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Thomas Clarke, &.S.A.
MS

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Hubbard
Imag. Voy.
PR
34-06
•W 75
V.3
MEMOIRS
OF
THE LIFE AND TIMES
OF
DANIEL DE FOE:
CONTAINING
A REVIEW OF HIS WRITINGS,
AND
HIS OPINIONS UPON A VARIETY OF IMPORTANT MATTERS, CIVIL A
ECCLESIASTICAL.
BY WALTER WILSON, Esq.
OF THE INNER TEMPLE,
IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. III.
LONDON:
HURST, CHANCE, AND CO.
1830.
Res.
Regent L. R. Hubbard
12-4-1925
BRADBURY AND DENT, PRINTERS, OXFORD ARMS PASSAGE, WARWICK LANE.
CONTENTS.
VOLUME III.
CHAPTER I.
De Foe returns to London.-Rewarded by the Ministers.-In-
trigues at Court.-Disgrace of the Duchess of Marlborough.
-New Favorite.-Character of Harley.-His Intrigues dis-
covered.-Dismissed from Office.-Delicate Situation of
De Foe.-His own Account of his Conduct at this time.-
In Favour with Lord Godolphin.-Threatened Invasion of
the Pretender.-Loyalty of the Scots.-De Foe publishes
"The Union Proverb."-Vindicates his Political Conduct.-
He publishes the Fourth Volume of his "Review.”—Sub-
jects Discussed in it.-His Zeal for Liberty.-And Political
Independence.-Contests with the News-Writers.—The
French Prophets.-De Foe's Remarks upon them.-He
makes a Journey to Scotland.-New Elections.-De Foe's
Strictures upon Bribery.-He makes a Tour in the Country.
-His Zeal for the Return of Whigs.-Remarks upon
the Triennial Bill.-And upon the Inconsistency of the
Whigs.-De Foe receives some Threatening Letters.-Dis-
course concerning Trouble of Mind.
PAGE
1
vi
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER II.
De Foe takes another Journey to Scotland.-He Visits Lord
Belhaven in Prison.-His Conversation with that Noble-
man.—And Honourable Testimony to his Character.—Lord
Belhaven goes to London.-And Dies.-Some Account of
Him.-Death of Prince George of Denmark.-De Foe's
Notice of his Character.-Political Changes.-Proceedings
of the Scottish Episcopalians.-De Foe's Account of their
Conduct and Treatment.-Announces a Work upon the
Subject. The Scotch Narrative.-De Foe Replies to it.-
His Remarks upon Leslie.-He publishes his "History of
the Union."-Reception of the Work.-His Dedication to
the Queen.-Nature and Character of his Work.-Other
Editions of it.-Gives Rise to a Paper Contest with Mr.
Clark. Controversy concerning the Sacramental Test re-
vived.-Irish Presbyterians Petition for its Removal.-Swift
Opposes them in a Pamphlet.-His Allusion to De Foe.-
Mr. Humphrey censured by Parliament, for Writing against
the Test.-De Foe predicts its Removal.
glą
CHAPTER III.
•
Bill for the Naturalization of Foreign Protestants.-Advocated
by De Foe. His Theory upon the Wealth of Nations.-
Illustrated by Examples from History.-Attempt to Tack
the Sacramental Test to the Bill.-De Foe's Remarks upon
it.-The Project of Bishop Dawes.-Rejected by Parlia-
ment.-Fifth Volume of the "Review."--Subjects Dis-
cussed in it.-Affairs of Scotland.-His Picture of our
Domestic Condition. His Indifference to Party.-And
Persuasions to Peace.-Negociations at the Hague.-De
Foe Lectures the Jacobites.-Mars stripped of his Armour.
-Life and Adventures of Signor Rozelli.-Public Fasts.-
Stage Plays Prohibited.-De Foe's Remarks.- His Associa-
J
30
CONTENTS.
tion of Toryism and May-Poles.-Estimate of Morals in the
two Parties-De Foe's Project for Suppressing the Theatre.
-The Palatines come to England.-How Disposed of.-
Clamour against them.-De Foe's Arguments for their Hos-
pitable Reception.-His Scheme for their Employment.-
He again Visits Scotland.-His Remarks upon the Country
and the People.-He Defends the Presbyterians from the
Charge of Persecution.-His Candour.-Innovations.-In-
troduction of the Liturgy.-Case of Greenshields.-Project
for Perpetuating the Scottish Bishops.-Remarks upon the
Proceedings of the Church of Scotland. And upon Tolera-
tion. The Review" presented by the Grand Jury.—De
Foe's Remarks upon it.-Liberty of the Press threatened.
De Foe's Sentiments upon it.-Bill for Securing Copy-
right.-Leslie Threatened by the Scotch Members.-Drops
Rehearsal."-The "Rehearsal" Revived.—Novel and
the
Scandal.
CHAPTER IV.
Sacheverell's Sermon at St. Paul's.-Ridiculed by De Foe.-
His Advice to the Dissenters on the Occasion.-Remarks
upon the English Character.-And upon the Impeachment.
-He Reminds the Dissenters of their ill-treatment of him.
His Address to the Parliament. CC
Judgment of Whole
Kingdoms and Nations."-Works in Reply.-De Foe's
Remarks upon Sacheverell's Trial.-His Generous Feelings.
-Estimate of High-church Writings.-Endeavours to
Weaken the Toleration.-Sacheverell quotes some Passages
from the " Review."―Exploits of the Mob Described by
De Foe.-Sacheverell emulated by other Clergymen.-De
Foe's Remarks upon Milbourn's Sermon.-Fatal Conse-
quences of Sacheverell's Prosecution.-De Foe's Life
Threatened. His Courageous Confidence in his Cause.-
Rejoicings at Sacheverell's lenient Sentence. The High
Party gain Ground.-De Foe's Address to the Whigs.-
Excesses in the Country.-Hoadly and others burnt in
S
vii
54
viii
CONTENTS.
Effigy.-Publications by De Foe.-Dr. Welton's Altar-
piece.-
"Ward's "British Hudibras."-Sixth Volume of
the "Review.”—Topics discussed in it.-Remarks upon
Stock-Jobbing.-De Foe's Notions of Trade.-His Remarks
upon the King of Sweden.- And Satire upon the Follies of
the Times. Clandestine Attempts to Suppress his Paper.-
His Publisher Threatened.-And Changed.-De Foe's Let-
ter to Lord Wharton, concerning a Yorkshire Clergyman
CHAPTER V.
Effects of Sacheverell's Trial.-De Foe's Picture of the Times.
-His Opinion of the Tories.-Addresses to the Queen,-
De Foe's Remarks upon them.- Letter to Sir Jacob Banks.
-Prosecution of the Author.-Further Remarks upon the
Addresses. De Foe Threatened for his Writings.—Defies
his Enemies.-Sacheverell's Progress in the Country.-
De Foe's notice of it.—And of the expected change in the
Ministry. His character of the Earl Sunderland. And of
the other Ministers.-Corruption of the Times.-Harley's
Mysterious Conduct.-De Foe's Reflections upon the Times.
-He Recommends a Sermon by Dr. Goddard.—Both
Satirized by Dr. King.-Completion of the Ministerial
Changes. Character of Harley, St. John, and Harcourt.-
Publications for and against the new Ministers.-Decline of
Public Credit.De Foe writes for its support.-Essay upon
Public Credit.-Essay upon Loans.-Publication of the
"Examiner."-History of that work.-Swift's Political
Conduct. The Whig Examiner."-"The Medley."-
De Foe's Remarks upon these works .
(6
Magda
CHAPTER VI.
Address from the London Clergy. Hoadly's Publication upon
it.-And De Foe's Animadversions.-Collection of Ad-
dresses published.-De Foe Announces a Work in Opposi-
tion. He publishes "A New Test of the Sense of the
. 124
89
sta
CONTENTS.
Nation."-His Satire upon the Addresses.-And upon the
mode of jesting with Oaths.-History of Addresses.-De
Foe's political feelings at this time.-His Speculations upon
the policy of the Ministers.-Accused of making court to the
Ministers. His facetious Reply.-Attempts to embroil him
with the Government. The political course he prescribed
to himself. He is attacked in a pamphlet called "Now or
Never."-His Reply.-Embarrassment of Harley.-His
Overtures to the Whigs rejected. He is thrown upon the
Tories.-Dissolution of Parliament.-Sets the Country in
an Uproar.-De Foe publishes "A Word against a New
Election." He makes a Tour of the Country.—And de-
scribes the Outrages committed at the Elections.-Humorous
remark of the "Tatler."-Plots to bring in the Pretender.
Delusion of the People.-Letter from a Gentleman at St.
Germain's. De Foe's Remarks upon it.-Reasons against
receiving the Pretender.-De Foe accused of wavering in
his Politics.-Defends himself." Secret History of Arlus
and Odolphus."-Answers to it.-De Foe resides at Stoke-
Newington. Assembling of Parliament.-Altered tone of
the Queen.-Act for building fifty new Churches.-Cha-
racter of the Convocation.--And of the Clergy at this
period
. 153
CHAPTER VII.
ix
De Foe still in Scotland.-Appointed Publisher of the “Edin-
burgh Courant."-He is attacked by Dr. King.--Story of
the Coventry Horse.-De Foe's Explanation.-Seventh
Volume of the "Review."-Pursues a middle course in
Politics. Prospect of its drawing towards a close.—The Work
yields no profit.-Violence of Parties.-De Foe's Contempt for
his Opponents.-Dyer, the News-writer.-De Foe's Letter
inviting him to Peace.-His Contest with the " Examiner."
-His ill usage by the High Party.-He Satirizes the
"Examiner."--Scandalous Conduct of a Justice.-And of
X
CONTENTS.
the Master of a Trading Vessel.-Projected Tax upon
Papers.-De Foe's Sentiments upon it.-Impolitic as con-
cerns the Government.-And ruinous to Trade.-Discords
in the Ministry.-Pretensions of its Leaders.-Harley's
temporizing Conduct.-He gives offence to the Tories.-
October Club.-De Foe's Account of it.-Publications upon
the Subject.-Guiscard's Attempt to Assassinate Harley.--
Honors paid to the Minister.-His Scheme for paying off the
National Debt.-De Foe's Sentiments upon a Trade to the
South Seas. He Publishes a Pamphlet upon the Subject.
-And "Eleven Opinions about Mr. Harley."-His Defence
from the Charge of Versatility.-Motives that governed his
Political Conduct.-Accusations of Oldmixon and others.—
His own Defence of Himself
CHAPTER IX.
. 178
Death of the Earl of Rochester.- His Character. -The Tories
unite under Harley.-His Address to gain their Confidence.
-Different Opinions of his Policy. He is created Earl of
Oxford and Lord Treasurer.-Other Changes.-A Secular
Prelate. Fleming's History of Hereditary Right,-Some
awkward Appearances of Inroads upon the Constitution.-
The cause of the Pretender gains ground.-Public Demon-
strations in his Favor. -The Ministers desirous of a Peace.
Enter upon a Clandestine Negociation with France.--Swift's
New Journey to Paris.-De Foe attacked by Maynwaring.
-He Defends Himself.-He is a Friend to Peace.-His
Opinion upon the Objects of the War.-And Statement of
King William's Sentiments.-He is for a Partition of the
Spanish Dominions.-Mis-represented by the Whigs.-He
explains his Opinions in "An Essay upon that difficult
Phrase, a Good Peace."-Many Pamphlets falsely charged
upon him. He publishes "The Felonious Treaty," in De-
fence of King William.--Defends himself from Reproaches.
The Parliament re-assembled.-Prosperous days for the
CONTENTS.
Church.-Coalition between the Whigs and the Earl of
Nottingham.-De Foe's Remarks upon it.-The Occasional
Bill brought forward by the Earl of Nottingham.-Passes
both Houses -De Foe's Reflections upon the Measure.—
Speech of the Stone Chimney-piece in the House of
Lords. He publishes "An Essay on the History of Parties
and Persecution."-Caveat against the Whigs
A
xi
CHAPTER X.
De Foe's Commercial Concerns.-In Partnership with a Mr.
Ward. Who is Driven away from his Town by the Jaco-
bites. Disastrous Effects of Persecution.-De Foe attacked
by Ridpath. His Defence of Himself.-Distractions of the
Times. Conduct of Parties in England.-Measures against
the Scottish Establishment.-Reflections upon the Conduct
of the Tories.—And of the Scotch Presbyterians.—De Foe's
Strictures upon the Measures of Parliament. He publishes
"The Present State of Parties in Great Britain."—Account
of his Work.-His Answer to the Charge of Bribery.—Tax
upon Newspapers.-De Foe exemplifies its Inefficiency.-
And its Tendency to Impoverish the People.-His Banter
upon the Measure.-Its Evil Consequences pourtrayed.-
Appearance of the Mohocks.-De Foe's Project for getting
rid of them.-Malice of his Enemies.-Alarm for the Pro-
testant Succession.-" Hannibal at our Gates."-Replied to,
in "Hannibal not at our Gates."-De Foe threatened both
by Whigs and Jacobites. His Answer to Reproaches . 250
CHAPTER XI.
Eighth Volume of the "Review."--The course proposed to him-
self in conducting it. He writes largely upon Trade.-—Upon
the Negociations for Peace.-And upon the State of Parties.—
Declaration of his Politics. He is attacked in the "Medley."
216
xii
CONTENTS.
-Contemns his Opponents.-Anecdote of Dryden.-His
satisfaction at the prospect of dropping the " Review."—His
Motives for continuing it.-Narrative of his Treatment during
the Progress of the Work.-Ninth and last Volume of the
"Review."- De Foe's Merits as a Periodical Writer.-Gay's
false estimate of his Talents.-Corrected by Chalmers
. 278
CHAPTER XII.
Preliminaries of Peace.-Create loud murmurs in the Nation.-
Communicated to Parliament.-Receive its Concurrence.-
Publications in its Favour.-Writings of Swift and Arbuthnot.
-De Foe libelled in a Letter from a Tory Freeholder.—
Accused of writing against the Dutch. He rejects the
Charge.-Peace concluded.-Its Character.-Votes and
Addresses in its Favour.-Thanksgiving for the Peace.-
Specimen of Pulpit-Politics. -Estimate of De Foe's Political
Conduct.—Traduced by the Whigs. He disapproves of the
Terms of Peace.-His own Account of his Conduct.-He
withdraws into Yorkshire.-Lives some time at Halifax.
Manner in which he employed himself. He writes against
the Jacobites.-Seasonable Caution.-His three Ironical
Pamphlets. Specimens of their Contents.-They are widely
circulated.—Their meaning perverted by the Whigs.—Who
instigate a Prosecution against Him.-Originated by William
Benson. His zeal in the Affair.-Taken out of his hands by
the Government.-De Foe writes freely upon the subject in
his Review."-For which he incurs the resentment of the
Judges. Who commit him to Newgate.-Their Indecent
Conduct.-De Foe soon released. He receives a Pardon
under the Great Seal.-Stupidity of the Whigs.-De Foe's
own Explanation of his Writings.-And of the Motives for
his Prosecution.-He throws himself upon the Justice of the
Government.-Copy of his Pardon.-His Reflections upon
the Prosecution.-And the injustice of his Enemies
. . 298
S
CONTENTS.
K
CHAPTER XIII.
Commercial Treaty with France.-Unpopular with the Nation.
-Rejected by Parliament.-De Foe writes an Essay upon
the Subject.-Nature of his Argument.-Another Pamphlet
attributed to him.-Answer to it." Mercator, or Commerce
Retrieved."--Fathered upon De Foe.-Boyer's Account of
it.-Oldmixon's.-And Tindal's." The British Merchant."
-Mr. Chalmers's Account of Both Papers.-De Foe's own
Account of his Concern in "Mercator."-And Defence of
his Opinions in favour of Free-Trade. He commences a
General History of Trade.-" Groans of Europe."—Replied
to in "Les Soupirs de la Grande Bretagne."-De Foe
Publishes " Whigs turned Tories, and Hanoverian Tories
proved Whigs."-Collection of Poems called " Whig and
Tory.” “Observations upon the State of the Nation."
---Animadverted upon by De Foe.-Pamphlets Pro and
Con.-Demonstrations in favour of the Pretender. ---His
Birth-day celebrated at Edinburgh. He is Patronized in
Ireland.-Leslie goes upon a Mission to Convert him.-
Sends home a Flattering Account of him.-Success of the
Catholics in England.-The Jacobites favoured at Court.
They publish "The Loyal Man's Psalter."-Some curious.
Specimens of the Work.-Bedford publishes "The Heredi-
tary Right of the Crown of England Asserted."-Its Pom-
pous Announcement.-Presented to the Queen by Mr.
Nelson. Some particulars of the Publication.-Bedford
Prosecuted for it. The true Author Ascertained.-Steele
publishes "The Crisis."-Replied to by Swift, in "The
Public Spirit of the Whigs."-His Work Censured in Par-
liament.-The Ministers screen him from a Prosecution.-
Steele expelled the Commons.-His Revenge upon the
Ministers
Mag
xiii
. 327
•
xiv
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XIV.
Last Parliament of Queen Anne.-Threatening Aspect of Pub-
lic Affairs.-Prosperous Situation of the Jacobites.-Mea-
sures concerted by the Whigs.-Hostile Attitude of Politi-
cal Parties.-Plot between the Queen and the French King
in favour of the Pretender.-Oxford's Intrigues to Defeat
it. Whether the Ministers were concerned in it.-Estimate
of Lord Oxford's Political Character.-Character and Con-
duct of Bolingbroke. Strength of Political Parties.-The
Tories Disaffected to the Hanover Succession.-They are
Supported by the Clergy.-Who make Rapid Strides to
Popery.-Letter to the Dissenters.-Ascribed to De Foe.--
Remarks upon it by Oldmixon.-Another Reply.-Bill to
Prevent the Growth of Schism.-Its Nature and Character.
-Hypocrisy of its Promoters.-Lord Wharton's Reproof to
Bolingbroke.-Arguments against the Bill.-Cautious Con-
duct of the Lord Treasurer.—It passes both Houses.—And
Receives the Royal Assent.-Remarks upon the Measure.
-Publications against it.-De Foe publishes "The Remedy
Worse than the Disease."- Argument of his Pamphlet.
Parliament Prorogued.-Discords in the Cabinet.-Intrigues
of Bolingbroke and Oxford.-The Treasurer Dismissed.—
Anarchy in the Government.-The Duke of Shrewsbury
made Treasurer.-Rage of Bolingbroke and Atterbury.—The
Queen Dies. Her Private Character.-Aspect of her Reign, 352
C
S
<
CHAPTER XV.
Accession of George I.-Inactivity of the Pretender.-Sub-
version of the Tories.-Coronation, and Riots.-Exasperated
Feelings of Political Parties.-De Foe's Treatment by the
Whigs. His Claims to Favour.-Disregarded by the new
Government.-Complains of his hard Measure.-Secret
CONTENTS.
History of the White Staff.-Pamphlets Produced by it.
Dissolution of Parliament.-Contest of Political Parties.—
Atterbury's "English Advice."-De Foe's Reply." Hymn
to the Mob."--De Foe's Political Life Draws to a Close.-
Reflections upon his Services.-He publishes "An Appeal
to Honour and Justice."-Extracts from the Work, in De-
fence of his Political Conduct.-He is struck with Apoplexy. 376
A
XV
CHAPTER XVI.
De Foe publishes his " Family Instructor."-Dr. Wright's
Recommendation.-Object and Character of the Work.-
His Account of its Success.-Various Editions.-And Anec-
dotes respecting it.-Friendly Epistle to Thomas Bradbury.
Sharp Rebuke to Henry Sacheverell.-Seasonable Expos-
tulation with the Duke of Ormond.- Declaration of Truth
to Benjamin Hoadly.-Thoughts on Trade and a Public
Spirit. Account of Two Nights' Court at Greenwich.-
Triennial Bill impartially stated.-Controversy with Toland
upon Ennobling Foreigners." What if the Swedes should
Come?"—"6 History of the Press-Yard," and Answer.
Project of a Paper, called "The Hanover Spy."-Mes-
nager's Negociations.-Memoirs of the Church of Scotland.
-Pamphlets upon the Division in the Ministry.-Second
Volume of the " Family Instructor."-Memoirs of Dr.
Daniel Williams.-De Foe's Letter to the Dissenters upon
the Trinitarian Controversy.-Curious Oration of Father
Andrews. De Foe's Assignment of Property.
. 403
p
CHAPTER XVII.
De Foe's merits as a writer of Fiction.-Estimate of them by
Charles Lamb.-" Robinson Crusoe."-History of its Pub-
lication.-Its great success.-De Foe publishes a second
volume.-Piracy of the Work.-Controversy concerning it.
-Libel upon De Foe.-Blair's character of
Co Robinson
Crusoe."-Johnson's Eulogy.-De Foe publishes his "Se-
xvi
rious Reflections."-Design of the Work.-The Author's
allusions to Himself.-Subjects discussed.-Popularity and
character of "Robinson Crusoe."-Rousseau's commenda-
tion.-Judgment of Dr. Beattie.-Origin of the Work.
-Timothy Crusoe.-Account of Alexander Selkirk..
Works relating to him.-Steele's Paper in the " English-
man."-How far De Foe was indebted to his story.-Idle
tale of his Plagiarism discussed.-Writers for and against
it. The Work ascribed to Arbuthnot and Harley.-Various
opinions upon the place of its birth.-Notice of its various.
editions. French and Spanish translations.-A great fa-
vourite with the Arabs.-Imitations of the Work.“ Philip
Quarll."-Professor Campe's French Work.-Spanish and
Latin translations.-Edition of Mad. Montmorency Lavale. 426
C
T
CONTENTS.
Account of Dickory Cronke.-Plausibility of De Foe's Nar-
ratives. His Knowledge of Nautical Affairs.-He publishes
the "Life and Piracies of Captain Singleton."—Account of
the Work. His "History of Duncan Campbell."-Fortune-
Tellers of the Day.-Spy upon the Conjuror.-The Dumb
Projector. The Friendly Dæmon.-The Loadstone and
Powder of Sympathy.-Campbell turned Doctor.-The
Supernatural Philosopher.-Notice of William Bond.-
Death of Duncan Campbell.-" Secret Memoirs of the late
Mr. Duncan Campbell."-De Foe's "Poem upon Painting."
-Various Translations of Du Fresnoy's Work.—“ Christian
Conversation, in Six Dialogues'
S
CHAPTER XVIII.
>
CHAPTER XIX.
De Foe a Painter of Nature. He publishes the "Fortunes
and Misfortunes of Moll Flanders."-Character of the Story.
-De Foe's Object in writing it.-Its revolting Features.-
Success of the Work. -Various Editions.-His Life of
Colonel Jacque.--Nature of the Work.-Slaves and Slave-
Owners. De Foe an enlightened Philanthropist.-General
V
467
!
Character of his Novels.-Moral Tendency of Colonel
Jacque." Memoirs of a Cavalier."-Account of it by his
Editor. Laboured attempts to authenticate the Narrative.
-The Cavalier's Story.-Character of Tilly's Army.-And
of Gustavus Adolphus.--Sensation produced by his Death.
-Civil Wars in England.-Character of Fairfax.-And of
the Memoirs.-War and Pestilence.-De Foe's Account of
the Plague.-Character of his Work.-Its Moral Tendency.
Plague at Marseilles.—Publications upon the great Plague.-
Controversy with Dr. Hancocke.-Religious Courtship.—
Its estimable Character.-Other Works attributed to De Foe 489
Remarks upon De Foe as a Novelist.-Moral Tendency of his
Writings. His "Fortunate Mistress: or Life of Roxana.".
Variations in the Editions of the Work.-Its leading Fea-
tures.—Character of the Story.-Design of the Publication.
-De Foe's "Tours through Great Britain."-Character of
his Work. Mutilated in later Editions.-Confounded with
"Macky's Journey."-" Great Law of Subordination."—
Cause of the Decline of Virtue.-Abuse of Liberty.-Cha-
racter of his Book." Everybody's Business Nobody's
Business."-Habits of Servants.-Preface to the Fifth
Edition. Answers to it." New Voyage Round the
World." "Roberts's Voyages."-" Essay upon Litera-
ture.' "Mere Nature Delineated."-Account of Peter,
the Wild Boy.-De Foe's Theory of Education
.
CONTENTS.
""
..
CHAPTER XXI.
De Foe's Notions of Spirits.-His Experience of their Exist-
ence. Popular Credulity.-Satirized by De Foe.-His
"Political History of the Devil."-"System of Magick."-
Essay on Apparitions."-Satire upon the Fops of his day.
-Moral Improvement of the Subject." The Protestant
Monastery."-De Foe's Age and Infirmities.-Allusion to
the Undutifulness of his Children.-Parochial Tyranny.-
VOL. III.
C
CHAPTER XX.
To
xvii.
524
xviii
CONTENTS.
Select Vestries.-Third Volume of the "Family Instructor."
-Subjects handled in it." Use and Abuse of the Marriage.
Bed."-" The Compleat Tradesman."-A Second Volume
upon the Subject.-Merits of the Work.-" Plan of the
English Commerce."-De Foe and Gee compared." Mili-
tary Memoirs of Captain Carleton."-A favourite with
Johnson." Augusta Triumphans."-London University.-
De Foe a Practical Reformer.-His Scheme for the Preven-
tion of Street Robberies.-Invasion of his Labours.-He
publishes Second Thoughts are Best."-Strictures upon
the Beggars' Opera.-Schemes for Improvement of the
Police." Dissectio Mentis Humanæ."-A Manuscript
called "The Compleat Gentleman."-De Foe's Letter to
his Printer.
. 553
•
CHAPTER XXII.
Some Particulars of De Foe during the latter years of his life.
---Mr. Baker's account of his Habits.-And Courtship of
his Daughter. He falls into Difficulties.--Unnatural Be-
haviour of his Son.-His affecting Letter to Mr. Baker.-
His Prospects as to another World.-Time and Circum-
stances of his Death.-Some Errors corrected.-Registers
of his Burial.—Letters of Administration upon his Effects.-
View of De Foe's Character.-Mode of Dealing amongst
Literary Men in his Day.-Wanton Manner of propagating
Slander. Mark Noble.-De Foe's Moral Character.—Pri-
vate Habits.-Melmoth's Letter to him upon the Stage.-
His Political Principles.-Patience under Suffering.-His
Religious Character.-His Benevolence Illustrated.--Gene-
ral View of his Character as a Writer.-His Pretensions as
a Poet.-As a Political Writer.-As a Commercial Writer.
As an Historian.-As a Moralist.-As a Writer of Fic-
lion.-Estimate of his Secondary Novels, by Charles Lamb.
-Comparison with Richardson.-And Bunyan.-Conclud-
ing Remarks. Particulars concerning his Family and
Descendants
.. 601
M
ADDITIONAL NOTICE
CONCERNING DE FOE'S DESCENDANTS.
SINCE the work was printed, some further particulars have reached
the Author, which will serve to correct a passage in Vol. III., page
647, and to convey some additional information respecting De Foe's
descendants. It now appears, that Mrs. Hyett there referred to
has no title to be enrolled in the family either of the De Foes or
the Bakers. She was a natural child of Paterson, the auctioneer.
Henry Baker, jun. left but one child, the late Rev. William Baker,
who inherited his grandfather's fortune. Losing his father when
young, he was committed to the care of a guardian, who educated
him for his own profession, which was that of a barrister; and he
kept his terms in the Inner Temple. But, as soon as he became
his own master, he quitted the law, and entered the church, for
which, it is said, he was peculiarly fitted,
CC as an able man of
business, and an useful servant of the public." His acquirements
were varied and extensive, and he procured the esteem of his
neighbours by his many excellencies and virtues. Besides the Rev.
Henry De Foe Baker, he left a second son, William, a physician at
Derby, who married Christiana, daughter of P. Bernard, Esq., of
Southampton; and a daughter, Mary, now single. The following
inscription upon his grave-stone, is worth preservation as an historical
record of the family:-
"C
"This Stone marks the Grave
Of WILLIAM BAKER,
Who closed a Life of
Extensive Usefulness
And a Ministry of
Nearly Forty Years,
At the age of 64,
A. D. 1828."
ERRATA.
VOL. III.
Page 80, line 2, for these, read such.
T
16, for forestal, read forestalls.
161,
302, -7, for bringing, read brings.
5 from bottom, after been, read all.
318, last line, dele being.
511, line 10 from bottom, for reading, substitute read.
CHAPTER I.
De Foe returns to London.-Rewarded by the Ministers.-Intrigues at
Court.-Disgrace of the Duchess of Marlborough.-New Favorite.-
Character of Harley.—His Intrigues Discovered.—Dismissed from Office·
-Delicate Situation of De Foe.- His own Account of his Conduct at
this time. In Favour with Lord Godolphin.-Threatened Invasion of the
Pretender.- Loyalty of the Scots. De Foe Publishes "The Union
Proverb."-Vindicates his Political Conduct.-He Publishes the Fourth
Volume of his " Review.”—Subjects Discussed in it.-His zeal for Liberty.
-And Political Independence.-Contests with the News-Writers.—The
French Prophets.-De Foe's Remarks upon them.-He makes a Journey
to Scotland.-New Elections.-De Foe's Strictures upon Bribery.—He
makes a Tour in the Country.-His zeal for the Return of Whigs.-
Remarks upon the Triennial Bill.-And upon the Inconsistency of the
Whigs.-De Foe receives some Threatening Letters.-Discourse con-
cerning Trouble of Mind.
A M
1708.
EARLY in the month of January, 1708, De Foe returned to
London, after an absence in Scotland of about sixteen
months. He seems to have been anxious to obtain a settle-
ment of his affairs; and his negociations with his creditors
held out a prospect of success. Being now at the head-
quarters of the parties contending for power, he could not
avoid being involved in their disputes; and of the various
subjects that engaged his attention, the reader will be
informed in the sequel.
For his services in Scotland, or elsewhere, the ministers.
now rewarded him with an appointment, with a fixed salary;
VOL. 111.
B
2
but the nature of it is not mentioned. It was obtained for
him by the intervention of Harley, and continued to him
after the fall of that minister. As his name does not stand
in the red book of Queen Anne, Mr. Chalmers was induced
to think it was a pension rather than a place; but he speaks
of it himself as an appointment, which seems to denote a
place. It was probably a sinecure, that did not require a
personal attendance, as may be gathered from his long and
frequent absences; and it must have been one that did not
demand the sacramental test, which De Foe always objected
to. During the ministry of Lord Godolphin, after the retire-
ment of Harley, his salary fell into arrears, perhaps in
consequence of his long absence in Scotland; and notwith-
standing his interest with the succeeding ministry, it does
not appear that his claims were ever liquidated.
INTRIGUES AT COURT.
The commencement of the year was marked by the dis-
covery of some political intrigues, which produced several
changes, both at court and in the ministry.
Abigail Hill, who had been rescued from poverty, and
introduced to court by her kinswoman, the Duchess of
Marlborough, was rising fast in the royal favour. She had
been several years dresser to the queen, and a lady of the
bed-chamber; and, by her assiduous attentions, made her-
self so acceptable to her mistress as greatly to relieve the
Duchess, who sometimes remitted her attendance at court
for several weeks together. This enabled the rising favorite
to insinuate herself, by degrees, into the royal confidence,
until she succeeded in supplanting her relative and bene-
factress. Her marriage to Mr. Masham, one of the queen's
pages, in the preceding summer, was industriously concealed
from the duchess, and occasioned a more than usual degree
of reserve. This her Grace attributed to moroseness of
temper, little suspecting that her relative had made so
much progress in the art of dissimulation. But her surprise
DISGRACE OF THE DUCHESS OF MARLBOROUGH.
was unbounded when she learned that the queen was privy
to the transaction, and had lent herself to the intrigues of
her new favorite. "The conduct both of the queen, and
of Mrs. Masham," says the duchess, "convinced me that
there was some mystery in the affair; and therefore I set
myself to inquire, as particularly as I could, into it; and
in less than a week's time, I discovered, that my cousin was
become an absolute favorite; that the queen herself was
present at her marriage in Dr. Arbuthnot's lodgings, at
which time her majesty called for a round sum out of the
privy-purse; that Mrs. Masham came often to the queen
when the prince was asleep, and was generally two hours.
every day in private with her; and I likewise then discovered
Mr. Harley's correspondence and interest at court by means
of this woman.
I was struck with astonishment at such an
instance of ingratitude, and should not have believed it,
if there had been any room left for doubting."*
A gradual alienation from the duchess had been long
visible at court; and, as royal favorites are seldom popular
with the multitude, so in this instance, the immense wealth
amassed by the Marlboroughs, united with their reputation
for avarice, gave additional weight to the odium created by
their long-established influence. This jealousy was now
fomented with great industry by the Tories; "And the
unexperienced multitude, who, for the most part, look with
envy upon the grandeur and good fortune of their superiors,
rejoiced at the Duchess of Marlborough's disgrace, and
began to carry themselves with great insolence. The duchess,
who had a very high spirit, and whose highly-exalted for-
tune, perhaps, had obscured the brightness of her under-
standing, retired to her house at Windsor, where she lived
in quiet; nor did she take any care to appease the anger of
the incensed queen."+ Uncertain and slippery as is the
3
Conduct of the Duchess of Marlborough, pp. 182-4.
+ Cunningham, ii. 141.
B 2
4
CHARACTER OF HARLEY.
favour of princes, it would be difficult to assign any plausible
pretext for so violent a change in the queen's affections;
for, notwithstanding some occasional bickerings, their friend-
ship, which had continued more than twenty years, was of
the most romantic and familiar kind, and had been sealed
by vows which each imagined to be indissoluble. The
problem is only to be solved by the intrigues of party.
Mrs. Masham's politics were more entirely in unison with
those of the queen, whom she flattered with her zeal for
high-church, and for the interests of the Stuarts. She,
therefore, became the tool of those who were ambitious of
supplanting her ministers, and seating themselves in their
places.
Harley stood in the same relation to Mrs. Masham as the
Duchess of Marlborough, and had also befriended her in
her necessities. This gave him access to her confidence,
which he improved by making her the tool of his ambition.
Under his tutorage, she employed all her credit with the
queen to establish him in her favour, as well as to alienate
her from her other ministers; and she became the channel of
their clandestine communication. Fully aware of her pre-
judices, Harley made a skilful use of them for the further-
ance of his designs; flattering her with high notions of the
prerogative, and representing the Treasurer and the General
as in league with the Whigs, to reduce her to a mere cipher
in the government. These insinuations, being too much in
unison with her own feelings, had a considerable effect upon
her mind, and served, as well, to raise him in her favour,
as to alienate her from her best and long-tried friends.
With the like artifice, he now flattered the ambition of
the Tories, and fomented the discontents of the Whigs;
insinuating to the latter, that Marlborough and Godolphin
were lukewarm in their cause, and the only obstacles to
their further advancement. Of this crafty statesman, a
modern writer has drawn the following portrait: "Harley
HIS INTRIGUES DISCOVERED.
10
5
was, perhaps, of all men, the best calculated to win his way
through the crooked paths of political intrigue. He had
hitherto figured as a Whig or Tory, as it suited his in-
terests; and under the guise of moderation, had gradually
acquired a considerable body of adherents, to whom his par-
liamentary talents gave strength and consistency. He was
supple, plausible, and insinuating; adroit in flattery, and
profuse in his professions of duty and attachment. To these
qualities, he joined uncommon discernment of character, a
cool and calculating head, a spirit of profound dissimulation,
and an exterior of familiarity, courtesy, and candour, which
deceived the most suspicious."* A man whose character
was compounded of such materials, must have been dan-
gerous, whether as a friend or an enemy, and most of
all so, as a minister of state.
*Coxe's Life of Marlborough, iii. 256.
Of the secrecy with which Harley conducted his in-
trigues, we have the following account by a contemporary
writer. “About this time many things were transacted at
court in the dead of the night; and the queen was afflicted
with sore eyes. The Prince of Denmark, who was a sin-
cere lover of his royal consort, as well as of her country, was
grieved at these late conferences, and said in public, 'It is
no wonder the queen is troubled with sore eyes, but, rather
indeed, that she is not otherwise indisposed, when she goes
no sooner to bed; an expression, which is thought to have
escaped him unawares. As soon as the Duchess of Marl-
borough heard of this, she set her spies about the queen, to
watch and report to her every one who went in and out of
the palace. And now, at length finding the truth of what she
suspected, and discovering certain proofs of Mr. Harley's
counsels, she, in the heighth of passion, began sometimes to
threaten, sometimes to thunder. The queen was steady in
her resolution; and so was the Duchess of Marlborough,
""
6
who day and night, pressed her husband to revenge her in-
juries. The duke consulted his friends, who were all of
opinion, that the best way would be for the Duke of Marl-
borough and the Earl of Godolphin, to go immediately to
the queen, who was naturally timorous, and to persuade her
to remove Mr. Harley from his office and her court, in case
she thought fit to continue them in her service. As soon as
the queen was made sensible of this resolution, and how ill
she had been treated, she took a week's time to consult about
it; and the Earl of Pembroke proposed that all fair means
possible, might be used to compose these dissentions, before
they should come to the ears of the people. In the mean-
time, many noblemen of great quality and power, joined in
the same request to the queen; and even Mr. Harley him-
self, is said to have also persuaded her to follow the same
course, in compliance with the times. And last of all, the
Prince of Denmark showed the queen how necessary it was
to comply with the Duke of Malborough's request, and ex-
plained to her at large, the danger of the confederate cause.
Thus was a whole week spent in disputes and excuses. At
last, the queen finding herself too weak to resist, and being
alarmed with fear of the Pretender, who at that time at-
tempted an invasion upon Scotland, complied with the
oponion of her husband and the Duke of Marlborough, and
yielded to the humour of the times. Full of resentment, and
not without tears, she removed Mr. Harley from his office;
and yet matters were not made easy at court."*
HARLEY DISMISSED FROM OFFICE.
The dismission of Harley was not accomplished without
considerable difficulty, and even his own concurrence. By
his long intrigues at court, he had obtained such an ascend-
ancy over the mind of the queen, as to alienate her from her
faithful treasurer Lord Godolphin, whom she would have
sacrificed to his ambition; and nothing but the steady reso-
**Cunningham, ii. 142-3.
7
lution of Marlborough, to stand or fall with that able and
upright minister, preserved him. Although Harley had but
few political supporters of any name, or consequence, being
equally detested by the Whigs, and suspected by the Tories,
yet such was the infatuation of the queen, that she clung to
him to the last, and would not have listened to his resignation,
but from a dread of some convulsion in the state. This
revolution in the ministry, took place in the month of Feb-
ruary, 1708, and the discarded ministers were re-placed by
some leading Whigs.
DELICATE SITUATION OF DE FOE.
When Harley withdrew from the ministry, De Foe con-
sidered all his political prospects at an end. For having
been indebted to that minister for his introduction to court,
and his subsequent employment by the government, he felt
that he was in duty bound to follow his fortunes, rather than
to remain in the service of those to whom his patron had be-
come obnoxious. Upon this difficult occasion, Harley acted
towards him with great generosity, and Godolphin not less
so; for the former released him from his supposed obligation
of honour, and the latter continued him in his service, with-
out imposing any restrictions upon that honest independence
of character, which, notwithstanding the reproaches of his
enemies, he maintained under all changes and circumstances.
It is impossible not to admire the great delicacy manifested
by De Foe in his new situation; and in the following nar-
rative of this affair, penned by himself, we have an honor-
able testimony to his character, by a great minister of state.
"When upon that fatal breach, the Secretary of State was
dismissed from the service, I looked upon myself as lost;
it being a general rule in such cases, when a great officer
falls, that all who came in by his interest, fall with him.
And resolving never to abandon the fortunes of the man to
whom I owed so much of my own, I quitted the usual ap-
plications which I had made to my Lord-Treasurer. But
8
my generous benefactor, when he understood it, frankly
told me, that I should by no means do so; for, said he, in
the most engaging terms, 'My Lord-Treasurer will employ
you in nothing but what is for the public service, and agree-
able to your own sentiments of things. And besides, it is
the queen you are serving, who has been very good to you.
Pray apply yourself as you used to do; I shall not take it
ill from you in the least.'
Upon this, I went to wait on my Lord-Treasurer, who
received me with great freedom, and told me smiling, he
had not seen me a long while. I told his lordship very
frankly the occasion. That the unhappy breach that had
fallen out, had made me doubtful whether I should be ac-
ceptable to his lordship. That I knew it was usual, when
great persons fall, that all who were in their interest fell with
them. That his lordship knew the obligations I was under,
and that I could not but fear my interest in his lordship was
lessened on that account. Not all, Mr. De Foe,' replied his
lordship, I always think a man honest, till I find to the
contrary.' Upon this, I attended his lordship as usual; and
being resolved to remove all possible ground of suspicion
that I kept any secret correspondence, I never visited, or
wrote to, or any way corresponded with my principal bene-
factor, for above three years; which he so well knew the
reason of, and so well approved that punctual behaviour in
me, that he never took it ill from me at all.
HIS OWN ACCOUNT OF HIS CONDUCT AT THIS TIME.
66
"In consequence of this reception, my Lord Godolphin
had the goodness, not only to introduce me for the second
time to her majesty, and to the honour of kissing her hand,
but obtained for me the continuance of an appointment which
her majesty had been pleased to make me, in consideration of
a former special service I had done, and in which I had run
as much risk of my life, as a grenadier upon the counter-
scarp; and which appointment, however, was first obtained
9
for me at the intercession of my said first benefactor, and is all
owing to that intercession, and her majesty's bounty. Upon
this second introduction, her majesty was pleased to tell me,
with a goodness peculiar to herself, that she had such satis-
faction in my former services, that she had appointed me
for another office, which was something nice, and that my
Lord-Treasurer should tell me the rest; and so I withdrew.
The next day, his lordship ordered me to attend, told
me, that he must send me to Scotland, and gave me but
three days to prepare myself. Accordingly, I went to Scot-
land, where neither my business, nor the manner of my dis-
charging it, is material to this tract; nor will it be ever any
part of my character, that I reveal what should be con-
cealed. And yet, my errand was such as was far from being
unfit for a sovereign to direct, or an honest man to perform;
and the service I did, upon that occasion, as it is not un-
known to the greatest man now in the nation, under the king
and the prince, so, I dare say, his Grace was never displeased
with the part I had in it, and I hope will not forget it.
"These things I mention, upon this account, and no
other, viz. to state the obligation I have been in all along
to her majesty, personally, and to my first benefactor prin-
cipally; by which I say, I think I was at least obliged not
to act against them, even in those things which I might not
approve. Whether I have acted with them farther than I
ought, shall be spoken to by itself. Having said thus much
of the obligations laid on me, and the persons by whom, I
have this only to add, that I think no man will say, a sub-
ject could be under greater bonds to his prince, or a private
person to a minister of state; and I shall ever preserve this
principle, that an honest man cannot be ungrateful to his
benefactor."* In this passage, De Foe alludes to the
course he pursued during the last four years of this reign,
IN FAVOUR WITH LORD GODOLPHIN.
Appeal to Honour and Justice, pp. 14, 17.
10 THREATENED INVASION OF THE PRETENDER.
for which he fell under the censure of the Whigs; but his
defence against the charges brought against him, will be
resumed in its proper place.
C
In the early part of the year, the government received in-
telligence of some hostile preparations at Dunkirk, which
had for their object the invasion of Scotland. The French
king, disheartened by his losses upon the continent, thought
that such a diversion, headed by the Pretender, might have a
favourable influence upon his affairs; and the opposition
which the Scots had so lately offered to the Union, induced
him to reckon too hastily upon their assistance. In the
month of March, Admiral Fourbin appeared with a French
fleet and army, off the Firth of Forth; but finding an
English squadron ready to receive him, he steered his course
to the north of Scotland, where an immediate insurrection
was expected. But in this, also, he was disappointed; for a
storm arising, his fleet was driven out to sea, and after
braving the element for about a month, he was glad to re-
turn to Dunkirk, with the loss of one ship and about four
thousand men. De Foe was so fully satisfied of the loyalty
of the Scots, that he had no apprehension of the result,
should a landing be effected. He thought they had been
sufficiently surfeited by the tyranny of the late times, to set
at rest any doubt upon the subject; and he recommended.
that a reward should be issued for the apprehension of the
Pretender. He adds, "Let but forty or fifty of the chief
heads of clans and known Jacobites, be secured, and he
may come when he pleases; he'll meet with but cold en-
tertainment in the north of Britain, in spite of all the
imaginary discontents which are suggested by us of that
people, of whom we are very forward to be scandalously
abusive."*
*Review, iv. 670.
The loyalty of the Scots having been brought into ques-
tion in England, upon account of their refusing the abjuration
oath, De Foe, who, from a long residence amongst them,
was well acquainted with their sentiments, pleads their de-
fence in the following passage: "The scruples raised among
the Scots-Presbyterians, against the abjuration, is not
from any inclination they have to the Popish Pretender, or
any aversion to the present government; but from such
circumstances in it, as seem to shock their consciences, in
that they may come into such a condition, as may make it
impossible to keep it.” * He therefore urges the government
not to press it upon them, as a matter of policy. Grateful
for the favours he had received from the Scots, and stimulated
by his preference for their church establishment, he rejoices
in every opportunity of doing honour to their nation.
speak it without boasting," says he, "no man has concerned
himself more than the author of this paper, to clear up the
suspicions entertained among us in England, of the Presbyte-
rians in Scotland joining with the French, and falling in
with the Jacobite interest.+
66 I
LOYALTY OF THE SCOTS.
In the midst of the general alarm, at the prospect of an
invasion, De Foe published a short tract, intitled, "The
union Proverb; viz:-
Ag
"If Skiddaw has a Cap,
Scruffell wots full well of that."
11
Setting forth, I. The necessity of uniting. II. The good
consequences of uniting. III. The happy union of England
and Scotland, in case of a foreign invasion. Felix quem
faciunt aliena Pericula cautum. London, 1708." Advertised
the 12th of March. In a prefatory address, "To the true
British reader,” De Foe gives the following explanation of
the proverb from Mr. Ray. "Skiddaw and Scruffell, are
two neighbouring hills, or high mountains; the one in Cum-
Review, v. 8.
† Ibid, i. 113.
12
DE FOE PUBLISHES THE UNION PROVERB.
berland, in England; the other in Anandale, in Scotland:
and if the former happens at any time to be capped with
clouds or foggy mists, it will not be long ere rain, or the like,
falls on the latter. It is also spoken of such who must ex-
pect to sympathize in their sufferings, by reason of the
vicinity of their habitations." (A)
Our author, thinking the proverb would bear a moral and
political accommodation, applies it to the union of the two
kingdoms. He says, "It is an excellent lecture of mutual
friendship on either side of the Tweed. It ingenuously tells
us, what we are to trust to in troublesome times, either of
oppression at home, or of miscarriage, affliction, and mis-
fortune, from abroad. It is, likewise, a most politick and
prudent caution against foreign invasions. It does not only,
and that pathetically too, set forth the necessity of the two
kingdoms uniting heartily in all cases of disastrous dis-
turbance, but also manifestly shews the happy consequences
of such an entire union, both in point of government and
traffick, as will be able to defeat the turbulent designs of
our greatest enemies, either in time of peace or of war.
This is the main stock on which our common hopes ought
(A) Fuller has the following account of this proverb: "There is an hye
hill in Cumberland, called Skiddaw, and another auswering thereto, Scruffel
by name, in Anandale, in Scotland, and the people dwelling by, have an
old rythme,
If Skiddaw hath a cap,
Scruffel wotts full well of that.
Meaning that such the vicinity, (and as I may say, sympathy) betwixt these
two hills, that if one be sick with a mist of clouds, the other soon after is
sad on the like occasion. Thus none, seeing it now foul weather in Scotland,
could expect it fair sunshine in England, but that she must share in the
same miseries."-Church Hist. B. xi. p. 167.
The people of Somersetshire, in the vicinity of Yeovil, have a similar
proverb-
K
"When Michael's hill wears a cap,
Martock folks will have a drap."
VINDICATES HIS POLITICAL CONDUCT.
13
to be grafted, of making Great Britain flourish and fructify,
in spite of French blasts, or caterpillars. Our author
advances many invincible arguments in favour of unanimity
at this juncture. "It will be easily granted," says he,
"that nothing can render a kingdom more powerful and
safe, than a perfect union in itself; for to be all of one
mind, and all of a piece, fortifies us like a bulwark, and
strengthens us beyond breaking. But, on the other hand,
take the two kingdoms single or separate, wrangling within
their own bowels, rising up in judgment against their own
peace and tranquillity, they are as unsafe again, and as
weak as Sampson without his hair. Nothing but our own
intestine divisions can invite the French king to set foot
upon English or Scotch ground. We may then expect, with
very good reason, to be fellow-sufferers upon the upshot of
such invasion; according to the manifest truth, as well as
politick insinuation of the proverb: That if Scruffel has a
cap, Skiddaw knows full well of that.'" De Foe's tract was
subjoined to the third edition of "Dyke's English Pro-
verbs." London, 1713. 8vo.
(
>>
The return our author met with for his labours, as a
peace-maker, gave him but small encouragement in his
office. The author of this paper," says he, "is very
unhappy in the difficulty he finds to make truth please;
and though he has endeavoured to pursue it without respect
to persons or parties, yet he cannot but regret the failure.
I know," continues he, "this age hates to be instructed,
and the saying of the elders to the blind man, is in the
mouth of all self-wise people; Dost thou teach us? From
this temper flows the constant want of manners, false con-
struction, slander and ill-language with which your humble
servant is always treated, instead of argument, by all those
that are concerned in the guilt, and at any time pinched
with the application. If I speak plain truth, then he is
an impudent fellow, a bully, and an incendiary; if I speak
14 PUBLISHES THE FOURTH VOLUME OF HIS "REVIEW."
soft things, then he is a flatterer, a parasite, &c. How
many satires had I levelled at me, for a poem, called “A
Hymn to Victory," only because it paid some respect to
the Duke of Marlborough and the queen? Again, when
I speak of the public affairs, if I do not rail as others do, I
am a coward, and afraid of new prosecutions. If I speak
against things, I am turning my tale, and going over to
the enemy; the high-church has bought me off; and if
I speak for the public affairs, then I am bribed, employed,
and paid for it, and a mere mercenary. And what shall
a poor author do in all this? I'll tell you what I do:
I go on freely with telling you offensive truths, regarding
no censures, and fearing no prosecutions; but at more
hazard than some of you would run to save a father, I
prompt you to see the things that belong to your peace.
Rehearsals rave, Observators bully me, and the high-church
vote me to the devil, every paper they read. And what is
the matter? But because I tell you that in all your pro-
ceedings, high-flying extremes will be your destruction, and
principles of peace can alone secure us.
But, whether you
will hear, or whether you will forbear, 'tis a sad truth,
that all the mischiefs which have befallen any party of men
amongst us, have been from their own precipitations."*
De Foe closed the Fourth volume of his Review with the
25th of March, 1708, when it had reached to 175 numbers;
having commenced with the 11th of February, 1707. He
added the following title: "A Review of the State of the
British Nation. Vol. iv. London: printed in the year
1707;" a mistake for 1708. pp. 700. 4to. In a preface
of two pages, he briefly states the matters discussed in the
His zeal
volume, and the reception they had met with.
for the Union, induced him to devote a considerable portion
Review, v. 49, 50.
15
of it to that subject, and it was a favorite one with the
author; but the length to which he extended it, began to
grow tiresome to his readers," so eager are they for novelty,
that when they are best pleased with a subject in its begin-
ning, they will never have patience to hear it out." He
apologizes for the errors and mistakes of the work, and
invokes the candour of the reader, from the difficulties he
had to contend with. "I must tell you," says he, "it is
none of the easiest things in the world to write a paper to
come out three times a week, and perhaps liable to more
censure and ill-usage than other papers; and, at the same
time, to reside, for sixteen months together, at almost
four hundred miles distance from London, and sometimes.
more."
SUBJECTS DISCUSSED IN IT.
The volume opens with a poem upon the Union; because
he always liked to begin his work cheerfully: "Nor let
any man charge the dullness of my verse upon the coldness
of the climate. I take it upon myself to acknowledge, that
however dull the genius of the author, the inspirations of
the north are every way equal to those of the south; and
the muses are as inclined to harmony there, as in any other
part of Britain." The subjects he discusses, refer, chiefly,
to politics, foreign and domestic, to our internal policy,
and to matters of trade. In bringing forward the Union,
he takes considerable pains to reconcile the people of
Scotland to that measure, combats the arguments of its
opponents, and explains his own motives for appearing so
zealously in the business. From the various charges brought
against him, he defends himself with spirit, and retorts
upon his adversaries with a manliness befitting conscious.
innocence. The improvement he makes of it, is, to exhort
his countrymen to mutual forbearance, and the cultivation
of a peaceable disposition, as the surest method of lessening
our differences, and producing that peace which is always
the effect of heart-felt union.
16
HIS ZEAL FOR LIBERTY.
In treading the beaten path of politics, De Foe divides his
attention between a variety of subjects, domestic and foreign.
He discusses the management of the war; the strength, re-
sources, and plans of the enemy; the policy of the Swedes
and other neutral powers; the insurrection in Hungary, and
the revolution in Naples; and, in short, the principal occur-
rences that were then taking place in Europe. His strictures
upon continental politics, led to some observations upon the
condition of Protestants in Catholic countries, and he dis-
covers an anxious solicitude for their prosperity. The exten-
sion of the Protestant religion, and its emancipation from a
state of persecution, were subjects in which he felt a lively
interest; and knowing the apathy with which they are
usually treated in the councils of princes, he endeavours to
awaken the attention of the British cabinet to the subject.
He proposes, that in any future treaty with France, an
express stipulation should be made in behalf of the French
Protestants, securing to them the full restoration of the
Edict of Nantes. The cause of religion he considers to
be consentaneous with that of liberty, and the extension
of liberty as affording the finest field for the promotion of
the Protestant religion. "It has been crushed by tyrants,
and pulled down by encroaching power; but, like the first
planting of the Christian religion, it has always forced its
way in the world by the power of its doctrines, and the
invisible influence of the victorious spirit of God. Give but
Europe liberty, and the people under every government
their full freedom to be instructed, and I am for venturing
the Protestant religion upon the foundation of its own
prevailing influence. The power of truth will and must
prevail, and the minds of men will be enlightened and
informed there is nothing wanting to propagate and enlarge
the gospel of truth, but liberty to the people to be in-
structed."
"
* Review, v. 324.
17
The cause of liberty, both civil and religious, was a
favorite topic with our author, who, living in an age when
men were beginning to burst their shackles, his exemplary
perseverance in expounding the subject, and in exposing
the wretched sophistry of those who were inimical to im-
provement, cannot be too highly estimated. Referring to
some people upon the Continent, who were just emerging
from despotism, he says, Liberty is the darling of human
nature. People may indeed be debauched into the snares
and bondages of tyrannical government, and force may be
exercised upon them for a time; but, in the end, the people
always fly in the face of the oppressor, and the yoke of
tyranny is but transient and variable. Oppression may
indeed last for a season; but liberty always finds time and
instruments to recommend herself to the world. However
bigotted to their own customs, people have, first or last,
taken arms for liberty, dethroned their most sacred tyrants,
and laid the foot of law upon the neck of power." The
following observations relating to France, if not prophetic,
discover at least an intimate acquaintance with human
nature. Though by the accurate management of the
French king, his subjects have been brought to succumb
under their misery, which is become natural to them; yet,
as they have never had a deliverance in view, they have
not had an opportunity to consult flesh and blood, and
put the helping hand to their own deliverance. But, when
the chain is once knocked off, and the people are at liberty
to act, I make no doubt but reason will return to its exercise,
and nature will certainly dictate to them, as it has done to
all the world, that people were not made to be the slaves
of arbitrary tyrants; and that government, which was
ordained of God, was not instituted to oppress, destroy, and
subject mankind, but to establish justice, protect property,
preserve liberty, and make people happy. Nor is it to be
doubted but when the people of France shall see this, and
(
VOL. II.
C
AND POLITICAL INDEPENDENCE.
(6
18
"""*
a way open to defend it, they will not be so unlike the rest
of mankind, as not to accept of liberty and improve it.
In venturing upon the stormy ocean of English politics,
De Foe had already counted the cost, and was prepared to
encounter the bursting rage of opposing elements. With
some of the news-writers he was at continual variance, and
their attacks too often generated into personal abuse. This,
he usually treated with the contempt of silence; but
when once broken, he employed his stores of wit to expose
their malice. Against those who were for exalting the
monarchical principle, under the extravagant pretensions
of divine, hereditary and indefeasible right, he carried on a
perpetual warfare; opposing argument to sophistry, and
common sense to usage and precedent. As the high clergy
made themselves prominent in the propagation of these
absurdities, they frequently fell under the lash of his
censure; and he exposed their inconsistencies in vivid
colours. Having but little hope of making an impression
upon persons of their principles, he directed his arguments
chiefly to such as were in danger of being misled by their
sophistry. "For my part," says he, "I value the instruct-
ing and improving one honest ignorant person, more than
the detecting and confronting a thousand knaves, and 'tis
for the sake of these I write." To those envious and
malicious persons, who reproached him as a tool in the
hands of others, he says, "They are the tools of the Devil,
who discourage and hinder any man who lays himself out.
for the public service; or who would lessen him upon that
account. I scorn to be a tool to any man or party of men
in the world; and as I have given testimony that I will
not be so at an uncommon expence, I can go through it all
again, rather than submit to any man's dictates, against
either conscience or liberty."+
CONTESTS WITH THE NEWS-WRITERS.
Review, iv. 323. + Ibid, 199, 200.
19
De Foe's antagonists amongst the news-writers, were
nearly the same as last year. Dyer, he usually passed
over with contempt, as a libeller not worth his notice.
With Leslie he had some sharp contests upon the most
important points of religion and government; and he found
a new opponent in Ridpath, who succeeded Tutchin as
editor of the "Observator." His disputes with various
persons and parties, he sums up by observing, "In all my
writings, as well as in this paper, it has been my endeavour,
and ever shall be, I hope, to steer the middle way between
all our extremes, and while I am applauding the lustre of
moderation, to practise it myself."* As to those gentlemen
who have made so free with my reputation, would they lay
aside the party reasons from which they have judged, they
might easily be convinced of the crime of their rash censure;
and if they are not, they may see how little I regard their
calumny." From his own example, he takes occasion to
drop the following remarks: "If I might give a short hint
to an impartial writer, it should be to tell him his fate. If
he resolves to venture upon the dangerous precipice of
telling unbiassed truths, let him proclaim war with mankind
a la mode le pais de Pole, neither to give nor take quarter.
If he tells the crimes of great men, they fall upon him
with the iron hands of the law; if he tells their virtues,
when they have any, then the mob attacks him with slander.
But, if he regards truth, let him expect martyrdom on both
sides, and then he may go on fearless; and this is the course
I take myself.” ‡
THE FRENCH PROPHETS.
About this time, the public attention was attracted by
a new set of enthusiasts, who mixed much knavery with
their revelations. These were the FRENCH PROPHETS,
who would have sunk much sooner into oblivion, had not
* Review, iv. 583.
+ Ibid, 587.
# Ibid, 593.
© 2
20
DE FOE'S REMARKS UPON THEM.
their cause been supported by some persons of learning and
character. The appearance of so strange a people was not
likely to escape the observation of De Foe. That he had
no opinion of their reveries, was a sentiment that he held
in common with all persons of discernment; but he pitied
their credulity, and was averse to their being treated with
harshness. Writing concerning them in April, he says,
"The case of our prophets, so far as I can see yet, for I
would not wrong them, is this: that they have pretended
to cure distempers, raise the dead, and have made a mighty
noise of predicting what shall come to pass. But, that no
miracle has hitherto been performed, is evident to all that
dwell in London; and they cannot deny it. Fear not then
to let them alone; for, if this counsel, or work, be of men,
it will come to nought, and I wish all men would leave it
there. They have put the whole weight of their cause upon
their performance of an eminent miracle on the 29th of May,
the raising a dead body from the grave; a body that must
needs have partaken of corruption, having lain in the earth
several months. And his memory above ground has an ill
savour. I shall readily own with them, that if the God of
life pleases to restore the soul to his abandoned carcase,
according to their prediction, this thing is of Him; but I
would caution my readers to hold them to the point, that,
if it fails, they may own they were deluded.
"I cannot but observe, that there seems to me a manifest
token of their own diffidence in this operation; for, as the
time approaches, finding more and more reason to doubt
their pretensions, and foreseeing that a disappointment will
at once bring their whole cause into contempt, they have
laid a foundation for keeping the delusion on foot, and
buoying up the credulity of their followers. Their cham-
pion, Sir Richard Bulkley, has advanced a new hypothesis;
which if they can reconcile to the nature of prophetic inspi-
ration, is most politickly brought forward. It is this: that
21
I am
it is not essential to constitute a true prophet, that what he
prophecies should come to pass. The scripture tells us of
prophecying lies; They shall prophecy lies in my name.
Now, how a man can prophecy lies, otherwise than by pro-
phecying what shall not come to pass, I know not.
loth to offer any thing to these poor deluded people that is
sharp or bitter. I sincerely regret their mistake, and pity
them for blindly following what I own I take to be a deceit.
They merit our compassion, not our scoffs; and therefore I
am sorry to see them exposed to the contempt and indecen-
cies of the rabble. If they are so weak as to appear at the
grave of Dr. Emes, upon the day fixed for raising him, I
think it concerns the civil magistrates to keep off the mob
from offering any violence to them; a thing not very
unlikely, and what may be expected to be very fatal, the
day being a double holiday, when the streets are likely to
be crowded.”*
DE FOE'S REMARKS UPON THEM.
When the time had elapsed, without the performance of
the miracle, De Foe takes occasion, from its failure, to
exhort the deluded people to return to the sober exercise of
their senses, and to be thankful to God that the snare is
broken. "I do confess," says he, "the prevalency of this
delusion has been surprising, and nothing has been more
strange to me in it, than to see men of sense and good cha-
racter fall in with it; men that have been all their lives
religiously disposed, masters of reason, well read in the
Scriptures, and sound in the principles of the Christian
religion. That these men should have been thus deluded,
seems to signify something more than if it had been the
common enthusiasm of men weak in judgment, wild in
notion, and easy to be imposed upon."+ The principal
patrons of these deluded men, besides Sir Richard Bulk-
ley, were John Lacy, Esq.; Francis Moult, the chemist;
*Review, v. 45.
Ibid, 132.
22 DE FOE MAKES A JOURNEY TO SCOTLAND.
Nicolas Facio, a learned foreigner; and Francis Maximilian
Misson, author of "A New Voyage to Italy." The prophets
were attacked by various writers, and it was with a view to
them that Shaftesbury penned his celebrated "Letter on
Enthusiasm."
Malice had industriously reported, that the chief patrons
of these delusions were Quakers and other Dissenters. De
Foe, alive to its injustice, rejected the calumny with disdain.
It does not appear that one sect had any reason to quarrel
with another upon this account, as each had its proportion;
and it would be unjust to charge the follies of mankind
upon any class of opinions, especially when disowned by
the persons maintaining them. Enthusiasts and madmen,
as these pages amply testify, are not confined to one de-
scription of religionists; and he who so restricts them, has
not only a very small portion of charity, but is deficient in
his knowledge of mankind, and imperfectly acquainted with
human nature.
In the early part of the spring, De Foe made a tour to
Scotland, although for what purpose is unknown. He was
there at the beginning of April, soon after the commitment
of the Scottish prisoners, and paid a visit to Lord Belhaven,
in the Castle of Edinburgh. Of the interest he took in the
case of that unfortunate nobleman, we shall have occasion
to speak hereafter. De Foe's journey was probably upon
some public account; but he did not stay long in Scotland,
as we find him soon afterwards actively concerned in the
parliamentary elections in his own country.
The first parliament of Great Britain was dissolved by
proclamation the 15th of April; after which the country was
busily occupied in the new elections. Upon this occasion,
De Foe earnestly exhorts the electors not to choose High-
flyers, "who are the declared enemies of the present consti-
tution;" nor to betray their country for the sake of gratifying
23
DE FOE'S STRICTURES UPON BRIBERY.
a sordid appetite. He remonstrates, in strong language,
against the continued practice of bribery, which placed the
liberties of the country at the mercy of those who have the
longest purse. "He that will buy the country to choose
him, will sell the country when he is chosen ;" he therefore
recommends them to elect their representatives free of ex-
pence; "for men who in conscience cannot bribe, will serve
you impartially when chosen." (B) De Foe justly observes,
that "railing at courts makes no patriot ;" and that we
are rather to estimate a man by his tried principles and
known character.
-
During this busy season, De Foe took a journey into the
country, to observe the state of political parties, and animate
the friends of liberty wherever he could interpose his in-
fluence. He tells us, he was present himself at many of the
elections, and observed, with shame and regret, the mode in
which they were conducted. "I have not," says he, "so
far sat still at the coffee-houses all this summer, as some of
you have done, forming elections, telling noses, and casting
up parties over a dish of coffee; but I have been among a
great many of your electors myself. I have been an eye-
witness to many of the most fulsome and loathsome stories
I have told you; I have seen the possibility, aye, and too
much the practice of men's voting implicitly, here for ale,
there for influence, here again for parties, and there by per-
suasion. And God knows I speak it with regret for you all,
and for your posterity, it is not an impossible thing to de-
bauch this nation into a choice of thieves, knaves, devils, or
(B) De Foe illustrates his remark by the following story :-" William
Rufus having an Abbey to bestow, several of the clergy, knowing the king
to be covetous, bid large sums for the place. The king, seeing a monk
stand by who offered nothing, asked him, ' And what wilt thou give for this
Abbey ?' Indeed, not one penny,' says the monk, for it is against my
conscience. Then,' says the king, 'thou art the fittest man to be Abbot ;'
and so gave him the Abbey immediately."― Review, v. 117.
•
<
24 HIS ZEAL FOR THE RETURN OF THE WHIGS.
any thing, comparatively speaking, by the power of various
intoxications. Having seen and heard so much of your
follies, and knowing the consequences, I think myself jus-
tified before God and man to tell you, that so far as these
practices are allowed by you, so far you are ruining your
country, and selling your liberties to French and Jacobite
tyranny. And, far be it from me to fear the resentment of
any power, be it never so great, in a truth so plain and sig-
nificant as this. I tell you again, if you have chosen high-
flyers and Tories, abjuration-taking Jacobites, such as I
have been describing, you have sold your nation, your birth-
right, your children to a pack of thieves, and sacrificed the
liberty and religion of Britain to your sordid, debauched
luxury and covetousness.”* Our author exposes the incon-
sistency of some modern Whigs, in voting for Tory candi-
dates, thus dividing their interests, and electing their own
destroyers. "Oh, Whigs, Whigs, are these the politics
your enemies charge you with? Catch a Tory voting for a
Whig! Where can you find that fool to his party? The
devils' votaries are always true to their master; and the
children of this world wiser in their generation than the
children of light."
(6
From the temper of the times, De Foe had strong appre-
hensions of the ascendancy of Tory influence; and, in a strain
of pointed irony, he lays open to the electors the consequences
to be expected from such an event. They can give away
nothing," says he, "but our money; they can overthrow
nothing but our constitution; they can over-set nothing but
the succession and the Union; they can sell nothing but our
liberties; and what then? We shall do as well as our
neighbours, who never knew what those toys and trifles, of
law, liberty, or property, meant; and yet they sing and
dance, and are as merry as other people, though they have
* Review, v. 142.
REMARKS UPON PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
not so much gear. Who knows but this may be the Shortest
Way to a general deliverance; for, as has been noted, no-
thing opens our eyes, in this age, like precipitations. Now,
if
you will but choose these honest sort of folk into parlia-
ment, they will confirm all your melancholy reflections; and
the scheme of management being swallowed up to a due
heighth, you shall soon come to a perfection of your endea-
vours—a Tory parliament, a Tory ministry, a Tory peace, a
Tory successor, and hey boys, up go we! The revolution, the
succession, the union, the toleration, shall all receive their
due regulations, and this nation shall arrive at its immediate
state of bliss-THE SHORTEST WAY.' "'*
25
Our author was far from being satisfied with the issue of
the elections. The ground which the Whigs lost by the
frequent return of these occasions, made him dissatisfied with
the triennial bill; which, however advantageous upon some
accounts, rendered the interval between them a constant
season of intrigue and other mal-practices. In the present
day, when so much has been said and written in favour of
short parliaments, even to the rendering them annual, his
opinion would be deemed unpopular. But, whatever objec-
tions may be started to the period now fixed by law, many
will consider it sufficiently frequent to convulse the country,
and repeat the scenes of riot and debauchery, which inva-
riably occur at popular elections. Perhaps, a better mode of
parliamentary reform would be, to restrain the overgrown
influence of the proprietors of boroughs, by curtailing the
elective franchise in some places, and extending it in others;
also, by transferring the right of election from small places
to large towns. The people would then have an increased
interest in the protection of their rights, and consequently in
the preservation of the state.
As a cordial friend to the existing government, which he
Y
Review, v. 95.
26
DE FOE RECEIVES THREATENING LETTERS.
considered to be identified with the cause of liberty, he was
solicitous for its safety, and viewed with some anxiety the
formidable array of parties that were conspiring its overthrow.
Addressing the new Whigs, upon their inconsistency, in
uniting with the enemies of their country, he says, "You
are the men, that, without considering who or what is the
cause of any miscarriage, charge all the mis-management of
things upon the Whigs, right or wrong; and, assisting the
Tory party to load them with innumerable forgeries, are
backing the cry againt the ministry, not as men but as Whigs,
and branding the party, not the persons of the guilty.' "'* De
Foe knew enough of party politics to be aware, that all the
outcry against the ministers was to get them turned out, that
the High-flyers might occupy their places. He intimates,
that many engines were at work for its accomplishment, and
cautions his countrymen not to be led astray by the arts that
were employed to seduce them. "If our united interest,"
says he, "is little enough to keep this vigilant party out; if
Court Whig, and Country Whig, and all sorts of Whigs, are
few enough to make up the bank, and keep out the flood of
high-flying invasions, then a caution to the friends of this
settlement, to unite and keep together, and shun all dividing
breaches, is both necessary and reasonable. And while I
think it the duty of every man, that respects his country's
interest, to assist in so good a work, I cannot but discharge
my part by pressing it in the most earnest terms."+
Amidst his labours in the cause of peace and liberty, the
privacy of De Foe was often interrupted by threatening and
abusive letters, most of them anonymous, or with fictitious
names. In the month of May, he writes thus: "I received
a letter, signed with my own name, a counterfeit no doubt;
for I am fully satisfied no man owns the name justly, nor does
any man covet to be called after the unfortunate. However,
*Review, v. 98. + Ibid, v. 418.
DISCOURSE CONCERNING TROUBLE OF MIND.
as I am not ashamed of the name, and hope I have no reason,
I am content to be mocked at the pleasure of the party; but,
let them take this by the way, that though I am not ashamed
of the relation of any honest man, yet I should be heartily
ashamed of being related to any man, however great, who
had so far degenerated from justice and honour, as to own
the principles in that letter, and who flies in the face of the
late king, the present constitution, the queen, the succession,
and all the united building of Britain's present government."
A little further, he observes, "We have cause to bless God,
in this age, that we live under a government whose actions
will bear the light, and is best pleased when its proceedings
are placed in an impartial view. Heretofore, misrepresen-
tations and false lights have been the practice of our courts,
and the grievance of the subject; now, the case alters, and
we find it the practice of the subject, and the grievance of
the court."+
27
The first edition of a work, often reprinted, and sometimes
attributed to De Foe, now made its appearance. It is intitled
"A Discourse concerning Trouble of Mind, arising from
sundry Temptations. Exemplified in the Remarkable Life
of a Private Gentleman; with Reflexions thereon. In Three
Parts. Intended to awaken the Presumptuous, convince the
Sceptick, and encourage the Despondent. Left under his
own Hand, to be communicated to the Publick after his
Decease. London : printed by Joseph Downing, for J.
Baker, &c. 1708." 8vo. pp. 304. A second edition of the
work was published, three years afterwards, with the following
title, by which it is now generally known: "An Account of
some Remarkable Passages in the Life of a Private Gentle-
man; with Reflections thereon. In Three Parts. Relating
* Review, v. 65.
† Ibid, 73.
28
to Trouble of Mind; some violent Temptations; and a Re-
covery: In order to awaken the Presumptuous, convince the
Sceptick, and encourage the Despondent. Left under his
own Hand, to be communicated to the Publick after his
Decease. The Second Edition, with Additions from the
Author's Original Papers. Lond. 1711." 8vo. pp. 334.
The following attestation, by "an eminent physician of the
College," is prefixed to this edition. "The author of this
book was a person of an estate, generous and charitable, and
could be under no temptation to use any base or by-ends
whatever, to usher into the world this religious treatise. But
it may be objected, that the most serious persons have some-
times gone melancholy, and fallen into diseases of the brain,
productive of strange deliriums, errors, and impositions,
which they themselves have in time discovered and acknow-
ledged. To this I answer, partly what I know myself, by
an acquaintance of some years standing, and also what has
been communicated to me by others, of a much longer con-
versation with the author, whose veracity I dare confide in.
I knew him to be a person of a very sane and healthful
constitution, of great activity, both of body and mind, free
and pleasant in his conversation, without the least moroseness
or affectation. His very looks expressed a cheerful disposi-
tion. He was a diligent searcher after substantial truths;
so far from being carried away by the insinuations of enthu-
siasts, new lights, or mystical notions, that he has confuted.
them. He held constant communion with the church of
England. His education was liberal amongst learned men,
in a celebrated academy abroad, where he studied philosophy,
and the art of medicine; a faculty censured rather for too
much infidelity, than for being subject to enthusiam. I
shall add no more but this, that this second edition comes
out with some additions, which I believe to be taken out of
the author's own original papers; and that the truth of these
DISCOURSE CONCERNING TROUBLE OF MIND.
DISCOURSE CONCERNING TROUBLE OF MIND.
29
extraordinary relations is unquestionable. F. S." Whether
De Foe had any share in handing these papers to the world,
may be questioned, as there is nothing but common report
to warrant the supposition. A copy of the work, in the pos-
session of the present writer, ascribes it to a Dr. Woodcock.
The late Dr. Hamilton announced it to be the experience of
Sir William Hamilton, physician to Queen Anne.
CHAPTER II.
r
De Foe takes another Journey to Scotland.-He Visits Lord Belhaven in
Prison.-His Conversation with that Nobleman.- And Honourable Tes-
timony to his Character.-Lord Belhaven goes to London.-And Dies.-
Some Account of Him.-Death of Prince George of Denmark.-De Foe's
Notice of his Character.-Political Changes.-Proceedings of the Scot-
tish Episcopalians.-De Foe's Account of their Conduct and Treatment.
-Announces a Work upon the Subject.-The Scotch Narrative.-De
Foe Replies to it.—His Remarks upon Leslie.—He Publishes his " History
of the Union."-Reception of the Work.-His Dedication to the Queen.—
Nature and Character of his Work.-Other Editions of it.-Gives rise to
a Paper Contest with Mr. Clark.-Controversy concerning the Sacra-
mental Test revived.-Irish Presbyterians Petition for its Removal.-
Swift opposes them in a Pamphlet.—His allusion to De Foe.-Mr. Hum-
phrey censured by Parliament for Writing against the Test.-De Foc
predicts its Removal.
1708.
S tý
IN the month of June, De Foe made another journey to
Scotland, being employed upon a secret mission, the object
of which remains unknown. The silence he observes upon
such occasions, is creditable to his prudence and judgment;
and we may easily trust him that it involved nothing that
was dishonourable, or we should probably have heard of it
from his enemies. He continued several months in the
north, and seems to have given full satisfaction to his em-
ployers. For this he appealed long afterwards to the Duke
of Marlborough.
These repeated visits to Scotland, we may easily collect,
were not disagreeable to De Foe, who had contracted an
DE FOE'S JOURNEY TO SCOTLAND.
31
affection for the Scots, as well from gratitude for favours
received, as from a zealous attachment to their religion. To
the piety and hospitality of their nation, he is always proud
to do honour; and the only return he could offer for their
civilities, was to celebrate their virtues, and defend them
from the reproaches of their enemies. As a public advocate,
when their religion or their liberties were attacked, the
Scots, perhaps, had not a more zealous and sincere friend
amongst the English. With an active mind, and in a coun-
try so congenial to his taste and opinions, he was incessantly
employed in gathering stores of information, concerning its
localities, its capabilities for improvement, and the genius of
the people; subjects that had hitherto engaged but a small
share of attention in the sister kingdom. In his progress.
through different parts of the country, he had an opportunity
of increasing the number of his acquaintances; and he
made many careful observations, which furnished him with
topics for discussion in his Review, through which he con-
veyed much useful information to the public.
The death of Lord BELHAVEN, an unfortunate Scotch
nobleman, which happened soon after De Foe's arrival at
Edinburgh, afforded an opportunity of exemplifying the gene-
rosity of his character towards a political opponent, who
died under the frowns of the government. He had been com-
mitted with him in the affair of the Union; but duly appre-
ciating his private virtues, was willing to do them justice,
upon the score of friendship. The narrative is interesting,
not only as an ample vindication of his lordship, but as
exhibiting great nobleness of character, both in the subject
and in the narrator.
Lord Belhaven had been one of the most active opponents
of the Union, acting, no doubt, from conscientious motives.
This, coupled perhaps with other circumstances, occasioned
him to be suspected of disaffection to the government, and
32
he was watched with a jealous eye. When the Pretender
appeared upon the coast of Scotland, in the spring of the
year, several persons who were known to be in his interest,
were ordered to be apprehended; as were others upon bare
suspicion. In the latter class was Lord Belhaven, who was
in confinement when De Foe arrived in Scotland. Not-
withstanding their former differences, they had corresponded
together; and their intercourse seems to have been governed
by mutual esteem. "It is easy for men of honour," says
De Foe, "to distinguish between public and personal dif-
ferences; and I count it my honour to say, that though in
debating the Union, I never slackened my hand in opposing
his lordship, yet he knew how to differ in opinion without
personal resentment, and to allow others to differ from him.
I had the honour to converse with him both by letter and by
word of mouth; and as all the remains of that debate have
vanished, I think it a debt due to his memory, to set his
character right in the eyes of good men, now it has pleased
God to take him away, before he had opportunity to do it,
as he purposed, himself.
"In my last progress to Scotland, I arrived at Edinburgh
a few days after his lordship was confined in the castle,
whither I went to wait on him. I found him indeed very much
concerned at his confinement, and the more so, to use his
lordship's own expression, that he was numbered with trans-
gressors; that he should be suspected in a cause he had
always abhorred, had early appeared against, and had been
formerly put in the same prison for opposing. In one of his
letters to me, before I came to Scotland, his lordship has
this expression: ""Tis now twenty-seven years since I had
the honour to be prisoner in this very place, for opposing a
Popish successor, in the parliament of 1681, when the
successor himself was upon the throne, representing his
brother." "This," adds De Foe, "made it appear very
hard to his lordship, to be mixed with a sort of people he
HE VISITS LORD BELHAVEN IN PRISON.
HIS CONVERSATION WITH THAT NOBLEMAN. 33
had always appeared against, and stuck a little too close to
him. When I waited upon his lordship in the castle of
Edinburgh, he broke out in some warm complaints upon this
very head; recited to me how early he had appeared in Scot-
land against the tyranny of Popish power, even when other
people were afraid to do it; how zealous he had been for the
settlement of the Church of Scotland; how instrumental in
the Revolution; how, both in and out of Parliament, in
public and private, he had always adhered to the Presby-
terian interest; had opposed tyranny and King James, both
in the court and in the field; had assisted to depose him,
and keep him out at the hazard of his life, having com-
manded the cavalry at the battle of Gilly-cranky; so that it
was very hard to single him out as suspected of joining with
those he had so avowedly appeared against.
"I endeavoured to calm his lordship's spirit upon that
head; told him it was his misfortune to have been a pro-
fessed opposer of the Union, in the management of which
all the party that now attempted our liberties unhappily
joined; and that his lordship appearing among them, suf-
fered for being found in bad company; but that even the
government itself was forward to hope his lordship was clear
of any guilt in it. I endeavoured to reconcile him to the
present precaution the government was obliged to take for
immediate security, in which, though innocent persons might
suffer privations, yet none but the guilty would be eventually
punished. His lordship readily acknowledged the necessity,
prudence, and justice of securing suspected persons, and
only regretted that he was numbered amongst them. In the
letter to me before quoted, he says, 'I am here in custody
with three Papists, five non-jurants, and one who may be
reckoned worse than any of the others, because of his
treachery in King William's service. I meet with the same
measure and the same treatment, and am the only person
who, having been always faithful to the present government,
VOL. III.
D
34
(6
am to have my fame and reputation blasted, by being num-
bered amongst the transgressors.' I hint this," continues
our author, on two accounts: First, to testify in his lord-
ship's name, and from his own mouth, that he did not at all
reflect upon the government for the precaution used in taking
up the heads of the Jacobite party; but that he thought the
experience of his behaviour for twenty years might have freed
him from suspicion, or at least, have procured him some dis-
tinction. Therefore, in the foregoing letter, he asks, 'How
then comes the Lord Belhaven to be secured, who never could
be thought of in any of these; (Papists, Nonjurors, &c.)
who was all the winter preceding the Revolution, in Holland,
with the Prince of Orange; was with the first in the Revo-
lution, and one of the first entrusted with military com-
mand after it, being especially honoured with the command
of the horse against the Viscount Dundee; who has had the
honour to serve her majesty and her royal predecessor in
Council, in the Treasury, in the Exchequer, and in several
other offices; who had the honour not only to be the taker,
but in the number of the makers of such oaths and acts
from time to time, as were judged necessary for the security
of the present settlement, and not the least forward to make
them. Where, then, (says his lordship) does the suspicion
lie?'
HIS CONVERSATION WITH LORD BELHAVEN.
-
S
"I endeavoured to comfort him with the news of his going
to England, which his lordship at first much regretted; but
when he came to examine into it, was better satisfied. I
reminded him of the arbitrary proceedings in his own
country in cases of mere suspicion, and how by the Union
he enjoyed the privilege of an English nobleman, who could
be tried only by his peers. He readily acknowledged he
thought the life of a nobleman more secure now than before,
but was extremely solicitous as to the treatment he should
meet with in England. I had the honour to assure his lord-
ship, both from a conviction of his innocence, and of her
35
majesty's unbiassed justice, that he would meet with all the
clemency and goodness which her majesty shewed to all her
innocent subjects without distinction, and that he would be
immediately admitted to bail. This somewhat allayed his
concern, which had been chiefly raised from reports of the
prisoners being committed to the Tower during the Queen's
pleasure, without examination or trial, by virtue of the Act
of Parliament. His lordship regretted exceedingly the dis-
solution of the council in Scotland, from whom a proper dis-
tinction of persons might have been expected, and as better
capable of judging than an administration at a distance.
"At his departure from Edinburgh, I waited on his lord-
ship to wish him a good journey, and found him much better
reconciled to it than before, depending upon his innocence
being made out to the satisfaction of the government; and
he particularly made it his request, I had rather said, he
laid his commands on me, that, as I had advanced to the
world that the Presbyterians in Scotland would not join
with a Popish invader, I would, as I had opportunity, clear
his reputation, he being the only Presbyterian charged
therewith, from the reproaches that might be offered on that
account. And, his lordship concluded another letter to me
on that head, in the following manner: Though I am able
to answer all my accusers, and know that no man can lay
any thing to my charge; yet, as many will hear of my ac-
cusation that will not hear of my exoneration, I should be
content you would, as occasion offers, say what you think
proper and true for my personal vindication.'
"I had not hitherto answered this request," continues
De Foe, "because I thought his lordship would be suffi-
ciently vindicated in the just and fair discharge he would
have from the government, no one coming in to offer the
least accusation against him; and his lordship being also the
best judge of the methods to make his own defence public.
But since it has pleased God to summon him to another
HIS CONVERSATION WITH LORD BELHAVEN.
เ
V
D 2
36 DEATH AND CHARACTER OF LORD BELHAVEN.
world, before his reputation, in the eyes of some, might be
entirely cleared up, I thought myself obliged so much the
more to mention his lordship, and to let the world know so
much of his character.
"He was a person of a noble disposition; of sense, man-
ners, and virtue; of honesty, sobriety, and religion; of
courage, learning and loyalty. Besides being master of a
great many good qualifications, he had an excellent temper,
goodness of disposition, and clearness of judgment above
most men. He had an easy conception, a beauty of thought,
and a readiness of expression. In his whole life he shewed
himself zealous for the Protestant religion, the prosperity of
his country, and the suppression of tyranny; and except in
the affair of the Union, to which he was entirely averse, and
which was the only occasion of his being suspected by the
government, his whole life does not shew one action but
what would denominate him a true friend to the present go-
vernment. Yet, even in this case, he confined himself to
what was legal, and acquiesced in it when it was concluded.
'While the Union was making (says he) I opposed it, and
struggled with it, as I thought it my duty; but now it is
passed I can do more, and shall be easie.' He was only un-
happy in being suspected by the government, for he had a
perfect loyalty to the Queen, a steady attachment to the Re-
volution, and a zealous heart for the Protestant religion.
"'*
Lord Belhaven was conveyed to London, with other pri-
soners of distinction, on the 14th of June; and being ex-
amined before the privy-council, where no information was
laid against him, he was admitted to bail, the 17th. But
he did not live long to enjoy his liberty, dying suddenly
after dinner, upon the 21st of the same month, in the 52d
year of his age. His disorder is said to have been an in-
flammation of the brain; but others affirm, that he died of
* Review, v. 177-180.
37
indignation and grief at the political extinction of his
country. (c)
Prince George of Denmark, consort to Queen Anne,
DEATH OF GEORGE PRINCE OF DENMARK.
(c) Sir John Hamilton of Biel, second Lord Belhaven, was a branch of
the noble family of Hamilton, and succeeded to the title upon the death of
his grandfather, in 1679. He was the only peer who opposed the Act of
Succession in Scotland, when the Duke of York was present; for which he
was sent prisoner to the Castle of Edinburgh, in 1681. He was a great
promoter of the revolution; and having raised a troop of horse, did con-
siderable service against the Highlanders. Upon the accession of William
and Mary, he was appointed one of the privy-council, and of the Exchequer
for Scotland; and he exerted himself for the restoration of the Presbyterian
church, and the establishment of the South African company. In the Par-
liament of 1700, he zealously promoted the Act to Prevent the Growth of
Popery, the Habeas Corpus Act, and other national objects; and in the
following year, he went abroad with his two sons. In 1704, he exerted
himself in Parliament to procure the settlement of the Protestant succession
with limitations, in Scotland, and soon afterwards was made one of the
Lords of the Treasury; but he was displaced in the following year, upon
the re-modelling of the ministry. When the Act of Union was brought
forward in 1706, he became one of its most strenuous opponents, and made
an eloquent speech in Parliament, which attracted the attention of the whole
house. With many tears and groans, and with impressive imagery, he com-
plained heavily of the injuries inflicted upon his nation; and in moving
terms, conjured the descendants of its ancient heroes to avert the blow that
was now prepared for it. Although his speech was delivered in rough and
unpolished language, yet he reasoned so closely and distinctly, that it was
remembered in Scotland long afterwards; and he left behind him the cha-
racter, not only of a great orator, but also of a true prophet, amongst his
countrymen. Having an excellent memory, he employed it in his speeches.
by copious citations from history, in support of what he had advanced;
deriving parallels between past and present times. He was an accomplished
gentleman in most kinds of learning, well acquainted with the constitution
of his country, dexterous in choosing the proper seasons and means of ma-
naging a debate, and a very useful as well as forward member of a party.
He was of a good stature, well set, of a healthy constitution, black com-
plexion, and graceful manly presence. He had a quick conception, with a
ready masculine expression; and he had the merit of being steady in his
principles, both in politics and religion. Lockhart and Mackay both
speak of him in disparaging terms; but there is reason to believe the fore-
going account of him to be the most accurate.
38
DE FOE'S NOTICE OF HIS CHARACTER.
dying upon the 28th of October, our author takes the fol-
lowing notice of the event. "Death has made a very deep in-
cision in the public tranquillity, in the person of the Prince
of Denmark. His royal highness was a great and good
man, a friend to England and her interest, and true and
hearty in the cause of liberty. Whoever has any sense of
our past hazards, cannot but remember how sincerely he
behaved himself, when the whole interest of the court ran
counter to our civil and religious rights; how steadily he
adhered to the Protestant interest, how faithfully he pre-
served his principles, and how at last he abandoned the
party, chosing to take his fate with the friends of liberty,
and to stand or fall by the laws, religion, and privileges of
this nation. What encouragement his example at that time
gave to the honest design of recovering our liberties, what
a blow it was to the hopes and projects of Popery, how
it astonished and confused the councils of our enemies,
ought to be remembered with gratitude, by all who love the
days of liberty. Since the Revolution, with what firmness
the prince has always pursued the true interest of England,
is known to the whole nation; how he ventured his person
in the field, and going over to Ireland with King William,
was at the battle of the Boyne, where he exposed himself
to the greatest dangers; charging at the head of the left
wing of the horse, where the most obstinate resistance of
the enemy was made. This I need not mention, but to
acquaint those people that would notice his not appearing
in the war, which his tenderness for the queen, and his
own health prevented; yet, whenever his highness thought
fit to appear in arms, he wanted neither bravery nor expe-
rience.
