chief expressed his readiness to embark in his quarrel;
stipulating, however, that the Sultan should on his part engage, first,
that his troops, when the enemy were brought to action, should remain
inactive spectators, at a place which at the proper period would be
pointed out to them, and so continue until with his own followers the
Turkman should have decided the victory; and secondly, that in the
event of success, he should relinquish all claim to share in the booty,
711
seyr.
whatever it might prove. To both these stipulations Sultan Ahmed A. H. 781-85.
subscribed without difficulty. On which, with an address which A. D. 1382-83.
evinced considerable skill in the art of war, the Tûrkman proceeded to Habeib-us-
form a body of five thousand men, drawn together for the occasion,
into separate Kûshûns, or battalions of three hundred each; and sub-
dividing each Kûshûn into sections of thirty men, he further directed
that these should advance to gall the enemy with their arrows, in dis-
tinct parties of ten; alternately retiring and relieved by the succeed-
ing parties in rotation, until the issue of the contest should be deter-
mined. In this disposition Kâra Mahommed gave battle to the Shah-
zâdah Sheikh Ally, and Peir Ally Baudek; both of whom falling in
the course of the action, the Türkmans obtained a signal victory, and
returned to their stations, with an immense booty. Sultan Ahmed
again repossessed himself of Tebreiz; and in derision of his attempts to
subvert his authority, transmitted the head of Peir Ally, to Aadel Aga
at Sûltauniah.
Shortly afterwards, however, Aadel Aga was again on his march for
Tebreiz; but some mutual proposals towards an accommodation inter-
vening, the Sultan had been induced to dispatch two of his officers to
hold a conferrence with his adversaries, and by the mysteries of their
common faith, to confirm the basis of a treaty of peace. Nevertheless,
while he was expecting the return of his agents, the Sultan was sud-
denly apprized that Aadel Aga was at hand; and becoming alarmed at
intelligence which he was not prepared to receive, another flight to
Nakhtchûaun, Moghaun, and Aran, was found unavoidable, and his last
alternative was an application to Hoshung prince of Shirvaun. In
the mean time, Aadel Aga took up his quarters at Oujaun, where the
Ameirs of the province in general submitted to him, and were received
with equal kindness and distinction. Such was the situation of affairs,
when through the mediation of Ameir Hoshung, a treaty was at last
concluded between the hostile chiefs; by which it was finally arranged
that Azerbaijaun should be ceded in full sovereignty to Sultan Ahmed;
Irak Ajem to Sultan Bayezzid; and that Aadel Aga should be associated
with Sultan Ahmed, in the possession of Arabian Irâk.
Returning to Sûltauniah upon this arrangement, an application was
conveyed to Aâdel Aga from the principal inhabitants of Baghdad,
1
712
A. H. 785 86. soliciting that a person in his confidence might attend them to that city;
A. D. 1383. and engaging that they would undertake to secure the whole of it, in his
Habeib-us-
scyr.
behalf. In consequence of this, Tûrsoun, a couzin german of his own,
of established character and reputation in arms, was selected by Aadel
Aga, to accompany the persons who had promoted the application
into Arabian Irâk, and, with Kowaum-ud-dein Alenjeky as his deputy,
to assume the government of Baghdad. On his arrival, Abdulmêlek
Tûmghatchei, who was in the temporary exercise of authority, attended
by the party concerned in the assassination of Ameir Ismâeil, pro-
ceeded to visit the new governor; and, with all who accompanied him,.
was immediately put to death. A treasure of two thousand tomauns
found in his dwelling, became the prey of an indigent and rapacious
multitude; and the whole city being upon this abandoned to sedition.
and outrage, the money which had been collected for Aadel Aga dis-
appeared in the universal uproar that ensued.
Intelligence of these disorders and usurpations being, however, early
conveyed to Sûltan Ahmed, now at Tebreiz, he hastened without de-
lay to put an end to them. On the march, he was joined by Shah
Munsûr the Shirauzian, who had contrived to effect his escape from
Kerrautû ; and Tûrsoun, having fled from Baghdad, in the direction of
Yakoubiah, on the approach of the Sultan, he was immediately pur-
sued and overtaken, and a few days afterwards perished, together with.
his deputy, by the sword of the executioner.
