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I .4, ‘3'»? “I \.:;r ._. .,~.»\ if." €1.kl' , X\.».: x). . 133 1‘3‘1‘3 . \2“z-=\ CQMMENCEMENT ADDRESS HON. S. M. CLARK, OF KEOK'UK, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 16TH, 1884. An !\I\ n/‘nnnnn/m: IOXVA CITY, IOWA. PUBLIs IIIIIII HE UN IIIIIIII Y. 1884. A. J. HERSHIRE 8: C0., PRINTERS. IOWA CITY, IOWA. THE UNIVERSITY. WHAT IT SHOULD DO, AND BE. Class of [884. It is my misfortune to have missed the scholastic training you have received. I am the product of very elementary instruction, chiefly of the country district school. And no subsequent diligence has fully fitted me for the task I shall attempt here and now. I intend to discuss the relation of the University of to-day to the people —- what they need and should expect of it. ' George Henry Lewes said: “ No one meditating on the present condition of “ the intellectual world can fail to be arrested by the evidences of its deep- “ seated unrest. Yeast is working everywhere.” In the ferment of opinions nothing is more discussed and criticised than education, in all its stages, from the kindergarten to the University. Metaphysics have been superseded by political economy. Education has to answer, at the counter of trade, to the shrewd and cautious calculation of utility as to what it is worth, and if it pays. A century, that from Malthus to John Stuart Mill coolly and skeptically debates in its pet science your right to be born, is not likely to give much weight to medieval traditions as to how you shall be educated. The learning-hunger for the fruit of the tree of knowledge gnaws keenly in the brains of men and women. But they do not doubt that the Eden lost by experiment-making can only be regained in the same way. And if gained, they would not value it unless they were free to lose it again by another experi- ment. It is somewhat strange that Mr. Charles Francis Adams, jr., made so pro- found and wide-spread an impression by his Harvard address, last year, and his saying that Greek should be dropped from the college and University ' course. _ . The effect was due to the consciousness in educational circles and out, that that word should be said by authority. It is only the expectant shepherds that hear the herald song when a Saviour is born. - i q. “A F ‘1' we 1; 4.4.. Ah-J-gél'i 4 And the only prophetic words any man can speak which he can get a hear- ing for are those that are already in the air. ‘ james A. Garfield was stirred to the depths of his being in his late years by the perception and the consciousness which gave such deep significance to Mr. Adams’s address—perception and consciousness of the need that education should be vital and timely -- not sterile. ‘ In his address at Hiram, in 1868, on “The Course of Study in American “ Colleges and its Adaptation to the Wants of our Time,” he adopted in large part the suggestions of Herbert Spencer’s well known Essay on Education. He insisted, “that the student shall first study what he most needs to know; “ that the order of his needs shall be the order of his work.” He did not ask the omission of Greek and Latin from the curriculum of a liberal education. But with all the fervor and clearness of the eloquent speech, of which he was so great a master, he insisted that collegiate and university courses of study should be so reconstituted that they would place the student in trained and competent adjustment to the environment of a living present rather than a dead past. In the same vein he spoke later to the students of the Business College in Washington City. He said he wished every college president in the United States could hear him say that business colleges originated in this country as a protest against the insufficiency of our system of education,--as a protest against the failure, the absolute failure, of our American schools and colleges to fit young men and women for the business of life. “The universities of Europe,” he said, “from which our colleges were Copied, were founded before the modern ‘~ languages were born. The reasons for a course of study then are not good =‘ now. The old necessities have passed away. We now have strong and noble “ living languages rich in literature, replete with high and earnest thought, the “ language of science, - :ligion, and liberty; and yet we bid our children feed “ their spirits on the life of 'dead ages, instead of the inspiring life and vigor of “ our own times.” Garfield was first, and above all things, a teacher. The pedagogic, or profes- sorial habit, was strong in him. He was, too, a man of his time. He went to school to each new day. His ripened thought about the needs and the defects of higher education in America are as weighty as those of any man of this cen- tury. But I ask you to note that in whathe said, as to the need that education should be contemporary and practical, he but voiced the aspiration and purpose of every university and college president and faculty worth the name in the land. There may be here and there a Dryasdust that deserves a Carlyle’s scorn, but in the main and the mass, from Harvard’s Eliot to Baltimore’s Gil- man, from Andrew D. White to President Pickard, from President McCosh to George F. Magoun, the aspiration of every leading teacher in America is to place their teaching well abreast of the needs -- not of the age of Pericles, but the age of Garfield. I ask you to note, farther, that Garfield, who with such easy mastery and succession of brilliant triumphs put himself in the fore front of the men and work of his time, was himself a product of that system of edu- cation, whose preponderant Greek and Latin and unpracticalness he deplored. A fact that should have guarded