-
"If I had a design to run through the character of the
prince, I would next observe, upon the excellency of his
temper, the calmness of his passions, and the sedateness of
his judgment, which commanded respect from the whole
DE FOE'S NOTICE OF HIS CHARACTER.
39
nation, in a manner peculiar to himself; so that every party,
however jarring or opposite, paid him their homage, although
nothing was more averse to his temper, than the divisions
which unhappily agitate the nation. Nor can it be doubted,
that his highness derived peculiar satisfaction from his not
interfering in public affairs, more than his exalted station
obliged him; since he saw it was impossible to do so without
committing himself to a party, which he was always averse
to. He sincerely lamented our divisions, but never en-
couraged or approved them. By his steady conduct, joined
with a general courtesy to all sorts of people, he acquired
the esteem and love of all parties, and that, more than any
person of his degree that ever went before him. I need not
note, how next to impossible it is in this divided nation, for
the most consummate prudence to steer through the variety
of interests, and gain an universal good opinion; or, indeed,
to avoid universal censure. How the prince attained that
great point, I shall not attempt to examine; but this, I
think, ought to be recorded to posterity, that one man in
Britain was found, of whom no man spoke evil: and this
was he!"*
The prince seems to have been as good a husband as he
was a man, and during the twenty-five years that he had
lived with the queen, presented a noble example of conjugal
attachment. He had been for many years afflicted with an
asthma, and about three months before his death, a drop-
sical humour seized his legs and other parts of his body,
attended with a violent cough and spitting of blood. During
his illness, the queen was in frequent attendance, soothing
him with many tender offices; and she mourned for the loss
of him with sincere affection. He died in his 56th year.
Although the prince never took a decided part in politics,
yet he was a great loss to the ministry, being a firm friend
* Review, v. 409, 10.
40 PROCEEDINGS OF THE SCOTTISH EPISCOPALIANS.
to Marlborough, whose interest at court now began to
decline. Having a great influence with the queen, his
interest, had he lived, might, perhaps, have been exerted
in counteracting the intrigues of Harley, which, not long
afterwards, occasioned the downfal of the ministry. His
post, as Lord High Admiral, was conferred upon the Earl of
Pembroke, and the vacant government of Ireland was be-
stowed upon Earl Wharton. Lord Somers was, at the same
time, appointed President of the council; and some other
changes were made in favour of the Whigs.
Whilst De Foe was in Scotland, he had ample opportu-
nities for becoming acquainted with the state of religious
parties in that part of the kingdom; and the case of the
episcopal Dissenters occupying much of the public attention,
he discussed the subject at large in his Reviews. After
tracing the origin of that party, its struggles for power, and
the various acts of the government to keep it in subjection,
he proceeds to consider the merits of the complaints that
were then urged against the Presbyterian church.
From the time of the queen's accession, the episcopalians,
who were mostly Jacobites, presuming upon the royal
patronage, began to take greater liberties, and were sup-
ported by the Tories in England. They now multiplied
their meeting-houses; conformed their worship more entirely
to the English church; and in some places, particularly in
the north, intruded by force into the vacant churches.
Foe forbears to relate the disorders committed upon these
occasions; but thought it necessary to glance at them for
the purpose of rebutting the cry of persecution that was
raised against the church of Scotland. He tells us, that the
insolence of the party was such, that the general assembly
found it necessary to lay the case before her majesty, who
issued orders to restrain and prevent the encroachments com-
plained of. Notwithstanding the discouragement of the
K
ACCOUNT OF THEIR CONDUCT AND TREATMENT. 41
government, the Jacobites continued their meetings without
any considerable interruption, until news arrived of the
French invasion. It was then deemed proper to look more
narrowly into their conduct, and a proclamation was issued
for the suppression of such meetings as were served by
ministers who had not qualified by taking the oaths. As
soon as the noise of the invasion was over, the Jacobite
clergy re-entered their former places, and proceeded to
exercise their functions as usual. Although such a pro-
ceeding was decidedly illegal, the magistrates exercised
their power with great lenity, until they had strict orders
from the queen to suppress them. In spite of this, some of
the ministers continued to preach publickly as usual, for
which they became amenable to the laws; and when they
were put in execution, they charged the Scottish establish-
ment with persecution.
(6
De Foe, who was well-acquainted with all the bearings
of their case, and discriminated them with great nicety,
observes, Any body that knows with what strictness
the Church of England herself has forbad and restrained
the Jacobite conventicles in England, might wonder at this
second attempt. Notwithstanding, the magistrates of Edin-
burgh, before whom this matter lays, forebore to proceed
against them in a judicial way; much less the Church,
although they had frequent occasions, especially in the
country, to complain of ill-treatment from them. But the
government, finding these assemblies injurious to the settle-
ment, and dangerous to the public peace, the magistrates
were directed to put a stop to them." Some of the ministers
were cited before the magistrates, and, upon their refusing
the oaths, were placed in confinement. De Foe further
observes, "That, notwithstanding, according to the laws
of Scotland, they were committed to prison, and might
have been, by the same laws, continued there until they
gave security to forbear their meetings, or would take the
42
oaths required by law, yet the magistrates of Edinburgh
have been so gentle in the execution of their power, and so
tender to the persons imprisoned, that they have already
let them all out."
ANNOUNCES A WORK UPON THE SUBJECT.
Inimical as he was to the principles of the Jacobites,
De Foe rejoiced in the lenity shown them by the civil
authorities. "I must confess," says he, "I do not at all
grudge them their liberty, let the terms be never so easy
to them. I am not shy in giving it as my opinion, and
to which my practice shall, I hope, on all occasions corres-
pond, that I am against all coercives in matters merely
religious; and though it is alleged that this is a civil, not
a religious affair, yet I shall not offer it as my opinion, that
oaths are any security to a government, or of any signifi-
cation at all, except it be to bind honest men, and let
villains go free." He adds, "Be it then that these men
are pursued for preaching, or not swearing; if they make
either matter of conscience, and show themselves to be
men of conscience in every thing else, I cannot but say,
they should be the last sort of Jacobites I would give dis-
turbance to. And I am very glad to have the occasion to
tell the world, that let these men be what they will, the
government has been very easy to them. But let such as
cry out of persecution in this case know, that, as Jacobites,
by the laws and customs of England, and by the known
practice of the English church, whatsoever they may have
obtained of lenity in Scotland, from the persecuting Presby-
terians, they would have had no such favours in England;
and, on this account, no Englishman ought to complain
of persecution in Scotland."*
A
In reference to this subject, De Foe announced the fol-
lowing work in his Review, and often repeated the advertise-
ment; but whether it was ever published, the present writer
Review, v. 287, 8.
43
is unable to say. Perhaps De Foe meant no more than to
try the effect of irony upon a class of men, who went the
most absurd lengths in raising the cry of persecution against
the Scottish church. (6
Speedily will be published, An
Historical Account of the bitter Sufferings, and the melan-
choly circumstances of the Episcopal Church of Scotland,
under the barbarous Usage, and bloody Persecution, of the
Presbyterian Church Government. With an Essay on the
Nature and Necessity of a Toleration in the North of Britain."
De Foe asserts it to be false in fact, that the episcopal
clergy were at all persecuted by the Church of Scotland;
and that the charge was only brought forward by high-
churchmen, in order to brand the Presbyterians, and excite
a popular feeling against them. He has given a particular
account of the proceedings against some of these Non-jurant
clergy, in order to shew that they were not molested for their
ecclesiastical tenets, but solely for their disaffection to the
civil constitution.
THE SCOTS' NARRATIVE.
The episcopal clergy made known their grievances to the
world, in a work intitled "A Narrative of the late Treatment
of the Episcopal Ministers within the City of Edinburgh,
since March 1708, until their Imprisonment July thereafter,
Lond. 1708." 4to. The object of the writer, who was a
Non-juror, is to prefer the charges of injustice and cruelty
against the Presbyterians, in prosecuting them for a non-
compliance with the laws; and he loads their establishment
with many unwarrantable terms of reproach. A work, con-
taining so much mis-representation, was not likely to pass
unnoticed by De Foe. He accordingly replied to it in “The
Scots' Narrative Examined; or the Case of the Episcopal
Ministers in Scotland stated, and the late Treatment of them
in the city of Edinburgh enquired into. With a brief
Examination into the Reasonableness of the grievous Com-
plaint of Persecution in Scotland, and a Defence of the
Magistrates of Edinburgh, in their Proceedings there. Being
44
some Remarks on a late Pamphlet, intitled 'A Narrative of
the late Treatment of the Episcopal Ministers within the City
of Edinburgh,' &c. London: printed in the year 1709.”
4to. pp. 41. Postscript x. This work appears to contain
a faithful account of the matters referred to in the title.
The writer goes over the various points of accusation brought
forward by the Jacobite clergy, which he refutes with tem-
per; and he exposes their falsehood by an appeal to facts.
Towards the close, he inserts a narrative of the whole pro-
ceedings before the magistrates, attested by the town-clerk
of Edinburgh; and he concludes with a reproof to the men
who kept alive these animosities.
HIS REMARKS UPON LESLIE.
De Foe had ample reason to remonstrate against the
artifice of the Jacobite clergy; for Leslie pursued the same
course in his "Rehearsals," as his Non-juring brethren in
Scotland, bringing forward many unfounded charges, in a
style that united coarseness with acrimony. In reply to this
writer, De Foe says, "Since the noise is so great against
the Presbyterians, it puts a necessity upon me to examine
a little what treatment they received from the other party
while they were under the cruel hands of an abjured prelacy,
when some of the very people now crying out of persecution,
were their task-masters. In this search, we shall readily
see on which side the humanity lies, what spirits those
people were of when uppermost, what the queen would have
to expect from them, what the Church of Scotland, and
what reason there is to suppress both their civil and eccle-
siastical usurpation. And let not my adversary be angry at
the word, for I shall be ready to prove against him, that
Scots' prelacy, whenever it shall in God's judgment to
plague Scotland, be let loose there, will be mere usurpation,
and ever was so; and this far easier than he, or all the men
of his opinion in Europe, can prove a direct apostolical ordi-
nation of ministers from the keys of blessed St. Peter." In
transferring the charge of persecution from the Presbyterians
"(
DE FOE PUBLISHES HIS HISTORY OF THE UNION." 45
to their adversaries, our author says, "I foresee I shall be
forced to go back to the blessed restoration of prelatic
tyranny in Scotland, with the restoration of the king; and if
it happens a little plainly to appear how civil and eccle-
siastical tyranny grew up together, went hand in hand,
and assisted each other to ruin that poor nation, I cannot
help it."*
As soon as the Union with Scotland was completed, De
Foe announced his intention of presenting the world with a
complete history of that transaction. Various engagements
prevented him from completing his design until the present
year, when the first edition was published in Scotland, with
the following title:" The History of the Union of Great
Britain. Edinburgh: printed by the Heirs and Successors
of Andrew Anderson, Printer to the Queen's most excellent
Majesty, Anno Dom. 1709." Folio, pp. 685. Pref. xxxii.
Of the contents of the work bearing this brief title, De Foe
gives a larger account in his advertisements. (D)
At its first appearance, it does not appear to have attracted
Review, v. 486.
(D) In the Review for March 29, 1707, appears the following advertise-
ment:"Preparing for the press, and great part of it finished, A Compleat
History of the Union. The work will contain about 250 sheets in folio, to
be finished in six months after the Union: Being an account of the fruit-
less Attempts made in former times for uniting these kingdoms. With a
particular Account of all the Transactions of the present Treaty, the many
contrivances and vigorous opposition against it, both in England and
Scotland, whether within the Parliament or without. Extracted out of
the original Records, Registers, Journals, and other Authorities, in both
Kingdoms. With an Appendix,-containing an Abridgement of all the
alterations made in the Laws, Trade, Customs, and Constitution of both
Kingdoms by the Union. By the Author of 'The True-Born-Englishman.'
Proposals for printing the said book by subscription will be published in
a few days; and, in the meantime, subscriptions are taken in at John
Matthews, printer hereof. The price is 20s. in quires; 5s. to be paid
down."
46
that notice which might have been expected from so impor-
tant a publication. It had many difficulties to encounter
from the hostility of political parties; and being a work of
considerable bulk, the sale could not be expected to be very
rapid. Time, however, forced its way into public notice,
and obtained for it a permanent reputation. In the preface,
he thus states the nature of the performance, and the oppo-
sition it had to contend with. "In writing a history of the
Union, it could not be reasonably expected that I should go
any further than the finishing, ratifying, and exchanging
the treaty in the respective parliaments of the two nations
to be united; and this I think I have finished in the following
sheets. However, since the work has laid longer in the
press than I at first expected, and some remarkable things
have in consequence of, and very much depending upon,
the Union, happened since, I could not satisfy myself with-
out giving a short abridgment of the state of things between
the time of finishing the Treaty, and the publication of this
work; which, though it be rather a kind of summary reca-
pitulation of things, than a historical narrative, may yet be
equally profitable to him that shall inquire into the affairs of
the United Kingdom at that time. As to the work itself, I
shall say nothing, but leave it to the charity of the world,
which in this age indeed runs very low. It has many diffi-
culties in its way, many factions and parties to please, and
must be censured by some. I have endeavoured to speak
truth and relate fact impartially, in all that is matter of his-
tory. As to my own observations, they are but my opinions,
and they must abide the fiercest attacks of parties, as the
passions and interests of men guide them; and I am per-
fectly unconcerned at the event."
De Foe prefixed two dedications to his work; one to the
queen, another to the Duke of Queensbury, secretary of
state for Scotland. In such complimentary effusions he
particularly excelled. "Dryden and his contemporaries,"
RECEPTION OF THE WORK.
HIS DEDICATION TO THE QUEEN.
47
observes Mr. Chalmers, "had brought dedications into
disgrace by the fulsomeness of their flattery and the servility
of their style. The dedications of the present day, have
absurdly run into the contrary extreme. But the writers
who are permitted to dedicate their works to royal patrons,
ought to peruse De Foe's dedicatory epistles to King William
and Queen Anne; wherein they will find dignity of senti-
ment and delicacy of praise, conveyed in language, at once
elegant and instructive. His dedications to the History of
the Union of England and Scotland, would alone justify this
remark." In that to the Queen, he has the following
allusion to his concern in the Union: "The humble author
of these sheets, having amidst a throng of disasters and
sorrows been honoured by your Majesty in being rendered
serviceable to this great transaction, and having passed
through all the hazards, tumults and disorders of that
critical time, in his humble endeavours to forward the
glorious design of your Majesty, thinks himself doubly
rewarded in having the honour to lay this account at your
Majesty's feet."
Introductory to his main design, De Foe gives a brief
account of the state of affairs in both kingdoms, previously
to the treaty; which leads to some interesting discussions
upon a variety of transactions that tended to keep alive the
animosities between the two kingdoms. The delicacy with
which he discusses these events does credit to his discernment,
which is no less conspicuous in his manner of unfolding
them. His history of the intrigues that preceded the Union,
will always be read with interest; whilst his narrative of the
treaty must continue to furnish the basis for every succeed-
ing account of that interesting portion of history. The
minuteness in which he indulges is far from wearying;
and his observations upon the various events as they are
* History of the Union, xxiv. 4to ed.
48
NATURE AND CHARACTER OF THE WORK.
detailed, discover no less the keenness of his perceptions,
than the accuracy of his judgment. In estimating the
merits of the work, Mr. Chalmers says, "The minuteness
with which he describes what he saw and heard on the tur-
bulent stage, where he acted a conspicuous part, is extremely
interesting to us, who wish to know what actually passed,
however this circumstantiality may have disgusted contempo-
raneous readers. History is chiefly valuable as it transmits a
faithful copy of the manners and sentiments of every age.
This narrative of De Foe is a Drama, in which he introduces
the highest peers and the lowest peasants, speaking and
acting, according as they were each actuated by their
characteristic passions; and while the man of taste is
amused by his manner, the man of business may draw
instruction from the documents, which are appended to the
end, and interspersed in every page. This publication had
alone preserved his name, had his Crusoe pleased us less."*
To this may be added the testimony of a well-known living
writer. "De Foe's Union between England and Scotland,"
says Mr. Dibdin, "first published in 1709, and more re-
cently with valuable additions by Mr. George Chalmers, is
really a performance to place the author among the soundest
historians of the day." +
The "History of the Union," was re-printed in London,
in 1712, but probably without the concurrence of the author,
as we find him immediately afterwards advertising the re-
maining copies of his Scotch edition. It is remarkable,
however, that both works are repeatedly advertised in the
Review." (E) A third editition, handsomely printed in
*Life of De Foe, p. 35.
+ Library Companion, p. 607.
(E) In the Review for February 28, 1712, is the following advertisement,
which is often repeated :-" A Collection of Original Papers and Material
Transactions concerning the late great Affair of the Union between England
and Scotland. Also; an exact Journal of the Proceedings of the Treaty,
as well at London as in Edinburgh. Wherein the Privileges of the
49
quarto, was published by Mr. Stockdale in 1786, with a
copious index, and a portrait of the author by Skelton. It
is, however, not a likeness of De Foe, but of Ward the
poet, being copied from an engraving of him by Sherwin;
but it has often passed as the portrait of De Foe. It is
known by the following lines annexed to the print:
OTHER EDITIONS OF IT.
"Here you may see an honest face,
Armed against envy and disgrace;
Who lives respected still, in spite
Of those that punish them that write."
To this edition of De Foe's work, a life of him was pre-
fixed by Mr. Chalmers. This was the first attempt to do
justice to his merits, as well as to collect the scattered
incidents of his life; and being an acceptable piece of
biography, it was re-printed in octavo, with considerable
enlargements, in 1790. Shortly after the re-publication of
De Foe's work, John Lewis De Lolme, a learned advocate
at Geneva, and known in this country by his "Essay on
the Constitution of England," composed a work upon the
same subject, which is sometimes annexed to De Foe's
History." It is intitled "An Essay, containing a few
Strictures on the Union of Scotland with England; and on
the present Situation of Ireland. Being an Introduction
to De Foe's History of the Union. By J. L. De Lolme.
(C
Presbyterian Kirk, and the Case of Toleration of Episcopal Dissenters
there, are very clearly stated. In Five Parts. Faithfully collected from
the Records and Registers; by a Person concerned in the said Treaty, and
present in both kingdoms at the time of its transacting. London: printed
for J. Knapton, at the Crown in St. Paul's Church Yard; N. Cliff, at the
Bible and Three Crowns near Mercer's Chapel; and J. Baker, at the
Black Boy in Paternoster Row. 1712." In the Review, for March 11,
1712, is the following Advertisement:- "Just published, The History of
the Union; in Folio: Dedicated to her Majesty. Printed in Edinburgh,
and never yet published in London; written by the Author of the Review,
and sold only by Mr. John Baker, at the Black Boy in Paternoster Row ;
and by Mr. Matthews, printer, in Little Britain, and at no other place.'
VOL. III.
E
p
50
Adv.
pp. 95.
The publication of the foregoing work, gave rise to
a paper contest between De Foe and Mr. James Clark,
minister of the Town church, Glasgow. This gentleman
is alluded to in the "History of the Union," as having
uttered some intemperate words in a sermon, calculated to
promote tumults; and they were the more ominous as a
riot took place immediately afterwards in Glasgow. De Foe
is careful to exonerate him from any evil intention, and
attributes his hasty expressions to a mistaken zeal. Some
injudicious friend, however, printed a sheet in his defence,
called, “A Paper concerning Daniel De Foe. Edin. 1708."
4to. To the trifling criticisms of this writer, our author
rejoined, in "An Answer to a Paper concerning Mr. De
Foe, against the History of the Union. Edin. 1708." 4to.
This was also a single sheet. Mr. Clark, thinking his
reputation not sufficiently vindicated, published, soon after-
wards, “A Just Reprimand to Daniel De Foe. In a Letter
to a Gentleman in South-Britain. Edin. 1709." 4to. A
single sheet. In this work, he denies having excited the
people to tumult, or the use of language that warranted
any other than a peaceable opposition. But De Foe was
not the only one who drew an opposite inference from his
sermon, as appears by his own pamphlet. De Foe rejoined
to it, in "A Reproof to Mr. Clark, and a Brief Vindication
of Mr. De Foe. Edin. 1709." A single sheet. 4to. With
this, it is believed, the dispute dropped; but not before it
had engendered much acrimonious feeling, which found
vent in intemperate language. Mr. Clark's tracts afford
some curious specimens of professional conceit.
CONTEST WITH MR. CLARK.
London: printed for John Stockdale. 1787." 4to.
Towards the latter end of the former year, the controversy
concerning the Sacramental Test, was revived both in Eng-
land and Ireland. The blunder committed by the govern-
CONTROVERSY ON THE SACRAMENTAL TEST REVIVED. 51
ment a few years before, in dividing the Protestants in the
latter country, was now severely felt; and the Irish Presby-
terians, unable to obtain redress at home, resolved to petition
the British parliament. An address having been promoted
in the city of Dublin, it was entrusted to Sir Allen Broderick,
Speaker of the Irish House of Commons, who patronised
the repeal, and undertook to solicit it in England. For this,
Swift thought that he deserved impeachment; a sally of his
fancy that injured nobody. So variously are men's services
estimated, that, in the next reign, Sir Allen was thought
deserving a peerage. His mission to England did not meet
with the encouragement which it merited; for the Tories
and high-churchmen, becoming as much alarmed as if their
heaven was in danger, the ministers, who were supposed
secretly to favour the repeal, considered it prudent to wave
it at present, to disprove the charge of their being disaffected
to the Church. Undismayed by this circumstance, the Irish
Dissenters persevered in their design, raised funds, and ap-
pointed agents for conducting their application to parliament.
These demonstrations, in unison with the misgivings that
were entertained of the ministry, aroused the sensibilities
of Swift, whose malevolence to the Dissenters bore a due
proportion to his other merits. In order to expose their
unreasonable pretensions, he fired upon them a volley of
small shot, in "A Letter from a member of the House
of Commons in Ireland, to a member of the House of
Commons in England, concerning the Sacramental Test.
Lond. 1709." 4to. Although written in his usually artful
manner, as a piece of argument it is utterly worthless. All who
pleaded for their rights as men and as citizens, if without
the pale of his church, were the objects of his satire, and
unworthy of notice; for who could suppose, that so blind
and contemptible a people, were born with any rights!
Swift was sadly mortified at the support they received
from the periodical writers; for in the midst of his affected
E 2
52 MR. HUMPHREY CENSURED BY PARLIAMENT.
contempt, it is impossible not to perceive his soreness.
"The scandalous liberty these wretches take," says he,
"would hardly be allowed, if it were not mingled with
opinions that some men would be glad to advance. Besides,
how insipid soever those papers are, they seem to be levelled
to the understandings of a great number, they are grown a
necessary part of coffee-house furniture, and sometime or
other happen to be read by customers of all ranks, for
curiosity or amusement, because they lie always in the way."
The manner in which he alludes to De Foe, is singularly
curious: "One of those authors, (the fellow who was pil-
loried, I have forgot his name,) is indeed so grave, senten-
tious, dogmatical a rogue, that there is no enduring him."
Upon this, Lord Orrery remarks: "The fellow that was
pilloried was Daniel De Foe, whose name Swift well knew
and remembered; but the circumstance of the pillory was to
be introduced; and the manner of introducing it, shows
great art in the nicest touches of satire, and carries all the
marks of ridicule, indignation, and contempt. The scoffs
and sarcasms of Swift, like the bite of the rattle-snake, dis-
tinguish themselves more venomously dangerous, than the
wounds of a common serpent.'
Swift had his due share
of the contempt that he heaped so unceremoniously upon
others; and however powerful his talents, the direction he
gave to them, entitle him to but little respect from the wise
and the virtuous.
"*
The temper reigning in the nation at this time, was such
as to forbid any apprehensions of a liberal policy. Even
the agitation of the subject was considered little less than
treasonable. Mr. John Humphrey, an aged Non-con-
forming minister, having published a pamphlet against the
Test, and circulated it amongst the members, he was cited
before a committee of parliament, and his work ordered to
* Orrery's Remarks, p. 194.
DE FOE PREDICTS THE REMOVAL OF THE TEST. 53
be burnt by the common hangman. Such a mode of deal-
ing with an author, was answerable to the pretensions of
the men who resorted to it. To attempt answering his work
would have been the way to spread his opinions; and to
confute them, was beyond their power. They were, there-
fore, quite right in smothering it, as a testimony of their
diffidence in a cause that was not to be trusted to so dan-
gerous a weapon as reason. De Foe, who handled most
subjects that he touched with great force and acuteness,
argued strongly against the Test, and looked forward to the
day when the Church herself would be willing to abate the
nuisance. "We have a great outcry against monopolies
in trade; I wish those gentlemen who are making an ex-
clusive monopoly of the Church and religion, would remem-
ber that these things are what they themselves will one day
cast off as a deformity in practice."* His prophecy has
been so far verified, that yielding to the force of public
opinion, the Church has freely consented to the abroga-
tion of the act, which fell with the concurrence of a Tory
ministry.
* Review, v.-Pref.
CHAPTER III.
Bill for the Naturalization of Foreign Protestants.-Advocated by De Foe.
-His Theory upon the Wealth of Nations.—Illustrated by Examples
from History.-Attempt to tack the Sacramantal Test to the Bill.-De
Foe's Remarks upon it. The Project of Bishop Duwes.-Rejected by
Parliament.-Fifth Volume of the "Review."-Subjects Discussed in it.--
Affairs of Scotland.—His Picture of our Domestic Condition. His In-
difference to `Party.-And Persuasions to Peace.-Negociations at the
Hague.-De Foe lectures the Jacobites.-Mars stripped of his Armour.-
Life and Adventures of Signor Rozelli.-Public Fasts.-Stage Plays Pro-
hibited.-De Foe's Remarks.-His Association of Toryism and May-
Poles.-Estimate of Morals in the two Parties.--De Foe's Project for
Suppressing the Theatre.-The Palatines come to England.-How Dis-
posed of.— Clamour against them.-De Foe's Arguments for their Hospi-
table Reception.-His Scheme for their Employment.-He again Visits
Scotland.—His Remarks upon the Country and the People.-He Defends
the Presbyterians from the Charge of Persecution.- His Candour.-Inno-
vations.—Introduction of the Liturgy.-Case of Greenshields.—Project
for Perpetuating the Scottish Bishops.-Remarks upon the Proceedings of
the Church of Scotland.-And upon Toleration.—The "Review" presented
by the Grand Jury.-De Foe's Remarks upon it.—Liberty of the Press
threatened.-De Foe's Sentiments upon it.-Bill for Securing Copy-right.
Leslie Threatened by the Scotch Members.-Drops the "Rehearsal”.
The "Rehearsal" Revived.-Novel and Scandal.
1709.
M
In the early part of 1709, the attention of our author was
directed to the naturalization of foreign Protestants. A bill
having been brought into parliament for the purpose, it met
with great opposition. De Foe, who was a warm advocate
for the measure, was not insensible to the private interests
NATURALIZATION OF FOREIGN PROTESTANTS.
55
that might suffer by it, but these he thinks more than coun-
terbalanced by its advantages to the public. One of his
favourite maxims in politics was, that the wealth of a nation
depends upon its trade; and that this prospers or declines as
the population fluctuates. In his day, there was no com-
plaint of the pressure of population against the means of
subsistence; and even now, it may be worth inquiry by
the advocates of this far-famed theory, whether the pres-
sure is not, in reality, against the laws that regulate trade
and property. De Foe contends, that Great Britain laboured
under a want of people, the long wars and persecutions
having depopulated the country. Nothing, therefore, could
be more wise and politic, than to encourage the settlement of
foreigners, who contributed largely to the manufactures,
commerce, and wealth of the country. Addressing those
who were in opposition to the Bill, he asks, "Next to the
justice, pray where is the wit of it? How came we to be rich
and opulent; was it the mere goodness of the soil? Not at
all. In spite of the goodness of the soil, we were a poor,
miserable, enslaved and laird-ridden people, as they are in
some parts to this day; with our vassalage and villenage,
our wardships, knight-services, and Egyptian tenures; when
the commons went dangling after their landlords, like hounds
after the huntsman; and the tenant held the stirrup to the
'squire, the 'squire was but sword-bearer to the knight; the
knight again carried the colours for the baron; and thus, the
Lord-dane, was the great idol of the country. And whence
came our liberty? You may talk of our ancestors fighting
for it, and so they did; the tyrant barons against the tyrant
kings. But who delivered us from the tyrant barons, whose
bondage was worse than that of kings, and under whose
bondage, a large part of Britain now groans, and calls to us
to set her free? The increase of foreigners flocking into us
from abroad. These increased trade, trade increased wealth,
and wealth bought us liberty. And thus, we owe our pre-
56
sent greatness to the very thing which the wise heads of this
age pretend to oppose."*
HIS THEORY ON THE WEALTH OF NATIONS.
In illustration of his argument, De Foe refers back to
the reign of Henry VII., before which, the produce of the
country, instead of being worked at home, was carried
abroad to the more industrious Flemings, who returned it
in a manufactured state, and grew rich at our expence.
And this by the way, says he, was the rise of all the
opulent cities in that fruitful country, and of their pro-
digious population; people flocking thither for the sake of
their manufactures, from all parts of Europe. But by the
prudent management of that politic prince, England grew
wise, populous and rich; and the same policy being pursued
by Queen Elizabeth, who encouraged settlers from the Low
Countries, we became a considerable manufacturing nation.
This was owing, in a great measure, says De Foe, to the
ill-judged policy of Philip II. "The foolish Spaniard,
blind to his own interest, and not content with commanding
one of the greatest people in the world, sends the Devil
among them, I mean his deputy, the Duke D'Alva, who
falling foul upon the civil and religious liberties of the
people, drove them to rebel; which ended in the dismem-
berment of the Spanish monarchy, and the flight of the
Protestants to other countries. O, the advantage the Devil
has done by that glorious thing called persecution! How
we beholden to him in these parts of the world!
Queen Elizabeth entertained 200,000 foreigners, and where
are they now? They are all run to seed: they were sown
foreigners, and came up true-born Englishmen.+” (F)
are
* Review, v. 571, 2.
+ Ibid, 573-5,
(F) De Foe further illustrates the folly of persecution in the case of
our James I "that wise, learned, sober, just, and cleanly creature,"
whose policy was the very reverse of that of Queen Elizabeth. Beginning
with persecution, away ran the poor Puritans, some to France, some to
Holland, others to New-England, and in such swarms, that the council
((
ATTEMPT TO TACK SACRAMENTAL TEST TO THE BILL. 57
Whilst the Bill was before parliament, an attempt was
made to extend it to those only who were willing to take
the Sacramental Test. So absurd a clause was consistent
with the bigotry of the times, but comported better with
the narrow conceptions of a sectarian clergy, than with
the wise counsels of a national assembly.
"And why,"
asks De Foe, "must the sacrament be a test of naturali-
zation? Are there no Protestants in the world but of the
Church of England? Or, is the Church of England afraid
of all the Protestants in Europe, but such as are of her
own opinion? But if you will examine truly, it is not
the Church of England that promotes this, but rather a
party of men, whose politics being ever destructive to
the civil liberties of this nation, were always blended with
their religion, in order to support them; and then calling
themselves the Church of England exclusively, have reason
indeed to be afraid of bringing in any other Protestants.
For, it is most certain, none of them would be high-
churchmen, unless the new faction of young Turretin at
Geneva, whose high-church principles were infused into him
at Oxford, and are daily cultivated, and some say, supported
from thence. And where's the consistency of laying this
iron yoke upon the neck of their consciences, to prompt men
to prostitute their principles to their private interest? If
they can conform with a good conscience, they will do
it without this tacit compulsion; but if not, why lay a
snare for them? Gentlemen of the church, have you not
hypocrites enough among you already?”
De Foe continues, "These inconsistencies are so manifest,
that I cannot but wonder any body should offer them at this
had it under consideration whether they would not stop them, for fear
of depopulating the kingdom. No, says the old king, let them go;
and so he lost, at least, 60,000 of his people, whereof 18,000 went to
New-England in less than two years."—Review, v. 571.
58
time of day. I know the Bill was lost once for such trifles
as these, when the stream of ignorance running high, wise
men were content to embrace the general folly that they
might be in the mode. The word foreigner was the Shib-
boleth of a party, who made it popular, that they might
the better affront that great foreigner who made them all
denizens; I mean King William. With what fury did our
mock patriots oppose this Bill, only, as they thought,
it affronted the king? How were we told of naturalizing
the whole Dutch nation, and reproached with our former
Act, for making the Scots natural-born subjects? But
party-spleen over-ran the nation, and threw us all into a
state-lethargy.'
"'*
THE PROJECT OF BISHOP DAWES.
Sir William Dawes, Bishop of Chester, has the discredit
of this attempt to clog the measure with the prejudices
of high-church; but he was opposed by Burnet and others,
who wished well to the general comprehension of Pro-
testants. It was to the credit of the parliament, that good
sense triumphed over this effort of bigotry; and the Bill
passed both Houses without the obnoxious clause. Upon
the success of the measure, De Foe remarks, "And, now
your madness has opened the nation's eyes, you will receive
foreigners and Dutchmen, and allow them your grace to
live among you. Thank you for nothing; the meaning is
clear. Your eyes are opened to your own interest, and
you will permit that which you know is for your own
advantage. You know you make their wealth your own,
and by it increase both the consumption of your produce,
and the strength of your hands. Nor need you be afraid
of their nations: they will, in a few ages to come, be all
true-born Englishmen like you; as you, a few ages before,
were all foreigners like them."+
Review, v. 601-3.
+ Ibid.
FIFTH VOLUME OF “ THE REVIEW."
59
De Foe closed the Fifth volume of his Review, with the
31st of March, 1709, when it had reached to 158 numbers.
An additional sheet was then published, containing the
preface and title, which was the same as last
"A
year;
Review of the State of the British Nation. vol. v. London :
printed in the year 1709." 4to. pp. 632. In the preface,
he announces that the work had been received with so much
approbation in Scotland, that a sufficient sum had been
subscribed to encourage the re-printing of it at Edinburgh;
which would commence with the next volume. He
apologizes for the length to which he had run the affairs
of Scotland, occasioned by their extreme importance, and
the interest taken in them by the public; gently reproving
those people who are ever seeking after novelty, and grew
tired of the Review, for dwelling so long upon the Union.
The pains he had bestowed upon the subject, led him to
consider this and the preceding volume as the most valuable
in the whole series, and the public had concurred in this
opinion; for, although fewer had been sold in separate
papers, yet twice the number had been disposed of in
complete volumes. He exhorts both nations to culti-
vate an union of affection and interests, avoiding mutual
jealousies, and discountenancing those writers who insulted,
or laboured to overthrow, the establishments in either
kingdom.
Our author opens the volume with the following announce-
ment: "We are now entering on a new volume of this
work, and a new occasion presenting, the method will for
a while be a little changed." This he explains by observing,
"I never purposed to turn the Review into a newspaper;
but since the intelligence I have established in Scotland
enables me to speak sometimes what every body does not
hear, and I know you are impatient to hear how things go
in that country, I shall furnish you with some accounts of
things as they come to me from some good hands, especially
60
as I am supplied with particulars, which, perhaps, other
papers may not readily come at.”
SUBJECTS DISCUSSED IN IT.
The present volume is occupied with subjects similar to
those discussed in former Reviews. Trade, politics, foreign
and domestic, religion, and the interest of parties, as they
stood foremost in his thoughts, so they were topics that
more or less engaged his pen. The earlier numbers are
devoted to speculations upon the late threatened invasion
of Scotland, and the propriety of placing that country in
such a posture of defence, as to supersede any fear of a
second attempt of the like nature. For effecting this, he
proposes his own views to the government; and his long
residence in Scotland had furnished him with sufficient
materials for hazarding an opinion. He enters largely into
the political condition of the country, more particularly
the state of religious parties, and he places all the danger
that is to be apprehended at the door of the Non-jurors,
who, professing allegiance to the Pretender, would be
ready to join his standard as opportunity might offer. He
therefore recommends the government to have a watchful
eye over them, that mischief from that quarter may be
avoided.
Our author enters largely into the ecclesiastical affairs
of Scotland, after the revolution, and has furnished some
state papers which might be useful in compiling a history
of the Scottish church. He takes considerable pains to
defend the Presbyterians from the charge of persecution
brought against them by the Episcopal party, who were
then turned into Dissenters, but received a legal com-
pensation for the loss of their benefices. As these Dissenters
were mostly Non-jurors, he shews that the troubles they
experienced were to be charged to the account of their
politics, and not of their religion, which was openly tolerated
so long as they remained quiet, and gave no disturbance
to the government. These facts he establishes by official
61
documents, from which any impartial person could form
a correct opinion. But such was the humour of the Scotch
Episcopalians, who had been so long used to power, and to
the oppression of their brethren, that when the tables were
so far turned upon them that they lost their establishment,
and with it the power of doing mischief, they thought them-
selves persecuted; but the comparatively gentle treatment
which they now received from the ascendant party, formed
a striking contrast to their own violent and unchristian pro-
ceedings when in power. (G)
The picture he draws of our domestic condition, is suffi-
ciently doleful. "Shall I begin at the House of God, where
himself will begin in his judgments, when he comes as a
refiner and marks out the sinners for destruction? How is
a moral feud entered into our sacred things, and particularly
among our holy men, who themselves practise the wicked-
ness they condemn! Instead of common charity for one
another, what anathemas thunder from the pulpit upon
their disagreeing comrades? How do they preach strife for
the gospel of peace, themselves instead of Christ Jesus; and
for themselves, not for the good of their hearers? Should I
AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND.
CC
(G) The Presbyterians in Scotland had suffered so much from episcopal
jurisdiction, as to inspire them with a just dread of its return. Of this,
the acts of parliament, and the records of their inhuman execution, are
standing proofs. They obliged all those in public trust or office to re-
nounce or abjure the covenant, on pain of losing their places, and the
privilege of trading. It was enacted, that all Non-conformists who presumed
to exercise their ministry, be punished as seditious persons; and that all
persons in acknowledgment of his majesty's government, ecclesiastical and
civil, attend the sermons of the episcopal ministers; noblemen and gentle-
men refusing, to lose a fourth part of their rents; burgesses their freedom,
and a fourth part of their moveables; and others twenty shillings a time;
with liberty to the council to inflict farther punishment. Preaching at a
house or field-meeting was punished by death and confiscation; and hearing
at field-meetings, the like!" No one can pretend that the Scots were not
justified in seizing the first opportunity to emancipate themselves from so
intolerable a system of church-tyranny.-See Proceedings of the Parl. of
Scotland, p. 58.
62 HIS PICTURE OF OUR DOMESTIC CONDITION.
descend to particulars, I must make this a second part to the
Grounds and Reasons of the Contempt of the Clergy; for
who can help having contemptible thoughts of men who
put the wild fire of their own passions to the calm still voice
of the gospel, and employ religion to confound and destroy
that world it was designed to civilize and reform." Advert-
ing to our political contentions, he says, "Certainly in this
we are the most unhappy people in the world, the most
inconsistent with ourselves, and the most unaccountably
blinded by our passions and prejudices. No bounds are
observed in politics, but contradictions flow on every hand.
Had I a pen like Juvenal, to sting with the keenest satire,
or like Ovid, to soften your ears with the dolefullest lamenta-
tions, all would be wanting to set home the fatal effects of
that combination against Britain's peace, by a set of men
who call themselves Christians, Protestants, Churchmen,
and the like; but whom I call abjuration-taking Jacobites.
'Tis no breach of charity to say, they are a sort of men the
world never knew before; language itself never found a
word significant of their character."*
How little he participated in these party struggles,
appears from the following avowal: "I thank God I have
so little concern in our new-fashioned contentions, and the
variety of divisions rising among us, that I profess not to
understand the true foundation of them, nor the design of
the parties." In reference to his former exertions for allay-
ing party animosities, he tells us that he had employed many
of his papers, in which he had exhausted all his powers
of argument, in urging the nation to greater unanimity.
"And I cannot but observe," continues he, "that some people
who gave me public thanks for my sincere endeavours that
way, and told me I had done great service by it; that did
me the honour in a body to compliment me on that perfor-
* Review, v. 137.
63
mance, and made me print five thousand of the Review, to
be sent all over the nation to persuade us to peace, and paid
me very frankly for them; these very gentlemen are angry
and affronted now, at being pressed to unite, and exhorted to
peace. And yet, after all, in your peace at that time, con-
sisted your safety; in your uniting of parties, consisted the
victory over persecuting projects. For God's sake, and for
your country's sake, consider whither you are going, and to
what new distresses you may bring the righteous cause of
liberty and truth." De Foe concludes this persuasive ap-
peal to his countrymen, by an earnest prayer for that union
amongst the people, in which alone consisted the national
safety.*
NEGOCIATIONS AT THE HAGUE.
During the spring of the year, the public attention was
chiefly engrossed by the negociations that were going for-
ward at the Hague, for a general peace. De Foe, who
discussed the conditions of the treaty at large in his Reviews,
was one of the many who confided in its successful termina-
tion. Strongly impressed with the necessities of the French
monarch, and his inability to protract the war much
longer, he considered, perhaps too hastily, that the allies
had it in their power to dictate their own terms; and the
delusion was fostered by the facility with which the French
negociators conceded their demands. In the fervour of his
zeal for the Protestant religion, De Foe thought this a
favourable opportunity for securing its protection, in those
countries where it had been scorched by persecution; and
he urged it strongly upon the government. But, all this
while, the French king was playing a deep game at the
expence of the allies. He had no intention of ratifying the
treaty, but protracted the negociations, that he might gain
time, and endeavour, by his secret intrigues, to divide and
Review, v. 414–416.
64
،،
MARS STRIPPED OF HIS ARMOUR."
dismember the confederacy. In this, however, he did not
succeed, and his duplicity becoming known, the war was
renewed with its former success.
The conduct of the French king during the negociations,
afforded De Foe a fine opportunity for lecturing the Jaco-
bites upon his little concern for their interests, apart from
his own. He had stipulated for all his continental allies, "but
for all his friends in Scotland, for all the martyrs of Jaco-
bitism in England, for that thing of his own making called
a king, we find them, amongst the first things he gives up.
And is this the friend that you built your hopes upon? It is
plain, he troubles not his head about you. He looks upon
you as a people worth none of his concern. Having made
you his tools to embroil your country, and to keep up parties.
and feuds among us; when he comes to make peace, he
readily sacrifices you to his own interests, gives you up to
God's mercy and the goodness of your provoked sovereign,
and you may even go and hang yourselves for him."* This
argument is employed by De Foe in a persuasive manner, to
induce the Jacobites to open their eyes to their true interest,
and to abandon a cause which was desperate in its nature,
and injurious to their country.
The prospect of a peace, gave rise to a satire upon the
army, intitled, "Mars stripped of his Armour: or the Army
displayed in all its true Colours. Containing the character
of the army in general, and the various descriptions of
persons of which it is composed. By the author of the
'Wooden World Dissected.' Lond. 1709." 8vo. This work
is ascribed to De Foe, by a late writer of his life, who speaks
of it as the best of his satirical performances. But what-
ever merit may be assigned to it, there are some passages
which De Foe would not have written, and which savour of
the low humour of Ned Ward. It is probable that this
Review, vi. 109, 110.
+ Pref. to Cadell's ed. of Rob. Crusoe.
LIFE AND ADVENTURES OF SIGNOR ROZELLI. 65
writer has the best claim to it, as well as to the kindred
work mentioned in the title.
In the course of the year, appeared the first edition of a
work that has sometimes been attributed to De Foe, but,
certainly, without any real foundation. It is intitled, "Me-
moirs of the Life and Adventures of Signor Rozelli, at the
Hague. Giving a particular account of his Birth, Education,
Slavery, Monastic State, Imprisonment in the Inquisition
at Rome, and the different Figures he has since made, ast
well in Italy, as in France and Holland. The whole being
a series of the most diverting History, and surprising Events
ever yet made publick. Done into English from the second
edition of the French; and adorned with several curious
copper cuts. London: printed for John Morphew, near
Stationers'-Hall. 1709." 8vo. pp. 325. Rozelli was a
famous gout-doctor of his time, and is alluded to as such
in the "Tatler." A second volume was added many years
afterwards, under the following title: "A Continuation.
of the Life and Adventures of Signor Rozelli, late of the
Hague. Giving an account of all that befel him, from
the time of his arrival in Holland, to the day of his
Death in a series of the most diverting History and
surprising Events ever yet made publick. Written by
Himself just before his Decease, and committed to the
Care of an intimate Friend. Adorned with curious copper-
cuts. London: printed for Will. Taylor, at the Ship
and Black Swan, Paternoster Row, and Tho. Butler, at
the King's Head, in Fleet Street. 1724." 8vo. pp. 171.
A fourth edition of the whole work was published by
J. Osborn, in 2 vols. 12mo. 1740.(H) A cursory glance
(H) The title of the French edition, is as follows: "L'Infortune Napo-
litane Ou les Aventures du Signeur Rozelli. Qui contennent l'histoire
de sa Naissance, de son Esclavage, de son etat monastique, de sa prison
VOL. 111.
F
1709
66
at these volumes, will sufficiently satisfy the reader that
they could not have proceeded from the pen of De Foe.
STAGE PLAYS PROHIBITED.
War, being a calamity productive of so many privations
and positive sufferings to the nations engaged in it, has been
usually interpreted as the judgment of heaven; and in most
Christian states, fasts and public prayers have been ordained
for the ostensible purpose of averting the scourge. Although,
in the view of rational religion and sound philosophy, war
is most commonly referable to the bad passions of the belli-
gerents, yet it is seldom convenient to avow the motive;
but, however wars may originate, the religious services
that grow out of them, must be regarded as official an-
nouncements of the piety of their ordainers. The reign
of Queen Anne abounded in these demonstrations of royal
piety; and, as such, they are celebrated by De Foe, whose
liberal politics produced no abatement of his loyalty. The
piety of the day, however, proceeded further, and stage-
plays were suppressed for a time, as inconsistent with
national humiliation. "This being a time of war," observes
De Foe, "diversions and public mirth seem very un-
seasonable; and therefore, no question her majesty in
her Christian piety, and in order to remind her subjects
of the general miseries of Europe, which they ought to
sympathize with, rather than rejoice over, has thought fit
to suspend those general friends to reformation, the players,
and to forbid them to act. Our annual scenes of lewdness
and profaneness at Bartholomew, and May fairs, have also
been suppressed." De Foe adds, "There want but two
steps more to bring our complete reformation into prospect;
and these are, the reformation of our magistrates and our
d
dans l'Inquisition, et des differentes figures qu'il a faites tant en Italie,
qu'en France, et en Hollande. Enriché d'un grande nombre de tailles
douces, 2 Tom. 2nd ed. a Paris, Chez Claude Rapin, Rue Saint Jaques.
1708."
67
clergy." He exhorts the heads of the church to enforce
"her excellent discipline;" and recommends that a few
of our justices should be sent " to the very houses of cor-
rection, which they fill by their example.
"*
De Foe, who delights to do honour to his royal patron,
observes, that "Since the practice and example of the
late reigns have generally discouraged our national vices,
several attempts have been made to restrain, reclaim, and
punish the exorbitance of the stage;" but that various
interests had prevented the suppression of play-houses in
the last reign, “contrary to the firm resolution of the late
king, which was several times fixed for their dissolution.”
At the commencement of the present reign, he tells us, they
again lifted up their heads, which he attributes to the
prevalence of Toryism. "And here," says he, "I must
note, and I am sure I do it with a great deal of justice,
that in the first two years of her majesty's reign, when
the high-flying party had the ascendant over our councils,
the kingdom of crime began; and May-poles and play-
houses grew up like churches at the Reformation. If any
man doubts the truth of the fact, let him put me upon
the proof of it when he pleases; and in the meantime,
let him but observe with me this one thing, that there
were more new May-poles erected, and old ones re-edified
in that one year, than ever were in this nation since Bishop
Laud's reformation by the Book of Sports, the year of the
restoration excepted. This gives ground to the story of
an old woman, who, having seen the music and dancing
about one of their new May-poles, on a Sunday, and re-
membering the blessed time when the Sabbath used to
be kept in that manner by authority, broke out in this
most pious ejaculation about it,-Good Lord, here's the
old religion come again!"
HIS ASSOCIATION OF TORYISM AND MAY-POLES.
* Review, vi. 219.
F 2
68
ESTIMATE OF MORALS IN THE TWO PARTIES.
It may be difficult, perhaps, to imagine any necessary
connexion between Toryism and May-poles, or politics and
stage-plays; but such was the acrimonious feeling engen-
dered by party in those warm days, that accidental coin-
cidences were sometimes converted into serious argument,
which told in the hands of a skilful writer. That there
were then, as at other times, good and bad men of every
party, it would be absurd to doubt. If there was any real
difference in the moral character of the two leading parties,
it is capable of an easy solution. The Whigs were mostly
descended from puritanical families, whose strictness of
conduct marked them out for the reproach of their adver-
saries; and many of them preserved the principles of their
education, and the decorum of their early habits. At the
same time, it is not to be denied that some of their leaders
were as remarkable for their vices as for their talents; and
associating with men of profligate character, whose wit
gave a charm to society, they easily caught the contagion.
But, independently of this, no man who possesses any know-
ledge of human nature, can suppose for a moment that
virtue is entailed exclusively upon any party. If the
balance of virtue was against the Tories, it may be ascribed
to their political bias, which made them good courtiers in
the days of the Stuarts. To avoid any thing so obnoxious
as to be thought a precisian, many of them threw off the
very appearance of religion; and, it being the fashion to
associate libertinism with loyalty, they ran the mad career
of vicious indulgence with which the nation became fatally
intoxicated. These facts are too well known to need any
formal illustration; and they will serve to account for any
difference in the morals and exterior behaviour of the two
parties. The Whigs of that day were either Dissenters
or low-churchmen, and had been taught to place the essence
of religion in something else than the ceremonials through
which it is administered. The Tories and high-churchmen,
DE FOE'S PROJECT FOR SUPPRESSING THE THEATRE. 69
on the contrary, rested the salvation of the soul upon the
observance of external rites and ceremonies, to the neglect.
of those kind and generous feelings, without which religion
is rather injurious than beneficial. Whatever of fanaticism
it has been the fashion to attribute to the former, the Tories
were the real fanatics of this period; for they pushed their
notions with a zeal and fury that qualified them for good
officers of the Inquisition. If it be true, as our author says,
"That tyranny and vice are always brethren and assistants
to one another, and that liberty is the friend and foundation
of reformation," we may easily believe him when he affirms,
that the prevalence of high-church politics was not favorable
to public morals.
But, leaving Toryism and May-poles to their own fate,
our author informs us, that the suspension of play-houses
was, as may be easily supposed, to the players a source
of much grief. They, therefore, petitioned the queen for
permission to re-assume their occupation as soon as the
national devotions should have performed their course;
and one of the news-writers says, that they received a
favorable answer. So rigid a moralist as De Foe, could
not contemplate the resurrection of "these nurseries of
crime," without sorrow; to prevent it, therefore, he sug-
gested a proposal to the friends of reformation, which,
without injury to the financial prospects of the players,
should put a stop to their performances, and protect the
morals of the country. His scheme was, to raise a fund of
£100,000, which he was persuaded could be easily obtained,
and with it to purchase the theatres, which he proposed to
convert to some more useful purpose; and, as he was for
dealing honorably with the players, it was to provide them
pensions answerable to the amount of their salaries, or to
buy them off at twenty years' purchase, they giving security
never to return to their occupation. The government, also,
70
was to be pressed into the service, and petitioned to refrain
from granting any patents or licences for the future. The
method by which he proposed to raise the money, was
by voluntary contributions, for the purpose of suppressing
vice and immorality: "and, because I will make no offers.
to others," says he, “which are not likely to be done, and
which I will not endeavour to put forward, I do offer, that
whenever so good a work shall be set on foot by honest
and well-directed hands, I will undertake to bring in sub-
scriptions among my own acquaintance, and by my little
interest, for at least one thousand pounds of the money.'
It is, perhaps, unnecessary to say, that a project so chime-
rical, however benevolently intended, utterly failed.
"*
THE PALATINES COME TO ENGLAND.
An event that happened in the summer of this year, fur-
nished another topic for the fertile pen of our author. In
consequence of the exactions of the French, and the deso-
lation of their country by the war, many thousands of the
inhabitants of the Palatinate were compelled to desert their
abodes, and about ten thousand of them sought an asylum
in England. Here they were hospitably entertained, having
a daily allowance from the government, which furnished
them with tents from the Tower, for their encampment upon
Blackheath, and in the open country, near Camberwell.
A brief was also published, ordering collections for their
assistance, in the various churches throughout the kingdom.
The kind reception of these unfortunate strangers, occa-
sioned many other distressed Germans to follow their ex-
ample, until their number became so great, that the govern-
ment thought it necessary to put a stop to them. Those
already arrived, were disposed of in various ways,-some
being dispersed into different parishes, and others sent into
J
* Review, vi. 259.
71
Ireland; but the greatest number were transplanted to the
English colonies in America, through the influence, as is
supposed, of William Penn.
HOW DISPOSED OF.
De Foe, who was always alive to works of charity, took a
warm interest in the fate of these unhappy sufferers, and
wrote largely upon the subject in his Reviews. He strongly
recommended their case to the benevolent, and took much
pains to vindicate their character, from the aspersions that
were cast upon it by their enemies. As they were mostly
persons in humble life, many were apprehensive that so
large a number of foreigners would prove injurious to our
own people, and raised a clamour against them. To such,
he argues, that the increase of the industrious, if they are
ever so poor, provided they produce more than they con-
sume, is an addition to the stock of public wealth, and will
continue to be so, as long as a foot of land remains unculti-
vated, or a pound of wool unwrought, in any part of the
kingdom. "Were the nation so full of people," says he,
"as that the corn and cattle could not feed them, it would
be still the better. The Dutch plough no land, and sow no
seed, comparatively speaking; yet they have no want.
Sowing corn is far from being the best improvement of land,
as is apparent in England, where ploughed lands, even in
the most fruitful parts, are the least valuable." Our author
observes, that land, when employed for gardens, is still more
valuable than when kept for feeding. "A garden is the
highest improvement of land; and in the course of these
papers, I doubt not to prove, that were England so full of
people, that all the low-lands were but enough to make their
gardens, and feed homestall, as they call it, their horses and
cows, and the hills their sheep, so that they could neither
sow their corn, nor feed their own cattle, it would still be
the richer. All the world would then be your breeders and
feeders; your neighbours would be your ploughmen, your
72 DE FOE'S ARGUMENTS FOR THEIR RECEPTION.
hewers of wood and drawers of water; and your wealth and
strength would be a prodigy, like yourselves."*
De Foe contends, that the wealth or poverty of nations, is
usually determined by the number of the inhabitants; that
as these increase, nations become great and powerful; and
when the reverse, they fall into decay, and become poor and
contemptible. This he illustrates by examples from history,
particularly from that of ancient Rome and modern Spain,
which he deems conclusive of his argument. (1) The infer-
ence he draws from it, is, "that the settling these poor
people among us is to our visible advantage; that it will be
an improvement to our lands, an increase of our wealth, and
a help to the consumption of our produce; and that if they
are wisely placed, they may be so ordered as not to take one
day's work from our own poor. On the contrary, they will
in process of time increase the labour of our poor, and find
work for those that live around them."+
-
* Review, vi. 143.
(1) "When the Roman empire was in its splendour, at the lustration or
numbering of the citizens, there were found 1,400,000 heads of families in
the city. And how was it with Italy? A prodigious concourse of people
overspread the country; the cities were full of freemen, and the country full
of gentlemen's houses. Italy was all a garden. They fetched their corn
from Sicily and Barbary, their cattle from Hungary and the banks of the
Danube. "Twas below the Romans to let their ground be wasted for the
produce of corn, or the feeding of cattle. Their stately palaces, their vast
aqueducts, their prodigious pavements, and their mighty theatres, temples,
and public edifices, of which the ruins remain, show the multitude that
was entertained on that little spot of ground. The land of Canaan was
another instance of it; and the Dutch in the present day. Spain, the next
instance, was, in the days of Ferdinand and Isabella, a most powerful, rich,
fertile, and warlike nation; but by her impolitic banishment of the Moors,
and her great colonies in America, having weakened and depopulated
herself at home, she has sunk into contempt, and become by degrees the
weakest nation in Europe."-Review, vi. 143—6.
+ Review, vi. 150.
73
It appears that many of the Palatines were quartered in
the parish of Stoke Newington, where De Foe resided with
his family. To this mode of distributing them he was greatly
averse, as likely to produce the evil that was apprehended.
The method he proposed, was, to plant them in small colonies
of from fifty to a hundred families, upon the waste lands,
mixing together a proper proportion of artizans and agricul-
turists. "Thus," says he, "they will be made a public
good; for their numbers will increase the consumption of
our wool, their improvement of our land will increase the
public wealth; and yet their manufacturers and artificers
shall not rob our poor of one day's work, for they shall work
only for themselves." By adopting this method, he thinks
they would in time mingle with our own people, learn our
language, adopt our customs, and at length become what he
archly calls, "True-born-Englishmen. "* De Foe was much
concerned that his suggestions were not attended to, as the
parochial distribution would be of disservice to our own
people; "because they must of necessity fall into such
employments as some or other were employed in before."
Another evil that he contemplated, was, that it would be
entailing poverty upon them and their posterity; "who
would be mere cottagers, hewers of wood and drawers of
water, and effectually bound down in that scandalous.
ignorance and want of instruction, which is the reproach
of the South part of Britain above all the Christian nations
of Europe. + The obstructions that were thrown in the
way of their settlement upon the waste lands, led him to
observe, "This is a full evidence of what I formerly hinted,
that the common in England is the advantage of the rich,
though it is the right of the poor; that the landlord, not
the tenant, makes the advantage of it; and while it is
thus, we shall be fools to the end of the chapter." ‡
Towards the decline of the summer, De Foe paid another
HIS SCHEME FOR THEIR EMPLOYMENT.
* Review, vi. 154.
+ Ibid, 267.
Ibid, 268.
74
visit to Scotland, where he met with as much kindness and
hospitality as formerly. This he often acknowledges with
gratitude, and takes every opportunity of testifying his
respect for the people. Many of his Reviews are devoted
to the discussion of their interests, as it respects trade,
politics and religion, particularly the last; upon which, a
community of feeling led him to enlarge with zeal and
affection. (K)
HE AGAIN VISITS SCOTLAND.
The mis-information that prevailed in this country, in
relation to Scotland,, and the misrepresentations that were
the consequence, are subjects that called for his repre-
hension. He observes that the poverty of the people arose
in part from their not availing themselves of the resources
which their country offered; such as enclosing, cultivating
and improving the land, which, under good management,
might be made as productive as most of the lands in
England. The other causes that kept them behind their
southern neighbours, he thus describes: "But Scotland
has been an uninstructed, discouraged and abused nation;
poverty has grown upon them; misery begets sloth; accord-
ing to an old English proverb, Bare walls make giddy
house-wives; and sloth confirms and binds down that misery.
The disasters of war, English devastations, bad government,
the removal of their court to England, and above all, the
want of that thing called liberty, and the petty tyranny of
the landlords, have all kept Scotland poor. But take this,
if you please, from me; arouse but the Scots to industry
by such encouragements as you both may and ought to give
them, and they have a soil able to make them as rich, as
plentiful, and as pleasant as yourselves." By way of lesson
to the English, he says, "If the Scots want money, I
(K) "Since this paper extends itself to Scotland, as well as to England,
being re-printed there, it ought, and shall always have a part of it dedicated
to their advantage, as well as satisfaction; and yet I hope few public
subjects can be here treated of, but what may be made useful to both."-
Review vi. 179.
HIS REMARKS UPON THE COUNTRY AND PEOPLE. 75
must tell you, they do not want manners; and one piece of
humanity they are masters of, which you with all your
boasted improvements are without; and that is, courtesy to
strangers, in which they out-do even the French them-
selves." * De Foe writes largely upon the capabilities of
Scotland for the production of wealth, and brings soundness
of judgment to extensive information, in the discussion of
the subject. The science of political economy was then in
its infancy, and he has the merit of drawing the public
attention to it at a time when it was wholly neglected by
other periodical writers, who bent their energies almost
exclusively to party-politics.
Another subject that engrossed a large share of his
attention, related to the ecclesiastical affairs of Scotland.
The Presbyterian establishment, although suited to the
genius and pre-possessions of the people, was a constant
source of mortification to the Non-jurors and high-churchmen
in both countries; but as their numbers were larger in
the south, so there the clamour was greatest. Being too
firmly secured by law, to hold out any expectation of its
overthrow, they directed their efforts to undermine it in
public opinion, by bringing forward many unfounded
charges of persecution. These are met by De Foe in a
very manly way, and rebutted by a plain statement of
facts. He shows that the Non-jurors, so far from being
persecuted, were connived at by the magistrates, in direct
violation of the law; being permitted to exercise their minis-
try openly, without taking the oaths. The Presbyterians,
he tells us, were so far from having treated the Scottish
Dissenters with rigour, as had been unjustly insinuated,
that both ministers and magistrates contributed largely to
their relief; and he produces a certificate to verify his
statement. "This is a full testimony," says he, "that
the temper which reigns in the wisest men on either side,
**
Review, vi. 174, 5.
76
is quite different to what is represented to us in the South.”
He observes that the Scotch Dissenters were no parties to
the clamour raised by the high-flyers in England, which
had been rather injurious to their cause than otherwise;
having paralyzed the hands of the moderate people, who
knew their pretence to be fabulous. *
HIS CANDOUR.
The candour of De Foe towards persons of different
opinions, cannot be doubted by any one who will be at
the pains to examine his writings. Upon the ecclesiastical
disputes which divided the nation, and they had but little
to do with religion, he uniformly writes with temper and
good manners. If he ever resorts to asperity, it is either
against those who treated him with coarseness, or who
swore fidelity to a government which they took every
clandestine method to overthrow. He respected the scruples
of a conscientious Jacobite; but his regard for constitutional
liberty, would not allow him to make any compromise
with his politics, which he carefully separates from his
religion. "I have in none of my writings," says he,
ever blamed the episcopal party in Scotland, for being
episcopal. It is not my business to ask any man why he
is of this or that opinion, or pass my censure on him for
being so. If I were disputing against opinions, it were
another thing; nor are these papers pointed at the Episcopal
party in Scotland, but at the Jacobite interest. And
though it may be true that the persons are the same, and
the term almost synonymous, be that to themselves; I am
talking to them in their Jacobite capacity." Episcopacy,
he tells us, was only made the handle to cover their pri-
vate designs; thinking thereby to engage the Church of
England in their interest, and to smother their invasions
of the Church of Scotland, as if they were by con-
nivance of the
queen and government.
Amongst the innovations promoted by the Scotch Jacobites
*
66
*Review, vi. 206, 7.
INTRODUCTION OF THE LITURGY.
77
at this time, was the introduction of the English liturgy,
which, until lately, had not been used even by the Episcopa-
lians themselves. A measure so repugnant to the feelings.
of the Scots, who regarded it as no better than a remnant
of anti-Christ, naturally aroused their jealousy; and they
considered it the more affronting, because it was as contrary
to law, as to the taste of the people. But these matters
were disregarded by the Non-jurors, it being their policy to
identify themselves with the English church, and thus
smuggle themselves into favor at court, where they expected
protection from a sympathy of feeling. It was with the
same delusive motive that they had raised the cry of perse-
cution against the Scottish church, in which they were as-
sisted by their brethren in England, who made it a plea
for raising contributions upon the credulous. All these mat-
ters are exposed by De Foe, who vindicates the Scots for
asserting the privileges of their church, in which he assures
them of the support of the queen, to which he was pledged
by the Union.
De Foe writes largely concerning this liturgy project,
which took but indifferently even with the episcopal Dissen-
ters, some of whom preached against it; and in the meetings
where it was adopted, the cause visibly declined. He
says, that the aversion to it was so general, that nothing
but force could make it prosper; and as it was contrary to
the known laws of Scotland, "so it is evident, all these
attempts are made purely to embroil the people, and to fo-
ment national aversions." It seems to have been brought to
Scotland by James Greenshields, a minister from Ireland,
of whom De Foe speaks thus: "Here he is received as a
proper tool to begin the comedy; and, as if on purpose to
irritate the people, he takes a house just opposite to the
Cross at Edinburgh, where he sets up the Common Prayer."
*Review, vi. 213.
78
It was given out, at first, that it was intended for such
officers of the government, as could not conform to the
Presbyterian worship; but the shallowness of the plea was
properly exposed by De Foe, in an irresistible application
of the argumentum ad hominem: "If you will not employ a
Presbyterian in England, on account of his non-conformity
to the English Church, you should not send Episcopalians
to Scotland, who, by the same rule, must be expected either
to give up their places, or conform to the Scottish church.”
This innovation upon their customs produced an immediate
address from the inhabitants of Edinburgh to the general
assembly, which was then sitting, and passed an act for
proceeding in the case, according to due course of law. Upon
this, Greenshields was apprehended and committed to
prison. De Foe tells us, that the queen never countenanced
any of these innovations, but wrote several letters to express
her dissatisfaction; which, says he, "I have had the honour
to see and read, and they are public in Scotland." De Foe
adds, "It is very happy for the good people of Scotland,
that the managers of this liturgy-plot, with all their passion,
have not one grain of discretion, prudence, or policy, and
this will take a great deal from the glory of martyrdom,
which they are in so much hopes of obtaining."* (L)
Another part of the plot, was a scheme for perpetuating
the succession of the Scottish bishops, after the manner of
the Popish bishops in Ireland. The design was to obtain a
power from the queen, authorizing the deposed bishops to
CASE OF GREENSHIELDS.
* Review, vi. 313.
(1) The full account which De Foe has of this affair in his Reviews,
gave rise to the following narrative: "A true state of the case of the
Reverend Mr. Greenshields, now prisoner in the Tolbooth at Edinburgh,
for reading the Common Prayer in an Episcopal congregation there;
though qualified by taking the oaths, and praying for the queen and princess
Sophia. With copies of several original papers relating to his accusation,
defence, imprisonment, and appeal, first to the lords of the session, in
North Britain, and since to the House of Lords. 1710." 8vo.
PROJECT FOR PERPETUATING SCOTTISH BISHOPS. 79
fill up the vacant sees, that the episcopal order might be
continued, although it was to be merely nominal; but the
effect would be to revive episcopacy, after it had been sup-
pressed by the laws of the nation. After this, observes De
Foe, it would have been but a small matter to ask for
decent stipends out of the Church revenues, and when they
had obtained the fleece, they would have been content to
leave the flock to others. The ministry, however, refused to
countenance the scheme, and it dropped for the present. It
seems to have been countenanced by some English dignitaries,
particularly Compton, Bishop of London, upon whose con-
duct in the affair, De Foe bestowed some free remarks. He
also animadverts upon the facility with which persons from
Scotland obtained orders from the bishops in England, with-
out any certificate of their morals and behaviour.
"For
want of this due caution," says he, "the vilest wretches
that fly from the laws, come to England, and get admission
to the sacred office, to the scandal of religion, and the
English Church discipline in particular.” *
The proceedings of the Scottish Church, in relation to the
English liturgy, bore upon their face the marks of intole-
rance. It should be recollected, however, that the habits of
the people had been long trained to the Presbyterian disci-
pline, which was then the only legal religion in Scotland.
Although the two nations had been at continual war upon
the subject, for nearly thirty years, the utmost that the
English could do, was to consign the Churches and their
emoluments to episcopal ministers; but they were never
able to force down their liturgy during the hottest persecu-
tion. Having maintained the profession of their faith amidst
the severest trials, it is not surprising that, upon the turn
of the times, no provision was made for a toleration, for
which, indeed, the Episcopalians themselves, had not fur-
Review, vi. 320.
80 REMARKS UPON THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.
nished them with any precedent. Nor did these last suffer
much inconvenience, for want of it; these of them who
took the oaths to the government, being allowed to continue
in their livings, without any disturbance from the Presby-
terians. As these had never used a liturgy, they did not
interfere in the present contests. All the clamour was
raised by the Non-jurors, whose principles were known
to be at utter variance with toleration, but who called for
it in this instance, that they might use it as a weapon for
supplanting the Presbyterians. It is a curious circum-
stance, that whilst these men were exclaiming so loudly
against persecution in Scotland, they were using all their
efforts to overthrow the toleration in England; a fact that
would have been deserving of more notice, if their con-
duct had ever been otherwise than inconsistent. It is also.
deserving remark, that there were but ten meeting-houses
in which the Liturgy was adopted; so that when Green-
shields applied to the English Primate for an edition for
Scotland, he considered it unnecessary, and offered to supply
the number wanted at his own expence. In England, the
question assumed a very different aspect. The principles of
the Dissenters were maintained by a large proportion of the
population, and their toleration had become an integral part
of the constitution. These facts will account for the different
policy pursued in the two nations; and there was this reason
for it the Dissenters in England were known friends to the
constitution, and interfered in no way with the discipline or
safety of the Established Church; whilst those of Scotland
were declared enemies to the government, and friends to the
Pretender. All these points are enlarged upon by De Foe,
with great force and discrimination. He did not think it
necessary to go to the abstract question of toleration.
shall wave the various arguments about the necessity and
obligation which lies on all Christians, to pay reverence to
conscience, in order to give all possible liberty to religious
" I
THE REVIEW" PRESENTED BY THE GRAND JURY. 81
opinions; but I shall lay the stress of my argument another
way. We are to distinguish between the toleration of Epis-
copacy, and of Jacobitism; and if we make a right distinction
here, we shall have little need of the question at all.”*
The foregoing representation of an affair which has re-
ceived different colourings from the hands of party, is in
perfect accordance with the account given of it by De Foe.
Living at a time when the passions of men were heated by
religious animosity, it is not to be expected that he could
look at the subject with the same calmness that we can do
at this time of day; nor did it come before him in the way
of an abstract proposition, so much as in its relative bearings,
with which he must have had a full acquaintance. Had he
been now living, he would probably be, like his biographer,
a friend to unlimited toleration; which he conceives may be
safely admitted as a general principle, although there may
be periods in the history of nations, when it cannot be
safely acted upon. These, however, are but exceptions to
the general rule, and should be only temporary. In a free
state, where the laws are the rule of government, the reli-
gion of its official servants can be of no consequence to the
public, nor ought it to interfere with the discharge of their
official duties. When it does so, they sink the purposes of
the state into the concerns of a sect, and forfeit their claim
to confidence. The distinction of castes, set up in most
Christian states, is no better than a relic of barbarism, and
unfit for practice in those nations that have attained to any
considerable degree of civilization.
For the freedom with which he delivered himself against
the innovations upon the Scottish establishment, De Foe
exposed himself to the resentment of the high party, and
was threatened with a prosecution. In the month of Oc-
..
VOL. III.
*Review, vi. 387.
G
82
DE FOE'S REMARKS UPON IT.
tober, his enemies procured the presentment of the Review,
by the Grand Jury, the particulars of which he has detailed
in his paper for November 1. "Who it is that complains of
the Review, says he, " I yet know not. Who it is a
nuisance to, I know very well; and I cannot foresee that it
will ever be otherwise. Either I must oppose the hot party-
the Jacobite interest, and those that abuse the queen, in
pretending her authority for imposing innovations on the
Scots-or I must cease to write at all. Now, I cannot think
that a court of justice can be prevailed on to prosecute, or a
Grand Jury, to present any such design as this as a nuisance;
and therefore as I doubt not of justice in all our courts,
where the laws are free and open to the meanest subject, so
I cannot think that in the prosecution of these just and
necessary truths, I can meet with any oppression from the
law; nay, I might think I have reason to hope for favour."
De Foe was well convinced that the government had no hand
in the affair, and therefore referred it to the malice of party.
He thought it strange that he, who had run so many hazards.
in upholding the laws and institutions of his country, should
be singled out for prosecution, whilst swarms of libels
"And now,
against them were daily issued with impunity.
gentlemen," says he, "what is this author to be prosecuted
for, and what will you do with him? For personal affronts,
he asks all men pardon; but the cause he is embarked in,
he can never desert. It is the cause of truth and liberty;
and if all the world should abandon him, he will never
abandon its defence, whilst he has life and a tongue to
speak for it."-And, since it becomes an honest man to bear
his own burthen," he desires, "that, if this paper must feel
the resentment of the age, it may not fall upon those who
have no other share in it than their calling leads them into;
or no man shall suffer for me, if it is in my power to deliver
him, let the consequence be what it will."
In a subsequent Review, De Foe says, "The enemies of
83
:
this paper would fain raise a clamour against it, as calcu-
lated for opposition to the Church of England; and by how
much their arguments for this are weaker, by so much
the noise they make is loud for clamour and raillery are
always made use of as equivalents to reason and sound
arguing. I have often expressed myself with a great deal
of plainness and sincerity on this head, and shall do so now
again, by way of caution to those who take up too hastily
with a railing accusation; and I am persuaded I shall
satisfy all sober, moderate, and serious churchmen: for the
rest, I count their censure fame." He then states his sen-
timents upon the points at issue; declares his reasons for
Non-conformity, in a moderate and respectful manner; and
urges a greater attention to discipline in the Church, as the
best method of reforming the vices, both of clergy and laity.
“Whenever this work is seriously set about," says he, "this
Paper shall joyfully recognise the zeal of the undertakers,
and soon convince you, that it is the Reformation, not the
destruction of the Church, that is the end of its meddling
with these things. But, if these be still omitted, this paper
shall never fail to lay before you the crimes of a dissolute
clergy, in order to expose their vices, and warn the people;
and I believe all wise men will allow it to be a work that is
both lawful and expedient.
The idea of prosecuting the Review, if it was ever se-
riously entertained, was speedily abandoned; and De Foe
pursued his Discourses undeterred by threats, and regardless
of the malice of the party whose designs he was exposing.
Although truth has nothing to fear from the utmost pub-
licity, yet there has always been a party of men unwilling
to submit long established opinions to the fearful ordeal of
discussion, and therefore hostile to an unlimited freedom of
the press.
It appears that the Tories at this time threatened
LIBERTY OF THE PRESS THREATENED.
"
*Review, vi. 369-372.
G 2
84
DE FOE'S SENTIMENTS UPON IT.
to bring forward a measure in the ensuing session of parlia-
ment, for the purpose of silencing the news-writers; and the
Review was particularly glanced at. De Foe treated it as
an impotent boast, and declared that he was not only desirous
to see all scandal and abuse put down, but would rejoice to
see the day when political contention was at an end. He
says, "This is not the first time that I have offered, though
not at all afraid of the cause, to lay down the Review, or
turn it wholly to the subject of commerce; and could I see
the day when we shall have no more of this paper war, I
should be the first to testify my public joy."* He tells us
that he had written several tracts to prompt a just restraint
of the press; but deprecated the infliction of a state licenser,
which seems to have been projected by the Tories. "The
drift of a licenser of the press," says he, "will not go down
with a nation of liberty; and as all sorts of tyranny are
deposed by law, so a liberty of complaining of just grievances
will for ever be preserved in England, though it be by
print." The stale cant of Atheism and error having been
started by a late writer, for the purpose of blinding the
ignorant and assisting the knavish, De Foe says, "If error
and heresy were to be the marks to shoot at, and they were
to count noses, it would be found that the high party had
the most reason to be afraid."+
In discussing the liberty of the press, De Foe briefly states
the abuses that result from it, and the remedies for their
correction. Upon the former he had already expressed his
opinion with great freedom, having suffered so much from
them. In devising a cure, he says, "I shall offer but one
negative; that is, No Licenser. Every man who writes what
it is no breach of the laws of God and man to publish, has
a property in his works, and he cannot be divested of it at
the will and pleasure of any man; no, not his prince. To
† Ibid, vi. 403.
*Review, vi. 364.
↑ Ibid, 404.
BILL FOR SECURING COPY-RIGHT.
85
suppress his labour, is to divest him of his property; and as
to its being a breach of the law, nothing but the law can
determine that. It ought not to be at the arbitrary disposal
of any man to license or suppress it." By way of remedy,
he proposes, that no man should be allowed to re-print a
book without the consent of the author, or proprietor, under
a penalty of five pounds a sheet, to be recovered by an action
at law; and to render it more effectual, he recommends, that
every printer should be obliged to affix his name to the works
he prints. For the security of the public, he suggests, that
every author should cause his name to be printed in the title
of his book, and that he should give the printer an acknow-
ledgment of the same under his own hand, signed by two
witnesses; which note should discharge the printer in law,
and be sufficient to convict the author. "Now, get but.
these few clauses," adds De Foe, "and let any man plun-
der his neighbour, or write sedition and blasphemy at his
peril the law will have its course, and every transgressor be
punished.”*
Towards the close of the session, a bill was passed for the
better security of copy-right; a measure that had been long
necessary for the protection and encouragement of literature.
De Foe, who had suffered as much as most writers from the
pirates, had often invited the attention of parliament to the
subject. Whilst it was only in contemplation, he wrote
largely upon it in his Reviews, and suggested such regu-
lations as should effectually cure the evils complained of,
without any infringement upon rational liberty. It having
been hinted, that the Whigs would oppose it as an invasion
of the press, De Foe observes, that it was not a party-ques-
tion; that nothing could be more consonant to liberty, than a
law for the protection of property and that the mixture of
politics with a question that belonged entirely to trade, was
both unreasonable and factious. Although the bill did not
* Review, vi., 415--426.
86
66
LESLIE DROPS THE REHEARSAL."
come up entirely to his views, he rejoiced at its success, as
calculated to arrest an evil from which he had been so great
a sufferer.
In the early part of the year, Leslie had received a hint
that he was transgressing the rules of decency, in the lan-
guage he employed against the Church of Scotland, and
exposed himself to the animadversions of the law. He had
been so long accustomed to rake in the common shore of scan-
dal, that it formed a part of his argument upon all subjects;
and when threatened for this offensive adjunct, he construed
it into an attack for vindicating the tenets of his church.
Having accused De Foe of exciting the government against
him, he replies, "That his arguments are too fallacious and
insignificant, and have been already so often answered, that
whatever they merit, it would be worth no man's while to
ask the civil power to correct them."* Whether Leslie
became intimidated by the threats of the Scotch members,
or had exhausted his stock of argument and abuse, he
thought fit to discontinue his paper at the end of March,
1709, and left his antagonists in full possession of the field.
Soon after Leslie had dropped his "Rehearsal," it was
revived by a writer of similar principles, who attacked the
toleration, and propagated the same absurd politics as his
predecessor. Whilst the regulation of the press was in agi-
tation, the narrow sentiments of this writer called for a
rebuke, which De Foe thus administers.
"There is a new
party-firebrand that begins with exclaiming against the
liberty of the press, and is for putting down all the scrib-
blers, as he calls them; but begins his paper with current
pages and numbers, and marks it vol. i., as if he expected
to be spared for his abundant merit, in the general confla-
gration of Observators and Reviews. But, if this paper
must die the death of its fathers, and be silenced for speak-
ing too much truth, let me turn it to you for whose sake
Review, v. 534.
"THE REHEARSAL REVIVED."
87
all this stir is made, and whose liberty is the eye-sore that
these people are afflicted with; and before execution, let me
move you not to be led hood-winked to your own destruc-
tion. That the toleration of Dissenters in England, is openly
and secretly pointed at, and envied by this party, is a truth
that they themselves will not dispute. And the author I
mentioned above, No. 13, has declared open war against it,
pulled off the vizor, and drawn his high-church scymitar in
the face of the queen, declaring it must and shall come
down, though her majesty has given her faith and honour
to preserve it inviolate. For his good manners, I think she
>> *
much.'
very
is his debtor
Upon the same writer, he further remarks: "The Re-
hearsal Revived, a paper that sets up for instructing the
House of Commons, calls the toleration a scandalous liberty;
and under pretence of objecting against an unlimited tolera-
tion,—a point I never knew any Dissenter plead for, except
Mr. Toland, who I hope they will not call a Presbyterian ;—
under this pretence, I say, they manifestly point at the
toleration in general. If not, let them tell us how far they
would have it limited. I am persuaded no Dissenter will be
for tolerating any errors inconsistent with the Christian
religion; nor are they tolerated at all by the Act of Tolera-
tion. To charge the Dissenters, therefore, with principles
of unlimited toleration, when at the same time none are
tolerated but such as sign and own all the doctrinal articles
of the Church of England, is a manifest absurdity."+ Al-
though much narrowness still exists amongst the Dissenters,
owing to causes that are not difficult to penetrate, yet most of
them, who have received a liberal education and are conver-
sant with the affairs of the world, have more enlightened views
upon the subject than can be assigned to their forefathers.
Indeed, all sects have profited by experience: and in the
present day, the opinions of Toland will be thought not only
+ Ibid, vi. 410.
*Review, vi. 377, 8.
88
DE FOE'S REFLECTIONS UPON IT.
more consistent than those of our author, but also more con-
sonant to reason, and to the just liberties of mankind.
It seems that the "Rehearsal Revived," soon fell under
the frowns of the government, which put an end to its short
career. De Foe, writing in December, has the following
reflections upon its fall. "It has always been the usage of
this paper (The Review), and of its author in all cases,
never to strike his enemy when he is down.
'Tis not a ge-
nerous English way of fighting, and I scorn the advantage of
it. If the author of "Scandal,"(M) if the "Rehearsal Revi-
ved," is taken up and fallen, through any of his inadver-
tencies, into the hands of the government, he has enough
upon him; I wish him well out again, and shall never
officiously prompt any man's disasters."* Without alluding
to this paper in particular, De Foe cautions the Church of
England not to be misled by the specious friendship of those
writers who were the organs of none but Non-jurors; that
prompted those measures which would infallibly occasion
her ruin; and whilst they stood at a distance, would laugh
at her destruction.
(M) A new paper was started in September this year, in opposition to the
Review and other papers, by a writer who styled himself Novellus Scanda-
lus. He intitled it "The General Postscript; being an Extract of all that
is most material from the Foreign and English Newspapers. With Re-
marks upon the 'Observator,' 'Review,' 'Tatlers,' and the rest of the Scrib-
blers. In a Dialogue between Novel and Scandal." The twelfth number
contained a descriptive catalogue of all the papers then published in Lon-
don, some twice, others three times a week, and amounting in the whole to
eighteen.
Review, vi. 413.
CHAPTER IV.
Sacheverell's Sermon at St. Paul's.-Ridiculed by De Foe.-His Advice to
the Dissenters on the Occasion.-Remarks upon the English Character.
And upon the Impeachment.-He Reminds the Dissenters of their ill-
treatment of him.-His Address to the Parliament.-" Judgment of Whole
Kingdoms and Nations."-Works in Reply.-De Foe's Remarks upon
Sacheverell's Trial.-His Generous Feelings.-Estimate of High-church
Writings.― Endeavours to Weaken the Toleration.-Sacheverell quotes
some Passages from the "Review."—Exploits of the Mob Described by
De Foe.-Sacheverell emulated by other Clergymen.-De Foe's Remarks
upon Milbourn's Sermon.-Fatal Consequences of Sacheverell's Prosecu-
tion.-De Foe's Life Threatened.-His Courageous Confidence in his
Cause.-Rejoicings at Sacheverell's lenient Sentence.-The High Party
gain Ground.-De Foe's Address to the Whigs.-Excesses in the Country.
-Hoadly and others burnt in Effigy.-Publications by De Foe.-Dr.
Welton's "Altar-piece."-" Ward's British Hudibras."-Sixth Volume of
the "Review."―Topics Discussed in it.— Remarks upon Stock Jobbing.-De
Foe's Notions of Trade.-His Remarks upon the King of Sweden.-And
Satire upon the Follies of the Times.-Clandestine Attempts to Suppress
his Paper. His Publisher Threatened.-And Changed.-De Foe's "Letter
to Lord Wharton, concerning a Yorkshire Clergyman.”
1709-1710.
TOWARDS the end of this year, an event occurred which
fully justified all that De Foe had written concerning the
temper and views of the high party, and which involved the
most important consequences to the nation. Upon the 5th of
November, Dr. Sacheverell preached his far-famed sermon
at St. Paul's, before the city magistracy, upon the perils
among false brethren; and afterwards published it. Great
was the sensation produced by this strange discourse; wherein,
90
SACHEVERELL'S SERMON AT ST. PAUL'S.
says De Foe, "having plentifully railed at, and anathe-
matized, the Dissenters, and left them in custody, without
bail or main-prize, with the devil and his angels, he par-
ticularly asserts two things: 1. The doctrine of passive
obedience, which he most remarkably justifies from the late
revolution. 2. The hereditary right of her present majesty
to the crown."* The political tenets advanced by this pulpit-
incendiary, had been answered over and over again by our
author, in his replies to Leslie, and the whole race of Non-
jurors; so that, in confuting this production, he could do no
more than repeat his former arguments.
With an irresistible force of ridicule, which was better
suited to the occasion, he thus taunts him with his paradoxes.
"How merry a tale it is to hear him prove the doctrine of
non-resistance, from the Prince of Orange's declaration, and
reconcile the Revolution to the principle of unconditioned
subjection, because it was founded on the vacancy of the
throne. As if the Prince of Orange had not brought an
army with him to resist, but came with fourteen thousand
men at his heels, to stand and look on while the English
gentry and clergy, with prayers and tears, besought King
James to run away and leave the throne vacant! What a
banter on King James is this new started whimsy, to tell us
the Revolution was no breach of non-resistance; as if inviting
and bringing over the prince, was not the effectual and
original cause of the throne being vacant. If the Doctor
does not think it below him to answer a short question or
two from one of the meanest of his admirers, I would most
humbly intreat him to solve but two little difficulties arising
from his sermon.
1. That since he will not have the nation
charged with the least breach of non-resistance in King
William's case, he will be pleased to tell us, what the raising
an army in England, for driving their lawful and sacred
* Review, vi. 429.
91
king out of Ireland, must be called? And since this army
was raised and paid by the whole kingdom, fought King
James, beat him, and as far as lay in their power killed him
let him tell us if this was resistance; and if not, we intrea
him to tell us what to call it? Let him do this, Et eri
mihi magnus Apollo. 2. Since he is pleased to glory very
much about the hereditary right of her present majesty to
the crown of England, a thing I doubt above his reach to
explain, I most humbly beseech him to tell the world, in a
few words, by what part of her majesty's hereditary right
she is now possessed of the crown ?” *
De Foe blames the Dissenters for being angry at the
Doctor's excursion; "For, his flight is not at you singly,
but at the government, the parliament, the queen, the
bishops; in short, every body but the Papists come in for a
share. You are abused in excellent company,
RIDICULED BY DE FOE.
'And dirt flings dirt without respect,
To merit or to law.'-
I assure you, I shall be none of those that prompt you to
resent the Doctor's ill-usage; and my reasons are, because
the faster he runs, the sooner he will be out of breath; and
because by this method the high-flying gentlemen really
expose themselves, not you." "We need no more than
that the clergy should rave a little now and then: that they
should show the world how mad they are, and how mad
they must be, that will follow their measures. They need do
no more than rail and call bear-garden names; it will soon
open the eyes of the world, and bring the people to a con-
viction, that this is not the still soft voice of truth, the spirit
of the gospel of peace: they will soon apprehend that railing
and Billingsgate language, may often supply the want of
argument, but never is any part of it."* Upon the whole,
* Review. vi. 426 7.
† Ibid, 421, 2.
+ Ibid, 426.
92
he observes, " I think the roaring of this beast ought to give
you no manner of disturbance. You ought to laugh at it;
he'll vent his gall, and then he'll be quiet. In the mean-
time, let us rejoice that it is not in the power of these crea-
tures to hurt us; that the present constitution of Britain is
firm, and out of their power to reach or impair; that the
Dissenters are enclosed in the fold, and have the guard of
the royal shepherdess; that moderation and toleration are
supported by one another, and the God of the Revolution is
the defence of both."*
REMARKS UPON THE ENGLISH CHARACTER.
De Foe has some excellent remarks upon the character of
the English, as displayed in former times, when the same
"For my
mad game was played at the expence of liberty.
part," says he, "I really think these ecclesiastic faggot-
sticks, when they are thus lighted at both ends, do no harm.