Having passed the winter at Baghdad, Sultan Ahmed returned in
the spring of seven hundred and eighty five,* into Azerbaijaun; leav-
ing Shali Munsûr the Shirauzian, whom. he never saw again, well es-
tablished in the countries on the Tigris, and the metropolis of Baghdad
under the separate government of Khaujah Yaheya the Semnaunian.
In the neighborhood of Meraughah, he was now opposed in battle by
the troops of Aadel Aga; whom he appears to have defeated with con-
siderable slaughter. Aadet Aga retiring upon this to his government
of Sultauniah, the Sultan proceeded to Oujaun; and advancing shortly
afterwards with accelerated speed in pursuit of the Aga, that chief with-
drew at his approach; and entrusting the defence of his capital to one
in whose fidelity he thought he could rely, made the best of his way
to Hamadaun. From that place he immediately dispatched to solicit
the assistance of Shah Shujia prince of Shirauz.
* A. D. 1383,
713
seyr.
Shah Shujia embraced with avidity the opportunity thus presented, A. H. 785-86.
of extending his power into Azerbâijaun; and conducting his troops A. D. 1383-84.
immediately to the station of Oukaun, he was there joined by Sultan Habeib-us-
Bayezzid and Aadel Aga, whom he accompanied shortly afterwards
into Hamadaun. At that place the agents of Sultan Ahmed now also
presented themselves, to demand an interview with the prince of Shir-
auz; at which they declared on the part of their master, that so far as
related to Sultan Bayezzid his hereditary superior, he was not in the
slightest degree disposed to withhold from him, his just share of power;
and that he would very cheerfully subscribe to any arrangement which
Shah Shujia might think it equitable to dictate on that head. But, with
respect to Aadel, that he was a refractory and rebellious vassal, who had
insidiously availed himself of the Shah's protection; and he trusted
that he would neither be encouraged in his audacity, nor enabled to ex-
ecute his unprincipled designs of usurpation. Having already conceived
the design of discarding Aadel Aga, and of obtaining possession of Sûl-
tauniah for himself, in the name of Sultan Bayezzid, Shah Shujia pro-
ceeded to disclose these views with little reserve to the agents of Sultan
Ahmed; and the plan was finally resolved on between them. The first
indication of some such secret arrangement, was an order from Shah
Shujia, that the Tebrizian Ameirs in the service of Sultan Bayezzid,
should discontinue their visits to Aadel Aga.
Sultan Ahmed now withdrew to Tebreiz; while his brother Bay-
ezzid, accompanied by Ibrauhim Shah, and Abdulkereim, two of the
officers of Shah Shujia, to whom he had engaged to assign the entire
administration of his government, took the road to Sûltauniah; the Shir-
auzian, on his part, confiding to this engagement, proceeding to Shush-
ter, the capital of Khûzistaun, anciently Susa. On their arrival at
Sultauniah, nevertheless, Omar Keptchanky, and Mahommed Jem-
sheid, two principal commanders in the service of Sultan Bayezzid,
proceeded to dispute both the policy and expediency of committing
either town or citadel, to the discretion of Shah Shujia's officers; and
the result was, that these officers were designedly lodged in a con-
fined and sequestered part of the city, while the Sultan and his court
took possession of the citadel, without further attending to their si-
tuation in the slightest degree. Hence, reduced to extremity for the
VOL. II.
4 Y
*
J
714
A. H. 785-86. very means of existence, both Ibrauhim Shah and Abdulkereim, were
A. D. 1383-84. compelled in the depth of winter to make the best of their way to
Habeib-us-
seyr.
Shirauz.
When he had, however, continued in the exercise of his authority
for a period of fifteen days, Sûltan Bayezzid, most unexpectedly, and
apparently without provocation, put to death Omar the Keptchaukian,
one of his most distinguished captains; and this act of capricious cru-
elty filling the rest of his officers with suspicion and alarm, they all
immediately fled his court. And, intelligence of his brother's folly
being soon conveyed to Sultan Ahmed, that prince repaired without
delay to Súltauniah; and having obtained possession of the citadel by
capitulation, he immediately placed it in a respectable state of defence,
and established his son Keybouga, a child of two, or perhaps of ten
years old, in the government, under the tutelage of Tchobaun Kour-
tchei, possibly his chief engineer. After which consigning the terri-
torial management to Sheikh Mahmud Jandaur, the Sultan returned
to Tebreiz, compelling his brother Bayezzid to bear him company.