him, as ten thousand facts should guard us, 5 from the too easy judgment that any collegiate or university training however much Greek or Latin there may be in it, does in fact place any man out of working relations to his times. , If I may be pardoned a personal remark, I delight in that Greek keenness of insight and classification that made a Dual Number; that saw that Two was ultimate and pivotal as fully as Unity or Plurality; that in multitudes of cases not One, nor Many, is true, but Two—just Two is the final, ultimate true. There are So many things of which, as Emerson says, This is true and The Other is true. Thus, if you say a man is free to do everything, you are wrong; if you say he is free to do nothing,'you are wrong. Truth in that case is in duality -—in Freedom and Necessity, which are two and not one. Pardon this metaphysical pottering. What I want to say is that university and all education should aim to be practical, and it should not aim to be practi- cal. In this resting in the Dual number as ultimate I am “a Greek born out “ of time.” I am so constituted that if you say, This is true, I have torespond, yes, but this other is also true. So whatever view of education you take I take that and also the other view. Education should be practical. But it is possible though not easy to overstate the demand. A business college may help train a business man. but it cannot make a scholar, and the world has forever need of its scholars. When Garfield poses to deplore a university course that leaves a man ignorant of how to harness a horse or make out a bill of sale, I think of the great minds that in two thousand years have been nurtured upon the mighty literature of Greece. I think what difierence it would have made to the Christendom of the last four hundred years if the scholars of Byzantium flying in the middle of the fifteenth century from the Turk, had brought to western Europe, instead of the precious remains and stimulus of Greek litera- ture, knowledge of how to harness a horse! Few things would impoverish humanity like the loss of its books. Schlegel did not propose a fatuity when he set himself to “ represent litera— “ ture as it has exerted its influence on the affairs of active life, on the fate of “ nations, and on the progressive character of ages.” - Sir NVilliam Hamilton had right in his rejection of an undue claim of the rank of the Brodwissenschaften — the bread and butter sciences —- in the hier- archy of knowledge. Yet here my Greek habits or infirmity of Duality, comes in. I think much hurt has come to education from such estimates of its scope, value, and methods as Sir William Hamilton used to give in his opening lectures in Edinburgh University. He led his students through “ the shoreless “ sea of his erudition ” _to show them that education was an ideal good rather than a real utility, gymnastics rather than attainment, exercise not acquisition, pursuit not possession, a ceaseless beating of the air rather than reaching an end. He adopts and applies to education the lines of Prior: “Our hopes, like towering falcons, aim At objects in a starry height, But all the pleasure of the game Is, afar off, to view the flight.” 6 He quotes and approves the dictum of Aristotle that “the intellect is per- “ fected, not by knowledge, but by activity.” And again that “the end of “ philosophy is not knowledge, but the energy conversant about knowledge.” Whatever of truth there is in this view, and there is truth in it, can easily be used or abused or over-stated so as to put education out of sympathy and at disheartening cross purposes with the views of the parents throughout Chris- tendom who have children to be educated now. There were never keener intellects than those of the schoolmen.‘ The scholar never so nearly reached Utopia, attained Nirvana, came to the ideal of his scholarly existence, as when in the uncommercial ages —- from the eighth century to the fifteenth -— he wandered from university to university, fed by the monasteries, free as the birds of the air, absorbed in abstractions and studies that had no relation to the lives of the people about him. It was a period of the greatest acuteness in- metaphy- sics, and no chimney with a good draught in all Europe. Undoubtedly the normal desire of the scholar is to sit down in eternal repose, undisturbed by brooms or butcher’s bill, and study forever. I know a-_-good woman who mar- ried a man of books, who says that the next time she will marry a shoemaker. Sir William Hamilton’s two opening lectures were veined through with a regret, an aspiration and a suggestion for that medieval education which pro- foundly absorbed a person in the speculative search of learning from sheer delight in the speculative and non-practical pursuit. It is a theory of education that does not satisfy people now. They want no education that does not go along with a man’s being a business man and a man of afl'airs. So I have come to my work at last. What this University — what you, are to do and be. It is to make — you are to be — citizens who are at once scholars and men of affairs. The University stands here to add culture to vocation. To teach a conduct of life that sends the graduate out chartered and pre-engaged by his diploma to be the type and representative in the com- munity of what the citizen should be when he has the highest and best training for that which modern civilization at its thoughtful best can conceive of and give. Don’t shirk! If this is not the view with which this faculty and this class are here, then neither of you has any right to be here at all. Education constantly comes to the pregnant thought of Socrates in his defense to his judges: “ Since your sons are