They awaken the people, and bring them to their senses;
and these senses are their protection against all the high-
flying lunacies of the age. Englishmen are never in hazard
when they are awake to see their danger; the mischief is,
when they are dozed with dreams and delusions, and go
hood-winked into the pit. Englishmen are apter to be
wheedled than frightened; when you bully and threaten
them, they rouze and look about them; and, like Sampson,
break the little foolish cords with which these non-resisting
Philistines have bound them. This was the very case in the
late reigns of King Charles II., and King James. The people
had for almost thirty years, from the Restoration to the
Revolution, been wheedled into a lethargic state; they had
swallowed the gilded pill; they had been charmed with the
court-syrens, till they were brought into bonds; and indeed
they were strangely fettered with oaths to unsettled heirs,
supremacy, blind incoherent notions of absolute dominion
and unlimited submission, the Jus divinum of tyrants, and
Review, vi. 423.
REMINDS THE DISSENTERS OF THEIR ILLTREATING HIM. 93
the like. But when the mask was thrown off, and it was seen
that Popery was at the bottom on one side, and slavery on
the other; the nation, like Sampson, started up out of
sleep, broke all those fetters, and rouzing its native strength,
overthrew all the enemies of liberty.'
"#
After the impeachment of Sacheverell was resolved upon,
De Foe writes thus: "Let the parliament-justice end where
it will, I have nothing to do with it here; but calling him to
the bar, and impeaching him before the Lords, together with
such a vote as his sermon being scandalous, seditious and
malicious, is setting him upon a state-machine with a wit-
ness. The bar of the House of Commons is the worst pillory
in the nation. You may bear with me for being warmer in
this case than in another; my part in it has been very hard.
I adore the wonders of retaliating Providence, that has
suffered the wicked thus to fall into their own net, and has
given a testimony greater than I could ever have hoped for,
to the justice and seasonableness of those fatal observations
I made on this very man's preaching, and his party's prac-
tice; for which, and I bless God for standing to the truth of
it, I suffered the overthrow of my fortune and family, and
under the weight of it, remain as a banished man to this
day."
Addressing the Dissenters, he says, "This is the man that
held out the bloody flag in his sermon at Oxford; and now
to explain himself more effectually, he has indicted you all
for traitors, condemned you as false brethren, and delivered
you up to the devil and his angels. Is this the Shortest Way
with the Dissenters, or is it not? And was D. F. right
before in personating him, or was he not?" Alluding to
their former treatment of him, he says, "Well, gentlemen, I
know that in your ignorance you did it; and as I said before,
I have never in regret for this, stepped one foot out of the
* Review, vi. 445, 6.
94
cause of English liberty, or withheld one word that I could
speak to serve that interest to this day; and I trust shall
not. No fear has deterred me, though often threatened,
bullyed and insulted; no favour has withdrawn me, though
often caressed and tempted cum montibus auri. I am to this
day ruffled by your enemies, insulted by those that hate you,
threatened and maltreated for the little endeavours I use to
serve you. And by yourselves, I am used-How! Just as
you know, and as I expected. And who am I to repine?
Am I better than Delaune, who starved for you, or D
that hanged for you? No, no, he that will serve you must
be hated and neglected by you, must starve and hang for
you, and must yet serve you; and thus I do."
""*
Whilst the impeachment was going forward, our author
devoted two of his Reviews to an address to the parliament,
in which he took a survey of the foundation upon which our
civil constitution then rested, and recapitulated the several
steps that had been taken in parliament to establish our
liberties, and limit the succession to the crown. He exhorted
the two Houses, in earnest but decorous language, to fix a
brand of infamy upon the doctrines then vented from the
pulpit by the high-clergy, as the only cure for the popular
frenzy. It is of little consequence, he says, what they do
with the man; 66
The principle is the plague-sore that runs
upon the nation, and its contagion infects our gentry, our
clergy, our politics, and the loyalty, zeal, and peace of the
whole island." He therefore tells them, that now is the
time to declare again the rights of the people of England;
and although these things are so self-evident as to declare
themselves, yet, as there is a subtile and restless party in the
nation, endeavouring to revive the delusions of former times,
it would receive the most decided shock by a seasonable
declaration from parliament, upon the points at issue. The
HIS ADDRESS TO THE PARLIAMENT.
* Review, vi. 455.
VOX DEI, VOX POPULI.
95
consequences resulting from the pulpit-politics of the day,
he has described in glowing language. "These abhorred
notions would subject all our liberties to the arbitrary lust
of a single person; they would expose us to all kinds of
tyranny, and subvert the very foundations on which we
stand; they would destroy the unquestioned sovereignty of
our laws, which for so many ages have triumphed over the
invasions and usurpations of ambitious princes; they would
denude us of the beautiful garment of liberty, and prostitute
the honour of the nation to the mechanism of slavery; they
would divest God of his praise, in giving his creatures a
right of governing themselves, and charge heaven with having
meanly subjected mankind to the crime of TYRANNY."*
The political contentions in this reign, notwithstanding
the bitterness with which they were conducted, were favour-
able to the cause of liberty, inasmuch as they occasioned the
principles of government to be more clearly developed, and
the knowledge of them circulated through the medium of
the press. In the crowd of works issued at this period,
there is one particularly that claims our notice, as well for
its intrinsic merit, as because it has been usually ascribed to
De Foe. The title is, "Vox Dei, Vox Populi. Being
true Maxims of Government; proving, I. That all Kings,
Governors, and Forms of Government, proceed from the
People. II. The Nature of our Constitution is fairly stated,
with the Original Contract between King and People, and a
Journal of the late Revolution. III. That resisting of tyran-
nical Power is allowed by Scripture and Reason. IV. That
the Children of Israel did often resist and turn out their evil
Princes, and that God Almighty did approve of Resistance.
V. That the Primitive Christians did often resist their tyran-
nical Emperors, and that Bishop Athanasius, St. Chrysostom,
* Review vi. 473-476.
96 JUDGMENT OF WHOLE KINGDOMS AND NATIONS.
Luther, and Melancthon, &c., did approve of Resistance.
VI. That the Protestants in all ages did resist their evil and
destructive Princes. VII. Together with a Historical Ac-
count of the depriving of Kings for evil Government in
Israel, France, Spain, Scotland, &c., and in England before
and since the Conquest. VIII. That absolute Passive-
Obedience is a damnable and treasonable Doctrine; by
contradicting the glorious Attributes of God, and encourag-
ing of Rebellion, Usurpation, and Tyranny. To which no
Answer will be made, or dare be made, or can be made,
without Treason, not to be behind Mr. Lesley, or any Jaco-
bite, in Assurance. London: printed for the Author, and
sold by T. Harrison, at the West Corner of the Royal Ex-
change, Cornhill. 1709." 8vo. pp. 40. A second edition,
considerably enlarged, was published in the early part of
the next year, under the new title of "The Judgment of
whole Kingdoms and Nations," &c., by which it is now gene-
rally known. (N)
-
(N) The whole title of this edition runs thus :-"The Judgment of whole
Kingdoms and Nations, concerning the Rights, Powers, and Prerogatives.
of Kings, and the Rights, Privileges, and Properties of the People: Shew-
ing the Nature of Government in general, both from God and Man. An
Account of the British Government, and the Rights and Privileges of the
People in the Time of the Saxons, and since the Conquest. The Govern-
ment which God ordained over the Children of Israel; and that all Magis-
trates and Governors proceed from the People, by many Examples of
Scripture; and the Duty of Magistrates from Scripture and Reason. Nine
Emperors and above fifty Kings deprived for their eyil Government. The
Rights of the People and Parliament of Britain to resist and deprive their
Kings for evil Government by King Henry's Charter, and by Act of Par-
liament, and by many examples. The Prophets and ancient Jews, strangers
to absolute Passive-Obedience; resisting of arbitrary Government is allowed
by several Examples in Scripture, and by undeniable Reason. A large
Account of the Revolution; with the Names of Ten Bishops, and above
sixty peers concerned in the Reyolution, before King James went out of
England. Several Declarations in Queen Elizabeth's time, of the Clergy
in Convocation, and the Parliament who assisted and justified the Scotch,
French, and Dutch, in resisting of their evil Princes. Recommended
97
Although De Foe has commonly the credit of this work,
it has been assigned, also, to Lord Somers, and printed with
his name; but whether it is correctly given in either case,
is, perhaps, doubtful. The comprehensive title will convey
an accurate idea of its contents, which embody a large com-
pass of history, applied with much judgment to the argu-
ment. The author seems to be well acquainted with general
law, and not less so with that of his own country, of which
he avails himself to advantage. His frequent references
to the Jewish history, and to the writings of the Old and
New Testaments, discover an accurate acquaintance with
the design of the Scriptures, which was to teach men their
duties in the several relations of society as they found it,
rather than to prescribe any particular form of government.
The good sense that pervades the treatise, and the solid
basis upon which it rests, rendered it popular at the time
amongst the friends of liberty, and it quickly passed through
several editions.
CHARACTER OF THE WORK.
Play
as proper to be kept in all Families, that their Children's Children may
know the Birth-right, Liberty, and Property belonging to an Englishman.
Written by a true Lover of the Queen and Country, who wrote in the year
1690, against absolute Passive-obedience, and in Vindication of the Revo-
lution; in a Challenge to Sir Roger L'Estrange, Dr. Sherlock, and eleven
other Divines; to which no answer ever was made; who now challenges
Dr. Hickes, Dr. Atterbury, Mr. Milbourne, Mr. Higgins, Mr. Lesley,
Mr. Collier, and the great Champion, Dr. Sacheverell, to answer this Book.
London: 1710." 8vo. pp. 71. A copious table of contents was added
to this edition. The third and fourth editions have each of them some
slight variations in the title. In that last mentioned, the author points to
himself as one "who wrote in the year 1689, in Vindication of the Revo-
lution, in a Challenge to all Jacobites, which was answered and printed
with a Reply annexed to it; and who wrote in the year 1690, against abso-
lute Passive-Obedience, &c., in a challenge to Sir Roger L'Estrange,
Dr. Sherlock, and eleven other divines; to which no answer ever was made;
which Challenges and Answer are to be seen in the first volume of State
Tracts, in Folio, printed in the year 1705." They are easily identified in
the work alluded to.
VOL. III.
H
98
A work of so bold and decisive a character, was not
likely to escape animadversion. As the high-churchmen
were amongst the most active politicians of the period, and
advocated despotic principles both in church and state, they
had been particularly alluded to by the author, who called
upon
them either to defend or renounce their opinions. One
of them, armed with more zeal than discretion, published
"An Appeal to thy Conscience, as thou wilt answer it at
the great and dreadful Day of Judgment. Which cannot be
answered but by Rebellion and Murder, and is an unanswer-
able Answer to a late Pamphlet, intitled 'Vox Populi:' Now
printed under the Title of The Judgment of whole Kingdoms
and Nations, concerning the Rights, Power, and Preroga-
tive of Kings; and the Rights, Privileges, and Properties of
the People, &c. Recommended as proper to be kept in all
Families, that their Children's Children may never become
Rebels against, or Murderers of, their lawful Sovereign.
Made public for the Defence of the Queen and Government,
by a true Lover of Loyalty, who now challenges Dr. Walker,
Dr. West, Mr. Hoadly, Mr. Bisset, De Foe, Ridpath, or any
other fanatical Roundhead and Republican Champion, to
confute this Appeal by the Word of God. London: 1710."
8vo. The work with this threatening title, was nothing
more than a reprint from a tract published above sixty years
before, for the purpose of arresting the resistance that was
then made to Charles I. It is needless to say, that it is no
answer to the work with which it is confronted.
WORKS IN REPLY.
A direct reply to the work, was made by Dr. Atterbury,
who afterwards became a bishop, in a pamphlet entitled
"The Voice of the People, no Voice of God: Or the mis-
taken Arguments of a fiery Zealot, in a late Pamphlet inti-
tled 'Vox Populi, Vox Dei,' since published under the title
of The Judgment of whole Kingdoms and Nations,' &c.
fully confuted, and his Designs proved to be pernicious and
destructive to the public Peace; which he cannot answer,
HIS GENEROUS FEELINGS.
99
without Blasphemy and perverting the Holy Scriptures.
Published for the rectifying men's Judgments, in their Duty
to the established Government. By F. A. D.D. 1710."
8vo. The Doctor contents himself with a brief notice of
some passages he objects to in the work, and cites some
texts of Scripture that are somewhat irrelevant; but he
leaves the main argument untouched. Indeed, he avoids
committing himself upon the principal subjects in dispute,
and declares his resolution to be a passive subject to any
government that he may chance to live under; a sentiment
that he strangely forgot in the next reign.
During the early part of 1710, the nation was wholly
occupied with the politics of Sacheverell, and his ill-judged
trial in Westminster-Hall. The subject being popular, the
Review was devoted almost exclusively to it; but De Foe
was far from prompting any severity towards the culprit,
although the party he espoused had been the author of
his own sufferings. "The happy constitution of this free
nation," says he,
<< even this same constitution which he
has insulted, is now his safety. Had the foundation stood
upon the absolute subjection of the subject to the supreme
power, he had been left to her Majesty's immediate correc-
tion, and she might have sent her guards to convey him
from the pulpit to the gallows. So that well it is for this
gentleman, that what he says is not true; and he stands now
by that very constitution he pretends to overthrow. Nay,
there is no question but you will find him pleading those
very laws, and taking hold of all the advantages, the reserved
rights of a people delivered from unconditional obedience,
entitle us to."*
The generous feelings of De Foe, are unfolded in the fol-
lowing passage: "And now he is going to pay the equiva-
Review, vi. 461.
→
H 2
100
lent of the Shortest Way, which was originally derived from
the same person; and you may all see if the Shortest Way
was a just conclusion upon the party or no. I wish him
milder treatment, more and less justice than I found in the
publication of that plain-dealing piece. But let him know,
that the honour of parties will eminently appear in the
difference.”*—"For my part, though I have as much reason
to desire justice on him as any body, yet I am looking
another way, and I hope it is the right way. I had rather
see the crime punished than the man; I had rather see the
wound cured, than the hand that gave it cut off. And in
this I am sure I pursue the general good, whether I please
private resentment or no."
ESTIMATION OF HIGH-CHURCH WRITINGS.
Amongst the expedients resorted to for sustaining the
absurd doctrines propagated by Sacheverell and his party,
was the publication of books and pamphlets, containing
passages picked out of old sermons and printed books,
in which the same notions were maintained by former
writers and divines of the church, as well as by some
who were still living. By this method they thought to
enhance their authority; upon which De Foe observes,
"Now, as we have sufficient arguments against the doc-
trine itself, to prove it absurd and ridiculous, such as
are drawn from reason, custom, and universal practice,
so these things merit no answer. The question is short;
is it a doctrine fit to be preached, or is it not? Is it
condemned and exploded by the present settlement, or is
it not? If the case be thus, then printing the opinions
of the present bishops is only a malicious design of ex-
posing them to the contempt of the world, as men that
now condemn what they once taught and defended. As
to the argument, it gives it no advantage; for if ten
thousand bishops and doctors had taught it, if all the
www
Review, iv. 466.
† Ibid, 469.
101
Homilies of the church were on its side, if twenty ages
had practised it, yet, if it be against the laws of God, of
nature, and of the nation, if it be absurd in itself, and
what men neither can nor ought to submit to, all that
can be said of those persons is, that they were mistaken.”*
The Act of Toleration being aimed at in all the pro-
ceedings of the high party, an exemplification was given
of it by Sacheverell in his Answer to the charges of the
Commons; in which he endeavours to weaken the force
of that act by a Jesuitical distinction, which went to show
that it was no actual toleration, but merely an exemption.
from the penalties of certain laws which were then in
existence. The same notion had been formerly started
by Mr. Norris, in his "Charge of Schism continued,"
which was ably answered by Mr. Tong, in his "Defence
of Mr. Henry's Enquiry into the Nature of Schism."
De Foe shows the objection to be merely a cavil of words,
and a distinction without a difference. He pronounces it
the weak effort of a party, to blind the people as to the
real meaning of the law; but plainly evincing their soreness
at the continuance of that liberty of which they would
gladly deprive the Dissenters. † It deserves to be re-
marked, as illustrative of the precarious state of the Dis-
senters in this reign, that from this time, the queen,
whose affections always went with the high party, adopted
the subtile distinction of Sacheverell, and was never more
heard, in any of her speeches, to make use of the word
toleration. +
ENDEAVOURS TO WEAKEN THE TOLERATION.
In reply to the charges of the House of Commons,
Sacheverell cites a variety of passages from the Review,
in order to show the danger of the church from the re-
presentations of her enemies. Upon this, De Foe observes,
•
Review, vi. 533, 4.
t Ibid, 545.
Life of Dr. Daniel Williams, p. 63.
102
that he had no intention of falling upon him at that time;
"but since he is pleased to attack me, I can by no means
be so much a party to the doctrine of non-resistance, as to
forbear my own defence when I am fallen upon in so
unfair a manner." Our author re-prints the passages
quoted, and then remarks, "As the Doctor and his friends
have done me the honour to quote the passages above, as
abusive to the church, and evidences of the danger of it,
I have, to avoid mis-representation, given you the par-
ticulars together. I thank God, they have not been able
to pick any thing out of all I have written, that I have
any reason to be ashamed of, or any thing but what even
those Church-of-England-men who are in their right wits,
and in the true interest of the church, will acknowledge
to be for her service." He says, he could have reproached
the Doctor with his behaviour in several particulars: "And
though he has been pleased to justify his conduct as to
the Revolution, I could have sufficiently exposed him on
that account. As to his morals, his manners, and his
moderation, I could have painted them much to his dis-
advantage; but I have forborne both on account of his
troubles.”*
EXPLOITS OF THE MOB DESCRIBED.
The scenes that accompanied the trial of this incendiary,
served to point out the little regard that people pay to
abstract doctrines, as well as to confirm the account that
De Foe had always given of the real character of these men,
as well as of their principles. The violent and seditious pro-
ceedings of the mob upon this occasion, are matters of
great notoriety, and are thus noticed by De Foe.
"Rebellion to defend non-resistance.
It stands upon
record, that March 1, 1709-10, the rabble being encouraged
for two or three days by the Doctor and his friends to
wait upon him to and from Westminster in cavalcade, more
* Review, vi. 573-5.
103
like an ambassador of state, than a criminal going to the
bar of justice; after they had housed the Doctor in great
mob-pomp, and had shouted before his door for some time,
they separated themselves into several bodies, as if detached
by command of their directors, and went directly to the
Dissenting meeting-houses, broke open seven of them, and
pulling down the pulpits, pews, galleries, windows, and
every thing they could demolish, carried them out into the
streets, and burnt them.
Besides this, they broke open
and rifled the dwelling-houses of two Dissenting ministers,
Mr. Burgess and Mr. Earle, carried away or destroyed
their goods, books, &c., and with much ado were prevented
from burning one of their houses. And now, gentlemen,
you see what the Shortest Way with the Dissenters, so
long ago warned you of. Here is another exemplification
of Sacheverell's bloody flag. The Dissenters and low-
churchmen, for their interest is the same, may in this see
plainly what they are to expect, and what the true mean-
ing of the non-resistance doctrine is." *
De Foe traces all the disorders in the nation, to the
inconsistent and violent conduct of high-flying churchmen.
"These are the heads and true originals of our tumults
and mob. To these, we owe riot to explain non-resistance,
and pulling down meeting-houses, as a testimony of their
zeal for the indulgence of tender consciences. Till this
sort of people appeared in the world, there was no such
thing known. Even in King Charles II.'s days, they could
never bring the mob to pull down the meeting-houses, or
rob the dwelling-houses of the Dissenters. And really in
this the different temper of this party from any that has
been known in England will appear. We have had mobs
formerly upon various occasions, and I have some thoughts
of giving the world a short tract I have had long by me,
EXPLOITS OF THE MOB DESCRIBED.
*
Review, vi. 565, 6.
104 DE FOE'S REMARKS UPON MILBOURN'S SERMON.
intitled, "A History of the Mob;" but these mobs always
aimed at pulling down some real grievance, and when the
work was over, they had no further mischief in view. But
this rabble was filled with thieves and murderers, robbers
and incendiaries; their rage was bloody, their temper
barbarous, and their end plunder and destruction."* Upon
this subject, he observes, "No man shall have it to say,
that the Review is for encouraging tumults; for, though
some madmen are not equally mischievous with others, yet
all tumults are dangerous in their effects." He adds,
"Their aim at the bank was a visible testimony whither
they tended. No doubt, rifling the bank was as much for
the queen, as demolishing the meeting-houses was for the
church." Yet, by these artifices did the mob delude
themselves, nor did their leaders endeavour to undeceive
them.
De Foe informs us, that the popularity of this fanatic
occasioned many of his high-flying brethren to envy him.
the glory of his sufferings. Of this, he gives two remark-
able instances, in Mr. Luke Milburn, of St. Ethelburg,
London; and Dr. Francis Higgins, of Dublin; "who have
both preached, talked, and done all they can, if possible,
to provoke the parliament to take notice of them too, and
can't bring themselves into trouble for their lives. The
Commons are so ill-naturedly civil, so tame, so passive,
that though they have said all the virulent seditious things
that their greatest wit, and greater rage can invent, they
cannot provoke the House to think them considerable enough
to be taken into custody, or to be honoured with a prosecu-
tion. This is very hard indeed!"§ Milburn had published
an absurd sermon, in which he attempted to press the
Apostle Paul into his service, as enjoining non-resistance
upon the early Christians. But De Foe justly observes,
* Review, vi. 587. † Ibid, 590. ‡ Ibid, 598. § Ibid, 570.
CONSEQUENCES OF SACHEVERELL'S PROSECUTION.
105
that this could amount to no more than a peaceable de-
meanour to the governments they happened to live under,
with the forms of which, or with the persons that ad-
ministered them, they were not to interfere. ""Tis evident
to all who know any thing of the Roman history, that those
very emperors derived their dominion from one or both of
the following sources :-Resistance of the preceding emperor
whom they violently deposed; or the choice of the people,
whether the citizens of Rome, or the soldiery." And in
either case, he observes, this is directly contrary to the
doctrine then pleaded for. "From all which, it seems to
me, that the measures of submission to princes are con-
trolled very much by the laws of every country in which
they govern, and the general rule of the subject; and that
when both are subverted by a lawless tyrant, and no other
way can be found to reduce him, he may be reduced by
force which doctrine, if it be not true, there is not one
nation in the world but must be damned for rebellion,
and for resisting the ordinance; since, according to Mr.
Milburn's text,-' They that resist, receive to themselves
damnation.-Rom. xiii. 2.'"*
Writing upon the subject, at the latter end of March,
De Foe says, "We have had a most distracting, turbulent
time for the last two months, occasioned by the prosecution
of a high-flying clergyman. His defence has been carried
on with all possible heat, fury, and violence, by the party,
and a strong conjunction of Papists, Jacobites and High-
Church madmen, has made them appear very formidable
to the world. Rabbles, tumults, plundering of houses,
demolishing meeting-houses, insulting gentlemen in the
streets, and honest men in their dwellings, have been the
necessary consequence of this affair. And, after all, I
must own, though the man has been condemned, his prin-
Review, vi. 570.
106
ciples censured, and his sermon burnt, yet, it has not been
without the most fatal consequences to the nation; as it
has revived the heats and animosities which began to be
laid asleep."
DE FOE'S LIFE THREATENED.
As De Foe had been one of the foremost in denouncing
the proceedings of the party, it was to be expected that
he would be amongst the first to reap its vengeance. The
threatenings that were now held out to him, and the manner
in which he met them, are thus detailed by himself. "I
am none of those who boast of their adventures, and love
to tell long stories of the dangers they run. I am not always
to be frighted with threatening letters, and shams of assassi-
nation; ever thinking, those people who talk so much of
killing, never do it. Though I am not to be classed with
those you call fighting fellows, yet I am not in the number
of those who are afraid to see themselves die; and may,
I hope, without being taxed with vanity, profess not to
practice non-resistance. I have by me fifteen letters from
gentlemen of more anger than honour, who have faithfully
promised to come and kill me by such and such a-day;
nay, some have descended to tell me the very manner; yet
not one of them has been so good as his word. Once, I
had the misfortune to come into a room where five gentle-
men had been killing me a quarter of an hour before; yet,
to the reproach of their villanous design, as well as of their
courage, they did not dare to own it to a poor defenceless
man when he was too much in their power. In short, I
here give my testimony, from my own experience, and I
note it for the instruction of these five assassins, that their
cause is villanous, and that makes the party cowardly.
A man that has any honour in him, is really put to more
difficulty how to speak, than how to act; in the case of
murder and assassination, he is straightened between the
extremes of shewing too much courage, or too much fear.
"Should I tell the world, the repeated cautions given me
HIS COURAGE AND CONFIDENCE IN HIS CAUSE. 107
by my friends not to appear in the streets, nor to show
myself; letters sent to bid me remember Sir Edmundbury
Godfrey, Mr. Tutchin, and the like; should I let you know
how I have been three times beset and waylaid for the mis-
chief designed, but still I live; you would wonder what I
mean. Wherefore, my brief resolution is this: while I live,
they may be assured I shall never desist doing my duty, in
exposing the doctrines that oppose God and the Revolution;
such as passive submission to tyrants, and non-resistance in
cases of oppression. If those who are at a loss for argu-
ments, are resolved to better their cause by violence and
blood, I leave the issue to God's providence; and must do
as well with them as I can. As to defence, I have had
some thoughts to stay at home by night, and by day to wear
a piece of armour on my back; the first, because I am per-
suaded these murderers will not do their work by day light;
and the second, because I firmly believe they will never
attempt it fairly to my face.
'I confess, there may be some reason for me to appre-
hend this wicked party; and therefore, as I thank God I
am without a disturbing fear, so I am not without caution.
Assassination and murther are, indeed, something more
suitable to the high-flying cause, and has been more in use
with that party than with other people. 'Tis the cause of
tyranny, and tyranny always leads to blood. Oppression
goes hand in hand with violence; and he that would invade
my liberty, would invade my life as he has opportunity.
But I cannot see why they should be so exasperated at the
poor Review; a sorry, despised author, to use the words of
one of their party, whom nobody gives heed to. Well,
then, let your anger be pointed at some more significant
animal, that is more capable to wound you, and do not own
this author to be so considerable as to engage your resent-
ment, lest you prove the unanswerable force of what he says,
by the concern you are at to suppress him. But if he were
108 REJOICINGS AT SACHEVERELL'S LENIENT SENTENCE.
to be sacrificed by your impious hands, truth would never
want champions to defend it; and killing the Review would
be like cutting off the monster's head for a hundred to rise
up in the room of it.
،،
Upon the whole, as I am going on in what I esteem my
duty, and for the public good, I firmly believe it will not
please God to deliver me up to this bloody and ungodly
party; and therefore shall still go on to expose a bigotted
race of people, in order to reclaim and reform them, or to
open the eyes of the good people of Britain, that they may
not be imposed upon. Whether, in this work, I meet with
punishment or praise, safety or hazard, life or death, Te
Deum Landamus.”*
De Foe was one of the few persons who felt satisfied
at the sentence of Sacheverell, who was interdicted from
preaching for three years. The rejoicings of the misled
people, as expressed in bonfires, illuminations, and other
expressions of triumph, shewed pretty evidently that they
anticipated a heavier punishment; and perhaps the feeble-
ness of the government was never more conspicuous than
upon this occasion.
Had the Whigs displayed as much
skill and vigour as their opponents, they might have
crushed the hopes of that unconstitutional party; but the
moderation of their government, however creditable to them
in other respects, was ill-suited to the turbulent spirit of the
times.
The rapid manner in which the high party gained ground
from this time, and the extravagant behaviour of their
deluded followers, occasioned great despondency amongst
the Whigs, who seemed to look upon each other with amaze-
ment, as if their cause was lost. From this stupor De Foe
endeavoured to arouse them.
"Think ye that the cause of
liberty and of truth, that has cost so much blood, and has
* Review, vi.—Pref.
109
been twenty-two years in planting, is thus to be pulled up
and rooted out? No, never fear it; God will not forsake
it; and though the pride and security, the divisions and
selfishness of its friends, have really opened this door of
mischief, and you have with your hands too much encou-
raged these enemies, and weakened the hands of those that
saved you, yet it is not too late to unite and exert your-
selves; which, if you do, you will with ease trample this
contemptible, though numerous and noisy enemy under
your feet.”* The course which De Foe had prescribed to
himself was in harmony with his principles, and with the
known resoluteness of his character. He speaks thus:-
66 Things are come to that heighth, that we must either defend
our cause, or give it up. If it is not the cause of truth, let
the queen and parliament determine it to be so, and then
perhaps it may be time for honest men to think of it. But
if it be the cause of truth, let all the Demas's of the age
forsake it, if my heart does not deceive me, yet would I not
cease to own and defend it. I am satisfied the cause of
liberty is the cause of truth; and it is from this principle
only that I oppose the high-church darling Sacheverell, and
do it in the teeth of his mob, when his cause would be
thought rising, and when I see men that pretend to revolu-
tion-principles, cowed and afraid. I have nothing to say to
the man; I owe him neither good nor ill; it is the temper
of insulting the laws, and preaching up tyranny, that I
oppose; and this I will oppose, if the tyrant were an em-
peror."+
The excesses committed by the high-church mob, were not
confined to London, but spread themselves into remote parts
of the kingdom. In the town of Wrexham, in Wales, they
dressed up the effigies of the Dissenting ministers, and
threw them in their bonfires, "to show their good will to
*
EXCESSES IN THE COUNTRY.
Review, vii. 11, 12.
† Ibid, 1.
-
110
the persons, and the temper of the party." But their ven-
geance was not confined to Dissenters; all who advocated
moderate measures, and constitutional liberty, fell victims
alike to their fury. The celebrated Hoadly, who had already
distinguished himself as the champion of episcopacy, as well
as of liberal principles, was, for the latter offence, singled
out by the bigots of the same loyal town, for an exhibition
of the same farce they had acted upon the Dissenters.
De Foe's account of the affair is worth preserving :-
"Mr. Hoadly, a minister of the Church of England, reverend
by his office, styled so by the parliament, and recommended
to her majesty for further preferment; a sound preacher, far
from a Dissenter, having been a zealous disputer against
them; this gentleman, guilty of no crime, charged with no
immorality, a breaker of no law, only a preacher of liberty,
see how he is treated by the rabble at Wrexham. They
dress up a man of straw, bring him to the public street of
the town, and carry him to the door of the meeting-house,
or near it; here in profanation of the holy ordinance of
baptism, they christen it, some say they sprinkled water
upon it, but they formally gave it a name, and call it Ben.
Hoadly; then they put a rope about its neck, and carrying
it in triumph, brought it to the whipping-post, and tying it
down, as is usual to criminals, scourge it most furiously;
then they carry it up, and set it in the pillory; and to finish
the tragedy, take it to the water, and drown it. Before
this, they dressed up several effigies of Dissenters, as Mr.
Daniel Burgess and Dr. Daniel Williams; the one they
burnt, and buried the other alive, as they call it; and now
they come to a churchman. And what has this good man
done to be thus treated? Nothing but what becomes him
as a churchman and as a minister; he has defended truth
and liberty."*
HOADLY AND OTHERS BURNT IN EFFIGY.
* Review, vii. 22, 23.
111
In surveying the factions of the times, it is natural to look
back to some of those causes that produced them. In order
to this, observes De Foe, "Let me remind you that a few
months before the preaching of Sacheverell's sermon at
St. Paul's, there was a paper published here for some time,
intitled 'The Rehearsal Revived;' and another called
'A Dialogue between Novel and Scandal.' They were
both written by the same author, and that author, as
afterwards appeared, was a deprived non-juring clergyman.
In these papers, two things were very remarkable. 1. That
they frequently made open threatenings of what great efforts
would be made this parliament to pull down the power of
the low-churchmen and the Dissenters. 2. There was an
advertisement inviting the clergy to this high-church war.
It began in these words: Gentlemen of the clergy, now is
the time to exert yourselves,' &c. And now the plot
is broke out," continues De Foe, "I think they have
exerted themselves indeed."*
PUBLICATIONS BY DE FOE.
Sacheverell's sermon occasioned the revival of two of
De Foe's former pieces: one was, "The Shortest Way with
the Dissenters; taken from Dr. Sacheverell's sermon, and
others or Proposals for the Establishment of the Church.
By the author of the 'True-Born Englishman.' London:
printed and sold by the booksellers: price 3d." 8vo. The
other was a republication of De Laune's Plea, under the
following title: "Dr. Sacheverell's Recantation; or the
Fire of St. Paul's quickly quenched, by a Plea for the Non-
conformists. London: 1709." 4to. To the large stock of
pamphlets elicited by the occasion, De Foe also contributed.
some original pieces. One of them was, "the New Wonder;
or a Trip to St Paul's. By the author of the 'True-Born
Englishman.' Printed in the year 1710." 8vo. It is not
improbable that he was the author of "a Letter from Cap-
Review, vii. 33.
112
tain Tom to the Mob, now raised by Dr. Sacheverell.
London: J. Baker, 1710." 8vo. The following, advertised
in the Review for the 11th of May, was, perhaps, his pro-
duction. "Instructions from Rome, in favour of the Pre-
tender. Inscribed to the most elevated Don Sacheverellio,
and his brother Don Higginisco. And which all Perkinites,
Non-jurors, High-Flyers, Popish-Desirers, Wooden-shoe
Admirers, and absolute Non-resistance Drivers, are obliged
to pursue and maintain, under pain of his Unholinesses.
Damnation, in order to carry on their intended subversion of
a Government fixed upon Revolution-Principles. London:
J. Baker. Registered in the Stationers'-Hall Book. 1710.”
8vo. In the Review for May 23, is the following note,
appended to the advertisement: "The aforesaid book is
worthy the perusal of all true lovers of their country,
particularly those inhabitants residing in and about White-
chapel."(o) In the number of "Instructions" given by the
Pope, is the suppression of the Review, the author of which
is styled, "a plaguy fellow," whom nothing but a miracle.
has preserved to be a scourge to the faction, of which the
heroes in the title are the ostensible leaders; and they are
charged to accomplish it with an assiduity becoming their
zeal, lest the eyes of the people should be opened to a sense
of their danger. Another work, arising out of the events of
the times, and also in the manner of De Foe, is advertised
PUBLICATIONS BY DE FOE.
(0) This was a blow at Dr. Welton, the rector, who, not long afterwards,
caused an altar-piece to be put up in his Church, representing the Last
Supper in which John the beloved disciple is painted in scarlet, and
intended, as was thought, to betoken the Chevalier de St. George; whilst
Judas was habited in a gown and band, with a black patch upon his fore-
head, and seated in an elbow-chair. This figure seems to have been
originally intended for Bishop Burnet; but the fear of a prosecution
alarming the painter, he was allowed to drop the bishop and substitute a
dean, and Dr. Kennett became the favoured person. The indecent picture
was at length removed by order of the Bishop of London. There is a good
engraving of it.
113
in the Review for May 18, with the following title: "The
High Church Address to Dr. Henry Sacheverell, for the
great service he has done the Established Church and
Nation: Wherein is shewn the Justice of the Proceedings
of those Gentlemen who have encouraged the pulling down
and destroying those Nurseries of Schism, the Presbyterian
Meeting-Houses. Submitted to the Consideration of all
good Churchmen and conscientious Dissenters. London :
J. Baker. 1710. Price One Penny."(P)
SIXTH VOLUME OF THE REVIEW.
De Foe commenced the Sixth volume of his Review, upon
the 5th of April, 1709, and closed it the 23d of March 1710,
when it had reached 150 numbers. A double number was
then published, containing six pages of preface, and the
following title: "A Review of the State of the British
Nation, vol. vi. London: printed in the year 1709.”
pp. 600.
In the preface, he tell us, he had thought every volume
would be the last, but where it will end now, and when,
God only knows, and time only will discover." As the
preface was written at the close of the volume, when the
peace of the nation was threatened by a lawless faction, his
(P) Amongst the publications arising out of the event, was a long poem,
representing the freaks of the mob, and praising them for their well-timed
demonstrations of loyalty, and zeal for the Church. The Review is
bantered for losing the support of his magazine of original power; and
De Foe figures several times in the course of the work. The author was
Ned Ward, who published his low effusions in separate cantos, and after-
wards collected them into a volume with the following title: " Vulgus
Britannicus: Or the BRITISH HUDIBRAS, in fifteen cantos. The five parts
complete in One Volume. Containing the Secret History of the late
London Mob; their Rise, Progress, and Suppression by the Guards,
Intermixed with the Civil Wars betwixt High-Church and Low-Church,
down to this Time. Being a Continuation of the late Ingenious Mr. Butler's
Hudibras. Written by the Author of the London Spy. The Second Edition,
adorned with Cuts of Battles, Emblems and Effigies, engraven on Copper-
plates. London: printed for Sam. Briscoe, &c. 1710." 8vo. pp. 180.
VOL. III.
I
114
feelings were warmed by the subject; and he gives a par-
ticular account of his own treatment, which has been already
detailed.
STOCK-JOBBERS EXPOSED.
The topics discussed in this volume, are few in number,
but judiciously chosen in reference to popular feeling. The
prospect of a speedy termination to a long and expensive
war, furnished a pleasing topic for the opening numbers.
In the course of his remarks, he takes the opportunity
of paying a suitable compliment to the Lord-Treasurer
Godolphin, by whose skilful and economical management,
England had made so great a figure in the war. This he
notices, not with the design of flattering the minister, a
thing he despised, but from a desire of doing him that
justice which was extorted by truth. The failure of the
negociations having made a great impression upon the funds,
De Foe took the opportunity of exposing the system of
stock-jobbing, which had an injurious influence upon public
credit. "If the stock-jobbers can obtain a victory over
public credit," says he, "as it seems they can when they
please, it is more in their power to ruin us, than in the
Mareschal de Villars, if he had defeated our army. And,
'tis very plain, if this humour prevails a little further, we
must make peace or carry on the war, just as the fate of the
kingdom stands in Exchange Alley."* When De Foe wrote,
the mystery of stock-jobbing was in its infancy, yet suffi-
ciently understood to become the instrument of many pro-
jects which ended in fraud and desolation. These, he
exposes in no measured terms, and points out the injury they
inflicted upon fair trade and credit.
In the 34th number of the present volume, De Foe enters
upon his long promised discourse concerning trade, which he
commences by an enquiry into its origin and sources. From
the natural wants of man, he deduces the origin of labour;
* Review, vi. 118.
115
DE FOE'S NOTIONS UPON TRADE.
as he does that of trade, from an exchange of its products,
arising out of personal convenience. Being at first carried
on by barter, there would be some who had no equivalent to
give but their own labour; hence the origin of contracts for
service. But, as people increased, a more convenient, and
more certain medium of exchange became necessary, and
gave rise to the introduction of money. Foreign trade owed
its origin to the separation of mankind into states and king-
doms, the creation of new wants by the progress of civiliza-
tion, and the facility of transporting the produce of different
countries from one part of the earth to another. From these
general topics, he descends to what he calls "the subject of
trade,” under three particulars. 1. The people, by which he
means the productive classes. 2. The necessaries of life,
including subsistence and defence. 3. The pleasures and
conveniences of life, commonly included in the term luxuries.
These subjects he discusses at some length, evincing extended
information, and no small share of acuteness.
His remarks upon the unproductive classes of society, are
at once shrewd and appropriate. "When I am describing
the people," says he, "I mean not the passive, good for
nothing, who walk starving through the thoroughfare of life,
and have no share in the active part of it, leaving no notice.
to posterity that ever they have been here.
But the people
who labour, or employ those that labour; trade, or assist
those that trade; enjoy, or assist those that enjoy this life,
like men, like benefactors to their country, and like Chris-
tians, assisting futurity, by laying up funds of wealth, and
improvements for posterity, and a posterity instructed to
manage them." Of another sort of idlers, he gives the fol-
lowing description. "There is a sort of drones in the hive,
that live on the labour and industry of the others. These
were intolerable to the nation but for two things. 1. That
they help to consume the produce; and 2. That they pay
for it. Otherwise, some of our gentry, by their course of
I 2
116 HIS REMARKS UPON THE KING OF SWEDEN.
life, would almost give occasion of suspecting their Maker of
having made a creature of no use to himself, nor to any body
else. The idle fellow is an animal who thinks nothing, acts
nothing, and knows nothing; who, like Solomon's fool,
hates instruction, and has no delight in understanding; who
eats only to live, and lives for nothing but to die, which may
happen some time or other, he neither concerns himself how,
nor when.
He rises in the morning with no other prospect
or design, but of going to bed at night; has neither wish nor
desire, hope nor fear, envy nor love, passion nor affection,-
but to the weighty affair of doing nothing. These people
deserve an abler pen than mine to describe, and I mention
them only because I am obliged to note, that these are a
negative upon my discourse; being none of the people whose
increase is the wealth and strength, the glory and beauty of
a nation."*(Q)
More than half of the volume is devoted to the affairs of
Scotland; in the discussion of which he takes a survey of
the capabilities of the country, and bestows some strictures
upon the political condition of the people. His remarks
upon foreign politics, are confined chiefly to those of Sweden
and Muscovy, to which his attention was called at this time
by the defeat of Charles XII. at the battle of Pultowa. Such
a reverse of fortune had been long contemplated by De Foe,
who said repeatedly, that the king would instruct his enemies
in the art of war, and eventually teach them to beat him.
He now congratulated himself upon his political foresight;
but was far from rejoicing at the event, being desirous of
seeing that heroic prince at the head of the Protestant interest
in Europe. Alluding to his former speculations upon the
subject, he says, "I shall not pretend to boast over those
* Review, vi. 135.
(Q) The above remarks may remind the reader of an excellent paper in
the "Lounger," No. 59.
AND SATIRE UPON THE FOLLIES OF THE TIMES. 117
gentlemen who formerly thought themselves better judges
of these affairs than other folks; 'tis enough to see them
mistaken, and that the Review told them they were so,
when they little thought it would be so evidently made
out. Nor will they find me speak with one jot more dis-
respect of the king of Sweden now, than I did before;
I feared not his resentment then, and I scorn to insult any
man's character for his misfortunes. Truth is above the
resentment of princes; and I thank God, I dare write it
in the face of the greatest prince or person at home or
abroad." "'*
De Foe had for a long time laid aside that department of
his paper which was devoted to amusement, for the reason
here given.
"As to the Review, it is grown old and grave,
and has left off making you laugh, because he thinks 'tis
more for your service, to make you wise; and, therefore,
he rather applies to serve than to direct you."+
In the following passage, he resigns the task of reforming
the age to the "Tatler;" but announces the institution of an
office for granting licences at certain rates, to those who were
not to be cured of their vices.
"When first this paper
appeared in the world," says he, "I erected a court of
justice, for censuring and exposing the scandalous vices of
the age; and abundance of cases stand recorded in the vast
journals of our Scandal Club. For a while I laid aside the
Herculean labour, and am glad to see the society honoured
by the succession in their just endeavours of the venerable
Isaac Bickerstaff, Esq.; who, vouchsafing to rake in your
laystall, may perhaps bring you to a just notion of your
follies. But since I have with long experience, found that this
is a work of time, and cannot be brought to perfection with-
out some difficulty; in the meantime, that in this scarcity
of funds and general weight of public debts, Sin, among the
Review, vi. 265.
+ Ibid, vi. 133.
118
rest of the nation's manufactures, may not go untaxed; but,
as it brought the judgment of the war upon us, it may help to
bear the expence of it, I have resolved, and perhaps may,
hereafter, get an act of Parliament, with a borrowing clause
upon it, to erect a faculty-office, for licencing the modern
crimes of the town, upon a price to be paid, so long and no
longer than till the laudable endeavour, and just authority,
of Esquire Bickerstaff, aforesaid, have effectually suppressed
them."* In an advertisement, he observes, "No person is
to disturb the office till after Monday the 6th of March, as
the master is wholly taken up in settling a book of rates,
and particularly in making an agreement with the clergy
about the price of preaching sedition at St. Paul's; the rate
of which, including abuse of the government, you shall, per-
haps, know in our next.,'t He there observes, "That
crimes crowd in so fast, that the rates cannot be settled fast
enough, so that for the present, things must stand upon the
same footing as before; and, if a man goes mobbing a meet-
ing-house, rifling a Dissenting minister's house, &c., though
the act be meritorious in itself, and as soon as our laws are
settled, he might come off better, yet, for the present, he
must be content to be hanged a little, till we can make better
provision in the case." In another Review, he says, "It
has been under debate for ten days past, upon what terms
Non-jurors may plot against their sovereign, high-church-
men rail at their bishops, hair-brained priests affront the
government, and the oath-taking Jacobites abuse the
queen; and because the gentlemen begin to be impatient,
we have resolved, 1. That Non-jurors shall quietly pay
double taxes. 2. That high-churchmen shall rail at their
bishops upon the stipulation that they never pretend to be
made bishops themselves. 3. The hot-spur clergymen may
abuse the parliament, queen, and revolution, exactly at the
SATIRE UPON THE FOLLIES OF THE TIMES.
* Review, vi. 563. + Ibid, 564.
↑ Ibid, 567.
119
same price as Dr. Sacheverell. These affairs being settled,
the gentlemen may, if they please, come to the office, and,
taking out their licences, go to work when they will ”*
The writings of De Foe, mingled as they were with caustic
wit, and serious argument, were a source of constant mortifi-
cation to the Tories and high-churchmen; who set no bounds
to their malice, and employed the most dishonourable
artifices to procure their suppression. The following adver-
tisement upon the subject, appears in the last two numbers.
of the volume. "Whereas, great industry has been used to
suppress this Paper, by several members of a party to whom
it is particularly grievous to hear too much truth, by whose
art the publication of it has been so far stopped, that none
have been to be had either of the hawkers, or at the shops
where other such papers are sold. These are to give notice,
that for the future, over and above the usual number delivered
by the publisher, a certain number shall be left at Mr.
Nathaniel Cliff's, bookseller in Cheapside, near Mercer's
chapel; and at Mrs. Pye's, at the sign of the Golden Perri-
wig, at Charing Cross, where any gentleman may be sup-
plied, either with single Reviews, or whole volumes, as they
please." (R)
ATTEMPTS TO SUPPRESS HIS PAPER.
* Review, vi. 588.
(R) In the Review for the 4th of June, is the following advertisement
relating to its circulation. "Whereas, from the 25th of March, this Paper
has been re-printed three times a week in Edinburgh, and published in all
the principal towns and cities of Scotland, and that several people have
been at the trouble and charge to send advertisements of sales, books,
medicines, &c. down to Edinburgh, to be there inserted in the Review.
These are to give notice, that for saving the trouble, charges, and diffi-
culties of that method, all those who desire to have any advertisement in-
serted in the Review published in Scotland, may agree for the same with
John Matthews, Printer, in Little Britain, and sending the same to him, it
will be faithfully inserted in the said paper in Scotland, without any further
charge. Note. The counties of Northumberland and Westmoreland, are
also supplied with this Paper, from Scotland, together with the towns of
Belfast, Carrickfergus, and city of Londonderry, in Ireland."
120
HIS PUBLISHER THREATENED AND CHANGED.
To the power of the Review, as the organ of liberal
opinions, and as an antidote to the schemes of the high-
flyers, there needs no other testimony than the malice of its
enemies, who were unceasing in their endeavours to suppress
it. Unable to silence the writer, they determined to fall
upon the publisher, whom they at length succeeded in
detaching from the work. The particulars of this affair are
related by De Foe in his Paper for the 25th of April, 1710;
and are as follows.
،،
Alas, poor Review! The rage of the party has reached
thee among the rest; and the world is thus deprived of this
day's publication. For, behold, a party of high-churchmen
falling upon Mr. Matthews, the honest publisher, have taken
him prisoner; and the man being entirely in their custody,
and consequently not sui juris, you are to expect no more
Reviews from his hand. Nor can any body blame him;
for, when people are frighted, they are not masters of their
usual resolution, nor, indeed, of their understandings. The
case is this:
"It has been observed in several Reviews past, that
great endeavours have been used to stifle and suppress this
paper. Sometimes, the author has been threatened and
bullyed, at other times the printer; sometimes, they carry
it to this grand-jury to be presented, sometimes to that;
sometimes, the government is solicited to discourage and
silence it; sometimes, the indignation of the party is shewn.
one way, sometimes another; but finding all in vain, and
that the author continues to gall them with plain truth,
their last poor shift has been to tamper with the publishers
and dispersers of it. This I endeavoured to rectify, by
appointing two houses in town for the sale of it, besides
the usual place; but the party soliciting every publisher
to suppress it, we have now removed it from the former
place of publication, and put it into the hands of Mr. Baker,
who will not be biassed, terrified, or any way prevailed upon
121
to keep it back." The first paper published by him was
the thirteenth of the seventh volume, and is the first with an
imprint.
DE FOE'S LETTER TO LORD WHARTON
About this time, one Cooper, a Yorkshire clergyman, of
loose morals, contrived to introduce himself to the notice of
Lord Wharton; and by avowing the same political opinions
as his lordship, hoped to secure his favour, and by that
method to procure some preferment in the church. As the
man was a stranger to that noble Lord, who seems to have
been imposed upon by his representations, De Foe, who had
become acquainted with his real character, was desirous of
undeceiving him upon this point, as well as to spare the
church the disgrace of so unholy a pastor. In pursuance of
these laudable motives, he transmitted a private letter to
Lord Wharton, to whom he appears to have been hitherto
unknown. The effect of this communication cannot be now
told; but the letter, for which the present writer is indebted
to Mr. Upcott of the London Institution, the reader will find
in the note. (s) De Foe, who seems to have had his eyes
(s)" My Lord,-As this is written from a sincere principle of duty, and
respect to your Lªpp. and a just concern for that honest cause your Lªpp.
is so heartily embarked in, I hope your Lapp. will pardon the forwardness
and presumption of the attempt, tho' you should not accept of ye hint. I
am not going to offer to yor Lpp. any thing that wants proof, or that shuns
sufficient inquiry. I should not have insulted a person of yor Lapp's. cha-
racter in that manner. The design is not to speak in ye dark, but to assist
truth to come into ye light, and offer something to yr Lªpp. for yr Lªpp's
farther and pticular enquiry, and services, and therefore, my Lord, I shall
neither conceal from yor Ldpp. the story, nor who it is that writes it.
"I have my Lord repeated importunitys from some people in ye north,
men of honesty and friends to yr Lapp's. interest, to acquaint yr Ldpp. of
the following affair. Their only mistake is that they suppose I have ye
honor to be known to yr Ldpp., which is their error as it is my misfortune,
and my not having that honour is the occasion of my makeing so much.
preamble to yr Ldpp. contrary to my custom in ye world, and for wch I ask
yr Lapp's. pardon. The story is this:
There is one Cooper, a Clergy Man of or near Leeds, who if Fame
•
122
CONCERNING A YORKSHIRE CLERGY MAN.
every where, was not unacquainted with the low state of
morals amongst the Yorkshire clergy. In order to awaken
the people, and especially the holders of church patronage,
to the propriety of decorum in their teachers, he announced
the following squib in his Review for January 14, 1710.
"Just published, The Northern Worthies: Or a Visitation
sayes true, is now or has been lately, applying himself to yr Ldpp. either
to be entertained in yr Lapp's. service, or to obtain yr Lapp's favour and
recommendation to some living, or some other way to be employ'd or
advanced by yr Ldpp.; and pticularly, it is alledged that he gets himself
recomended to yr Lapp. as a Low Churchman or a moderate man, and
as persecuted and turn'd out by the Vicar on account of his moderation, &c.
"Now my Lord, the business of this Letter is to give yor Ldpp. a true
accot of ye morals and manners of this man, that yor Lapp. may be
inform'd from unquestioned authority what kind of person he is, and
nobody then questions but yr Lpp. knows what measures to take either
that ye church may not be ill served and further reproacht, or yr Lapp's.
recommendacon dishonour'd by the most scandalous person alive.
"And my Lord, that yor Lapp. may not depend upon my single
authority, I shall give yr Ldpp. his brief character in the words I reca it,
and the psons. shall at any time be produced for yor Lapp's. farther satis-
faccon."
"From Leeds, March 22. This scandalous priest his name is Cooper,
he was seen in ye very act, debauching a woman on a Sunday morning,
and pticularly. being to administer ye Sacrament the same day, and did
also actually administer ye Sacramt in our church that same day (called
ye old Church in Leeds). Perjury in several cases can be proved against
him, and that in severall places he has been discarded as a common
drunkard, and for his being a common swearer our whole town will
witness it. For these crymes our Vicar turn'd him out, and deny'd him
his pulpit, upon which he is fled to my Ld Wharton for preferm¹, and we
are told my Lord has given him hope of a liveing, &c.'
“Thus far my author. There is more in my Letter, but I presume this
is enough to prevent yor Ldpp. being imposed upon-and this I thought it
my duty to lay before yr Ldpp. If your Ldpp. please to hear any more, or
that I should make farther enquiry about it, in that, or any thing else for
yr Lapp's service, I shall esteem it my honor to receive yr Lapp's. comands.
"I am, may it please yor Lapp.
Yor Ldpp's. most humble and obedient Servt,
"DE FOE."
"From Newington, near Hackney,
"Apll 7th. 1710.”
SATIRE UPON THE YORKSHIRE CLERGY. 123
of the Yorkshire Clergy; a Satire humbly dedicated to
Parson Plaxton, the Reverend Author of the Yorkshire
Racers. To be bought where it is to be sold, and to be sold
where it is to be bought: Written for the edification of the
Northern Gentry, and to cure them of the Contagion of
Priestcraft. In five volumes in Folio. Price 5l. 7s. 6d.
being a very voluminous work.”
CHAPTER V.
Effects of Sacheverell's Trial.-De Foe's Picture of the Times.— His
Opinion of the Tories.-Addresses to the Queen.-De Foe's Remarks
upon them.—Letter to Sir Jacob Banks.-Prosecution of the Author·
—Further Remarks upon the Addresses.-De Foe threatened for his
writings.-Defies his Enemies.-Sacheverell's Progress in the Country.—
De Foe's notice of it.-And of the expected change in the Ministry.—
His character of the Earl of Sunderland.—And of the other Ministers.—
Corruption of the Times.-Harley's Mysterious Conduct.-De Foe's Re-
flections upon the Times.- He recommends a Sermon by Dr. Goddard.-
Both Satirized by Dr. King.-Completion of the Ministerial Changes.
-Character of Harley, St. John, and Harcourt.-Publications for and
against the new Ministers.-Decline of Public Credit.-De Foe writes
for its support.-Essay upon Public Credit.-Essay upon Loans.-
Publication of the "Examiner."-History of that work.—“ Swift's
Political Conduct."-" The Whig Examiner."-"The Medley.”—De
Foe's Remurks upon these works.
1710.
THE trial of Sacheverell was the commencement of a drama,
which unfolded plot after plot, and in which the whole.
nation became the actors. Church-politics, having become
the order of the day, were no longer confined to the clergy
and to ministers of state; even women and children arranged
themselves in the hostile attitude of party, and the very
street-gentry dealt out learned discourses upon the subject.
In the following narrative, De Foe has furnished us with a
curious picture of the times.
"The women lay aside their tea and chocolate, leave off
visiting after dinner, and forming themselves into cabals,
DE FOE'S PICTURE OF THE TIMES.
125
turn privy-councillors, and settle the affairs of state. Every
lady of quality has her head more particularly full of busi-
ness than usual; nay, some of the ladies talk of keeping
female secretaries, and none will be fit for the office but
such as can speak French, Dutch, and, which is worse,
Latin. Gallantry and gaiety are now laid aside for business;
matters of government and affairs of state are become the
province of the ladies; and no wonder if they are too much
engaged to concern themselves about the common imper-
tinences of life. Indeed, they have hardly leisure to live,
little time to eat and sleep, and none at all to say their
prayers. If you turn your eye to the park, the ladies are
not there; even the church is thinner than usual; for, you
know, the mode is for privy-councils to meet on Sundays.
The very play-house feels the effects of it; and the great
Betterton died a beggar on this account. Nay, the Tatler,
the immortal Tatler, the great Bickerstaff himself was fain
to leave off talking to the ladies, during the Doctor's trial,
and turn his sagacious pen to the dark subject of death,
and the next world; though he has not yet decided the
ancient debate, whether Pluto's regions were, in point of
government, a kingdom or a commonwealth."
The influence of high-church politics upon the character
of the nation in general, is thus described by our author.
"Mobs, rabbles, and tumults, possess the streets; whores,
pimps, and cullies, the walks; the dressing, the powdering,
the beau-monde is adjourned to the chocolate-houses, and
is all among the men: the ladies are otherwise engaged;
even the little boys and girls talk politics. Little Miss
has Dr. Sacheverell's picture put into her prayer-book, that
God and the Doctor may take her up in the morning be-
fore breakfast; and all manner of discourse among the
women runs now upon war and government. Tattling non-
sense and slander is transferred to the males, and adjourned
from the toilet to the coffee-houses and groom-porters. This
126
being the general state of the nation, you must no more
wonder that our wiser statesmen, and able ministry, totter
in their high posts, and you are every day alarmed with
changes at court. This new invasion of the politician's pro-
vince, is an eminent demonstration of the sympathetic in-
fluence of the clergy upon the sex, and the near affinity
between the gown and the petticoat; since all the errors
of our present or past administrators, and all breaches
made upon our politics, could never en bark the ladies till
you fell upon the clergy. But, as soon as you pinch the
parson, he holds out his hand to the ladies for assist-
ance, and they appear as one woman in his defence."
،،
Some political changes in favour of the Tories having
been talked of, our author observes, Nobody but old
women would propose such a set of state-cripples to
rectify the mistakes, as they call them, of the present
government. If ever earth produced such a wretched
society of statesmen, then I have lost my eye-sight.
Some people," says he, "have thought I have been too
plain for my own safety, but they are mistaken: I can yet
be plainer, and shall be so, for who shall truth be afraid
of? This nation is come to a time when the actions of the
greatest men are accountable to law; and no man can run
the length, that former ministers have ventured upon, with
impunity." Our author proceeds to inquire into the cha-
racter of the persons who supported the high-flyers, and
describes them as, generally speaking, the worst-principled,
and most immoral part of the people. "A wretched con-
temptible party assault the constitution, address the sovereign
in terms they ought to be indicted for, caress the queen
by invading her title, and trump up the shadow of a title
which would cause her overthrow. I would fain ask how
they can have the impudence to speak in the same ad-
dresses, of the Protestant succession? And I wonder, when
these people come to truckle under the Hanover succession,
HIS OPINION OF THE TORIES.
ADDRESSES TO THE QUEEN.
127
what they will say of hereditary right, when they come
forward with their addresses." * (T)
The manifestoes of loyalty here alluded to, now flowed
in upon the queen in great abundance. As the sentiments
conveyed in such documents vary with time and circum-
stances, the absence of consistency in the framers precludes
any suspicion of their value; nor did the parties concerned,
attach any greater meaning to them at this time, than
they had been accustomed to do upon former occasions.
In such matters, however, there is always a wheel within a
wheel, and the crafty politicians of the period knew well
how to turn them to account. Although the language
they were made to speak was too absurd to be believed,
yet, being contrived for party-purposes, they were adapted
accordingly; and their anticipated effect was in proportion
to their number. Besides incorporating the exploded doc-
trines of the Tories, they recommended the queen to change
her councils, and dissolve the parliament.
The addresses began in Gloucestershire, which also set
the pattern of servility. The city of London, "over-ruled
by 114 against 95, chimed in with the times, and voted an
address after the mode of their Gloucestershire masters,
entreating her majesty to accept their assistance in turning
tyrant, and setting up the prerogative above the law."
Upon which De Foe remarks, that it was but twenty-six
years before, that the same wise body surrendered their
* Review, vii. 69–76.
(T)" I well remember I was once questioned before the privy-council
of England, in the beginning of the queen's reign, for a Paper of some
Questions, which they that brought me there never thought fit to let the
world know what they found fault with; and one of the Questions was
this: Whether her majesty was not as much an usurper as King Wil-
liam?' A great many objections were made to the rest of that Paper;
but when their lordships came to this, and it was read, not a word was
said to it; and I would be glad to hear what any body could say to it
now."-Review, vii. 90, 91.
128
DE FOE'S REMARKS UPON THEM.
charter to a former sovereign, and petitioned him to accept
of their liberties, which they placed at his absolute dis-
posal.*
The Oxfordshire address makes a curious asso-
ciation of blasphemy and revolution-principles.
"It is
easy to observe," say the addressers, "that the most open
patrons of resistance are equally encouragers of blasphemy
and profaneness; as if their poisonous arrows, which have
been shot as well against God as his vicegerent, have come
out of the same quiver." De Foe advises these loyal
persons to present another address, beseeching her majesty
to appoint a solemn day of fasting and humiliation to de-
precate the anger of heaven, for resisting and deposing her
royal father; and to appoint suitable prayers to be offered
for his male-heirs, that they may be prospered in all their
righteous endeavours for the recovery of the throne of their
ancestors, from which they are illegally excluded by an
ungodly resistance. In exhorting the public to repent of
this national sin, and reform it accordingly, he proceeds
in a strain of irony, "I might dilate a little here upon
the terrible judgments this land groans under at this time,
occasioned by the long continuance of this great sin of
rebellion and resistance; such as, the curse of liberty,
the plague of parliaments, and the like; which, if it
please God but to deliver us from, we might in time come
to enjoy the invaluable blessings of Popish devotion, arbi-
trary domination, golden chains, most beautiful wooden-
shoes, Jure Divino princes, passively-obedient slaves, and
universal bondage; with all the wealth, plenty, commerce
and peace, that constantly attends slavery."+
The address from Minehead asserted the doctrine of non-
resistance, in the most unqualified terms, even in cases of
tyranny and oppression. This gave rise to a very popular
pamphlet, which passed through at least twelve editions
*Review, vii. 22.
+ Ibid, 83
129
within a few months, and is intitled, "A Letter to Sir
Jacob Banks, by birth a Swede, but naturalized, and a
Member of the Present Parliament: concerning the late
Minehead Doctrine, which was established by a certain
Free-Parliament of Sweden, to the utter enslaving of that
kingdom. Lond. 1711." 8vo. The author was William
Benson, then high-sheriff of Wilts; and in the next reign
surveyor-general, and auditor of the Imprests. Having
travelled in Sweden, and noticed the effects of arbitrary
power there, he wished, by a review of the revolution that
produced them, to run a parallel with the existing state of
affairs in his own country, which he considered as tending
to the same fatal consequences." It was in reality holding
up a glass to the ministers, the parliament, and the queen
herself, in which each of them could not but see their own
resemblance."* More than sixty thousand copies were sold
in London, besides two editions at Dublin, and one at
Edinburgh. There was also a French translation published
at the Hague, and at Amsterdam; and one in High Dutch,
at Hamburgh. Being written after the change in the
ministry, strong attempts were made to prosecute the author,
who was cited before the privy-council, and freely owned
the publication. The law-officers being consulted, gave
their opinion against the probability of a conviction; but
to shew the resentment of the goverment, Mr. Benson was
ordered to give bail for his appearance in the court of
Queen's Bench, in the sum of four thousand pounds, and
was put to much trouble and expence, without being brought
to trial. This work gave rise to other publications on the
subject; and Mr. Benson, undeterred by the threats of the
government, appeared again in the controversy.
In reference to the foregoing addresses, De Foe says, "I
must own they are very particular, and singular above all
VOL. II1.
LETTER TO SIR JACOB BANKS.
* Oldmixon, iii. 477.
K
130 DE FOE'S REMARKS UPON THE ADDRESSES.
the addresses I remember in the last thirty years.
Some
of them, he tells us, "were procured in a dark and clandes-
tine manner, the ignorant people being drawn in to set their
hands to them by their mad priests, and others had their
names inserted without their consent; in short, every art
was resorted to, and all the influence and authority of
station employed in this mad work. The language, also, in
which they were couched, was seditious in the extreme."
By an act passed in the early part of the reign, it was made
death to declare, that her majesty has no right to the crown;
yet, the addresses virtually set her aside by proclaiming a poli-
tical dogma, that transferred her title to the Pretender. De
Foe had always rested her title upon the act of settlement,
which gave her a claim to the prejudice of her brother; he
therefore boldly asserts that she has no hereditary right to
the crown, and that either the addressors or himself ought
to be hanged. "I am sure," says he, "one of us is guilty
of treason; and I challenge them fairly to come to trial,
and let the law decide it." In satirizing the politics of the
high-flyers, he reminds them of the invitation to the Prince
of Orange, the expulsion of King James, and the battle of
the Boyne, "the more effectually to put in practice the
most heavenly Church-of-England doctrine of non-resist-
ance; no question, all agreeable to, and squared by the
constant practice of her best members." Coupling these
transactions with the course then pursuing by the same men,
he asks, "Would any man that had seen the temper of
this people, in the time of the late King James, believe it
possible, without a judicial infatuation, that the same people
should re-assume their blindness, and rise up again for
bondage? Never, since the children of Israel demanded to
go back and make bricks without straw, and to feed on
onions and garlick, was any nation in the world so sordid,
and so unaccountably bewitched.” *
Review, vii. 105-107.
>>
131
The party that De Foe had so long mortified by his
writings, discovered an impatience of opposition, that arose
in proportion as it approached the seat of power. In the
politics of high-church, wit was an insupportable grievance,
unless wielded in support of priestcraft and intolerance; and
these stood no chance with fair discussion. That our author
had frequent notifications of the party's displeasure, is not
surprising; but it is rather so, that he should have weathered
the storm. In the Review for June 1, he writes thus: "I
am told of presentments and prosecutions, which they are
preparing against this Paper, and its so much hated author.
Indeed, I know not how soon power may oppress law,
and justice be taken captive by the party; and so free-
dom of speech may be taken way with our other liberties.
Therefore, 'tis time to speak, while truth has the protection
of a just government, and the laws retain their due sove-
reignty. I am far from prompting prosecutions, or despising
courts of justice; but party-resentments I cannot respect.
And what is it makes the party so diligent to find occasion
against this author, and if possible, to stop his mouth? The
thing is very plain," He then challenges the high-church
faction to support their doctrines by legal proceedings, and
says, he is ready to repeat his offence, that they may not
want matter of crimination.*
HE IS THREATENED
FOR HIS WRITINGS.
Intoxicated by the popularity he had acquired in London,
Sacheverell, who still panted for fame, now sought it in
remote parts of the country; and early in the summer, set out
upon what has been technically termed his progress. Upon
this redoubtable journey, De Foe has the following remarks.
"All our accounts from the country are full of the triumphs of
the party, the counties making the second part to the tune of
Sacheverell's jig. The Doctor makes his grand tour through
the kingdom; he affects all possible popularity, courts
Review, vii. 109.
K 2
132
the crowd, and makes his leg to the rabble. The inferior
clergy, instructed before-hand, make their interest to get him
an appearance. Here he is met by the fool-ridden populace,
there by some priest-ridden gentlemen, and sometimes by
the mob-ridden magistrates. If, at a great city, he foresees
some disappointment, and the magistrates seem not to be
sensible of his mighty merit, as in other places, he stops and
puts into a little bye-ale-house on the way, till his emis-
saries go into the city to raise the posse. But when, with all
their skill, they cannot get any body of fashion to shew
themselves, then he consents to make his entry with a few
forced scoundrels, just as his master, the late King James,
of blessed memory, was lamely hallooed into the city, by
the same rabble that the next day huzza'd with ten-fold
acclamations, the prince that deposed him."* A little
afterwards, he tells us, that Sacheverell was parading
over the country, to mob the corporations into a high-church
election, a dissolution of parliament being daily expected.†
The prospect of a change in the ministry, which had been
for some time hanging over the nation, began now to be
realized. That an event of such deep importance should
create melancholy forebodings in our author, is not sur-
prising. Writing upon the subject, the 17th of June, he
says, "For my part, though my view of the approaching
mischiefs which a desperate party will bring upon the
nation, is as melancholy as any man's, and my own share
in the ravages they shall make upon our liberties is likely to
be as severe, from the fury of a party, who are in themselves
implacable, yet I cannot be so cast down as to give up a
cause which God himself has not given up, however the
folly, the divisions, and the security of a party that has
had it to defend, have brought this all upon them." Upon
the falling ministers, De Foe observes, "Tis to their honour,
CHANGE IN THE MINISTRY.
Review, vii. 134.
† Ibid, 166.
-
133
that they have distinguished themselves from all that ever
went before them, not only in zeal for the service of their
sovereign, and right judgment of her interest, by which
they have raised her glory abroad, and fixed her in the
hearts and affections of her subjects at home, but have
done it from such disinterested and hearty principles, that
we neither hear of their oppressions among the people, nor
find any of their misapplications, neglects, or mistakes in
the mouths of their worst enemies. It is not for me to
inquire, nor for any body to dispute, why her majesty is
pleased at any time to change her administration. Hitherto,
almost every remove has been for the better; and may it
still be so, say I, without in the least suggesting whether it
is likely or not." In these remarks, he tells us, he shall
not be suspected of flattery; for, when men flatter, 'tis
generally the rising, not the falling party.
The first sacrifice was the Earl of Sunderland, one of the
Secretaries of State, upon whose merits De Foe pronounces
the following eulogium :-"I am not ashamed to own, that
I take no delight in panegyrics; yet, there is a justice due
to merit, and especially in such an age as this, when it is
so scarce. It is particularly remarkable, that of all the
removals that have at any time taken place in the court, I
never knew one but for which I could see a reason before;
some ground of discontent, some breach, or accusation of
the person.
My Lord Sunderland leaves the office with
the most unblemished character that ever I read of any
statesman in the world. Nay, so little is to be said, that
we do not find his enemies furnish themselves so much as
with pretended reasons, contenting themselves with glorying
in it. Instead of running into flourishes upon a character
that, however bright, has no ears to his own praise; that
studies rather to do well than to hear of it; that has the
reward of virtue in himself, and seeks rather that virtue
whose praise is not of men, but of God; I shall sum up
CHARACTER OF THE EARL OF SUNDERLAND.
134
what I have to say, in asking the high-flyers of this age
two questions: 1. Is it true, that when her majesty pre-
pared to change hands, and part with his lordship, or as
you rudely call it, turn him out, that her majesty, as a
testimony of her royal favour, and after being fully satisfied
of his lordship's services, sent him word that she had pre-
sented him with a pension of 3,000l. per ann., to be settled
upon him for life, in some measure to make up the loss of
his office? 2. Is it true, that his lordship, though with all
respect and duty to his sovereign, yet with a generosity the
high-party may be challenged to parallel, answered, No;
he was glad her majesty was satisfied that he had done his
duty, but if he could not have the honour to serve his coun-
try, he would not plunder it; and so refused the pension?"
De Foe adds, "I am making no court to my Lord Sunder-
land. The unpolished author of this Paper never had the
talent of making his court to the great men of the age;
besides, you see, the tables are turned. Nor am I making
any satire upon the queen for changing hands. But the
object is, to examine who makes the best servants to her
majesty,—those who serve with a disinterested honesty, and
seek the service rather than the salary; or those that prey
upon their country, and make the enriching themselves the
end of their grasping at public employments." Our author
bears a like testimony to the public zeal and disinterested-
ness of the Lord-Treasurer, Godolphin, who was sparing of
the public treasure, but lavish of his own. Lord Orford,
the First Commissioner of the Admiralty, he tells us, con-
tented himself with the same salary as the other commis-
sioners, by which he sacrificed 2,000l. a-year. Of Lord
Cowper, he says, "That he studies to make the law easy to
the subject, by shortening the process, and putting every-
thing in the cheapest method possible for the client, by
refusing customary presents, new-year's gifts, &c., consent-
ing to receive motions instead of petitions, merely because
AND OF THE OTHER MINISTERS.
→
135
the latter come clogged with fees to himself; and upon all
occasions, parting with his perquisites to ease the people."
De Foe wishes he could give similar instances of public
spirit on the other side, but professes himself unable to
do so.
*
CORRUPTION OF THE TIMES.
In reference to these changes, one of our historians ob-
serves, “In these corrupt times, there were very few who did
not prefer their own private friendship before the public good.
The whole sect of Tories was prejudiced against the minis-
try, and averse to the Duke of Marlborough; some of them
being actuated by old animosities, and others drawn over by
promises and expectations. Some were provoked by the re-
fusal of their demands, and others again went along with the
rest through mere want of thought, mistake, levity, or insa-
tiable avarice; a vice with which very few were at that time
untainted. Many were also miserably seduced by false
reports, industriously raised: nor were the inferior clergy
wanting to promote them, whose number was now greatly
increased, as well as their vices, which appeared flagrant
before they were ripe, and even among the very youngest of
that order."+
The same writer, alluding to a recent trial, speaks thus of
the principal agent in these changes: "Mr. Harley, according
to his usual way, did not think fit to let this opportunity
slip without making his advantage of it, and courted the
familiarity of all sorts of people.(u) For he, little regarding
his own affairs, spared neither pains nor expence to draw any
person into his measures. He was wont to feast with the
* Review, vii. 141–146.
+ Cunningham, ii. 280.
(u) Harley was entertaining a party of friends to dinner at his seat in
Herefordshire, when he received a packet from London, which having
opened, he looked with an air of joy upon his friends, and snapping his
finger, cried out in exultation, "The game is up!" Meaning as started by
Sacheverell, whose sermon was just then published. He immediately
ordered his horses to be got ready, and set out upon his journey to the
metropolis.-Nichols's Anecdotes, i. 68. n.
136
zealots of all sects and parties, and to invite them to dinner.
He never refused any thing they desired of him; he filled
many with hopes of what they wished for, promising every
one what he desired; but at the same time, he seemed to
discover his most secret designs to those only whom he knew
to be more solicitous about the public affairs than their own."*
Although Harley made use of Sacheverell as a stepping-stone
to his own ambition, yet, he had a sovereign contempt for
the man, and the cause he served. His conduct throughout
the proceedings relating to that incendiary, was marked by
the same ambiguity of character that he indicated upon other
occasions. When the impeachment was debated in the
House of Commons, "Mr. Harley, in a speech not in the
least defending the party accused, but condemning the liberty
used by the clergy in their discourses, seemed to reflect on
his sermon as a circumgyration of incoherent words, without
any regular order. However, Mr. Harley would not say,
but some of the passages drawn from the sermon, as they
were put together in the impeachment, by changing the
order of the words, were such as he could not approve,
although he could not think they deserved a charge of high
crimes and misdemeanours. He was, therefore, of opinion,
that the censure should either be left to the parliament, or
else, that the whole prosecution should be dropped. For, he
did not look upon the man to be considerable enough to be
prosecuted by an impeachment before the House of Lords,
though he owned the sermon rather offensive than religious.
The members observed, that Mr. Harley had, in his speech,
made use of such a circumgyration of incoherent words, as
he himself had before condemned in Sacheverell; so that
the House could not discover from his expressions, whether
he spoke for him or against him."+
Whilst the changes were in agitation, De Foe penned
* Cunningham, ii, 282.
+ Ibid, 285.
HARLEY'S MYSTERIOUS CONDUCT.
DE FOE'S REFLECTIONS UPON THE TIMES. 137
the following reflections: "Certainly, these are strange
times, and it cannot be amiss to observe the outside of
affairs, at least what may, or may not be the consequence.
The politics of a party are now every where at work upon
the common people, as if the business was to be carried on
as it was begun by the mob. The high-flying faction, for
such I must call them, have these great works to effect.--
1. To get the present parliament dissolved, without which,
it is evident truth will have another year to breathe in; and
time, the great friend of illuminations, may wear off the
scales from the eyes of the deluded people. And, indeed,
they have gone so far, that a dissolution seems to be abso-
lutely necessary to them, like a pardon to a thief.—2. To
possess the people with innumerable delusions, suggesting
the church is struck at, animating them against the Dis-
senters as attempting to undermine the establishment, and
running the country people into heats, tumults, and dis-
orders, that the elections, which they hope to carry by this
method, may go their own way.-3. To set up new notions
in the people's heads of the queen's right to the crown,
less consistent with, and by consequence more preparatory
to, a restoration, than the doctrine of the revolution. If I
take things in any manner right, this is the present state
of the nation. Having been reproved for speaking too
plainly, and with too much fire, he says, with submission to
the cool judgment of his reprover, "I must tell him it is
for want of speaking plain that the party has gotten so
much a-head, and that they are able to impose upon the
poor people with such absurdities. Had not some people,
who pretend to be for a right cause, let it cool in their
hands, temporized, flattered, and halted between their zeal
and their politics; had they spoken and acted plainly to the
information and instruction of the nation, our poor Commons.
had never been deluded with such ridiculous things as now
""
138
do this party's business."* The bad effect of the policy
pursuing at court, is thus described by our author: "Upon
the late removal of a minister of state, the people, whether
alarmed at that removal singly, or in apprehension of
further alterations, shewed great concern, and the public
credit felt it immediately; and it would have felt it more,
had it not been for the assurances we are told her majesty
gave to the Directors of the Bank, that no other alterations
were then designed. This restored things, and made people
easy, till the town was alarmed with the report of a disso-
lution of parliament, when Bank stock again fell from 126
to 118, and other securities in proportion, If any thing will
shew the true sense of the nation, it is the rising and falling
of credit."+
SERMON BY DR. GODDARD.
((
To those who were carried away by the foolish notions
of Sacheverell, our author recommends an excellent ser-
mon," preached June 25, in her majesty's royal chapel at
Windsor, entitled "The Guilt, Mischief and Aggravation
of Censure;" by the Rev. Thomas Goddard, M.A. canon of
Windsor. From this discourse, De Foe cites the following
passage: “It is not to be wondered at, that an angry,
restless, discontented parson should undertake to blacken.
and asperse a ministry who have all along shewn themselves
enemies to violence, and promoters of union. But, that the
reviler of the government should be hugged and caressed
wherever he goes; that he should be conducted in triumph
and with acclamations through part of the kingdom; that
his wicked slanders should meet with approbation and
encouragement, is the most astonishing thing in the world.
This is such a contradiction to the Christian religion, such an
affront to government, that I want the spirit of that slander to
know by what name to call it." De Foe's commendation of
* Review, vii, 191, 2. + Ibid, 181, 2. ↑ Ibid, vii. 183.
1
139
the Whig preacher, excited the misplaced ridicule of Dr.
William King, the civilian, who, emulating the folly of the age,
employed his wit in the support of Sacheverell and high-church
politics. His publications upon this occasion, are thus no-
ticed by a contemporary writer. "In answer to Mr. God-
dard's sermon, there came out two frothy, scurrilous libels,
stuffed with indecent rudeness. 1. 'A friendly letter from
honest Tom Boggy, to the Rev. Mr. Goddard, canon of
Windsor; occasioned by a sermon against Censure, preached
in St. George's chapel, dedicated to her Grace the Duchess
of Marlborough. Very proper to be tacked to the canon's
Sermon. 1710.' 8vo. 2. A second letter from Tom Boggy,
to the canon of Windsor; occasioned by the late panegyrick
given him by the Review of Thursday, July 13, 1710.
London. 8vo. In the last publication, the author intro-
duces a supposed epistle from De Foe, to the canon of
Windsor, in which they are made to possess a sympathy of
souls. It is in rhyme, and may be seen in the collections of
the British poets.
<
"""
COMPLETION OF THE MINISTERIAL CHANGES.
The plot so artfully laid by Harley, with the assistance of
the new favourite, Mrs. Masham, at length exploded in his
favour. "The unhappy queen, tired out with the wrangling
of scolding women, seduced by the chattering of her physi-
cians, and withal moved with compassion for her brother,
having inquired into the strength of parties, not only began
to change her ministers, but her measures also." The
Earl of Sunderland had been re-placed by Lord Dartmouth;
and the other ministers being now removed, Harley was put
into the treasury, and made Chancellor of the Exchequer ;
Mr. St. John, Secretary of State, in the room of Mr.
Boyle; (x) the Earl of Rochester, President of the Council;
* Wisdom of Looking Backwards, p. 49. † Cunningham, ii. 303.
(x)" Mr. ST. JOHN, the most eloquent speaker in the whole House of
Commons, was a man of parts and ambition greatly beyond his years.
His father was always afraid of the forwardness of his youth, but the Duke
140
and Sir Simon Harcourt, Keeper of the Great Seal. (Y) The
Lieutenancy in London and other places was also changed;
and as the new ministers were suspected of being hostile
to the Protestant succession, it was further confirmed by
some appointments in favour of persons who were declared
friends of the Pretender. "Mr. Harley, to whom it was
natural to give fair words to every body, gained upon many
people by his address, who were far from being of his senti-
ments. He judged it most prudent to proceed with mo-
deration; and it is said, he persuaded his friends, and the
queen herself, to dissemble many things concerning the
Pretender, on account of the Duke of Marlborough's forces,
and his extraordinary power both at home and abroad. He
was also afraid of the authority and inconstancy of the
parliament. The Tories therefore resolved that the present
parliament should be dissolved, and another called. Mr.
Harley, who had formed his whole scheme, gave many
instructions to divers men of different parties, how to
CHARACTER OF ST. JOHN AND HARCOURT.
C
of Marlborough, who had an excellent talent at discerning any man's
capacity, had a few years before conceived a great esteem for him, and
looked upon him as one who would in time become a very eminent
statesman. I wish this young gentleman had had the conduct to endear
himself to his father, and the parliament, and all good men. Whereas,
without any regard to them, neglecting true glory, improvement in virtue,
and all the rules for good conduct in life, he consumed the whole strength
of his parts, which were extraordinary great, in pleasures and popular
vanities; and forsaking the right road to the highest honour, which was
pointed out to him in his youth, he thought fit to prefer vain and fleeting
pleasures to true and lasting glory. But as he was very forward both to
speak and act, Mr. Harley took great pains to keep him within bounds."-
Cunningham's Great Brit. ii. 341.
(Y) "HARCOURT was the most eloquent lawyer of the whole profession,
in which he had made great profit; and having now got the place he had
long wished for, he adorned his high station with great splendour, and trod
the paths of justice with incredible constancy and diligence. Nor did he
in council dissemble his being well-affected to the Pretender. He was
soon promoted to the peerage, and did not disappoint his friends, who
expected he would amass a large fortune."-Ibid, p. 342.
141
reconcile the minds of people to him, and to render them
subservient to his measures. Many were inquisitive to
know his design; nay, some said, he had no design at all,
or else, that it was most artfully concealed, lest by the
dissent of any one, the whole combination should be broken.
Those who are supposed to know him thoroughly, own that
he was averse to the Pretender; but if we may judge of
him by his actions, men of all parties agreed in concluding
that his designs were in his favour: and it is certain, that he
affected to have it thought so." As the writer just quoted.
was well acquainted with Harley, he may be considered a
competent judge of his character, as far as the mystery with
which it was encircled would allow. (z)
CHARACTER OF HARLEY.
To support the pretensions of the new ministers, a variety
of pamphlets were now circulated. Their claims to favour
were laid open in "An Essay towards a History of the
last Ministry and Parliament, containing seasonable Reflec-
tions on Favourites, Ministers of State, Parties, Parliaments,
and Public Credit. Lond. 1710." Without falling into the
fanaticism of the times, the author takes a flattering view
of the prospects of the nation, from a review of the past
* Cunningham, ii. 303.
(z) HARLEY."He was known to every body, but hardly well-known
or understood by any; he returned every body's compliments with great
civility, spoke kindly to all, and refused nothing to any man. To foreign
ministers and the ambassadors of the allies he declared, that he engaged
in the administration to strengthen the confederacy, not to break it. But,
to our own countrymen he said, he had undertaken that employment to
defend our liberty, to support the church in her distress, and to maintain
in those difficult times the rights of the people, and the dignity of the
queen; protesting and promising, that he would always be the same he
then was, and such as we ought to desire and wish him to be. But as he
had made the very same professions to every man of all parties, they were
no more to be regarded than if he had said nothing; and indeed
Mr. Harley was the same now as he had formerly been; always ambitious,
but a bitter enemy to the military power in parliament.”—Cunningham's
Great Brit. vol. ii. p. 345.
142 PUBLICATIONS FOR AND AGAINST THE MINISTERS.
services of the leading individuals who had now the direc-
tion of affairs. Harley, in particular, has a large space
allotted to him; and all the ministers are set out in a
high strain of panegyric.
About this time, Hoadly, the celebrated Whig church-
man, attacked the Tories in disguise; and under the
semblance of a friend to the party, dealt out some severe
censures upon its proceedings. His tract is intitled, "The
Thoughts of an Honest Tory, upon the present proceedings
of that Party. In a Letter to a Friend in Town. Lond.
1710." This produced an answer in the same disguise,
called, "The Thoughts of an Honest Whig, upon the
present proceedings of that Party. In a Letter to a Friend
in Town. Lond. 1710." In the last work, De Foe is
held up to censure for writing the "Experiment," and is
loaded with the same reproaches that the Tories had been
long dealing out to him. The stale charge of his being
supported by the Whigs is brought forward, and an attempt
is made to disparage the political doctrines he had long
defended in his Reviews. He was also attacked at this
time in a libel levelled at Burnet, and called, "The No
Church Catechism;" in which he is made to keep good
company. To the question put to the bishop, "What
Canons are the support of your opinions?" The answer
is, "None but two great blunderbusses-the sweetening
Review and souring Observator, the mouths of cozenage.
This, of contradiction; that, general of all corrupt prin-
ciples and guardian of the good old cause."
It was a
cause, however, of which neither of the writers had any
need to be ashamed.
Hoadly's pamphlet above-mentioned, gave rise to a work
in defence of the new ministers, that obtained great popu-
larity at the time, and has been ascribed both to Harley
and to De Foe; but probably without any just reason in
either case.
The minister had no leisure for writing pam-
PUBLICATIONS FOR AND AGAINST THE MINISTERS. 143
phlets, nor was there any lack of writers to render it neces-
sary; and there is sufficient internal evidence that it was
not written by De Foe. The work is intitled, "Faults
on both Sides: an Essay upon the Original Cause, Pro-
gress, and mischievous Consequences of the Factions in
the Nation shewing, that the Heads and Leaders on
both sides have always imposed upon the Credulity of
their respective Parties, in order to compass their own.
selfish Designs, at the Expence of the Peace and Tran-
quillity of the Nation. Sincerely intended for the allaying
the Heats and Animosities of the People, and persuading all
honest, well-meaning Men to compose their Party-quarrels,
and unite their Hearts and Affections for the promoting
the public Good, and Safety of their Queen and Country.
By way of Answer to the 'Thoughts of an Honest Tory.'
Lond. 1710." 8vo. As Harley professed to steer a medium
between the two great political parties, this was a plausible
effort to procure him popularity with the moderate men of
each; and it appears to have partly succeeded. It is evi-
dent, from the strain of the work, that the writer was no
Tory. Indeed, he openly avows himself a Whig, whilst he
censures the leaders of the party for departing in practice
from their own professed principles. From hence, he infers
the necessity of new councils to reform what has been amiss,
and to heal the distemper of the nation. All his affectation
of purity, however, is no other than an artifice to draw
away the most compliable men of both sides, and to unite
them in forming a third party, headed by Harley, who is
described as a genuine Revolution-Whig. From the writer's
own account it may be gathered, that his labours met with
the approbation of the ministers. The writer of the fifth
number of the "Medley," judging from the tone of the
pamphlet, supposes the author to be no other than "a great
minister of state;" but, upon more certain information, he
afterwards corrects his opinion, and observes, that "by the
:
144 PUBLICATIONS FOR AND AGAINST THE MINISTERS.
writings his great men publish every day, a man may easily
enough be drawn into such an error, and mistake a small
jobber of New England for a courtier and statesman."*
Oldmixon says, his name was Clements, and that he had
been "a sort of merchant or broker, and was for that per-
formance of his, preferred to be secretary to the Earl of
Peterborough his pamphlet had a prodigious run."+
:
It was not to be expected, that a work which professed
to expose the errors of both parties, would give satisfaction
to either. It was, therefore, attacked both by Whigs and
Tories, who were each of them solicitous to transfer the
political failings charged upon them to the share of their
adversaries. A Whig writer, imitating the title of Clements,
published "Faults on both Sides: Part the Second.
Or an
Essay upon the original Cause, Progress, and mischievous
Consequences of Factions in the Church. Shewing, that
the Clergy, of whatsoever Denomination, have always been
the Ringleaders and Beginners of the Disturbances in every
State; imposing upon the Credulity of the Laity, for no
other End than the accomplishing their own selfish Designs,
at the Expence of the Peace and Tranquillity of the Nation.
Faithfully produced from the most eminent Authorities.