In these circumstances rumour widely circulated the intelligence,
that the irresistible TEYMUR was on his march towards Irâk and Azer-
bâijaun; and not long afterwards, the envoys of that celebrated con-
queror, made their appearance at Tebreiz. Sultan Ahmed, however,
declined seeing them until he should have removed to Baghdâd; for
which city he immediately directed that they should proceed under a
proper escort, while he followed himself, at his own convenience. Aa-
del Aga, whose enterprising ambition continued still unsubdued by
adverse contingencies, hastened to avail himself of the absence of the
Sûltan, and once more obtained possession of Sultauniah; and being
immediately joined by many thousands in arms, proceeded to fortify
and secure himself in that city. This produced a renewal of hostilities
between him and Sultan Ahmed; in which while they were yet en-
gaged, the gilded crescents on the standards of Teymur announced
the actual arrival of that monarch on the frontiers of Farss and Irâk
Ajem, and drew the attention of the hostile chiefs, from the efforts of
mutual extermination, to contend with the more dreadful evils of for-
eign invasion.
715
Haberb-us-
sevi.
After having maintained an unequal contest with the armies of Tey- A. II. 786-312.
mûr, for a period of considerable duration, Sûltan Ahmed was at last A. D. 1381-1109.
constrained to fly for protection to the court of Bajazet, the monarch of
the Othmanlû, or Ottoman Turks, (Eylderem Bayezzid-Bayezzid the
thunderbolt,) with whom he continued, until that prince was called
upon to defend his own dominions, on the approach of the same in-
vincible conqueror. He then, in company with Kâra Yussuf the Türk-
man, who had also sought the protection of Bajazet, corruptly so called,
withdrew through Syria into Egypt. The Sultan of Egypt, Melek
Feridje, treated them for some time, with friendly hospitality; but ulti-
mately threw them into prison, with the design of conveying them in
chains to the presence of the Tcheghatâian conqueror. But while he
was preparing to carry his design into execution, it was fortunately
ascertained that death had terminated the fearful career of Teymûr; and
the two chiefs were immediately set at large, and permitted to make
the best of their way, Sultan Ahmed into Arabian Irak, and Kâra
Yussuf into Azerbâijaun, respectively. Sultan Ahmed contrived with-
out much difficulty to repossess himself of Irâk, and Kâra Yûssuf was
equally successful in reducing Azerbaijaun. But, the Turkman chief
having occasion to be absent on an expedition to the borders of west-
ern Anatolia, his ally, Sultan Ahmed the partner of his exile, and the
associate of his misfortunes, in direct violation of his engagements,
availed himself of the advantage, to enter Azerbaijaun, and take pos-
session of Tebreiz. This perfidious breach of contract was not long
without its punishment. Kâra Yussuf returned from his expedition,
and at the distance of two farsangs, or about eight miles from Tebreiz,
on Friday the twenty fifth of the latter Rebbeia, of the 812th of the
Hidjerah,* gave battle to his faithless ally. In this Sultan Ahmed was
totally defeated; and endeavoring to conceal himself within the city,
he was the same night discovered and put to death by his indignant
conqueror, after having held a precarious authority, for seven and twen-
ty years four months and ten days. With him terminated the power
of the family of Jullâeir, which commenced, as we have already seen,
with Ameir lussun the Eylkhaunian, the son in law of Ameir Teho-
baun Yeldûz so often mentioned in the preceding pages.
September 8th, 1409.
A. H. 812.
716
The concluding events of the reign of Sultan Ahmed Jullâeir, have
A. D. 1409. been thus briefly anticipated, in order to hasten to the more important
Habeib-us- subject of the history of Teymur; which will be presented to the rea-
der in the subsequent volume-if it be permitted to the author of these
pages to hope for the continuation of life and health, to prosecute his
design to its termination.
seyr.
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END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
PRINTED BY HENRY HUGHES, ERECON,

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25.1917
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