men what master do you intend to “choose for them? Who is there skilled in teaching the qualities that best “ become a man and a citizen?” Recently, Matthew Arnold visited America. Flippant things have been said about him, but they dare not be said here. You arid I know that as to the ideas that have given him distinction Matthew Arnold stands for what this university and every university must stand for and aspire to — that is, a perfect culture. A culture which believes that Christ meant something, and a possible something, when he said: “ Be ye perfect even as your Father in heaven is per- “ fect.” A culture that believes in right reason, and has faith in the progress of humanity toward perfection, which ever labors to this end, and which fills the 7 nature of every person with entire reasonableness — with sweetness and light. That’s all there is of Matthew Arnold’s doctrine, stated nearly in his own words. In the same vein Emerson wished—and gave some offense by the wish—for a world made up not of masses but of honest men only -— of lovely, sweet, accomplished women only. Men are so busy with making sure of their daily bread that they are inclined to be impatient with Mr. Arnold’s talking to them of sweetness and light. When I am bruisedly and vexedly busy taking down the winter’s stoves I don’t want anybody to preach to me about culture. Sue Harry Claggett wrote in the iVa'tz'on of even so common a quality of cul- ture as good manners, that politeness can only go with a body at ease by leisure, that, as a physical fact, work takes from our body and spirit the condition of good manners. I thought there was something in that, until I recalled how few colored men I had ever seen that were not polite. But those of us, too weary and hard-worked to be patientt, with prating for culture, desire it for our chil- dren. And none of us omits it from our estimate of what a University should be and do. ‘ - Victor Cousin, the philosopher of eclecticism, who tried to illuminate meta- physics with auroral, rather than sun, light, said in his first lecture on the his- tory of modern philosophy, that the ideas of the useful, of the just, of the beautiful,lof the good, and of the true are the primal and elementary principles of human nature. That they sum up humanity and exhaust it. Industry, government, art, religion, science or philosophy—these are the institutions growing from these ideas and are the circumference that measures and bounds man, If these are the factors of human nature, then this faculty and this university are here to deal with all of them. The primary law and need is industry. In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread. Here, in America, is a continent broad and fertile enough to lift the primal curse from work, and leave not Curse but Contentment. This new world should be so full of fields and factories that it should have no need or place. for a poor-house Hands busy in it and upon it can make such plenty that over it need not be held the begging hands of want. It is said that so many railroads are projected in Dakota that farmers wonder how they will manage to plow between the tracks. American characteristics go in some of the stories about the great western farms, where the farmers plant as they go across the field one way and harvest as they return. A story outdone by another, that one field was so large that a young newly married couple that started around it had a grown up family before they got back. Fantastic imagination and sober fact are taxed to give an adequate account of the mighty achievements of American enterprise ‘ and the Brobdignagian scale' of its work. The chief problems and dangers for this country, as for all modern governments and civilization, go along with industry. Not art, nor philosophy, nor religion disturbs and distracts men now. Galileo may sweep the heavens with his glass and find what fact he will without fear of an inquisition. George Eliot may discourse her philosophy without fear of the angry mob that tore Hypatia to pieces iii. , Calhoun said. That was getting to the root of the matter. 8 the streets of Alexandria. Socrates may confute the Sophists without risk of hemlock. Huss and Servetus cannot strike fire enough from any question of theology now to kindle a fagot or make a light about a stake. In these times our frenzies are about strikes and wages; our inquisition is the blazing railroad depot at Pittsburg; our furies gnaw at the heart of work; our bigotries and persecutions and turnings of the world upside down come from what labor is willing to take and what capital will consent to give. \Vhen John C. Calhoun was organizing the south for the tremendous struggle it made to maintain Afri- can slavery, he said: “ I hold that there never has yet existed a wealthy and “ civilized society in which one portion of the community did, not, in point of “ fact, live on the labor of the other.” “ I may say with truth that in few coun- " tries so much is left to the share of the laborer and so little exacted from him,” as in the slavesholding south. “ I fearlessly assert that the existing relation “ between the two races in the south forms the most solid and durable founda- “ tion on which to rear free and stable political institutions. It is useless to dis- “ guise the fact. There is and always has been in an advanced stage of wealth “ and civilization a conflict between labor and capital. The condition of society “ in the south exempts us from the disorders and dangers resulting from this “ conflict, and explains why it is that the condition of the slave-holding states has “ been so much more stable and quiet than that of the north.” That was what That was building on ideas. Unless