Sincerely intended for allaying the Heats and Animosities of
the People, and persuading all honest and well-meaning
Men to compose their Party Quarrels, and unite their Hearts
and Affections for promoting the Public Good, and Safety
of their Queen and Country. By way of Letter to a new
Member of Parliament. Lond. 1710." 8vo. As the former
treatise had been confined to political errors, the object of
the present writer was to point out those of the Clergy, of
which he gives a brief extract from the English records.
In reply to the first work, Dr. Trapp, a violent Tory,
published "Most Faults on one side: Or the shallow
* Medley, No. 18.
+ Life of Maynwaring, p. 171.
145
Politicks, foolish Arguing, and villanous Designs of the
author of a late Pamphlet, intitled 'Faults on both Sides,
considered and exposed:' In Answer to that Pamphlet.
Shewing, that the many Truths in modern History related
by the Author of it, do not make amends for his many
Falsehoods in Fact, and Fallacies in Reasoning. Lond. 1710."
Another of its antagonists adopted the title of "Faults in
the Fault-Finder; or a Specimen of the Errors in a pamphlet
intitled Faults on both Sides.' Lond. 1710." The original
writer defended himself against these assailants, in “A
Vindication of the 'Faults on both Sides,' from the Reflections
of the 'Medley,' the 'Specimen-Maker,' and a Pamphlet
intitled 'Most Faults on one side.' With a Dissertation on the
Nature and Use of Money and Paper-Credit in Trade, and
the true value of Joint-Stocks, maintaining the Assertions
of the Author in Relation to those matters. By the Author
of the Faults on both Sides.' Lond. 1710." 8vo. (A)
C
'
DECLINE OF PUBLIC CREDIT.
The recent turn of public affairs had given a shock to
credit that was as embarrassing to the ministers, as it was
injurious to all parties. Discouraging as were the prospects
of De Foe, he was not for sacrificing his country to the
interests of party; and was therefore averse to any measure
of annoyance that involved so serious a thing as public
credit. That his motives might not be mistaken, he says,
(▲) Other pamphlets produced upon this occasion, were :—
—1. “A Supple-
ment to the Faults on both sides: Containing a complete History of the
Proceedings of a Party ever since the Revolution. In a familiar Dialogue
between Steddy and Turn-Round, two displaced Officers of State, which
may serve to explain Sir Thomas Double; and to shew how far the late
Parliament were right in proceeding against Dr. Sacheverell by way of
Impeachment. Lond. 1710."-2. "An Answer to that part of the Pamphlet
intitled 'Faults on both Sides,' which relates to the Deficiency of the English
Army in Spain at the time of the Battle of Almanza. Lond. 1710."-
3. "Memorials on both Sides, from the year 1687, to the Death of King
James II. With original Papers never before published. Useful for such
as desire to be fully informed of the true State of the Revolution and the
Birth of the Pretender. Lond. 1711."
VOL. III.
L
p
146
“I believe no man will deny, that this is the most critical
time for any man that writes of public affairs. I know but
one man in the world so qualified; and find him where you
will, this must be his character:-He must be one that,
searching into the depths of truth, dare speak her aloud in
the most dangerous times; that fears no faces, courts no
favours, is subject to no interest, bigotted to no party, and
will be a hypocrite for no gain. I will not say, I am the
man; I leave that to posterity. If I have had any friends,
it is amongst those that are turned out; and if I had the
power to lead, perhaps, I should bring them all in again.
If Tories, Jacobites, High-flyers, and madmen are to come
in, I am against them. I ask them no favour, I make no
court to them, nor am I going about to please them; and
yet I expect not to oblige those that I think the best of."
De Foe here remonstrates with the Whigs for giving in to
the national panic, by withdrawing their property from the
funds whilst in a state of depression, and thus enriching the
Tories at their own expence.
This was the more unwise, as
the bulk of the stock was in their hands, and by con-
tributing to a further depression, they assisted in their own
impoverishment. *
DE FOE WRITES FOR ITS SUPPORT.
Our author exhorts the Whigs to support the national
credit, by an appeal to their public spirit.
"Let the public
affairs go into what hands they will," says he, " your con-
cern for the nation must not lessen; nor must you do any
thing that may let in a bloody, Popish, and faithless tyrant
upon Europe and upon the Protestant interest. I should be
very sorry to see a Tory administration, and the old game of
persecution revived among us; to see the Toleration broken,
the Union invaded, the Whigs trampled upon, and the
Dissenters harassed and plundered as I have seen them;
but if it must come to that hard choice, I had rather see all
Review, vii. 233–235.
147
this, than France triumphant, the Queen dethroned, and the
Pretender and Popery established. In short, we have but
one interest as Englishmen, whatever interest we may have
as to parties. And, though I abhor the tyrannical principles
of some men among us, yet when it comes to this,—England
or France, the Queen or the Pretender, the Church of
England or the Church of Rome, the choice is easy to an
honest man."* In these sentiments, no one will doubt that
De Foe uttered the language of good sense, and of genuine
patriotism.
It was the opinion of De Foe, that let the ministry be who
or what they may, neither we nor they ought to do any thing
by way of party-disgust, that may endanger the public safety †
In support of this principle a pamphlet was now published,
that has been assigned both to Harley and to De Foe; it is
intitled, "An Essay upon Public Credit: being an In-
quiry how the Public Credit comes to depend upon the
change of the Ministry, or the Dissolutions of Parliaments;
and whether it does so or no? With an Argument, proving
that the Public Credit may be upheld and maintained in this
Nation, and perhaps brought to a greater heighth than it
ever yet arrived at, though all the Changes or Dissolutions
already made, pretended to, and now discoursed of, should
come to pass in the World. London: 1710." 8vo. The
author begins his treatise by tracing the origin of trade and
credit, for the illustration of which, he quotes a passage from
the Review. But his main object is to shew, that national
credit depends not upon any set of ministers, but may remain
safe under all changes, provided the government maintains
its character for probity. "It is the honour, the justice, the
fair dealing of men and nations, that raises the thing called
credit: wherever these are found, it will live and thrive;
where they are wanting, let all the power and wit of man
join together, they can neither give her being nor preserve
Review, vii. 238.
† Ibid, 243.
ESSAY UPON PUBLIC CREDIT.
*
I. 2
148
her life." In the following passage, he pays a just tribute
to the merits of the late Treasurer, who, says he, “has done
honorably, has managed the finances with great and unusual
dexterity, and has acquired thereby the fame of the best
officer that has for many years acted in that post. I could be
content to spend a whole page in his praise. The nation is
infinitely obliged to him; and his royal mistress, no doubt,
has received equal satisfaction in his conduct, as appears by
her keeping him so long in a post of so great trust."
But
after all, he adds, credit is not entailed upon names and
families; but will exist so long as the parliament supplies
funds to meet the nation's exigencies. The work is dexte-
rously written, and calculated to serve the new ministers,
although without that ostensible design.
The success which attended the foregoing treatise, induced
the author to follow it up soon afterwards, by "An Essay
upon Loans; or
or an Argument, proving that substantial
Funds settled by Parliament, with the Encouragement of
Interests, and the Advances of Prompt Payment usually
allowed, will bring in Loans of Money to the Exchequer, in
spite of all the Conspiracies of Parties to the contrary: while
a just, honourable, and punctual Performance on the part of
the Government, supports the Credit of the Nation. By the
Author of the Essay upon Credit. London: 1710." 8vo.
pp. 27. The object of the present work was to dispel the
alarm which still continued, in consequence of the backward-
ness of the Whigs to invest their money in government secu-
rities. He reasons upon the inefficacy of a scheme to dis-
tress the ministers, that would militate so strongly against
their own interest; a consideration which the zeal of party
would never surmount. He also shews, that in whatever way
they dispose of their money, it must eventually flow into
the public Exchequer. The worst consequence they can do by
hanging back, is to raise the rate of interest, which the nation
would have to defray. "But there need be no apprehension
ESSAY UPON LOANS.
PUBLICATION OF "THE EXAMINER."
149
of this; for, as the necessity of lending will prompt on the
one hand, the undoubted security of parliamentary credit
removes all the jealousies our party-men would raise on the
other. While the parliament supports credit, and good funds
support the parliament, money will come in as naturally as
fire ascends, or water flows; nor will it be in the power of
our worst enemies to prevent it." As a means to smooth the
path of the government in raising money upon loans, this is
a judicious and practical improvement of the author's former
treatise. At the end of the work, he says, "If the author of
this appears again in public, it may be upon the subject
of Funds." The present writer is not aware of such a treatise ;
and perhaps it was rendered unnecessary by the success of
Harley's scheme for a lottery.
Notwithstanding the extensive influence employed to sup-
port the new minister, and the real ability which many of
them possessed, yet it required their utmost exertions to
withstand the well-earned reputation of their predecessors,
which made its way to the cool and unbiassed judgment of
men, who pay but little regard to the clamour of a mob. As
the talent of the press was now decidedly with the Whigs, who
wielded it with great power and effect, the ministers resolved
to counteract its influence by a similar appeal to the public.
For this purpose, they set on foot "The Examiner," a weekly
paper, that was to exalt their own character for wisdom and
integrity at the expence of their predecessors, and to give a
colouring to the public transactions, as the exigencies of the
government required. The ablest men of their party having
been enlisted in the service, the first number appeared Au-
gust 3, 1710, and opened with a sarcasm upon the Review, the
Observator, and the Tatler. (B) The influence of these works,
(B) "That my fellow-writers may not be alarmed at the sight of a new
Paper, I promise beforehand not to encroach upon any of their provinces.
I shall leave the African Company and the Coals to the Review: I will not
touch one drop of the Observator's October; he and his countryman shall
150
(<
WRITERS OF THE EXAMINER."
and the antidote that was to be provided, are modestly set
forth: "These sort of writings, though they are in contempt
among the few that judge well, yet have their influence upon
the generality of readers; and many of them are adapted, by
the cunning men who contrive them, to the capacities of the
weak, who are to be misled by them. Some of these Papers
I intend to examine, and set people right in their opinions."
In an early stage of the publication, appeared the famous
"Letter to the Examiner," the production probably of Mr.
St. Jolin, and distinguished by the keenness of its invective.
He denounces the Review, the Observator, and the Tatler,
as the chief organs of the fallen ministry; and says of the
last, he "resembles the famous Censor of Rome in nothing,
but espousing the cause of the vanquished." Swift, the
writer of the fifteenth number, affects to pour contempt upon.
the two former, and calls them "fanaticks by profession;"
yet he acknowledges the mischief they had done to his party,
"the mock authoritative manner of the one, and the insipid
mirth of the other, however insupportable to reasonable ears,
being of a level with great numbers among the lowest part
of mankind." It was this reason, he says, that moved him
to take the matter out of their hands; but with all his
vapouring, he managed it with so little decency as to bring
no credit to his party. The "Examiner" was confided in the
first instance to Dr. William King, who, with Prior, Friend,
and Atterbury, wrote the early numbers. After the thir-
teenth, he was superseded by Swift, who wrote thirty-three
numbers in succession, when he relinquished it to Mrs.
Manley, who wrote the remaining papers in the first volume.
It was then entrusted to Oldisworth, but under the control of
Swift, who often speaks of him contemptuously enough; and
bouze it all up the next election: all descriptions of stage-players and
statesmen, the erecting of green-houses, the forming of constellations, the
beau's red-heels, and the furbelows of the ladies, shall remain entire to
the use and benefit of their first proprietor."
1
SWIFT'S POLITICAL CONDUCT.
151
under this management it continued to the close of the reign,
when it had reached to six volumes. The last number was
published July 26, 1714. From the known talents of the
early writers in the work, the ministers had just reason to
calculate upon its effect, and that no sophistry would be
spared to make the worse cause appear the better; but the
writers disgraced their talents by the scurrility of their pen,
and by the rancour with which they attacked both their
political and literary opponents. (c)
The efforts of the paper just named, were opposed in
(c) Swift, who was the principal mover in the Eraminer, wrote with a
malignity against Steele, that can only be accounted for by his political
connexions. He had always professed himself a Whig, but his contempt
for the Dissenters, of whom he appears to have known nothing, made him
a high-churchman. Of his political virtue, it is impossible to entertain a
very high opinion. He avowed his purpose of making his fortune by means
of one party or the other, and made the first trial with the Whigs. Lord
Godolphin, to whom he offered his services, had a great contempt for hireling
writers, and rejected him in a manner that kindled his resentment. "My
lord-treasurer," says he, "received me with a great deal of coldness, which
has enraged me so, I am almost vowing revenge." This temper seems to
have increased upon him; for, after "talking treason heartily for an hour
and a half with Lord Radnor," he says, "I am come home, rolling resent-
ments in my mind, framing schemes of revenge; full of which (having
written down some hints) I go to bed." Speaking of the Whigs, he says,
"But who the devil cares what they think? Rot 'em, for ungrateful dogs;
I'll make them repent their usage before I leave this place." Meeting with
disappointment from the Whigs, he faced about to the new ministers, with
whom he found a more profitable market; and therefore, sold himself to
the dirty work of abusing their political opponents. As some of the
ministers had a taste for literature, and a contempt for religion, a man of
Swift's character found an easy access to their society; and he was indulged
in his vagaries, which sometimes mounted to the highest pitch of pride and
insolence. Swift always paid a greater deference to talent than to station,
and exacted it in behalf of others, as well as himself. He rejected with
indignation a bank note of fifty pounds, sent him by Harley, looking forward
to a more permanent reward for his services; but when the ministers re-
commended him for a bishopric, the Archbishop of York represented him
to the Queen as an unfit person for such an office, and he was passed over.
This interference he ever afterwards resented against that prelate, and was
obliged to sit down with the deanery of St. Patrick's.
152 DE FOE'S REMARKS UPON THESE WORKS.
powerful language, aided by wit and argument, in "The
Whig Examiner," a paper by Addision; of which only five
numbers were published, between the 14th of September,
and the 12th of October. Swift exults in its death, as a
triumph over a formidable enemy; but it was only laid down
to make way for "The Medley." This paper was projected
by Arthur Maynwaring, a gentleman of great accomplish-
ments, and a considerable critic, and well versed in the
politics of the day. The first number appeared the 5th of
October, 1710, and it closed with the 45th, which was pub-
lished the 6th of August, 1711, the "Examiner” having
promised to lay down his pen. Oldmixon had a consider-
able share in the "Medley ;" and Steele, Kennet and An-
thony Henley, each contributed a paper. After an interval
of several months, it was revived March 3, 1712, but finally
expired upon the 4th of August in the same year, when it
had reached, also, to forty-five numbers. The first" Med-
leys were written with much good sense, as well as strength
of argument; but this, like the "Examiner," was disfigured
by its scurrility. They were both collected into small
volumes, soon after publication, that in this more stable
form, they might give a more permanent influence to the
purposes of party. Upon these rival papers, De Foe has the
following remarks: "I remember, we had two party authors
who vexed the town awhile, though lately they have scolded
themselves out of breath, and have left off: I mean the
""
(6
Examiner," and the "Medley." Between these, nothing
was more frequent, except giving one another the lie, (to their
mutual reputation) than to reproach each other with dullness.
The authors were men of wit enough on either side, and
there are many other faux-pas to be found in them, rather
than dullness."*
*Review, viii. 255.
CHAPTER VI.
Address from the London Clergy.—Hoadly's Publication upon it.—And De
Foe's Animadversions.—Collection of Addresses published.-De Foe An-
nounces a Work in opposition.—He publishes "A New Test of the Sense
of the Nation."— His Satire upon the Addresses.—And upon the mode of
jesting with Oaths.- History of Addresses.-De Foe's political feelings at
this time.- His Speculations upon the policy of the Ministers.—Accused of
making court to the Ministers.-His facetious Reply.-Attempts to em-
broil him with the Government.-The political course he prescribed to
himself. He is attacked in a pamphlet, called “ Now or Never."—His
Reply.-Embarrassment of Harley.-His overtures to the Whigs re-
jected.—He is thrown upon the Tories.--Dissolution of Parliament.—
Sets the Country in an Uproar.-De Foe publishes
"A Word against a
New Election."-He makes a Tour of the Country.—And describes the Out-
rages committed at the Elections.-Humorous remark of the "Tatler.'
Plots to bring in the Pretender.-Delusion of the People.-Letter from
a Gentleman at St. Germain's.-De Foe's Remarks upon it.-Reasons
against receiving the Pretender.-De Foe accused of wavering in his Po-
litics.-Defends himself." Secret History of Arlus and Odolphus.-
Answers to it.-De Foe resides at Stoke-Newington.-Assembling of Parlia-
ment.-Altered tone of the Queen.-Act for building fifty new Churches.—
Character of the Convocation.-And of the Clergy at this period.
p
1710.
IN the former chapter, some notice has been taken of the
addresses manufactured by the high-party, preparatory to
à change in the ministry. After that change had taken
place, the bishop and clergy of London came forward with
their address, which was not prepared until the 21st of
August, and was as remarkable for its contents, as the
promoters of it were for the tardiness of their loyalty.
154
ADDRESS OF THE LONDON CLERGY.
Although the incongruity of the matter was sufficient to
deter any wise man from affixing his name to it, yet this
trifle was easily overlooked by men who were less remark-
able for their consistency, than for their artifice. But
there were some who refused to be caught in the snare,
being of opinion, that an address at this juncture was
not necessary, and that the one in question had been
managed by indirect and unfair methods. These persons
were represented as enemies to the queen and the ministry,
and their names were transmitted through the kingdom,
in the newspapers of the day.(D) As the address made
great noise at the time, so it occasioned many pamphlets
pro and con. The non-subscribing clergy were not back-
ward in vindicating themselves from the slanders of their
enemies, and Hoadly, one of them, exposed the incon-
sistency of his diocesan, in "A Letter concerning Alle-
giance Written by the Lord Bishop of London to a
Clergyman in Essex, presently after the Revolution. Never
before published. To which are added, some Queries, oc-
casioned by the late Address of his Lordship, and the
Clergy of London and Westminster. Lond. 1710." 8vo.
:
M
The address is supposed to have been penned by Dr.
Smalridge, the friend of Atterbury, and like him, the patron
of Sacheverell. De Foe, to whose writings some passages.
in it seem to be directed, bestowed some remarks upon
in his Reviews, in which he mixes gravity of argument
with keenness of satire. He exposes the inconsistency of
that part of the address in which the clergy speak "of
it
(D) Dyer, in his News-Letter for August 24, has the following account:
"The Address of the Bishop and Clergy of London, was inserted in this
day's Gazette, by order of the Queen, as a distinguished favour to them.
The Clergymen who refused to sign it, were Dr. Barton, and Mr. Baker;
and those who did not answer to the Bishop's summons, were Dr. Kennet,
Dr. Bradford, Dr. Hancock, and Mr. Hoadly. And, therefore, as they
have no share in the Queen's thanks, so I hope they will have as little in
her favours."
COLLECTION OF ADDRESSES PUBLISHED.
their vigorously and successfully withstanding arbitrary
power, and in the same breath talk of her majesty's
irresistible authority;" and he congratulates them upon
their concession of those political doctrines which he had
always advocated. "Before they addressed the queen,"
says he, "in their sermons and printed books, they talked
as other of the clergy; they preached up passive-obedience
and non-resistance as warmly as any Sacheverell of them
all. But when they begin to talk to the queen, this
jargon of the press and pulpit vanishes at once; they
then speak plain English, and own that all the pretences
to these things have been cheats and frauds; and that
truly they have vigorously resisted arbitrary power, and
taken arms against their sovereign in defence of religion
and liberty; and let none of our princes deceive them-
selves, if ever they meditate the return of Popery and
arbitrary power, they, the bishop and clergy of London,
will manifest an equal zeal against them.”* Our author
justly observes, that the doctrines taught by the clergy
were a force upon their understandings to bring about
some private end; but at the bottom, they were all of
a mind: "And, let any prince hereafter trust them at
his peril. King James is a beacon upon that rock where
he split and shipwrecked all his fortunes: then it was
their fault; if any man believe them again, it will be
his own." Upon the whole, he observes, if we would
speak intelligibly, we must dismiss the jargon of tyrants,
and use the language of the constitution, as the only one
that is reconcileable to common sense.
155
The addresses presented in the former part of the year
being calculated for the service of the party now in
power, they were collected together and published at this
time, being preceded by the following advertisement in
* Review, vii. 298.
+ Ibid, 301.
156 DE FOE ANNOUNCES A WORK IN OPPOSITION.
the Post-Boy: "A Collection of the Addresses that have
been presented to the Queen since the Impeachment of
Dr. Henry Sacheverell, whereby it most evidently appears,
that the Sense of the Nation, whether Nobility, Clergy,
Gentry or Commonalty, is express for the Doctrine of Pas-
sive-Obedience and Non-Resistance, and for her Majesty's
hereditary Title to the Throne of her Ancestors." By way
of antidote to this mass of nonsense, De Foe advertised
the following work, in his Review for July 4, to appear
in a few days: "A Collection of the several Addresses
in King James's time, presented to his Majesty from the
several Counties and Boroughs in England, relating to
the Prince of Wales, &c., by which it may be seen, that
the Sense of the Nation, Nobility, Gentry, Clergy, and
Common People, was universally for arbitrary Power, for
Government by a Standing Army, and for tolerating Popery,
as the best Method to preserve the Monarchy, and support
the Church of England: and, that they promised to choose
such a Parliament as should concur to those ends." In
prosecuting this work, says our author, "I
"I may perhaps
shew you how far the sovereign ought to depend upon
the flourishes of a party, and their pretended majorities
in such corporation appearances; how far addresses are
to be valued, and how far the sense of the nation
may or may not be determined by them.
But to
leave my new collection to its fate, I doubt not but it
shall speak for itself; and perhaps let some people fur-
ther into the secret of procuring, forming, and receiving
addresses, than has yet been done.*" If the addresses
speak the sense of the nation, he says, "It looks as if
the nation had lost its senses; and thanks to God and our
wise ancestors, 'tis what never was the sense of the
nation before."-" The practice of addressing, has cheated
* Review, vii. 166–7.
+ Ibid, 173.
(6
PUBLISHES A TEST OF THE SENSE OF THE NATION." 157
many already; a jest that was put upon Richard Cromwell,
and yet they deprived him three weeks afterwards. It was a
second time put upon King James II. and they all flew in his
face a year after. And I could give some instances of the little
value that has been put upon it since, even such as one would
think the very people themselves expect; that for time to
come, addressing should pass for nothing with their princes.
""*
De Foe afterwards published the work above alluded to,
under the title of "A New Test of the Sense of the Nation:
Being a modest Comparison between the Addresses to the
late King James, and those to her present Majesty. In order
to observe how far the Sense of the Nation may be judged
of by either of them. London. Printed in the year 1710.”
8vo. pp. 91.
Our author opens his work with the following observa-
tions. "Nothing is more certain, than that the method of
understanding things, must vary with the method of express-
ing them; or else the actions of men will soon come to speak
a language not at all to be understood. Custom has by the
law of nations obtained a very great authority all over the
world, having in all ages been the only judge of propriety,
and having given the true legitimacy to words. From
hence, it is a most necessary consequence, that custom is the
great arbiter of meaning in speech; nor can we give any
greater reason, nor in many cases any other, for the extensive-
ness of words. No man can say, why a weak-headed man is
called a fool, but that it is the custom of the place that such
words should be so understood. By this authority of custom,
a high churchman, and a madman; a Tory, and a thief; a
Whig and a Presbyterian, are all become synonimous; though
if we take the people and examine them, they pretend quite
other things; but it must be so understood, for 'tis the sense
of the nation. Though there may be some objection, perhaps,
Review, vii. 175.
158
to this tyranny of custom, yet we receive it as a thing by
which we can the better solve some strange and wonderful
phænomena in the conduct of mankind, which can be no
otherwise accounted for. By this glorious system, a man
may
sail north and south at the same time in the great ocean
of politics; he may swear to the man he fights against, and
fight for the man he swears against; and this only, by custom
stepping in and legitimating the words swearing and jesting
to mean the same thing in the sense of the nation. Nor is this
a novelty, or started to gratify a party; but it has ever been
the custom of such kind of people, especially among us.”
De Foe proceeds to illustrate the nullity of oaths, whether
taken by princes or subjects. "What need I examine the
jest which princes have made in the world, of their swearing
to treaties and capitulations; the oaths, Anglicè jests, of
renunciations of right and disclaiming successions? Nor the
jesting, I mean swearing of nations to princes, whom they
think fit afterwards nationally to resist and depose; since
their non-signification has, on all occasions, appeared to be the
sense of the nation? Custom has taken off the sanctity of
oaths, and established this for a law; that you are to take them
just as they that swear them mean them, viz. for nothing at
all." The solemnity of an oath, he tells us, has been corruptly
appropriated to serve party-interests, "and therefore contrary
to its institution, placed as a test of civil distinction; a key
(the devil they say has the lock) to civil preferments, a sup-
port to parties, and a property to hypocrites. And what's
the language of all this? but that it really signifies nothing;
is received without thinking, administered without meaning,
and stands for a cipher." This explanation, he says,
"clears
up the difficulty of people's abjuring the Pretender, and yet
acting for his interest; and it reconciles the consistency of
hereditary right and non-resistance, with the Revolution and
the act of succession."
For further illustration of his subject, our author brings
HIS SATIRE UPON THE ADDRESSES.
159
forward the various addresses "which, upon sundry occa-
sions, have been presented to our princes by the good
people of England, particularly those in the late King
James's time, not excluding some now presented to her
majesty." These, he observes, are nothing more than the
usual compliments which pass, as a matter of course, from
subjects to their sovereign, but to which no meaning is
attached by either party. In opposition to the outrageous
effusions of loyalty expressed in most of them, De Foe
places the address from the London clergy, "who thank God
from the bottom of their hearts for the legal provisions against
Popery and arbitrary power, which they had vigorously
resisted once, and would not fail to do so again, should an
occasion offer." If the clergy of London had any meaning
in all this, he justly asks what agreement it bore with the
general strain of their sermons, or with the commencement
of their address, in which they told the queen her authority
was irresistible? He therefore concludes, that it is most
for their reputation to suppose, that they had no meaning
at all. "For he that means nothing, can have nothing said
against him ; nothing said for him; and nothing said to him,
but that he signifies nothing." Our author observes, that
the queen must not expect to be treated better than her
predecessors, nor than even God himself; nor that she
should be above their mockery when their Maker is not.
"It is evident, that in all their pretences to absolute sub-
jection, they have bantered both God and their kings; and
so, it may be hoped, the goodness and mercy of this reign
will bear with the follies which have so long a prescription
to plead for the practice." In conclusion, he exhorts the
people to leave off "this simple nothing-meaning way of
proceeding;" and, in justification of his performance, he
observes, "When people talk in the clouds, it merits to be
a little exposed, if it be only to instruct the honest country-
HIS SATIRE UPON THE ADDRESSES.
160
(( HISTORY OF ADDRESSES.
people, that when they make solemn addresses, they ought
not to talk nonsense."
It may be proper to notice in this place, that "The
History of Addresses," so generally attributed to De Foe,
of which the first volume appeared in the former year, and
the second in 1711, was the work of Oldmixon, who ex-
pressly claims it in his "Memoirs of the Press." That
writer, who has no kindness in speaking of De Foe, bestows
some flippant and angry remarks upon the work just noticed.
He says,
“An author of noise has interloped, and assumed
part of my province since I set up for an historian of
Addresses."* But the game was common to any one who
chose to hunt it; and De Foe, as we have seen, was excited
to the chase by the unwary zeal of an inexperienced sports-
man. How the "History of Addresses" could have been
ascribed to De Foe, must surprise any one who has had the
curiosity to look through it, as he is alluded to more than
once in the work in terms of disrespect. (E)
The political feelings of our author at this time, are thus
detailed by himself. "I believe every body that knows me,
or has read what I have written on the subject, will know
that I have been no friend to the high-church party. I
ever did, and still do look upon them to be enemies to
the nation's peace, destroyers of all the blessings we hope
for, and disturbers of all we possess; and that the principles
* Hist. of Addresses, ii. 329.
-
(E) Another work growing out of the Addresses, and also given to De
Foe, although perhaps improperly, is "The Character of a Modern Ad-
dresser. London: J. Baker, 1710." A half sheet, Quarto. Advertised in
the Review for May 1. Mr. Chalmers has inserted it in the list of his
supposed writings. It was re-printed in a small collection of Poems,
called " Whig and Tory: Or Wit on both Sides, 1713," and is rather a
satire upon De Foe and his politics; so that, unless there were two works
at the time with the same title, which is not likely, De Foe can have no
claim to it. Besides he expressly assures us, he never wrote penny
pamphlets.
SPECULATES ON THE POLICY OF MINISTERS.
these gentlemen pursue, are in their own nature destructive
to the liberties of the nation. God knows, I have no
personal malice towards any man; but I abhor the prin-
ciples of slavery, let them come from, or be professed by,
whom they will." Prudence now dictated greater caution
in his writings. "I have as little need to embroil myself
with the government," says he, "and am in as ill a case to
defend myself against resentment as any; and therefore,
though I shall speak that truth I think myself obliged to
speak, with as little fear as any body, yet I shall endeavour
to lay it open to as few exceptions as possible."*
Considering the circumstances of the country, particularly
with respect to our foreign relations, De Foe thought that
the new ministers would be obliged to pursue the policy of
their predecessors. Harley, the chief minister, he knew to
be most inclined to the Whigs, and dexterously forestal
his measures, from a desire, if possible, to support his patron,
without compromising his own principles. He, therefore,
exults in the idea, that although the Whigs had lost by the
accession of the Tories, yet the latter had gained nothing
in point of strength; the fallacy of which notion, he lived
to see strongly verified. "The constitution," says he, "is
of such a nature, that whoever may be in it, if they are
faithful to their duty, it will either find them Whigs, or
make them so. This is the reason that the joy of the
party is already turned into chagrin; they cry out that they
are betrayed, and are beginning to form new parties." The
new ministers appear to have been as unpalatable to the
more violent Tories, as they were to the Whigs; a circum-
stance highly gratifying to De Foe, who uses much inge-
nuity to persuade himself and his readers, that their public
acts will be conformable to the constitution, and less in-
jurious to the cause of liberty, than from their previous
* Review, vii. 245, 6.
VOL. III.
161
M
+ Ibid, vii. 247.
162
conduct he had anticipated. His reliance was chiefly upon
Harley, who had been educated a Whig, but made common
cause with the Tories as a political malcontent.
These speculations upon the future conduct of the mi-
nisters, gave no satisfaction either to Whigs or Tories, who
united in saying that our author was making court for a
place. To this, he facetiously replies, "And what place
does he write for? Indeed, I have not yet enquired whether
there is a vacancy in the press-yard; but I know of no
place any body could think I should be writing for, unless
it be a place in Newgate. This, indeed, may be the fate
of any body that dares to speak plainly to men in power.
But I must tell the kind people, that though I am like
to speak as plain English as any body, yet, perhaps, I may
not speak it in such gross terms as they would have it.
'Tis not my way to rail and call names. Some people think
no man can serve them but he that flies in the face of
government, and they want to have the Review speak so as
he may be sure to speak no more. Let such know, I under-
stand how to serve their interest, without gratifying their
humour. They are not so generous a party that any man
need covet a gaol in dependance upon their support.
If
the author gets a place in Newgate, which he is not afraid of
in defence of truth, so he knows whose fury will send him
there, and who will stand by him when he is there. Testis
Delaune, Anno. 1684. As to places, I have been now
seven years under what we call a Whig government, and
have not been a stranger to men in power. I have had
the honour to be told I have served the government; the
fury of an enraged party has given their testimony to it,
and I could produce yet greater; but the man is not alive
of whom I have sought preferment or reward. If I have
not applied myself for it when, I may say without vanity,
I had some pretence; the pretender to this must take me
for a fool to think of it now. The commissioners of her
ACCUSED OF MAKING COURT TO MINISTERS.
ATTEMPTS TO EMBROIL HIM WITH GOVERNMENT. 163
majesty's treasury have no reason to think themselves obliged
to me, that I move you to support credit. The Whigs,
though they are turned out of place, are not turned out of
the nation; they have too great a share in the wealth, too
great a cargo in the ship, to be careless what becomes of
the bottom. Therefore, let the queen put in, or put out,
the nation must be preserved; and this may be done without
courting, or indeed approving, the officers concerned in the
management."*
The enemies of De Foe were unremitted in their attempts.
to embroil him with the government; but he was too wary
for them. "The case of the new ministry, and the case of
the author of the Review, says he, "however opposite, stand
exactly on the same footing. While they do nothing in
breach of the laws, or against the constitution, though I
make no court to them, on the one hand, yet I have no
business to affront them on the other. Vice versa: While
I write or speak nothing but truth, and that truth, however
plainly, yet with decency and respect, they can have nothing
to say to me." It was his opinion, that "whoever comes
into the ministry must recognize the Revolution, and carry
on the administration upon that foundation. "If they do
not," says he, "we have another language to talk to them.
For, let not governors flatter themselves, nor people be dis-
mayed; the revolution cannot be overthrown in Britain. It
is not in the power of ministry or party, prince, or parliament,
to do it. If the attempt is made, let them look to it that
venture upon the attempt. The people of England have
tasted liberty, and I cannot think they will bear the ex-
change." +
CARA
Whilst some were prompting him to abuse the ministers,
others were not less industrious in stimulating the govern-
ment to fall upon him. This was the case with the author
of a pamphlet published at Edinburgh, intitled, "Now or
* Review, yii. 257—9.
† Ibid, 275.
Ibid, 314-317.
M 2
164
"NOW OR NEVER."
((
Never." "With a head as full of ignorance, as a heart full
of malice," says De Foe, "he takes upon him to prompt my
Lord Dartmouth, to whom he addresses his libel, to prosecute
the author of the Review; in which he has most scanda-
lously abused that noble person, as well as betrayed his
own folly." To silence this writer, he tells a story of the
Czar of Muscovy, who, when he was in England, and saw a
number of fine ladies on some occasion, is said to have ap-
plied to the king, to send him twenty or thirty of them, and
was surprised when he learnt that his majesty had not the
power to send one of them without her consent. English-
men" says he, "enjoy a thing called liberty, and are pro-
tected by the laws; nor can any man be punished but after
a fair hearing, and a verdict par pares; a privilege I hope
Scotland will now learn to value, and which they will gain
by the Union. To punish without law, and prosecute with-
out crime, is not the English way; and to ask it of a
minister of state, is an affront to his understanding." Our
author adds,
"I have been desired to bestow an answer to
that ridiculous paper; but I really think it merits no better
answer than this: To be laughed at for its ignorance." *
As the ministers could scarcely expect to maintain their
footing with the present parliament, its dissolution was one
of the measures contemplated in the new changes. But,
before this could be effected, there was much opposition to
encounter, and Harley was long embarrassed as to what
course he should pursue. His own feelings were in favour
of moderate measures, and he promised to observe a medium
between the two parties. Aware of the untractable nature
of the Tories, he wished to form a junction with the Whigs,
and made overtures for the purpose, but they resolutely
declined any compromise. The Lord Somers and the
most experienced Whigs, well knew there was no confidence
to be placed in those who had more regard for their own.
HIS REPLY TO
* Review vii. 275, 6.
C
DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.
165
private fortunes, than for the public safety; they therefore
thought it not proper to enter into any close friendship with
them." Harley was now thrown upon the Tories; and
when a dissolution was decided upon, it spread a general
panic amongst the citizens of London. Addison, writing
upon the 5th of August, says, "The bank have represented
that they must shut up upon the first issuing out of new
writs; and Sir Francis Child, with the rest of the monied
citizens, on the Tory's side, have declared to the Duke of
Shrewsbury, that they shall be ruined if so great a blow be
given to the public credit, as would inevitably follow upon
a dissolution." Most of the monied men having brought
their stock to market, there were more sellers than buyers,
so that the price of bank-stock fell gradually down to 100.
At this time, many foreign merchants who had large con-
cerns in the funds, sent orders to their agents, to dispose of
their stock, which not only increased the evil, but gave a
tolerable hint of the general feeling abroad upon the pro-
bable policy of the new ministers.‡
Notwithstanding the evils that seemed to threaten this
measure, and the loss of a powerful friend in the Duke of
Somerset, who resigned his place as Master of the Horse,
and went over to the Whigs in consequence, a proclamation
for the dissolution of parliament was issued the 21st of Sep-
tember. As soon as it appeared, "all England was in an
uproar, and so inflamed by the churchmen, that their fury
was to determine elections, without any regard to the rights
of the electors; for the canvassings and elections were
carried on with such feuds, as had never before been known
in England. In many cases they were carried on by open
violence. That firebrand of sedition, Dr. Sacheverell, em-
ployed his whole time and pains to this purpose. Religion
was therefore looked upon as the only popular cause, in the
Cunningham, ii. 347.
+ Steele's Correspondence, i. 199.
Impartial View, p. 251.
1
166
"'*
support of which all the furies were raised to procure votes,
and ran together, as it were, to the funeral of the govern-
ment and public liberty. Innumerable were the outrages
committed by the rabble; but as the cause they appeared.
for sanctified their crimes, they were passed over with im-
punity. Two flagrant instances of this fury appeared at
the elections for London and Westminster. In the former
place, the chief magistrates met with the grossest insults;
and in the latter, the proxy of General Stanhope only
escaped with his life.t "These times were full of all
kinds of insolence, and the glorious actions and victories
lately obtained were turned into ridicule: good men, there-
fore, thought it advisable to withdraw themselves from
public affairs until the tumult should be ended."+
In the midst of these disorders, De Foe was one of those.
truc patriots who stood in the breach between his country
and the party that was aiming to enslave it. In energetic
strains, he now warned his countrymen of the dangers that
beset them, in "A Word against a New Election. That the
People of England may see the happy Difference between
English Liberty and French Slavery; and may consider
well before they make the exchange. Printed in the year
1710." 8vo. pp. 23.
De Foe begins his pamphlet by laying open the decep-
tions practised upon the populace. He observes, "That
the time is come, when God has been pleased to give some
people up to strong delusions; and to bring this to pass,
that a wicked party of men have, with too much success,
assisted the general defection, having first spread a cloud
over the eyes of the people, and then dug the pit in their
way. In religion, they have been fed with words for sub-
stance, politics for doctrine, and railing for application;
taking up principles of persecution, fury, and abhorrence
(6
A WORD AGAINST A NEW ELECTION."
† Impartial View, p. 258.
‡ Cunningham, ii. 307.
Cunningham, ii. 305, 6.
DE FOE MAKES A TOUR IN THE COUNTRY. 167
of their brethren. In government, they embrace tyranny for
legal monarchy, hereditary right instead of parliamentary
limitation, and arbitrary will for law; by which they are
led blindfold to practise absolute submission, like the true
tribe of Issachar, crouching before the load is laid on,
courting their own chains, and addressing their sovereign
for slavery." In exposing the tendency of these things, he
says,
"One would have thought the tyranny we so lately
groaned under could not be so easily forgot; that the Revo-
lution might stare in their faces. The gibbets on which their
murthered relations were put to death, are scarce taken
down; the spikes that impaled the skulls and quarters of
the nation's patriots and the martyrs for liberty, are yet
standing upon our gates, both in England and Scotland;
the fears of Popery, the concern for property, which pos-
sessed the very same people who are now running back to
Egypt, cannot but be fresh in their memories."
The distracted state of the country at this time is pa-
thetically described by our author, who took a circuit into
several parts of the kingdom. "In the counties through
which I have passed," says he, "I have been an eye-
witness to practices that every honest heart, concerned for
the welfare of the country, cannot but bleed at the sight of:
A people miserably divided against themselves, in conse-
quence of which their destruction cannot be far off. All the
arts and engines imaginable are made use of to bring the
people to a wilful surrender of themselves to names and
parties. To this end, they heat their blood with wine,
foment their passions by continued reproaches, and expose
each other to studied quarrels. No man but he that sees
these things, as this author does to his amazement, could
believe it possible that the animosities of the people of this
nation could, in so short a time, and after such views of the
danger these things have formerly brought them to, be ca-
pable of such inflammations. The name of peace is become.
168
a scandal. Nor do we fight with cudgels only, as at Marlow,
Whitchurch, &c.; with swords and staves, as at Coventry;
with stones and brick-bats, as at other places; but we fight
with the poison of the tongue, the venom of slander, the
foam of malice, and the poison of reproach. This is the
present temper of the people where I have been, and too
much so all over the nation; wounding not men's bodies
only, but stabbing their reputation, reproaching their morals,
ripping up their miscarriages, and wounding their families,
without any regard to truth or honour. Even our civil war,
though bloody and unnatural enough, was not carried on
with such a spirit of fury as is now to be seen. Rogue and
villain are in the mouths of our men of manners; and, as
Sallust tells us of Cataline's conspiracy, when his men came
to fight, rage and fury were to be seen in the countenances
of both sides. Doubtless, God who governs the world he
made, has designed some extraordinary event from this
strange phenomenon; and men's minds cannot bear this
fermentation without some eruption which, like that at Etna,
must put the whole country into confusion."*
OUTRAGES COMMITTED AT ELECTIONS.
The scene that was exhibited in the city of London affords
a striking picture of the times, and is thus described by our
author: "Honest men have been afraid to come to the poll,
for fear of being abused; and many that attempted it have
been so beaten and bruised, that they thought it a happiness
to get safe back again, without getting up to the books, and
so have not polled at all. A lane of these furies was formed
from the entrance of the hall to the hustings, and in the
avenues, through which every man that came to poll was
obliged to pass. Here, such insufferable insults were com-
mitted, as is a shame to this well-governed city.""I cannot
think that any wise man of either side can approve of the
riots and tumults practised at the election. Let him go
Review, vii. 335-337.
† Ibid, 356.
HUMOROUS REMARK OF THE
TATLER."
169
through the streets and view the houses, how they look like
houses of ill-fame, with their windows broke, their shutters
daubed with dirt, and their balconies full of stones; as if
some public enemy had taken possession of the city. Rage
and madness filled the streets, and every one was exposed to
the discretion of the rabble. In the general disorder, no
regard was paid either to friend or foe. Let any man view
the streets. Are they all Whigs that dwell between Lud-
gate and Temple Bar? And was there a house that was not
in this manner insulted? And what was it for? All for
choosing parliament-men, to make laws for good government,
protect our property, and preserve the peace!"*
In re-
ference to these disorders, the Tatler humorously remarks,
"That if the whole people were to enter into a course of
abstinence, and eat nothing but water-gruel for a fortnight,
it would abate the rage and animosity of parties, and not a
little contribute to the cure of a distracted nation."+
Review, vii. 361.
(6
At this time, many rumours were in circulation of plots
and conspiracies to bring in the Pretender. It was given
out that the French were to land a body of ten thousand
troops to assist in the design, and that there was a strong
party in the nation ready to join them. Letters were in-
dustriously spread about, and found in the public streets,
implicating many persons of consequence, and full of ciphers
and half-sentences, pointing out the particular individuals.
Of these contrivances to alarm the people, De Foe had no
good opinion. He observes, that the nation was not then
ripe for such a plot, nor were the measures of the party
that would be most inclined to it in sufficient forwardness
for its execution; but that whatever might be the ulterior
design of the Jacobites and High-flyers, their pushing it
forward just then would be fatal to their object. Amongst
the delusions of the times, it was unblushingly given out,
+ No. 240.
*
f
A
Review, vii. 351–354.
170
that the Whigs and Dissenters were favourable to the Pre-
tender; a fallacy thus exposed by our author. "We have
a wild suggestion, and the party have taken some pains in
this time of public delusion, to possess the poor abused
country-people with this wild story:-That the Dissenters.
are for the Pretender, that the Whigs are turned Jacobites,
that the low-churchmen are Atheists, and that the Bishops
are Presbyterians. But these things will die of themselves,
and the persons accused need be under no concern for
clearing their reputation from that scandal. You might as
well accuse the Scotch kirk to be for episcopacy, the Non-
jurors for King William, and the High-flyers for a calves'-
head feast! Yet, such is the present infatuation, that the
poor people are really ready to fancy such things as firmly
as they believe any thing." He adds, "If the Pretender is
kept out till the Whigs and Dissenters concur to bring him
in, we may be all easy, and he may e'en go and hang him-
self; for he has nothing to do as to that matter, but to
despair and die.”*
DELUSIONS OF THE PEOPLE.
<<
* Review, vii. 417-419.
Ga
Unripe as the nation was at this time for any exertions in
favour of the Pretender, it is certain that the change in the
ministry inspired hopes in his adherents, and they continued
to be fed until the close of the reign. At this time, there ap-
peared a remarkable pamphlet, intitled "A Letter from a Gen-
tleman at the Court of St. Germain's to one of his Friends
in England; containing a Memorial about Methods for
setting the Pretender upon the Throne of Great Britain.
Found at Douay after the taking of that Town. Translated
from the French Copy, printed at Cologn by Peter Marteau.
Lond. 1710." 8vo. This pretended discovery was probably
of English manufacture, and written by a person well
acquainted with the state of parties in England. He gave
a long list of instructions for the use of the Jacobites, and,
"REASONS AGAINST RECEIVING THE PRETENDER." 171
as De Foe observes, let out some important confessions; as,
that they cannot bring about their designs by force, that
their friends in England are in no condition to furnish them
with troops, and that their generous protector, the King of
France, is in no condition to assist them. From these cir-
cumstances, he concludes, that the blow must be struck in
England, where their friends never gave stronger proof of
zeal and affection, and that they had reason to hope for
every thing from the happy disposition of the soundest part
of the Church of England.
The letter says, "That since
the Prince of Orange was the great cause of all their mis-
fortunes, it will always be a great point gained to lessen
the esteem for him, and to blacken his memory as much as
possible." Upon this De Foe remarks, "The poor unfor-
tunate author of the Review, who had the honour once to
serve, and if I may say it with humblest acknowledgments, to
be beloved by that glorious prince, has run a strange variety
of fate for his zeal for the honour and memory of his person
and actions. By governments ruined, by pretence of justice
punished, by enemies reproached, and even by Protestant
writers pretending the defence of our constitution, scurri-
lously insulted for adhering to his service, and vindicating
his character. And now it appears, that the blackening the
memory of this prince, is the first maxim of the politics of
St. Germain's, towards preparing a way for the Pretender."*
Another work relating to the Pretender, that appeared
just before the dissolution of parliament, and has been given
to De Foe, is "Reasons against receiving the Pretender.
Together with some Queries of the utmost importance to
Great Britain. Lond. A. Baldwin. 1710." 8vo. The object
of the writer is to alarm the nation with a prospect of the
consequences that would result from the admission of the
Pretender and this he considers to be the evident tendency
Review, vii. 371–374.
172 DE FOE ACCUSED OF WAVERING IN POLITICS.
of the late addresses, the language and sentiments of which
are in perfect harmony with the avowded principles of the
Jacobites. He enters upon a disproval of their favourite
political dogmas; reproves the enemies of government for
their attempts to depress public credit: and laments the
overthrow of an administration that had been the wonder of
Europe, and the delight of the allies for its capacity and
success. He also deprecates the dissolution of a parliament
that had struck the greatest terror into France, at a time
when a new election would be the most hazardous experi-
ment that could possibly be tried. There does not seem to
be any good reason for ascribing this work to De Foe.
As De Foe now wrote with great caution, and abstained
from attacking the ministers, he was charged with wavering
in his politics. To this, he makes the following reply:
"The author of this paper finding the times perilous, the
age censorious, enemies furious, friends cautious, and
espousing truth dangerous, and knowing not how long he
may be permitted to speak in this manner, humbly desires
to state a little the case of this paper and its author. It is
now seven years since this work first began; during which
time the author has had the fate of pleasing and displeasing
in their turn, as must be the lot of every man who writes in
an age when so many parties have alternately governed, and
where the men of the same party have so often been of
several opinions about the same thing. All the world will
bear me witness that this is not a Tory paper; as the rage
with which I am daily treated will testify. Yet, because I
cannot run the length that some would have me, new
scandals fill their mouths; and now they report, I am gone
over to the new ministry.
These are the men who, it seems,
are angry that I write for upholding credit, without regard
to changes in the administration. I have had some con-
ference with these men, and I thank God I have; for it has
taught me to abhor their temper, pity their folly, and laugh
-
SECRET HISTORY OF ARLUS AND ODOLPHUS, 173
at their censure. The scandal, therefore, of changing my
principles, because I am not for ruining my country, is what
I despise. I shall trouble the world with no more apologies.
The method I shall take for the future in speaking of
public affairs, will be with the same desire to support and
defend truth, yet with more caution of embroiling myself
with a party that has no mercy, and for a party that has no
sense of service.”
↓
Towards the decline of the year, the praises of Harley were
celebrated in a political romance of some ability, which
recounted the leading incidents of his public life.
It was
intitled The Secret History of Arlus and Odolphus, Minis-
ters of State to the Empress of Grandinsula, in which are
discovered the laboured artifices formerly used for the removal
of Arlus, and the true Causes of his late Restoration, upon
the dismissal of Odolphus and the Quinquinvirate. Humbly
offered to the good people of Grandinsula, who have not yet
done wondering why that Princess would change so notable
a Ministry. Printed in year 1710." Svo. In this work,
the events that led to a revolution in the ministry, are set
forth to the prejudice of Godolphin and Marlborough, who
are represented as the persecutors of their rival, upon whose
character and conduct the writer lavishes the most nauseous
flattery. As there are two sides to every subject, his work
produced a counter-statement of the merits of these ministers;
in "The Impartial Secret History of Arlus, Fortunatus, and
Odolphus, Ministers of State to the Empress of Grandinsula.
In which are discovered the true and just Causes of the
Removal of Arlus, who by his Treacherous Administration,
rather deserved Haman's Punishment, than Mordecai's Pre-
ferment; and Justice is done to the Character of Fortunatus
and Odolphus, and they proved to have discharged their
Trusts with equal Honour, Honesty, and Success. Humbly
offered to the Good People of Grandinsula, who love their
Country, are not bigotted to a Party, and blinded by the
174 DE FOE RESIDES AT STOKE NEWINGTON.
fulsome Flatteries bestowed on Arlus by a Gang of Merce-
naries. Printed in the year 1710." 8vo. If the first work
is written with the most point, the last bears the greatest
resemblance to historical truth. The intrigues of Harley,
both in this and the former reign, are dragged to light, and
visited with no unsparing hand, whilst justice is awarded to
the splendid and faithful services of Marlborough and Go-
dolphin. This work was advertised in the Review for De-
cember 19. There was another reply to the first work, under
the title of Animadversions upon the Secret History of
Arlus and Odolphus. Lond. 1711." 8vo. De Foe has been
made responsible for one of these publications, but certainly
without any just reason. Whilst the town was amused with
these party-missiles, Harley was deriving solid support from
the queen and parliament.
At this time De Foe resided in a comfortable retirement at
Stoke Newington, and appears to have been easy in his
circumstances. Here, he employed himself in writing his
Reviews, and in those various literary undertakings that were
suggested to him by a lively interest in the national welfare.
In the month of November, he bade adieu, for a season, to
this quiet retreat, and made an excursion to Scotland, where
he continued several months, exchanging the politics of the
north for those in his more immediate neighbourhood. It is
probable, that at this time, he was taken again into the em-
ployment of Harley, and commissioned by him to execute
some service of a secret nature, the particulars of which are
unknown.
The new parliament assembled upon the 25th of Novem-
ber, when William Bromley, member for the University of
Oxford, was unanimously chosen speaker. The royal speech
prepared for the occasion was ominous of the future policy
of the government; for, the Duke of Marlborough being
distasteful to the ministers who contemplated his removal,
the exploits of his army were wholly omitted; nor was it
175
less remarkable for adopting the slang of the times in rela-
tion to the Dissenters. Avoiding the usual mention of the
toleration, the queen promised "to maintain the indulgence
by law allowed to scrupulous consciences." This was to
prepare the way for further encroachments by a party hostile
even to the semblance of religious liberty, and panting for
its extinction. The ascendancy of Toryism in the Commons,
became perceptible by its early proceedings; but nothing
was attempted in this session that had a reference to reli-
gion, unless it be the act for building and endowing fifty
new churches. To defray the charges of this offering to
piety, a duty was laid upon coals; and thus, the ministers
discharged a debt of gratitude to the inferior clergy who had
so warmly interested themselves in the late elections. But,
whilst these congratulated themselves upon the additional
influence which it conferred upon their order, wise men con-
sidered, that as the church was constituted, it was unneces-
sary to give more power to a body of men who were already
too formidable for the liberties of their country.
PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT
The spirit of the times was strongly displayed in the pro-
ceedings of the convocation that sat with this parliament.
It was so managed, that most of the persons named in the
queen's commission were either new men, or avowed enemies
to the principles of the Revolution. In the Lower House,
every thing was managed under the influence of Atterbury,
the prolocutor, who framed a thundering "Representation,”
couched in the fashion of the times, against heresy and pro-
faneness; which was the more remarkable as he was him-
self a profane man, and many of his coadjutors were bad
Protestants. However, this learned body made loud com-
plaints of the diminution of ecclesiastical power, and the
alienation of church-lands, without the recovery of which
the church would never be restored to its former glory. To
assist these pretensions, the doctrine of the unity of the
church was now propagated with great zeal, and there was
K
176
a strong desire to symbolize with the ceremonies of the
Church of Rome; for it was shrewdly expected, that in
proportion as these were multiplied, a greater degree of
authority would accrue to their dispensers. "The English
clergy now loudly asserted an hereditary right to the crown,
and a perpetual and uninterrupted succession of bishops and
holy orders in the church. These they contended for so
eagerly, that they would rather renounce all the doctrines of
the Church of England, than give up these points; though
the Romanists themselves, and many learned men make a
jest of the perpetual succession of their orders, and acknow-
ledge that it has suffered many interruptions."* Encou-
ragement was now given to a controversy concerning what
the divines of the period termed "Lay-Baptism;" by which
they pretended, that the clergy of the English and Romish
churches were the only divine commissioners for adminis-
tering the rite, which was null and void when performed by
any other persons, and exposed both giver and receiver to
the penalty of eternal damnation. This ingenious device
was not new, Leslie having before asserted the same thing.
In the course of his controversy with De Foe, he had said,
with equal modesty and elegance, "That it was better to be
baptized by a porter, than by the Moderator of the General
Assembly." That many simple people were imposed upon
by the craft of these cunning men is not surprising, since
ignorance is always ready to swallow any delusion. But
their folly was justly exposed by the more rational men of
their own church; and they incurred the contempt of those
who did not belong to it. This was, indeed, a sad mortifi-
cation, and gave rise to so much noise about heresy and
profaneness; for it was a mortal sin to pronounce upon their
stupidity. In the opinion of these men, the Reformation,
which had shorn the clergy of their honors and despoiled
CHARACTER OF THE CONVOCATION.
* Cunningham, ii. 356.
G
CHARACTER OF THE CLERGY AT THIS PERIOD. 177
the church of its independent jurisdiction, was an injury to
religion; and they were right if it consisted in the matters
they pretended. The appetite for power is never satiated
as long as any room is left for encroachment; and those
who assisted the pretensions of the clergy at this period, for
political purposes, had the mortification to see them lording
it over the people, until they were become too powerful for
their own management. But the charm was happily broken
a few years afterwards, by the accession of a new family,
which restored the nation once more to its senses.
VOL. III.
N
CHAPTER VII.
De Foe still in Scotland.-Appointed Publisher of the Edinburgh Courant
— He is attacked by Dr. King-Story of the Coventry Horse.-De Foe's
Explanation.-Seventh Volume of the "Review."-Pursues a middle course
in Politics.-Prospect of its drawing towards a close.-The Work yields no
Profit.-Violence of Parties.-De Foe's Contempt for his Opponents-Dyer,
the News-writer.-De Foe's Letter inviting him to Peace.- His Contest
with the "Examiner."-- His ill usage by the High Party.—He satirizes the
Examiner.-Scandalous Conduct of a Justice.-And of the Master of a
Trading Vessel.-Projected Tax upon Papers.-De Foe's Sentiments upon
it.-Impolitic as concerns the Government.--And ruinous to Trade.- Dis-
cords in the Ministry.—Pretensions of its Leaders.—Harley's temporizing
Conduct. He gives offence to the Tories-October Club.-De Foe's
Account of it.-Publications upon the Subject.-Guiscard's Attempt to
Assassinate Hurley.-Honors paid to the Minister.-His Scheme for Pay-
ing off the National Debt.-De Foe's Sentiments upon a Trade to the
South Seas. He Publishes a Pamphlet upon the Subject.-And "Eleven
Opinions about Mr. Harley."- His Defence from the Charge of Versatility.
— Motives that governed his Political Conduct.-Accusations of Oldmixon
and others.— His own Defence of Himself.
1711.
Ar the opening of the year 1711, De Foe was still in Scot-
land, but how employed we no where learn. During his
absence, he continued his Reviews, which were transmitted
to London with great regularity, and afforded matter for the
speculation of party-writers, as their humour dictated. One
incident relating to him at this time has been preserved, and
is a testimony of the favor in which he was still held by the
Scots. Upon the first of February, the corporation of Edin-
burgh, grateful for his past services, empowered him to
179
publish the Edinburgh Courant, in the room of Adam Booge,
deceased, and prohibited any other person to print news
under the name of that paper. This was the second news-
paper published in Scotland, being established by James
Watson, in February, 1705. The first effort of the kind
was the Edinburgh Gazette, projected by the same writer,
and published by authority, in February, 1699. After he
had issued forty-five numbers of the Courant, he relinquished
it to the heirs and successors of Andrew Anderson, printer to
the queen, the city, and the college. Watson is still re-
membered as the author of "A History of the Art of
Printing." Before he ventured upon the experiment of a
National Gazette, the Scots were content to receive their
news from England, by re-printing some of the London
papers; and even some years afterwards, De Foe's Review
was circulated in that way. The Scots Courant was pub-
lished twice a week, on Mondays and Wednesdays, in a
folio half-sheet, with double columns. It is apprehended
that De Foe did not continue long to edify the good people
of Edinburgh with his weekly lucubrations, as affairs of a
more pressing nature recalled him to London about the
month of March.*
DE FOE ATTACKED BY DR. KING.
In the month of January, Dr. King, a high-church writer
already mentioned, sported his wit upon a respectable Whig
clergyman, in a pamphlet pretended to be "Mr. Bisset's
Recantation: In a Letter to the Rev. Dr. Henry Sacheverell.
Occasioned by his reading the Doctor's Vindication, lately
published by Henry Clements, at the Half-Moon in St.
Paul's Church Yard. Lond. 1711." In this attempt to
palm a forgery upon the public, Bisset is made to unsay all
the scandals he had charged upon the hero of the church,
in his "Modern Fanatic;" but the joke did not succeed,
* Chalmers's Life of Ruddiman, pp. 119, 120.
N 2
180
for he renewed them with additional force in a second part
of the same work, in which he exposed the deception.
King, in his pamphlet, had associated De Foe with Bisset,
and pretended that he was preparing a work to assist in
the same design of exposing the church, and implicating
some of her greatest men in a correspondence with the
Pretender. But the whole was a mere hoax of the writer,
to white-wash the character of a criminal, and hold up the
Whigs to popular odium.
STORY OF THE COVENTRY HORSE.
During his absence in Scotland, De Foe was assailed in
a penny pamphlet, called "A Hue and Cry after Daniel
De Foe, and his Coventry Beast: with a Letter from that
worthy Horse-Courser, to a friend of Mr. Mayo in Coventry,
that lent it him. Lond. 1711." 4to. This libel recites, that
De Foe's travelling occasions leading him about three years.
since into Warwickshire, "to encourage the faction there,
as well as elsewhere, he could not but pay his respects to
the brethren who at that time were very numerous in
Coventry;" that he there hired a horse of one Mayo,
which he took with him into Scotland; and that neither
the animal nor the hire of him had been heard of since.
A letter is added, said to be written by De Foe, in reply to
one that had been left for him at his printer's; but its con-
tents prove it a manifest forgery. In reply to this libel,
De Foe published the true state of the case in one of his
Reviews, from which it appears, that "about three years
since, the author going to Scotland, a gentleman who went
with him, his horse falling lame, was obliged to leave him
at Coventry, and hire another. So that in the first place,
the story is a falsity as to the person; for that the author
of the Review, hired no horse at all, neither was the other
person any servant or otherwise belonging to him, but a
travelling companion.” It appears, that the hire of the
horse was paid down, and a further sum agreed upon for
the purchase, in case it was not returned. De Foe's friend
SEVENTH VOLUME OF "THE REVIEW.'
181
settling in Scotland, kept the horse, and remitted the money
to Coventry, but the horse-dealer had hitherto declined
receiving it, there being a dispute between them as to the
price. Such is the substance of a story that was made the
ground of a senseless slander against our author, who con-
sidered it little deserving of notice, but thought fit to state
it correctly" for the sake of some people who are willing
to lay hold of any shift to reproach the man they hate.” *
The Seventh volume of the Review, which commenced
with the 28th of March, in the former year, was closed upon
the 22nd of March, 1711, when it had reached to 155
numbers. The following title was then prefixed: "A
REVIEW of the State of the British Nation. vol. vii. London:
printed in the year 1711." 4to. pp. 620. Our author ob-
serves in his preface, "Contrary to many people's hopes and
expectations, this work is happily arrived at the end of
the seventh volume. When posterity shall revise the sheets,
and see what turn the times have taken; what parties,
what fury, what passions have reigned; how the author has
treated them, and they him, it may add something to their
wonder, how either the writing has been supported, or the
author left alive to shew his face in the world. I have some-
times thought it hard, that while I endeavour to steer the
middle course between all parties, I should be maltreated by
all; but so shall it fare with any man who shall not run to
the same excess of riot as other people. For my part, I have
always thought it a true maxim in politics, that the govern-
ment should be of no party. When ministers cease to be
independent, they must expect to be mob-ridden, till they
become slaves to the party they espouse, and fall under the
party they oppose: and this is what has ruined all the
ministries that have been these last twenty years.
* Review, viii. 83, 84.
>>
G
182
In the following passage, the author glances at a measure
which he expected to put an end to his periodical labours.
"The Review has subsisted under four administrations. I
am now to suppose it drawing towards a period, and the
party that has so long regretted that old branch of English
liberty-freedom of speech, please themselves with stopping
the mouths of the Whigs, by laying a tax upon public
papers. If such a design goes on, it will soon appear
whether it be to raise money, or suppress the papers. For
my part, I am perfectly easy; for, whatever ends I may be
supposed to write for, none will suggest that I do it for
private gain; and shall, therefore, as readily be silent as any
man that writes.(F) But I prophecy this to the party, that
it will not answer their end; for the stopping the press will
be opening the mouth, and the diminution of printing will
be the increase of writing, in which the liberty is tenfold,
because no author can be found out, or punished if he is.
This made King Charles II. say, and he understood those
things very well, that the licencer of the press did more
harm than good; and that if every one was left to print what
he would, there would be less treason spread about, and
fewer pasquinades. And I take upon me to say, that let
LIBERTY OF THE PRESS THREATENED.
(F) Strange as it may appear, our author now derived no profit whatever
from his Review; so that the time and labour he bestowed upon it, must
be set down solely to his zeal for the public welfare. Upon this subject he
writes thus: "I have always thought it an unjust scandal, and very inju-
rious to the true design of this paper, to say, I write for bread; not but
that the argument will lie with the same strength against all the occupa-
tions in the world. Thus, the lawyer pleads, the soldier fights, the
musician fiddles, the players act, and no reflection upon the tribe-the
clergy preach for bread. And where is the man that does anything but
for bread; that is, gain? The only difference lies here: that this author
who they say, writes for bread, goes without it; and though I have the misfor-
tune to amass infinite enemies, and not at all to oblige even the men I serve,
yet I defy the whole world to prove, I have directly or indirectly gained
or received one single shilling, or the value of it, by the sale of this paper,
for now almost four years; and honest Mr. Morphew is able to detect me,
if I speak false.”—Review, vii. 65.
183
them stop the press when they will, what is wanting in pam-
phlets, will be made up in lampoons. As to this work, let it
fall when it will, this shall be said of it by friend and foe: It
has spoken boldly and plainly to them both; and whether it
shall go on or be put down, is of so equal weight to me, that
no man is less concerned to enquire about it.”
The Reviews in this volume are chiefly occupied with do-
mestic politics. (G) Party spirit now ran higher than at any
former period, and yielded fruits of the most deadly nature.
A spirit of fanaticism, fostered by the exertions of a bigotted
and vicious clergy, pervaded the land, and blighted all that
was kind, gentle, and peaceable. The madness that pos-
sessed the people, and the dangerous principles that actuated
their leaders, are minutely detailed and canvassed by our
author, whose zeal for the cause of liberty was unabated in
the most perilous times, and exposed him to the rage of the
factious. The ascendancy of the Tories he viewed with deep
regret, but without dismay; being persuaded that the laws
were strong enough to hold them to their duty, and that if
they attempted to break through them, it would convulse
the nation, and they would be ruined in the conflict. The
violence of the party, and their known hatred to the author,
rendered him more circumspect and measured in his lan-
guage, which some mistook for a desertion of his principles;
but he repels the charge with indignation, and knew the
men he had to deal with too well to give them any pretence
for the exercise of their vengeance.
In these factious times, men of the best principles and of
the fairest reputation, found no quarter from their political.
opponents. It is therefore not surprising, that so determined
DOMESTIC POLITICS.
(G) The pressure of temporary matter left our author so little leisure for
the prosecution of his original purpose in writing his Paper, that he adver-
tised a separate Review, to be confined wholly to matters of trade. His
design was first announced July 8, and repeated in some following numbers;
but it was never carried into effect.
184 DE FOE'S CONTEMPT FOR HIS ENEMIES.
a writer as De Foe should have his full share of opprobium,
and that he was often assailed in the other papers. Since
Leslie had dropped his Rehearsals, he took but little notice
of such opponents, as well from a contempt of their talents,
as from a studied neglect of their scurrility.
"It was
always my opinion," says he, "that when the enemy roared
loudest, he was pinched the hardest; and that when the
patient grew sick, the physic worked well. Whence, I
have often asked the Rehearsers and Reviewers of the Review,
and the several people that rail at this paper, why, if they
think the author so contemptible and so feeble as they say
he is, and in which he never contradicted them, they who
tell us such great things of their capacities, should be so
moved at him, and bestir themselves about what he writes.
For my part, I have always thought, that the weakest step
the Tatler ever took, if that complete author can be said to
have done any thing weak, was to stoop to take the least
notice of the barkings of the little animals that have
Condoled him, Examined him, &c. He should have let
envy bark, and fools rail; and according to his own ob-
servation of the fable of the sun, continue to Shine on.
This I have found to be agreeable to the true notion of
contempt. Silence is the utmost slight nature can dictate.
to a man, and the most insupportable for a vain man to
bear."
His most frequent assailant at this time was Dyer, the
news-writer, who dealt largely in personalities, and was far
from particular in the means he employed for advancing
the cause of high-church. His libels upon private indivi-
duals sometimes exposed him to summary chastisement;
but this did not cure him of the cacoethes scribendi (H).
(H) "There is a gentleman whom they call Mr. Dyer. I have no parti-
cular aim at his person: I neither am acquainted with him, nor design him
any injury; nor do I think it worth while to say this by way of retaliation
for many insolencies received from him. He is a person who has often
185
V
His frequent clashings with De Foe, which produced a
waste of words that often degenerated into scandal and
abuse, induced our author at this time to propose a literary
truce; that each might advocate his cause without personal
reflections, and whilst they continued to differ, might ex-
press their sentiments in language restrained by the de-
cencies of life. But the strict observance of such a treaty
could scarcely be expected at a period so distinguished for
political strife. Amongst the Harleian manuscripts in the
British Museum, there is a letter of De Foe's, inviting his
antagonist to keep the peace (1).
HIS LETTER INVITING DYER TO PEACE.
received personal correction from gentlemen that he has abused, and he
knows very well how to take a dish of coffee in his face, or a cane upon his
surface, decently, and like a gentleman; and of that part of his character I
need say no more. This gentleman writes a news-letter to most parts of
England, and really 'tis worth notice, how nicely he manages his way of
information. He does not so much write what his readers should believe,
as what will please them; and therefore when a friend of mine wrote him
to send his letter to a coffee house he had set up in a country town, he
wrote back to know what sort of people used the house, that he might send
such news as would fit them. This, really, is a most excellent satire upon
the times."-Review, vi. 527.
(1) It is directed to Mr. Dyer, in Shoe Lane, and is as follows:-
"MR. DYER,
I have your letter. I am rather glad to find you put
it upon the trial who was aggressor, than justify a thing which I am sure
you cannot approve; and in this I assure you I am far from injuring you,
and refer you to the time when long since you had wrote I was fled from
justice one Sammon being taken up for printing a libel, and I being then
on a journey, nor the least charge against me for being concerned in it by
any body but your letter: also many unkind personal reflections on me in
your letter when I was in Scotland, on the affair of the Union, and I assure
you, when my paper had not in the least mentioned you, and those I refer
to time and date for the proof of.
I mention this only in defence of my last letter, in which I said no more
of it than to let you see I did not merit such treatment, and could never-
theless be content to render any service to you, though I thought myself
hardly used.
But to state the matter fairly between you and I, [me] a writing for
different interests, and so possibly coming under an unavoidable necessity
186
HIS CONTEST WITH THE EXAMINER."
The factions of the time had given birth to a new paper,
superior in talent to most that had gone before it, but as
devoid of good-breeding as the lowest of its contempo-
raries. An affectation of contempt for other writers, was
one of the arts employed by the "Examiner," to supplant
them in public opinion; and those who conducted it were
well aware of its power upon persons not qualified to judge.
of their pretensions. The manner in which they dealt out
their blows at De Foe, has been partly tald; we will now
see how he met them. "I wonder much to hear an author,
of jarring in several cases: I am ready to make a fair truce of honour with
you, viz. that if what either party are doing, or saying, that may clash with
the party we are for, and urge us to speak, it shall be done without naming
either's name, and without personal reflections; and thus we may differ
still, and yet preserve both the christian and the gentleman.
This I think is an offer may satisfy you. I have not been desirous of
giving just offence to you, neither would I to any man, however I may
differ from him; and I see no reason why I should affront a man's person,
because I do not join with him in principle. I please myself with being
the first proposer of so fair a treaty with you, because I believe, as you
cannot deny its being very honourable; so it is not less so in coming first
from me, who I believe could convince you of my having been the first
and most ill-treated; for further proof of which I refer you to your letters,
at the time I was threatened by the Envoy of the King of Sweden.
However, Mr. Dyer, this is a method which may end what is past, and
prevent what is future; and if refused, the future part I am sure cannot
lye at my door.
"C
As to your letter, your proposal is so agreeable to me, that truly without
it I could not have taken the thing at all: for it would have been a trouble
intolerable, both to you as well as me, to take your letter every post, first
from you and then send it to the post-house.
Your method of sending to the black box, is just what I designed to
propose, and Mr. Shaw will doubtless take it of you: if you think it needful
for me to speak to him it shall be done. What I want to know is only
the charge, and that you will order it constantly to be sent, upon hinting
whereof I shall send you the names. Wishing you success in all things,
(Your opinions of Government excepted). I am,
Your humble Servant,
DE FOE.
Newington, June 17,
1710.
HIS CONTEST WITH "THE EXAMINER."
187
who first calls the Observator and the Review stupid and
illiterate, should quit his talking to men of sense, to talk
to these idiots. Now, what the "Observator" may do,
I say nothing; but as I have all along practised with many
other such scurrilous, angry sons of emptiness, so I shall
still,—answer and say nothing." He asks the " Examiner,"
how it is, since he boasts of so much learning, that he
comes to have so little manners? "I know nothing," says
he, "that can render a gentleman so contemptible as to
lose his breeding: nor does any difference of persons dis-
charge the obligation of good manners. The author of the
"Examiner" haughtily tells the world that he has kept a
footman, and though he does not pretend to say that the
Review has been in that capacity, yet he treats him as a
man of behaviour would not treat a footman." He tells the
Examiner," that the Review is not upon equal terms with
him in the use of Billingsgate language, and adds, “There
is a known story of the mastiff and the little spaniel, which
I could also refer him to, as most proper for such an author;
but I leave it and him. When he is tired he will have
done; and when he is done, he will be tired. Happy is the
Review in pinching this party, and making them rave at
this rate; it is an immortal testimony to the victory of truth,
given by its enemies."* Swift was one of the writers who
attacked our author in the " Examiner ;" and we shall see
very shortly that De Foe was a good match for him.
(6
The ill-usage he received from the high-party, is circum-
stantially related in his Review for December 16, 1710,
which records some curious particulars.-"Lest I should
some time or other, as God shall let loose their hands, fall
into the power of this enraged party, give me leave to show
a little how they have treated the author of this paper, that
it may stand upon record against them; and I'll be very
Review, vii. 449-451
188
HIS ILL-USAGE BY THE HIGH-PARTY.
brief:-When railing in print, bullying and hectoring would
not silence him, letters were sent threatening to murder him.
His house was marked to be pulled down by the rabble,
and he was assured by writing and by messengers, that he
had not long to live. The very printer was threatened to
have his house mobbed for printing it. Several attempts
were made to prosecute the paper at the Old Bailey, at
Guildhall, and at Westminster; but when no jury could
be found to present it, and no crime to present for, that was
let fall. Other measures were taken to embroil him with
the government; but still all was in vain. When this failed,
endeavours were used to 'rouse sleeping lions, and harass
him with dormant creditors; men, who, satisfied with the
frequent offers he had made of a complete surrender of his
effects, had declined for seventeen years. A fruitless cruelty
upon a man who had given such evidence of his integrity.
However, some mischief of this kind they brought him into;
and when he had extricated himself from that, the same
perjured villain that insulted Mr. Dan. Burgess, for a sham
pretence well known, assaulted him, took fifteen guineas.
from him to get out of his hands again, which extortion he
is now under legal prosecution for, and may speedily be
brought to justice. Not content with this, the same villain
insulted his house on the Sabbath-day, without any legal
warrant, or the least pretence, in order, upon a sham, to
get him into custody, and betray him, whether to mur-
therers or creditors he yet knows not.
Other sets of rogues
were employed after this to take out sham writs in names not
known, and to men that were not officers, pretending to
arrest him; which pretended officers are now under prose-
cution also, and one of them has confessed the fact. He
has been often beset, way-laid, and dogged into dark pas-
sages; yet, when they have actually met him, and found
him prepared for his defence, their hearts have failed them;
for villains are always cowardly. And all this, 'tis evident,
is for writing this paper.
HE SATIRIZES "THE EXAMINER."
189
-
"And now, as if this was not enough, Mr. Examiner is
falling upon me, with much noise, but little shot; many ill-
names, but no argument. After idiot, which is the first
mark of distinction, comes illiterate: much wit in that
truly; for how should an idiot but be illiterate? This brings
a remark into my thoughts, that I have often had occasion.
to make; we have abundance of learned fools in the world,
and ignorant wise men. How often have I seen a man
boast of his letters and his load of learning, and be ignorant
in the common necessary acquirements that fit a man for
the service of himself and of his country. I know a man
at this time, a minister, who is a critic in the Greek and
Hebrew, a complete master of the Latin; yet it would make
a man blush to read a letter from him, sleep to hear him
preach, and sick to read his books. Again I know another
that is an orator in the Latin, a walking index of books, has
all the libraries in Europe in his head, from the Vatican at
Rome, to the learned collection of Dr. Salmon, at Fleet-
Ditch; but at the same time, he is a cynic in behaviour, a
fury in temper, unpolite in conversation, abusive in lan-
guage, and ungovernable in passion. Is this to be learned?
Then may I still be illiterate.
"I have been in my time pretty well master of five lan-
guages, and have not lost them yet, though I write no bill
over my door, nor set Latin quotations in the front of the
Review. But to my irreparable loss, I was bred only by
halves; for, my father, forgetting Juno's Royal Academy,
left the language of Billingsgate quite out of my education.
Hence, I am perfectly illiterate in the polite style of the
street, and am not fit to converse with the porters and carmen
of quality, who grace their diction with the beauties of calling
names, and cursing their neighbour with a bonne grace. I
have had the honour to fight a rascal, but never could master
the eloquence of calling a man so; nor am I yet arrived at
the dignity of being laureated at her Majesty's bear-garden.
190
SCANDALOUS CONDUCT OF A JUSTICE.
I have also, illiterate as I am, made a little progress in
science. I read Euclid's Elements, and yet never found the
mathematical description of a scurrilous gentleman. I have
read logic, but could never see a syllogism formed upon the
notion of it. I went some length in physics, or natural phi-
losophy, and could never find between the two ends of
nature, generation and corruption, one species out of which
such a creature could be formed. I thought myself master
of geography, and to possess sufficient skill in astronomy
to have set up for a country almanac-maker, yet, could in
neither of the globes find either in what part of the world
such a heterogeneous creature lives, nor under the influence
of what heavenly body he can be produced. From whence
I conclude very frankly, that either there is no such creature in
the world, or that, according to Mr. Examiner, I am a stupid
idiot, and a very illiterate fellow.'
*
De Foe met with as much injustice from the public au-
thorities, as from private individuals. The issue of the
prosecution above alluded to, is thus related by himself:
"It is but lately that I troubled the world with a complaint
of the barbarous usage I met with from a villain's waiting
and watching for me, under a pretence to arrest, though
without a warrant, and whether to murther or deliver me
up to those that should, is like, for want of justice, to
remain a secret. I took up lately one of these fellows with
a sham writ. He had taken money of a man employed by
me formerly to treat with him, believing him then to have
been an officer. This villain I had long pursued, and at last
apprehended. He begged, confessed, offered to refund the
money, and pay the charges; but not discovering his ac-
complices, he was carried before a justice of the peace, not
a hundred miles from Sir Hy B-lds. The justice,
when he heard the first complaint, readily granted his war-
rant; the case was so black, he could not but resolve
* Review, vii. 454, 455.
191
to punish it. The rogue is brought before him, a lawyer
appears, makes out the fact, and the justice discovered some
indignation at the crime. But as soon as he heard the
prosecutor was Daniel De Foe, author of the Review, he
calls the gentleman that pleaded it a rogue, though as honest
a man as himself, and by the way, no Whig; discharges the
warrant, and bids the villain keep the money: which, for all
that, he shall not do, nor shall the justice himself escape the
shame of his partiality, for giving orders to a cheat to keep
what he owned to have been unjustly gotten. Excellent
justice, this, to make a nation flourish !”
"Well, this is all on one side," observes our author, who
proceeds to relate a dishonourable transaction that impli-
cated some Whigs. "On board of a ship," says he, "I
loaded some goods. The master is a Whig, of a kind more
particular than ordinary. He comes to the port, my bill of
lading is produced, my title to my goods undisputed; no
claim, no pretence, but my goods cannot be found. The
ship sailed again, and I am told my goods are carried back,
and all the reason given is, that they belong to De Foe,
author of the Review, and he is turned about, and writes for
keeping up the public credit. Thus, gentlemen, I am
ready to be assassinated, arrested without warrant, robbed
and plundered by all sides; I can neither trade nor live;
and what is this for? Only, as I can yet see, because there
being faults on both sides, I tell both sides of it too
plainly."*
AND OF THE MASTER OF A TRADING VESSEL.
Writing in the month of March, De Foe says, "He that
will speak at all, must speak quickly; and he that has but
a little while to speak, ought to speak to the purpose."
This remark was suggested by a projected tax upon printed
papers and pamphlets, the object of which was to suppress
* Review, vii. 490, 491.
192
the fry of small writers, who gave so much annoyance to
men in power. Pamphlets now flew about the nation like
hail; in which the pretensions of all parties were canvassed,
and their actions libelled according to the humour of the
several writers. A ministry, founded upon public opinion,
and honest in its designs, has nothing to fear from such
missiles; but the one now existing was vulnerable upon so
many points, that there was ample room for soreness, which
could not be healed by silence, nor by the eloquence of its
own writers. Towards the end of this year, no less than
fourteen persons were taken up and held to bail for printing
seditious pamphlets; and as their crime was not specified,
they loudly complained, that at this rate the office of Se-
cretary of State might be converted into a Spanish inqui-
sition.
PROJECTED TAX UPON PAPERS.
Upon a subject so intimately connected with liberty, so
important to the diffusion of just opinions upon every sub-
ject that is interesting to man, and it may be added, so
useful to a government that looks to public opinion for
stability, De Foe wrote with animation, and in the language
of good sense. "It will be for ever a brand upon any
cause," says he, "that attempts to suppress printing, and
will leave it upon record to the infamy of the party that
espouses it, as not able to bear the energy and force of
truth; and it is fairly acknowledging that their practices,
whether in politics or morals, will not bear the light." Our
author observes, "It is not only an infringement of the
liberty of the subject, which this nation has always been
chary of, but it has something of that arbitrary cruelty in it
which resembles a late barbarous practice of the same party
in Scotland; who, when they had the power in their hands,
and exercised it with fury and blood, caused the drums to
beat when the poor victims they were sacrificing came to
die, that the testimony of their innocence in a dying hour,
might not be heard or known by the abused spectators."
DE FOE'S REMARKS UPON IT.
De Foe justly observes, "A design to suppress printing
on either side, can be nothing but a plot to stifle truth;
since, if falsity, scandal, slander, or any thing that merits
reprehension is published, the laws are already strong
against them, and if in any thing defective, may be easily
amended. But to lay an universal load upon every thing,
or in plain English, to silence mankind, is a plot against the
friends of virtue, learning, and religion, as might be made
appear on many occasions. Besides, the attempt will not
answer the end; for though it may suppress useful things,
and rob the world of the advantage derived from the labours
of honest men, yet party-rage will break through: lam-
poons, pasquinades, and inveterate satires will swarm more
than before, and be diligently handed about by parties all
over the kingdom; whose darts will be keener, and the
poison stronger than any thing printed; and perhaps the
more so, as they shall be received with more gust by the
people on either side. I appeal to any man who remembers
the days of King Charles II. when the license-tyranny
reigned over the press, whether that age did not abound
in lampoons and satires that wounded, and at last went far
in ruining the parties they were pointed at, more than has
ever been practised since the liberty of the press. He that
does not know it, must be very ignorant of those times, and
has heard very little of Andrew Marvel, Sir John Denham,
Rochester, Buckhurst, and several others, whose wit made
the court odious to the people, beyond what had been pos-
sible if the press had been open."
De Foe wishes to be understood, that he is not arguing
the subject from selfish motives, being ready to lay down his
pen at any time; "but to lay a general prohibition, is to
suggest, they have something to do which they dare not let
the people hear it is to padlock the mouths of the free
people of Britain, and to deprive men of their fair and just
defence. This, I think, may merit a consideration by itself.
VOL. 111.
0
193
194
It is to invade the property, livelihood and employment of
families innumerable, whose dependance and estates lie in
several parts of the printing trade, not at all concerned with
the government, but should in common justice be excepted.
Among these are to be reckoned patents and properties in
smaller books, such as almanacks, catechisms, psalms, and
little manuals, moral and religious; the copy-rights of
which are estates to many families, and to preserve which
right from piracy, a very just and necessary law was made
in the last parliament."*
DISCORDS IN THE MINISTRY.
Notwithstanding the lofty eminence to which the events
of the last year had elevated the Tories, the disunion that
reigned in the ministry, presented an obstacle to their com-
plete triumph. Its leading members, inspired by ambition,
and confident in their talents, disdained a superior. Hence,
dissensions arose, and splitting into parties, each endeavoured
to strengthen himself by other alliances. Although Harley
had associated himself with the Tories from personal motives,
he secretly retained his attachment to Whig principles, and
was disgusted with the violence and precipitancy of his
colleagues. To restrain them within any tolerable bounds,
required his utmost art and address; but to counteract their
influence, he was desirous of balancing his cabinet with men
of greater moderation. This, however, was not to be sub-
mitted to by the Tories, who were disgusted at his half
measures; and, being wholly dependant upon them for sup-
port, he was obliged to submit to their influence. The want
of union amongst the ministers, had an influence upon their
proceedings in parliament; for, when some severe censures
were passed upon the late ministers, by the more violent,
Harley interposed to moderate their warmth, and appeared
more the friend of Godolphin, than his accuser.
One of our
historians, alluding to these divisions, gives the following
* Review, viii. 5-8.
195
summary of the pretensions of each party. "There was not
any one of the cabinet, who had yet acquired that superiority
of influence which was necessary to maintain a consistent
energy in council, and to control the intrigues of aspiring
individuals. The Earl of Rochester, Mr. Harley, and Mr.
St. John, were all struggling to obtain the ascendancy in the
administration; and possessed peculiar recommendations for
that distinction. The Earl of Rochester on account of his
long experience, his steady attachment to the Church, and
his affinity to the queen, thought himself best entitled to it.
Mr. Harley valued himself upon his moderation: he had been
the principal instrument of persuading her majesty to change
her measures; and as he had been the acknowledged head
of the party when in opposition, he expected to retain the
same preference after it came into power. Mr. St. John was
the leader of that division of the Tories which wished for
spirited and bold measures; and, as he was too ambitious
to be contented with a subordinate place, he was conscious
of talents far superior to any of his rivals. The reciprocal
animosity which commenced between the Earl of Rochester
and Mr. Harley, upon the first change of the ministry, was
not concealed either from their friends or enemies. Mr.
Harley and Mr. St. John were both secretly making their
court to the Duke of Marlborough, with a view to secure his
patronage upon the probable event of a new revolution in the
cabinet. From such internal disunion, it is not likely that
Mr. Harley's colleagues would have submitted to his ob-
taining the chief direction of affairs, had it not been for a
singular occurrence, which interested the queen more deeply
in his favour, and gave him an unrivalled claim to every mark
of preference and honour."*
PRETENSIONS OF ITS LEADERS.
Upon the 8th of March, an attempt of a desperate nature
was made upon the person of Harley, by the Marquis de
* Somerville's Queen Anne, p. 427.
o 2
196
GUISCARD'S ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE HARLEY.
Guiscard. He had been formerly a French Abbot of the
name of Bourlie, but threw up his abbey upon some family
disgust, and formed the chimerical design of restoring the
civil and religious liberties of France. For this purpose,
he opened a correspondence with the Camisars, and offering
his services to the allies, was made a lieutenant-general in
the emperor's service. Going afterwards to the Hague, he
procured an introduction to Marlborough, and obtained a
small pension from the states. With this recommendation.
he came to England, in 1706, and being favourably received,
a taste for pleasurable pursuits soon brought him into a
close intimacy with Mr. St. John, then secretary at war.
By his means, he obtained the command of a regiment of
dragoons, with the pay of a colonel, and a descent upon the
coast of France being projected, he was appointed to ac-
company the expedition with the rank of lieutenant-general.
But the whole affair proved abortive. He was then sent
into Spain, where his regiment was cut in pieces at the
battle of Almanza; and a suspicion being entertained of his
carrying on a clandestine correspondence with France, his
pay was withdrawn. He now lived in London, in great
poverty, calumniating the ministers for refusing him a pen-
sion. Upon the revolution at court, his hopes revived;
and availing himself of his intimacy with Mr. St. John,
he renewed his pretensions to the favour of the government.
By the recommendation of that minister, he obtained a
promise from the queen of a pension of five hundred pounds
a-year; but when it came to be claimed, Harley, who never
liked Guiscard, reduced it to 4007., and declined having it
placed upon a permanent footing. Exasperated at this
affront, he applied for an interview with the queen, which
being denied him, he resolved to attempt a reconciliation
with the court of France. In executing this desperate ex-
pedient, his correspondence was detected, when a warrant
was issued for his apprehension. Being taken before the
HONOURS PAID TO THE MINISTER.
197
privy council at the cock-pit, he underwent an examination,
when the matter charged upon him was fully proved by his
own letters. Disconcerted at this discovery, and seeing no
means of escape from an ignominious death, he adopted the
desperate resolution of dying by the swords of gentlemen
rather than by the hands of the executioner. In a moment
of frenzy, he withdrew a pen-knife that he had secreted,
and advancing to the council-table, stabbed Mr. Harley
twice in the breast. The knife taking a direction towards
the bone, broke off near the handle. Guiscard seeing
Harley fall, immediately rushed towards Mr. St. John, who,
from his desiring to speak with him privately, is thought
to have been the primary object of his fury; but drawing
his sword, he made several thrusts at him, and the at-
tendants rushing in, secured Guiscard after a violent struggle,
and conveyed him to Newgate, where he died of his wounds
five days afterwards. *
De Foe, in noticing this occurrence which had nearly
proved fatal, describes it as the most barbarous and un-
provoked assault that he ever remembered. He represents
it as
an open attack upon the queen and council, who
would all, no doubt, have shared the same fate, had the
opportunity offered. It was, therefore, properly resented by
the parliament, as an insult to the whole nation. Every
man I meet with," says he, "however prejudice and parties
lamentably divide us, speak of this action with abhorrence;
and had it succeeded, God alone can tell the confusion that
the public affairs must for a time have fallen into, under the
agitation of so many contending parties."+
،،
Mr. Harley, leaving the council-chamber covered with
blood, was carried home in a chair, followed by a multitude
of people. Upon the following day, the two houses of par-
* Tindal, iii. 761.-Boyer's Q. Anne, 493.