the'north had a better idea ;— a larger good on its side to rest on then the south and slavery deserved to win. The north had the better fact— the stronger, broader, truer idea. Von Holst, the German historian, states it very well. He says: “ That there was some truth in Calhoun’s assertions could “ not be gainsaid. The conflict between labor and capital constituted the “ significance of the times in the western world, and the slave-holding states “ knew nothing of it, because labor was owned by capital, and therefore capital “ arranged the relation in every respect wholly to suit itself. So long as labor “ did not appeal to brute force the south was, in consequence, exempt from the “ dangers and disorders which result from this conflict in communities where “ labor, too, has its rights and is in a condition to defend its interests; there it “ was navigation on a pond, here on a never motionless and sometimes tem- “ pestuous sea; but there the sun- bred poisonous miasmas in the stagnant “ waters, and the navigator was in danger of suffocating in the mire if the boat “ was capsized by some accident; while here were the dangers but also the vigor “ and all the resources of real, ever-progressing life.” The argument of Calhoun took no real hold on American convictions. The working millions of the north broke the chains of slavery on the anvil of war. And they did it with firm persuasion that it was far better for the worker to be free than a slave. But by freeing the slave in the south they did not,lthey could not, free themselves and the north from the conditions, the unrest, the burdens, the perplexities, the hardships that go with freedom and free society. \Vendell Phillips vindicated his right to be an abolitionist when his agitation for the freeing of the slaves, being ended by emancipation, he beganlat once to 'gigitate on behalf of the free working man north and south. There is no rest- 9 no stopping'place for us. Henry George has displaced John Brown. In 1859 Wendell Phillips said of Henry A. Wise’s state of Virginia: “ She is pirate ship “ and John Brown sails the sea a Lord High Admiral of the Almighty with “his commission to sink every pirate he meets on God’s ocean of the nine- “ teenth century.” And the cheers that echoed his words were the prelude to the mightier roar of war that filled the land for the four years that the Union soldiers so thronged the south with the march of freemen that they left no room on its soil for the footprints of a slave. It did not seem possible that that present and mighty struggle could die away into a calm of historic retrospect as'it now is. It is not Virginia or slavery; not Jefferson Davis or Lee’s army that lies across the national pathway now. Instead, it is the problem of “ Pro- " gress and Poverty.” “ From all parts of the civilized world come complaints “ of industrial depression: of labor condemned to involuntary idleness; of capital “ massed and wasting; of pecuniary distress among business men; of want and “suffering and anxiety among the working classes. All the dull, deadening “ pain, all the keen maddening anguish, that to great masses of men are “ involved in the words ‘hard times ’ afflict the world to-day.” A missionary among the poor brutal savage people, that dwell at the extreme southern end of South America, heard morning after morning a strange lamenting chorus of outcry which he could not explain. He asked one of the Fuegians what it meant. The answer was: “ People feel bad. Cry very much.” It was a wailing cry with which at sunrise the tribe met the consciousness of the misery of each new day. The long lists of suicides and insanities in our morning papers are the echo in civilization of that pathetic moan of the savage, and are the responsive touch of the nature that makes the whole world kin. On land and sea, by field and flood, we have harnessed the capabilities for production and wealth of this new world to the muscles of men and women, and to the busy wheels and mighty arms of multiplied steam engines; and yet they can not draw us out from the shadows where want sits as a guest at the spare table of many homes, and the lips of childhood are pinched and crisp with the fever of hunger. The American people had hard work to make it so that the types of Ameri- can society should not be John C. Calhoun and the slave. Now it is going to be just as hard to make it so that the types of American society shall not be Jay Gould and the tramp. If this University is not here to do its part in dealing with this industrial question, then this University has no right to be here at all. But secondly, the idea of the just is also a factor in human nature. Its insti- tution is the governmept. Its expression is in laws. “Justice organized is the “state,” says Cousin. But sometimes the state seems to be little better than injustice organized. 'With this state factor of human interest this University especially deals in its department of law. I discuss this branch of my subject with great dif’fidence. The studies marked out by the faculty cover the field of the law. I know how large a geometry of knowledge it takes to measure the orbit of that science. I know how learned are your teachers in that depart- ment. Sir Henry Maine says that he knows nothing more wonderful than the 0"... ’0’... ..O.. ‘ which the dead bequeath theirs. 