† Review, vii. 602.--Mis-printed 562.
198 HIS SCHEME FOR PAYING THE NATIONAL DEBT.
liament voted a joint address to the queen, in which they
ascribed this outrage upon him, to his extraordinary zeal
and fidelity in her service. During his confinement, many
anxious inquiries were made after his health, and he received
many visits from the nobility and others, who congratulated
him upon his escape. As soon as he was sufficiently re-
covered to resume his seat in parliament, the commons voted
him their congratulation, which the speaker delivered in
high strains of flattery. In the midst of this tragical scene,
the parliament resorted to its old folly of addressing the
queen to remove all Papists from London and Westminster;
as if they, or their religion, had any concern with the matter.
But such was the stupidity of the times; and in compliance
with it, a proclamation was issued for putting the laws in
execution against them! An act was also passed, making it
felony to attempt the life of a privy-counsellor; which has
been since improved upon, by extending it to all other
persons.
Amongst the persons who condoled with Harley during
his confinement, was the Earl of Rochester, whose frequent
visits were not altogether those of sympathy; for he was
desirous of extracting from him a secret, of which he had
boasted, for paying off the public debts of the kingdom.
The Earl justly thought, that if any untoward event should
befal the minister, it would be a pity that so important
a scheme should be lost to the public. "But Mr. Harley
being equally sound in mind and tenacious of his secret,
excused himself on account of his indisposition, but pro-
mised to discover it as soon as his wound should be healed:
for Harley, according to his former resolution, would have
lost his life, rather than discover his secret before he should
come again to the House of Commons. The House, there-
fore, on account of his absence, adjourned for several days.
At last, Mr. Harley, though still very weak, ventured to go to
the House, and there laid before them his project for a trade
199
to the South Seas." This scheme was by no means new,
having been suggested to Godolphin, who laid it aside until
a convenient opportunity offered for giving it mature con-
sideration; nor did it appear to be any more than what an
ordinary mind might have invented. † Harley had no sooner
disclosed it, than Rochester and his party vented their
ridicule, and did all in their power to defeat it; ‡ but the
interest which he had excited by his late escape, over-
powered opposition, and it was received with an implicit
confidence that superseded investigation. So great was
the infatuation in his favour, that it was even extolled
as an effort of genius and patriotism that surpassed all his
former merits. §
A subject of so much importance to the country was not
likely to escape the attention of De Foe, who discussed it
at some length in his Reviews; but he strips Harley of any
claim to the invention. He had himself, long before, pro-
jected the establishment of a trade with South America, by
the settlement of a colony there; and had suggested a plan
of the kind to the government, as the least costly and most
effectual way of distressing Spain, and diminishing the
power and resources of France. "I had the honour," says
he, "to lay a proposal before his late majesty King William,
in the beginning of this war, for carrying the war, not into
Old Spain, but into America; which proposal his majesty
approved of, and fully proposed to put it in execution, had
not death, to our unspeakable grief, prevented him. And
yet, I would have my readers distinguish with me, that there
is always a manifest difference between carrying on a war
in America, and settling a trade there; and I shall not fail
to speak distinctly to this difference in its turn. And
because I purpose to dwell a little upon the subject, and to
DE FOE LAYS CLAIM TO THE INVENTION.
Cunningham, ii. 354. † Oldmixon, iii. 459. Cunningham, Ibid.
§ Somerville, p. 429.
200 HIS SENTIMENTS ON A TRADE TO THE SOUTH SEAS.
make what I shall say on this head, as far as my capacity
extends, a perfect though short compendium both of the
Spanish and English commerce as they respect each other,
either in Europe or America, I shall first lay down what the
circumstances of this trade are, how carried on, and by
whom, and how far we are concerned in them.” These
points are illustrated by our author at considerable length.
He then proceeds to correct some misconceptions of our
people with relation to this trade, which they are not to expect
upon the same footing as the French enjoyed it.
"In this,"
says he, “I am far from designing to discourage this new
undertaking, which I profess to believe a very happy one;
but to correct these wild notions, it seems needful to
ascertain what we are to understand by a trade to the South
Seas, and what not, that in the first place our enemies may
not make a wrong improvement of it, our friends in Spain
may not take umbrage at it, and our people at home may not
grow big with wild expectations, which might end in chagrin
and disappointment." He says, "There is room enough on
the Western coast of America, for us to establish a flourish-
ing trade, without encroaching upon the Spaniards;" and
intimates, that there are vast tracts of land which they
hardly meddle with, combining every advantage of soil and
climate, besides plenty of gold and silver, as an effectual
foundation for all manner of commerce. The industry and
enterprise of the English, in such a situation, he says, would
open a wide door for the consumption of our manufactures,
and bring a vast revenue of wealth to our own country."
"'*
These various matters were embodied by our author in a
separate pamphlet, in which he expressed his thoughts upon
the subject, arranged in a methodical form, and treated at
full length. It was published in the following September,
under the title of, "An Essay on the South Sea Trade.
London: 1710." 8vo.
A
Review, viii. 165–274.
201
The station to which Harley had raised himself by his
intrigues, when viewed in connexion with his political asso-
ciates, occasioned various speculations as to his future
conduct. Although the mystery that he affected in all tran-
sactions of a public nature was such as to set conjecture at
defiance, yet those who imagined themselves to be acquainted
with his opinions, argued upon the future prospects of the
nation, as their own wishes, or their political bias dictated.
As he entered upon the ministry with large professions of
moderation, it brought him the support of those who would
have withheld it from the other ministers. De Foe, who
was in this number, always gave him credit for the political
virtue upon which he so highly valued himself, and pub-
lished a work at this time, in which he lays it down as a
motive for conciliating the public in his favour.
It is
intitled, "Eleven Opinions about Mr. H
-y; with Ob-
London printed for J. Baker. 1711.” 8vo.
(6
>>
ELEVEN OPINIONS ABOUT MR. HARLEY.'
servations.
pp. 89.
In a brief introduction, our author moralizes upon the
nature of prejudice, which he states to be the principal
ground of that diversity of opinions which prevailed then,
more than at any other time, upon the subjects of politics
and religion. This he applies to the example before him;
"and perhaps no instance can be given, in which a like
variety can be produced, or in whom all the same errors of
opinion have been more visible. No man has received more
honour, and in his turn, more injury from the prejudices of
opinion; nor has there been any person in this age, about
whom the obstinacy of those opinions has appeared more
publicly, or been more fatal to this nation."
After recapi-
tulating some particulars in his public life, he proceeds to
detail the various opinions that have been formed of him by
various persons and parties, under the following heads.
1. The Queen. 2. The Old Ministry. 3. The Whigs.
202
ELEVEN OPINIONS ABOUT MR. HARLEY."
tr
4. The Dissenters. 5. The October Club. 6. The Jaco-
bites. 7. The Confederates. 8. Moderate Men on all
Sides. With this number he stops short, and adds, I
have yet several opinions behind, according to the title, and
I purposed to have added two heads in particular, which
would have been very diverting, as well as instructing, viz.
1. My own opinion of Mr. Hy; and 2. Mr. H—y's
opinion of himself. But this tract does not allow me room
for it, and perhaps the subject may deserve a farther con-
sideration, as the follies and contentions of men increase;
for, as madmen grow sober, fools wise, and obstinate men
persuadable, the world can never be without occasion for an
observing by-stander to make such observations as may be
very useful to them all.
((
In detailing the opinions of various parties concerning
Mr. Harley, our author presents us with an abstract of their
politics, with the reasons some had for supporting, and
others for opposing him. This, he professes to do "with
as much coldness to his character as he can, merely to shun
the shadow of partiality;" but if he abstains from any
direct eulogium, the strain of his pamphlet is such, that
no person can mistake him for any other than a decided
friend of the minister. He is anxious to make it appear,
that those who suppose him to aim "at a true Tory high-
flying management, and to bring in the madmen of former
years, whom he so eminently appeared against," will be
mistaken. Alluding to himself he says, "It is true, a
certain author of their own, (the former ministry's) who, it
seems, made in that article as good a politician without doors
as some of those great statesmen did within, told them in
public, it could not be; and that all would revolve into the
same method of management it was in before. But they
laughed at him for a fool, and gave him an opportunity to
laugh at them in his turn; for, as by the event appeared,
66 ELEVEN OPINIONS ABOUT MR. HARLEY."
203
there was nothing of this in Mr. Harley's view, the con-
trary to which has raised a new schism in politics between
the new ministry and those we call the October Club.”
This club he describes as "a faction of the hot exasperated
part of the people called Tories, composed of oath-taking
Jacobites, self-contradicting, moon-blind high-flyers; men
that walk in their sleep, dream waking, see with their eyes
shut, and are blind with their eyes open; that were fools
enough to think they were coming into play, wise enough
to know they are not, and madmen enough to think now
that they can help it." He says, that "the first step they
took in politics, convinced their friends that they were in
the infancy of their understanding, and that, like children,
they were not to be trusted with the edge-tools of govern-
ment;" and he likens them to "the Tinker of Exeter,
who, being to be hanged for rebellion, comforted himself at
the gallows, that he had done something to have his name
talked of in the world." He is displeased with the Whigs
for not uniting with Harley to keep out the Tories, when so
many offers had been made to them for that purpose, and
resolves it into private pique, which induced them to sacrifice
the interest of the nation to their own resentment. He
blames the Dissenters for refusing the thousand pounds
offered them by Harley for repairing the damages inflicted
upon them by Sacheverell's mob, which it seems they
rejected upon a political account; and he intimates, that
he is the only one of the ministers whom they can look up
to for the preservation of their religious privileges.
The nature of the matters discussed in this pamphlet
obliged our author to adopt much circumlocution in telling
his story. In his desire to forestall a favourable opinion of
Harley, and of the measures he expected him to pursue,
he is evidently hampered between a desire to do justice to
the former ministers, and a reconcilement to the change. It
204
is upon the whole dexterously written; and upon a presump-
tion that Harley's moderation would have more effect upon
the subsequent management than was eventually the case.
The prosecution of the subject in another pamphlet, of which
he holds out the expectation, does not appear to have been
realized.
HARLEY'S TEMPORISING CONDUCT.
The temporising conduct of Harley gave so much offence
to the Tories, that he was in as much danger from their
impetuosity, as from the cool and well-disciplined opposition
of the Whigs. A cabal of the most violent of these men, in
number about a hundred and sixty, was formed at the com-
mencement of this parliament, under the name of the " OCTO-
BER CLUB." It was composed chiefly of country gentlemen,
who met at the Bell-tavern, in Westminster, and during the
first session went blindfold into all the measures of the
ministers; but some of them finding themselves deluded
with fallacious promises of preferment, and others looking
upon the chief manager to be an "ambidextrous trickster,"
who played fast and loose with both parties, they threatened
a violent opposition. The trouble which these men occa-
sioned to the ministers, is thus noticed by Swift: "We are
plagued with an October Club, that is, a set of above a
hundred parliament-men of the country, who drink October
beer at home, and meet every evening at a tavern near the
parliament, to consult on affairs, and drive things to extremes
against the Whigs, to call the old ministry to account, and
get off five or six heads. The ministry seem not to regard
them; yet one of them in confidence told me, that there
must be something thought on to settle things better."*
To allay their discontents, it was found necessary to pacify
some, and to divide them from those who were in greater
haste than moderate men thought convenient. Swift, who
was the person employed for the purpose, procured a meeting
*Sheridan's Life of Swift, p. 67.
DE FOE'S ACCOUNT OF THE OCTOBER CLUB. 205
of the principal members at a tavern, where he gave them
such cogent reasons for the conduct of the ministry, as
removed their fears and jealousies. This meeting infused
suspicions into the absent members, and was followed by a
division of the club; after which, their meetings being neither
so numerous nor so frequent, they gradually dwindled away.
Swift afterwards wrote "Some Advice to the Members of the
October Club," with which they were in general so well
satisfied, that their meetings were no more heard of; and
those very persons proved the staunchest friends of the
ministers in the House of Commons.
Of these ultra Tories, De Foe gives the following account:
"The original of this set of men, at least under this name,
may be traced several ways. Some say they are called so
from their pretensions to a rustic gentility, men of landed
estates, who, having a substantial fund in terra firma, live
at home, drink good country beer, brewed in March, or
rather in October, and thence deriving their name; they
appear on all occasions as a country reserve against the
intrigues of ministers of state, court parties, factions of
Whigs, and the like. These are now mightily busy in railing
at the proceedings of parliament, telling us that if they
were members, they would do something else before they
gave supplies; they would inquire how the last money was
spent, push at the impeachment of the old ministry, and call
to account, even right or wrong, every one they dislike. They
say, the old ministry deserve to be hanged, or else did not
deserve to be turned out; they are horridly provoked at
the Duke of Marlborough for not resigning his posts, and
say he has a mean soul; they affront the queen for stooping
to employ him again; and they could assassinate Mr. Harley
a second time, as minister of state, for advising to put the
army in the same hands. But we have some other deriva-
tions for this sort of men, and I shall give you the variety,
206 DE FOE'S ACCOUNT OF THE OCTOBER CLUB.
that we may come to as clear a knowledge of them as pos-
sible, for the sake of the public safety. When our first
alarm came abroad, of a design of the French to bring in
the Pretender, on the 14th day of October, 1709, there met
a set of men together, whether at the Vine tavern, in Blooms-
bury, or somewhere else, history has not determined; what
liquor they drank, how intoxicated; whether they paid their
money in Louis-d'ors, or English coin; whether they were
high-flyers, and met up two-pair of stairs, or congregated at
the Beer and Beer-house, where they also drank October,-
these weighty points authors differ very much about, nor
shall I take upon me to determine. But that they were in
their meridian, as to number, on the said famous 14th of
October, many good witnesses can attest, besides Sir J. T.,
Sir J. B., Sir C. D., and Mr. M."
Our author adds, "Famous is this month of October. It
was the same month, and not many days off from the 14th,
that the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor, the bright orna-
ment of the church, to the immortal stagnation of his honour,
gave, after many applications to him for it, an invitation to
Dr. Sacheverell, to preach that known oration before the
Lord Mayor and Aldermen, at St. Paul's.
On the very
same day twelve-month, being the 14th of October, infamous
be its memory, was the day of election for members of par-
liament for the city of London; when immortal violence
shewed its glorious face, to the honour of a well-governed
city, and the October Club reigned lord and king in the
streets of this free metropolis; when our houses were bom-
barded by the street gentry, our windows suffered a compound
fracture, that could never be reduced to their primitive state;
and not magistrates, but magistracy itself suffered all the
insolence of an outrageous mob. From this blessed original
are deduced the names and titles by which the new sons of
October are dignified and distinguished. Drunkenness and
HIS DEFENCE FROM THE CHARGE OF VERSATILITY. 207
tumult have sent them up from their country recess, to turn
things upside down by their fury and distraction.* (K)
The course pursued by De Foe, after the changes in the
ministry, exposed him to much obloquy from the Whigs.
He was accused of wavering in his politics, of supporting the
ministers, and writing under their direction; and even of
having a hand at the same time in a Whig and Tory paper,
thus accommodating himself to both parties. (L) The stu-
pidity of the last charge might have been sufficient to con-
fute itself; but the zeal of party sometimes outruns its
discretion. The reproach of versatility was not a new one,
but as groundless now as formerly (M) Having received
many favours from Harley, it was scarcely to be expected
*Review, vii. 602-604, mis-printed 562, &c.
(K) The following works were published with a reference to this cabal.—
1. The Secret History of the October Club: From its Original to this Time.
By a Member. Lond. 1711.-2. The Second Part of the Secret History of
the October Club; which completes the Whole. Lond. 1711. (In this part
is the character of some of the members.)-3. A List of the October Club.
Lond. 1711.-4. A Collection of Hymns and Poems, for the Use of
the October Club; By Dr. Sacheverell, Dr. Atterbury, Dr. Smalridge,
Dr. Moss, and little Trapp, of Oxford, Chairman to the said Club; Lond.
1711.-5. Æsop at the Bell Tavern, in Westminster; or, a Present from
the October Club. Lond. 1711.-6. Some Advice offered to the Members of
the October Club. Lond. 1711. (The last was by Swift.)—7. A Letter to
a Member of the October Club: Shewing, that to yield Spain to the Duke
of Anjou, by a Peace, would be the Ruin of Great Britain. Lond. 1711. 8vo.
(L) Some of these stupid tales are repeated in the early volumes of the
Gentleman's Magazine, and a writer in one of them says, "I have heard
that Daniel De Foe would write an answer to books before they were pub-
lished; and that once he writ an answer to a book that was never published ;
but I never thought that Mr. Danvers would have followed the example of
so mercenary a writer, for whom he takes every occasion to express so great
a contempt.—vol. iii. 20.
(M) In October, 1704, De Foe writes thus: "to say of the author he
has changed his principles, and writes to please a party is to show them-
S
208 MOTIVES THAT GOVERNED HIS POLITICAL CONDUCT.
that he would commence open hostilities against him; yet
he never flattered that minister, nor supported any of his
measures when he thought them at variance with the good.
of his country. When reproached for subserviency, he
rejects the scandal, and asks for the proof; observing with
indignation, that he neither wrote under the direction of the
minister, nor would submit to do so, if he were the greatest
man alive.* In reply to one of his censurers,
he says,
“I am
free to have my behaviour estimated by the conclusion of my
life; and I hope it shall be all of a piece, steady, guided
by things, and not persons, aimed at the public good, and
entirely free from partiality and corruption. As for those
that will not wait for the issue of things, but pass their
unjust censure on me before-hand, I am content to wait for
their good word till they are convinced they have judged
the matter before they have heard it, which I am sure will
at last appear.Ӡ
The motives that governed him in the line of politics that
he had marked out for himself after the change in the
ministry, he states thus: "when revolutions happen at
court, as I have seen many, when this or that party goes in or
out, it always lays the subject under some difficulties as to
his behaviour; but one general rule serves me in all these
turns. The constitution is my guide; so far as the ministry
goes along with it, every subject that regards the general
good, acquiesces and is quiet. The reason is clear, we do
not go along with the ministry, but they go along with us.
There is a manifest difference between a revolution in the
selves as weak as malicious; since, as in all his practice, no man can be
named who has more to his personal prejudice, despised the partiality of
parties, and is not ashamed to affirin, that as no party in the world can make
him an offer large enough to tempt him to forsake his principles, so neither
can they terrify him from owning the truth, which he has always adhered to."
Review, i. 281.
* Review, viii. 346.
+ Ibid, 338.
MOTIVES THAT GOVERNED HIS POLITICAL CONDUCT. 209
government, and a revolution in the administration. The
first is a change of the constitution itself, and settling it
upon a new, or restoring it to its old foundation; the latter
is only a change of persons. In the former I have a voice as
a member of the constitution; in the latter I am passive.
I may be sorry when I see some men put out, and others put
in, as I think they are, or are not likely to make us happy
and easy in their administration; but I have no more right to
challenge the sovereign, than the sovereign has to call a
subject to account for turning away his servants. While
they keep within the circle of the laws, and do right, they
go along with me; if they do wrong, they go away from
me, and I go wrong too if I follow them. He that serves a
minister of state, or joins with him in any illegal step,
especially knowing it to be so, is a mercenary, a flatterer,
and ought to be the contempt of mankind. But while the
ministry keep within the circle of the law, preserve the
constitution, uphold the liberties and interests of the nation,
let their persons be who or what they will, without en-
quiring their names, it is my duty to join with them. This
is the golden mean by which I regulate myself. If I give
offence to some hot friends, when aversion to persons runs
them into extremes, I am sorry for them; for I think I act
by principle. He that tells me of bribery, and writing to
please, is first a knave, in charging me with what he cannot
prove; and secondly, a fool, in putting more value upon
the Review, and its author, than he pretends to, and suggest-
ing that his pen is of such consequence to the present minis-
try, as to make it worth their while. When the adminis-
tration of affairs has run wrong, I have never spared myself,
but have dared to speak the truth in the face, and in con-
tempt of the power of arbitrary ministers of state: nay, in
opposition to parliaments themselves, when I have thought
they invaded the liberties of their country, which they were.
VOL. III.
P
C
210
ACCUSATIONS OF OLDMIXON AND OTHERS.
constituted to protect; and if I see the same cause, I dare
do the same thing again, and shall not fail do it, let what
power or persons soever stand in my way. But, till the
ministry break in upon the constitution, invade liberty,
encroach upon property, break the laws, and oppress the
subject, I cannot think it is the duty or interest of any wise
man, to carry on his regret at any change the queen pleases
to make, to such a degree, as to fall upon the persons that
succeed, only because they are in place, whether they act
amiss or no. They that think otherwise, may act as they
please. But it was never my talent to complain without
ground, which would be to obtain the favour of not being
regarded when I had cause."*
If we may believe De Foe, he lived in an age when men
were very versatile in their politics; for it was so much the
fashion to be governed by persons rather than things, that
"it is almost impossible to find a man, either Whig or
Tory, who is of the same sentiments now that he was twenty
years ago."+ In that age of political defection, there were
perhaps few writers less open to the charge of versatility
than De Foe, notwithstanding the powerful arguments of a
wife and six children, with a precarious dependance for
their support; a fact never told by his enemies. In spite of
their calumnies, it is impossible not to believe, that he was,
through life, the consistent friend of civil and religious
liberty; whilst upon minor points, he never allowed his
judgment to be fettered by the opinions of any party. Yet,
because he did not run the full career of opposition with
the Whigs, they set him down as a mercenary writer, and
insisted upon his being in the pay of Harley. Oldmixon,
who is resolved never to speak well either of De Foe or of
his patron, repeats the charges against him, with additional
*Review, viii. 338, 339.
† Ibid, viii. 365.
211
scandals; but no credit is to be given to a writer who dips
his pen so deeply in the gall of party.(N) He couples De
Foe with Swift, as "fellow-labourers in the service of the
White-Staff;" and says, "that he paid De Foe better than
he did Swift; looking on him as the shrewder head of the
two for business."*(o)
ACCUSATIONS OF OLDMIXON AND OTHERS.
(N) Oldmixon, in his Life of Maynwaring (page 168) says,
"He told me
that Foe, who had had very great obligations to my Lord-Treasurer Godolphin,
when he began to turn his Reviews against his benefactor," (which by the
bye he never did,) "wrote his lordship a letter, that he did it in compli-
ance with the madness of the times, and seemed to fall in with those that
clamoured against his administration, only that he might get a hearing
for him in his favour." A very improbable story, and of a piece with what
follows: "Nay, he was so base, as to take money of the Earl of Godolphin,
at the same time that he had a pension from his successor; who sent him to
Scotland as a spy, when the treaty of Union was afoot, and kept him in pay
ever after, as a man whose conscience was exactly of a size with his own,
and who was fit for any drudgery he should put him upon. Mr. Maynwaring
has often expressed to me his admiration, that either the Earl of Godolphin,
or the Treasurer that came after him, could put any trust in such a fellow,
or have any opinion of his capacity, he being the most ignorant rogue that
ever scribbled. He would never let me take any notice of his Reviews, (in
the Medley) yet himself fell upon one of them in a half-sheet, and made such
a devil of the author that he laboured a long while after to clear himself of
so much infamy; but it was laid on too thick and too close for him to wipe
it off." The patronage of Godolphin and Harley vindicates De Foe from
the contempt put upon him by this writer; and he has sufficiently cleared
himself from the other charges in his Review.
* Life of Maynwaring, p. 276.
(0) Swift is well known to have been one of the principal tools of the
ministers, in rendering their projects popular with the people; and Prior
was another. Toland, writing to the Earl of Oxford, in December, 1711,
says of them,"
a certain couple I often see coming from you, and who are
known to be high in your favour, are remarkable for nothing as much as the
one for his levity, the other for his ingratitude, and both for their insuffi-
ciency; which indeed, does excellently qualify 'em for tools, if that be your
design. They have ambition enough to turn and return, to say and do, to
unsay and undo as they are bid; nor have you any thing to risk when you
use them as tools deserve."-Toland's Works, ii. 222. It is curious to
observe the contempt with which the writers of this age treated each other,
when opposed in politics. Toland himself was not without his share
of it.
P 2
212
As De Foe best knew the nature of his connexion with
Harley, he shall relate it in his own words; and it affords a
triumphant vindication from the aspersions of his enemies.
Having recounted the favours he had received from some of
the late ministers; and from the person then at the head of
affairs, he says, " But let no man run away with the notion,
that I am now intending to plead the obligation that was
laid upon me by her majesty, or by any other person, to
justify my doing any thing that is not otherwise to be jus-
tified in itself. Nothing would be more injurious than
such a construction; and therefore I capitulate for so much
justice as to explain myself by this declaration, viz. That
I only speak of those obligations as binding me to a negative
conduct, not to fly in the face of, or concern myself in dis-
putes with those to whom I was under such obligations,
although I might not, in my judgment, join in many things
that were done. No obligation could excuse me in calling
evil good, or good evil; but I am of opinion, that I might
justly think myself obliged to defend what I thought was to
be defended, and to be silent in any thing which I might
think was not. If this is a crime, I must plead guilty, and
give in the history of my obligation as an extenuation at
least, if not a justification of my conduct.
IIIS OWN DEFENCE OF HIMSELF.
J
"And this brings me to inquire what the matters of fact
are; what I have done, or have not done. It is a general
suggestion, and is affirmed with such assurance, that they
tell me it is in vain to contradict it, that I have been em-
ployed by the Lord-Treasurer, in the late disputes about
public affairs, to write for him, or to put it into their own
particulars, have written by his direction, taken the mate-
rials from him, been dictated to, or instructed by him, or
by other persons from him, by his order, and the like; and
that I have received a pension, salary, or payment from his
lordship for such services. One would think it impossible,
since these things have been so confidently affirmed, but
HIS OWN DEFENCE OF HIMSELF.
213
that some evidence might be produced, some facts appear,
or somebody might be found that could speak of certain
knowledge. To say, things have been carried too closely
to be discovered, is saying nothing; for then they must
own, that it is not discovered: and how then can they affirm
it, as they do, with such an assurance as nothing ought
to be affirmed by honest men, unless they were able to
prove it?
"To speak then to the fact. Were the reproach upon me
only in this particular, I should not mention it. I should
not think it a reproach to be directed by a man to whom
the queen had entrusted the administration of the govern-
ment. But, as it is a reproach upon his lordship, justice
requires that I do right in this case. The thing is true or
false. I would recommend it to those who would be called
honest men, to consider but one thing, viz. What if it
should not be true? Can they justify the injury done to
that person, or to any person concerned? If it cannot be
proved, if no vestiges appear to ground it upon, how can
they charge men upon rumours and reports, and join to run
down men's characters by the stream of clamour.
Sed quo rapit impetus undæ.
"In answer to the charge, I bear witness to posterity,
that every part of it is false and forged. And I solemnly
protest, in the fear and presence of him that shall judge us
all, both the slanderers and the slandered, that I have not
received any instructions, directions, orders, or let them call
it what they will, for the writing any part of what I have
written, or any materials for the putting together any book
or pamphlet whatsoever, from the said Earl of Oxford, Lord-
Treasurer, or from any person by his order or direction,
since the time that the late Earl of Godolphin was Lord-
Treasurer. Neither did I ever shew, or cause to be shewed
to his lordship, for his approbation or otherwise, any book,
paper, or pamphlet which I have written, before the same
214
was printed and published. If any man living can detect
me of the least prevarication in this, or in any part of it,
I desire him to do it by all means; and I challenge all the
world to do it. And if they cannot, then I appeal to the
honour and justice of my worst enemies, to know upon what
foundation of truth or conscience they can affirm these
things, and for what it is that I bear these reproaches. In
all my writing, I ever capitulated for liberty to speak ac-
cording to my own judgment of things; I ever had that
liberty allowed me, nor was I ever imposed upon to write
this way or that against my judgment, by any person
whatsoever.
HIS OWN DEFENCE OF HIMSELF.
"I come now historically to the point of time when my
Lord Godolphin was dismissed from his employment, and
the late unhappy division broke out at court. I waited on
my Lord the day he was displaced, and humbly asked his
lordship's direction, what course I should take? His lord-
ship's answer was, 'That he had the same good will to
assist me, but not the same power; that I was the queen's
servant, and that all he had done for me was by her
majesty's special and particular direction; and that whoever
should succeed him, it was not material to me; he supposed
I should be employed in nothing relating to the present
differences: my business was to wait till I saw things
settled, and then apply myself to the ministers of state, to
receive her majesty's commands from them.' It occurred to
me immediately, as a principle for my conduct, that it was
not material to me what ministers her majesty was pleased
to employ; my duty was to go along with every ministry,
so far as they did not break in upon the constitution, and
the laws and liberties of my country; my part being only
the duty of a subject, to submit to all lawful commands, and
to enter into no service which was not justifiable by the
laws to all which I have exactly obliged myself.
"By this, I was providentially cast back upon my original
215
benefactor, who, according to his wonted goodness, was
pleased to lay my case before her majesty; and thereby I
preserved my interest in her majesty's favour, but without
any engagement of service. As for consideration, pension,
gratification, or reward, I declare to all the world I have had
none, except only that old appointment which her majesty
was pleased to make me in the ministry of my Lord Go-
dolphin; of which I have spoken already, and which was
for services done in a foreign country some years before.
Neither have I been employed or directed by my Lord-
Treasurer aforesaid, to do, or not to do, anything in the
affair of the unhappy differences which have so long per-
plexed us, and for which I have suffered so many, and such
unjust reproaches.
HIS OWN DEFENCE OF HIMSELF.
"The first thing in the unhappy breaches which have
fallen out, is the heaping up scandal upon the persons and
conduct of men of honour on one side as well as on the
other; those unhappy methods of falling upon one another
by personal calumny and reproach. This I have often in
print complained of as an unchristian, ungenerous, and
unjustifiable practice. Not a word can be found in all I
have written reflecting on the persons or conduct of any of
the former ministry. I served her majesty under their
administrations; they acted honourably and justly in every
transaction in which I had the honour to be concerned with
them; and I never published, or said any thing dishonour-
able of any of them in my life: nor can the worst enemy I
have produce any such thing against me. I always re-
gretted the charge, and looked upon it as a great disaster to
the nation in general, I am sure it was so to me in parti-
cular; and the divisions and feuds among parties which
followed that change, were doubtless a disaster to us
all.”*
Appeal to Honour and Justice, pp. 17-23.
CHAPTER IX.
Death of the Earl of Rochester.-His Character.-The Tories unite under
Harley-His Address to gain their Confidence.-Different Opinions of his
Policy-He is created Earl of Oxford and Lord Treasurer.-Other
Changes.-A Secular Prelate.-Fleming's History of Hereditary Right.
-Some awkward Appearances of Inroads upon the Constitution.-The
Cause of the Pretender gains ground.-Public Demonstrations in his
Favor.-The Ministers desirous of a Peace.-Enter upon a Clandestine
Negociation with France.-Swift's New Journey to Paris.-De Foe
attacked by Maynwaring.-He defends Himself. He is a Friend to Peace.
— His Opinion upon the Objects of the War.-And Statement of King
William's Sentiments. He is for a Partition of the Spanish Dominions.
--Mis-represented by the Whigs. He explains his Opinions in “ An Essay
upon that difficult Phrase, a Good Peace."-Many Pamphlets falsely
charged upon him.-He publishes "The Felonious Treaty" in Defence of
King William.-Defends himself from Reproaches.-The Parliament re-
assembled.-Prosperous days for the Church.-Coalition between the Whigs
and the Earl of Nottingham.-De Foe's Remarks upon it.-The Occa-
sional Bill brought forward by the Earl of Nottingham.-Passes both
Houses.-De Foe's Reflections upon the Measure.-Speech of the Stone
Chimney-Piece in the House of Lords.-He publishes "An Essay on the
History of Parties and Persecution."-Caveat against the Whigs.
1711.
UPON the second of May, died Laurence Hyde, Earl of
Rochester, second son to the great Earl of Clarendon, and
the queen's uncle. He had been to dine with a friend, and
after dinner was seized with apoplexy, of which he died.
His education and early connexions gave him a strong bias
to Toryism, which grew more inveterate with age, and
possessed him with those rigorous high-church notions
which were rampant in the days of Charles II. He has
THE TORIES UNITE UNDER HARLEY,
217
been celebrated for his wisdom and integrity, and he gave a
proof of his attachment to Protestantism, by relinquishing
the place of Lord High Treasurer, rather than conform to
the religion of King James II.; but he sat in the eccle-
siastical commission, and sanctioned all the measures in
that reign for the subversion of liberty. His acquiescence in
the Revolution was probably more the result of necessity
than of choice; for he was ever the determined opponent of
King William, and the short time that he held office under
him, was declared by that prince to be the uneasiest of his
reign. The accession of a Stuart was the signal for his
return to power, which he used for the aggrandizement of
the crown, and the promotion of those schemes of clerical
dominion, which was the object of all the clamour now raised
by the clergy upon account of religion. The Protestantism
of Lord Rochester was akin to the religion of all bigots,
which is that of hatred; and derives no value from the
dogmas ingrafted upon it, in comparison with what it loses
by the absence of those qualities which are of most value to
society.
By the death of Rochester, Harley lost a formidable
rival; and it paved the way for his accession to those
honours which the popularity he had acquired since his
late accident assigned to him without a contest. The Tories
who had been hitherto divided, now united under him as
their head, and engaged to support him with their whole
interest. "Mr. Harley, who was no stranger to the nature
of popular favour, nor to differences which were likely to
arise among them on account of the succession, embraced
and paid compliments to them all, and exhorted every one
to exert himself for his party against the Duke of Marl-
borough, who seemed to have a design upon the crown."
Harley had always a great dread of military power, and
was jealous of Marlborough's influence with the army; but
as there could be no ground for the insinuation just men-
tioned, it must be considered as one of those artifices in
218
which he so largely indulged. The historian goes on to
say, "But though he talked to them thus, yet it is
reported, that he said to the queen from the beginning,
that he would neither attempt any thing against the suc-
cession, nor act in any other business otherwise than ac-
cording to law. And he persuaded the queen to follow
the same maxims of conduct, and to do every thing that
was fair and honourable. And in this respect, the testi-
mony of the Earl of Godolphin was of great service to him;
who declared, that Mr. Harley was always averse to the
Pretender. But such was the iniquity of the times, that
people now had entertained a different opinion of him; and
the Pretender's friends boasted, that they knew his whole
design. I shall not presume to determine this point, since
nothing is harder to discover than a man's intentions. It
is certain, his present conduct seemed to regard the Pre-
tender more than the laws of the land, as that of the Earl
of Sunderland, the father, formerly did, by whose example
many people thought Mr. Harley's schemes were
formed."*
now
DIFFERENT OPINIONS OF HIS POLICY.
Although there is no proof that Harley ever had any
serious design in favor of the Pretender, yet, as many of his
actions tended that way, and some of his colleagues were
known to be in his interest, it is not surprising that he
should have the credit of it. He who resorts with bad com-
pany, however well-disposed, must not expect to escape
without scars, upon his reputation; and it was the tax that
Harley paid as the price of his ambition. The queen, who
thought no reward too great for his services, raised him to
the peerage upon the 24th of May, by the title of Earl of
Oxford and Mortimer; and upon the 29th of the same
month, he was constituted Lord High Treasurer. When he
went to take the oaths in the Court of Chancery, the Lord-
Keeper, Harcourt, complimented him in a strain of flattery
Cunningham, ii. 362.
219
rivalling that of the Speaker, and suited to the pomp and
magnificence of his patent.* As for Harley, " His thoughts
were full of the antiquity of his family, and his heart more
set upon honours and riches: he was also more desirous to
seem excellent, than to be so."+
OTHER CHANGES.
The promotion of Harley was followed by many other
changes, which gave great satisfaction to the Tories. His
place, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, was filled by Robert
Benson, afterwards Lord Bingley; and that zealous church-
man, John, Duke of Bucks, succeeded the Earl of Rochester
as president of the council. But the most extraordinary
appointment was that of Dr. Robinson, Bishop of Bristol, to
be lord privy-seal and a member of the cabinet; being the
first clergyman raised to a ministerial office since the reign
of Charles I. This secular prelate had been formerly
ambassador to Sweden, and afterwards negociated the peace
of Utrecht, for which service he was rewarded with the
bishopric of London. (P) He is said to have been a great
*
Boyer's Queen Anne, p. 495.
+ Cunningham, ii. 363.
(P) When the bishop went over to Holland upon this extraordinary
mission, he was greeted by the hootings and jeerings of the children:
which was not done so much out of ill design, as through their wonder
at the novelty of his habit. Writing over to the queen, he complained
heavily of these indignities, which, it is said, her majesty took very much
to heart, and complained of the dishonour done to her plenipotentiary and
to the church. But it was the folly of the ministers in sending him upon such
an errand, that deserved the most censure.-Cunningham, iì. 395. The
equipage with which he travelled was somewhat curious for an apostle
of Christianity; but it must be recollected that he went as envoy from the
queen of Great Britain, and not as bishop of Bristol. He travelled in a
carriage with eight horses, and his attendants in five coaches and six. He
had four pages, and twelve footmen in liveries, partly of the colour generally
used by bishops in England. His appointment comprised 9000 ounces of
plate, half of which was gilt; and a black velvet gown richly covered with
gold loops, having a long train borne by two pages in ash-coloured coats,
with silver orraces, and green waistcoats. He was accompanied by three
chaplains, to divide the laborious duty, and had eighteen gentlemen in his
retinue.-Oldmiron, iii. 483.
220
FLEMING'S HISTORY OF HEREDITARY RIGHT.
>>
politician; but we hear little of his merits as a divine.
Indeed, the church was now raising her head as in the old
days of Laud, and had a prospect of those "halcyon days,'
when she should be able, from the throne of power, to trample
her enemies beneath her feet. With all the vices of the
Jesuits, but more humble pretensions to talent, the clergy of
this period, neglecting the pastoral character, emulated them
in their thirst for power, which they cloaked with a noisy
zeal for the church. When thwarted in any of their pro-
jects, they became inflamed with resentment, and raised
cabals in the nation to assist them in gratifying their
revenge. The Revolution, which recognized the civil rights
of Englishmen, was an abomination in their eyes; and the
more so, for its carrying along with it an "indulgence to
scrupulous consciences," as they had effrontery to term the
Act of Toleration, with a view to its overthrow.
The absurd doctrines upon government, propagated by
the clergy, to assist them in grasping at temporal power,
were properly exposed in a work that now made its ap-
pearance in an anonymous dress, and intitled "The History
of Hereditary Right, from Cain to Nero: Wherein its Inde-
feasableness, and all other such late Doctrines concerning
the absolute Power of Princes, and the unlimited Obedience
of Subjects, are fully and finally determined by the Scrip-
ture-standard of Divine Right. To which is prefixed, a
Preface by way of a modest Challenge, and Address to
the British and Irish Jacobites, to answer what is said.
London." 8vo. This work appeared without either name or
date, but the author tells us, that he happened to wind up
his discourse upon the 11th of April, being the day upon
which the solemnity of King William's coronation had
taken place twenty-one years before, but the remembrance
of which was then forgotten or despised. The author was
soon known to be the Rev. Robert Fleming, an eminent
divine of the Scottish Church, resident in London, whose
FLEMING'S HISTORY OF HEREDITARY RIGHT, 221
name was affixed to the second edition, published in 1717.
The object of the author is sufficiently unfolded in his title.
From a comprehensive view of the history of succession in
the Jewish state, he forcibly points out the contempt which
the Almighty poured upon hereditary right, by its frequent
interruption in a favoured nation; and he adduces numerous
examples to show the fallacy of the Jacobite claims to un-
interrupted succession. From hence, he deduces the legality
of the Revolution which placed King William upon the
throne, and established the succession in the house of
Hanover; and he argues upon the extreme folly of those
who would set the latter aside in favour of the Stuarts,
under the cloudy notion of hereditary right. The work
abounds with scriptural illustrations; and the author has
some sensible and judicious strictures upon the conduct of
Joseph, when prime-minister of Egypt. Those who are
tinctured with the absurd notions upon government which
then prevailed, and have descended to some in our own day,
may find them ably demolished by this writer, who united
the decorations of learning with the desirable qualities of
a sound mind. De Foe, who had taken a similar view of
the subject, and speaks of Mr. Fleming as "the ingenious
and very learned author," strongly recommends his book to
general perusal.
At this time, the conduct of the ministers betrayed some
awkward appearances of inroads upon the constitution, par-
ticularly with regard to Scotland; a breach of faith that was
contemplated by De Foe with feelings of indignation. He
denounces it as worse than Turkish perfidy, and says, "If
the persons aimed at, think themselves aggrieved by his
remarks, a small matter will move him to defend them.”*
The disguise now worn by public men was too thin to con-
ceal their designs, or to deceive our author. He says, “I,
* Review, viii. 32.
222
that have lived now these twenty years in this Presbyterian
nation, (q) have often been guilty of wondering that we are
not tired in all this time from the Revolution, with wearing
masques and covering ourselves with disguises, especially
when the air of parties is so sultry hot, as sometimes it is.
But, as they say pride is never too hot or too cold, so it is
here; and our politics so much prevail upon our convenience,
that we will bear any thing. This is evident in our con-
cealing the principles we profess, and putting on a show of
what we really neither love, own, nor practice."*
But there were strong grounds to suspect the fidelity of
the ministers, not only with regard to the Union, but even to
the Protestant succession, and the preservation of liberty.
The sixteen peers elected to sit in parliament for Scotland,
were, with only two or three exceptions, known to be in the
interest of the Pretender, and some of them had already
appeared in arms for him. A great number of offices,
both in England and Scotland, were filled with persons of
the same description; and both arms and pay were sent by
the queen's command to a barbarous race of men in the
Highlands, who were in the same interest, and prepared for
any scene of blood and desolation. † The spirit of Jacobitism,
which had skulked in corners under the late ministry, now
revived, and diffused itself through the various departments
of the public administration. Amongst the remarkables of
the time, was a silver medal of the Pretender, which the
Duchess of Gordon presented, in the month of June, to the
dean and faculty of Advocates in Edinburgh. Upon one
side was the head of the Chevalier, with the motto, cujus
THE CAUSE OF THE PRETENDER GAINS GROUND.
(Q) De Foe here uses the word Presbyterian sarcastically, it having been
so often in the mouths of the high party to designate the queen, the bishops,
and the moderate men in the nation. His subsequent remarks were a
strong rebuke to Harley.
*Review, viii. 81.
† Cunningham, ii. 356.
PUBLIC DEMONSTRATIONS IN HIS FAVOUR. 223
est; and upon the reverse, a representation of the British
islands, with the word reddite. (R) Pamphlets were now
circulated to disparage the Revolution and its hero, and to
get rid of the oath of abjuration. The cause of the
Pretender was audaciously pleaded by the Tory news-
writers, who passed with impunity; and a book was pub-
lished containing the depositions relative to the birth of the
Pretender. (s) In Ireland, matters were placed upon a like
prosperous footing. Sir Constantine Phipps, the new Chan-
cellor, a cruel and unjust man, was wholly in the interest of
the high party, and rendered the administration of his office
subservient to the enemies of the Protestant succession.
Amongst the affronts offered to the queen and government,
by the party whose leaders she was caressing, was toasting
the Pretender at their private clubs, and the chaunting of
songs to his success. Some of these were published and
freely scattered amongst the people, containing the most
bare-faced assertion of his claims to the crown. The old
cavalier song of "The king shall enjoy his own again,”
composed during the exile of Charles II. was now revived;
(R) The particulars of this affair, which made a great noise at the time,
were published in the "Flying Post" and other papers; as also in a
pamphlet intitled “The Scotch Medal deciphered, and the new Hereditary
Right Men displayed. Or, Remarks on the late Proceedings of the Faculty
of Advocates at Edinburgh, upon receiving the Pretender's Medal. With
an Account of the Laws which make those proceedings High-Treason. To
which the said proceedings are prefixed. Lond. 1711.” 8vo.
(s) It is intitled "The Several Declarations, together with the several
Depositions made in council, on Monday the 22nd of October, 1688,
concerning the Birth of the Prince of Wales. Lond." No date. The
work had been formerly published by order of King James, and, says
De Foe, "As that book was the greatest weakening and blow to the king
that any body could have struck, so really will the publishing it now.
There are so many takers of an impostor; so many plain deficiencies of
what proof might have been made; so many fulsome follies, surfeiting
blunders, such broken evidences, circumlocutions, and very weak low steps,
that it is out of any wise man's doubt, that the depositions left the cause in
a dirtier condition than they found it, and so it will now."-Review, vii. 587.
224
and other words were composed to the same tune, better
adapted to the occasion. The following verses from one of
these songs, will sufficiently unfold the intentions of the
party :
THE MINISTERS DESIROUS OF A PEACE.
"Now the Tories reign,
Our hopes revive again,
And the revolution-rogueries shall come down :
Awa, Whigs, Awa,
For we hope to see the day,
When Jemmy, bonny Jemmy, shall recover his crown.
Then let the loons run,
As they have now begun,
All their tricks to recover are in vain :
For we hope to see the day,
When the Whigs shall run away,
And the king shall enjoy his own again (T)
??
During the greater part of the year, the public mind was
occupied upon the projected negociation for a general peace.
The war with France had been always unpopular with the
Tories, as growing out of the partition-treaty, which they
condemned for the sake of its author. An early bias in
favor of a connexion with that country, so long cherished by
the court of England, disposed many of them to view its
interruption with regret; whilst others who rested their
hopes upon the Pretender, deprecated it as enfeebling the
only power that was capable of assisting his pretensions.
A very different feeling with regard to France had pervaded
the great body of the nation, and sanctioned the policy of
putting an end to her aggrandizement, by creating a balance
of power in Europe. The long train of successes that
crowned the arms of the confederates, had rendered the war
(r) De Foe says, that the song as sung at their more private parties, when
they gave way to their excesses, has a more genuine version, thus :
"For we hope to see the day,
)) *
When the Queen shall run away,
And the king shall enjoy his own again.”
* Review, viii. 318.
CLANDESTINE NEGOCIATION WITH FRANCE. 225
popular, and afforded a rational prospect of accomplishing
this object. But so long as it continued, the Tories despaired
of their accession to power, or of being able to stand their
ground in the event of obtaining it. Their only hope,
therefore, was to infuse discontents in the people, to sour
their minds with the burthen of taxation, and to represent
the Whigs as the sole obstacle to their relief by a peace.
In furtherance of their object, the pulpit was laid under
requisition, and the inferior clergy raised such a clamour
amongst the people, that the military ardour and high
spirit of liberty, which not many years before, had shone
forth amongst all ranks and orders of men, were now ex-
changed for a rooted aversion to war, and a blind desire for
peace, without any regard to the honour of the country, or
the safety of those interests for which so much blood and
treasure had been expended.
The French king, aware of the disposition of the Tories,
hailed their accession to power, and resolved to profit by the
altered tone which they had created in the nation. A clan-
destine correspondence had been carried on for some time
between the courts of France and England, by means of
inferior agents; and the inclination of both parties having
been sufficiently ascertained, Mons. Mesnager was sent pri-
vately to England, in the early part of the year, clothed with
powers from the French king, to ascertain the views of the
English ministers. The business having assumed this serious
form, Matthew Prior, the poet, who had been employed in
a former negociation, was sent with the same secrecy to
France, to explain the terms upon which a treaty would be
negociated. Mons. Mesnager soon followed, and the pre-
liminaries having been adjusted at Paris, they both returned
with them to London, where they were signed by the English
ministers, the 27th of September. Hitherto, the affair had
been conducted without the knowledge of the allies, whom
the French king was desirous of excluding from the treaty.
VOL. III.
Q
226
SWIFT'S NEW JOURNEY TO PARIS.
As soon as the conditions became known, they expressed
great dissatisfaction, and memorialized the queen upon the
subject. The Dutch prohibited the French plenipotentiaries
from entering their territory; but the queen threatening to
withdraw the English troops, they gradually gave way, and
at length consented to a congress, at Utrecht, which was to
be opened in the following January.
Whilst these clandestine negociations were going forward,
the suspicions of the people began to be awakened, until the
object of them ceased to be a mystery. In order to prepare
the public mind, as well as to create an impression favour-
able to the ministers, one of their writers now published
"A new Journey to Paris; together with some Secret Trans-
actions between the French King and an English Gentleman.
By the Sieur de Baudrier. Translated from the French.
London, 1711." 8vo. The French name affixed to the work,
was nothing more than a deception, to blind the public.
Tindal says,
"It was supposed by some to be written by
Daniel De Foe, and by others ascribed to Jonathan Swift,
who had for some years before attached himself to the Whig
party, but, being disappointed in hopes of preferment, went
over to the Tories."* It is now known, that Swift was the
real author. The English gentleman alluded to in his title,
was Matthew Prior, of whose journey to Paris he gives an
amusing account. (v)
* Tindal's History, iv. 221.
(u) Swift, in his Journal to Stella, writes thus: "I have just thought of a
project to bite the town. I have told you, that it is now known that Mr.
Prior has been lately in France. I will make a printer of my own sit by
me one day; and I will dictate him a formal relation of Prior's journey,
with several particulars, all pure invention; and I doubt not but that it will
take.”—“ This morning the printer sent me an account of Prior's Journey;
it makes a twopenny pamphlet; I suppose you will see it, for I dare say
will run.
It is a formal, grave lie, from the beginning to the end. I wrote
all but the last page; that I dictated, and the printer wrote."--Journal for
August 31, and September 11.
it
227
The eagerness of the ministers to enter upon a treaty, and
the disposition they fostered against the allies, were bad omens
of their future management. But their stability depended
upon a peace, and they resolved to have it, let the expense
be what it would. This was not unknown to the French
king, who had secret information of all that was transacting,
and resolved to make his market of it, by securing the Spanish
dominions for his grandson. Although the prevention of
such an occurrence had been a leading object of the war,
yet it was now generally believed that the ministers would
not insist upon it, As De Foe had already declared himself,
in strong terms upon the subject, and at the same time,
had disavowed any sytematic attack upon the ministers, his
enemies thought it would be a fine opportunity to try his
consistency. With this view, Mr. Maynwaring now published
some "Reflections on a Quotation out of the Review," being
the work before alluded to by Oldmixon. Upon this paper
De Foe bestows the following strictures:
"I have met with a scurrilous paper, designed to be pub-
lished some days ago, and which the publisher justly refused
to give out, intitled, 'A Quotation from the Review.' How-
ever, that the author may not think that I am afraid to have
it come abroad, I have here published it for him, that the
world may judge what fair dealing I meet with from some
who pretend they are for the right side. The paper is this:
“I ought to make an apology to the public for re-printing
the words of such a writer; but, because every body does not
know that he is under the direction of a much greater man
than himself, and few of the better, or wiser sort of people,
ever trouble themselves to read his papers, I thought it would
not be unacceptable to them to see the thoughts, even of this
low author, upon the subject of peace, before he was let
into the true secret. And I now recommend to him, the
reconciling the project so much talked of, with his opinion of
that matter the first day of September last: And this he
DE FOE ATTACKED BY MAYNWARING.
Q 2
228
may as easily do, as what he undertook upon the late change
of the ministry, which was to prove, that all ministries and
managements must be alike, and that whoever were employed
must be Whigs. The first thing, therefore, I now desire of
him is, that he would please to give his thoughts a new turn,
and endeavour to prove, according to the present language of
the times, That it is impossible to have a good peace without
giving Spain to France. This is a pretty new maxim in
politics, and fit to be illustrated by so able a pen.'
De Foe had no difficulty in answering this writer. He
says,
"After this wise and modest introduction, he prints a
part of the Review for the first of September, No. 69, in
which I argue against giving up Spain to the House of
Bourbon; that it would ruin our commerce, and that we
had as good give up Ireland. He now demands of me to
reconcile this to the project, which he says is so much talked
of, and to prove that it is impossible to have a good peace
without giving Spain to France. Let any man judge of the
justice of these people. I defy him to prove that ever any
of my writings suggested any such thing; and what then
have I to do with what he says is the language of the times?
It is none of my languege, and it is more unfair of him to
demand it of me, than it is for me to ask him to prove that
I write under the direction of any man, or ever would submit
to do so, were he the greatest man alive; which I defy him
to make out."*
HE DEFENDS HIMSELF.
"""
De Foe acknowledges himself a friend to peace, provided
it can be obtained upon safe and honourable terms; and he
contends, that the circumstances of the nation required it,
even if we could not procure all the conditions we had
expected. Although his opinion was never altered as to the
immediate object of the war, which was the preservation of the
balance of power, yet no one could foresee, but that circum-
*Review viii. 345, 346.
229
stances might arise which would render some deviation neces-
sary in the mode by which that object was to be obtained.
In fact, an occurrence of this kind actually took place by the
death of the emperor, and the elevation of his brother Charles
VI., the competitor for the crown of Spain, to the empire.
As it was contrary to the interest of the other princes of
Europe, that the Spanish dominions should be subject either
to the emperor or the King of France, the object of the
treaty now became deranged, and the interests of the leading
members of the alliance, in case the war continued, required
to be settled by fresh stipulations. This new state of things,
independent of other circumstances, was favourable to the
ambitious views of the French monarch, and appeared to
release the English ministers from the obligation of a literal
fulfilment of the treaty of partition. They had the less
reserve, therefore, in entering upon negociations for peace
with France, even without the concurrence of the emperor,
whose new situation occasioned a necessary change in the
English policy. If De Foe's argument, therefore, took a
different turn at this time, it must be attributed to a change
of circumstances, rather than to any deviation from his
former opinions.
As King William had a leading hand in forming the treaty,
his sentiments upon the subject were important at this time,
and there were few persons better qualified to state them than
De Foe. "I remember in that famous treaty," says he,
“which I had the honour to see, and something more in its
embryo, this fundamental maxim is laid down, as what all
the princes of Europe would acknowledge, viz. that it was
essential to the safety and peace of Europe, that the kingdom
of Spain should never devolve on one hand to any prince that
was emperor of Germany; or on the other hand, to any
prince that was king of France, so that they might be pos-
sessed at the same time by one and the same person."
* He
HE IS A FRIEND TO PEACE.
Review, viii. 59.
230
""
adds, "I have had the honour to hear his majesty speak of
these things at large; and I appeal to all those noble persons
now living, who were near the king at that time, who I believe
often heard him express himself with great caution as to the
giving too much to the empire, as equally dangerous to the
public peace, with giving it to France."*
"For my part,'
says he, "I look back with inexpressible satisfaction on this
in myself; that having from the beginning seen with the
eyes of his late majesty in this affair, I always saw the
blessing of that design, and ever have been, and still am, of
the opinion that this war can have no other end."+
Upon the whole, De Foe concludes, that it would be safer
for Europe to make a partition of the Spanish dominions
between the contending parties. "Every reason," says he,
+
argues strongly for dividing this mighty prize, and giving a
part to every pretender, making them all as equal in strength
and advantages, as may make them independent of each
other; and this is what we call the balance of power. This
was the foundation of the late treaty of partition, and this
is the foundation I go upon in my politics." The interest.
that England and Holland would have in this arrangement,
he says, would consist in the security of their own dominions,
and in the commercial advantages which they should stipu-
late for by treaty." "He that is for making a peace," says
he, "that is not a good one, is for ending the war to begin it
again; is for selling us to the French, and would sell us to
the Devil." S
"(
MISREPRESENTED BY THE WHIGS.
Such were the real opinions of De Foe upon the subject
of the peace, and it became the more necessary to state
them, because they have been grossly misrepresented by the
Whig writers of the time, who have transmitted his name
with odium, as a dependant upon the ministers, and an unqua-
lified supporter of all their measures. We have seen that he
rejects the charge of subserviency with disdain; and as his
Review, viii. 354. † Ibid, 366.
↑ Ibid, 370. § Ibid, 375.
EXPLAINS HIS OPINIONS IN A PAMPHLET.
231
ideas upon the proper terms for a peace differed materially
from those which were eventually submitted to by the minis-
ters, so they remained unchanged to the last.
With a view to influence the people upon this all-absorbing
subject, pamphlets were now scattered about by both parties
in great abundance. To the general stock, De Foe paid his
contributions; but they were of a pacific tendency, designed
to moderate the heat of parties, and inculcated the same.
view of the subject that he had taken of it in his Reviews.
In reply to the Whigs, who misrepresented his motives for
advocating a peace, he says, that he did not write for it “as a
Tory, high-flying project, to establish a party and restore the
Pretender," as had been basely insinuated; to accuse him of
which, he tells them, would be as absurd as to say, he was
for setting up the Spanish inquisition, or for restoring the
worship of Diana, in the Cathedral of St. Paul's.* But to
silence clamour, and explain his views more effectually upon
the subject, he appeared before the world, in the month of
November, in "an Essay at a Plain Exposition of that Diffi-
cult Phrase, a Good Peace.' Printed for J. Baker, 1711.”
8vo. pp. 52.
In an "Introduction" to the work, he explains his
motives for undertaking it, and cautions the public not to
be misled by the numerous pamphlets that had been falsely
ascribed to him. "The subject I have here undertaken,”
says he, "is so nice, and a plain treating of it so difficult
and dangerous, especially in me, so liable to censures and
prejudices of both sides, that it has been with some hesita-
tion that I go about it. Not that I am so solicitous of
whom I please or displease in this affair; for he that is so,
can never speak with an impartial freedom; a liberty abso-
lutely necessary to the clear stating things of doubtful
acceptation, and a liberty which, when I cease to preserve to
Review, viii. 394.
232
myself, I shall cease to write at all. It is very hard with me in
this case, more than with any other author, in that, whereas
others are wary in what they write for fear of displeasing
the government, and irritating men in power; my difficulty
is a clamour raised by them, who, without arrogance I may
say, cannot confute me, pretending that I am too careful to
please men in power, in which I have the reproach without
the profit of the charge. But as the same men brought
the same charge when the other party was in power, and
thought it as much a crime, I appeal to all the world what
1
heed ought to be given to their censure. I only introduce
this with a brief challenge to them, to find any change
of principle in all I have written, if they can; and if what
I wrote under the late ministry, and under this ministry,
agrees, it must be somebody else that has changed principle,
not me let the issue determine it.
MANY WORKS FALSELY CHARGED UPON HIM.
"I would be glad to please every body; but my aim is
to speak truth with honesty. If it please nobody, I am not
solicitous, so it be but truth and honesty. He that can say
it is not, let him stand forth and be seen; he that cannot
contradict the truth I speak, will have but small success in
calumniating the honesty with which I speak it. And yet I
had not entered now upon this subject, but that the writers
of the town (according to the usage I have some years been.
treated with), laying all their bastards at my door, and almost
every book being called mine, as well of one side as the
other, I thought myself a little obliged to declare myself,
and let you all know my notions of things, with my name to
them, that I may no more bear the scandals of the present
filth of the press, with pardon for that expression. Hitherto
I have said nothing on the subject, nor do I purpose to say
any thing but what I will fairly own and defend; and that
I hope may answer the people, who call every thing they
don't like by my name. I am not apt to make apologies,
and I entreat the reader to place this impertinence to the
233
age's follies, which oblige me to it, in order to defend myself
from a charge so unjust, as that of being the author of
books which I never gave myself the trouble so much as to
read." (x)
In discussing the question, what is to be understood by a
good peace? De Foe refers to the primary objects of the
war, as laid down in the treaty of partition, and the articles
of the grand alliance, and contends, that a treaty founded
upon those stipulations, can be the only basis of a good
peace. Since the formation of that alliance, however, an
event had happened, which not being foreseen, could not be
provided for, and would render some alterations necessary
in the terms to be insisted upon. The event here referred to,
was the accession to the empire of the Austrian King of
Spain, which De Foe contends, put an end to his claim upon
the latter country, and rendered a new arrangement necessary
to preserve a balance of power in Europe for this could not
be attained by giving Spain either to France or Austria. It
was apparent, therefore, that satisfaction must be given to
both powers by a distribution of the Spanish dominions, but
upon the nature of the allotment he does not presume to give
an opinion. This must be settled by a general treaty between
`all the powers, and if France did not agree to reasonable
terms, we should only be in the same situation that we
were, and could renew the war. It is evident from the tenour
of this discourse, that De Foe had abandoned the idea of
King Philip's removal from the Spanish throne, and that he
HE DISCUSSES THE TERMS OF PEACE.
(x) If it was not for the above avowal, the present writer would be
strongly inclined to give the following works upon the same subject to De
Foe. They not only breathe his sentiments, but participate of his style and
phraseology. 1. "The Ballance of Europe: Or an Inquiry into the
respective Dangers of giving the Spanish Monarchy to the Emperor, as well
as to King Philip: with the Consequences that may be expected from
either. Printed for John Baker, 1711." 8vo, pp. 48. 2. "Armageddon;
or the necessity of carrying on the War, if such a peace cannot be obtained
as may render Europe safe, and trade secure. London: Printed for
J. Baker." No date. 8vo. pp. 47.
234 HE PUBLISHES THE FELONIOUS TREATY."
<<
thought some equivalent might be provided for the allies,
without compromising the honour of the country, or defeating
the wishes of the people for peace. His pamphlet must have
been of considerable use to the ministers; whilst it is so dex-
terously written, as not to compromise the politics of the
writer, nor commit him with the policy which dictated the
terms that were finally agreed upon.
The reproaches cast upon the memory of King William, for
the Treaty of Partition, and their revival at this time for
party purposes, awakened De Foe to a renewed vindication
of his royal master Besides devoting his Review to the
subject upon the anniversary of the Revolution, he published,
early in December, "The Felonious Treaty: or, an Inquiry
into the Reasons which moved his late Majesty King William,
of Glorious Memory, to enter into a Treaty at Two several
Times with the King of France, for the Partition of the
Spanish Monarchy. With an Essay, proving that it was
always the Sense, both of King William, and of all the Con-
federates, and even of the Grand Alliance itself, that the
Spanish Monarchy should never be united in the Person of
the Emperor. By the Author of the Review. London:
printed and sold by J. Baker. 1711. Price Sixpence." 8vo.
pp. 48. (x)
Our author adopted this title in ridicule of John Howe,
member for Gloucestershire, who had used the term in a
debate in the House of Commons, for the purpose of insulting
the king. He begins by saying, "I need not repeat here
the severe usage which the glorious contriver of that happy
treaty met with on this account. England has smarted
"Just
(y) This work is advertised in the Review, for December 8, as
published," and contains the following-"N. B. The reader is desired to
correct with his pen, a sentence in French, spoken by King William, which
was sent right to the press, and corrected in the revise, but slipt over by the
workmen; which should be thus: Et bien donc le roy de France est ruiné,
et l'Europe aussi. Page 5, 1. 28.
235
severely for it since, in a long, bloody, and expensive war,
which is like at last to end in recognising his wisdom, who
saw, at such a distance, what we have been obliged to instruct
ourselves in, at such a length of time, and at so great an
expense." In the following passage, he alludes to an event
in his own history not before noticed. "I am the freer in
entering upon the subject at this critical juncture, because,
as I had the honour from his majesty's own mouth, to hear
many of his reasons for making that treaty, and some of the
views he had in it for the future good and peace of Europe,
so I have on all occasions long before this, declared, and once
in particular, when under examination before some men of
the greatest power in this kingdom, and the greatest enemies
to that treaty, who will remember, if they see these sheets,
that it was then my opinion, that after seven years' war, we
should be glad to make peace on the foot of a partition; not
to repeat any thing then said of the conditions. Now, though
I tell you this at the beginning of this tract, to let you see I
am not of that opinion in compliance to the times, as my
enemies are forward to suggest, yet I must do it also in justice
to the memory and wisdom of King William; and when I
say they were his majesty's own words, I cannot think my
judgment the less for retaining an opinion built upon so good
an authority.” Our author then discusses the nature and
objects of the treaty of partition; justifies the policy of King
William in resorting to it; and concludes, by observing, that
a balance of power, in which alone consisted the security of
Europe, could only be maintained by a peace in conformity
with the principles upon which it was conducted.
DEFENDS HIMSELF FROM REPROACHES.
The press continuing to load him with reproaches, De
Foe writes thus, upon the 20th of November: "The humour
of the times is a mighty stream, and we find few that can
resist it. The reason is, that it is a dangerous port, full of
rocks and shoals to split on, and not one in twenty ventures
the dangerous voyage, but will be lost in the attempt. Every
236
side is against him. If his courage bears up a while, his
reputation will sink; one side says he is mercenary, and
gone over to the enemy; the other side says, he is coming
over to them, but not knowing why, thinks him fickle; those
that think him honest, say he is mad; so, in short, the man
is lost on every side, and no wonder so few dare stand the
brush. I am one of those unhappy few, who, guided as I
hope by truth, and unconcerned at reproach, which men
blindly throw out on every side, stand fast in the defence of
that true interest of my country, which I bless God from the
bottom of my soul, I espoused in my youth, and never could
be frighted by parties, nor bribed by persuasions, no, not of
the greatest in the nation, to forsake. I confess I defend it
now under very unhappy circumstances, viz., that they say
the French and I argue for the same thing; the Tory interest
is wrapped up in my argument; and, rash men! some will
have it that I am turned high-flyer." To these random shots
De Foe replies, "After I have first turned Papist, and then
Mahometan, I may list for the Pretender; but take my word
for it, I must do both the other first."*
THE PARLIAMENT RE-ASSEMBLED.
The ministers expecting a strong opposition to their nego-
ciations for a peace, re-assembled the parliament with great
reluctance, after several prorogations, upon the 7th of De-
cember. Finding the current to run against them in the
Lords, they resorted to the desperate expedient of creating
twelve new peers in one day; and Mr. St. John observed,
that if these were not enough to overpower the Whigs,
they should have another dozen. This wholesale exercise
of the prerogative naturally created loud murmurs, as de-
structive to the design of parliaments, and placing them
wholly at the will of the minister. It also exposed the
occasional peers, as they were contemptuously called, to
Review, viii, 413, 414.
237
much ridicule; and many jests were passed both upon them
and the ministers. Upon the first question that called for
a division, Lord Wharton comparing them to a jury, asked
one of them, whether they voted by their foreman? It
may be observed, that upon the day of their creation, the
Duke of Marlborough was turned out of all his employ-
ments, to make room for others who were more to the taste
of the ministers. *
PROSPEROUS DAYS OF THE CHURCH.
We are now approaching a measure that had been an
object of earnest solicitude with high churchmen during
the whole of this reign. The menaces thrown out against
the Dissenters, in the bold and senseless declamations of
the clergy, were not empty words, but gave an earnest of
their designs upon the earliest opportunity for putting them
in execution. A session of parliament having passed over
without any demonstrations in their favour, or rather
against the rights of their fellow citizens, they began to
clamour at their friends, complaining of their slow paces
towards the removal of the toleration, and the substitution
of sanguinary laws for the support of the church. Not a
few of them were looking forward to those "halcyon days,"
when they were to have the custody of scrupulous con-
sciences; when the sword of the church, which had been in
a rusty state since the Revolution, should be new-furbished,
and held up in terrorem for the confusion of all heretics. †
To prepare the minds of people for what was to follow, the
proceedings of both houses of parliament upon the Oc-
casional Conformity bill, were now re-printed, with the
arguments at large, and "Reasons for bringing in such an
useful Bill as this must be to the Church and Kingdom, this
present Session of Parliament."
The long-wished-for day at length dawned upon them-
By a strange conjunction of party-interests, the Whigs and
*
Boyer's Queen Anne, p. 533. † Impartial View, p. 341, 342.
238 THE WHIGS AND THE EARL OF NOTTINGHAM.
Tories now united to fasten upon the Dissenters that yoke
of bondage which the former had hitherto so successfully
resisted. As the ministers had little prospect of standing
their ground but in the event of a peace, the Whigs bent
the strength of their opposition to that point; and the Earl
of Nottingham having been soured by his exclusion from
the ministry, he agreed to a coalition with them in this
particular, upon the condition of their giving up the Dis-
senters. The ingratitude of these men was the more re-
markable, as the Dissenters had always supported them
with the whole weight of their influence, whether by voting
for them at elections, or by contributing their money for the
support of public credit by banks, joint-stock companies,
and other ways.
*
Those Whig writers who have dealt out the charges of
versatility so copiously against De Foe, would have done
well to reserve a portion of their anger for the Whigs upon
this occasion; but they showed less regard for consistency
than for the interests of party. The feeble assistance gained
by the Whigs, as a recompense for their loss of honour, was
for an object as worthless as the alliance itself was unnatural
and disgraceful. This nobleman was of so little real con-
sequence, that he had always been the subject of their
ridicule. "What lampoons was the town full of," says
De Foe, "when he encumbered the state; and now, how
caressed! And, to gratify a desire as preposterous as all
the rest, how willing are some men to give up their friends
as victims to this convert, and to his mighty interest! Nay,
how do they abandon the just and righteous interest they
had before espoused, to oblige a man of no interest at all!
Of what a camelion-like disposition is man made of!"†
As the Whigs were predominant in the Lords, it is very
certain, that without this dereliction of principle, so infamous
* Present State of Parties, p. 101.
† Review, viii. 470.
DE FOE'S REMARKS UPON THEIR COALITION.
239
a measure could not have passed; they must, therefore,
participate with the Tories in its disgrace, which, says De
Foe, "will infallibly ruin many hundreds of Dissenting
families, or cause them to act against their consciences for
bread; which I think is one of the worst kinds of perse-
cution."* Well might our author exclaim, in the words of
Julius Cæsar, when he saw the hand of Brutus lifted up
against him, Et tu Brute! "The case of the Dissenters,"
says he, "is circumstanced too similarly; this mortal stab
could have been received from no hand but that of a friend.
The Dissenters in England, as they stood united in interest
with the low-churchmen, could have received no fatal blow but
from themselves. Three times the united power of their
enemies had attacked them, and could never prevail; but
given up by their friends, they fall of course."† (z)
Review, viii. 470.
+ Ibid, 473.
(z) Notwithstanding his intolerance, Nottingham now became as dis-
tasteful to the high party, as he had been formerly to the Whigs. A Tory
writer of the time gives the following curious account of the coalition, and
of the parties concerned in it. “A certain tall, sable-complexioned peer,
not thinking his merits sufficiently considered in the late advancements,
suddenly turned short on the principles he had inherited from an illustrious
father, and which he had all along, through the former turns of state,
maintained with a great deal of constancy and deserved reputation, and
went over to the enemy, entered into strict engagements with them, to which
he has no less punctually adhered. For the greater reputation and
advantage of this new confederacy, and to create a greater confidence
between the confederates, a great stumbling block was to be removed.
This lord was always esteemed a true friend to the Church of England, to
which most of the others were justly thought not to be over well-affected;
if therefore they would now join in a bill for its security, which they had
formerly so much opposed, it was hoped that this might bring over a great
number of that party. However, as they do not use to do any thing for
nothing, to have their part in the bargain, they thought fit to make a tack
to it. They pretended that the churchmen, or at least a great part of them,
were suspected not to be friends to the Protestant succession, and therefore,
if in the proposed bill that might be provided for, it would take away the
fears and jealousies of those who professed to be its greatest friends.
This proposal had a very plausible appearance, as tending to cure
jealousies on both sides; though all that was meant in the bottom, was
240
THE OCCASIONAL BILL REVIVED.
Upon the strength of this disgraceful alliance, the Earl
of Nottingham brought forward his favourite measure in the
House of Lords, the 15th of December, and meeting with
no opposition, it passed through its several stages in three
days! Even Burnet, who was so eloquent upon a former
occasion, now preserved a dead silence, and relates the affair
with a brevity and sang-froid that reflect no honour upon
his character. * He tells us, the Whigs yielded more readily,
because the court had promised to carry the measure in the
Commons; but this should have been a stimulus to their
exertions in the Lords, where they possessed the most
weight. As a sop to their consciences, Nottingham promised
to draw the bill with all possible temper; as if it made
any difference to a man who is to be butchered, whether the
act be performed in a passion or in cold blood! The title of
the bill was singularly curious, and formed a part of the
juggle then played so skilfully between politics and religion.
It professed to be "An Act for preserving the Protestant
religion, by better securing the Church of England as by
law established; and for confirming the Toleration granted
to Protestant Dissenters, by an Act, intitled, &c., and for
supplying the defects thereof; and for the further securing
the Protestant succession, &c." To shut out one quarter of
the Protestants, and those the farthest removed from Popery,
from an interest in the constitution, was rather an odd way
*Own Times, iv. 343-345.
only a hope that this tack might raise some debates in the Lower House,
which might not only shipwreck the bill, but do the business of the faction
another way, by fixing an odium on those whom they would scandalize as
enemies of the House of Hanover.-Thus, they dropped their dear friends,
the Dissenters, and did them a greater damage than burning a few slit deal
pews. But though the city Shusham was wonderfully perplexed on this
misfortune, and they cannot be reconciled to this law, which they compare
to the decree of Ahashuerus, and would willingly double the height of
Haman's gallows for a great minister, with whom they compare him; yet
they have entirely forgiven those who really did them the injury."-Caveat
against the Whigs. Part iv. pp. 127,
128.
241
of providing for the safety of the Protestant religion; but
no man was so blind as not to see through the artifice of
these cunning churchmen, who were for playing off religion
upon the loaves and fishes of the state. If the body of
the Bill bore but little affinity to its title, it corresponded
better with the motives of its supporters. Not only were
Dissenters to be excluded in future from all civil employ-
ments, but such was the contagious nature of non-conformity,
that henceforward no person in office was to be allowed to put
his nose within the doors of a meeting-house, gracefully called
a conventicle, without becoming liable to the penalties of the
act. These involved a forfeiture of place, and a fine of forty
pounds for each offence; and the unlucky offender was to
pay further for his curiosity, by being rendered ineligible to
any appointment until he had passed through the purgation
of conformity for a full twelvemonth. Such was the eager-
ness to pass this measure, that it was before the Commons
only three days; and a petition from the foreign Protestants
in London to be exempted from its provisions, was rejected
with contempt. The Dissenters, justly alarmed at a mea-
sure so fatal to their interests, applied to the Earl of Oxford
to use his influence in their favour; naturally supposing that
a man who had been nearly all his life a Presbyterian, and
whose family was still of the same religion, would feel some
sympathy for their wrongs. But the minister thought fit to
sacrifice his religion to his ambition, as was the case with
Harcourt, St. John, and others, who now left the Dissenters
in the lurch. (A) The bill received the royal assent upon
the 22d of December, being the eighth day after its intro-
duction.
By this measure, the Dissenters sustained a blow which
PASSES BOTH HOUSES.
(A) John Shower, an eminent dissenting minister, addressed a letter to
Lord Oxford upon this occasion, dated Dec. 20, 1711. An answer was
returned in his lordship's name, but written by Swift, in the highest strain
of vituperation. Both may be seen in Swift's Works, vol. xi. p. 201.
VOL. III.
R
242 DE FOE'S REFLECTIONS UPON THE MEASURE.
had been long aimed at them by their enemies, but without
success. "A blow," says De Foe, " by which they are
excluded from the common concern of fellow-subjects, in
the trusts and advantages of the society they live in; by
which they are treated as aliens and strangers in the
commonwealth, or as persons dangerous to be trusted by the
government they have so faithfully and so largely contri-
buted to support. "Freely as he had declared himself
against the practice of Occasional Conformity, yet it was a
matter that concerned the Dissenters only; so that he could
not contemplate this attack upon the Toleration, without
dismay for the consequences.
Whilst the bill was before the Commons, De Foe wrote
strenuously against it, without respect to persons or parties.
He thought it very hard that those who were so anxious for a
peace with France, "should bring along with it the fetters.
and chains of their country, and especially those worst of
chains, impositions upon conscience. It would be a sad con-
clusion of the war," says he, "that peace and persecution
should come together; and therefore, while your Protestant
brethren, though dissenting from you in particulars, which are
acknowledged by yourselves to be indifferent, continue peace-
able, submitting to the laws, it is very hard that they should
be oppressed in conscience, at a time when they ought rather
to be reaping with you the consolations of peace, after they
have shared the miseries of the war. On the other hand,"
addressing the Whigs, he says, "You that are against a
peace, will you fortify your political interests by giving up
for a prey, those you have so long espoused, both in their civil
and religious liberties? Methinks I see some people abroad,
whose characters have for some years been adorned with the
word patriot, strangely easy to give up all these things, that
they may but strengthen their party interest. But this is not
* Review.
C
DE FOE'S REFLECTIONS UPON THE MEASURE. 243
the first time that some people who call themselves friends to
the Dissenters, have offered to sacrifice them to their enemies,
upon very mean conditions." Our author contends, that the
toleration was a legal establishment, expressly stipulated for
at the Revolution, and granted to the Dissenters for the assist-
ance they afforded to churchmen, in bringing about that
event. He notices the repeated promises of the queen, who
had passed her royal word that she would preserve the tolera-
tion inviolable; and expresses his fears that this was but
the commencement of further breaches upon it. He forbears
meddling with the proceedings in parliament, in consequence
of the injunction of the Lords; but, says he, "If persecuting
laws are set up, and the liberty of Dissenters established at
the Revolution is attempted, God forbid that I should cease,
though humbly, to complain of the injury, let what human
authority soever prohibit it. If they make it criminal, I am
ready to suffer; but I will never lose my little share in the
liberties of my country, without crying out against both the
mischief and the contrivers of it, let them be who they will."*
In another paper he makes a powerful appeal to the feelings
of the nation, which had become blunted by the inroads of
bigotry. After noticing the services of the Dissenters, and
their contributions to the war, both personal and pecuniary, he
says, "Many of the poor families who must now lay down the
little places which long importunity, and perhaps some little
money has helped them to, are the miserable remains of the
descendants of the French in our colonies, which they assisted
in taking; and give me leave to say, many are the ruined
masters and owners of ships, let out to the public for trans-
porting King William's army to Ireland, who had no pro-
vision made for them till after they were ruined by the delay.
Some are victims to parliamentary deficiencies; and these are
a part of the people who are now in a merciless manner to
* Review, viii. 466–468.
R 2
244 SPEECH OF THE STONE CHIMNEY-PIECE.
perish without any crime, and who having first lost their
estates in the service of the government, must now lose their
employ under it, because they cannot be hypocrites. If this
is honourable dealing, let our enemies themselves be judges.
For my part, I have no place to lose; no expectation of any
to give over. I neither have, nor can accept of any place
upon the terms that have been, any more than on the terms
that are now required; though perhaps I have had as many
offers and as much family occasion as any man. I cannot be
arguing, therefore, any part of my own interest. The corrup-
tion of the times makes it necessary to say this; let any man
equally indifferent answer it if he can."*
+
As soon as the bill had passed, De Foe published in his
Review, a paper which he says was handed about at the
time in manuscript, and was no doubt of his own compo-
sition. "I have met," says he, "with an unlucky paper in
the town, said to be a speech spoken by a stone chimney-
piece, which expostulates this matter very smartly." It
was afterwards printed in another of his works, ‡ and pur-
ports to be "The Speech spoken by the Stone Chimney-
piece in the House of Lords," and is thus introduced: "The
bill having been read and committed, and no lord offering to
speak against it, on a sudden a great noise was heard towards
the fire, and from a crack in the Chimney-piece these words
were audibly heard:
"Wonder not, my Lords, when you sit mute, like statues
of stone, that I speak. I am now a Peer, and since you,
with hearts harder than rocks, can tamely abandon those
poor creatures who have trusted to your protection, without
saying one word for them, my softer stone cannot any longer
keep silence. I have often been witness, my Lords, to the
zeal and passion, with which some of you have defended
their cause. I heard with pleasure those Reverend Prelates,
*Review, viii. 479. † Ibid, 474. ↑ Present State of Parties, p. 102.
245
those noble patriots, plead for them, and now, I see them
sit more unconcerned than myself. For God's sake, my Lords,
what meant your former zeal? or what means your present
indolence? Were you in the wrong, when you opposed,
what now you consent to? Or are you now in the wrong,
in consenting to what you before reckoned the greatest act of
violence and oppression. Speak, my Lords; a reason of your
change is due from you. Here was a long pause, and all
silent; what, silent still! I conjure you, by your honours, my
Lords, to speak; here was another pause; and yet silent,
what silent still! Oh shameful change! Will not the
sense of honour move you more than statues. Hearken
then to me, and I will reprove you. I will not, my Lords,
tell all that I have heard you whisper, while you lolled on
me in your late unnatural caresses; I will not expose you
too far, but I have not been totally deaf, I heard what
passed when you sold your friends, and sold them for nought,
for a vote, for a single worthless vote, that will desert you in
the matter you depend upon it for, and so return upon you a
just retribution. Was this, my Lords, an equivalent for
those that had always stood by you; that had endured
mobbing, plundering, burning, and all manner of abuses for
your sakes; is it possible that after all this, they should be
thus surrendered, without one word for them.
Who, my
Lords, will depend on you after this? Who will move a finger
or lip in your quarrel? Depend upon it, you will miss your
aim, you have ruined your own interest, and have lost the
honour of your former integrity. With what regret, will you
reflect on this day's action, when you shall find yourselves
the jest of those that decoyed you, and the scorn of those
that you have abandoned. Think of this; repent if you can,
though it is too late.”
As a last effort to avert so obnoxious a measure, our
author besought the queen in pathetic terms to interpose
her good offices. For this purpose, he drew up a pamphlet
SPEECH OF THE STONE CHIMNEY-PIECE.
246 (( ESSAY ON THE HISTORY OF PARTIES," &c.
with so much dispatch, that it was announced for publica-
tion in the Review for the 22d of December, and bears the
following title: "An Essay on the History of Parties and
Persecution in Britain. Beginning with a brief Account of
the Test Act, and an Historical Inquiry into the Reasons,
the Original, and the Consequences of the Occasional Con-
formity of the Dissenters. With some remarks on the
several attempts already made, and now making for an
Occasional Bill. Inquiring how far the same may be
esteemed a Preservation to the Church, or an Injury to
the Dissenters. London: printed for J. Baker. 1711."
8vo. pp. 48.
Our author begins his treatise with an inquiry into the
origin of Occasional Conformity, from whence he deduces the
following indubitable facts, to shew that the present mea-
sure does violence to the constitution, and to the just
liberties of mankind. "1. The Act of Parliament, called
the Test Act, has been inverted by the sinister designs of a
party among us, and being, in its true intent and meaning,
formed against Popish recusants only, has been turned
against our fellow-Protestants, to the weakening and in-
juring the interest of the Protestant religion in general in
this kingdom. 2. It is a law unjust in its own nature, and
inconsistent with the native rights of the subjects of Eng-
land, as well as with the sovereignty of conscience, which
ought not to be imposed upon. 3. It is inconsistent with
the Christian religion, and with the principles and doctrines
of the Church of England. 4. The manner in which it is
put in practice, appears to be a plot against the peace of the
nation, and a constant handle to the strife of parties, and
oppression of the innocent." De Foe observes,
"If upon
an impartial inquiry into the history of this law, these
things should appear, then it may be worth our consideration
whether we should still pursue a thing so fatal to the
general good, and be for ever sacrificing one another to the
(( ESSAY ON THE HISTORY OF PARTIES," &c. 247
resentment of parties, robbing each other of the peace,
liberty, and birth-right of Englishmen, under the forms,
but contrary to the true intent and meaning, of the law."
Our author takes a review of the history of the Test Act,
from its first rise in the reign of Charles II., the motives
in which it originated, and the turn given to it by the
court against the Dissenters. He observes, that it was
laid asleep during the whole reign of King William, who
had a natural aversion to all coercives in religion; but the
present queen no sooner came to the crown, than the expec-
tation of her patronage revived the hopes of the intolerant,
who began to unfold their schemes for the oppression of
their neighbours. As an introduction to the first Occasional
Bill, they endeavoured to render them odious to the people
by the charge of hypocrisy, but it was to conceal their
own; and the glaring injustice of the measure procured it
the opposition of all moderate men in the Church of England.
Upon the late revolution at court, the bigots considered
the day their own. They began their attack upon the
toleration, by discarding the name, and reducing it to a
bare exemption from certain penalties, with broad hints that
it should not be of long continuance. As an earnest of
this, prosecutions were commenced against some tutors of
academies, and threats were held out of shutting up the
meeting-houses. Insults of various kinds were now heaped
upon the Dissenters, who entertained gloomy prospects of
what was before them; but they little expected the first
blow would be struck by those who had formerly espoused
their interest.
De Foe expresses his astonishment at the supineness of
the Dissenters, in submitting to their approaching bondage
with so little alarm; willing to amuse themselves with the
qualifications of the bill, as if it provided any additional
security for their toleration. "Alas, poor people! when
If the bitter pill is covered with
are ye to open your eyes.
3
248
(( ESSAY ON THE HISTORY OF PARTIES," &c.
a thin leaf of glittering metal, do you derive comfort from
this? Or ought you not rather to see the certainty of what
is to come; and that your bondage is made sure to you,
by the earnest-penny given you in the beginning?" He
tells them, that having learnt wisdom by their former rash-
ness, their enemies will now proceed by gradual encroach-
ments, until they have accomplished their destruction; and
that their pretended friends were wheedling them into
measures to carry on a temporal interest, at the expense
of their religious liberties. To awaken them from their
lethargy, he observes, "The slower the poison, the surer the
operation; the lingering consumption is most certain to kill;
and the toleration, which is the aim of the party, is so much.
the nearer to its fatal period." Our author justly observes,
that the several acts passed against the Dissenters, are not
so much with a view to bring them over to the church, as
to shut them out of civil employments. Had the former
been their object, it would have been best gained by the
encouragement of Occasional Conformity:
"for this liberty
taken by the Dissenters has been the ruin of their strength,
the breaking of their principal families, and the indifference
of one age has terminated the dissenting of the next. This,
the high-churchmen are not ignorant of; but their design is
remote from religion. They aim at dividing the interest of
the Whigs, which being linked to that of the Dissenters,
has been too formidable for them to deal with. But if the
low-churchmen can be brought to give up the Dissenters,
they shall have the honour of being devoured at last."
De Foe tells the Whigs, that they can never resist popery
and slavery, which the projects of the Tories are tending to,
without the assistance of the Dissenters; and he recalls to
mind their past services, in order to blazon their ingratitude.
He adds, that the Bill will never answer the ends set forth
in the title; but if the Dissenters are true to themselves,
it will serve to unite them more firmly, and enable them to
-
"CAVEAT AGAINST THE WHIGS."
249
distinguish their friends from their enemies. Our author
concludes by beseeching the queen to interpose in this affair,
in behalf of a people, to whom she had so often promised her
protection. The appeal was in vain; for her bigotry was as
incurable as the ambition of her ministers, and was a tor-
ment to her subjects throughout her reign.
In the course of this year, appeared the first and second
parts of a work of singular curiosity, as exhibiting the
views and feelings of a genuine Tory, upon the most pro-
minent transactions, during the period that has passed under
our review. It is intitled "A Caveat against the Whigs,
in a Short Historical View of their Transactions. Wherein
are discovered their many Attempts and Contrivances against
the established Government, both in Church and State,
since the Restoration of King Charles II. London: 1711."
The third and fourth parts, which were published in the
following year, complete the work, and the whole forms a
thick octavo volume. As a register of facts, it contains little
but what is to be met with in other works; but it presents
a very curious picture of the times, through the distorted
medium of the rankest prejudice. The writer was a bitter
enemy to the Revolution, and as warm a partizan of the
Stuarts. This political bias leads him to palliate all the
steps that were taken to overthrow the liberties of his
country, and to murder the characters of its bravest patriots.
De Foe occasionally figures in the work as a scribe of the
Whigs; and other writers are alluded to, in terms suited to
the genius and principles of the author. Although misrepre-
sentation and bigotry are the strong features of the work,
yet the excess to which the writer carries his prejudices,
disarm them of their force, and render it an amusing
specimen of the ridiculous.
CHAPTER X.
De Foe's Commercial Concerns.—In Partnership with a Mr. Ward.—Who
is Driven away from his Town by the Jacobites.-Disastrous Effects of
Persecution.—De Foe Attacked by Ridpath.—His Defence of Himself.—
Distractions of the Times.-Conduct of Parties in England.-Measures
Against the Scottish Establishment.- Reflections upon the Conduct of the
Tories.-And of the Scotch Presbyterians.-De Foe's Strictures upon the
Measures of Parliament.-He Publishes "The Present State of Parties
in Great Britain."-Account of his Work.-His Answer to the Charge of
Bribery.-Tax upon Newspapers.-De Foe exemplifies its Inefficiency.-
And its Tendency to Impoverish the People.-His Banter upon the
Measure.-Its Evil Consequences pourtrayed.-Appearance of the Mo-
hocks.-De Foe's Project for getting rid of them.-Malice of his Ene-
mies.—Alarm for the Protestant Succession.—“ Hannibal at our Gates.”-
Replied to, in " Hannibal not at our Gates."-De Foe threatened both by
Whigs and Jacobites.-His Answer to Reproaches.