10 variety of sciences to which Roman law has contributed modes of thought, courses of reasoning, and a technical language. “ Of the subjects which have “ whetted the intellectual appetites of the moderns, there is scarcely one, except “ physics, which has not been filtered through Roman jurisprudence.” No pro- fession trains mind equally with the law. And here, where you have been taught by those who add to the intellectual acuteness profound and varied law training, gives that varied and collateral learning with which, according to Sir Henry Maine, it is related, I have no confidence that I can say anything worth your hearing. But I presume I may say that the instruction given here is more as to what the law is, and its modes of practice and procedure, than any attempt to forecast legislation and say what law should be. Yet it is to this that I want to draw your thought. And I want to do this, first, as to the law which comes to the citizen through its administration by the courts. And, secondly, I wish to speak of those general laws which affect the people and public policy in the mass; such for example as the tariff. These laws have slight relations with courts and court procedure. As to the first, one can read in the baleful light of the burning jail and court house at Cincinnati, as in words of flame, the angry discontent of the people with their courts, their juries, and their lawyers. A riot is anarchy. A mob is barbarism. A court is civilization. A court is enlightened society work- ing in its highest and best way; a mob is society dissolved into savage particles, working in the worst and most brutal way. Yet here is the same society which constitutes courts as the chief product of its civilization, growing so dis- contented with their failure to do, what it expects of them, that it dissolves itself into the passionate brutality of riot and holds the lawless mob a better means to law and justice than the lawful courts. I shall not enlarge upon this subject. I only say that society cannot afford to be dissolved into anarchy and riot. And you, gentlemen, of this law faculty and of that profession of the law which has undertaken to give to society law, order and justice by means of the courts -~- you must displace and supersede the mob and anarchy by courts efficient and prompt to do what society needs and demands of them. Lawyers have constituted themselves the agents of society to this end. They have given to themselves guild and corporation privileges as to the courts. They have formed a bar about the judge. They have guarded the way to him and from him by oaths and emoluments, by statutes, by prescription, by usage and by tradition; by levy of fees, by cunning and dextrous rules of court practice, known only to the initiated, by the learning and the arts taught by centuries of profitable monopoly of the business of purveying justice from the judge to the suitor. They have taken custody of the deeds by which the living hold their property, and the wills by They levy a license charge for marriage, and make the public pay them a probate fee if any shrewd citizen thinks to circum- vent them of their emoluments by dying intestate. They have enmeshed the courts in methods to give wages to lawyers. And here and everywhere, at every term of court, after the public catches its criminals, it has to pay one set of lawyers to try to hold them and another set of lawyers to try to let them go 11 free again. Wendell Phillips said with indignant energy: “This is Rufus “ Choate, who made it safe to murder; and of whose health thieves asked “ before they began to steal.” When the biographer of Henry Clay boasts of his getting two men cleared of any punishment, though they had committed an open brutal murder, I dare protest, undazzled by the brilliancy of that great fame —- unawed by its majesty and authority -— I dare protest against that use and misuse of courts and of legal talents, brilliant or otherwise, which gives to known guilt the verdict and reward of innocence. I appeal from that weak or greedy complaisance of any modern lawyer who thinks it his professional duty to defend a known criminal— I appeal from his view of professional duty to the example of that greater lawyer-— the Roman Papinian, “who, when the “Emperor Caracalla murdered his own brother and ordered the lawyer to “ defend the deed, went cheerfully to death rather than sully his lips with the “ atrocious plea!” If lawyers wish to justify society in the privileges and dignities with which it has invested them as its agents within the courts, let those lawyers so reconstitute the rules of procedure and the ethics of practice, that with or without fee they will serve to the utmost the weak, the innocent, the oppressed; but with or without fee nothing shall induce them to be the advocate and counsel of crime. The only thing worse than the mob is such courts as make mobs necessary. I meet this matter fairly and without extrava- gance. Ibelieve it is true that no other one of the institutions of society has from century to century carried out the purpose for which it existed so thor- oughl y and satisfactorily -— with so few errors and abuses of its power and aims as the law. It has made fewer aberrations from right reason and right conduct than church, party, government, press, or any communal institution I can think of. But lawyers, as a bar about the courts, have taken it upon them~ selves to be the only factor of modern society which determines what court procedure shall be. They have so discharged that function that they have brought society to discontent, to confusion and riot. Now, upon the lawyers, and upon them alone, is the responsibility of displacing the mob by satisfactory courts. In addition to the laws administered through the courts, there is the larger body of those general statutes, measures, and policies, by which the state— that is the government, expresses its volition as to its collective public conduct. The first involves a study of what lawyers, judges, courts, should do. This involves a study of what legislators should do. I was going to say that you cannot project laws and government on a prz'orz' principles -_make a mold of law by anticipation and then have a people grow to it and fit it. Yet the history of the United States, under the federal constitution, shows that a certain wise forecast and prophetic law-making for the future of a people is practicable. The battle of government wages about what it should do and what it should not do. By chance, or by purpose, the editor of the Contemgfio- wary Review for May, put one after the other, an article by Herbert Spencer and an article by M. Reclus, the French scientist and socialist. The paper by Her~ bert Spencer was to show how much harm the government does the people by. trying to make laws to benefit them. The paper by M. Reclus was to show; I O i I Q ,2 O C O O O O 00.... 