1712.
Ar the opening of the year 1712, De Foe was engaged in
some commercial concerns, the nature of which remains
unknown. Whether it was at this time, or at an earlier
period of the present reign, that he was concerned in a part-
nership speculation in Warwickshire, is not certain; but it
was at a time when parties ran very high, and the Jacobites
exhibited an unusual degree of effrontery. This circum-
stance, and his political engagements with the late minis-
ters, seem to point it to the present period.
His partner in this trading speculation was a Mr. Ward,
G
DE FOE'S PARTNERSHIP WITH MR. WARD.
251
who for many years carried on a respectable business as a
mercer and draper at Coleshill, in Warwickshire. He was
then a member of the Established Church, but a Whig in
politics, which exposed him to the rage of his high-church
neighbours, who, following the fury of the times, raised
such an odium against him, as occasioned his business to
decline. Mr. Ward was the only Whig in the town; but
being a man of a mild temper, and of inoffensive manners,
he gained the respect even of his enemies. Unable to
move him from his principles, party malignity at length
triumphed over this deference to his character, of which the
following anecdote furnishes a striking instance. The
curate of Coleshill, whose name was Badger, paid a visit
one afternoon to Mr. Ward, who had the company of other
neighbours. Whilst they were enjoying themselves over
a cheerful bottle, the Jacobite priest thought fit to propose.
for a toast, the health of James the Third, which from
prudence and principle, Mr. Ward declined to drink. This
irritated the parson so much, that he threatened to drive
him from the town; and from that time he lost his business.
After this occurrence, the spirit of malevolence was further
manifested in the following imprecation written upon his
door:
"Curse and confusion, hell and damnation,
Be to Ward and his generation."
The machinations of his enemies at length obliged him
to leave the town, and he settled at Nuneaton, in the same
county. Whether it was here, or at Coleshill, that he
became connected with De Foe, is uncertain; but if it was
at the last-mentioned place, it must have been previously
to March, 1712-13, when Mr. Ward was still at Coleshill.
Their scheme, whatever it was, proved unsuccessful, and
Mr. Ward suffered considerably in his fortune by it.* The
seeds of Jacobitism were sown at Coleshill by Mr. Kettle-
*Prot. Diss. Mag, iv. 241.
252
well, who was dispossessed of the vicarage for refusing the
oaths to the government in 1690. Thomas Carte, the his-
torian, seems to have possessed the living at this time, and
was zealous in propagating the same anti-revolution prin-
ciples. Badger was probably his curate. The political
bias of the inhabitants was owing principally to the influ-
ence of Lord Digby, who owned most of the town, and was
patron of the living. Being himself a friend to the Stuarts,
he took care to place such clergymen there as were zealously
attached to his own politics. Under such instructors, it is
no wonder that the people went astray. (B)
DISASTROUS EFFECTS OF PERSECUTION.
(B) The folly of persecution, De Foe has strikingly pourtrayed in the
following narrative. "A certain corporation town, having abundance of
poor, large manufactories, and great trade, was thus circumstanced: the
magistrates, mayor, aldermen, and town-council, were all churchmen; the
master manufacturers were generally Dissenters, at least, being twelve in
number, nine of them were so, and the other three had the smallest business;
so that the government of the town was Tory, and the trade Whig. The
times running hard upon the Dissenters, the laws were put in execution
against them in most places; and the magistrates, pushed on by the parson,
fell
upon them here also, Two meeting-houses which they had in the town
were immediately demolished, many of the people sent to prison, their
ministers driven five miles off by the Corporation act, and the chief of the
Dissenters prosecuted in the ecclesiastical courts to excommunication,
seizing of their goods, and all manner of extremities. A gentleman about
six miles from the place, who was a Dissenter, and had a good estate in that
country, invited two of the principal persecuted tradesmen to shelter with
him, and gave them two houses rent-free in his village; their two minis-
ters he entertained in his house, and there they preached every Sabbath day.
The two tradesmen finding themselves easy here, which they could not be
in the neighbouring corporation, soon removed their families and working
servants, and settled in the village; such of the weavers and other work-
people as were dependent upon them for employment, soon followed, and
the poor of the village soon found the sweets of it. In a short time, three
more of the masters, with all their et ceteras, followed the example, and in
less than two years, all the nine master manufacturers removed, so that the
village could not receive the people that followed. Some built houses,
the lord of the manor letting them land, and giving them all imaginable
encouragement. In the mean time the persecution of Dissenters slackened,
and they began to preach openly in the new town. This also drew many
from the corporation, and the trade increasing with the people, the village
253
Whilst De Foe was occupied in the peaceful pursuits of
industry, the news-writers assailed his character for the pur-
pose of destroying his credit. The real ground of offence,
was the assistance he afforded to the ministers, by advocating
a peace; but they betrayed their malice in diverging from
that topic to his private misfortunes. One of the writers
of whom he had thus to complain, was Ridpath, who suc-
ceeded Tutchin in the conduct of the Observator. "Instead
of confining himself to public matters," says De Foe, "he
descends to personalities, and for want of better arguments,
reproaches me with private misfortunes, things altogether
foreign to the matter in hand, and which he can on no
honorable pretence mention, but merely renovare dolorem.
While to make good the deficiency of his reasoning, he
frequently called me bankrupt, I held my tongue, supposing
he took that for a good proof that I was wrong in all I said;
for how should a bankrupt have any sense? Or, how should
he argue who could not pay his debts? But finding this would
not move me, he comes closer, and publishes in the Obser-
vator, that nobody will trust me with a shilling. This
indeed, though it were true, as I thank God it is a premedi-
tated untruth, weighs not one grain in the scale, of his
argument; yet, it forces me to speak a word or two more
than I designed. If I had not at this time, in the lawful
DE FOE ATTACKED BY RIDPATH.
grew up to a great town. All this while, the corporation town decayed, the
employment of the people was gone, the weight of the poor not only re-
mained but increased, insomuch that the rate was doubled. The people ran
all away, not to the village only, but to the meeting-house too, to make
their court to the masters for work. These, remembering how they had
been used, encouraged chiefly those that were Dissenters, so that hundreds
went to the meeting-house who used to go to church, for fear of losing
their work. By the industry of some, and the charity of others, all their
real poor were provided for, and the few that remained in the Tory corpora-
tion, served only to show the ruins of a good town, and the fatal effects of
cruelty and persecution. Some corporations in England, besides C—”
observes De Foe, may take a hint from this story."-Review, viii. 711, 712.
254
pursuit of my business, by which, and not by writing, as he
does, I get my bread, support a large family, and honestly
set apart the overplus, all which this malicious person has
thus endeavoured to blast and overthrow; if, I say, I had
not in the course of this business, even at this time, the
trust of several thousand pounds in my hands; if I had not
since the misfortune he reproaches me with, been trusted
both with public and private money to above the value of
£100,000; and if I was not every day oppressed with
credit of both goods and money, by friends whom I act for,
much more than I desire, all which business and credit he
has done his utmost to ruin and prevent, I should have said
nothing. But as this is my case, justice to myself, my
family, and such as are daily trusting me, obliges me to take
this notice of it."
HIS DEFENCE OF HIMSELF.
De Foe then refers him to several persons of his own
acquaintance, who had trusted him with a thousand pounds.
at a time, which he has faithfully discharged, and observes,
"Had what he says been true, he, a professed Dissenter,
ought not to have mentioned it, since thereby he only calls
to mind how I suffered £3,500 loss for a cause that he owns,
and a party which he ought to have more respect for than
to force me to upbraid them with unkindness, and to tell how
easily I could have prevented that loss with advantage, if
I would have betrayed honest men, even some who have
since forgotten the obligation. But, as he can, without any
just provocation, thus attempt to ruin and overthrow a
family struggling with a known and unwearied diligence to
recover its misfortunes, and do justice to all the world, so I
cheerfully depend upon it, that God will not suffer so mali-
cious a purpose to have its effect." De Foe then gives
notice, that he is ready to return all goods, money, and
effects entrusted to him, to such persons as may have been
rendered uneasy by this villanous attempt to stab his reputa-
255
tion.* This was not the only occasion upon which our
author had to complain of the injustice of Ridpath; but he
meets his attacks with gentleness, and scorns to return the
ill-language that was meted out to him by his adversary.
"I own it is my affliction," says he, " to be used so, having
not given the least occasion; but it is my duty when reviled,
not to revile again. Time, perhaps, will better inform any
that these people shall deceive; I only remember that this
same man assailed me in the very same manner with being
employed by the late ministry, and flew as much in their
faces for mis-management, and in mine too, for defending
them, as he does now. And yet, he cannot charge me
with one word which contradicts any thing I said then, nor
reflecting on the cause I ever espoused, which I hope is the
cause of truth. I might go back to his reviling King Wil-
liam, but I say no more; nor shall I give any more answers
to any thing he thinks fit to say, till he can assume so much
of the Christian as to say nothing but what he can prove,
and so much of the gentleman as to give good language."+
DISTRACTIONS OF THE TIMES.
De Foe gives a melancholy picture of the distractions of
the country, at the opening of the year. "Our divisions,"
says he, “are now come to a formidable heighth, and every
good man trembles at the event. He alone, that can bring
meat out of the eater, and good out of evil, can bring
safety out of the threatened destruction, and order out of
this confusion."
About this time, the merits of the Whigs, in their proceed-
ings under the late and present administration, were freely
canvassed, in a pamphlet intitled "The Conduct of Parties
in England, more especially of those Whigs who now appear
against the new Ministry, and a Treaty of Peace. Printed in
the year 1712. 8vo. pp. 62. The author avows himself a
* Review, viii. 495, 496.
+ Ibid, 434.
256 MEASURES AGAINST SCOTTISH ESTABLISHMENT.
Whig, but a friend to the present ministers, and freely
censures his party, for those deviations of conduct that have
originated in ambition and selfishness. Such was the oppo-
sition offered by the Whigs to Godolphin and Marlborough,
which ceased upon their admission to office; and such their
recent alliance, which had led them to sacrifice the Dis-
senters. Much information is here brought together relating
to the factions of the reign, and the party distinctions by
which they were known; and the sum of the whole is, that
public men have sacrificed their principles at the shrine of
ambition, which, when gratified, has been of little advantage
to the nation. In allusion to this temporising conduct of
the Whigs, who complained loudly of abuses when out of
place, but when in, neglected to reform them, the author
says, "These are the men who are now making a new
bargain upon the same foot, and being defeated in the de-
licious spoil they enjoyed, and turned out, join with high-
flyers, October Club, or any one else; sell their friends,
deliver up their brethren, the Dissenters, and sacrifice persons,
principles, and anything else, to carry on their designs.'
The style and spirit of this pamphlet bear strong marks of
the pen of De Foe, and the sentiments are congenial with
those which he delivered in others of his writings. It is
observable, that in exposing the inconsistency of the Whigs,
he abstains from those terms of vituperation which were
dealt out against them by the Tories, and censures them
chiefly for joining with a set of men, who were equally
enemies to the late and present ministry.
در
Having accomplished a part of their schemes relative to
the Dissenters in England, the Tories now turned their
attention towards Scotland, where the depressed state of the
episcopal church excited their sympathy and condolence.
Although the religious affairs of that country had been fully
canvassed and settled by the Union, in accordance with the
MEASURES AGAINST THE SCOTTISH ESTABLISHMENT. 257
genius of the people, yet the new ministers thought them-
selves strong enough to attempt the invasion of the treaty.
For this purpose, a bill was brought into the Commons,
upon the 21st of January, to repeal an Act of the Scottish
parliament, which subjected episcopalian Dissenters to the
discipline of the Kirk-courts, and to legalise the use of the
liturgy in Scotland. A measure so repugnant to the feelings
of the Scots, was like applying a lighted torch to a barrel
of gunpowder, and afforded sufficient evidence of the views
of its promoters. As might be expected, it spread a general
alarm through Scotland, and produced petitions and remon-
strances, but without effect. (c) The bill meeting with
feeble opposition in parliament, quickly passed both Houses;
and, to render it still more offensive, a clause was added,
extending the oath of abjuration to Presbyterian ministers,
although it was well known that nothing would induce them
to take it. To avoid extremities, therefore, its execution
was not insisted upon. When before the Commons, Sir
David Dalrymple, one of the Scotch members, finding his
opposition fruitless, proposed that the title should be altered
to, "A Bill for establishing Jacobitism and Immorality."
Another opponent proposed a clause to restrain persons in
office from going to episcopal meetings; but it was rejected
as contrary to the design of the framers, whose church
politics involved them in the glorious absurdity of obliging
all public officers in England to be of the national church,
whilst those in Scotland were allowed to dissent from it.
At this distance of time, a measure calculated apparently
to serve the cause of religious liberty, will be viewed with
different feelings from those that actuated either of the parties
(c) The remonstrance of the General Assembly, presented to the Queen
by Principal Carstares, was printed, and advertised in the Review for
Feb. 26, 1712, as follows: "Just published, The Scots' Representation to
her Majesty, against setting up the Common Prayer Book in Scotland. Sold
by J. Baker, price 2d."
VOL. HI,
S
258 MEASURES AGAINST THE SCOTTISH ESTABLISHMENT.
in this transaction. The Scots emulated their southern
neighbours in jealousy for their establishment, and were
equally inimical to the toleration of heretics. Hitherto, these
had lived only upon sufferance, and were indebted more to
the protection of the English government, than to the good-
will of the Presbyterians. A law, therefore, that emanci-
pated them from the jurisdiction of their enemies, and placed
their worship upon a legal footing, was nothing more than
reasonable and just. The motives that dictated it, however,
will not bear looking into; nor can we give any credit to the
men, who, whilst they were advancing toleration in Scot-
land, were using all their endeavours to destroy it in England.
Nothing but the most palpable knavery was at the bottom of
their proceedings. From the time of the Union, which was
fatal to the power of the Church of Scotland, the enemies of
that establishment had been unceasing in their endeavours
to undermine it, and disguised their intentions under a pre-
tended zeal for toleration. The Scots had not now to learn
the real sentiments of these men, who had been their bitter
persecutors when in power, and therefore easily penetrated
their hypocrisy; but, by an injudicious zeal for their church,
which led the more violent into acts of private oppression,
they advanced the cause of their enemies. Prosecutions.
were instituted by the more rigid Presbyterians against some
of the episcopal clergy, who, upon the most frivolous pretexts,
were deposed from their livings; and the affair of Green-
shields was urged on with a degree of intemperance and
bigotry, as impolitic in their present circumstances, as it
was at variance with the just liberties of mankind. If they
had the example of the English establishment, which ad-
mitted none but conformists into its bosom, they should have
recollected the disparity of their situations, and that it was
unwise to contend for a principle, unless they had the power
to enforce it.
In the same session of parliament, an Act was passed for
259
restoring patronages, which had been abolished at the Re-
volution; and it appears that a project was entertained for
discontinuing the General Assembly. Although the measures
here noticed were intended as so many attacks upon the
Church of Scotland, and were considered as preludes to the
restoration of prelacy and the Pretender, yet their operation
upon that church has been less injurious than was expected.
By the Act of Toleration, a rock of offence has been removed
from the Presbyterians, who lost much of their bigotry with
the materials which it had to feed upon; and the cause of
prelacy, which lost the stimulus of opposition, rapidly de-
clined. The restoration of patronages, also, reconciled many
of the landed proprietors to the Establishment, and gave
them an interest in its preservation.*
De Foe, who was a warm friend to the Scottish church,
and had expressed himself in strong language against the
encroachments of her enemies, now renewed his remonstrances
in as broad terms as the ticklish state of the press would allow.
Whilst the bill was before parliament, he writes thus: "This
is an age of difficulties; and he that can steer safe among
the rocks which lie in his way, must have a steady hand,
and may pass for a good pilot ever after. I do confess, there
are some things necessary to this work which I am very ill-
provided with, I mean dissimulation, a renunciation of prin-
ciples, betraying trusts, forsaking friends, and a world of
cutting and turning, which he that can be an honest man, and
go through, has more skill than human nature can furnish
him with. Now, the happy days are at hand, when episco-
pal rabbles are solicitous to prevent presbyterian rabbles by
a law, thereby, the better to colour their insults to the Esta-
blished church of Scotland. And which way shall an
author, willing to let you into the secret of these things, speak
plainly, and clearly, and not ruin himself for his honesty;
DE FOE REMONSTRATES AGAINST THEM.
* Somerville, p. 466, &c.-Life of Carstares, p. 78, &c.
$ 2
260
HE LAMENTS HIS SHARE IN THE UNION.
especially an author whom those that are served in it, would
be willing to see lost in serving them. But I shall not de-
cline the danger.
"I had the honour to have my hands deep in the Union.
Her majesty was pleased in her speech to the parliament, at
the passing it, to say these words relating to the Union, and
to those who were concerned in it. "I make no doubt but it
will be remembered and spoke of hereafter, to the honour of
those that have been instrumental in bringing it to such an
happy conclusion."-Upon this De Foe observes, “As long
as England keeps sound the conditions of this treaty, I shall
be fond of owning I was any way instrumental in bringing
it to such a happy conclusion, and shall claim my little share
in the honour her Majesty mentions. But if ever that
wretched day shall come, that England should break faith
with her brethren, and do any thing in contravention to the
Union, what others may do, I know not, but I shall for my
part be ashamed, repent, and count it my reproach that I was
any way instrumental in bringing that treaty to so fatal a
conclusion, and desire to forget the day that I was sent thither.
"If any man ask me what I say to the bill now brought
into the House, let him obtain for me a liberty to speak my
mind freely in print upon that head, and I will do it. In
the mean time, one thing I hope I may hint even to the
House itself without offence, and it is this: 'That they
would be pleased to consider at the same time of some clause
more effectually to prevent the tumults, barbarities, and
inhuman behaviour of the episcopal people, in disturbing the
assemblies and judicatures of the Established Church, as well
as to prevent the other disturbing the meetings of the epis-
copalians'; otherwise, in vain are all the clauses in the Act of
Security, to the church of Scotland."
De Foe relates, that nearly a sixth part of all the churches
in Scotland, were quietly possessed by episcopal men, who
enjoyed the stipend, the manse, and the glebe; for the proof
261
of which he refers to a pamphlet, called "Presbyterian Per-
secution examined," in which their names, and those of the
parishes, are set down at length. He also says, that not one
in ten of the episcopal Dissenters, nor even of the Non-jurors,
used the Common Prayer; and even in the late times, when
episcopacy domineered, it was not received. The protec-
tion of the liturgy, as our author observes, was merely the
covering of the plot; it was well known that the people
would not admit it, and their resentment was expected to
lead to popular tumult, which would afford a pretext for
further innovations and severities. "The people there are
conscientious, zealous abhorrers of innovation; and these men
know they will as soon suffer the Scarlet Whore, as a man in
a white surplice to read his prayers in a book. Upon this
they depend, and expect violence and opposition, which is
their design; and then they think they shall embark the
government on their side, embroil a poor zealous and upright
people with their laws, and then, according to former custom,
they must be rated by dragoons. It is too true, that in
this wicked design they are not deceived; the Devilish
policy is too well founded; for those poor people will resist
you all, make what laws you will, if against their consciences,
and will tear them to pieces; and I know but one way to
prevent it, and that is a black one, I mean extirpation.
King Charles II. and King James II. destroyed, first and last,
above 10,000 of them on this very account, by all the execra-
ble ways in the world; but they conquered the very cruelty of
the dragoons, by the patience and constancy of their suffer-
ings. And this is just as they would have it now; first to
make laws which they know the poor people would die rather
than obey, and then put them to death. Let them who are
the forwardest to push on this design, ask any of the northern
members, whether they believe the poor people in the West
of Scotland will not die at their doors rather than obey such
a law? And if they believe it, what can they desire such a
INEFFICACY OF THE MEASURES.
262
law to do? I am prompting no disturbances, nor vindicating
a furious zeal; but I know, and it may be proved, that all
attempts that have ever been made for introducing the English
Liturgy into Scotland, have been to court violence and tumult,
and if possible, to involve that part of the nation in blood."*
In discussing this and other public matters, De Foe artfully
separates the parliament within from the people without
doors, and covers his strictures upon the former, with the
guise of an address to the latter. The policy of this is
apparent, but his language is too plain to be misunderstood.
"For my part," says he, "as I find the liberty of speaking
in public is not likely to last, I will not fail to do my part to
counteract these scandalous betrayers of their country; and
tho' I know not but I may speak at the hazard of my life,
and believe I do, for some reasons that I have heard, yet I
will discharge my conscience and duty to the church of
Scotland, whose ruin I see is aimed at, and which, however,
shall not fall for want of their case being truly stated, and
the frauds and treacherous dealings of her enemies, being
exposed and detected. If my liberty of speech be taken
away, I cannot help it; I shall still have the satisfaction of
having applied it right while I had it."+
THE JACOBITES OVER-REACHED.
In their project for a toleration, the Jacobites fell into
their own snare; the House of Lords having fastened to the
Bill the oath of abjuration. De Foe writing soon afterwards
says, "they now repent that they ever desired such a bill,
and are as willing to have it destroyed, as ever they were
to have it brought in; for they see it will break them all to
pieces." To procure its rejection, he adds, "They are now
big with a new project of getting another amendment to the
bill, to have the Presbyterians abjure the Covenant; a thing
which I verily believe there are 100,000 people in Scotland
who would be burnt alive rather than do." So insane a
* Review, viii. 533–536. + Review, viii. 548.
"PRESENT STATE OF PARTIES IN GREAT BRITAIN." 263
project, De Foe justly observes, could be started with no
other design than to have the bill dropped; for it is so mani-
festly against the Act of Union, that the Parliament of
Britain could not pass it."*
In recording his sentiments thus freely against these mea-
sures, De Foe observes, "I have discharged, not my debt to
the church of Scotland only, which I freely own and believe
to be as pure in doctrine and exact in discipline as any
Christian church in the world, and am not ashamed to
declare it; but I discharge thereby the duty also of a subject
to the legislature of Britain, in humbly laying the naked
truth before them, that it may be out of the power of wicked
men to do harm, by placing false lights before them, and
misrepresenting a faithful and upright people."+
Whilst the ministers were unfolding their schemes for
ruining the Presbyterians in Scotland, and the Dissenters in
England, De Foe was preparing a large work upon the
respective merits of the contending parties. Although it is
now but little known, having never been inserted in any
catalogue of his writings, yet there is sufficient internal evi-
dence in the work, to leave no doubt as to the author. It
is intitled, "The Present State of Parties in Great Britain :
Particularly an Enquiry into the State of the Dissenters in
England, and the Presbyterians in Scotland; their religious
and politick Interest considered, as it respects their Cir-
cumstances before and since the late Acts against Occa-
sional Conformity in England; and for Toleration of Com-
mon Prayer in Scotland. London: printed and sold by
J. Baker, in Paternoster Row, 1712. Price five shillings."
8vo. pp. 352.
In this work, which contains a good historical view of
the times, illustrated by some useful documents, our author
* Review, viii. 583, 584. + Review, viii. 551.
264
ACCOUNT OF HIS WORK.
freely exposes the faults of all parties, for which he did not
expect their thanks; men having a natural aversion to be
told of their mistakes, and discouraging those writers that
faithfully serve them. He is willing to venture upon their
resentment; but wished his work to be considered as a
friendly reproof to those whose reformation he desires,
rather than their destruction. This hint is thrown out to the
Dissenters, upon whose internal management he has many
just remarks, derived from personal observation. "He that
loves their interest," says he, "will speak plain truth to
them, whether it please them or no." He adds, "Now is
the time for the Dissenters to enter upon new measures, and
rectify their former mistakes. Their enemies are powerful;
pretended friends have proved false; and have betrayed
them to the overthrow of their civil interest. But if they
can be persuaded to erect upon solid foundations a firm and
lasting sheme of a religious economy, the building that shall
grow up will be such as shall make them invincible on one
side, and formidable on the other. Now is the time for
them to stand upon their own legs, and be truly indepen-
dent; in which, by a steady and faithful adhering to God
and his cause, and espousing heartily all that do so, they
will soon find their circumstances recover, and the figure
they make differ from any thing they ever made before:
their religious liberties will stand upon a better basis than
ever, and they will be in a better condition to support their
civil liberties also." De Foe strongly recommends a fede-
rative union amongst the Dissenters, as the only method to
retrieve their affairs, and give them consideration in the
country.
The work is divided into seven chapters (D). The first
(D) The titles of the chapters are as follows: Chap. 1. The General
Introduction and platform of the whole work, being a scheme of the
Parties. Chap. 2. An abridgment of the History of Parties among us,
deduced from their introduction into the State, from and after the Union;
ACCOUNT OF HIS WORK.
265
treats of our public affairs, more especially as they influenced
the political condition of the Dissenters, from the Revolution
to the time of the Union. In this part of the work, he gives
a particular account of the occasion of his writing " The
Shortest Way;" its influence upon the public: and the
treatment he experienced in consequence. In the second
chapter, he brings down the history to the passing of the
Occasional Bill, and treats largely upon the invasion of
Scotland, the revolution in the ministry, and the negocia-
tions for peace. He has some free remarks upon the con-
duct of the Whigs during this period, and bestows a just
censure upon their desertion of the cause of religious liberty.
The next four chapters are wholly taken up with the eccle-
and stated and brought down as they now appear, to the time of passing the
Occasional Bill, and therein finishing the ruin of the Dissenters. Chap. 3.
An Account of the Attempt made immediately after passing the Occasional
Bill, to introduce Toleration and the Common Prayer in Scotland. With
some Observations on the injustice and unreasonableness of that design;
how far it is or is not consistent with the Constitution of Scotland, with the
privileges of the Kirk, and with the Articles of the Union. Also, some
little Inquiry at what may probably be the consequence thereof. Chap. 4.
A farther Relation of the Affairs of Scotland, as it relates to Persecution,
Toleration, and the Union especially; serving as an Introduction to the
Proceedings in England, for setting up the English liturgy in Scotland.
Chap. 5. An Account of the attempt of Mr. Greenshields, to set up the
English liturgy in the city of Edinburgh, with the several processes,
appeals, &c. in that case, till the final determination thereof in the House of
Lords; as also, the proceedings in England, in Parliament, for the Intro-
duction of the said liturgy in Scotland, till the completing thereof, and
erecting Toleration in Scotland. Chap. 6. Giying an Account of the en-
deavours of the Episcopal and Jacobite party in Scotland for the invasion
of the Presbyterian church, declaring the Union alterable, and breaking in
upon the express articles of it; with their success in both.
Chap. 7. Con-
taining something of a Review of the Dissenters' Case in England, at the
same time as the other affairs related above; a brief state of their circum-
stances previous to, and how concurrent with the present posture they are
in, bringing the same down to their now suppressed and suffering condi-
tion; something of the causes, errors and mistakes of their past conduct,
how they might have acted, and how they must behave themselves for the
future, if they expect to support their interest, as a body in the nation.
266
ACCOUNT OF HIS WORK.
siastical affairs of Scotland. In these, he recites the various
acts that were passed for the security of the Scottish church,
and for the relief of the episcopal party; and he gives a
large account of the attempts that were made from time to
time for the subversion of the church establishment. Of the
affair of Greenshields, and his attempt to introduce the
English liturgy, he gives a circumstantial narrative, sup-
ported by authentic documents. He also discusses the
merits of the Toleration, and of the Act for restoring patron-
ages; recounts the opposition offered to them by the Scots;
and censures both measures as a breach of the Union, and
introductory to the restoration of Episcopacy and Jacobitism
in Scotland.
In his last chapter, he takes a review of the state of the
Dissenters in England; in the course of which he has many
just remarks upon the management of their affairs, from
which some lessons of wisdom might be learnt in the present
day. He considers their interest to be in a declining state,
not so much as regarded their wealth and numbers, as the
qualifications of their ministers, the decay of piety, and the
abandonment of their political friends. The deterioration of
their ministers from those of the former race, he ascribes to
the mode of their education, which leads him to bestow
some strictures upon the management of their academies.
From the schools of learning, he traces the young divine
to the pulpit and to his home; observing, that his conduct
in neither place is such as to adorn his profession, or to
uphold the Dissenting interest. He condemns the new
method of sermon-reading which often superseded the neces-
sity of study, and produced coldness and formality both in
preacher and hearer. After noticing the foppish appearance
of the young preacher, his want of reverence in the pulpit,
and neglect of professional duties out of it, which he
mentions "rather to correct the foundation-evil, than to
attack the vices of the young clergy," he traces the whole
267
to a defective education; "for conceit and affectation are
the certain produce of a little learning, as humility is of a
great deal." The effect of all this upon the laity is, the
decay of religion in general, and of the Dissenting interest
in particular. As a remedy for the evil, our author pro-
poses, that no greater number should be bred to the ministry
than can be afterwards maintained; and that, to ensure a
sound education, the term of residence at the academy
should be prolonged.
6. If you bred up one to five, nay
to fifteen, of those that now consume the charity of your
people, that one would be a man and a minister, and would
do more good than the fifteen. The fewer you breed up,
the fewer beggars you would have, and the fewer renegadoes
to fall upon you afterwards.-When your young student
comes abroad, do not starve him, but allow him a compe-
tent maintenance till he is settled and provided for; then,
if he is wanted to preach, he will be found in his study, and
be the better prepared to appear in public." He earnestly
recommends the richer Dissenters to dedicate their children
to the ministry, that their interest may be supported with
credit; and he exhorts their ministers to study plainness of
style, an affectionate address, and a reverence suited to the
majesty of the pulpit. These, says he, were the things that
recommended the gospel to the last age, and it must still be
the same, "though the taste of this age is debauched by
the frothy, fluttering, empty pulpit-talk which is cried up
for the fine preaching of the day."
Our author has some judicious remarks upon the confor-
mity of some of their younger ministers, who began "under
two insuperable articles of necessity, want of learning, and
want of bread; and he traces their subsequent writings
against the Dissenters to resentment for their former ill-
usage. In the following passage, he no doubt had an eye
to his own experience. "It may not be unworthy here of
the Dissenters' consideration, whether they have not on all
ACCOUNT OF HIS WORK.
268
ACCOUNT OF HIS WORK.
occasions, treated not those people only, but all that have
been willing and able to serve their interest, with too much
slight and neglect; and some that have merited better from
them, with contempt and unjust reproach. How this should
end in any thing but in turning the hands against them
that would otherwise have been employed for them, is hard
to imagine. Till they think fit to alter this, they cannot
expect to have many defenders, or ever to want furious
enemies. Nature is born with resentment, and when men
that serve faithfully and hazard themselves zealously meet
with reproaches for rewards, and haughty carriage instead
of countenance and encouragement, passion will prevail to
set them against the people they would otherwise adhere to.
Every man cannot serve and starve for them. Let those
that think this hint unjust, look back on Mr. Delaune; let
them ask Mr. Wesley why he conformed? Let them
inquire of poor Tutchin's friends, and look upon the cir-
cumstances of his widow and family; let them inquire the
fate of Harry Care, and how want of being supported forced
him to submit to their enemies; and let them look around
for other objects of like kind without number." De Foe
has many other remarks upon the internal economy of the
Dissenters, distinguished alike by correctness of taste and
soundness of judgment. His work abounds in good sense
and manly feeling, and contains much useful information
upon ecclesiastical subjects, connected with the times.
The delicate hand with which De Foe now touched the
acts of the government, and his forbearance upon topics
which must have deeply engaged his feelings, induced many
to suspect that he was bribed by the ministers. But the
suggestion was as unfounded as it was unworthy; his
conduct being wholly governed by prudential motives, and
by delicacy towards the chief minister, from whom he had
formerly received benefits. Some printed papers having
HIS ANSWER TO THE CHARGE OF BRIBERY.
269
been circulated to his disadvantage, he thought it necessary
to interpose the following defence:
"""
"I remember a malcontent of a reign not many years
behind us, whether he wrote Pagan or Protestant Post-Boys,
Examiners, or what, authors are not agreed, when an argu-
ment was brought a little too close to him, said, 'Sir, you
would rail as I do, if you were not bribed;'-' Aye,' replied
the other, and you would be quieter than I, if any body
would bribe you.'
Upon this De Foe remarks, "Three
sorts of men always rail at a government. First, those whose
opinion of their own merit makes them think they are never
well-enough rewarded. The second sort are those who
having enjoyed favours, but being found unworthy, are dis-
carded from their offices; these always rail as if they had
never been obliged. But we have a third sort of people
who always go with their mouths open, in order to have
them stopped; like a sort of dogs I have met with, that
when they attend under your table, bark that they may be
fed. I remember a man of some note who practised this
with great success, and canted a long while in the House
of Commons about abuses in the management, misapplying
the public treasure, making felonious treaties, and the like;
but a wise old fox no sooner halved his den to this badger,
but he put a stop to the clamour, and the nation's treasure
was never misapplied since, because a good share of it ran
his way." Our author here alludes to John Howe, M. P.
in this and the former reign, who was made joint pay-master
of the forces with Sir Stephen Fox.
Our author continues, "He that takes a bribe, is a
traitor to his own principles and to his country. It has
been the fate of these nations to be always plagued with
such vermin; but I never knew any real good come of
buying them off, and therefore just governments always let
them alone." De Foe intimates, that the railers of his day
were of too little importance to be bought off.
"For my
270
own part, I must needs be perfectly free from the scandal;
and if the rest had not more vanity, they would leave off
expecting it. I do not believe many of the writers of this.
age were ever offered a bribe; and I'll clear them of that
scandal upon the same foot as I do myself, believing that
the ministry know better what to do with their money;
therefore, whatever honour they do me that way, I am in
no condition to return it. I have written this, upon account
of two printed papers relating to myself, of which the
authors have so far owned themselves ashamed, as to let
them but just see the world, and retire; and upon account
of those who boast of their being employed by the govern-
ment, when what they write is scandalous even to human
society."
De Foe continues, "And now, it appears by the late
message of her majesty to the parliament, that the govern-
ment will find other ways than bribing to manage them all,
viz. by suppressing them."* Although the ministers had
pressed into their service many writers of considerable
talent, who exhausted all their powers of wit and argument
in the support of their measures; yet, as the press afforded
an equal license to their opponents, they were not willing
to trust any longer to so powerful an engine which might
destroy them in the opinion of the people. Broad hints
were therefore given of their intention to lay some re-
strictions upon it; and in the month of April, the Commons
passed some resolutions, which were immediately turned
into a law, imposing upon all pamphlets and newspapers a
duty of one penny for every half-sheet. The Act was to
commence operation the second of August.
TAX UPON NEWSPAPERS.
As the regulation of the press was a subject that had occupied
much of De Foe's attention, he did not forego the opportu-
nity of offering his sentiments upon the present enactment.
* Review, viii. 525–527.
271
.
Desirous as he was to see a removal of the abuses of which
he so often complained, he could not contemplate a measure
that had so serious an aspect upon the diffusion of know-
ledge amongst the common people, without dismay. As a
matter of revenue, he thought it would be wholly futile.
"To tax any trade so that it cannot subsist under the pay-
ment, is not a means to raise the money, but to destroy the
trade. That the dearness of a thing lessens the consumption,
is a maxim which no man can deny; but there are some
things of so diminutive a nature, that their spreading arises
merely from the consideration of their being trifles. Such
are the innumerable little printed tracts from the ballad
and primer, at the price of one halfpenny, to the pamphlets
of sixpence.
When these come to be taxed, will they be
sold? Let any man judge by the tax upon almanacks, laid
on last year, when a printer in Scotland returned 495 out of
500 stamps." De Foe states, that the number of almanacks
printed, was three-fourths less than usual, and that 60,000
stamps were returned to the government unsold. * He has
no doubt, that the intention of the Act is the suppression of
newspapers; but the devastation that it would create
amongst the numerous families who would be deprived of
a livelihood, he considers to be of more importance than
any good that could result from it. He calculates that
3000 poor families would be immediately thrown out of
employment, and adds, "In behalf of the poor, I cannot
but earnestly recommend to the parliament, such exceptions
for the propagation of Christian knowledge, the fear of
God, and the instruction of the children of the poor, as
they shall in due consideration of the case think fit." +
De Foe had the pleasure of seeing his suggestions in this
particular attended to.
The futility of all attempts to stifle public opinion, our
DE FOE EXEMPLIFIES ITS INEFFICACY.
* Review, viii. 687, 688.
† Ibid, 692.
272 AND ITS TENDENCY TO IMPOVERISH THE PEOPLE.
author has pointedly exposed in the following passage, being
the result of his own observations upon former times.
"Written scandal shall revive, and the nation shall swarm
with lampoons, pasquinades, (E) satires, and an incon-
ceivable flood of written news-letters. For my part, I am
already preparing a scheme for a written Review, which I
design to invite all my correspondents in Britain to subscribe
for. I purpose also to hire some large hall or great room in the
city, to propagate the other purposes of a new undertaking,
that the poor may not want employment. One manufacture
being suppressed, we must erect others. I doubt not to
employ thirty or forty clerks to write news, lampoons,
ballads, any thing in the world besides that may keep up
the paper trade. Two or three dozens emissaries may be
useful to gather in lies, scandal, rumour, and all the excre-
ments of that lying jade fame; another class to digest,
hatch, and lick into shape every whelp of fancy which it
may be found useful to bring into the world, to croak
treason, snarl at government, and debauch the principles.
of the people. No tax can reach us here, Printed scandal
may be punished, written treason can never be traced.
Faction, strife, reproach, and discontented humours will
spread ten thousand times faster among the people by
writing than by printing; and innumerable crowds of news-
writers are already preparing for the war, drawing their
forces together, and forming suitable correspondences for
the work. News must be written, if it cannot be printed." *
(E) De Foe gives the following account of the origin of the term Pasqui-
nade : "The statue of Pasquin at Rome is grown famous, not half so much
for the performances of the person whom it represented, as for the use made
of it since it was set up. Under this figure, were always posted libels and
satires, papers of personal scandal, and all manner of sarcasms, either on
the Roman government, or on the actions of other princes and nations.
From hence, a lampoou in modern dialect is new-christened, and now called
Pasquinade.-Review, viii. 714.
* Review, viii. 708.
273
This threatened array of hostility could have been any
thing but acceptable to the ministers; but the evils of the
measure are seriously pourtrayed by De Foe in the following
passage. "What a deluge of slander and ribaldry are these
times going to let in upon us? Envy, revenge, slander, and
banter, with all the attendants which gratify disturbed
minds will now be unchained. No innocence can protect,
no quality defend. Cowards will now fight without danger,
murtherers kill without weapons, and faction depose princes
without rebellion. Aye, (says one that stands by) and you
will have as great a hand in it as any body. It may be so ;
I shall promise nothing for myself, but that when all the
world goes mad, I may share in the infection. But this I
am satisfied of, I shall do then as I do now, bear the scandal
of other people's crimes, and father many bastards which I
have no hand in the getting. In the mean time, I wish the
parliament, before they suppress the evil of printing, will
think of some method of preventing or punishing the evil I
speak of, which it is most certain will rise up in its room,
and prove the more uneasy both to the government and to
the people, of any thing of the like nature.” *
About this time an unmanly set of miscreants paraded
the streets of London after dark, and for their cruelties
received the name of Mohocks, from a small nation of
savages in the back settlements of New England. The
affinity in practice between these people, and the modern
society of English rakes, conferred a propriety upon the
name bestowed upon them; but they were the more criminal
of the two, being without the plea of ignorance for their
wanton barbarities. "What kind of passion or humour it
gratifies, to murder or wound an unconcerned stranger, who
has not given the least affront, is such a crime that the
like of it has not been heard of for some ages in the world.
VOL. III.
APPEARANCE OF THE MOHOCKS.
Review, viii. 715.
T
274
MALICE OF DE FOL'S ENEMIES.
What secret pleasure these people find in it, I confess,"
says De Foe, "I am at a loss to find out;
" and until they
can be brought to justice, he recommends the use of the Pro-
testant flail, an instrument used in the days of the Popish
Plot, and described in a former part of this work. "If
but half a dozen honest, stout fellows," says he, "will provide
themselves with this happy instrument of reformation, and
take a turn now and then through the streets in an evening,
I would be a volunteer under their command at any time,
and I dare say, they would deliver up to justice every one
of these Mohock-monsters that dared to show their faces."*
Whilst De Foe was pointing out a ready way to get rid
of these inhuman wretches, his enemies were contriving
his destruction, by circulating printed papers in the streets,
pointing him out as one of them. "Indeed, as the thing
came out with an air of Grub-street," says he, “I had
taken no notice of it; but being well assured since, that
it has been dictated secretly with a villanous design to have
me torn in pieces by the rabble, and that I have good reason
to suspect the person concerned, I must be pardoned if I
appear with more warmth than I usually carry in my
temper." He then observes, "He who contrives to expose
a man to the rabble for a crime which he is not concerned
in, is an assassin of the worst sort, and in the eyes of
God and man, will pass for nothing less than a murtherer
and I believe the person concerned has taken this method
to satisfy his cowardly malice, because he could not do
the work himself. But I defy and contemn his malice.
A constant, steady, peaceable behaviour shall always, with
the protection of the law, screen me from such men's rage,
and if I offend in any other way, I am ready to appear as
justice shall require. This, indeed, is Mohawking me a
new-fashioned way, like crying out 'a mad dog,' and setting
* Review, viii. 613-615.
ALARM FOR THE PROTESTANT SUCCESSION.
275
the parish upon him; but it will not do: I am ready to
show myself to mob or magistrate, in spite of these, or any
other kind of Mohawks in the nation.*" Swift, in his
Journal to Stella, says, that he was one of the persons aimed
at by these night marauders, and that the fear of falling in
with them, put him to the expence of several shillings a week
for chair hire.
The measures of the government, and the open coun-
tenance given to the Jacobites, excited a just alarm in the
people for the safety of the Protestant succession. In order
to keep alive their suspicions, many pamphlets were dis-
persed by the Whigs, discussing the claims of the Pre-
tender, and the danger that would accrue from his admission.
One of these, commonly attributed to De Foe, is intitled,
"Hannibal at the Gates: or, the Progress of Jacobitism.
With the present Danger of the Pretender. London: printed
for J. Baker, 1712." 8vo. pp. 40. There does not appear
to be any good reason for giving this work to our author;
but the writer of it was a friend to the ministers, in behalf
of whose good intentions, he quotes the Review as "an
authority not to be questioned;" yet he is not insensible
to the danger that may arise from the known zeal and
activity of the Jacobites. A reply to his work was published
about two years afterwards, under the title of "Hannibal
not at our Gates: or an Inquiry into the Grounds of
our present Fears of Popery and the Pretender.
In a
Dialogue between my Lord Panick and George Steady,
Esq. Now first published at the request of several Ladies
and Gentlemen, who desire to inform the World, that they
have some Reasons not to be frightened out of their wits.
London: printed in the year 1714." 8vo. It is written
with some humour, but the Author's attempt to laugh
away the threatening aspect of the times, was not likely to
make any impression upon the sober and thoughtful.
* Review, viii. 623, 624.
T2
4.
276
De Foe had rendered himself obnoxious to the Whigs, by
writing against the continuance of the war, and by his not
uniting with them in a vigorous opposition to the ministers.
Hence, they involved him with the latter in all their mea-
sures, and gave him the credit of being implicated in their
supposed designs against the Protestant succession. This,
however, was no more than the offspring of malice; for
he was
no less hated by the Jacobites. "It was but
two days ago," says he, "that I received at one and the
same time, a Letter from a passionate Whig; and another, from
a furious Jacobite; the one threatening me with the gallows
when their party gets up again, and the other with assassination
immediately, after the manner of John Tutchin. The first
charges me with writing for the party that would bring in
the Pretender; and the other with abusing the Pretender.
Now, in what case is a man that dares speak truth to two
such enraged parties? How is it possible that both can
be in the right? Nay, what can testify more to me that I
am in the right, than that the madmen on both sides are
thus enraged?" De Foe then proceeds to state, that all
this violence flowed from inattention to what he had written,
and from a mistaken view of his sentiments, which were
friendly to peace, if it could be obtained upon honourable
terms; and that he had no enmity to the Pretender as a
man, but merely as he was opposed to the Protestant in-
terest. In reference to the ill usage he received from both
parties, he says, "but such barbarous treatment I must
expect from the people of this day, and such shall every
man receive that attempts to expose any of the mad extremes
of the present parties. With what assurance do they re-
proach me with writing for the ministry, and being employed
by them; whilst they that affirm it know at the same time,
that they lie against knowledge, as well as against truth?
Because, were it so in truth, as I affirm it to be a malicious
forgery, yet, as those who report it do not know it to be
TAME
.
HIS ANSWER TO REPROACHES.
M
HIS ANSWER TO REPROACHES.
277
true, it is a falsity and a slander in them; and it is wicked,
even to villany, because they think thereby to injure and
ruin the person they think of.
"I shall conclude with this public assertion, which I
think myself bound to leave to posterity-that throughout
the whole course of this ministry, I have neither written, nor
forborne to write, one word by the direction of the ministry
or to oblige or serve any party; nor have I directly, or
indirectly, been paid or rewarded for so doing.
doing. The honour
I have had to be known to some persons who are now in
the administration, has had no influence upon me one way
or the other; nor have they, or any for them, ever stooped
so low as to desire me to write this, or not to write that.
The circumstances I labour under in the world might, one
would think, deliver me from the suspicion of this slander,
but since it will not, for nothing will stop a railing spirit,
I shall convince the world I am not bribed to write, by
cheerfully laying down, and writing no more at the period
approaching which the law has prepared. For my part,
I abhor bribes, was never tainted with them, and have refused
them at the price of my family's ruin; and that, even for
those very people who upbraid me with them. After all, I
doubt not but a constant, steady adherence to truth, and the
interest of my country, will hereafter make many of these
men ashamed of the usage they now give me. In the mean
time, I shall, for the little space I have to speak, go on to
express my thoughts freely and impartially; and, though I
may not please, I'll endeavour to serve. "'*
Review, viii. 813-816.
CHAPTER XI.
Eighth Volume of the "Review."-The course proposed to himself in conducting
it.-He writes largely upon Trade.-Upon the Negociations for Peace.-
And upon the State of Parties.-Declaration of his Politics.-He is
attacked in the “Medley”.—Contemns his Opponents.—Anecdote of Dryden.
- His satisfaction at the prospect of dropping the "Review".- His Motives
for continuing it.-Narrative of his Treatment during the Progress of the
Work.— Ninth and last Volume of the "Review".-De Foe's Merits as a
Periodical Writer.-Gay's false estimate of his Talents.-Corrected by
Chalmers.
1712-1713.
THE eighth volume of the Review, which commenced the
27th of March, 1711, was closed the 29th of July, 1712,
when it had extended to 211 numbers. A double paper
was then published, containing the preface and following
title: "A Review of the State of the British Nation. Vol.
VIII. London: printed in the year 1712." 4to: pp. 848.
The reason of its running so far into the year, was the tax
upon papers, which it was expected would put an end to the
work, and induced the author to protract it as long as pos-
sible. He says, "I have continued it beyond the usual
length, expecting some period would be put to the general
liberty of the press, and to this work among the rest. Very
glad should I have been to lay down the ungrateful task of
informing those who think they know, and of reproving
those who think they cannot mistake; but while the
triumphs of obstinate men on both sides go on, just satire
1
EIGHTH VOLUME OF THE
279
cannot be silent, and while the plague spreads, no man
ought to forbear attempting a cure."
Our author introduces the volume with the following
explanation of his purpose. "I begin this eighth year of
the Review with the subject of trade, to me a pleasant, and
I hope to you all a profitable theme; and I could be very
glad to set apart this paper wholly to that work, in which
I flatter myself I could say some things useful and agreeable
to all parties. But it is impossible; the divisions and dis-
tractions of the times will not permit. However, as I pur-
pose as little as I can, and less than ever, to meddle with
your divisions, except to heal them; give me leave by a
short introduction to tell you what I purpose to do, in so
much of this volume as heaven and the times will permit
me to write; and unless driven to it by absolute necessity,
I shall not break in upon my resolution. I resolve to let
you alone in your street-follies, and not meddle with your
sham reformations, your neglected societies, your punishing
ragged vice, and caressing embroidered debaucheries. I
shall cease a while from that worst of perjury, that I have
so often told you of, your abjuring oath-taking Jacobites,
who mask their principles by this happy antithesis in their
practice:
"REVIEW."
(C
Pray for the side they swear against,
And curse the side they swear to." *
"Your priests shall rail, authors print, and traitors plot:
I'll look on a while till I have the satisfaction to see some
people convinced too late that they were doing the devil's
work, and in the simplicity of their hearts, have joined with
the enemies of the queen and government. I shall neither
meddle with new ministry nor old ministry, nor inquire into
the mismanagement of either; but endeavour to help every
side to do the nation's work cheerfully, honestly, and dili-
gently, and if you will quarrel, you may do it by yourselves.'
Age of Wonders, p. 2.
>>
280 COURSE PROPOSED TO HIMSELF IN CONDUCTING IT.
This forbearance upon topics in which he felt so deeply
interested, and upon which he had formerly declared himself
so freely, was evidently dictated by a prudent caution,
suggested by the temper of the times. But there were
other subjects upon which he could not be silent, and he
reserved to himself a liberty of speech upon such as these.
"1. If you invade the constitution, the succession, the
toleration, as settled at the Revolution; if you advance false-
hoods, exalt submission to arbitrary power, deny parlia-
mentary limitation of the crown, and impose principles
inconsistent with the laws, I must speak. 2. If you insult
the name, reproach the memory, lessen the merit, or raise
slander upon the actions of the glorious King William,
whom, however unworthy, I have the honour to call my
master; whom I faithfully served, by whom I was, beyond
my merit, bountifully rewarded, and for whom I cheerfully
suffered because I would not betray him, I must speak, for
I should be an ungrateful dog to forbear. 3. If the un-
sufferable debaucheries of the clergy go on unrestrained,
and the superiors, whose duty it is to correct and reform
them, and to revive the discipline of the church, continue to
neglect it, I must speak. 4. If I find you reproaching your
brethren in Scotland; if you break the sacred stipulations.
of the Union, invade the legal establishments, force inno-
vations in their worship or in the government of their
church, I must speak; no peril shall deter me. These
things excepted, I shall endeavour to oblige and serve
you, exhort you to peace, to trade, to credit, and to all
those things which may best conduce to the public pro-
sperity of the nation, without respect to factions or parties,
either one way or the other." *
This volume, like its predecessors, is divided between
trade and politics.
"Trade and war," says he,
are the
* Review, viii. 1-3.
66
HE WRITES LARGELY UPON TRADE.
281
principal subjects of the nation's concern: I am none of
those that would have the last neglected, yet methinks, our
carrying it on should not thrust out our concern for the
first."*
He accordingly dwells largely upon trade, parti-
cularly our commercial intercourse with foreign nations;
discussing the terms of a trade with France, the interests of
the African Company, and the benefits resulting from a
trade with South America. "I had thought," says he, "to
have adjourned my observations upon trade till I began a
new volume of this work, or till I enter upon a new kind of
Review, which I have projected upon the regulation of the
press; but the case will not admit of delay; things must
be spoken to in their season, or they had as good be
let alone."+
The state of parties occupied as usual a large portion of
his attention; but he evidently writes with great circum-
spection. Although a Whig in principle, he had no desire
of opposing the ministers, so long as they did not break in
upon the civil and religious institutions of the country; but
when these were invaded, he did not hesitate to declare his
opinion boldly, and to warn his countrymen of the dangerous.
precipice upon which they were standing. As a friend to
moderate measures, he opposed the violent men of all sides,
avowing his attachment to principles rather than to indivi-
duals, by which means he pleased neither party. Upon this
subject, he says, "I am not for sacrificing truth, liberty, or
principle to any party, no, not to a government; but I lay
down this maxim in all I do or say in public matters, not
caring who I offend. Every man who lives under the
government, ought in all things to submit to, and acquiesce
in, the public measures so far as he can; that is, so far as he
may be convinced they are doing right. If we do not like
the instruments, I cannot say that is so much our business
*
Review, viii. 25.
† Ibid, 729.
282
can.
as some would make it. Let the persons employed be who
they will, if they do the nation's business well, they are
good men to us; and if they do it not all as I would have
it, yet I believe it is my duty to go with them as far as I
I believe it is of as little concern to me as to most
men, who are put in or out of place: I have as little to lose,
and as little to expect as most men; scorning to rise at the
price now put upon preferment, I cannot therefore be
making my court to any body. If the persons employed
break in upon the constitution, invade the laws, break the
Union, contravene the Revolution, straiten the toleration-
every lover of liberty, every honest man, will be against
them, and I will be the first to cry out; nay, in some cases
I have already cried out, particularly in the affair of the
Union, which I cannot say or think has been cultivated or
kept so sacred as it ought to have been.” *
DECLARATION OF HIS POLITICS.
In allusion to the suspicions then entertained of some
persons in power, De Foe says, "If there are any such
among our great ones, who seeming to declare for the Pro-
testant succession, yet drive at dissolving that settlement,
and introducing a Popish Pretender, God, I hope, in his
due time, will detect and expose them; and in the mean-
time, I must confess, I fear nothing from their success, for
this whole nation, with an united voice, have resolved and
solemnly sworn that they will not have this man to reign
over them." What his own conduct would be under such
circumstances, he thus describes. "Should the Pretender
come hither, which God forbid, my course is plain. I'll fight
him, I'll oppose him openly and fairly as long as I can : I'll be
his fair, open, and honourable enemy; I will be a secret
treacherous enemy to no man: I'll take no man's pay, and
then betray him; list in his troop and wear his cloth, and
march with him to the place of rendezvous, and then go over to
* Review, viii. 774.
St
Ibid, 834.
HE IS ATTACKED IN THE MEDLEY."
283
his enemy. I never thought the Revolution one jot the better
for any that did so; but openly and fairly, while there is
any room left to oppose him, I'll do it with all my might,
and as King William said, I'll endeavour to die in the
last ditch. But if it is my fate to see my country fall
into his hands, and there is no more room for resistance,
I'll submit, and then go on with him as far as he main-
tains the laws, and no further. This I think my duty
under all governments. I did this before the Revolution,
and I thank God I can say I went no further. This I
did under the late ministry, and opposed the change as
much, and as long as I could; but since it is wrought
and I cannot help it, as long as the government goes on
by the rule of law, and on the foot of the constitution,
so far, and so long, I think it my duty to submit, and
no further." He says he should do the same under any
other ministers: "so that the ministry are not under one
farthing obligation to me, for any thing I write or do; and
if they give me any thing for writing the Review, as is
falsely alleged, they throw their money away.
"'*
The repeated attacks which De Foe met with from the
Whigs, rendered this exposition of his politics the more
necessary; and as his name often occurs in the writers
of the time, as a political apostate and a retainer of
the ministers, there is equal reason for its preservation.
Amongst his political opponents at this time, was the
writer of the "Medley," which, upon its being dropped
by Oldmixon, was revived by Ridpath. Both these writers
had accused him of being in the pay of the ministers, and
of writing under their direction; charges that were dictated
by malice, and which we have seen to be utterly groundless.
"Who can but smile to see to what shifts men resort, to
cry down the man whom they cannot confute. Certainly,
cc
Review, viii. 834.
284
what the Review writes must have some strange force
in it, some unusual energy, that they will not allow me to
be the author; but I must have the materials from the
greatest heads in the nation. They do me an honour that
I do not deserve, and which they do not design for an
honour, but will for ever be so in spite of them. Methinks,
it would become these men better to answer what I say,
than to spend their time in railing at me; especially since
they cannot bestow that labour upon any man in Britain,
that has less concern for it."* De Foe sums up his ani-
madversions upon the periodical writers, by an anecdote
of Dryden, who received personal chastisement for his
libels. "I remember the case of Mr. Dryden, who had
described the Duke of Buckingham with a great deal of
wit, but in one line had given him ill-names, as fiddler and
buffoon. The Duke was a lover of wit, and had as much
himself as most men of the age, but resolved to take some
advantage of the author's weakness in that part. For which
purpose, his Grace finding him at a coffee-house, charged
him with want of decency as no true part of satire, and
caned him very smartly. There, Sir, said the Duke, is for
your ill-manners; and here, Sir, is for your wit; throwing
him at the same time a purse of thirty guineas." De Foe
recommends those who write satires on great men, to take
care to merit the guineas without the cane; and concludes
with the saying of the Macedonian king to one of his
soldiers, who was always cursing and railing at the Romans,
"I hired you to fight with the Romans, not to rail
at them."*
ANECDOTE OF DRYDEN.
When the policy of the government, with relation to the
press, became too evident to be mistaken, our author devoted
several of his Reviews to the discussion of the subject. The
effect of the measure, he expected would be the extinction
*Review, viii. 841, 842.
† Review, viii. 724,
PROSPECT OF DROPPING THE "REVIEW."
of his periodical labours, which he was far from contem-
plating with dissatisfaction. "As I begin to draw near
the close of this volume," says he, "so, as things now
appear, the time draws on when the liberty of speaking
this way will be taken from us. And truly I am one of
those that rejoice now at the period being put to a work,
which however now treated by those it has served, and
that by the confession of themselves, and of their enemies,
yet shall stand as a monument of the gratitude of the age,
to their true-born English posterity. I must confess, when
they talked of a licencer for the press, I offered reasons
against it as an invasion of liberty; but I have some-
times thought less of that injury, when I found our people
in every coffee-house taking away the liberty of every author,
by censure, raillery, reproach, and the like. If an author
speaks his thoughts freely, he is treated as a servant in
their pay, and subjected to their correction, for breach of
duty. Thus plentifully has a part of the world treated
me of late, because, forsooth, I have not pleased them,
in speaking my thoughts freely about the peace. I might
have asked them, who of you have I wronged? In whose
pay was I listed? Whose wages have I taken, and not
done their work, that you treat me thus majestically ?—If
I could have obliged you without belying my own know-
ledge and experience, I would have done it; but, as I
have not for fear or favour said one word for you, so I
can solemnly protest, I have spoken neither for gain, or
the hopes of it, nor to oblige or serve any one party or
person in the world. On the other hand, I never did, nor
ever shall refrain speaking what my own conscience dictates,
for fear of the face of any man, or body of men.
He that
fears the oppression of power, can be no servant of truth,
nor has any of your fawning scribblers dared to speak the
truths that I have done, or to suffer for them as I have. But
he that fears reproach or clamour, is a slave to his pride,
285
286
HIS HONESTY IN CONDUCTING IT.
and abject below a criminal. For my part, being fully
satisfied that I speak not only from principle, but for the
public service, I rejoice in the contempt put upon me by
clamorous and noisy men, who are so far from grieving
me, that they never rob me of a smile, nor ever move
me to any return, but to pity their prejudice, which God
in his due time, I hope, will deliver them from.
"As I can neither flatter nor refrain from speaking with
freedom in the cause of truth, while men in power take steps
to prove they are not infallible, my endeavour is to prevent
the oppressions which the fury of our parties threaten on
every side. When men of figure are pushing their party
interests with such an ill-principled rage, that they can sell
or give up their faithful friends, I have never regarded my
own safety or interest to keep me silent.
If I have had any
interest or favour with men in power, while those I have
endeavoured to serve by it have reviled me with acting for the
ministry, (1 speak now of the times as well of the last as the
present ministry) I have always enforced that interest with
faithful remonstances and representations, as far as duty and
decency would permit, to serve the persons who have at the
same time abused me; and I do so still, and I do it from this
principle that it is the cause, and not the persons, I desire
to serve and he that sees in secret, will reward me if he
approves the service. As for the men, I know them too well
to expect or desire it from them; nay, I am content they
shall stone me, and throw dirt at me while I am serving
them my witness is within myself, and yet I am not without
witnesses of the fact neither." Our author, still addressing
the Dissenters, goes on to observe, "And now the time is
coming when you shall feel your hurt before you hear of it.
Authors shall no more ruin themselves and families to awaken
you; your friends have sold you, and your enemies triumph,
and God will humble you for your party sins. But yet, after
a season of suffering, when your eyes shall be opened, and
:
287
a spirit fit for deliverance appear among you, you shall
be delivered, and your posterity shall be wiser and honester
than their fathers."*
HIS MOTIVES FOR CONTINUING IT.
De Foe closes the present volume with the following re-
marks." I as fully resolved to lay down this paper at the
end of July, when the new tax upon papers begins, as ever I
did, or can resolve any thing; and pleased myself with the
hopes that, after eight years' struggling with the enemies of
the nation's peace, to have enjoyed some peace myself, to have
dropped insensibly out of the public broils, and as much as pos-
sible, to have been forgotten among you. But it is impossible;
neither the nature of the thing, nor the nature of the people,
will permit it. As to the people, unless I will give leave to
the railing spirit, to triumph over me as slain in the battle,
and let that slander which ceases not to insult me while living,
follow me into the grave, I must be still at hand to detect the
lies, and oppose the slanders with which those who cannot
otherwise answer me, are daily filling the age. Nor will the
nature of the thing permit me to lay it down: the crisis is too
imminent, the arguments on both sides too nice, the conse-
quences too fatal, the mischiefs approaching too threatening,
and the concern every honest man has too pressing, for any
man that has spoken at all, now to hold his peace. He that
will save his country from ruin, must do it in the season of
deliverance; he that will prevent the destruction of a town
must cry fire in time; and he that will do any service on
either side, must now speak, or he may for ever after hold
his tongue."+
In a long preface to this volume, written towards the end
of July, De Foe has an animated defence of his work, and of
the mode in which he had conducted it. He also gives a
narrative of the treatment he had received during its progress,
and relates some affecting particulars of his past life, as well
*Review, viii. 549–551.
+ Ibid, 845.
288
as of the existing state of his circumstances. Although the
narrative is rather long, yet it throws so much light upon his
personal affairs, and is so descriptive of his real character,
that to suppress it would deprive the present work of an im-
portant document. It is as follows:-
NARRATIVE OF HIS TREATMENT.
"I have now finished the eighth volume of this work, and
as this particular part has been the subject of as much clamour
and noise as any of the former, though on a different account,
and from different people, I cannot close it, without giving
some account both of it and of myself. From the beginning
of this undertaking, which I have now carried on almost ten
years, I have always, according to the best of my judgment,
calculated it for the support and defence of truth and liberty.
I was not so weak when I began, as not to expect enemies, and
that by speaking plain, both to persons and things, I should
exasperate many against both the work and the author, and
in that expectation I have not been deceived.
"I confess I did not expect, that if the same truth sum-
moned me to differ from the people I was serving, they would
treat me as they do, for it. I own, I thought an uninter-
rupted fidelity, and steady adhering to an honest principle
for near forty years, would have been some plea in my behalf,
and if not, that suffering the shipwreck of my fortunes, which
were at that time recovering, and by the bounty of his late
majesty, in a fair way of being restored; suffering all the
indignities, penalties, and punishments, an enraged party
could inflict upon me, and above three thousand pounds loss;
I say, I thought this might have lodged a little in the breasts
of my friends, and might have allowed them at least to
examine, before they condemned me, whether they did me
wrong or no.
"I thought that while I had given such proof, that I
could neither be Bribed from the truth, or Threatened, or
Terrified from my principles, it might at least be a ground
for impartial honest men to examine, before they censured
NARRATIVE OF HIS TREATMENT.
289
me.
But I have found all this in vain; and as if forfeiting
my reason as well as my estate were a debt from me to the
party I espoused, I am now hunted with a full cry, Acteon
like, by my own friends, I won't call them hounds, in spite
of protested innocence, and want of evidence, against the
genuine sense of what I write, against fair arguing, against
all modesty and sense, condemned by common clamour as
writing for money, for particular persons, by great men's
directions, and the like; every tittle of which I have the
testimony of my own conscience, is abominably false, and
the accusers must have the accusation of their own con-
sciences that they do not know it to be true.
"I cannot say it has not given me a great deal of distur-
bance; for an ungrateful treatment by a people that I had run
all manner of risk for, and thought I could have died for,
cannot but touch a less sensible temper, than I think mine
to be: but I thank God that operation is over, and I
endeavour to make other uses of it, than perhaps the people
themselves think I do. First, I look in, and upon the nar-
rowest search I can make of my own thoughts, desires, and
designs, I find a clear untainted principle, and consequently
an entire calm of conscience, founded upon the satisfying
sense, that I neither am touched with bribes, guided or
influenced by fear, favour, hope, dependence, or reward
from any person or party under Heaven; and that I have
written, and do write nothing but what is my native, free,
undirected opinion and judgment, and which was so many
years ago, as I think I made unanswerably appear by the
very last Review of this volume.
Next, I look up, and without examining into His ways,
the sovereignty of whose providence I adore, I submit with
an entire resignation to what ever happens to me, as being
by the immediate direction of that goodness, and for such
wise and glorious ends, as however I may not yet see
through, will at last issue in good, even to me; fully
VOL. III.
U
290
NARRATIVE OF
HIS TREATMENT.
depending, that I shall yet be delivered from the power of
slander and reproach, and the sincerity of my conduct be
yet cleared up to the world: and if not, Te Deum Laudamus.
"In the third place, I look back on the people who treat
me thus, who, notwithstanding under the power of their pre-
judices they fly upon me with a fury that I think unchris-
tian and unjust; yet as I doubt not the day will still come
when they will be again undeceived in me; I am far from
studying their injury, or doing myself justice at their
expense, which I could do with great advantage. It is im-
possible for the Dissenters in this nation to provoke me to
be an enemy to their interest; should they fire my house,
sacrifice my family, and assassinate my life, I would ever
requite them in defending their cause, and standing to the
last against all those that should endeavour to weaken or
reproach it. But this is, as I think it, a just and righteous
cause, founded upon the great principle of Truth and
Liberty, which I am well assured I shall never abandon.
Not that I am insensible of being ill treated by them, or
that I make any court to their persons. When any party of
men have not a clear view of their own case, or a right
knowledge of their own interest, he that will serve them,
and knows the way to do it, must be certain not to please
them, and must be able to see them revile and reproach him,
and use him in the worst manner imaginable, without being
moved, either to return them ill, or refrain from doing
them good; and this is the true meaning of that command
which I thank God I cheerfully obey, viz. to pray for them
that despitefully use me. I have not so ill an opinion of
myself as not to think I merit better usage from the Dis-
senters; and I have not so ill an opinion of the Dissenters,
as not to think they will some time or other know their
friends from their enemies better than they do now. Nor
have I so far forgot my friends, as not to own a great many
of them do already. I remember the time when the same
NARRATIVE OF
HIS TREATMENT.
291
people treated me in the same manner upon the book called
"The Shortest Way," &c. and nothing but suffering for them
would ever open their eyes. He that cleared up my integrity
then, can do it again by the same method, and I leave it to
him. Ad te quacunque vocas is my rule; my study and
practice, is patience and resignation; and in this I triumph
over all the indignity, reproach, slander, and raillery in the
world; in this I enjoy, in the midst of a million of enemies,
a perfect peace and tranquillity, and when they misconstruct
my words, pervert the best meaning, turn every thing which
I say their own way, it gives me no other contemplation than
this: how vain is the opinion of men, either when they
judge well or ill.
(C
'I have made such protestations of my receiving no
reward or directions whatever, for this work, as none but
those who are used to prevaricate themselves, can, upon
any foundation that is consistent with christianity, suspect,
and the circumstances I labour under, are a corroborating
evidence of the truth of it; yet, without grounds, without
evidence, without any testimony but general notion, they
will have it be otherwise; two of their authors have the
impudence to assert it, but not one step have they taken to
prove it, nor can they do it, though both openly challenged
to do it, and a hundred guineas offered upon the proof of it.
Thus they give the Lie and the Rascal to themselves, without
my help, who quietly let them go on their own way. My
measures are to the best of my judgment steady; what I
approve, I defend; what I dislike, I censure, without any
respect of persons; only endeavouring to give my reasons,
and to make it appear that I approve and dislike upon good
and sufficient grounds; which being first well assured of,
the time is yet to come, that I ever refrain to speak my
mind for fear of the face of man. If what I have said were
false, my enemies would certainly choose to answer rather
v 2
292
than to rail; but as I have unanswerable truth, they choose
to rail rather than to answer.
NARRATIVE OF HIS TREATMENT.
"I have lived too long, and seen too much, not to know
that all these violent party-feuds are of short duration; and
we see the very men I now speak of, approve to day what
they were loudest against but yesterday. It is my disin-
terested study to serve them, but I confess 'tis not so to
please them; I shall never leave off to wish well to their
interest, and can I but serve it, they shall have leave to
throw stones at me as long as I live. But this does by no
means hinder, but that I may, and ever shall, as the best mark
of
my zeal for their interest, tell them plainly their mistakes.
"This passion I have for their interest fills me with
resentment at the barbarity of the treatment which the
Dissenters have received in the affair of the Occasional Bill,
and that from a people they had deserved other usage from ;
and in this, as I said before, I do them but justice. That
they themselves are so easy under it, as not only to make no
complaint, but even to say it has done them no harm, is an
evidence of their unconquerable passion to a particular view,
which I believe they will always be disappointed in; since
it is evident, this has ruined the interest of the Whigs in
almost all the corporations in England, and put them into
such a posture, as never but by miracle to recover it. I pity
the delusion of those who entertain a notion, that if ever the
Low Churchmen come to the administration, they will restore
the Dissenters. I grant it would be both just and generous so
to do, but if they will first shew me one Low Churchman in
the nation of any figure, that however he may exclaim at the
method, does not appear secretly satisfied that it is done,
then I'll join in expecting it. But I shall farther shew
them the vanity of these hopes, in my other discourses upon
this head. We need not wonder at the other mistakes we
see some people run into, when they are so intent upon the
293
party interest they push at, that they are contented to be the
sacrifice offered up for the purchase of human help to carry
it on; in all which unchristian course, we have seen them
effectually disappointed, and I must own, till I see another
spirit among them, I do not look for their deliverance.
NARRATIVE OF HIS TREATMENT.
"To return to my own case, I am a stoick in whatever
may be the event of things. I'll do and say what I think is
a debt to justice and truth, without the least regard to
clamour and reproach; and as I am utterly unconcerned at
human opinion, the people that throw away their breath so
freely in censuring me, may consider of some better im-
provement to make of their passions, than to waste them on
a man, that is both above and below the reach of them.
I know too much of the world to expect good in it, and have
learnt to value it too little to be concerned at the evil. I
have gone through a life of wonders, and am the subject of
a vast variety of providences; I have been fed more by
miracle than Elijah, when the ravens were his purveyors. I
have sometime ago summed up the scenes of my life in
this distich:
"No man has tasted differing fortunes more,
And thirteen times I have been rich and poor."
"In the school of affliction I have learnt more philosophy
than at the academy, and more divinity than from the
pulpit; in prison I have learnt to know that liberty does
not consist in open doors, and the free egress and regress of
locomotion. I have seen the rough side of the world as well
as the smooth; and have in less than half a year, tasted the
difference between the closet of a king, and the dungeon of
Newgate. I have suffered deeply for cleaving to principles,
of which integrity I have lived to say, none but those I
suffered for, ever reproached me with it. The immediate
causes of my suffering have been the being betrayed by
those I have trusted, and scorning to betray those who
294
trusted me. To the honour of English gratitude, I have
this remarkable truth to leave behind me that I was never
so basely betrayed, as by those whose families I had pre-
served from starving; nor so basely treated as by those
I starved my own family to preserve. The same checquer
work of fortune attends me still; the people I have served,
and love to serve, cut my throat every day, because I will
not cut the throat of those that have served and assisted me.
Ingratitude has always been my aversion, and perhaps for
that reason it is my exercise.
"And now I live under universal contempt, which con-
tempt I have learned to contemn, and have an uninterrupted
joy in my soul; not at my being contemned, but that no
crime can be laid to my charge, to make that contempt my
due. Fame, a lying jade, would talk me up, for I know
not what of courage; and they call me a fighting fellow. I
despise the flattery; I profess to know nothing of it, farther
than truth makes any man bold; and I acknowledge, that
give me but a bad cause, and I am the greatest coward in
the world. Truth inspires nature; and as in defence of
truth, no honest man can be a coward, so no man of sense
can be bold when he is in the wrong. He that is honest
must be brave, and it is my opinion that a coward cannot be
an honest man. In defence of truth I think (pardon me that
I dare go no further, for who knows himself?) I say, I
think I could dare to die; but a child may beat me if I am
in the wrong. Guilt gives trembling to the hands, blushing
to the face, and fills the heart with amazement and terror.
I question whether there is much, if any, difference between
bravery and cowardice, but what is founded in the prin-
ciple they are engaged for; and I no more believe any man
is born a coward, than that he is born a knave. Truth
makes a
man of courage, and guilt makes that man a
coward.
(C
Early disasters, and frequent turns of my affairs, have
NARRATIVE OF HIS TREATMENT.
NINTH AND LAST VOLUME OF THE "REVIEW." 295
left me incumbered with an insupportable weight of debt;
and the remarkable compassion of some creditors, after
continued offers of stripping myself naked by entire sur-
renders upon oath, have never given me more trouble than
they were able, or less than they knew how; by which
means most of the debts I have discharged, have cost me
forty shillings in the pound, and the creditor half as much
to recover. I have a large family, a wife and six children,
who never want what they should enjoy, or spend what they
ought to save. Under all these circumstances, and many
more, too long to write, my only happiness is this: I have
always been kept cheerful, easy, and quiet, enjoying a
perfect calm of mind, clearness of thought, and satisfaction
not to be broken in upon by whatever may happen to me.
If any man ask me how I arrived to it? I answer him, in
short, by a constant serious application to the great, solemn,
and weighty work of resignation to the will of heaven; by
which let no man think I presume. I have endeavoured,
and am in a great measure able to say feelingly and effect-
ually the following lines, which I recommend to the world,
not only as the fruit of my own experience, but for the
practice of all such as know how to value it, and think they
need it." De Foe here inserts a poem of a hundred and
sixteen lines, expressive of his contempt of the world, and
his acquiescence in the will of Providence, under whatever
fate may be determined for him.
Notwithstanding the tax upon papers, De Foe ventured
upon another volume of his Review, which he continued for
ten months longer, until May, 1713, when it was finally
relinquished, after a steady publication of more than nine
years. It is remarkable, that it should have commenced
and terminated when the author was a prisoner in Newgate,
where, at the period just mentioned, he was under a shame-
ful prosecution, as will be noticed presently. A copy of
this last volume of his work is not known to be in existence;
296 DE FOE'S MERITS AS A PERIODICAL WRITER.
which is the more to be regretted, as from what is known
of its contents, it would have elicited much information upon
the subject of his prosecution.
De Foe's labours as a periodical writer, in awakening the
nation to political discussions of the first interest and im-
portance, and at a time when just sentiments had the array
of power and proscription against them, entitle him to a
higher place amongst the benefactors to his country, than
has been hitherto assigned to him. The merit of his papers,
as compositions, must be estimated by the state of contem-
porary literature, rather than by a comparison with those
writers who trod in his footsteps; and it will be found, that
if these attained to a greater classical purity, De Foe has
still the praise of doing better than all who went before him.
Of the power of his writings, we may form some estimate
from the formidable opposition which he excited at a period
of great political ferment; when writers of the greatest
talent were arrayed against him; and when, in spite of
their efforts to put him down, he continued to attract
attention, and to triumph over opposition. The strength
with which he wielded his arguments, was attested by
the mortification of his opponents. But the force of
reasoning in conquering deep-rooted prejudices being of
slow operation, sometimes required the aid of ridicule;
and these pages sufficiently testify, that few writers handled
it with greater power than our author. When arguments
failed, he battered his adversaries with satire, and with-
stood their scandal, by laughing at its operation. It is
to his credit that he abstained in so great a degree from
the coarse and vulgar abuse that was constantly levelled
at him; and that his Reviews are stained by fewer per-
sonalities than the temper of the times would warrant us
to expect. The apostacy of public men, and the ingrati-
tude of the party he had served so long, coupled as it
was with so much stupidity, must have disgusted him
297
with politics, and have rendered him desirous of with-
drawing from a contest which had once more brought him
to the verge of ruin. It was with some satisfaction, there-
fore, that he put an end to a work, which, however
useful, had in its progress exposed him to so much obloquy,
whilst the profit he derived from it was not sufficient to
recompence his labour.
GAY'S ESTIMATE OF HIS TALENTS.
The remarks of Mr. Chalmers upon the cessation of this
work, are too good to be omitted. "Whether we consider the
frequency of the publication, or the power of his disquisi-
tions, the pertinacity of his opponents, or the address of his
defences, amid other studies, without assistants, this must be
allowed to be such a work as few of our writers have equalled."
Yet, of this great performance, said Gay, 'The poor Review
is quite exhausted, and grown so very contemptible, that
though he has provoked all his brothers of the quill, none
will enter into a controversy with him. The fellow, who
had excellent natural parts, but wanted a small founda-
tion of learning, is a lively instance of those wits, who,
as an ingenious author says, will endure but one skim-
ming.' "Poor Gay," adds Mr. Chalmers, "had learned
this cant in the Scriblerus club, who thought themselves
the wisest, the wittiest, and the virtuousest men that ever
were, or ever could be. But of all their works, which of
them have been so often skimmed, or yielded such cream,
as Robinson Crusoe,' the Family Instructor,' or 'Religious
Courtship? Some of their writings may indeed be allowed
to have uncommon merit; yet, let them not arrogate exclu-
sive excellence, or claim inappropriate praise."+
'*
C
* Present State of Wit, 1711.
+ Life of De Foe, p. 43.
S
T
CHAPTER XII.
Preliminaries of Peace.-Create loud murmurs in the Nation.-Communi-
cated to Parliament.-Receive its Concurrence.-Publications in its
Favour.- Writings of Swift and Arbuthnot.-De Foe libelled in a Letter
from a Tory Freeholder.-Accused of writing against the Dutch.— He
rejects the Charge.-Peace concluded.-Its Character.-Votes and Ad-
dresses in its Favour.-Thanksgiving for the Peace.-Specimen of
Pulpit-Politics.-Estimate of De Foe's Political Conduct.-Traduced
by the Whigs. He disapproves of the Terms of Peace.-His own account
of his Conduct.-He withdraws into Yorkshire.-Lives some time at
Halifax.— Manner in which he employed himself— He writes against the
Jacobites.-Seasonable Caution.-His three Ironical Pamphlets.-Specimens
of their Contents.—They are widely circulated.-Their meaning perverted
by the Whigs.-Who instigate a Prosecution against Him.-Originated by
William Benson.-- His zeal in the Affair.--Taken out of his hands by the
Government.— De Foe writes freely upon the subject in his " Review."--For
which he incurs the resentment of the Judges.-Who commit him to
Newgate.—Their indecent Conduct.-De Foe soon released.-He receives
a Pardon under the Great Seal.-Stupidity of the Whigs.-De Foe's own
Explanation of his Writings.-And of the Motives for his Prosecution.
-He throws himself upon the justice of the Government.—Copy of his
Pardon.- His Reflections upon the Prosecution.—And the injustice of his
Enemies.
1713.
THE subject that now engrossed the principal share of
public attention, was the negociation for peace. The pre-
liminaries, after much altercation with the allies, being at
length adjusted, they were communicated to the British
parliament upon the 6th of June, 1712. When the terms
became known, they created loud murmurs in the nation;
299
"'*
nor were they better received upon the continent. Much
dexterity was used to procure them a favourable reception
in parliament, where the Duke of Marlborough said, "they
were directly contrary to her majesty's engagements with
her allies, sullied the triumphs and glories of her reign, and
would render the English name odious to all other nations.'
In spite of remonstrance, an address of concurrence was
hastily voted; and to prevent any further discussion of
so disagreeable a subject, the ministers adjourned the par-
liament upon the 21st of June, and thus relieved themselves
from a storm of opposition with which they were threatened.
The most difficult part they had now to encounter, was
to reconcile the people to their measures; but men so long
accustomed to artifice, and so skilful in its management,
were not at a loss for proper tools to serve their purpose.
In the course of the year, the country was deluged with
publications for and against the peace, which occasioned a
great fluctuation in public opinion. The war of the pen was
carried on with the most acrimonious feelings, and both
sides descended to the grossest personalities. In order to
fix an odium upon the late ministers, and to justify an
unmanly persecution, charges of fraud and peculation were
brought against them. Libels to this effect were circulated
against Marlborough, Godolphin and Walpole; whilst the
purity and patriotism of their successors were lauded in the
most extravagant strains. "In those times, nothing was
more common than crimes without any accuser, judgment
without consideration, and condemnation without either
defence or punishment." Those who opposed the terms of
the peace, were either treated with extreme insolence, or
harassed with prosecutions at law, whilst the hirelings
of the ministry were allowed to riot in reproach and slander,
and to attack the strong holds of the constitution with
PRELIMINARIES OF PEACE.
Boyer, p. 577. † Cunningham, ii. 401.
Ibid, 413.
300 CREATE LOUD MURMURS IN THE NATION.
impunity. The allies who had contributed so essentially
to the glory of the English arms, were now shamefully
traduced; charges of treachery and misconduct in the war
were heaped upon them; and they were accused of enter-
taining designs subversive of the trade and other interests
of the British empire. "The clergy made a loud outcry,
sometimes that we were now made a prey to the emperor,
and sometimes to the Dutch: Nay, such was the madness
of those times, that Dr. Swift, a contemner of all religions,
and Dr. Arbuthnot, one of the queen's physicians, applied
themselves to write libels against the war, and the allies of
the people of England."
"'*
Perhaps no writer rendered such effective assistance to
the ministers, as Swift. In the early part of the year, he
produced his celebrated pamphlet, intitled, "The Conduct
of the Allies, and of the late Ministry, in beginning and
carrying on the present war.
The success of the work was
answerable to the pains he had taken with it. All ranks
perused it with avidity; and its effects were quickly per-
ceived in the votes of parliament. It passed through seven
editions in a short time, and no less than eleven thousand
copies were sold within the space of a month. Not long
afterwards, he attacked the Dutch, in "Some Remarks on
the Barrier-Treaty between her Majesty and the States-
General;" which was intended equally to excite the public
indignation against the late ministers. In these publications,
which were composed with much art, he employed all those
powers of reasoning, of which he was so great a master, and
seasoned his arguments with no small portion of acrimony.
But whatever services he rendered to the ministers, their
real nature may perhaps be more justly estimated, by the
value put upon them by our enemies. The Spanish Ambas-
sador desired Sir William Wyndham to tell him, "That his
Cunningham, ii. 378.
301
master and the king of France, and the queen, were obliged
to him more than to any man in Europe;" a compliment
that Swift tells us 66
he took very well." But to feel flat-
tered by congratulations from such a quarter, was neither
honourable to Swift, nor to the cause for which he wrote.
The French king was equally profuse in the praises he
lavished upon the queen and her ministers, who had earned
these marks of politeness by their condescension to his
political interests.
WRITINGS OF SWIFT AND ARBUTHNOT.
Arbuthnot, the other writer above alluded to, ridiculed the
Duchess of Marlborough, in "The Story of the St. Alban's
Ghost, or the apparition of Mother Haggy, collected from
the best manuscripts;" printed in the early part of the year.
He also defended the policy of the ministers, and lampooned
the allies, in a work written with much humour, in which
the leading belligerents are characterised under the fictitious
names of the Lord Strutt, John Bull, Nicholas Frog, and
Lewis Baboon. The war in which they had been so long
engaged, is represented under the notion of a law-suit, which
had ruined all the parties to it, in so much that an accom-
modation became a matter of mutual interest. This was to
soothe the public into an approbation of the impending peace,
and he endeavours to put his readers into good humour, by
the alternative use of wit and ridicule. Of these weapons,
Arbuthnot appears to have been a skilful master, and his
work is highly applauded by his friend Swift. It is evidently
written upon the model of the "Tale of the Tub;" of which
it partakes of the humour, without the vulgarity. But it
abounds with severe sarcasms upon his political opponents,
couched in all the bitterness of party spirit. It was said of
Arbuthnot," that he liked an ill-natured jest the best of any
good-natured man in the kingdom.” (F)
*Swift's Letters, i. 268.
(F) Arbuthnot followed up his story in six successive pamphlets. 1. Law
is a Bottomless Pit. Exemplified in the case of the Lord Strutt, John Bull,
302 DE FOE LIBELLED BY A TORY FREEHOLDER.
Amongst the productions of the period, was "A Letter
from a Tory Freeholder to his Representative in Parlia-
ment, upon her Majesty's most gracious speech to both
Houses on the subject of Peace, June 6, 1712. Lond. 1712.”
8vo. The writer, who was a Whig in disguise, lavishes much
of his abuse upon De Foe, whom he accuses of changing
sides, and bringing forward other charges, repeated before by
Oldmixon, who was probably the author of this pamphlet. He
says, "that the Whigs now universally disowned him ;" and
amongst other calumnies, he accuses De Foe of advocating
a war with the Dutch, who in consequence of the policy pur-
sued in England, shewed a disposition to continue the war in
conjunction with the Emperor. But for such a charge there
was not the least foundation; and it could only have arisen
from a desire in the Whigs to identify De Foe with the
ministers, who during the negociation displayed any thing but
friendly feelings towards the Dutch. In reply to the charge, he
says, "If it be, as some pretend, in the last foreign news,
that we are now running headlong into a war with the Dutch,
which I look upon as the worst circumstance that can befal
this nation, I shall convince those who would maliciously
suggest me to be writing for it, that they are in the wrong.
It has been along my argument, and I have seen no answer to
it, that Britain and Holland are the essential strength of the
Protestant interest in Europe; and in that respect, their
interests are inseparable. It is for uniting these, that I have
always pleaded against the union of Spain with any Popish
Nicholas Frog, and Lewis Baboon, who spent all they had in a law-suit.
Printed from a manuscript found in the Cabinet of the famous Sir Humphrey
Polsworth, 1712. 2. John Bull in his Senses: being the Second Part of
Law is a Bottomless Pit, 1712. 3. John Bull still in his Senses; being
the Third Part of Law is a Bottomless Pit, 1712. 4. A Complete Key to
the Three Parts of Law is a Bottomless Pit, and the St. Alban's Ghost, 1712.
5. Lewis Baboon turned Honest, and John Bull, Politician; being the Fourth
Part of Law is a Bottomless Pit, 1712. 6. An Appendix to John Bull still
in his Senses; or Law is a Bottomless Pit, 1712.
303
power in Europe. I appeal to all who read what I write,
that the dividing this great prize has been my aim all along,
though reproached and misunderstood. The safety and pro-
sperity
of the Protestant interest depend upon the joint power
of the confederated Protestants; and this must be built upon
the union of the British and Dutch."* "I profess to be as
entirely against a war with the Dutch, as it is possible for
any man that has the good of his country at heart. But if
men were to read other people as they read me, truth may be
turned into falsehood, and the scripture into blasphemy."+
PEACE CONCLUDED.
The treaty of peace, after a protracted negociation, was at
length signed at Utrecht, upon the 11th of April, 1713. The
English ministers had grown weary of its delay, which
was occasioned by the address of the French negociators, who
taking advantage of the discord that reigned amongst the
allies, added to their demands, and extorted concessions
which they could not have meditated, but for the misplaced
confidence of the English court. Intimidated by hostile
threats, which in all probability were never meant to be
executed, the Dutch became a party to the peace; but the
Emperor continued the war a year longer, when finding him-
self unequal to maintain it single-handed, he sought refuge
in a treaty. Thus, a war which had been conducted for so
many years with unexampled success, was concluded with
satisfaction only to the enemy. The object for which the
nation had embarked in it was entirely abandoned; the fruits
of many splendid victories, obtained at an immense cost of
blood and treasure, were wantonly thrown away; and the
repose which the ministers expected to derive from it, was
disturbed by factions in the cabinet, which in a short time
accomplished its overthrow. Whatever talents may be
awarded to the statesmen of this period, the political intrigues
that brought about the peace of Utrecht, forbid us to enter-
* Review, viii. 825, 826. † Ibid, 828.
304
tain any high opinion of their political virtue. Treachery
and dishonour pervaded the whole of the negociation, from
its first rise to its final termination; whilst the terms them-
selves were alike humiliating to England, and disgraceful to
the men by whom they were conceded.
In order to screen the ministers from any consequences that
might arise by a future inquiry into the merits of the treaty,
every care was taken to procure for it a parliamentary sanc-
tion, by votes and addresses expressive of the approbation of
both Houses; and the language put into the mouth of the
queen, was in perfect harmony. The advantages that were to
result from it, were not only painted in glowing colours, but
reiterated in several of her speeches; and it was lauded in
extravagant terms by the friends of the ministers. That the
nation might participate in the same sentiments of satisfaction,
the 7th of July was set apart for a day of thanksgiving to
Almighty God," for a safe and honourable peace;" and it was
observed accordingly in all the churches of England. Upon
this occasion, many of the clergy exhibited their loyalty accord-
ing to the fashion of the times; by exalting the prerogative,
praising the church, and abusing the Whigs and Dissenters.