12 how much harm the government does to the people by not trying to make laws to benefit them. And the disheartening thing is that both writers seem to prove their case. Mr Janson, of England, states that in the three years 1870-1-2 the British Parliament altered or repealed three thousand five hundred and thirty-two laws. Mr. Spencer traces such legislation to its specific effects and shows how many people must have been harmed in some way by the making, the continuance or repeal of these laws. “F or instance many of the London poor were living in poor and over- crowded houses. Parliament, in response to humanitarian appeal, ordered by . law that the wretched buildings should be torn down. The effect of it was that several thousand people were taken out of poor homes and left without any, left 'to swarm into other bad buildings already overcrowded. “ We talk glibly “ of changes in the law.” says Mr. Spencer, “ we think of cancelled legislation “ with indifference. We forget that before laws are abolished they have gener- “ ally been inflicting evils more or less serious, some for a few years, some for “ tens of years, some for centuries. Change your vague idea of a bad law into “ a definite idea of it as an agency operating on people’s lives, and you see that “ it means so much of pain, so much of illness, so much of mortality.” Mr.~ Spencer’s idea is about this, make no law that will do harm; but most laws will do harm; therefore do not make most laws. He is especially afraid of those laws by which government tries to take better care of men than they would take of themselves if government would let them alone. Against this “let '“ alone” policy of Herbert Spencer and the political econOmists M. Reclus makes an eloquently angry protest. He speaks for anarchy, and avoids making so much of law and government as most of the socialists do. But he and all socialists have in fact to make law and government the controlling force that shall make and maintain equality in fortune and rights between all men. The nihilists, anarchists, socialists, communists, says Reclus, “know only one way “ of establishing peace and good will among men -— the suppression of privilege “ and the recognition of right. Our ideal is that of the fraternal equity for “ which all yearn but almost always as a dream; with us it takes form and “ becomes a_concrete reality. It pleases us not to live if the enjoyments of life “ are to be for us'alone; we protest against our good fortune if we may not “ share it with others; it is Sweeter for us to wander with the wretched and the “ outcast, than to sit crowned with roses at the banquets of the rich. We are “ weary of these inequalities which make us the enemies of each other; we “ would put an end to the furies which are ever bringing men into hostile colli- “ sion, and all of which arise from the bondage of the weak to the strong under “ the form of slavery, serfage, and service. After so mucn hatred we long to “ love each other, and for this reason are we enemies of private property and “ despisers of the law.” I welcome as factors in the discussion of the powers, limits, needs and duties of the state—of government—all the nihilists, anarchists, socialists, communists. I welcome them all. I have no concern. I hear without ;passion or resentment what all of them have to say. The next century builds gmonuments to men out of the stones their own cast at them. I honor, and 13 sooner or later the world honors, any man, that out of a full heart and with honest purpose works for the betterment of his fellows; works to bind up the broken-hearted. to proclaim liberty to the captives, the opening of the prison to them that are bound, and to comfort all that mourn. That is the ideal, the best government, upon the monuments of whose history, can be written the testimony of the just ruler of us: ' I delivered the poor that cried, and the fatherless, and him that had none to help him. The blessing of him that was ready to perish came upon me; and I caused the widow’s heart to sing for joy. I put on righteousness and it clothed 'me; my judgment was as a robe and a diadem. I was eyes to the blind and feet was I to the lame. I was a father to the poor and the cause which I knew not I searched out. Henry George complains that because of faults of law and government “in “the very heart of our civilization to-day women faint and little children “ moan.” If this University is not here to deal with this mighty problem of what government and laws should do and be, then this University has no right to be here at all. I have left myself little room for my remaining themes. By art the Greeks gave to themselves the greatest national distinction any people have ever attained. What are the possibilities of art in America? The subject, when spoken of at all, is treated with such shallow and inadequate judgment that I allude to it