One of these loyal preachers was Thomas Burton, vicar of
Halifax, who not only panegyrized the peace, but surrendered
his liberty to the lust of arbitrary power. The following passage
in his thanksgiving sermon, may be cited as a sample of the
pulpit politics of the day. "Kings receive no authority and
power from their subjects, and therefore it is neither reason-
able nor just that they should be accountable to them for
what does not belong to them. Some men are for storming
heaven, and snatching God's authority out of his hands, who
has declared that by him princes reign; and the plainest
scriptures in the world cannot drive them out of this wicked
and blasphemous opinion." Such men as this, have no right
to complain of the exactions of their princes, nor of the utmost
stretch of arbitrary power; but when the sanctions of re-
SPECIMEN OF PULPIT POLITICS.
Sandr
ESTIMATE OF DE FOE'S POLITICAL CONDUCT.
305
religion are brought to the support of tyranny, it becomes a
free nation to keep a watchful eye over their clergy, and
to exclude them from every vestige of political power.
In the odium shared by those writers who supported the
peace, De Foe has largely participated. From the commence-
ment of the treaty, he had declared himself a friend to peace,
provided it could be obtained upon honourable terms. These,
he never defined very explicitly; but he always contended
for a partition of the Spanish dominions, according to the
spirit of the partition-treaty, and from this point he never
swerved. In expounding his opinions, he showed no slight
degree of tact, and argued in terms much too general to
entitle him to the character of a partizan. It is evident from
his writings, that he never appeared as the ostensible advo-
cate of the ministers, nor committed himself to an approval
of their policy, excepting upon some commercial matters
that accorded with his judgment. His attachment to
Harley was indeed so far a snare to him, as to impose silence
upon those points of his policy which he could not approve,
and to prevent that bold avowal of his opinions to which he
gave free scope under the former ministry. This forbear-
ance of hostility was construed by his opponents into an
approbation of the ministers, and gave rise to the calumny
of his being one of their retainers. For this, however,
there was not the smallest foundation; and if, in the early
part of their career, he gave them credit for principles,
which ill accorded with their subsequent conduct, it must
be set down to his confidence in the chief minister, and
his desire to make the best of a ministry which he could
not avoid. After the peace was concluded, he thought
it his duty to acquiesce in it, although he did not ap-
prove of its stipulations; but this acquiescence being
construed by the Whigs into a tacit approval, he became
obnoxious to their resentment equally with those who wrote
expressly in its defence. A writer of those times, referring
VOL. III.
X
306
""*
to what he had written upon the subject, says, "I know that
author to be a sensible and judicious man; for his honesty
and integrity let him defend himself as well as he can; and
I believe too, that no man in England knows better than he,
by what necessity our great King William was in a manner
compelled to go into those measures of the partition-treaty.'
Whilst this writer, who was a zealous Whig, does justice
to the talents of De Foe, he treats him as a political apostate,
and associates him with Swift, Dyer, and Roper, in no measured
terms of censure. As the writers just mentioned were the
constant supporters of the ministers, it is rather remarkable
that they should have been amongst the most inveterate of
De Foe's political opponents; and it is of itself a sufficient
confutation of the calumnies of the Whigs.
If De Foe served the ministers in endeavouring to smooth
the way to peace, he must have risked the displeasure of
Lord Oxford, by his disapprobation of the terms upon which
it was concluded. Besides recording this disapproval in his
Review, he has the following explicit avowal of his senti-
ments, in a work published soon afterwards; and as he was
the best judge of his own opinions, we may safely believe
him in preference to his enemies. He writes thus:
"No man can say that ever I once said in my life, that
I approved of the peace. I wrote a public paper at that
time, and there it remains upon record against me. I printed
it openly, and that so plainly as others durst not do, that I
did not like the peace; neither that which was made, nor
that which was before making; that I thought the Pro-
testant interest was not taken care of in either; that the
peace I was for, was such as should neither have given the
Spanish monarchy to the House of Bourbon, nor to the
House of Austria, but that this bone of contention should have
been broken to pieces, that it might not be dangerous to
Europe; and that the Protestant powers, Britain and the
* Secret Acc. of the late Ministry, p. 288, 310.
HE DISAPPROVES OF THE TERMS OF PEACE.
HIS OWN ACCOUNT OF HIS CONDUCT.
307
States, should have so strengthened and fortified their
interest by sharing the commerce and strength of Spain, so
as to have been in no more danger of exorbitant power,
whether French or Austrian. This was the peace I always
argued for, pursuant to the design of King William in the
treaty of partition, and to that article of the grand alliance
which was directed by the same glorious hand at the be-
ginning of this last war, viz. that all we should conquer in
the Spanish West Indies should be our own. This was with a
true design that England and Holland should have turned
their naval power, which was eminently superior to that of
France, to the conquest of the Spanish West Indies, by
which the channel of trade and return of bullion, which now
enriches the enemies of both, had been our's; and as the
wealth, so the strength of the world had been in Protestant
hands. Spain, whoever had it, must then have been depen-
dant upon us.
The house of Bourbon would have found
it so poor without us, as to be scarce worth fighting for:
and the people so averse to them, for want of this commerce,
as not to make it ever likely that France could keep it.
"This was the foundation I ever acted upon with relation
to the peace. It is true, that when it was made, and could
not be otherwise, I thought our business was to make the best
of it, and rather to enquire what improvements were to be
made of it, than to be continually exclaiming at those who
made it; and where the objection lies against this part, I
cannot yet see. While I spoke in this manner, I bore infinite
reproaches from clamouring pens, of being in the French
interest, being hired and bribed to defend a bad peace, and
the like; and most of this was upon a supposition of my
writing, or being the author of, abundance of pamphlets which
came out every day, and which I had no hand in. And
indeed, as I shall observe again, this was one of the greatest
pieces of injustice that could be done me, and which I labour
still under without any redress; that whenever any piece
x 2
308
comes out which is not liked, I am immediately charged with
being the author; and very often the first knowledge I have
had of a book being published, has been from seeing myself
abused for being the author, in some other pamphlet published
in answer to it."*
Finding himself treated in this manner, De Foe says, he
declined writing at all; and for a great part of a year never
set pen to paper, excepting for the Review. To avoid the
clamour of parties, he now withdrew to the north of Eng-
land, and perhaps it was at this time that he took up his
abode in Yorkshire. In Watson's "History of Halifax,”‡
he is mentioned amongst the distinguished residents in that
town, and is said to have lodged at the sign of the Rose and
Crown, in the Back Lane. (G) He there cultivated an
acquaintance with Dr. Nettleton, the physician, (H) and Mr.
Nathaniel Priestley, the Dissenting minister, ancestor of the
late celebrated writer of that name. With these persons he
was in the habit of spending his social hours, and of inter-
changing ideas upon those topics of literature and politics,
in which they were mutually interested.
HE WITHDRAWS INTO YORKSHIRE.
Of the manner in which De Foe employed himself in his
retirement, he has given the following account. "Observing
the insolence of the Jacobite party, and how they insinuated
fine things into the heads of the common people, of the
right and claim of the Pretender, and of the great things he
* Appeal to Honour and Justice, p. 23-25 † Ibid p. 25. ‡ p. 471.
(G) The historian says, that he there wrote his Jure Divino, in which he
is mistaken, as that work had been published several years before. He is
also incorrect in his statement respecting the origin of Robinson Crusoe, as
will be seen hereafter. Watson adds, that he was forced to abscond for
his political writings, in which he was perhaps correct, as we shall see
presently.
(H) Dr. Nettleton, besides some professional publications, was the author
of "Some Thoughts concerning Virtue and Happiness:" the design of
which is to shew, that as happiness is the end of all our actions, so it must
be founded on virtue, which is not only the support and ornament of
society, but yields the greatest pleasure, both in its immediate exercise and
its consequent effects. He died Jan. 9, 1742.
309
would do for us if he was to come in; of his being to turn
Protestant; of his being resolved to maintain our liberties,
support our funds, give liberty to Dissenters, and the like;
and finding that the people began to be deluded, and that
the Jacobites gained ground among them by these insinua-
tions, I thought it the best service I could do the Protestant
interest, and the best way to open the people's eyes to the
advantages of the Protestant succession, if I took some
course effectually to alarm the people with what they really
ought to expect if the Pretender should come to be king:
and this made me set pen to paper again.”
De Foe continues, "In order to detect the influence of
Jacobite emissaries as above; the first thing I wrote was a
small tract, called "A Seasonable Caution;" a book sin-
cerely written to open the eyes of the poor ignorant country
people, and to warn them against the subtle insinuations of
the emissaries of the Pretender. And, that it might be
effectual to that purpose, I prevailed with several of my
friends to give them away among the poor people all over
England, especially in the north; and several thousands
were actually given away, the price being reduced so low,
that the bare expence of paper and press was only pre-
served, that every one might be convinced that nothing of
gain was designed, but a sincere endeavour to do a public
good, and assist to keep the people entirely in the interest
of the Protestant succession."* The whole title of the work
is, "A Seasonable Caution and Warning against the In-
sinuations of Papists and Jacobites in favour of the Pre-
tender. London: 1712." 8vo.
HE WRITES AGAINST THE JACOBITES.
With the same laudable design of awakening the nation to
a sense of its danger, De Foe published three pamphlets in
quick succession, which drew upon him the vengeance of
the Whigs. Having already treated the subject argumenta-
tively, and exhausted all the arts of persuasion in his former
Appeal to Honour and Justice, p. 28.
310
writings, he now sought to make an impression by the lan-
guage of irony. Although he concealed his object with a
dexterity suited to such a style of writing, without which he
could not hope to gain a hearing from those who had been
deluded by the Jacobites, yet his real design could be
scarcely unperceived by the dullest comprehension. The
titles he selected for his pamphlets, corresponded with the
ruse de guerre, which he played off in their contents, and are
as follows: 1." An Answer to the Question that nobody
thinks of, viz. But what if the queen should die? London:
printed for J. Baker, 1713." pp. 44. 2." Reasons against
the Succession of the House of Hanover. With an Inquiry
how far the Abdication of King James, supposing it to be
legal, ought to affect the person of the Pretender. Si popu-
lus vult decipi, decipiatur. London: printed for J. Baker.
1713." pp. 45. 3. “And what if the Pretender should
come? Or some Considerations of the Advantages and real
Consequences of the Pretender's possessing the Crown
of Great Britain. London: printed for J. Baker, 1713.”
8vo.
HIS THREE IRONICAL PAMPHLETS.
No one at all acquainted with the writings of De Foe,
or even moderately conversant with the satires of the day,
could possibly mistake his tactics upon this occasion. In-
deed, he carried the burlesque in some passages so far, that
even the most devoted admirers of the Pretender must have
been startled at their contents, and have had their eyes
open to the real intention of the writer. With regard to the
first of these pamphlets, the object of the writer is not so
much to answer the question in his title, which he does not
attempt, as to excite such an inquiry in his reader as would
enable them to answer it themselves. In order to this, he
takes a review of the principal sources from whence the
danger to the Protestant succession may be expected; in
the course of which, he clears the ministers from any partici-
pation in the projects of the Jacobites, although their em-
311
ploying persons of that description, he considers to be far
from placing it out of danger, concluding with the significant
question, But what if the Queen should die? This is fol-
lowed by an inquiry into the state of the nation, "that we
may make a right estimate of our condition, and may know
what to trust to in cases of difficulty." He here notices a
variety of public interests connected with religion and
liberty, the security of which stands upon the foundation of
the revolution settlement, and in no danger of being over-
thrown during the queen's life. But, when we look back
upon those dear privileges, the obtaining of which has cost
so much money, and the maintaining of which has cost so
much blood, we must with a deep sigh reflect upon the pre-
carious circumstances of the nation, whose best privileges
hang uncertain upon the nice and tender thread of royal
mortality." Our author observes, that his question was
more than ordinarily seasonable at this time, because the
Popish and Jacobite parties were more than ever encouraged
to hope and believe, that when the queen shall die, their
turn stands next.
He says,
"The people of Britain want
only to be shewed what imminent danger they are in; how
much their safety and felicity depend upon the life of her
majesty; and what a state of confusion, distress, and all
sorts of dreadful calamities they will fall into at her death,
if something be not done to secure us during her life from
the power of France, and the danger of the Pretender."
This pamphlet, as the reader will perceive, is written with
but little disguise, and is free from banter; unless it be
upon the ministers for giving so much countenance to
Jacobites. How it could enter into the head of any Whig
to construe it into the work of a Jacobite, is hard to con-
ceive.
SPECIMENS OF THEIR CONTENTS.
De Foe's next pamphlet, although written with greater
artifice, is such a palpable banter upon those who would
receive the Pretender, that the dullest capacity could not
312
mistake him. He begins with a curious display of the
national broils. "The strife is gotten into your kitchens,
your parlours, your counting-houses, nay into your very
beds. The poor despicable scullions learn to cry high-
church, no Dutch kings, no Hanover, that they may do it
dexterously when they come into the next mob. Here their
antagonists of the dripping-pan, practise the other side
clamour—no French peace, no Pretender, no Popery! Up
stairs, the 'prentices, standing some on one side of the shop,
and some on the other, throw high-church and low-church
at each other's heads, like battledore and shuttlecock; and
instead of posting their books, are fighting and railing at
the Pretender and the House of Hanover. If we go one
story higher, the ladies, instead of their innocent sports and
diversions, are falling out amongst each other; the mothers
and the daughters, the children and the servants, nay,
even the little sisters. If the chamber-maid is a slattern
and does not please, I warrant she is a high-flyer or a Whig;
I never knew one of that sort good for any thing in my
life. Nay, go up to your very bed-chambers, and even in
bed, the man and wife shall quarrel about it. People!
people! what will become of you at this rate? Unless you
reconcile yourselves to one another, and bring things to some
better pass among the common people, it will be but to
banter yourselves to talk of the Protestant succession."
By way of satire upon the high-flyers of his day, our
author derives a parallel from the example of the Protestants
at the accession of Queen Mary. "Such was their zeal for
the hereditary right of their royal family, that they chose
to fall into the hands of Spanish tyranny and of Spanish
Popery, and let the Protestant religion and the hopes of
its establishment go to the devil, rather than not have the
right line of their princes. Why should we think it strange
then, that Protestants of this age, and of the Church of
England too, should be for a Popish Pretender? No doubt
SPECIMENS OF THEIR CONTENTS.
313
they may be as good Protestants as the Suffolk men in
Queen Mary's time, (who being struck with a dead palsy in
the better half of their understandings, took up arms for a
Popish Pretender, upon the wild-headed whimsy of the
right line being Jure Divino,) and if brought to it, will die
at a stake for the Protestant religion; and no doubt it is in
their prospect, or they would not do it to be sure. Now, the
Protestant religion, the liberties of the nation, the dying at
a stake, and the like, being always esteemed as things of
much less value than the faithful adhering to the divine rule
of keeping the crown in the right line, what is the Pro-
testant religion to us? Had we not much better be Papists
than traitors? Had we not much better deny our God,
our baptism, our religion and our lives, than deny our lawful
prince, our next male in a right line? If Popery comes,
passive-obedience is still our friend. We can burn, we can
do any thing but rebel; and this being our first duty, are
we not to do that first? If Popery or slavery follow, we
must act as becomes us; this being then orthodox doctrine,
is equally a substantial reason why we should be against
the Hanover succession."
SPECIMENS OF THEIR CONTENTS.
The irony of the following passage is so explicit, that it
could not by any possibility be misunderstood. "Learned
men say, some diseases in nature are cured by antipathies;
and some by sympathies; and that the enemies of nature are
its best preservatives: from hence it became a proverbial say-
ing, desperate diseases must have desperate remedies. Now it is
very proper to enquire in this case, whether the nation is not
in such a state of health at this time, that the coming of the
Pretender may not be of absolute necessity, by way of cure of
such national distempers as now afflict us; and that an effec-
tual cure can be wrought no other way? If upon due enquiry
it should appear, that we are not fit to receive a prince of
the house of Hanover, and that we should maltreat and
abuse him, and that there is no way for us to learn the true
314
value of a Protestant successor so well as by tasting a little
what a Popish Pretender is, and feeling something of the
great advantages that may accrue to us by the superiority
of a Jacobite party; if the disease of stupidity has so far
seized us, that we are to be cured only by poisons and fer-
mentations; if the wound is mortified, and nothing but deep
incisions, amputations, and desperate remedies must be
used; if it should be necessary thus to teach us the worth
of things by the want of them, and there is no other way
to bring the nation to its senses; why, what can be then
said to the Pretender? Even let him come, that we may
see what slavery means, and may inquire how the chains of
French gallies hang about us, and how easy wooden shoes
are to walk in: for, no experience teaches us so well as
that we buy dearest, and pay for with the most smart.”
Our author has many other passages equally declaratory
of his true sentiments; but the foregoing will suffice. He
has also some by-hits at the ministers for sacrificing the
interests of the allies, by which our reputation had so far
suffered, that we could not look to them for assistance in
any emergency; and he gives a broad hint of their fitness
to carry on the government under the auspices of the
Pretender. In his third pamphlet, De Foe adduces a variety
of reasons why the Pretender should be palatable to the
nation, and enlarges upon the blessings that would be
derived from his government; but in a strain of burlesque
that rendered it a visible jest upon the proceedings of
his party.
These amusements of our author's pen were so well ap-
proved by the most zealous friends of the Protestant suc-
cession, that they passed through several editions, and many
thousands were circulated through the kingdom. It also
appears from his own account, that they were
so well-
timed as to produce a considerable impression in favour
of the House of Hanover. Yet, strange as it may appear,
SPECIMENS OF THEIR CONTENTS.
PROSECUTED BY WILLIAM BENSON.
315
they rendered him obnoxious to the charge of Jacobitism,
and brought upon him a storm of persecution, which, but
for the intervention of his friend, Lord Oxford, might
have been attended with serious consequences. By his efforts
to cool the warlike spirit of the times, he had incurred the
resentment of the Whigs, who unjustly considered him as a re-
tainer of the ministers, and implicated him in all their mea-
sures. In these warm times, a zeal for party betrayed men
into inconsistencies, which led to a gross perversion of justice.
The Whigs either fancied themselves, or endeavoured to
induce a belief, that all who were not of their party were no
better than Jacobites. By this fallacy, they measured their
opinion of the ministers; but whatever countenance the
conduct of some of them might give to it, the sentence was
far too general to be just. As it respects De Foe, he had
already given abundant proof of his zeal for the Protestant
succession; and those who had but the ordinary allotment
of common-sense, might have easily found it in these pam-
phlets. But the Whigs were eager to vent their malice upon
a writer who had now become the object of their hatred; and
in their haste to seize upon this occasion, they only pro-
claimed their own stupidity.
By the absurd zeal of William Benson, a Whig writer
before mentioned, a prosecution was now commenced against
our author, for the three pamphlets above mentioned. It
was undertaken at his private cost; and ill-placed malice
giving a spur to his exertions, he spared neither pains nor
expence to accomplish his ruin. He first caused several
of the pamphlets to be purchased and marked for evidence
against the publishers. Through them he obtained the
name of the printer, who was threatened with legal pro-
ceedings, which induced him to give information upon
oath against De Foe as the author. From this person, he
obtained possession of the original manuscripts, in De
Foe's own hand, or rather hands, says Oldmixon, for they
were every one of them different; and all the three being
316
proved by one of the printer's servants, before the Lord Chief
Justice Parker, his lordship granted a warrant for his appre-
hension. This being effected, after some difficulty, he was
brought before the same judge, who ordered him to be kept in
safe custody until he could find bail; with directions to send
proper notice of their names and places of abode to the soli-
citor for the prosecution. Mr. Benson endeavoured to retain
the Attorney-General, Sir Edward Northey, and offered him
ten guineas to appear against De Foe; but he declined it,
telling him that he could not be concerned in the prosecution,
without an order from a secretary of state. Oldmixon in-
forms us, that he then went to another eminent counsel, who
made no difficulty, but entered very heartily into the prose-
cution.* De Foe's sureties were J. Grantham printer, and
T. Warner, publisher, who were excepted against by the pro-
secutor, as "persons of small substance;" when the ministers,
finding that the affair was likely to go hard against him if
he was left to the vengeance of the Whigs, took it out of
Mr. Benson's hands, and ordered Mr. Borrett, the treasury
solicitor, to institute proceedings. Of this, he informed the
Lord Chief Justice at his chambers, and at the same time
signified his approbation of the bail, who were each bound in
the sum of 4007., when De Foe was set at liberty. Upon
this occasion, Parker forestalled his opinion upon the merits
of the case, in a manner scarcely decent for a person in his
situation; for he told Mr. Borrett, he was glad the govern-
ment had undertaken a prosecution so highly requiring its
care.†
TAKEN OUT OF HIS HANDS BY GOVERNMENT.
As the business lingered in its new hands, the former pro-
secutor, fearful of his slipping through them, frequently
waited upon the Attorney-General to remind him of the pro-
secution. At length an information was filed against De
Foe for a misdemeanour only, contrary to the expectations
of the Whigs, who were desirous of indicting him for high
*Oldmixon iii. 509.
The Craftsman's Doctrine and Practice of the Liberty of the Press, p. 33.
317
treason. Upon the first day of Easter term, De Foe appeared
with his bail in the court of Queen's Bench, when the
Attorney-General acquainted the court with his instructions,
and our author was continued upon his own recognizance.
But before he left the Court, the Chief Justice called for
his Reviews of the 16th and 18th of April, in which our
author, prompted by a consciousness of innocence, as well
as indignation at his unjust treatment, had made some
reflections upon the prosecution, and pointed particularly
at the conduct of Parker. Having shown them to De Foe,
and obtained his acknowledgement as the writer, he de-
clared them insolent libels; but being himself personally
concerned, he left it to the other judges to proceed as they
thought fit. The Reviews being then read in court, the
judges, who were somewhat infected with the violence of the
times, concurred in opinion that they were highly insolent to
the Lord Chief Justice, and a notorious contempt of that
court, as well as the laws of the nation; and they adjudged
the writer to be committed prisoner to the Queen's Bench for
the said offences.* Mr. Chalmers says, he was committed to
Newgate, from whence he was soon afterwards released upon
his making a proper submission. † It appears that upon this
occasion, the court went before-hand in its judgment of the
accused works, pronouncing them "scandalous, wicked, and
treasonable libels; so that the author had every thing to
fear from the issue of a trial. When he excused himself to
the court, by urging the ironical nature of the performances,
his plea was not admitted. Sir Thomas Powis, who had
been one of the counsel against the bishops in King James's
reign, and was lately promoted to be a judge, set common
sense at defiance, wasting much learning in endeavouring
to extract a meaning from them, which every dispassionate
reader must have known to be beside the real intention of
INDECENT CONDUCT OF THE JUDGES.
* Oldmixon, iii. 510. + Life of De Foe, p. 47.
318
the writer; and he concluded his argument by telling him
that they contained matter for which he might be hanged,
drawn and quartered.* This ominous intimation was suffi-
cient to shake the nerves of any man who had not conscious
innocence to support him. It was fortunate for De Foe, that
his first benefactor was still in power, and had the disposition
as well as ability to befriend him.
Lord Oxford, who was fully acquainted with the real
sentiments of De Foe, was not so purblind as to mistake the
true drift of his pamphlets; he therefore resolved that he
should not be crushed by the malice of the Whigs, for an
offence purely imaginary. His interference was the more
honourable, as he could not but be aware, that in these
publications De Foe was actually serving the cause of the
Whigs, and had given real offence to none but those to
whom he looked for support. (1) Our author justly attri-
butes the prosecution to the resentment of his enemies,
who were numerous and powerful, and not so blind to his
object, as they were desirous to ruin him. No inconsiderable
people were heard to say, that they knew the books were.
against the Pretender, but that De Foe had disobliged them
in other things, and they resolved to take this advantage to
punish him. The story, says Mr. Chalmers, is the more
credible, as he had procured evidence to prove the fact, had
the trial proceded.† But this was rendered unnecessary;
for before the time appointed for a hearing, a pardon was
passed under the Great Seal, which relieved him from any
further apprehension upon the subject. This instrument
contained an ample confutation of the charges being brought
DE FOE PROCURES A PARDON.
* Oldmixon, iii. 510.
(1) Bishop Atterbury, in his tract called "English Advice to the Free-
holders of England," says, "In all the late Tory ministry, there were not
above two or three prosecuted for writing; and one of these wrote on their
own (the Whig) side, and had done infinite services to their cause."
+ Life of De Foe, p. 47.
319
against him, as well as a full and explicit exemption from any
consequences that might hereafter happen to him, upon
account of these publications. This act of justice was pro-
duced by the party-writers of the time, as a convincing
proof of Lord Oxford's attachment to the Pretender, and
consequently of De Foe's Jacobitism, but equally devoid of
foundation in both cases. De Foe observes sarcastically,
that they might as well have accused him of being a Maho-
medan; and he desired to have it engraved upon his tomb,
that he was the only Englishman who had been obliged to
seek a royal pardon for writing in behalf of the Hanover
succesion.
HE EXPLAINS HIS PAMPHLETS.
The stupid charge of Jacobitism set up against our author,
continued to be propagated by the Whigs, and it was per-
severed in by their writers long afterwards.
How un-
founded it was, the reader will have judged by the fore-
going extracts; but the manner in which De Foe met it
remains to be recorded; and the narrative will throw some
light upon the motives for his prosecution.
rr
Nothing can be more plain," says he, "than that the
titles of these books were mere amusements, in order to put
them into the hands of those people whom the Jacobites had
deluded. Previous to what I shall farther say, I must
observe, that they all met with so general a reception and
approbation among those who were most sincere for the
Protestant succession, that they sent them all over the
kingdom, and recommended them to the people as excellent
and useful pieces; insomuch, that about seven editions of
them were printed, and they were re-printed in other places.
And I do protest, had his present majesty, then Elector of
Hanover, given me a thousand pounds to have written for
the interest of his succession, and to expose and render the
interest of the Pretender odious and ridiculous, I could have
done nothing more effectual to those purposes.
320
HIS AVERSION TO THE PRETENDER.
((
Nothing can be severer in the fate of a man, than to
act so between two parties, that both sides should be pro-
voked against him. It is certain, the Jacobites cursed those
tracts and the author, and when they came to read them,
being deluded by the titles according to design, they threw
them by with the greatest indignation imaginable. Had
the Pretender ever come to the throne, I could have expected
nothing but death, and all the ignominy and reproach that
the most inveterate enemy of his person and claim could be
supposed to suffer. On the other hand, I leave it to any
considerate man to judge, what a surprise it must be to me
to meet with all the public clamour that informers could
invent, as being guilty of writing against the Hanover
succession. No man in this nation ever had a more rivetted
aversion to the Pretender, and to all the family he pre-
tended to come of, than I, a man that had been in arms
under the Duke of Monmouth, against the cruelty and
arbitrary government of his pretended father; that for
twenty years had to his utmost opposed King James, and
his party after his abdication; that had served King
William to his satisfaction, and the friends of the Revolution
after his death, at all hazards and upon all occasions; that
had suffered and been ruined under the administration of
high-flyers and Jacobites, of whom some are at this day
counterfeit Whigs; it could not be, it must be monstrous!
"For these books, I was prosecuted, taken into custody,
and obliged to give eight hundred pounds bail. I do not
design here to reflect upon the proceedings of the judges
subsequent to this. I acknowledged then, and now ac-
knowledge again, that, upon the information given, there
was a sufficient ground for all they did; and my unhappy
entering upon my own vindication in print, while the case
was before their Lordships in a judicial way, was an error
which I neither understood nor foresaw; and therefore
DE FOE'S EXPLANATION OF HIS WRITINGS.
although I had great reason to reflect upon the informers,
yet I was wrong in making that defence in the manner and
time I then made it; and which when I found, I made no
scruple afterwards to petition the judges, and acknowledge
they had just ground to resent it. Upon this petition and
acknowledgment, their lordships were pleased, with parti-
cular marks of goodness to release me, and not take the
advantage of an error of ignorance, as if it had been con-
sidered and premeditated. But against the informers, I
think I have great reason to complain; and against the
injustice of those writers, who, in many pamphlets, charged
me with writing for the Pretender, and the government for
pardoning an author who wrote for the Pretender. And,
indeed, the justice of these men can be in nothing more
clearly stated, than in this case of mine; where the charge,
in their printed papers and public discourse, was brought.
Not that they themselves believed me guilty of the crime,
but because it was necessary to blacken the man; that a
general reproach might serve for an answer to whatever he
should say, that was not for their turn. So that, it was the
person, not the crime they fell upon; and they may justly
be said to persecute for the sake of persecution, as will thus
appear.
321
“This matter making some noise, people began to inquire
into it, and ask what De Foe was prosecuted for, seeing the
books were manifestly written against the Pretender, and for
the interest of the House of Hanover. And my friends
expostulated freely with some of the men who appeared in
it, and answered with more truth than honesty, that they
knew there was nothing in it, the books meant another way;
but that De Foe had disobliged them in other things, and
they were resolved to take the advantage they had, both to
punish and expose him. They were no inconsiderable
people who said this; and had the case come to a trial, I
had provided good evidence to prove the words. This is the
VOL. III.
Y
322 DE FOE'S EXPLANATION OF HIS WRITINGS.
christianity and justice by which I have been treated; and
this injustice is the thing I complain of. Now, as this was
a plot of a few men, to see if they could brand me in the
world for a Jacobite, and persuade rash and ignorant people
that I was turned about for the Pretender, I think they might
as easily have proved me a Mahometan; therefore, I say, this
obliges me to state the matter as it really stands, that impar-
tial men may judge whether those books were written for,
or against the Pretender. And this cannot be better done,
than by the account of what followed after the first informa-
tion, which, in few words, was this:
66
Upon the several days appointed, I appeared at the
Queen's Bench bar to discharge my bail: and at last had
an indictment for high crimes and misdemeanors exhibited
against me by her majesty's attorney-general, which, as I
was informed, contained two hundred sheets of paper.
What was the substance of the indictment, I shall not men-
tion here, neither could I enter upon it, having never seen
the particulars; but I was told, that I should be brought to
tryal the very next term. I was not ignorant, that in such
cases it is easy to make any book a libel, and that the jury
must have found the matter of fact in the indictment, viz.
that I had written such books, and then what might have
followed I knew not. Wherefore, I thought it was my only
way to cast myself on the clemency of her majesty, of
whose goodness I had had so much experience many ways;
representing in my petition, that I was far from the least
intention to favour the interest of the Pretender, but that
the books were all written with a sincere design to promote
the interest of the House of Hanover; and humbly laid
before her majesty, as I do now before the rest of the world,
the books themselves to plead in my behalf; representing
farther, that I was maliciously informed against by those
who were willing to put a construction upon the expressions
different from my true meaning, and therefore flying to her
}
COPY OF HIS PARDON.
323
majesty's goodness and clemency, I entreated her gracious
pardon. It was not only the native disposition of her
majesty to acts of clemency and goodness that obtained me
this pardon; but, as I was informed, her majesty was pleased
to express it in the council, She saw nothing but private
pique in the first prosecution. And therefore I think, I
cannot give a better and clearer vindication of myself, than
what is contained in the preamble to the pardon, which her
majesty was pleased to grant me; and I must be allowed to
say to those who are still willing to object, that I think what
satisfied her majesty, might be sufficient to satisfy them.
I can assure them, that this pardon was not granted without
her majesty's being specially and particularly acquainted
with the things alleged in the petition, the books also being
looked into, to find the expressions quoted in the petition."
The patent for a pardon runs thus:
"Whereas, in the term of the Holy Trinity last past, our
attorney-general did exhibit an information, in our Court of
Queen's Bench at Westminster, against Daniel De Foe,
late of London, gent., for writing, printing, and publishing,
and causing to be written, printed, and published, Three
Libels, the one entitled, Reasons against the Succession of the
House of Hanover; with an Enquiry how far the Abdication
of King James, supposing it to be legal, ought to affect the
person of the Pretender. One other, entitled, And what if the
Pretender should come? Or, some Considerations of the Ad-
vantages and real Consequences of the Pretender's possessing
the Crown of Great Britain. And one other, entitled, An
Answer to a Question that nobody thinks of, viz. What if the
Queen should die?
"And whereas, the said Daniel De Foe, hath by his
humble petition, represented to us, that he, with a sincere
design to propagate the interest of the Hanover succession,
and to animate the people against the designs of the Pre-
tender, whom he always looked on as an Enemy to our
Y 2
324
Sacred Person and Government, did publish the said pam-
phlets in all which Books, altho' the titles seemed to look
as if written in favour of the Pretender, and several expres-
sions, as in all ironical writing it must be, may be wrested
against the true design of the whole, and turned to a mean-
ing quite different from the intention of the author, yet the
Petitioner humbly assures us, in the solemnest manner, that
his true and only design, in all the said books, was, by an
ironical discourse of recommending the Pretender, in the
strongest and most forcible manner to expose his designs,
and the ruinous consequences of his succeeding therein;
which, as the petitioner humbly represents, will appear to our
satisfaction by the books themselves, where the following
expressions are very plain (viz.) That the Pretender is
recommended as a person proper to amass the English
Liberties into his own Sovereignty; supply them with the
privilege of wearing wooden shoes; easing them of the
trouble of chusing Parliaments; and the nobility and gentry
of the hazard and expence of winter journeys, by governing
them in that more righteous method, of his absolute will, and
enforcing the laws by a glorious Standing Army; paying all
the nation's debts at once, by stopping the Funds, and
shutting up the Exchequer; easing and quieting their differ-
ences in religion, by bringing them to the Union of Popery,
or leaving them at liberty to have no religion at all: that
these were some of the very expressions in the said Books,
which the Petitioner sincerely designed to expose, and
oppose, and as far as in him lies, the interest of the Pre-
tender, and with no other intention; nevertheless, the Peti-
tioner to his great surprise, has been misrepresented, and
his said Books misconstrued, as if written in favour of the
Pretender; and the Petitioner is now under prosecution for
the same; which prosecution, if further carried on, will be
the utter ruin of the Petitioner, and his family. Wherefore
the Petitioner humbly assuring us of the innocence of his
COPY OF HIS PARDON.
C
325
design, as aforesaid, flies to our clemency, and most humbly
prays our most gracious and free pardon.
"We, taking the premises and the circumstances of the
Petitioner into our royal consideration, are graciously pleased
to extend our Royal Mercy to the Petitioner. Our will and
Pleasure therefore is, that you prepare a bill for our Royal
Signature, to pass our great seal, containing our gracious
and free Pardon unto him the said Daniel De Foe, of the
offences aforementioned, and of all Indictments, Convictions,
Pains, Penalties, aud Forfeitures, incurred thereby, and you
are to insert therein all such apt and beneficial clauses as
you shall judge requisite, to make this our intended Pardon
more full, valid, and effectual; and for so doing, this shall
be your warrant. Given at our Castle at Windsor, the
twentieth day of November, 1713, in the twentieth year of
our Reign. By her Majesty's Command.
HIS REFLECTIONS UPON THE PROSECUTION.
Mada
BOLINGBROKE."
De Foe continues:-" Let any indifferent man judge whe-
ther I was not treated with particular malice in this matter;
being, notwithstanding this, reproached in the daily public
prints with having written treasonable books in behalf of the
Pretender; nay, in some of those books, the queen herself
was reproached with having granted her pardon to an author
who writ for the Pretender. I think I might with much
more justice say, I was the first man that ever was obliged
to seek a pardon for writing for the Hanover succession;
and the first man these people ever sought to ruin for writing
against the Pretender. For, if ever a book was sincerely
designed to further and propagate the affection and zeal of
the nation against the Pretender, nay, and was made use of,
and that with success too, for that purpose, these books
were so; and I ask no more favour of the world to deter-
mine the opinion of honest men for or against me, than what
is drawn constructively from these books. Let one word
written or spoken by me, either published or not published,
326
be produced, that was in the least disrespectful to the Pro-
testant succession, or to any branch of the House of Ha-
nover, or that can be judged to be favourable to the interest
or person of the Pretender, and I will be willing to waive her
Majesty's pardon, and render myself to public justice, to be
punished for it, as I should well deserve.
“I freely and openly challenge the worst of my enemies,
to charge me with any discourse, conversation or beha-
viour, in my whole life unbecoming or disrespectful, to any of
the royal family of Hanover, or the least favourable to the
person or designs of the Pretender. Nay, further, I defy
them to prove, that I ever kept company, or had any
society, friendship, or conversation, with any Jacobite. So
averse have I been to the interest and the people, that I
have studiously avoided their company on all occasions.
Nothing can be a greater misfortune to me, than to be ac-
cused, and publicly reproached, with what is of all things in
the world most abhorred by me; and that which has made
it the more afflicting is, that this charge arises from those
very things which I did with the sincerest design to mani-
fest the contrary. But such is my present fate, and I am
to submit to it; which I do with meekness and calmness, as
to a judgment from heaven, and am practising that duty
which I have studied long ago, of forgiving my enemies, and
praying for them that despitefully use me.” *
.
AND THE INJUSTICE OF HIS ENEMIES.
Appeal to Honour and Justice, pp. 27–37.
Commercial Treaty with France.-Unpopular with the Nation.-Rejected by
Parliament.-De Foe writes an Essay upon the subject.-Nature of his
Argument. Another Pamphlet attributed to him.-Answer to it." Merca-
tor, or Commerce Retrieved.”—Fathered upon De Foe.—Boyer's Account of
it.—Oldmixon's.—And Tindal's.—“ The British Merchant.”—Mr. Chal-
mers's Account of both Papers.-De Foe's own Account of his Concern in
“Mercator.”—And Defence of his Opinions in favour of Free-Trade.—He
commences a General History of Trade.—“ Groans of Europe."—Replied to
in "Les Soupirs de la Grande Bretagne.”—De Foe Publishes "Whigs
turned Tories, and Hanoverian Tories proved Whigs."-Collection of
Poems called " Whig and Tory.”—“ Observations upon the State of the
Nation."-Animadverted upon by De Foe.-Pamphlets Pro and Con.-
Demonstrations in favour of the Pretender.-His Birth-day celebrated
at Edinburgh. He is patronized in Ireland.-Leslie goes upon a Mission
to convert him.-Sends home a flattering Account of him.-Success of the
Catholics in England.-The Jacobites favoured at Court.-They publish
"The Loyal Man's Psalter."-Some curious Specimens of the Work.
Bedford publishes "The Hereditary Right of the Crown of England
Asserted.”—Its pompous Announcement.—Presented to the Queen by Mr.
Nelson.-Some particulars of the Publication,-Bedford prosecuted for it.
-The true Author ascertained.-Steele publishes "The Crisis." Replied
to by Swift in "The Public Spirit of the Whigs.”—His Work censured in
Parliament.-The Ministers screen him from a Prosecution.—Steele ex-
pelled the Commons.—His revenge upon the Ministers.
Mg
CHAPTER XIII.
C
1713.
THE treaty of peace had imposed upon the ministers the
arduous duty of fixing, with foreign powers, the future com-
mercial relations of the country. Of the manner in which
they performed their task, particularly with regard to France,
328
there were then contradictory opinions, and the subject gave
rise to as furious an opposition as any they had been called
to sustain. By the terms agreed upon, a free trade was
settled according to the tariff of 1664, with the exception
of some commodities that had been subjected to new duties
by the French king in 1699, and were so high as to amount
to a prohibition. The productions of France were to be
admitted into England upon the same footing as those of
other countries; and a bill was brought into parliament to
give effect to the arrangement. But the treaty of Commerce
was no sooner published than it created a general clamour
throughout the nation, and many treatises were published to
show that it would be destructive of our home manufactures,
and of our commerce with other nations. Numerous
petitions were forwarded to parliament from London and
other trading towns, indicating its injurious consequences;
and so strong was the current of opposition upon the last
reading of the bill, that it was lost in the Commons by a small
majority. Much finesse was resorted to by the ministers.
in relation to the measure. The treaty is well known to have
been the work of Bolingbroke, whose mortification was not
displeasing to the treasurer. From political friends, they were
now become rivals for power, and their alienation, which had
been some time in progress, now amounted to an irreconcile-
able hatred. Oxford, therefore, was far from being chagrined
at this expression of public opinion against the treaty; and he
abandoned it to its fate before it was finally determined in
parliament.
COMMERCIAL TREATY WITH FRANCE.
It being a subject with which De Foe was familiar, he
now published his treatise, entitled, "An Essay on the Treaty
of Commerce with France. With necessary Expositions.
Prov. xviii. 12. London: printed for J. Baker, 1713." 8vo.
pp. 44. In this work, which appeared whilst the matter was
under discussion in parliament, he takes a review of the
various treaties with France since the Restoration, in order
DE FOE WRITES AN ESSAY UPON THE SUBJECT. 329
to shew that the subject of commerce had been waved by both
parties, and left to its natural course; every state having a
right to make such regulations as appear most for the interest
of its own subjects. Before the Revolution, the trade with
France had been carried on under manifest disadvantages;
but the heavy duties that were laid upon French goods during
the war that followed, gave such encouragement to the
English manufacturers, that they were continued after the
peace, and the balance of trade was turned in our favour.
Of this the French king became so sensible, that he gave his
subjects an equivalent in a new tariff, promulgated in 1699,
which restored the equilibrium, but had no influence in pro-
curing an abatement of the duties in England. Upon the
renewal of the war, fresh prohibitions were imposed by both
nations, to their mutual detriment; for it destroyed the trade
of both countries, the people being made to suffer for the
quarrels of their rulers. A fresh adjustment, therefore, became
a fit subject for consideration upon the conclusion of a
peace. De Foe contends for the principle of a free trade,
unencumbered by prohibitions, and with moderate duties,
"as not only equal and just, but proceeding on the true
interest of trade, and much more to the advantage of Britain
than of France." By the sixth article of the treaty, the
subjects of each party were to pay such duties as their re-
spective governments should impose, which, says our author,
is only agreeable to the nature of things; "for every country
is a judge for itself what it is they ought to admit, and what to
prohibit." As the English ministers were unable to guarantee
the removal of the duties from French goods, without the
consent of parliament, so on the other hand, it was not to be
expected that the French would remove their duties from
English goods without such a concession. The ninth article
of the treaty, therefore, provided, "That when the parliament
shall agree to take off the high duties in England, then the
French shall take off their duties upon our goods in France."
330
Upon this De Foe observes, "I can see no objection that lies
against this article, but what is founded upon those unrea-
sonable people's notions, who expect the French to give up all
conditions of trade to us, and that we at the same time should
tie up our trade from them." Our author then enumerates
the advantages gained to our trade by the treaty,—as the
removal of tonnage from our shipping, the liberty of importing
salted fish into France, the freedom of religious worship for
our merchants and their families, and the admission of tobacco
upon the same terms as from Spain, or any other nation.
These concessions, he observes, have been made without any
abatement upon our part, it being left to parliament to deter-
mine the remainder. But he justly remarks, that we are not
to expect other nations to open their doors to our trade,
whilst we shut our's against them. In meeting the ques-
tion of the balance of trade, he observes, that if the re-
duction of the duties will take off a great quantity of our
woollen manufactures, as may be expected from the extensive
population of France, then it cannot be true, that they have
got the manufacture in their own hands, as suggested by
some writers; and it is an advantage that we cannot well
purchase too dearly. He applies the remark to French wines,
which he thinks should be equalized in duty to those of Por-
tugal. De Foe also observes, that although particular
interests might be affected by an alteration in the terms of
trade, yet, by pursuing a wise and liberal policy, founded upon
reciprocal feelings and interests, the general welfare would be
promoted. The sentiment, however, was too refined for the
apprehension of his countrymen; but its justice is now ad-
mitted by all enlightened economists.
Another work upon the same subject, of which De Foe had
the credit at this time, was "A Letter from a Member of the
House of Commons to his Friend in the Country, relating to
the Bill of Commerce. With a true Copy of the Bill, and
an exact List of all those who voted for and against engrossing
ANOTHER PAMPHLET ATTRIBUTED TO HIM.
"MERCATOR, OR COMMERCE RETRIEVED.” 331
it. London: printed and sold by J. Baker. 1713.” pp. 46.
8vo. This work was written after the rejection of the bill,
and is a sort of remonstrance to those members who had
deserted the ministers upon this occasion; but there seems
no valid reasons for ascribing it to De Foe. The authority
for doing so is to be found in a reply to it published soon
afterwards, and entitled, "Remarks on a Scandalous Libel,
entitled, 'A Letter from a Member of Parliament, &c. relating
to the Bill of Commerce.' In which the trade with France
is considered, and the Falsities and Absurdities of the
Mercator are exposed. To which is added, A Caution to the
Freeholders of Great Britain in their approaching Elections.
And an exact List of this House of Commons under several
distinctions. London: A. Baldwin. 1713." 8vo. The writer
of this tract, which savours strongly of the pen of Oldmixon,
commences with many bitter reflections against De Foe, whom
he supposes to be the author of "the pretended Letter from a
Member of Parliament." His language is that of strong vitu-
peration, founded upon a false estimate of De Foe's principles
and conduct, and seasoned with all the scandal and abuse
which then passed current amongst the Whigs. Whatever
injury they might then inflict upon his reputation, the party
purposes for which they were calculated have happily ceased
to exist; and a sedate review of the whole matter enables us
not only to detect their falsehood, but to concede to our
author the praise of more enlightened principles than can be
awarded to his political opponents.
Whilst the bill of commerce was agitated in Parliament, a
new paper was started in support of the treaty, intitled,
"MERCATOR, or Commerce retrieved. Being Considera-
tions on the State of the British Trade; particularly as it
respects Holland, France, and the Dutch Barrier; the Trade
to and from France; the Trade to Portugal, Spain, and
the West Indies, and the Fisheries of Newfoundland and
Nova Scotia. With other Matters and Advantages accruing
332
BOYER'S AND OLDMIXON'S REMARKS.
to Great Britain by the Treaty of Peace and Commerce,
lately concluded at Utrecht." The first number appeared
upon the 26th of May, 1713, and it continued to be published
three times a week, upon Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Satur-
days. "This paper," says Boyer, "upon its first appearance
abroad, was generally fathered upon the chief manager of the
Treaty of Commerce, Arthur Moore, supposed to be assisted
by the genius of Dr. Davenant; but the latter solemnly
disowned his having any share in it: and, indeed, it was
soon after discovered to be the production of an ambidextrous
mercenary scribbler, Daniel De Foe, employed by the Earl
of Oxford, who for this dirty work allowed him a considerable
weekly salary." The same writer adds, that "he laid out all
his skill in puzzling the argument by his verbose sophistry;"*
the whole of which contains as much falsehood as scurrility.
His account, however, has been copied by Oldmixon with
increased virulence. That writer observes," Foe, as well as
the Lord-Treasurer, had been a rank Presbyterian, and their
genius was so near akin, that Harley could not but take
him into his confidence as soon as he got acquainted with
him. He was adored and caressed by that mighty statesman,
who gave him, as that mercenary said himself, to the value
of one thousand pounds in one year. Foe's business,” con-
tinues Oldmixon, "was only to puzzle the cause by mer-
cantile cant, and bold sophistry; which several eminent
merchants and others being apprized thereof, they desired
Mr. Henry Martin, bailiff of Southwark, an ingenious judi-
cious man, to publish a paper called The British Merchant,
which came out twice a week; wherein with plain reason,
and incontested matters of fact, he exposed the fallacies,
blunders, inconsistencies, and ignorance of the hireling
Mercator, insomuch, that at length, the thoughts of true
Englishmen about commerce, which at first was represented
Boyer's Queen Anne, p. 633.
TINDAL'S ACCOUNT OF ((
333
to be the effects of discontent and faction, as was hinted
in the queen's speech, appeared to be the universal sense
of all traders."* All this was nothing but the cant of party,
which assisted to mislead the nation, but it can no longer
operate to the prejudice of De Foe, whose opinions upon
trade will now be considered to be much sounder than those
which were then advocated by the Whigs. As to his con-
nexion with Lord Oxford, the patronage of that minister was
creditable to his discernment, and reflected no dishonour
upon De Foe, who often averred that it left him to the unfet-
tered exercise of his judgment, and was accompanied by no fee
nor reward. Any support that he rendered to him, therefore,
was perfectly gratuitous, and dictated by an honest feeling,
that soared above the paltry motives attributed to him by
Oldmixon.
MERCATOR."
Tindal following the writers above-mentioned, names De
Foe at once as the author of Mercator, and participating
in the prejudices of the Whigs, joins in the odium which
they had cast upon the work. He says, "the treaty was to be
supported at any rate; the persons concerned in making it
either could not, or would not see their mistake; and the
nation was to be convinced that, through their great skill
in trade, they had made an excellent treaty of commerce.
To these ends, Daniel De Foe was employed; though in a
weekly paper, published some years before, called the Review,
he had very often condemned the French trade as detrimental
to this kingdom. He undertook, however, the cause now,
and published a paper thrice a week, by the title of Mer-
cator, &c. In this paper he undertook to prove that the
trade to France, though contrary to all experience, had
always been beneficial to this kingdom, and would be so
again, upon the foot of the treaty. And, as he had the art
of writing very plausibly, and those who employed him and
* Oldmixon's England, iii. 519.
334
((
THE BRITISH MERCHANT.”
furnished him with materials, had the command of all public
papers, in the Custom-house, he had it in his power to do
a great deal of mischief, especially among such as were
unskilled in trade, and at the same time very fond of French
wines, which it was then a crime to be against. Although
De Foe had but little to do with this work, it may be
observed, that Tindal's animadversions upon the Review are
wholly without foundation. In opposing the narrow views.
of his contemporaries, the judgment of De Foe will be most
approved in the eye of reason and philosophy, as it has
been confirmed by the most enlightened statesmen in the
present day.
M
Of "The British Merchant," set on foot in opposition to
"Mercator,” Tindal has given the following account: “several
ingenious merchants of long experience, and well skilled in
trade, joined together to contradict the impositions of this
writer. They knew he had many heads, besides the ad-
vantage of public papers to help him, and therefore thought
the publication of a joint weekly paper the most feasible
way to confute him, and set our trade in a clear light, because
they were sensible, that it was impossible for any man to be
master of so much experience as was required to furnish
materials from so many different branches of our trade, as
would be touched upon in this debate. The paper they
published, was, in opposition to Daniel De Foe's title, called
"The British Merchant; or Commerce preserved," and was
published twice a week. The person to whom the public.
was chiefly obliged for this paper, and who had the greatest
hand in it, was Henry Martin, who was afterwards made
Inspector-General of the Exports and Imports.
He was
assisted by Sir Charles Cooke, merchant, afterwards made
Commissioner of Trade; Sir Theodore Jansen, Bart., James
Milner, Theodore Torriano, Joshua Gee, Christopher Haynes,
*Tindal's England, iv. 315.
335
CHALMERS'S ACCOUNT OF BOTH PAPERS.
David Martin, merchants; and Charles King, who afterwards
collected and re-printed those papers. Lord Halifax and
General Stanhope had likewise a considerable share in the
management of this paper, which had so great an effect,
that the thoughts of the Whigs about commerce, which at
first were represented as the result of discontent and spirit
of party, appeared to be the universal sense of all traders.” *
Mr. Chalmers, whose judgment will be most approved,
gives the true history and character of these papers. "The
first Mercator," says he, "was published on the 26th of
May, 1713, the last on the 20th of July, 1714; and they
were written by William Brown and his assistants, with
great knowledge, great strength, and great sweetness, con-
sidering how much party then embittered every composition.
The British Merchant, which opposed the Mercator, and
which was compiled by Henry Martin and his associates,
has fewer facts, less argument, and more factiousness. It
began on the 1st of August, 1713, and ended the 27th
of July, 1714. I have spoken of both from my own con-
victions, without regarding the declamations which have
continued to pervert the public opinion from that epoch
to the present times. De Foe was struck at in the third
number of the British Merchant, and plainly mentioned in
the fourth. "Mr. Daniel De Foe may change his name
from Review to Mercator, from Mercator to any other title,
yet still his singular genius shall be distinguished by his
inimitable way of writing." This personal sarcasm was
introduced to supply deficiency of facts, or weakness of
reasoning. When Charles King re-published the British Mer-
chant in volumes, among various changes he expunged, with
other personalities, the name of De Foe."+ He, however,
persisted in attributing Mercator "to a hireling writer of a
weekly paper called the Review;" and Anderson, copying
Tindal's England, iy. 316.
+ Life of De Foe, p. 39.
336
DE FOE'S ACCOUNT OF (C
MERCATOR."
from him, goes still further in his "Chronology of Com-
merce," and makes De Foe the "hireling writer" of Mercator,
and other papers, in favour of the French treaty of trade.
But, as Mr. Chalmers observes, "We can now judge with
the impartiality of arbitrators. On the one hand, there are
the living challenge and the death-bed declaration of De Foe;
on the other, the mere surmise and unauthorised assertion of
King, Anderson, and others, who detract from their own
veracity, by their own factiousness or foolery. It is surely
time to free ourselves from prejudices of every kind, and to
disregard the sound of names as much as the falsehoods of
party.”*
As De Foe was the best judge of what concern he had in a
work that subjected him to so much unfounded calumny, it
will be fair to hear him for himself. "There is a mighty
charge against me," says he, "for being the author and pub-
lisher of a paper called the Mercator. I'll state the fact first,
and then speak to the subject. It is true, that being desired
to give my opinion in the affair of the commerce with France,
I did, as I often had done in print many years before, declare,
that it was my opinion we ought to have an open trade with
France, because I did believe we might have the advantage
by such trade; and of this opinion I am still. What part I
had in the Mercator is well known; and would men answer
with argument, and not with personal abuses, I would, at any
time, defend any part of the Mercator which was of my
doing. But to say the Mercator was mine, is false; I neither
was the author of it, nor had the property, printing, or profit
of it. I had never any payment or reward for writing any
part of it; nor had I the power of putting what I would
into it; yet the whole clamour fell upon me, because they
knew not who else to load with it. And when they came
to answer, the method was, instead of argument, to threaten
* Life of De Foe, pp. 48, 49.
DEFENCE OF HIS OPINIONS OF FREE TRADE. 337
and reflect upon me, reproach me with private circumstances
and misfortunes, and give language which no Christian
ought to give, and which no gentleman ought to take. I
thought any Englishman had the liberty to speak his
opinion in such things; for this had nothing to do with the
public. The press was open to me as well as to others;
and how or when I lost my English liberty of speaking my
mind, I know not; neither how my speaking my opinion
without fee or reward, could authorise them to call me villain,
rascal, traitor, and such opprobrious names.
"It was ever my opinion, that were our wool kept from
France, and our manufactures spread there, upon reasonable
duties, all the improvement which the French have made in
the woollen manufacture would decay, and in the end be
little worth; and consequently, the hurt they could do us
by them would be of little moment. It was my opinion,
that the ninth article of the treaty of commerce was calcu-
lated for the advantage of our trade, let who will make it,
that is nothing to me. My reasons are, because it tied up
the French to open the door to our manufactures at a certain
duty of importation there, and left the parliament of Britain
at liberty to shut theirs out by as high duties as they pleased
here; there being no limitations upon us as to duties on
French goods, but that other nations should pay the same.
While the French were thus bound, and the British free, I
always thought we must be in a condition to trade to ad-
vantage, or it must be our own fault. This is my opinion
still, and I would venture to maintain it against any man
upon a public stage, before a jury of fifty merchants, and
venture my life upon the cause, if I were assured of fair play
in the dispute. But, that it was my opinion, that we might
carry on a trade with France to our great advantage, and
that we ought for that reason to trade with them, appears in
the third, fourth, fifth, and sixth volumes of the Reviews,
above nine years before the Mercator was thought of. I
VOL. III.
Z
((
HE COMMENCES A GENERAL HISTORY OF TRADE.'
338
was not thought criminal to say so then; how it comes to
be villainous to say so now, God knows, I can give no
account of it. I am still of the same opinion, and shall
never be brought to say otherwise, unless I see the state of
trade so altered, as to change my opinion; and if ever I do,
I shall be able to give good reasons for it.
“The answer to these things, whether mine or no, was all
pointed at me, and the arguments were generally in the
terms villain, rascal, miscreant, liar, bankrupt, fellow, hire-
ling, turncoat, &c. What the arguments were bettered by
these methods, I leave others to judge of. Also, most of
those things in the Mercator, for which I had such usage,
were such as I was not the author of. I do grant, had all
the books which have been called by my name been written
by me, I must of necessity have exasperated every side, and
perhaps have deserved it. But I have the greatest injustice
imaginable in this treatment, as I have in the perverting the
design of what I have really written."* (K)
""
In the course of the summer, De Foe commenced another
work upon the subject of trade, of which Mr. Chalmers gives
the following account: "When De Foe relinquished the
Review, he began to write 'A General History of Trade,'
which he proposed to publish in monthly numbers. The first
number appeared on the first of August, 1713. His great
design was to shew the reader what the whole world is at this
time employed in as to trade. But his more immediate end
was, to rectify the mistakes we are fallen into as to commerce,
and to inform those who are willing to inquire into the truth.
Appeal to Honour and Justice, pp. 47-50.
(K) Mercator was made the subject of animadversion in most of the
Whig pamphlets of the day. Addison brought it forward in "The late
Tryal and Conviction of Count Tariff. Lond. 1713." It was also attacked
in "A Letter to a West-Country Clothier and Freeholder, concerning the
Parliament's rejecting the French Treaty of Commerce. By way of
Advice in the ensuing Elections. With a List of those who voted for the
Bill. 1713."
339
In the execution of this arduous undertaking, he avows his
intention of speaking what reason dictates and fact justifies,
however he may clash with the popular opinions of some
people in trade.
He could not, however, wholly abstract
himself from the passing scene.
When his second number
appeared on the 15th of August, 1713, he gave a discourse
on the harbour of Dunkirk; wherein he insists that the port
ought to be destroyed, if it must remain with France; but if
added to England, or made a free port, it would be for the
good of mankind to have a safe harbour in such dangerous
seas (L). This history of trade, which exhibits the ingenuity,
the strength, and the piety of De Foe, extended only to
two numbers. The agitations of the times carried him to
other literary pursuits; and the factiousness of the times
constrained him to attend to personal security.”*
(6
GROANS OF EUROPE.
57
About this time, the conditions of peace were attacked in
a bulky pamphlet, intitled, "Les Soupirs de l' Europe, &c.
Or the Groans of Europe at the Prospect of the present Pos-
ture of Affairs. In a Letter from a Gentleman at the Hague,
to a Member of Parliament. Made English from the Ori-
ginal French. Printed in the year 1713." 8vo. An answer
to this work, ascribed to De Foe, was published soon after-
wards, under the title of "Les Soupirs de la Grande Bre-
tagne: Or the Groans of Great Britain; being the Second
Part to the Groans of Europe. London. 1713. Price One
Shilling." The author of the first pamphlet promised a
second part; but whether it was ever published, or upon
(L) The subject was now forced upon the public attention by a depu-
tation from the magistrates of Dunkirk, who petitioned the queen to spare
the harbour and ramparts. Steele also wrote upon it in his Guardian,
as did Toland, in a pamphlet that obtained great applause, and was intitled,
“Dunkirk or Dover." The voice of the people prevailed upon this occa-
sion, and Dunkirk was ordered to be demolished.
*Life of De Foe, p. 44.
z 2
340
(6
DE FOE PUBLISHES WHIGS TURNED TORIES."
what grounds the reply to the first is ascribed to De Foe, the
present writer is unable to say, having never seen the work.
Another work assigned to De Foe at this time, bears the
following title: "Whigs turned Tories; and Hanoverian
Tories, from their avowed Principles, proved Whigs; or each
side in the other mistaken: Being a plain proof that each
party deny that Charge which the others bring against them ;
and that neither side will disown those which the other pro-
fess. With an earnest Exhortation to all Whigs as well
as Hanoverian Tories, to lay aside those uncharitable heats
among such Protestants, and seriously to consider, and effect-
ually to provide against those Jacobite, Popish, and conform-
ing Tories, whose principal Ground of Hope to ruin all sincere
Protestants, is from those unchristian and violent Feuds
among ourselves. London: printed for J. Baker. 1713."
8vo. De Foe had long laboured to compose the differences
between the moderate men of both parties, and in so doing
received the thanks of neither. There was, indeed, too much
exasperating matter afloat in the nation, to allow of that
calmness of consideration that was necessary for the recon-
cilement of two parties that were bent upon each other's
destruction. The estrangement had been aggravated by
almost every measure of the government, and the fierce oppo-
sition to it tended but to increase the distance.
About this time, the wit that had been sported by both
parties during the heats occasioned by Sacheverell's trial, was
collected together and published in a volume under the fol-
lowing title: "Whig and Tory: or, Wit on both Sides. Being
a Collection of State Poems upon all remarkable Occur-
rences, from the Change of the Ministry to this time. By
the most eminent Hands of both Parties. Second Edition.
London: Printed for E. Curll. 1713." 8vo. De Foe
figures several times in this work. There is "A late Dialogue
OBSERVATIONS UPON THE STATE OF THE NATION. 341
between Dr. Burgess and Daniel De Foe, in a Cyder Cellar,
near Billingsgate, concerning the Times." Also "An Epi-
gram on Dan. De Foe." There are likewise some remarks
upon his Review, in a paper called, "We have got at last,
when nobody thought it." Of these missiles, it may be
remarked, that they contained much malice, mingled with
but little wit.
In the early part of the year, there appeared a pamphlet
with the following title: "Observations upon the State of
the Nation, in January, 1712--13. London: Printed for
John Morphew. 1713." 8vo. It was the work of a Tory
and high-churchman, but one who was in opposition to the
ministers upon their treaty of peace; and from a passage or
two, it passed at the time for the work of the Earl of Notting-
ham. As such, it was attacked by several writers, particu-
larly by Dr. Sewell, in "Remarks upon my Lord N-ham's
Observations on the State of the Nation. 1713." De Foe
also bestowed some animadversions upon it in his Reviews,
in which he accuses him of "falling injuriously upon the
Presbyterians of Scotland, insulting the English Dissenters
as under the feet of the high-church, clearing the Tories from
being Jacobites, and assisting to amuse the already distracted
nation." He also reprobates the Whigs for laying the Dis-
senters at his feet, as an atonement for his political apostacy.
Of these accusations, no notice was taken for upwards of a
twelvemonth, when a pamphlet appeared, exonerating his
lordship from being the author of the work. It is intitled,
"A Vindication of the Earl of Nottingham from the vile.
Imputations and malicious Slanders which have been cast
upon him in some late pamphlets. London: J. Roberts,
1714." In his preface, the author says, "The Observations
had not been published long, when it was noised abroad that
they were written by the Earl of Nottingham. That rumour
Was so universally believed, that the Examiner and De Foc
342 DEMONSTRATIONS IN FAVOUR OF THE PRETENDER.
set their pens at work in several papers to treat the reputed
author in a very scurrilous manner for writing them. Other
lesser pamphleteers made their court likewise to the ministry,
by pretending to answer that pamphlet." He says, that upon
inquiry, he found the Earl of Nottingham had no hand in the
work, and he devotes several pages to a defence of that
Lord's political conduct. Towards the close of his pamphlet,
he intimates, that De Foe was actuated by feelings of resent-
ment for the part taken by the Earl in the prosecution of "The
Shortest Way." But this supposition was needless; for,
although he could have no good liking for a man who had
been the instrument of his ruin, yet being always opposed to
his intolerant principles, of which he had given a recent spe-
cimen in the Occasional-bill, he had no occasion to travel
beyond his political conduct to afford materials for animad-
version.
į
Whatever were the designs of the ministers with regard to
the succession, it is certain that their conduct was such as to
cause great uneasiness in the nation. The vacancies that
occurred both in church and state were supplied by men of
high and arbitrary principles; whilst the clergy, both by
their preaching and writings, were fast approximating to
the Church of Rome. At Edinburgh, the birth-day of the
Pretender, which fell upon the tenth of June, was celebrated
by fireworks and other public rejoicings, of which an account
appeared in the "Flying Post." In Ireland, the Lord Chan-
cellor, Sir Constantine Phipps, openly patronized his ad-
herents, whilst he allowed every insult to the memory of King
William; and the bishop of Cork, in order to stifle the public
feeling in favour of that monarch, published an absurd book
against drinking to the memory of the dead. A Letter was
addressed to the Queen, desiring her not to be discouraged
at the many civilities paid to her brother, nor to take
umbrage at the protection afforded him by the French King.
Large accounts of the honours he received were published in
LESLIE'S MISSION TO CONVERT THE PRETENDER. 343
the foreign journals, in which he was generally styled "King
of England.”* To pave the way for his succession, Leslie
undertook the wild project of converting him to his notions of
the Protestant faith. For this purpose, he went upon a pil-
grimage to Bar-le-duc, where he was favourably received by the
Pretender; of which, Dyer published a pompous account in
his" News-Letter." Pamphlets were circulated to assist his
pretensions, and Leslie transmitted a flattering description of
his person and character. "His graceful mien, magnanimity
of spirit, devotion free from bigotry, application to business,
ready apprehension, sound judgment and affability," says he,
" were such as to charm all who conversed with him." A
chapel was fitted up for the use of persons of Leslie's religion,
and the young Chevalier promised to make large concessions
to the clergy in case of his succession.
In the mean time, Popery was making rapid strides in
England, as much by the concessions of Church of England
Protestants, as by the exertions of the Catholics. (M) Ad-
dresses were presented to the queen, reviving the obsolete
notions of hereditary and indefeasible right, and broadly
hinting at the claims of the Pretender. Many books were
written to countenance his pretensions, in which there was
much waste of legal learning; and for the diversion of
those who were too dull for argument, wit was employed in
songs and lampoons, which were not discountenanced at
court. Although the queen had exhibited symptoms of a
* Wisdom of Looking Backwards, p. 297.
(M) The progress of proselytism at this time, is thus related in " An Alarm
to Protestants. 1714." One Elizabeth Edmondson, a young woman of
poor but honest parents, a zealous and constant church-woman, having
heard the minister of her parish tell his congregation from the pulpit, It
were to be wished that the discipline of the Church of England would admit of
confession, was struck with doubts of her faith; and making them known to
a Catholic lady, they became the instrument of her conversion. The same
work relates, that Thomas Willis, a Catholic priest, made his boast, that
he had gained over two young ladies by confuting the same divine.
344 "HEREDITARY RIGHT OF THE CROWN OF ENGLAND."
declining state, Tom D'Urfey, following the fashion of the
times, presented her with a song, in which he flattered her
with health and long life, and spoke in disrespectful terms of
the Electress Dowager; yet, he was rewarded for his loyalty
with a purse of fifty guineas. The insolence of the Jacobites
had now arrived at so high a pitch, that they published, with
impunity, whatever they pleased; which would scarcely have
been the case, unless they had reckoned upon the patronage
of persons in power. Indeed, so confident were they of suc-
cess, that they began to prepare their psalms of thanksgiving
against the expected event, and actually published for the use
of their people, some select psalms in English, with the latin
version of Buchanan. It was entitled "The Loyal Man's
Psalter; or some select psalms in Latin and English verse, fit
for the times of Persecution." It opened with the following
stanza, accommodated to the occasion:
"Blest is the loyal man whose steps,
No trayt'rous counsel leads aside;
Nor stands in rebel's ways, nor sits
Where God and Justice men deride."
The work concludes with the following stanzas from the
xcviith psalm :
"Confounded be those rebels all
That to usurpers bow;
And make what Gods and kings they please,
And worship them below.
"Th' immortal seeds of light and bliss,
For loyal men are sown ;
A joyful harvest will at length
Their work and sorrows crown."
To support the claims of their favourite prince, the Jaco-
bites now issued a pondrous attack upon the Protestant settle-
ment, in a work entitled "The Hereditary Right of the Crown of
345
England asserted, the History of the Succession since the
Conquest cleared, and the true English Constitution vindicated
from the Misrepresentations of Dr. Higden's View and De-
fence. Wherein some Mistakes also of our common Historians
are rectified; and several Particulars relating to the Succession,
and to the Title of the House of Suffolk, are now first published
from ancient Records and original MSS.; together with an
authentic copy of King Henry VIIIth's will. By a Gentle-
man. London. 1713." folio. The object of this performance
is to establish from precedent, the absolute hereditary right to
the crown, in opposition to acts of parliament, which cannot
transfer it from the right line, nor dispose of the allegiance of
subjects. Consequently, the Revolution, and all that followed
in the disturbance of the succession, was nothing less than
rebellion; King William and Queen Anne were usurpers;
and the only reparation that could be made for the injury, was
the immediate restitution of the crown to the right heir, or its
transfer by will at the death of the present possessor.
This manifesto of the Jacobites was no sooner published,
than great industry was used for its dispersion. "The publi-
cation of it," says, Kennet, "I remember was with some sort
of pomp: the title pages, in full half sheets of good paper,
appearing on a Sunday morning upon every conspicuous post
and door, to draw away the eyes of all that were going to
church, or to any religious worship, with an advertisement
happening to be put into the next Gazette *.” This last is
supposed to have been done by the connivance of Bromley,
one of the Secretaries of State. Many copies were given
away to persons likely to become converts, and it is even
said to have been dispersed amongst the officers of the army.
Mr. Nelson, the non-juror, presented a copy splendidly bound
to the Queen, at Windsor, where it was seen lying in her
closet several days †. In other times, this would have been
ITS POMPOUS ANNOUNCEMENT.
* Wisdom of Looking Backwards, p. 313.
† Ibid, 318.
346 SOME PARTICULARS OF THE PUBLICATION.
considered a gross insult; but there is reason to suppose that
the Queen herself was not indifferent to the claims of her
brother.
It must be obvious to every reader, that the circulation of
such a work, with so many marks of distinction, could be
intended for no other purpose than to smooth the way for
the succession of the Pretender. In the disposition of men's
minds at the time, wrought upon as they were by the mis-
guided influence of the clergy, the sophistry with which it
abounded was calculated to produce a dangerous impression,
and to give just alarm to all true Protestants. This jealousy
was further increased by the quotations that appeared in it
from some manuscripts in the library of the Lord-Treasurer ;;
which gave rise to some sinister interpretations of his con-
duct. Although such a circumstance would pass without
observation in the present day, yet, in the then inflamed state
of political parties, it was greedily seized upon as good evi-
dence to confirm the suspicions that already existed. It was
a part of Lord Oxford's policy, however, to keep up a free
communication with persons of all sects and parties, and to
gain their confidence by tokens of his favour. As the patron
of learning and learned men, he threw open his library to all
indifferently; and was too wise to apprehend any danger to
the cause of truth and liberty, by the most ample researches
of their opponents. It would be unjust, therefore, to draw
any inference to his prejudice from this circumstance; but
without resorting to any far-fetched deductions, it is certain
that the conduct of the government at this time, was not.
without many ugly appearances, which gave just alarm to
the nation.
To relieve themselves from the odium of sanctioning the
doctrines promulgated in the above work, as well as to quiet
the clamours of the people, the ministers thought it necessary
to make some shew of resentment. A prosecution was there-
fore determined upon; but the dilatory proceedings of the
347
crown lawyers, shewed that they had but little stomach for
the work. Considerable pains were taken by all parties to
find out the author, but without effect. Smith, the publisher,
being apprehended upon a warrant from Lord Bolingbroke,
reported at his examination, that the copy had been delivered
to the printer by Hilkiah Bedford, a non-juring clergyman;
who being also taken up, frankly confessed the fact. Upon
this, he was bound over to appear in the court of Queen's-
Bench, himself in the sum of £500, and two sureties in
£250 each. Upon the 15th of February 1714, he was
brought to trial before the Lord Chief Justice Parker, and
being found guilty of writing, printing and publishing the
said book, he was sentenced to pay a fine of a thousand
marks, to remain in custody for three years, and to find
sufficient sureties in the sum of £5000, for his good behavior
during life. He was also ordered to be brought into all the
courts of Westminster upon the following Friday, with a
paper affixed to his hat, denoting his offence; but this part
of his sentence was remitted by an order from the Queen,
through the intercession of Mr. Nelson, who was now fre-
quently admitted into the royal closet. After all, Bedford
merely conveyed the work to the press, and corrected the
sheets. The real author was George Harbin, also a non-
juring clergyman, who had been chaplain to Bishop Kenn,
and lived to an advanced age.
His book met with many
replies, and derived a consequence which it would not have
obtained at any other period.
BEDFORD PROSECUTED FOR IT.
It was to meet the threatening aspect of the times, that
Steele now wrote his celebrated pamphlet, called The Crisis.
It was published upon the 1st of December, 1713, and the
whole title runs thus: "The Crisis; or, a Discourse repre-
senting, from the most authentic Records, the just Causes
of the late happy Revolution, and the several Settlements of
the Crowns of England and Scotland on her Majesty; and
on the Demise of her Majesty without issue, upon the most
-
:
348
SWIFT REPLIES TO “ THE CRISIS."
6
illustrious Princess Sophia, Electress and Duchess Dowager
of Hanover, and the heirs of her body, being Protestants,
by previous Acts of both Parliaments of the late Kingdoms
of England and Scotland; and confirmed by the Parliament
of Great Britain. With some Remarks on the Danger of
a Popish Successor. By Richard Steele, Esq. London.
1714." 4to. This work was received with great applause
by the Whigs, and produced so great an impression upon
the public, as greatly to disconcert the ministers. The author
made loud complaints of the treasonable books that had been
lately dispersed abroad, for the purpose of disturbing the
succession, which was the ark of Britain's security; "and
like that of old," says he, "carries death to the profane
hand that shall dare touch it." To counteract the effect of
this pamphlet, Swift replied to it in "The Public Spirit of
the Whigs; set forth in their generous Encouragement of
the Author of The Crisis.' With some Observations on
the Seasonableness, Candour, Erudition, and Style, of that
Treatise. London. 1714." 4to. Although written with the
author's usual keenness, it betrays a soreness of feeling that
sometimes vents itself in passion; and he occasionally de-
scended to a vulgarity of expression, which is one of the
characteristic features of his writings. His reflections upon
the Scottish peers exposed him to the indignation of parlia-
ment, which he only escaped by the contrivance of the minis-
ters. Morphew, the publisher, and Barber, the printer,
were committed to the custody of the black-rod, for refusing
to divulge the name of the author; but before any further
proceedings could take place, the Earl of Mar, one of the
Secretaries of State, announced the intention of government.
to take charge of the prosecution, by which it fell to the
ground. The printer and publisher were soon released; and
the Treasurer, who behaved with his usual cunning, whilst
he disclaimed any knowledge of the pamphlet, and joined in
its condenination, forwarded a hundred pounds to Swift for
349
the service of the former, with a promise of further aid.*
In consequence of an address from the Lords, the queen
offered a reward of 3007. for the discovery of the author, but
this was all grimace; for he was well enough known to the
ministers, who entertained him daily, and approved of his
performance.
STEELD EXPELLED THE COMMONS.
The writer of the Crisis, however, did not escape so well.
Steele had been returned to parliament for the borough of
Stockbridge, and, as he was likely to become troublesome to
the ministers, it was resolved to get rid of him by a petition
against his return. But as this would have taken up some
time, a more compendious method was resorted to, by a
complaint to the House against three of his publications, as
tending to sedition, and highly reflecting upon the administra-
tion and government. These were the Crisis, and two num-
bers of the Englishman. The subject was brought forward
upon the 12th of March, and adjourned to the 18th, when
Steele, having acknowledged the works, made an able de-
fence, which occupied three hours. In the course of his
speech, he read the paragraphs complained of, and owned
that he did it "with the same cheerfulness and satisfaction
with which he abjured the Pretender." He was strongly
supported by Walpole and others; but the ministerial party
prevailed, and he was sentenced to be expelled the House.
Three days afterwards, he took ample revenge in the eleventh
number of the Lover, in which he described the Harleys and
Foleys, who had been the most active in the business, by
the names of the Crabtrees and Brickdusts of Gotham, in
Herefordshire.
* Swift's Letter, i. 426.
CHAPTER XIV.
Last Parliament of Queen Anne.-Threatening Aspect of Public Affairs.—
Prosperous situation of the Jacobites.- Measures concerted by the Whigs.
-Hostile attitude of political Parties.--Plot between the Queen and the
French King in favour of the Pretender.-Oxford's intrigues to defeat it.
Whether the Ministers were concerned in it.- Estimate of Lord Oxford's
political character.—Character and conduct of Bolingbroke.—Strength of
Political Parties.-The Tories disaffected to the Hanover Succession.—They
are supported by the Clergy.- Who make rapid strides to Popery.-Letter
to the Dissenters.-Ascribed to De Foe.- Remarks upon it by Oldmixon.-
Another Reply-Bill to prevent the Growth of Schism.-Its nature and
character. Hypocrisy of its promoters.-Lord Wharton's Reproof to
Bolingbroke.-Arguments against the Bill.-Cautious conduct of the Lord-
Treasurer.—It passes both Houses.—And receives the Royal Assent.-
Remarks upon the Measure.-Publications against it.-De Foe publishes
"The Remedy worse than the Disease."—Argument of his Pamphlet.—
Parliament prorogued.—Discords in the Cabinet.—Intrigues of Boling-
broke and Oxford.-The Treasurer dismissed.-Anarchy in the Govern-
ment.-The Duke of Shrewsbury made Treasurer.-Rage of Bolingbroke
and Atterbury.-The Queen dies.-Her pri te character.-Aspect of her
Reign.
A
1714.
THE last parliament in this reign, which emulated the
bigotry of the one lately expired, assembled after various
prorogations occasioned by the Queen's illness, upon the
16th of February, 1714, when Sir Thomas Hanmer was
chosen Speaker without opposition. The early part of the
session was spent in stormy debates relative to the Pretender
and the Protestant succession, which furnished topics for
351
general discourse throughout the nation. Upon this ab-
sorbing subject, men of all parties gave free vent to their
passions, according as they were directed by hope or fear;
and the language that gave them utterance, was often
marked with the greatest bitterness. Private friendships
had been long giving way to the animosity of party, and
such was the cloudy state of the political horizon, that
every
thing seemed to portend some dreadful convulsion. Upon
the 30th of March, Steele writes thus: "According to the
situation of affairs, nothing but divine providence can pre-
vent a civil war within a few years; and against such dis-
asters there can be no remedy but preparing our minds for
the incidents we are to meet with, with cheerfulness." *
Another writer tells us, that there never were greater appre-
hensions of a most terrible Revolution, than for some little
time before the queen's death. †
The minds of men were strongly prepossessed with the
notion, that a transfer of the crown was about to be made
to the Pretender, and that the queen and her ministers were
at the bottom of the project. This persuasion received
countenance from the obstructions that were thrown in the
way of every measure that had for its object the security
of the Protestant succession; as also from the visible coun-
tenance given to the Jacobites, some of whom were received
at court, and even closeted with the queen. The stream
of promotions, both in the state and in the army, ran like-
wise in the same channel. Several officers of known
fidelity were displaced, to make room for others who were
strongly suspected of an attachment to the house of Stuart;
and Bolingbroke had prepared a scheme for new-modelling
the army. Boyer relates, that several officers were closeted
for the purpose of ascertaining "Whether they would serve
the queen without asking questions? and that for raising a
THREATENING ASPECT OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS.
* Steele's Letters, i. 325.
+ Secret Hist. Engl. ii. 313.
352
demur, they were stripped of their employments. In the
face of these demonstrations, the verbal assurances of the
ministers went but a little way in quieting the apprehensions
of the people. It was, therefore, thought necessary, by the
friends of the House of Hanover, to concert means, indepen-
dently of the government, for counteracting the schemes of
the Jacobites. An association was entered into by the
leaders of opposition; some general officers took steps for
securing the allegiance of the army; and a scheme was
formed for seizing the Tower and securing the ringleaders,
upon the first appearance of danger. + With the angry
feelings that now predominated in political parties, had the
Jacobites precipitated their measures, or the queen's life
been prolonged, the aspect of things bore every appearance
of a sanguinary struggle.
PLOT IN FAVOUR OF THE PRETENDER.
Whatever danger might have accrued to the Protestant
succession by the prolongation of the war, it was not at all
lessened by the late peace. During the negociation, strong
attempts were made by the French agents to procure a private
understanding in favour of the Pretender, and they proposed
a secret article, to be signed by the Queen, exonerating the
French King from any obligation concerning the succession,
which, for the sake of appearance, it might be necessary to
insert in the treaty. The intrigue seems to have been carried
on through Lady Masham, the female favourite, who was in
the Pretender's interest; and the Queen herself, was not disin-
clined to any expedient that could be adopted with safety, to
favour his pretensions. Under her auspices, a direct commu-
nication was opened with the Court of St. Germains, and the
Pretender was given to understand that his interests would
not be overlooked in the proposed arrangements. She was
desirous that the French King should be left in a condition
to support him, in case of any favourable turn of affairs at
* History of Queen Anne, p. 679.
+ Ibid, 681.
OXFORD'S INTRIGUES TO DEFEAT IT.
home, which she was not without the hope of seeing effected;
but the dread of consequences restrained her from committing
herself by any specific measure, and compelled her to leave
his destinies to the course of events. It is proper to observe,
that in these clandestine negociations, the ministers did not
participate; and when they came to the knowledge of the
Earl of Oxford, he made it his business to amuse the in-
triguers, that he might become master of their secrets, whilst
at the same time he took measures to defeat the plot.
That the ambiguous conduct of the ministers should excite
suspicion, and that it should be made a handle against them
by the factious, is not surprising. But if we may believe one
of them, “There was no design on foot, during the four last
years of Queen Anne, to set aside the succession, nor any
party formed for this purpose at the time of the death of that
princess. That there were particular men who corresponded
indirectly and directly too with the Pretender, and with
others for his service; that these men professed themselves
to be zealous in it, and made large promises, and raised some
faint hopes," says Bolingbroke, "I cannot doubt. But if
this was done by some who were in the queen's service, it
was done too by some who were out of it, and I think
with little sincerity by either."* In estimating the motives
of men, it is not often that we can have any other rule to
judge by than a reference to their actions.
It is true,
that such a test is sometimes fallacious; but when this
is the case, they only exchange one evil for another,
and suffer for their duplicity. In the Memoirs of the
Marshal Duke of Berwick, there is a very curious account
of the correspondence kept up at this time with the Courts
of Versailles and St. Germains, in relation to the Pretender,
unfolding much intrigue and insincerity on the one hand, and
seriously implicating some noble personages, on the other.
That some of the ministers were well affected to the Pretender,
VOL.
[I].
353
* Patriot King, p. 231.
2 A
354
LORD OXFORD'S POLITICAL CONDUCT.
they furnished well-grounded suspicions by their subsequent
conduct; although this, perhaps, may be partly ascribed to
chagrin and resentment.
If Lord Oxford shared the odium of Jacobitism with his
colleagues, it was the penalty imposed upon him by faction
for his own factiousness; but for the charge itself there was
no real foundation. His union with the Tories, was a matter
of state-necessity; for the Whigs would not act with him,
and resisted all his overtures, in the hope that by remaining
firmly united, they should accomplish his overthrow. This
necessarily threw him upon their adversaries; but he gave
unequivocal testimonies that his heart was not with them;
nor did they ever care to trust him. Chagrined at his luke-
warmness, and disgusted at his evasions, they were desirous
of superseding him by a minister, who should be more con-
formable to their wishes. Of this he was well aware, and
therefore made it a part of his policy to amuse them with
promises, the performance of which he delayed under various
pretences, and never fulfilled without reluctance. Unable to
restrain the violence of his colleagues, he was often committed
to measures that were repugnant to his feelings, and at
variance with his judgment. Having few or no friends in the
Cabinet, he bent all his efforts to disengage the more mode-
rate men from the respective parties, that by their weight and
influence he might be able to repel the attacks of faction.
That he did not succeed, was owing more to the violence of
parties, than to his want of capacity for such a task. Hated
by the Whigs for supplanting them, and distrusted by the
Tories for his obstructions to their measures, his situation
obliged him to be perpetually upon the reserve; and this gave
a colour for representing him as a man dark, perplexed, and
unintelligible. Nothing but his fertility in expedients, enabled
him to maintain his station so long, which is more surprising
than that he should sink at last before such opposing elements.
That he was misunderstood by all parties seems probable,
LORD OXFORD'S POLITICAL CONDUCT.
355
from the circumstance, that the severest scrutiny into his con-
duct, when in the power of his enemies, was unable to bring
to light any criminating matter in the exercise of his office as
Lord-Treasurer.* The encouragement he gave to the Jaco-
bites, was more with a view to gain their support as a coun-
terpoise to the opposition of the Whigs, than from any par-
ticipation in their projects, which he made it is business to
penetrate, in order to undermine. For this purpose, he kept
up a correspondence with the Court of the Pretender, whilst
he had an agent to represent him at Hanover; but at the
latter place he was never trusted, and at the former, his in-
sincerity was detected.† "His whole management," observes
one of his colleagues, "was contrived to keep up a kind of
general indetermination in the party about the succession;
which made a man of great temper once say to him in a
passion, that he believed no other minister at the head of a
powerful party would not be better at Hanover, if he did not
mean to be worse there." To the solicitations of foreign
Courts upon the subject, he always gave the most evasive
answers; whilst he accommodated himself to the inclinations
of the Queen, and of the party that supported him, by con-
tinuing to feed the hopes of the Jacobites. Surrounded by
so much inflammable matter, he could only hope to maintain
himself by artifice and dissimulation; but the mystery that
veiled his conduct created a distrust in his measures, so that
he was equally an object of suspicion with all parties in the
State. Unfortunately for himself, he over-reached his own
policy; for, practising his acts too deeply with those he
meant to deceive, he afforded his enemies a plausible pretext
to ruin his credit, where it was most for his interest that it
should stand fair. Cunning may be an useful quality in a
statesman, but honesty is far better.
Bolingbroke, the rival of Oxford, was a man of very
Memoirs of Lord Bolingbroke, pp. 274-277. † Memoirs of Duke
Berwick. II. 186, &c. Bolingbroke's Patriot King, p. 243.
2 A 2
356
CHARACTER AND CONDUCT OF BOLINGBROKE.
opposite character.
Possessed of splendid talents, culti-
vated by a liberal education, and a course of extensive read-
ing; dignified in his person, of elegant manners, and pow-
erful eloquence; endowed with a lively fancy, and no less
easy than commanding in conversation, he seemed formed
at once to fascinate as a companion, and to excel as a states-
man. But with all these qualities to create respect, he was
destitute of almost every political and private virtue; yet
his dissolute habits were never suffered to interfere with his
application to business. Instigated by ambition, he con-
tracted a bias for French interests, which led him into
dangerous intrigues, and exposed him to the reproach of
treachery. Of his correspondence with the Pretender there
remains no doubt, and as little that the object of it was to
set aside the Hanover succession. Whether he was sincere
in his professions to that prince, or only amused him, like
Oxford, for the purpose of standing fair with the Jacobites,
has been a matter of debate; but as he obtained his as-
cendancy over his rival upon the strength of his continuing
the connexion after the latter had declined it, the proba-
bilities are against him. It is certain that both ministers
acted in conformity to the wishes of the queen, and with
her connivance; and that the failure of Oxford gave ad-
vantage to his rival. From the character of Bolingbroke,
who appears to have been devoid of principle, and was
moved by a spirit of faction, which he had afterwards the
manliness to avow,* it may be concluded that the suc-
cession was to him a matter of indifference, any further than
as it afforded him a prospect of gratifying his ambition, of
which he had the fairest hopes from the succession of a
Stuart. Although nurtured in Whig principles, under the
care of non-conforming parents and tutors, he commenced
his public career by linking himself with the Tories and
high-churchmen, whose politics he patronized for selfish
* Patriot King, p. 238.
357
purposes, whilst he sincerely despised them in his heart.
After he became Secretary of State, he was incessant in his
endeavours to purge the government of every individual
attached to the revolution-settlement, and was at constant
war with the Treasurer for moving so slowly in the work.
The subterfuges of the latter, acted but as a spur to Boling-
broke, who aspired to place himself at the head of the
Tories, and to give them full possession of the government.
In 1712, he was raised to the peerage, but not to so high a
rank as he expected; and his ambition met with other mor-
tifications, which he attributed to the Treasurer, and served
to increase their animosity. His intrigues at the court of the
Pretender, are detailed at length in the Memoirs of Marshal
Berwick, which contains many curious particulars relating to
the English Jacobites, and their schemes to defeat the
Hanover succession.
STRENGTH OF POLITICAL PARTIES.