with great reluctance, because I would but illustrate the qualities of the judgments I resent. It is a matter as to which my knowledge is very slight and my ignorance very complete. I do not regret that at this moment, for I do not desire to stand here remotely reminding you of Lord Brougham in his “foible of omniscience.” I suppose John Stuart Blackie is right in saying in his fine essay on “The Philosophy of the Beautiful” that “It is not given “to any race to be great all round.” Wendell Phillips noticed that when it comes to the fine arts we moderns, so conceited about everything else, have no self-conceit, but sit humbly at the feet of the ancients. “Stand in front of a “painting in the hearing of the artist and compare its coloring to that of “Titian or Raphael and he remembers you forever.” \Ve will not paint Transfigurations to match Raphael; for this is 1884, not 1484; not the century of Thomas A. Kempis, but of Darwin. And our sculpture will not match the Greeks. They thought Hercules was a god and made him look in marble as though he were divine. Yet we know he was only John L. Sullivan or Texas Jack with a club. And our ladies would tell the uncorsetted Venus of Cleomenes to go round to the back door and that the wages they pay are $2.50 a week. But Americans must have;buildings, paintings, beautiful objects. They pay sums for these that would have seemed to the Greeks beyond the wealth of Midas. It is for this and other universities to see to it that these Americans spend and buy in art according to a fine and trained knowledge of the beautiful. 14 What the University should do and be as to religion is a larger subject. Says Dr. William Barry, of England, in the Contemporary Review: “ Whatever greatness the nineteenth century may claim will appear, on closely ‘* considering the state of the case, to arise from this, that it is a new beginning “ of the ages of faith.” - I think there is warrant for that view. Some years ago a report, which proved to be unfounded, went out over the state that a strife had grown up in this institution because one factor of the faculty wanted to teach orthodoxy and another factor wanted to teach agnosticism. As I say, the report proved to be false. But knowing that I make small account of creeds so far as I personally am concerned, one of the brightest and most scholarly of the students and graduates wrote to me, asking me to defend as an editor the teaching of agnosticism in this University. I declined to do it. I held and hold that it is no part of the business of this or any University to teach infidelity. I do not want any one to be a hypocrite. I do not want any one to be a liar to his own thought, either for or against science, or for or against religion. But, however, it may be in the next or in succeeding centuries, in this nineteenth century, and in the present relation of science and theology there has to be some self- suppression or self-repression, not of truth, but of opinion. And those who speak for and teach theology, and those who speak for and teach science, should alike observe that self-repression of opinion. The teacher of science may teach his fact or his hypothesis distinctly, explicitly. But it is not his business to make his fact or his hypothesis a missionary of infidelity. ‘ It is not his business to relate or correlate, to antagonize or harmonize, his fact or his hypothesis with theology in any form. And if I were a theologian and knew as they must, of how little account all a-priori the010gical confutations of science and scientific hypotheses are, I would be careful never to attempt to confute or disprove a scientific hypothesis until it was-a proven fact; and then I could not and would not need to. Every theological library of any size is a mausoleum of a-priori refutations of science, which have come to grief. President Eliot and Charles F. Thwing not long ago showed what a falling off there was in the number of students of theology. I think it quite likely that falling off is due to the aversion of most healthy-minded people against having to read “Harmonies of Genesis and Geology.” Bishop Polk put on the-stars of a general and fought the battles of the Southern Confederacy. Medieval bishops put on the trappings of knights and were foremost in field and chase and fight. A few busy priests hunted Galileo down; a few busy preachers put Genesis on their spear’s head and charge at Geology. All this is the knight- errantry of theologians. They are but the clumsy veering weather vanes that mark the existence of that Divine Will which breathes eternally through the universe of souls in the direction of the Right and the Good. Beyond them, apart from them, is Religion dwelling forever, invincibly, indestructibly in the heart of Humanity. The invincible belief that thinking force cannot be thoughtless force; that thinking and moral force must come from a thinking and moral source, and by an eternal law of the universe must go on to thinking and moral ends. I do not ask this University to make its teaching of Religion stand for known and concrete conceptions that may be misconceptions. I do 15 not ask it to limit itself to the view of Emerson’s amiable parson who “ believes “in a pistareen Providence, which, Whenever the good man wants a dinner, “ makes that somebody shall knock at his door and leave a half dollar.” I do not ask it to make the categories of religious science definite and clear, and say whether Leslie Stephen and his ‘- religion of all sensible men ” has gone to the right ground or whether that washeld by a noble good preacher I knew in my boyhood who was confident that one moment of his prayer dispersed a thunder storm that threatened a camp-meeting. At its outer circle the sphere of the Religion proper to this University may well include the recent statement byHerbert Spencer that “Hereafter as heretofore 'higher faculty and deeper “insight will raise rather than lower the religious sentiment”, And that, “amid the mysteries which become the more mysterious the more they are “ thought about, there will remain the one absolute certainty that man is ever “ in presence of an Infinite and Eternal Energy from which all things pro- “ceed.” At the center and pivotal of the sphere of the Religion this University should hold to be proper to itself, should be the Golden Rule. And between the center and the circumference of that sphere of Religion which this University holds appropriate to itself should be broadly, and toler- antly, the religious spirit and rules of religious life which, in the best men and women of the best modern civilization, have builded individual and communal character into Righteousness. Finally this University'and the University everywhere must reconstitute Philosophy upon the basis and with the material of Science, and by Philosophy mean distinctively a Metaphysics. “Time was,” says Immanuel Kant, “ when “ she was the Queen of all the sciences; and if we take the will for the deed she “certainly deserves, so far as regards the high importance of her object- “matter, this title of honor.” George Henry Lewes wrote a history of Philosophy to prove that Philosophy is impossible. His thought ripened by thinking, and he set himself to constitute a system of what he had written to prove could not be. The wisest and most statesman-like thing the present pope—Leo Thirteenth—has done was his command to the priests and teachers of Catholicity throughout the world to renew- the study and teaching ,of Philosophy and Thomas Aquinas. I do not say “ Back to Kant,” as is the recent cry; but forward to Philosophy, though I have no doubt that with Kant’s method, that of criticism, the advance must begin. Gentlemen, I am done, I do not care whether this University does or does not teach Greek. That seems to me a matter of small moment. Whatever your method—whatever the tools you use—the languages you teach—the supreme need is that you should send your students out with brains trained keen and strong to mastery of these factors of Labor, Government, Art, _Religion, Science or Philosophy, which are the warp and woof of their lives and of the people, community and civilization about them. Have you ever noticed how often in the history of England, when all about them popular and communal forces were stirring to make men live better and think better, the Universities perched themselves like hooting owls upon the dead branches of their withered tree of knowledge, blinking and hooting at the rising sun and the coming day? 16 The English Universities sat on the royal judgment seat with Pilate, while English Liberty and English Progress had their Gethsemanes and‘ Calvaries. This young commonwealth of Iowa has started down the aisles of a thousand unknown centuries. _ In Dicken’s “ Tale of Two Cities,” he makes Sidne.- Carton see what will come in the years that will be. If you or I or any here could see what those thousand years have for Iowa, we would be glad and sad. Sir Walter Scott stirs the blood by telling how King Richard led in fight. In all the future of this'State, whenever its people want to be guided to a larger growth in Light, Liberty and Progress, let us picture to ourselves the Iowa State University in the forefront of those who lead the people to these ends. If we cannot affirm this as a prophesy, let us cherish it as a hope. In that weary, weary, weary siege of Lucknow the Scotch girl raised her head from her hospital bed and said to the burdened hearts about her: “ Hark! I “I hear the pibroch of the Campbells.” “ No, Jessie, it is your fever, poor “child.” Naw, Naw, I hear it afar off! The Campbells are coming!” And sure enough, before the weary day was done, up from the Cawnpur road came Sir Colin Campbell and his men, came the banner of St. George, came the might of England, came Help and Safety. Universities are one of the forces that, with thoughtful forecast society has organized for its relief and guidance in times of siege, in times of stress and distress. You may be sure such times will come to Iowa. Times of mental and social perplexity and confusion. “When the old land-marks will be “washed away, and the wonted lights in the heavens be darkened.” When the people will stagger like a helmless ship in the darkness and drift of fierce social problems, I do not want to think of this University so failing the people as Oxford University did when it wrinkled its learned brow and gathered its musty documents to prove that the duty of the English people was passive submission to the tyranny of the Stuarts. Then the best Universities in England were the Bibles and Muskets of Cromwell’s Ironside Puritans. I want it so that this University does more than teach books. I want it to be the creative organism and representative of social and popular progress and enlightenment in this State. I like to read of the Universities of Athens in ancient times that every young citizen from eighteen to twenty attended them, and that after the professors had lectured to the students in the gymnasia or University halls they all went from thence in procession to the temples for religions devotions, to the legislature to attend the debates, to the theatres to hear the great dramas, or to the town hall to be publicly examined. I want the University in this collective and corporate way to touch public thought and conduct more directly than it does now. 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