Whatever projects may have been entertained by the
queen and her courtiers for disturbing the succession, their
success, after all, depended less upon court-patronage, than
upon the strength of political parties and the wishes of the
nation. Viewed in this light, there was, perhaps, little to
fear in the event of a struggle. The avowed Jacobites,
although they had increased in consequence, and assumed a
greater degree of boldness, were still a contemptible party,
and derived all their power from the Tories. These were
happily divided, some of them retaining their attachment
to the Protestant succession, and determined to act with the
Whigs in the moment of danger. Others were lukewarm or
indifferent, and resolved to await the event, with the inten-
tion of siding with the strongest; but the great mass was
disaffected, and gave a weight to the Jacobites which they
had never before possessed. Although the Tories had voted
for the present settlement in compliance with the policy of
King William, it was with them a matter of expediency
rather than of choice; and as they retained their prejudices
358 TORIES DISAFFECTED TO THE HANOVER SUCCESSION.
in favor of hereditary succession, the countenance of the
Queen was sufficient to decide those who still wavered in
their opinions, or were ambitious to distinguish themselves
by their loyalty. By this powerful spell, it is not to be
doubted, that a greater proportion of the Jacobite leaven
was now added to the Tory lump, and that it was further
increased by the dubious conduct of the government. The
close intimacy that was cultivated between the Whigs and
the House of Hanover, operated to produce a further aliena-
tion of the Tories from that family, in the event of whose
succession, they saw but little prospect of their continuance
in power.
The chief obstacle that the Tories had to surmount, was
the danger that would accrue to the Church of England
from a change in the succession. Although they did not
despair of the Pretender's conversion, yet an external com-
pliance with the rites of the church would have been suffi-
cient to satisfy them; and if this could have been obtained,
it was their intention to move for a repeal of the Act of
Settlement, and to vest in the queen the power of naming
her successor. But without such a condition, they well
knew it would be impossible to overcome the popular pre-
judice, which ran stronger against his religion, than against
the most accumulated acts of tyranny. To lessen this aver-
sion, was a difficulty assigned to the clergy, who laboured
to smooth his way by proclaiming the divine right of heredi-
tary succession, and by renewing their declamations against
Whigs and Dissenters. Many of them boldly attacked the
doctrines of the Reformation, and openly advocated some of
the leading tenets of the Church of Rome. (N) But the trash
-
(N) In complimenting the crown with a divine right, the clergy had an
eye to their own interest, for they arrogated the same honour to themselves;
and, by supporting the fiction in the one case, they naturally looked for a
return of civility in the other. Many books were published to support the
independency and privileges of the church; the sacred succession of the
359
they vented from the pulpit had little influence with the
people, whose vulgar arithmetic was not to be confounded by
the absurd calculations of their crafty instructors. In their
zeal to serve the Pretender, they were willing to compound
with him for his religion, by a guarantee of their temporal
immunities; for which purpose, he was to relinquish the
nomination of bishops and the appointment to livings, and
to choose his servants from the members of the established
church. The gullibility of the men who entered into these
projects, was equal to their assurance. Had the scheme
succeeded, no one could have blamed the Pretender for annul-
ling the conditions, and asserting his claim to sovereignty
in the largest extent that could be exercised by a king who
wore his crown by divine right.
LETTER TO THE DISSENTERS.
In the early part of the year, a small pamphlet was issued
from the ministerial quarters, under the title of "A Letter to
the Dissenters. London sold by John Morphew, near
Stationer's Hall. 1714." Price 6d. 8vo. The object of it
was to withdraw the persons addressed, from their political
connection with the Whigs, who had so shamefully deserted
them in the affair of the bill against Occasional Conformity;
and the author insinuates, that by lending their assistance to
that party, instead of throwing their weight in the minis-
terial scale, they appeared more zealous for the support of a
faction, than for the preservation of their religious liberties.
He disclaims, upon the part of the ministers, any intention
priesthood; the extent of sacerdotal powers; and the exclusive patent of
the clergy to grant a title to salvation. Some of them attacked the royal
supremacy; whilst others, thinking the reformation had gone too far,
pleaded for a proper material sacrifice in the Eucharist, and were for reviv-
ing auricular confession, penance, and priestly absolution; also purgatory
and prayers for the dead. The books published at this period afford a curious
specimen of the progress of insanity in the minds of men, raised to an ex-
traordinary pitch of excitement, and grasping at a power that was only to
be supported by the influence of strong delusion.
360
to favour the Pretender; and tells the Dissenters, that they had
not hitherto committed any act which furnished them with
just ground for complaint. The pamphlet, artfully written,
seems designed to prepare the Dissenters for further severities,
which in a short time made their appearance.
Common
fame at the time ascribed this work, but perhaps without
any just reason, to De Foe; and as his, it was replied to by
Oldmixon, with his accustomed scurrility, in "Remarks on
the 'Letter to the Dissenters.' By a Churchman. London.
1714." 8vo. "It is very easy to discover," says he, "that
the author of the 'Letter to the Dissenters' is some inconsi-
derable wretch, that has sold both his principles and pen to
a faction, enemies to the liberty of their country.
I am
ashamed to mark out the person on whom this libel is
fathered; not so much on account of his being rendered in-
famous by law, as for the greater infamy he has loaded
himself with of late years, in the service of France and her
friends." He alludes to two of De Foe's publications in
the former year, for which he was prosecuted and pardoned;
and says, "He was hired, because 'twas thought he knew
best the blind side of those to whom he wrote; but they
have known him long enough, and if those that employ him
imagine they get ground by it, they are as great fools as
the tool they make use of." De Foe lost all his reputation
with the Whigs, by committing himself with the present
ministers, or rather with their leader; and by the partial
support which he afforded to their policy. Although the
motive that led to it was honourable to his feelings, it proved
fatal to his interests, and produced a series of mortifications.
and disappointments that followed him through life. The
"Letter to the Dissenters" came shortly to a second edi-
tion; and it received another reply in "A Letter to the
People of England, occasioned by the Letter to the Dissen-
ters.' London: printed for John Oldsworth. 1714." 8vo.
The work it professes to answer, is only incidentally noticed.
ASCRIBED TO DE FOE.
361
The object of the writer is to review the whole policy of the
ministers, and contrast it with that which was pursued before
the Revolution, in order to show that it tended to the same
end,—the introduction of Popery and arbitrary power,-
which would be attended with all the horrors of a civil war.
Amidst the dissensions of the nation, which were ready
to explode with a tremendous shock, a new apple of discord
was thrown down by the Tories. With a view to mortify
the Whigs, as much as to gratify the pride and bigotry of
high-churchmen, the ministers now brought forward a mea-
sure that was calculated in the highest degree to exasperate
the persons against whom it was directed. Upon the 12th
of May, a bill was brought into the Commons by Sir
William Wyndham, Chancellor of the Exchequer, "To
prevent the Growth of Schism, and for the further security
of the Church of England as by law established." Under
this ridiculous pretence, which could hardly conceal from
the most credulous the knavery of its projectors, it was
intended to shut up all the schools of Dissenters throughout
the kingdom, and to take out of their hands the education.
of their own children. Henceforward, no person was to
follow the occupation of a schoolmaster without a license.
from the bishop, and a certificate of conformity from the
minister of his parish; and no other catechism was to be
taught than that in the Book of Common-Prayer. The
authors of this worthy expedient to dragoon the nation into
ignorance and irreligion, were Atterbury, Bolingbroke and
Wyndham; men who were more conversant with politics
than religion, which they cared for no further than as a
state trick to cheat the people of their liberties. It was
opposed with great eloquence in the Commons by some of
the most distinguished members, who represented "That it
looked more like a decree of Julian the Apostate, than a
law enacted by a Protestant Parliament, since it tended to
raise as great a persecution as either the primitive Christians
BILL TO PREVENT THE GROWTH OF SCHISM.
362
ever suffered from the heathen emperors, or the Protestants
from Popery and the Inquisition." It was, indeed, no less.
a reproach to humanity, than a scandal to a church that
professed to be modelled upon Christianity. By way of
rendering it more palatable, Mr. Bromley, one of the Secre-
taries of State, revived the stale cant of the danger from
Dissenters; but he blabbed the juggle, when he offered to
compound for the danger and give up the bill, if the Dis-
senters would forego the privilege of sitting in parliament
and voting at elections. This was an earnest of what was
in store for them had the queen lived. Having deprived
them of their freeholds, the next step would have been to
invade their personals; and as nature is apt to rebel against
principle, according to their own doctrine, so if the oppressed
people had stood up for their rights, they would have been
treated as rebels, and finished by a coup de grace, as De Foe
had long ago foretold in his " Shortest Way."
It is in vain to oppose argument to injustice, when it is
to be borne down by power. The bill passed the Commons
upon the first of June, by a large majority, and the next day
was carried to the Lords. Here, it was pompously intro-
duced by Bolingbroke, as "a bill of the last importance,
since it concerned the security of the Church of England,
the best and firmest support of the monarchy;" which, had
it been true, would have conveyed an awkward reflection
upon both. Bolingbroke met with a proper rebuke from
Earl Wharton, who said, in his ironical way,
agreeably surprized to see, that some men of pleasure were,
on a sudden, become so religious, as to set up for patrons of
the Church. But he could not but wonder, that persons,
who had been educated in Dissenting academies, whom he
could point at, and whose tutors he could name, should
appear the most forward in suppressing them. That this
was but an indifferent return for the benefit the public had
received from those schools, which had bred those great
"He was
ARGUMENTS AGAINST IT.
363
men; so that he could see no reason there was for sup-
pressing those academies, unless it was an apprehension
that they might produce still greater geniuses, who should
drown their merits." Several of the Lords argued stre-
nuously against the bill, and pointed out its pernicious con-
sequences. That instead of preventing schism, and enlarging
the pale of the church, it tended to promote ignorance and
its inseparable attendants, superstition and irreligion; that
in many places, reading, writing, and grammar-schools, were
chiefly supported by the Dissenters, so that the suppressing
them would in many places extinguish the reading of the
Scriptures; that whilst our enemies were prosecuting their
designs for extirpating the Protestant religion, and imposing
upon us a popish Pretender, it seemed strange that a mea-
sure should be brought forward which manifestly tended to
divide Protestants, weaken their interest, and hasten their
ruin; that it was preposterous to call that schism in England,
which is the established religion in Scotland; that it was
directly against the rule in the gospel, which commanded us
to do unto others as we would be done unto; and that it was
a direct breach of the toleration which the queen had
solemnly promised to maintain inviolate. Even the Earl of Not-
tingham opposed the measure as a barbarous invasion of the
natural rights of parents, and a step to the introduction of
popery. But common sense was of little avail with men
who were aiming to establish a power that was to crush all
opposition. It is, therefore, not surprising that they rejected
the petition of the Dissenters, who prayed to be heard in a
matter that so nearly concerned them. The Lord-Treasurer,
who must have been averse to the measure, and lent his
assistance to modify it, displayed his usual finesse by absent-
ing himself from the House upon the final decision. He was
then negociating with the Whigs, and was fearful of appearing
against it, lest he should lose his interest with the queen,
with whose prejudices it entirely accorded. After a sharp
IT PASSES BOTH HOUSES.
ghany
364
contest, this important measure passed by a majority of only
five voices, upon the 15th of June, and ten days afterwards
received the royal assent. The penalty annexed to a breach
of the Act, was three months imprisonment; and its provisions
were extended to Ireland. But it never took effect; for the
very day that it was to commence operation the queen died,
and the bill was soon afterwards repealed *.
Although the proceeding just recorded is now viewed only
as a matter of history, yet it is impossible to contemplate it
without the strongest feelings of indignation and abhorrence.
This offering to the Moloch of high-church, was the discharge
of a debt which the ministers had long contracted to the party
that supported them, but had been prevented from cancelling
earlier by more pressing engagements. The magnitude of
the measure was, indeed, a sufficient compensation for its
tardiness; but the short-sighted politicians who yielded this
boon to bigotry, forgot that they were aggrandizing a set of
men who might one day become formidable to the civil
government, and ingulph it in their own vortex. According
to the logic of the period, the church was now in a fair way
of trampling upon her enemies; but as much as she may
have gained in the way of temporal prosperity, she lost more
in character. This, indeed, was an inferior consideration :
for the clergy were no better than a band of politicians, who
played off their craft upon the people, at the expense of their
understandings. To maintain their hold, this barbarizing
measure was an admirable contrivance; for in what way
they were to provide education for two millions of Dissenters,
when the great mass of their own people was uneducated,
In their grasp
was a question that did not concern them.
at power, they laid claim to the whole British nation as their
rightful patrimony; and emulating the policy, as well as the
religion of Rome, they thought of nothing but an ecclesias-
tical sovereignty, that was to give them an uncontrolled
Tindal, iv. 359, &c.
AND RECEIVES THE ROYAL ASSENT.
*
365
dominion over the consciences of the people. This once
obtained, they would have had no scruple to serve them like
Powel, the puppet-showman, in the Tatler: who, being
master of all sorts of wood and wire, thought he had an
unquestionable right to frame, fashion, and put them
together as he pleased; that having made them puppets,
they became his property, and therefore his slaves: so that
he had an absolute power, whenever he pleased, to light a
pipe with one of punch's legs, or warm his fingers with his
whole carcase. *.
REMARKS UPON THE MEASURE.
If viewed as a political measure, it was pregnant with evils,
which could not be contemplated without the most dismal
forebodings. Its immediate tendency was to drive the un-
fortunate victims to despair; and in a moment of irritation
to assert their rights against the violence of their oppressors.
If, in calculating the chances of such a contest, they foresaw
that the odds would be against them, their only resource
would be to abandon their ungrateful country, and transfer
their wealth and labour to some other that would be more
worthy of them. For, no people of any spirit, whatever may
be their religion, will submit to the degradation of having
their children torn from them by hypocritical contrivances,
and their minds polluted by a faith which they abhor. To
train them in ignorance is equally revolting, and more in-
jurious to the morals and industry of a state than the wildest
speculations. The effect of persecution has been to debase
and impoverish every country where it has prevailed. It
has withered the arm of industry, degraded the people by
an unmanly superstition, and subjected them to the slavery
of barbarous despots. Yet, such was the closing policy of
a reign, abounding in illustrious men, and famous for learn-
ing and the arts.
Whilst the obnoxious measure was pending, the press
Tatler, No. 50.
366 DE FOE'S “
DE FOE'S" REMEDY WORSE THAN THE DISEASE.'
was not backward in producing sufficient reasons against
it; and they would have prevailed, had the cause been
submitted to a hearing of common sense. Steele published,
upon this occasion, "A Letter to a Member of Parliament,
concerning the Bill for preventing the Growth of Schism."
Mr. Shute, afterwards Lord Barrington, bestowed some
strictures upon it, in "A Letter from a Layman in Com-
munion with the Church of England, though Dissenting
from her in some Points, to the Right Rev. the Lord Bishop
of With a Postscript, showing how far the Bill to
prevent the Growth of Schism is inconsistent with the Act of
Toleration, and the other Laws of this Realm." Dr. Calamy
published some "Queries concerning the Schism Bill."
Much was also written by both parties upon the nature of
schism, which for a long period operated as a scare-crow
to frighten the simple; but its charm has been happily
broken. "If the spiritual guides and fathers of the church,"
says Hales of Eton, "would be a little sparing of incumbering
churches with superfluities, and not over rigid in reviving
obsolete customs, or imposing new, there would be far less
danger of schisms or superstition."*
Upon a subject that so nearly concerned the party that
had his warmest affections, De Foe could not but feel in-
terested. He therefore once more raised his voice against
persecution, in a pamphlet, entitled, "The Remedy worse
than the Disease: Or Reasons against passing the Bill for
preventing the Growth of Schism. To which is added, A
brief Discourse of Toleration and Persecution, shewing their
unavoidable Effects, good or bad; and proving that neither
Diversity of Religion, nor Diversity in the same Religion,
are dangerous, much less inconsistent with good Government.
In a Letter to a Noble Earl. Hæc sunt enim Fundamenta
firmissima nostræ Libertatis, sui quemque juris et retinendi
*Hales' Tracts, p. 184.
>>
367
et dimittendi esse dominum. Cic. in Orat. per Balbo.
London: printed for J. Baker, 1714." 8vo. pp. 48.
sects.
In this work, our author pleads the cause of religious liberty,
with great force and eloquence, and in lively colours exposes
the hateful character of intolerance. The natural tendency of
persecution is to alienate the people from a church and
government that resort to it; as was exemplified in the
reigns before the Revolution. "But no sooner is the tolera-
tion established," says he, " than people of all sides are
disposed to be quiet and neighbourly. They think not a
jot the worse of one another for not walking one way to
church on Sunday, since they may go together every day
of the week to market. They judge of each other's honesty
or ability from their dealings, and not from their notions.
Trade is vigorously carried on, without any distinction of
Public charities are encouraged by a common purse,
as well as public stocks. All measures in favour of the
Protestant interest, or for a further reformation of manners,
are mutually concerted. The Dissenters less scrupulously
frequent the national churches, and the soundest members of
those churches are cured of several prejudices they had un-
warily imbibed against their Dissenting brethren." This
being the happy state of things under the Toleration, those
who go about to weaken or destroy it, he observes, are no
friends to the queen and kingdom; "for they will unavoid-
ably lead people to make invidious comparisons, and regret
the tranquillity they enjoyed in King William's reign; and
are answerable to God and man for all the mischiefs that
may follow upon so flagitious an undertaking." The appre-
hension that further severities were intended, was not the least
of the objections to this bill: for, considering what had already
past, together with the natural temper of certain persons, he
asks, "Pray what security can be given that the churches
of the Dissenters are not designed to be shut up, as well as
their schools? that a restraint may not be laid upon reading
ARGUMENT OF HIS PAMPHLET.
368
ARGUMENT OF HIS PAMPHLET.
،،
books, no less than upon teaching to read them? as is
openly practised in the church of Rome, without excepting
the very Bible." The certain consequence of confining edu-
cation to one set of men, would be to restrict all the advan-
tages flowing from it to a party. Ignorance and barbarity
will by this means pour in upon us like a flood, since
nothing, though ever so true in itself, or beneficial to man-
kind, will be suffered to be taught, if it interfere in the least.
with the interest of such a prevailing party; whereby num-
berless discoveries will be wholly supprest, and several
branches of literature grow absolutely useless in a country
where the increase of knowledge is thus bounded by a law."
To avoid the pretence of schism, we should be over-run with
the grossest enthusiasm and fanaticism, the never-failing
effects of ignorance. The increase of knowledge is not only
proportioned to the number of schools, but is still farther
augmented by their variety: for nothing contributes more
to the success of literature, than the emulation which must
necessarily reign between such nurseries of education. On
the contrary, you see nothing but gross ignorance where
this variety is not allowed.
1
Vide
The rigour pursued towards the Dissenters, our author
argues, tends directly to Popery: "which can never be settled
here, but either by force or ignorance. But if the last
obtains, there will be the less need of the first; the work is
then more than half done. That these are not vain sug-
gestions," he says, "be pleased to observe who they are
that at this juncture are the most clamorous against the
Dissenters, and are eagerly soliciting for a further security to
the church? Are they not that part of the clergy who have
already made manifest advances towards the synagogue of
Rome? They who preach the independency of the church
on the state; who urge the necessity of particular confession,
sacerdotal absolution, extreme unction, and prayers for the
dead? Who expressly teach the real presence in the Lord's
369
Supper, which they will have to be a proper sacrifice; and
contend for the practice of re-baptizing, wherein they over-
shoot the Papists themselves? They who are loudly cla-
mouring for those church-lands, which, to the unspeakable
detriment of the public, were, in the days of ignorance,
given to impudent begging friars, who haunted the death-
beds of weak deluded souls, and teased them by their impor-
tunity. They, in a word, who are known to be the deepest
engaged in the interest of the Pretender; and who long at
least to have a Pope of their own at Canterbury ?"
،،
Amongst the dismal consequences of this measure, he
says, Many thousands are turned into the wide world,
who neither have, nor understand any other way of sub-
sistence, besides teaching of youth; and this in many country
places, where no others are capable, or have leisure to do so.
A great number of charity schools will be totally dissolved;
others considerably diminished, and vast sums carried out of
the kingdom for foreign education. But above all, most de-
plorable will be the case of such as may have the misfortune to
transgress the Acts, especially if they should ever be caught
peeping into a meeting-house. Thousands are yet living who
remember what inhuman usage the Dissenters met formerly at
the hands of country justices, and in the spiritual courts, from
neither of whom, in this new project, is there any appeal.
For who knows not, that the removing any conviction to the
quarter-sessions, or the court of delegates, is leaping out
of the frying-pan into the fire? Those wicked hell-hounds,
the informers, will be let loose upon sober industrious people,
left without the benefit of jury or judges; and whose greatest
crime will be doing good, and having a tender conscience.
The politician and the priest, who play into each other's
hands, will not fail of pretexts to palliate their cruelty. The
statesman will say, it is because they don't conform to the
church; and the clergyman will say, it is because they wont
comply with the state. The most corrupt and superstitious
2 B
VOL. III.
ARGUMENT OF HIS PAMPHLET.
-
370
part of the clergy will be continually soliciting for more
such laws for the better security of the church, and quoting
them, as they used to do in King Charles's time, oftener than
the Gospel, for conformity.
PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.
The business of parliament, after the disposal of the schism
bill, was confined chiefly to the security of the Protestant suc-
cession, for which the Lords showed a commendable zeal;
but entering upon some inquiries respecting the foreign policy
of the ministers, the parliament was hastily prorogued upon
the 9th of July, and did not assemble again in this reign.
By this measure, the queen consulted her own ease, no less
than the protection of Bolingbroke; as it gave her a respite
from the discussion of subjects that were painful to her
feelings, whilst it saved her minister from an investigation
that he did not covet, and to which the Treasurer lent his
secret assistance.
S
The discords which had long reigned in the cabinet, and
had been hitherto smothered by a sense of mutual danger,
now broke out into an open rupture. Although such an
occurrence portended nothing less than the dissolution of
the ministry, yet such was the animosity of the rival minis-
ters, that nothing could restrain the fury of their resentment.
Oxford, who had so long enjoyed the favour of the queen,
presumed upon its continuance; but it had been undermined
by the intrigues of Bolingbroke, who accomplished his fall
by the same instrument that he had himself used in sup-
planting the Whigs. He had given offence to Lady Masham,
the royal favourite, by thwarting her in some schemes of
private gain, which she was to have shared with Bolingbroke
and others. She therefore supported the cause of his rival,
and recommended him to the queen as more entirely devoted
to her political views, which he sanctioned by obsequiousness
and flattery. In their contest for power, they dealt out the
bitterest reproaches and recriminations, which they carried
371
into the royal presence; so that the repose of the queen, no
less than public business, urged an immediate decision of the
quarrel. The intrigues of Oxford with the Electoral family,
and his cabals with the Whigs, which were not unknown to
the queen, conspired, with the representations of her favourite,
and the address of Bolingbroke, to alienate her from a minister
whose mysterious conduct had filled her with suspicion. She
therefore decided upon his removal, and took the staff from
his hands at Windsor upon the evening of the 27th of July,
before a successor was determined upon. After this, the
cabinet became a scene of anarchy and confusion.
The queen was now upon the borders of the grave. Her
disorder, which had been some time undermining her con-
stitution, was greatly aggravated by the broils of her
ministers, who were grasping at a power, which her situation
pointed out to be of a slender tenure. Bolingbroke, who
now aspired to the chief direction of affairs, was desirous
of retaining his situation as foreign minister, and therefore
proposed to put the Treasury in commission; but the re-
maining ministers could not agree upon the persons to be
named in it. This occasioned fresh dissensions, which were
carried into the queen's chamber, and prolonged with noise
and fierceness until past midnight. As a consequence of this
unseasonable disturbance, she was thrown into dreadful
agitation, followed by alarming symptoms, which continued
to increase, and indicated a speedy dissolution. In the
meantime, the privy council met, and thinking it highly
improper that the appointment of a Treasurer should be
delayed, agreed to recommend the Duke of Shrewsbury for
the office; which being intimated to the queen during a
lucid interval, she readily placed the staff in his hands.
The lofty Bolingbroke was now filled with rage and despair.
Atterbury, bishop of Rochester, who looked forward to the
privy-seal under his government, was equally outrageous,
and is said to have declared himself immediately for the
DISCORDS IN THE CABINET.
2 B 2
372
THE QUEEN DIES.
Pretender.(0) But their schemes of ambition were doomed
to receive a still more deadly blow; for the queen relapsed
soon afterwards into a state of insensibility, and upon the
following day, being the first of August, she expired, at
Kensington, in the fiftieth year of her age, and the thirteenth
of her reign.*
Queen Anne was in person well made, of a middle stature,
and latterly inclined to corpulency. With features strongly
marked, she possessed a countenance rather dignified than
agreeable. Her mental endowments, never above the ordi-
nary level, received a contracted bias in her education,
which unfitted her for a station and a period that demanded
expansion of intellect. The sermons of the clergy, indeed,
have extolled her for talents which were to be found only in
the great men she employed, and imparted to her a bor-
rowed lustre, of which she would have been wholly destitute
in any other station. But little attention is to be paid to
the panegyrics that have flowed from this quarter; as they
usually indicate a servile compliance with the ecclesiastical
orders at the expense of the other classes of the community.
In this perversion of character, which is not confined to the
monkish writers, a blind zeal for the interests of a party has
been celebrated as the perfection of piety, and the brutal
passions of hatred and revenge have been in higher esteem
than those qualities which exalt and dignify our nature.
In her domestic relations, the queen was mild, indulgent,
(0) The recommendation of the Duke of Shrewsbury is said to have been
influenced by the fallen Treasurer, which occasioned Bolingbroke to give
vent to his passion, in the following terms: "The blast of hell, and the
rage of a million of devils be on this cursed staff," said he, flinging the
purse, &c. on the ground: "It is he that has deceived us and broken all
our measures."—" Give away the staff!" said the bishop. "By Lucifer,
I could not have believed she durst have done it! What can we do with.
out it? We have but one way left, France and the lawful heir; it must,
and shall be done, by God."-Secret Hist. of the White Staff, p. 71.
*Tindal, Somerville, Macpherson, &c.
373
and affectionate. With a disposition naturally good, she
was kind and generous; warm in her friendships; but easily
imposed upon by the artful and designing. A natural
indolence, united with great timidity, unfitted her for the
arduous duties she was called upon to exercise; whilst her
passion for favorites, which rendered her little better than
a slave in her own house, and subjected her to constant
affronts and mortifications, removed her at a distance from
her people, and exposed her to all the turbulence of faction.
In her private habits, she was regular and exemplary; cor-
rect in her manners; and strict in the observance of the
religious forms in which she had been educated. In a
lower station, her virtues would have intitled her to respect;
but they were inadequate to procure her the distinction of a
wise and enlightened princess. With a capacity unequal
to the weight of government, particularly the government of
a people torn by parties, and inflamed by religious fanati-
cism, she yielded too readily to the arts of the ambitious,
who encircled her in their toils, and rendered her subser-
vient to the purposes of faction and intolerance.
It was the misfortune of this princess to be tutored in
principles flattering to her vanity, and fostered by the pre-
vailing clergy, to whom she was accustomed to pay a
superstitious deference. (P) From the Tories and High-
churchmen, she imbibed the most injurious errors upon
religion and government; being taught to identify the
former with the interests of the hierarchy, and to associate
the latter with those notions of the prerogative that proved
fatal both to her father and her grandfather. Under the
influence of these prejudices, she looked upon Whigs and
Dissenters as enemies to church and state; and when
necessity called the former to her councils, she gave her
confidence to their opponents. Her real principles, which
HER PRIVATE CHARACTER.
(P) When the Queen was receiving the Sacrament at Windsor, she
reproved the Clergyman administering, for giving it to her before the
Clergy who were present.-Coke's Detection, iii. 481.
374
began to be developed at the opening of her reign, but were
kept in abeyance by the wise and prudent conduct of
Godolphin, had full play during the latter and most in-
glorious portion of it, which will be remembered as one of
the most ignoble periods of English history. Mistaking the
real objects of government, she administered it for the
exclusive benefit of a powerful and intolerant party, whose
leader she was proud to declare herself, and was not ashamed
to avow the monstrous anomaly to her parliament. Flattered
by an early declaration in their favour, the high clergy took
every advantage of it, in order to accomplish the ruin of
other sects. As she was their queen, they were willing to be
thought the only people entitled to government, and were
for subjecting the remainder to the condition of Helots, fit
only for servile offices under their ecclesiastical regimen.
Imitating the policy of the Spartans, who excluded those
unfortunate persons from the recitations of their poets, lest
they should catch from their odes the precious spark of
liberty; so these modern tyrants were for separating from
the community of citizens, all who were not initiated in their
sacred mysteries. The necessities of the war rendering the
assistance of the proscribed people of some consequence,
their doom was deferred; although not without strong remon-
strances from those who were unable to grasp its policy, the
motive for which was coolly avowed by some of their own
writers. The day they sighed for at length arrived, when all
Protestants, save those of the episcopal persuasion, were to
be branded with infamy, shut out from the state, and de-
prived of their natural rights as parents and members of
civil society. Under this hopeful regimen, the grossest ab-
surdities were passed off to the people for religion; Chris-
tianity was made subservient to superstition and slavery;
the most despotic doctrines were inculcated in favour of
rulers; and the clergy were clothed with the power of tor-
menting their neighbours under the pretext of heresy. It
may seem extraordinary to those who are unread in ecclesias-
HER PRIVATE CHARACTER.
375
tical matters, that so quiet a thing as religion should be
made the instrument for conspiring against the liberties of
mankind. But it must be recollected, that those who have
been the most noisy in their zeal, have had political motives.
to gratify; and that it has been less for religion than for the
temporalities annexed to it, that they have turned the world
upside down. Without these incentives to ambition, men
would have had fewer inducements to persecute each other;
and having an interest in common, would have been satisfied
to contend for what is really valuable in religion, without the
sacrifice of those kindly feelings which are the most unequi-
vocal proof of its reality.
ASPECT OF HER REIGN.
No period of time was more distinguished for illustrious.
men in all professions, than that we have been reviewing. In
military reputation, it rivalled the age of the Edwards and
the Henrys, and was equally conspicuous for the arts as for
arms. Yet, in no reign was the human character more de-
based by a spirit of party, engendered by sordid ambition,
and scattering the seeds of discord and enmity between man
and man.
In contemplating the causes that led to this re-
sult, a comparison between this and the former reign, places
in the strongest light, the importance of enlightened principles
in those who are called to preside over the destinies of nations.
When princes are tutored in sectarian feelings, or with a bias
to political parties, it narrows the mind, and damps the
ardour of those generous feelings which are essential to the
distribution of justice. Prejudices acquired in early life are
not easily surmounted afterwards, particularly by persons in
high stations, who are usually surrounded by an atmosphere
inimical to improvement, and whose occupations and engage-
ments indispose them to deliberate inquiry. With this
queen, ended the line of the Stuarts, who, for more than a
century, had plagued the nation with their tyranny and their
bigotry; entailing upon posterity but little respect for their
government, and an odiousremembrance of their vices.
1
CHAPTER XV.
Accession of George I.-Inactivity of the Pretender.-Subversion of the
Tories.-Coronation, and Riots.—Exasperated feelings of Political Parties.
De Foe's Treatment by the Whigs.-His Claims to Favour.- Disre-
garded by the new Government.-Complains of his hard Measure.-Secret
History of the White Staff-Pamphlets produced by it.-Dissolution of Par-
liament.-Contest of Political Parties.—Atterbury's " English Advice.".
De Foe's Reply.-" Hymn to the Mob."-De Foe's Political Life draws
to a Close.-Reflections upon his Services. He publishes “ An Appeal to
Honour and Justice.”—Extracts from the Work, in Defence of his Poli-
tical Conduct.-He is struck with Apoplexy.
1714-1715.
M
THE accession of George the First took place in a more
peaceable manner than was generally expected. Although
the measures pursued during the latter years of the queen,
and her known sentiments in favour of the Pretender, had
given strength to the Jacobite interest, yet, as no decisive
step had been taken to change the succession, it was suffered
to take its legal course. Upon the first notice of the queen's
death, the privy-council assembled, and issued orders for the
proclamation of the king, which was performed with the
usual solemnities. The suddenness of the event shed a deep
gloom over the Jacobites, who had realized triumphs in their
imagination, which were now dashed to the ground. Their
hopes from the French king were cut off by his acknowledg-
ment of the Elector, and a formal declaration of his intention
to keep the peace. The Pretender, instead of appearing im-
EXASPERATED FEELINGS OF POLITICAL PARTIES. 377
mediately in England, where he would have found a sufficient
number of partizans to embarrass the new government, re-
mained inactive in Lorraine. The impolicy of his conduct
was the more glaring, as the new king did not arrive in
England until the 18th of September, seven weeks after the
death of the queen.
But a prince, who had not sufficient
courage and enterprize to venture himself for such a stake,
under such favourable circumstances, showed a meanness of
soul unworthy of a crown, and held out a rebuke to his fol-
lowers. Although, without the assistance of France, his
final success was problematical, yet the prejudice in his
favour amongst the Tories, and the assistance he would have
derived from the clergy, were sufficient to invite a contest,
whatever might have been its result.
One of the most important consequences resulting from a
change of dynasty, was the subversion of those political
theories which had been hitherto the support of the Tories,
but of which they at length grew ashamed; and losing their
credit with the people, found refuge only in a few of the
clergy. In effecting this change, the character of the new
government had a decided influence. Before the arrival of
the king, Bolingbroke was dismissed with marks of disgrace;
and the other ministers were replaced by persons better af-
fected to the Protestant interest, and more agreeable to the
wishes of the nation. The government being now restored to
a healthy state, after a long season of turbulence and faction,
the coronation was performed with great magnificence upon
the 20th of October, and celebrated with demonstrations of
joy in most parts of the kingdom. In some few places, in-
deed, attempts were made to raise mobs and tumults for the
church; but they were quickly suppressed by the civil power,
which was lampooned in libels and seditious ballads, accord-
ing to the cant of the former reign. These, however, were
but the overflowings of gall from a disappointed party, greedy
of the prey that had escaped from its fangs.
378
DE FOE'S CLAIMS TO FAVOUR.
So sudden and complete a revolution could not but affect
the fortunes of many individuals, who might be expected to
raise a clamorous opposition, which required promptness and
energy to counteract. In the exasperated state of political
parties, nothing but the severest retaliations were now ex-
pected. From the moment of the queen's death, the Whigs
considered the day their own, and began to triumph in the
fall of their opponents: all their misdeeds were immediately
dragged to view; and those who had been the most deeply
concerned, were threatened with exemplary punishment. The
most unmanly insults were now heaped upon those who were
considered in any way accessary to their measures; nor did
any escape who had not run the full career of opposition.
with the Whigs.
From these censures De Foe had no reason to expect an
exemption. His connexion with Lord Oxford was alone
sufficient to preclude him from the favour of the Whigs, who
regarded him, although unjustly, as a political adversary.
The moderation he had observed in his writings led them to
view him as an object of suspicion; but they were exaspe-
rated beyond measure at his opposition to them upon some
points to which they bent all their strength against the late
ministers; whilst his zeal for liberty, and for the Hanover
succession, rendered him equally obnoxious to the Tories and
Jacobites. It is not surprising, therefore, that much unde-
served abuse was heaped upon him in the publications of the
times, by both parties. As he owed every thing to the favour
of Lord Oxford, the fall of that minister was the signal of
his ruin; for the changes that so quickly succeeded, opened
the
way to a party that was hostile to his person, and made
him responsible for offences which were his greatest abhor-
rence. The Hanoverian succession had been a just cause of
triumph to the Whigs, who were the first to reap its benefits;
and it would have been well if they had dropped their poli-
tical resentments. No writer in the late reign had pleaded
COMPLAINS OF HIS HARD MEASURE.
379
the cause of that succession with greater zeal than De Foe.
In a series of pamphlets, argumentative and satirical, he had
laid open the designs of the Jacobites, and exposed their
sophistry; he had warned his countrymen of the evils they
were to expect from a Popish Pretender, and had conjured
them to hold fast to the Protestant settlement. Yet, instead
of being rewarded for his past services and sufferings, he was
discountenanced by the government, and maligned by a party
that reaped the benefit of his services. There can be no
doubt that he now lost the appointment for which he had
been indebted to the fallen minister. Thus, whilst upon
public grounds he had reason to congratulate his countrymen
upon their recent triumph, such was the untowardness of his
own fate, that it was to him productive only of loss and
affliction.
Of the hard measure that was now dealt out to him, he
thus complains. "No sooner was the queen dead, and the
king, as right required, proclaimed, but the rage of men in-
creased upon me to that degree, that the threats and insults
I received were such as I am not able to express. If I offered
to say a word in favour of the present settlement, it was
called fawning and turning round again. On the other hand,
though I have meddled neither one way or other, nor written
one book since the queen's death, yet a great many things
are called by my name, and I bear every day the reproaches
which all the answerers of those books cast as well upon the
subject as the authors. I have not seen nor spoken to my
Lord of Oxford but once since the king's landing, nor re-
ceived the least message, order, or writing, from his lordship,
or any other way corresponded with him; yet he bears the
reproach of my writing in his defence, and I the rage of men
for doing it. I cannot say it is no affliction to me to be thus
used, though my being entirely clear of the fact, is a true
support to me."*
Appeal to Honour and Justice, pp. 55, 56.
380
The above passage was written some months after the
king's arrival, and forms part of an elaborate defence of him-
self, published in the following year. From his own acknow-
ledgment, it seems that he had sent nothing to the press
since the death of the queen; yet a work of some celebrity
that now made its appearance, has been commonly ascribed
to him, and upon that account, some notice of it may be
expected in this place. Boyer, in his "Political State," for
October, 1714, says, "by this time, the treasonable design to
bring in the Pretender, was manifested to the world by the
agent of one of the late managers, De Foe, in his History of
the White-Staff. 'The Detection of the Secret History of the
White Staff,' which was soon published, confidently tells us,
that it was written by De Foe, as is to be seen by his abun-
dance of words, his false thoughts, and his false English."
The work thus alluded to by Boyer, is intitled, "The Secret
History of the White Staff: being an Account of Affairs
under the Conduct of some late Ministers, and of what might
probably have happened if her majesty had not died. Lon-
don: J. Baker, 1714." 8vo. pp. 71. It was followed by a
second part, with a similar title, in the same year, and in the
following, a third part was added, completing the work; but
the author intimates, that many other matters of a public
nature still remained undisclosed, although necessary to a
complete elucidation of the subject.
Oldmixon, who probably copied Boyer, also ascribes this
work to De Foe. "One cannot doubt," says he, "but the
Secret History of the White Staff, a pamphlet Foe wrote
soon after King George's accession to the throne, was by the
Earl of Oxford's direction, and that the most natural hints.
for it came from him, because the whole treatise is calculated
for his vindication; and Foe depended upon him too much
to dare to publish any such thing without his participation
and consent *." Dr. Hawkesworth and other writers have
* Oldmixon's England, iii. 537.
SECRET HISTORY OF THE WHITE STAFF.
SECRET HISTORY OF THE WHITE STAFF.
381
also assigned the work to De Foe; but they probably drew
their information from the same traditional source, by which
means the notion has descended from one writer to another.
Mr. Chalmers says, that the tradition amongst the buyers
and sellers of old books is, that it was written by the Duke
of Argyle; a circumstance by no means probable. It is
certain that De Foe had the credit of it at the time, and the
most prevailing tradition has continued to appropriate it to
him ever since (q).
The object of this Secret History, which unfolds a variety
of circumstances that intitle it to be so called, was to explain
the policy pursued by Lord Oxford, from the time of his sup-
planting the Whig ministry, and to elucidate the conduct
of his colleagues until they succeeded in wresting the staff
from his hands. It was considered at the time to have been
written under his direction, if not by himself, and was cer-
tainly the work of a person who had been admitted to his
confidence. The facts it details throw much light upon the
intrigues of his cabinet, which being composed of persons
directly opposed to the views of its chief, produced a long
series of conflicts, and a system of counteraction that operated
as a check to his policy, and at length undermined his
power. As a vindication of Lord Oxford, it was calculated
to produce a strong impression in his favour; and as the
work passed through several editions, it probably succeeded
to a certain extent, especially as some of its leading facts were
borne out by other concurring testimonies. But still there
remained behind many heavy charges, which had been either
overlooked, or only partially glanced at by his historian (R).
(Q) It is ascribed to De Foe, in "Remarks on a late libel called English
Advice, 1715;" in "The History of the Mitre and the Purse, 1715;" in
"The History of Impeachments, 1716," p. 336; and in other publications.
of the time. The author of the first of these works, asks "Who is this staff?
Is it not the prime of all the late ministers, or his mercenary, the Review?
Has not the latter owned himself to be the author of it, and has his faction
once disowned him in it?
(R) Arbuthnot, writing to Swift, October 19, 1714, says, "You have read
-
382
PAMHPLETS PRODUCED BY IT.
This effort to clear the character of Lord Oxford at the ex-
pence of his colleagues, was the signal of a storm that gathered
with increasing violence; and whilst it was injurious to all
the parties concerned, afforded sport to their common enemies.
The historian was soon replied to in "A Detection of the
Sophistry and Falsities of the Pamphlet intitled 'The Secret
History of the White Staff,' containing an Enquiry into the
Staff's conduct in the late management, particularly with
respect to the Protestant succession. 7th ed. London, J.
Roberts, 1714.” In the following passage, the author points
to De Foe as his antagonist; but the blunders he falls into
shew how ill qualified he was to write upon such matters.
"Five or six days ago," says he,
(
"out comes the Secret
History of the White Staff,' written by De Foe, as is to be
seen by his abundance of words, his false thoughts, and false
English. The man who set him to work, paid him a pension
during all the time of his management, though he had helped
to set him in the pillory seven or eight years before. He gave
him for this work, so necessary to his own preservation, as
many parcels and hints of memoirs as he thought convenient,
which the honest author of 'The Shortest Way with the Dis-
senters,' of 'Jure Divino,' of the Review, of' What if the Pre-
tender should come?' of the 'Mercator,' and an hundred other
such scriptions, was hired to put into his sweet way of writ-
ing, to amuse people, if he could not convince them." The
author followed his "Detection" by a "Second Part," which
was published in the same year. Many other pamphlets
ere this time, The History of the White Staff, which is either contrived by
an enemy, or by himself, to bring down vengeance; and I have told some
of his nearest friends so. All the Dragon (Lord Oxford) can say, will not
give him one single friend amongst the whole party; and therefore, I even
wonder at him, which you will say is a strange thing. The very great person
of all can hardly speak of him with patience."-Again. "The Dragon
denies it; but as I told the Governor, it is necessary for him to do that in
a very solemn and strong manner; else, there will be a ripping answer, as
you say."-Swift's Letters, II. 16, 18.
d
383
were elicited upon this occasion; but the recriminations that
flowed with so much bitterness as well as rapidity, could not
but disserve all the parties, whilst they exposed the vulnerable
points of their conduct to the gaze of the multitude. These
party publications, however, are not without their use, and
may be perused with advantage, making a due allowance for
the partialities of the writers, by those who would gain an
accurate knowledge of the state of affairs during the last
ministry of Queen Anne. (s)
PAMPHLETS PRODUCED BY IT.
(s) The other pamphlet to which the "White Staff" gave birth, were,
1. "Considerations upon the Secret History of the White Staff. Humbly
addressed to the E of O~~, 5th ed. Lond. A Moore." no date.
2. "The Secret History of the White Staff, &c. with a detection of the So-
phistry and Falsities of the said Pamphlet. Lond. R. Matthews, 1714."
3. "The History of the Mitre and Purse, in which the First and Second
Parts of the Secret History of the White Staff are fully considered, and the
Hypocrisy and Villanies of the Staff himself are laid open and detected.
Lond. J. Morphew. 1714." 4. "The History of the Mitre and Purse. Part
II. Wherein the Villanies of the Staff are further detected, and the conduct
of the late ministers that would not join with him in betraying their Queen
and Country, is more amply set forth in the Discovery of several private
transactions, not yet made public. Lond. J. Morphew. 1714." 5. "Consi-
derations on the History of the Mitre and Purse, Shewing that the Design
of the late Managers of Staff, Mitre, and Purse, in setting their Historians
to work, was only to raise a little Dust, that they might escape in the cloud.
To which are added, some Particular Passages af Secret History relating to
the Purse and the Mitre. Lond. J. Roberts, 1714." 6. "The Conduct of
the Purse of Ireland. In a Letter to a Member of the late Oxford Convo-
cation, occasioned by their having conferred the degree of Doctor, upon Sir
C▬▬▬ P——. Lond. J. Roberts, 1714." 7." A Dialogue between the
Staff, the Mitre, and the Purse. With a Conclusion by Lord John Bull.
By One who knows them all. Lond. J. Roberts. 1715." 8. "The Secret
History of the White Staff, Purse, and Mitre. Written by a Person of
Honour. Lond. S. Keimer. 1715." 9. "The Secret History of State In-
trigues, in the Management of the Sceptre in the late Reign. Lond. S.
Keimer. 1715.” 10. "A Supplement to the Secret History of the White
Staff. Containing, I. Dr. Friend's Character of the Staff. II. Dr. Atter-
bury's Character of the Purse. III. Dr. Smalridge's Character of the Mitre.
Lond. J. Roberts. 1715."
384
The parliament which had been prorogued by the Lords
Justices before the king's arrival, was dissolved by procla-
mation, upon the 5th of January, 1715. Great exertions
were made by the two great political parties, to secure the
return of their friends, to which each was urged by the
strongest motives of personal safety. The late ministers
having every reason to expect that they would be called to
account for their proceedings, their only hope of averting
the storm was by influencing the elections. In order to
this, many pamphlets were written to justify their conduct,
and to raise discontents in the people, by representing the
church in danger from the present government. This
artifice had succeeded so well upon a former occasion, that
great stress was laid upon it in this emergency: and Atter-
bury employed his pen to enforce it, in a pamphlet intitled,
"English Advice to the Freeholders of England." Nothing
can exceed the bold and haughty tone of this work. In
powerful and unmeasured language, unrestrained by decency,
and fired by disappointment, the angry prelate poured forth
torrents of libellous matter upon the king, the ministers,
and the whole body of Whigs. In his view, these were
all enemies to the church, and therefore unfit to hold the
reins of government, which, according to his taste, could be
safely administered only by Tories and high-churchmen.
The misrepresentations and falsehoods of this writer, pre-
sented through the most insinuating medium, were well
calculated to impose upon the credulity of persons trained
to such doctrines as were taught in the universities, and
vented in the pulpit of religion. Great pains were taken
to circulate his pamphlet, particularly in those places where
the people were most likely to be infected by the poison.
But so gross an outrage upon public decency was not
allowed to escape the vigilance of the government. A
proclamation was issued, offering a thousand pounds for the
DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.
385
""
apprehension of the author, and five hundred pounds for
the printer. Isaac Dalton, the latter, was apprehended,
tried, and convicted; but the author escaped with impunity.
Many answers were published to Atterbury's pamphlet,
and amongst them one that bears strong marks of our
author's pen.
It is intitled "A Reply to a traitorous
Libel, intitled' English Advice to the Freeholders of Great
Britain.' London: printed for J. Baker. 1715." 8vo. pp. 40.
The writer thinks that more importance had been attached
to the libel than it justly deserved. "There are no less
than fifteen or sixteen paragraphs in the book," says he,
against which nothing more need be written than this:
The Freeholders of England know this to be false. There
are as many more against which it might be writ, Not a
word of this can be made out. Many more places have
nothing to enforce their raillery, but the names of plunderer,
witch, infamous, and such like; against which, writing this
marginal note would be more than sufficient: Billingsgate
proves nothing. The whole composure is a mixture of party
fury, with notorious slander and forgery. The writer
appears vain of affronting the royal family, and yet strives
to represent the high-churchmen as having deserved well
of the king, and being fast friends to the Hanover suc-
cession!" The assurance that could dictate such an asser-
tion, corresponded with the effrontery of other passages, in
which the religion of the king is represented as little better
than popery, and the Whigs are stigmatized as entirely
destitute either of religion or morality. "It were to be
wished," says our author, "the men of honour of this age,
be they of which party soever, were more blessed with
religious principles, and showed more of them in their
practice. But this author is the first I ever met with,
who offered to recommend the high-flying churchmen for
men of more virtue and piety than the Whigs: God mend
them on every side is a prayer of charity. But to say that
VOL. III.
2 c
CONTEST OF POLITICAL PARTIES.
386
(6
55
HYMN TO THE MOB.'
high-church has more religion than low-church, is just as
true as that Lutheranism is as bad as Popery."
The rioting that took place in various parts of England,
to demonstrate the loyalty of the high-church party, gave
rise to a publication at this time, which has been commonly
ascribed to our author. It is intitled "A Hymn to the Mob.
London printed and sold by S. Popping, in Paternoster-
Row, &c. 1715." 8vo. pp. 40. It is a poem in Pindaric
verse, very much in the style of De Foe, and is introduced
by a preface of six pages, in which the author records his
opinion against the expression of public feeling by mobs and
rioting. Subjects may be uneasy under a government, and
there is a legal way for representing their grievances; but
rabbles and tumults he considers to be indications of a
bad cause, and involving those who engage in them, as
friends to the Pretender. "In such a time as this, he
cannot be a good member of the commonwealth, as well as
a good subject of the king, who does not, as far as in him
lies, separate himself from, and declare himself against this
abominable temper of rabble and rebellion. This is the
reason of the present performance, in which the author, to
the utmost of his power, declares against mobs, and endea-
vours to expose the people to themselves, that every man
may see reason to avoid and abhor the insults offered to the
present government, as he himself does."
De Foe's political life was now drawing to a close.
During a period of more than thirty years, he had taken
an active part in public affairs, either as a warm partizan of
liberal politics, or in opposing the factions of the times.
In the course of the contest, he had been involved in per-
sonal quarrels, and had met with some severe rebukes;
but the fortitude of his mind at all times rose superior to
his difficulties, and enabled him to triumph in the rectitude
DE FOE'S POLITICAL LIFE DRAWS TO A CLOSE. 387
of his principles. He had now arrived at a period of life
when the mind seeks repose from the turbulence of faction;
and the course of political events having thrown him in the
back ground, he was destined to beat out a new path to
fame, which will render his name respected, when temporary
politics are forgotten.
But, if De Foe is known to posterity chiefly by those
works of genius which he composed after this period, yet, it
should not be forgotten that the active portion of his life,
which he passed in politics, obtained him distinction with
his contemporaries, and entitle him to more notice than he
has hitherto received. If the character of men, and of
nations, is deeply affected by the possession or loss of
liberty, as we are taught by the examples of ancient and
modern times, then we cannot estimate too highly the
labours of those individuals who have illustrated and con-
tended for its benefits. De Foe lived at a period when the
liberties of his country were endangered, first of all by the
measures of an arbitrary court; and afterwards, under the
guidance of unprincipled leaders, by a base and servile
population. In both cases he stood in the gap, inspired
by the genius of patriotism, and undaunted by persecution.
His numerous productions in defence of civil and religious
liberty, were of essential service in awakening attention
to the subject, and abating the confidence of its opponents.
By a skilful use of his talents, he destroyed the strong holds
of tyranny and priestcraft, and pointed out to his country-
men the truest sources of national prosperity. If it is in
the nature of political writings to be little valued when the
period of their usefulness has subsided; still, we must not
forget to cherish the memory of those by whom the benefit
has been conferred. It has been justly remarked by one of
our author's biographers, that "Political writings, like those
of De Foe, which are calculated to promote the interests of
general liberty, and not the private views of any particular
2c2
388
EXTRACTS FROM HIS WORK,
party, are highly beneficial to human society, and may con-
tribute more to advance the common happiness of great
communities, than any mere works of imagination. *
In withdrawing from the tumult of parties, De Foe con-
sidered that he had an account to settle with the world, for
the part he had taken in politics. The ill usage he had
so long experienced both from friends and enemies, but
more particularly the former, whose ingratitude touched
him most sensibly, was greatly aggravated by the miscon-
struction that had been put upon his writings. This now
led him to take a review of his political life, and produced
a narrative distinguished for its simplicity and manliness,
whilst it furnishes a satisfactory defence of his conduct. It
is intitled, "An Appeal to Honour and Justice, though it
be of his worst enemies. By Daniel De Foe. Being a
true Account of his Conduct in Public Affairs. Jer. xvii. 18.
London: printed for J. Baker, 1715." 8vo. pp. 58.
This touching appeal opens in the following manner." I
hope the time is come at last, when the voice of moderate
principles may be heard. Hitherto the noise has been so
great, and the prejudices and passions of men so strong,
that it had been but in vain to offer any argument, or for
any man to talk of giving a reason for his actions: and this
alone has been the cause why, when other men, who, I
think, have less to say in their own defence, are appealing
to the public, and struggling to defend themselves, I alone
have been silent under the infinite clamours and reproaches,
causeless curses, unusual threatenings, and the most unjust
and injurious treatment, in the world.
"I hear much of people calling out to punish the guilty;
but very few are concerned to clear the innocent. I hope
some will be inclined to judge impartially, and have yet
reserved so much of the Christian, as to believe, and at least.
* Biog. Brit.-Art. De Foɛ.
•
389
to hope, that a rational creature cannot abandon himself so
as to act without some reason, and are willing not only to
have me defend myself, but to be able to answer for me,
when they hear me causelessly insulted by others, and,
therefore, are willing to have such just arguments put into
their mouths, as the cause will bear.
"As for those who are prepossessed, and according to
the modern justice of parties are resolved to be so, let
them go; I am not arguing with them, but against them;
they act so contrary to justice, to reason, to religion, so
contrary to the rules of Christians and of good manners,
that they are not to be argued with, but to be exposed,
or entirely neglected. I have a receipt against all the
uneasiness which it may be supposed to give me, and that
is, to contemn slander, and think it not worth the least.
concern; neither should I think it worth while to give any
answer to it, if it were not on some other accounts of
which I shall speak as I go on."
The motives that led to the publication, are thus affectingly
enumerated. "1. I think I have long enough been made
Fabula Vulgi, and borne the weight of general slander; and
I should be wanting to truth, to my family, and to myself,
if I did not give a fair and true state of my conduct, for
impartial men to judge of, when I am no more in being to
answer for myself. 2. By the hint of mortality, and by the
infirmities of a life of sorrow and fatigue, I have reason to
think I am not a great way off from, if not very near to the
great ocean of eternity, and the time may not be long ere
I embark on the last voyage. Wherefore, I think I should
even accounts with this world before I go, that no actions
(slanders) may lie against my heirs, executors, administrators
and assigns, to disturb them in the peaceable possession of
their father's (character) inheritance. 3. I fear, God grant
I have not a second sight in it, that this lucid interval of
temper and moderation, which shines, though dimly too
IN DEFENCE OF HIS POLITICAL CONDUCT.
390
EXTRACTS FROM HIS WORK,
upon us at this time, will be but of short continuance,
and that some men, who know not how to use the advan-
tage God has put into their hands with moderation, will
push, in spite of the best prince in the world, at such
extravagant things, and act with such an intemperate for-
wardness, as will revive the heats and animosities which
wise and good men were in hopes should be allayed by
the happy accession of the king to the throne."
De Foe takes a concise view of his conduct in the two
former reigns; in the course of which he recounts his in-
troduction to King William, his obligations to Harley, and
his employment by the queen; the particulars of which have
been already noticed. He then proceeds to give an account
of his conduct under the late administration, and the motives
by which he was influenced. He records his gratitude to
the queen and her chief minister; and foreseeing what would
be alleged against him upon that account, he manfully
declares, "That no obligation to the queen, or to any bene-
factor, can justify any man's acting against the interest of
his country, against his principles, his conscience, and his
former professions." Having given his adversaries every
advantage they could desire in this respect, he says,
"It is none of my work to enter into the conduct of the
queen or of the ministry in this case, the question is not
what they have done, but what I have done? and though
I am very far from thinking of them as some other people
think, yet for the sake of the present argument, I am
to give them all up, and suppose, though not granting,
that all which is suggested of them by the worst temper,
the most censorious writer, the most scandalous pamphlet
or lampoon should be true; and I'll go through some of
the particulars, as I meet with them in public; that they
made a scandalous peace; unjustly broke the alliance; be-
trayed the confederates; and sold us all to the French.
God forbid it should be all truth, in the manner that we see
1
391
it in print; but that I say is none of my business. For what
hand had I in all this? I never wrote one word for the
peace
before it was made, or to justify it after it was made; let them
produce it if they can. Nay, in a Review upon that subject,
while it was making, I printed it in plainer words than other
men durst speak it at that time, that I did not like the peace,
nor did I like any peace that was making since that of the
Partition, and that the Protestant interest was not taken care
of either in that or the treaty of Gertrudenburgh before it.
"It is true, I did say, that since the peace was made,
and we could not help it, that it was our business to make
the utmost advantage of it by commerce, navigation, and all
kind of improvement that we could, and this I say still; and
I must think it is more our duty to do so, than the exclama-
tions against the thing itself, which it is not in our power
to retrieve. This is all that the worst enemy I have can
charge me with. After the peace was made, and the Dutch
and the Emperor stood out, I gave my opinion of what 1
foresaw would necessarily be the consequence of that differ-
ence, viz.—that it would inevitably involve these nations in
a war with one or other of them: any one who was master
of common sense in the publick affairs might see that the
standing out of the Dutch could have no other event. For
if the confederates had conquered the French, they would
certainly have fallen upon us by way of resentment, and
there was no doubt but the same councils that led us to
make a peace would oblige us to maintain it, by preventing
too great impressions upon the French. On the other hand,
I alleged, that should the French prevail against the Dutch,
unless he stopped at such limitations of conquest as the
treaty obliged him to do, we must have been under the same
necessity to renew the war against France; and for this
reason, seeing we had made a peace, we were obliged to
bring the rest of the confederates into it, and to bring
IN DEFENCE OF HIS POLITICAL CONDUCT.
392
EXTRACTS FROM HIS WORK,
the French to give them all such terms as they ought to be
satisfied with.
"This way of arguing was either so little understood, or
so much maligned, that I suffered innumerable reproaches in
print, for having written for a war with the Dutch, which
was neither in the expression, nor ever in my imagination ;
but I pass by these injuries as small and trifling, compared
to others I suffer under. However, one thing I must say of
the peace, let it be be good or ill in itself, I cannot but
think we have all reason to rejoice in behalf of his present
majesty, that at his accession to the crown, he found the
nation in peace, and had the hands of the king of France
tied up so as not to be able, without the most infamous
breach of articles, to offer the least disturbance to his taking
a quiet and leisurely possession, or so much as to countenance
those that would. Not but that I believe, if the war had
been at the height, we should have been able to have pre-
served the crown for his present majesty, its only rightful
lord; but I will not say it should have been so easy, so
bloodless, so undisputed as now; and all the difference must
be acknowledged to the peace, and this is all the good I
ever yet said of it.”
In his further vindication upon a point in which he had
been so grossly misrepresented, he says, "I come next to the
general clamour of the ministry being for the Pretender. I
must speak my sentiments solemnly and plainly, as I always
did in that matter, viz. that if it was so, I did not see it, nor
did I ever see reason to believe it; this I am sure of, that, if
it was so, I never took one step in that kind of service, nor
did I ever hear one word spoken by any one of the ministry,
that I had the honour to know or converse with, that favoured
the Pretender; but have had the honour to hear them all
protest, that there was no design to oppose the succession of
Hanover in the least. It may be objected to me, that they
393
might be in the interest of the Pretender for all that: it is
true they might; but that is nothing to me. I am not vin-
dicating their conduct, but my own; as I never was em-
ployed in any thing that way, so I do still protest, I do not
believe it was ever in their design, and I have many reasons
to confirm my thoughts, which are not material to the present
case. But be that as it will, it is enough to me that I acted
nothing in any such interest, neither did I ever sin against
the Protestant succession of Hanover in thought, word, or
deed; and if the ministry did, I did not see it, or so much as
suspect them of it. It was a disaster to the ministry, to be
driven to the necessity of taking that set of men by the hand,
who, nobody can deny, were in that interest: but as the
former ministry answered, when they were charged with a
design to overthrow the church, because they were favoured,
joined with, and were united to the Dissenters; I say they
answered, that they made use of the Dissenters, but granted
them nothing (which by the way was too true:) so these
gentlemen answer, that it is true they made use of Jacobites,
but did nothing for them. But this by the by. Necessity is
pleaded by both parties for doing things which neither side
can justify. I wish both sides would for ever avoid the
necessity of doing evil; for certainly it is the worst plea in
the world, and generally made use of for the worst things.
IN VINDICATION OF HIS CHARACTER.
"I have often lamented the disaster which employing
Jacobites was to the late ministry, and certainly it gave the
greatest handle to their enemies. But there was no medium.
The Whigs refused to shew them a safe retreat, or to give
them the least opportunity to take any other measures, but
at the risk of their own destruction; and they ventured upon
that course, in hopes of being able to stand alone at last
without help of either the one or the other; in which, no
doubt, they were mistaken. However, in this part, as I was
always assured, and have good reason still to believe, that
her majesty was steady in the interest of the house of
!
394
EXTRACTS FROM HIS WORK,
Hanover, so, as nothing was ever offered to me, or required
of me, to the prejudice of that interest, on what ground can I
be reproached with the secret reserved designs of any, if they
had such designs, as I still verily believe they had not?
"I see there are some men who would fain persuade the
world, that every man that was in the interest, or employed
by the late government, or that served the late queen, was
for the Pretender. God forbid this should be true; and I
think there needs very little to be said in answer to it. I
can answer for myself, that it is notoriously false; and I
think the easy and uninterrupted accession of his majesty to
the crown, contradicts it. I see no end which such a sug-
gestion aims at, but to leave an odium upon all that had any
duty or regard to her late majesty. A subject is not always
master of his sovereign's measures, nor always to examine
what persons or parties the prince he serves employs, so be
it that they break not in upon the constitution; that they
govern according to law, and that he is employed in no
illegal act. If this be not right, then a servant of the king's
is in a worse case than a servant to any private person. In
all these things I have not erred; neither have I acted or
done any thing in the whole course of my life, either in the
service of her majesty, or of her ministry, that any one can
say has the least deviation from the strictest regard to the
Protestant succession, and to the laws and liberties of my
country. I never saw an arbitrary action offered at, a law
dispensed with, justice denied, or oppression set up either by
queen or ministry, in any branch of the administration
wherein I had the least concern."
The cause of the clamour raised against him by the Whigs,
and the motives that influenced him, he states thus. "If I
have sinned against the Whigs, it has been all negatively,
viz. that I have not joined in the loud exclamations against
the queen and ministry, and against their measures; and if
this be my crime, my plea is two-fold. 1. I did not really
395
see cause for carrying their complaints to that violent degree.
2. Where I did see what, as before, I lamented and was
sorry for, and could not join with, or approve; as joining
with Jacobites, the peace, &c., my obligation is my plea for
my silence."
IN DEFENCE OF HIS POLITICAL CONDUCT.
His testimony to the character of a fallen minister, then in
the Tower upon a charge of high-treason, reflects honour
upon his courage and fidelity. In vindicating Lord Oxford,
he repels a slander that had been often levelled at himself,
and hints at his own services, which were well known to
some of the greatest men in the nation.
"I have all the good thoughts of the person, and good
wishes for the prosperity of my benefactor, that charity and
gratitude can inspire me with. I ever believed him to have
the true interest of the Protestant religion, and of his country
in his view; if it should be otherwise, I should be very sorry.
And I must repeat it again, that he always left me so en-
tirely to my own judgment, in every thing I did, that he
never prescribed to me what I should write, or should not
write in my life; neither did he ever concern himself to dic-
tate to, or restrain me in any kind; nor did he see any one
tract that I ever wrote before it was printed: so that all the
notion of my writing by his direction, is as much a slander
upon him as it is possible any thing of that kind can be;
and if I have written any thing which is offensive, unjust, or
untrue, I must do that justice as to declare he has no hand
in it; the crime is my own. As the reproach of his directing
me to write, is a slander upon the person I am speaking of,
so that of my receiving pensions and payments from him for
writing, is a slander upon me; and I speak it with the
greatest sincerity, seriousness, and solemnity that it is pos-
sible for a Christian man to speak, that except the appoint-
ment I mentioned before, which her majesty was pleased to
make me formerly, and which I received during the time of
my Lord Godolphin's ministry, I have not received of the
396
EXTRACTS FROM HIS WORK,
late Lord-Treasurer or of any one else by his order, knowledge,
or direction, one farthing, or the value of a farthing, during
the whole of his administration; nor has all the interest I
have been supposed to have, in his Lordship, been able to
procure me the arrears due to me in the time of the other
ministry. So help me God."
"I am under no necessity of making this declaration.
The services I did, and for which her majesty was pleased to
make me a small allowance, are known to the greatest men in
the present administration; and some of them were then of
the opinion, and I hope are so still, that I was not un-
worthy of her majesty's favour. The effect of those services,
however small, are enjoyed by those great persons, and by
the whole nation to this day; and I had the honour once to
be told,' that they should never be forgotten.' It is a mis-
fortune, that no man can avoid, to forfeit for his deference to
the person and services of his Queen, to whom he was inex-
pressibly obliged; and if I am fallen under the displeasure
of the present government for anything I ever did in obe-
dience to her majesty in the past, I may say it is my disaster;
but I can never say it is my fault."
He then notices another grievance he had to complain of.
"This brings me again to that other oppression which as I said
I suffer under, and which, I think, is of a kind, that no man
ever suffered under so much as myself; and this is to have
every libel, every pamphlet, be it ever so foolish, so malicious,
so unmannerly, or so dangerous, be laid at my door, and be
called publicly by my name. It has been in vain for me to
struggle with this injury. It has been in vain for me to protest,
to declare solemnly, nay, if I would have sworn that I had no
hand in such a book or paper, never saw it, never read it, and
the like, it was the same thing. My name has been hackneyed
about the street by the hawkers, and about the coffee-houses
by the politicians, at such a rate as no patience could bear.
One man will swear to the style; another to this or that
397
expression; another to the way of printing; and all so positive
that it is to no purpose to oppose it. I published once, to stop
this way of using me, that I would print nothing but
what I set my name to, and I held it for a year or two;
but it was all one; I had the same treatment. I now
have resolved for some time, to write nothing at all: and
yet I find it the same thing. Two books lately published
being called mine, for no other reason that I know of, than
that, at the request of the printer, I revised two sheets of
them at the press, and that they seemed to be written in
favour of a certain person; which person also, as I have
been assured, had no hand in them or any knowledge of them,
till they were published in print. This is a flail which I have
no fence against, but to complain of the injustice of it, and
that is but the shortest way to be treated with the more injus-
tice. I do grant, had all the books which have been called
by my name been written by me, I must of necessity have
exasperated every side, and perhaps have deserved it; but I
have the greatest injustice imaginable in this treatment, as I
have in the perverting the design of what really I have
written.
IN DEFENCE OF HIS POLITICAL CONDUCT.
;
In summing up his complaints, he manfully declares his
patriotism and his integrity. "I was, from my first entering
into the knowledge of public matters, and have ever been to
this day, a sincere lover of the constitution of my country
zealous for liberty and the Protestant interest; but a constant
follower of moderate principles; a vigorous opposer of hot
measures in all parties. I never once changed my opinion,
my principles, or my party; and let what will be said of
changing sides, this I maintain, that I never once deviated
from the revolution principles, nor from the doctrine of liberty
and property, on which it was founded. I own I could never
be convinced of the great danger of the Pretender, in the
time of the late ministry: nor can I be now convinced of the
great danger of the church, under this ministry. I believe
398
EXTRACTS FROM HIS WORK,
the cries of one was politically made use of then to serve.
other designs; and I plainly see the like use made of the
other now.
I spoke my mind freely then, and I have done
the like now, in a small tract to that purpose not made
publick; and which if I live to publish I will publicly own;
as I purpose to do, every thing I write, that my friends may
know when I am abused and they imposed on."
A man who is no slave to party, but follows freely the
bias of his judgment, will find occasion to differ sometimes
from those whom he most esteems. De Foe was put to this
trial of his integrity, and gives the following account of his
differences with the Whigs. "It has been the disaster of all
parties in this nation to be very hot in their turn; and as
often as they have been so, I have differed with them, and ever
must and shall do so. I'll repeat some of the occasions on
the Whigs' side, because from that quarter the accusation of
my turning about comes." The first time he differed from
his friends was about the Turks; and the second, when King
James took upon him to dispense with the Tests; the par-
ticulars of which have been already cited. He continues,
"The next difference I had with good men, was about the
scandalous practice of Occasional Conformity, in which I had
the misfortune to make many honest men angry, rather
because I had the better of the argument, than because they
disliked what I said. And now I have lived to see the
Dissenters themselves very quiet, if not very well pleased
with an act of Parliament to prevent it. Their friends indeed
laid it on; they would be friends indeed if they would talk of
taking it off again. Again, I had a breach with honest men
for their maltreating King William; of which I say nothing,
because I think they are now opening their eyes, and making
what amends they can to his memory. The fifth difference
I had with them, was about the Treaty of Partition, in which
many honest men are mistaken, and in which I told them
plainly then, that they would at last end the war upon
399
worse terms; and so it is my opinion they would have done,
though the treaty of Gertrudenburgh had taken place. The
sixth time I differed with them was when the old Whigs fell
upon the modern Whigs, and when the Duke of Marlborough
and my Lord Godolphin were used by the Observator in a
manner worse, I must confess for the time it lasted, than ever
they were used since; nay, though it were by Abel and the
Examiner: but the success failed. In this dispute my Lord
Godolphin did me the honour to tell me, I had served him
and his Grace also both faithfully and successfully. But his
Lordship is dead, and I have now no testimony of it but what
is to be found in the Observator, where I am plentifully abused
for being an enemy to my country, by acting in the interest
of my Lord Godolphin and the Duke of Marlborough. What
weather-cock can turn with such tempers as these!
I am
now on the seventh breach with them, and my crime now is,
that I will not believe and say the same things of the Queen
and the late Treasurer, which I could not believe before of
my Lord Godolphin and the Duke of Marlborough, and
which in truth I cannot believe; and therefore could not say
it of either of them; and which, if I had believed, yet I ought
not to have been the man that should have said it, for the
reasons aforesaid.”
IN DEFENCE OF HIS POLITICAL CONDUCT
His reflections upon the treatment he had received, are
alike honourable to his integrity and his piety. "In such
turns of tempers and times, a man must be tenfold a vicar of
Bray, or it is impossible but he must one time or other be out
with every body. This is my present condition, and for this
I am reviled with having abandoned my principles, turned
Jacobite, and what not. God judge between me and these
men. Would they come to any particulars with me, what
real guilt I may have, I would freely acknowledge; and if they
would produce any evidence of the bribes, the pensions, and
the rewards I have taken, I would declare honestly, whether
they were true or no. If they would give a list of the books
which they charge me with, and the reasons why they lay
400
EXTRACTS FROM HIS WORK,
them at my door, I would acknowledge my mistake, own
what I have done, and let them know what I have not done.
But these men neither shew mercy, nor leave place for repent-
ance; in which they act not only unlike their Maker, but
contrary to his express commands. It is true, good men have
been used thus in former times; and all the comfort I have
is, that these men have not the last judgment in their hands:
if they had, dreadful would be the case of those who oppose
them. But that day will shew many men and things in a
different state from what they may now appear in. Some
that now appear clear and fair, will then be seen to be black
and foul; and some that are now thought black and foul,
will then be approved and accepted; and thither I cheerfully
appeal, concluding this part in the words of the prophet—I
heard the defaming of many; fear on every side; report, say
they, and we will report it; all my familiars watched for my
halting, saying, peradventure he will be enticed, and we shall
prevail against him, and we shall take our revenge on him.—
Jeremiah, xx. 10."
In a strain of great manliness, he appeals to the candour
of the wise and good, and notices a particular instance of
injustice which he was then suffering from his enemies. "I
am unconcerned at the rage and clamour of party men; but
I cannot be unconcerned to hear men and good Christians.
prepossessed and mistaken about me. However, I cannot
doubt but sometime or other it will please God to open such
men's eyes. A constant, steady adhering to personal virtue
and to public peace, which, I thank God, I can appeal to
him has always been my practice, will at last restore me to
the opinion of sober and impartial men, and that is all I
desire. What it will do with those who are resolutely partial
and unjust, I cannot say, neither is that much my concern.
But I cannot forbear giving one example of the hard treat-
ment I receive, which has happened even while I am writing
this tract. I have six children; I have educated them as
well as my circumstances will permit, and so as I hope shall
401
recommend them to better usage than their father meets with
in the world. I am not indebted one shilling for any part
of their education, or for any thing else belonging to bringing
them up; yet the author of the Flying-post published lately,
that I never paid for the education of any of my children.
If any man in Britain has a shilling to demand of me for any
part of their education, or any thing belonging to them, let
them come for it. But these men care not what injurious
things they write, nor what they say, whether truth or not,
if it may but raise a reproach on me, though it were to be my
ruin. I may well appeal to the honour and justice of my
worst enemies in such cases as this."
IN DEFENCE OF HIS POLITICAL CONDUCT.
"Conscia mens recti fama mendacia ridet."
In the following passage, dictated no less by good sense
than by a manly independence, he appeals to the moderation
of the King against the hostile threats of the Whigs, who
had denounced vengeance upon their political opponents.
"It is, and ever was my opinion that moderation is the only
true virtue by which the peace and tranquillity of this nation
can be preserved. Even the King himself, I believe his
majesty will allow me that freedom, can only be happy in
the enjoyment of the crown by a moderate administration.
If his majesty should be obliged, contrary to his known
disposition, to join with intemperate councils, if it does not
lessen his security, I am persuaded it will lessen his satis-
faction. It cannot be pleasant, and I think it cannot be safe,
to any just prince to rule over a divided people, split into
incensed and exasperated parties. Though a skilful mariner
may have courage to master a tempest, and go fearlessly
through a storm, yet he can never be said to delight in the
danger. A fresh fair gale, and a quiet sea, is the pleasure of
his voyage; and we have a saying worth notice to them that
are otherwise minded, Qui amat periculum periibat in illo.
"To attain at the happy calm, which, as I say, is the
safety of Britain, is the question which should now move us
2 D
VOL. III
402
all; and he would merit to be called the nation's physician
that could prescribe the specific for it.
I think I may be
allowed to say, a conquest of parties will never do it; a
balance of parties may. Some are for the former; they talk
high of punishments, letting blood, revenging the treatment
they have met with, and the like. If they, not knowing
what spirit they are of, think this the course to be taken, let
them try their hands; I shall give them up for lost, and look
for their downfal from that time; for the ruin of all such
tempers slumbereth not. It is many years that I have pro-
fessed myself an enemy to all precipitations in public ad-
ministrations; and often I have attempted to show, that hot
councils have ever been destructive to those who have made
use of them. Indeed, they have not always been a disadvan-
tage to the nation, as, in King James II.'s reign, when, as
I have often said in print, his precipitation was the safety
of us all. If he had proceeded temperately and politicly,
we had been undone. Felix quem faciunt. These are some
of the reasons why I think this is the proper juncture for me
to give some account of myself, and of my past conduct, to
the world."
EXTRACT FROM HIS WORK.
The
Whilst engaged upon this narrative, and before he had
fully completed it, De Foe was struck with apoplexy.
ill-treatment he had experienced preyed so much upon his
spirits, as to undermine his health, and, in the opinion of his
friends, was the accelerating cause of this calamity. After
languishing six months, with an uncertain prospect of re-
covery, his friends determined to delay the publication no
longer. It therefore appeared without his finishing hand 1;
but Baker, the publisher, added a paragraph by way of
Conclusion, in which he noticed the author's illness as the
occasion of the delay. De Foe eventually recovered from
his attack, which left him for a long time in a very weak
state; but he at length regained sufficient health and vigour
of mind to delight the world by many valuable writings.
CHAPTER XVI.
De Foe publishes his "Family Instructor.”—Dr. Wright's Recommenda-
tion.—Object and Character of the Work.-His Account of its Success.—
Various Editions.-And Anecdotes respecting it.-Friendly Epistle to
Thomas Bradbury.—Sharp Rebuke to Henry Sacheverell.—Seasonable Ex-
postulation with the Duke of Ormond.—Declaration of Truth to Benja-
min Hoadly.—Thoughts on Trade and a Public Spirit.-Account of Two
Nights' Court at Greenwich.-Triennial Bill impartially stated.-Contro-
versy with Toland upon Ennobling Foreigners.-"What if the Swedes should
Come?"-" History of the Press-Yard," and Answer.-Project of a Paper,
called, "The Hanover Spy."-Mesnager's Negociations.—Memoirs of the
Church of Scotland.—Pamphlets upon the Division in the Ministry.—Second
Volume of the "Family Instructor."-Memoirs of Dr. Daniel Williams.—
De Foe's Letter to the Dissenters upon the Trinitarian Controversy.—
Curious Oration of Father Andrews.-De Foe's Assignment of Property.
1715-1719.
THE little patriotism that was to be found in public men,
who sought the gratification of their passions, in preference
to those virtues that conduce most to the welfare of nations,
had already convinced De Foe of the vanity of parties; and
the persecutions he had suffered for his political writings,
indisposed him to any fresh encounter with the malice of his
enemies. He, therefore, now turned his attention to a sub-
ject with which all parties might be pleased, and from which
they might derive wholesome lessons to soften their asperities,
and cultivate the best affections of the heart. Having him-
2D 2
404 DE FOE PUBLISHES HIS (( FAMILY INSTRUCTOR."
self reaped the consolations of religion, he was desirous of
imparting their savour to his countrymen.
In the early part of 1715, he committed to the press one
of the most valuable of his treatises, and perhaps one of the
most useful of its kind in the English language. It bears
the title of "The Family Instructor. In Three Parts.
With a recommendatory Letter by the Rev. S. Wright (T).
(T) Dr. Samuel Wright was an eminent divine and popular preacher
amongst the Presbyterians in London, during the former part of the last
century, and published many sermons and religious treatises. The “Family
Instructor," with his "Letter to the Publisher," was entered at Stationers'-
Hall, March 31, 1715. His recommendation appears only to the first edi-
tion, which being now difficult to be procured, a copy of it shall be pre-
served, as the testimony of a competent judge to the value of De Foe's
work. It is as follows:
Tw
"My very good friend. Having, at your request, read over the book,
called the Family Instructor, I do, upon several accounts, very much ap-
prove of the design of it; and wish I could say any thing to recommend it
to the perusal of others. The decay of family religion is very visible, and
frequently matter of complaint; and, therefore, I doubt not such an at-
tempt as this will be well received by all serious and thoughtful persons
among us. The printer has been faulty to a degree that I am afraid will
render the reader very uneasy, and I wish the author had thought fit to
communicate his papers to you before they had fallen into such hands; but
the substance of the book, however, will command regard; and if I may
judge for others by myself, will afford some pleasure and entertainment.
The first part is an amazing encouragement to parents that have been negli-
gent in the education of their children, to set up family religion, and is very
proper, both to convince the governor of a family of his duty, and to direct
him in it. It will let us see how much sometimes may be learnt from children
that are very young; and also what way is proper to be taken with those
that are grown up, and have not been used to any thing of regularity. The
second part is exceedingly well contrived to instruct masters of families in
their care of apprentices and servants, and possibly it may be the more
useful to some families, because of the different sentiments of the husband
and wife in matters of religion; the one being a worshipper of God with
the Dissenters, the other with the Church of England. The third part is
designed to instruct persons in the disposing of their children in marriage,
and to direct those that are new-married in their duty to one another. The
notes upon each dialogue may be very useful, as they are designed to
gather up the most important things in every dialogue, and present them to
the reader in one uninterrupted view.
DR. WRIGHT'S RECOMMENDATION.
405
London: sold by Eman. Matthews, at the Bible, in Pater-
noster Row; and Jo. Button, in Newcastle-upon-Tyne.
1715.” 12mo. pp. 444. The three portions of the work
are addressed, 1. To Father and Children. 2. To Masters
and Servants. 3. To Husband and Wives.
The main object of this performance is, to impress upon
the heads of families the great duty of instructing their
children and dependants in the principles of religion and
virtue; and to inculcate upon the latter, the obligations
they are under to listen to such instruction. Being thrown
into the form of familiar dialogues, and enlivened by apt
stories, that present all the colouring of real life, it is cal-
culated to gain an easier access to the capacities of most
readers, than a grave didactic treatise. Upon this account,
it has been found to yield as much amusement to the young,
as instruction to persons in riper years. Of the piety and
good understanding of the writer, no one who reads his
M
"I think the whole of it very much fitted to do good, especially if the
reader be first assured that the substance of each narrative is real; and
there are some whole dialogues to which, with very little alteration, I
myself could put names and families. There are some passages very
moving to those who have any sense of religion, and I think it not ill-con-
trived to take hold of the hearts of those who are loose and ignorant. The
dialogues are sometimes longer (in my opinion) than was needful to the design;
and there are, now and then, some expressions that may seem a little out
of character; that is not perfectly suitable to the circumstances and capacity
of the person supposed to be speaking, or of the other that is spoken to.
But I think there can be no disgust which will not quickly be taken away,
if a dialogue be read over at one time. Let but the several main strokes be
carefully observed, and the lesser incidencies may be hastened over. I wish
that all who peruse this book may find the same entertainment which, in
some parts of it, I have done; and I wish that in every house, one of 'em
might lye in common, for the use of all such as may be willing to look
into it. There are passages suited to all sorts of families, and to every
member in them, and who knows but something may occur to the eyes of
those that do but glance into it, that may engage their further regards and
attention. I have nothing more to add, but only to tell you, that you have
liberty to make what use you please of this letter. From your real friend
and servant.
"S. WRIGHT.”
406
OBJECT AND CHARACTER OF THE WORK.
work can for a moment doubt. Nor are we less pleased
with his ingenuity; which leads us, by easy steps, to the
right knowledge of our duty to God, and to the management
of ourselves. As a system of morals, founded upon natural
and revealed religion, it has found its way to the hearts of
thousands, and will continue to instruct mankind so long as
practical religion shall be deemed of importance to society.
One of the chief excellences of the work is, that it is adapted
to persons of all religious persuasions. There is nothing to
shock the prejudices either of churchmen or of Dissenters; but
much from which both may derive lessons of sound wisdom.
If here and there we meet with passages that savour of mys-
ticism, or that enforce a greater strictness than is agreeable
to the latitude of modern times, we must recollect that the
writer was an old-fashioned Non-conformist, zealous for the
sanctity of former days, and an advocate for those spiritual
views of religion which are sanctioned by numerous passages
in the apostolical writings.
The absence of the author from the press, occasioned a con-
siderable number of errors, which were rectified soon after-
wards in a second edition, to which he prefixed a preface,
explaining the design of the work, and the success it had met
with. "The usefulness of the subject, and the honesty of
the design,” says he, " have prevailed to give it a good recep-
tion in the world: and notwithstanding the casual imper-
fections of the first part, some good men have been pleased to
accept the performance, to usher it into the world much to its
advantage, and to recommend it as well from the pulpit as
from the press.” Aware of the opprobrium that party malice
had affixed to his name, he was studiously careful to conceal
it from the public, lest it should obstruct the usefulness of his
work. Not, as he observes, that he had any reason to be
ashamed of it, being fully satisfied of its utility; "but he
desired that his praise might not be of men but of God." He
tells us, that he took such measures for remaining in obscu-
407
rity, as proved effectual for some time after the publication ;
but the secret was at length disclosed, and no doubt advanced
his credit amongst the serious and reflecting part of mankind.
"The success of the work," says he, "and the many testi-
monies given to the good effect it has had in families, not-
withstanding their knowledge of the author, has fully de-
livered him from the discouragement he was under on that
occasion; and this alone prevailed with him for a second
edition, which he had for some time resolved against. It
was not without reason that he had great apprehensions lest
some men, suffering their prejudices to prevail even over their
zeal for the public good, might be tempted to lay the imper-
fections of the author as a stumbling-block in the way of
those who might otherwise receive benefit by it, and so the
good effect of his labour might be in part obstructed." His
piety led him to ascribe the merit of the work to the guid-
ance of God, and with the same tone of feeling, he renders
him the praise of its success.
It was his first design, he tells us, to have written a dra-
matic poem;
"but the subject was too solemn, and the text
too copious to suffer the restraint on the one hand, or the
excursions on the other, which the decoration of a poem
would have made necessary." It was happy that he departed
from this design. His purpose being to divert and instruct
at the same time, he says, "he has endeavoured to adapt it
as much as possible to both those uses, from whence some
have called it a religious play." Upon this he observes with
his usual archness, "as to its being called a play, be it so
called if they please. It must be confessed, some parts of it.
are too much acted in many families among us. The author
wishes that either all our plays were as useful for the im-
provement and entertainment of the world, or that they were
less encouraged."
HIS ACCOUNT OF ITS SUCCESS.
Although our author does not appear to have received any
favour or encouragement from the court of George I., yet the
408
ANECDOTES RESPECTING IT.
acknowledged merit of his work occasioned it to find its way
into his family; and the copy by which they were instructed
is still preserved in the British Museum.
It has been sup-
posed that the little attention which it excited upon its first.
appearance, occasioned the bookseller to procure the sanction
of Dr. Wright, as a passport to public favour. The absorbing
subject of politics may have occasioned this momentary
neglect, but it was amply compensated by a rapid sale as soon
its merits became known. An eighth edition was called for
in 1722, and an eleventh in 1734: that printed in 1772 is
called the seventeenth; and since then the editions, both in
London and elsewhere, have been very numerous. Large
numbers have been disposed of for prize books in schools, for
which it is well adapted; nor can a more useful work be
found for general distribution. De Foe added a second
volume three years afterwards, as will be seen in its proper
place.
In 1715, and some following years, there appeared a series
of pamphlets, couched in the Quaker style, and written by
way of admonition to the persons addressed; the authorship
of which was at the time assigned to De Foe. In a severe
work, written against him by Gildon, and called his "Life
and Adventures," he is made to say, "I have written against
my old teachers in the shape and form of a quaker, as in a
pamphlet to T. B., a dealer in many words; and in the same
form I have attacked the B. of B., one who is equally hated
by them." Owing to the peculiar phraseology of these
pieces, it may be difficult by any internal evidence to identify
them with De Foe; that addressed to Sacheverell contains
some passages that are certainly like him. They appear to
have been written by a Whig and a Dissenter, personating a
Quaker; one who heartily concurred in the government of
King George, but had a friendly feeling for the late queen,
and was averse to any vindictive proceedings against the late
!
409
ministers. In all these features, they fully concur with
the other writings of our author. The pamphlets are four in
number, and their titles may be esteemed literary curi-
osities.
SHARP REBUKE TO HENRY SACHEVERELL.
1. " A Friendly Epistle by way of reproof, from one of the
People called Quakers, to THOMAS BRADBURY, a dealer in
many Words.
London: printed and sold by S. Keimer, at
the Printing Press in Paternoster-Row. 1715." 8vo. pp. 39.
The object of this address was to divert the preacher from
the pursuit of politics in the pulpit, particularly in calling
for the blood of the late ministers; and to exhort him to
direct his zeal against the vices of the times, as exhibited in
play-houses and other haunts of profaneness. The motive
for singling him out from others, was the boldness he had
discovered both now, and in the late times, and his public
reproofs of the queen's ministers; which also gave rise to
another pamphlet levelled at him, and intitled "Burnet and
Bradbury or the Confederacy of the Press and the Pulpit
for the Blood of the last Ministry. 1715." They were also
coupled together in another work, called "Burnet and Brad-
bury compared.”
2. "A Sharp Rebuke from one of the People called
Quakers, to HENRY SACHEVERELL, the High-Priest of
Andrews, Holborn. By the same Friend that wrote to
Thomas Bradbury. London: S. Keimer. 1715." 8vo. pp. 35.
This is a reproof to Sacheverell, for the absurd stir he had
made for the church in the late reign, and also for his
continued proceedings, which had no other object than to
breed riots, and to alienate the affections of the people from
the new government. The wickedness of his past life, is
glanced at for the purpose of awakening his conscience,
and instructing his followers; his public misdeeds in re-
ference to King William, the Pretender, and the reigning
sovereign, are also brought to light; and he is exhorted to
T
410 SEASONABLE EXPOSTULATION WITH JAMES BUTLER.
repent and abandon the projects of the Tories, whose cause
was now become hopeless. (u)
3. "A Seasonable Expostulation with, and Friendly
Reproof unto, JAMES BUTLER, who, by the Men of this
World, is styled Duke of Od, relating to the Tumults
of the People. By the same Friend that wrote to Thomas
Bradbury, the Dealer in many Words, and Henry Sache-
verell, the High-Priest of Andrews, Holborn. London: S.
Keimer. 1715." 8vo. pp. 31. The Duke of Ormond, who
had entered deeply into the projects of the Jacobites, was
then the idol of the high-church mob, and was suspected of
courting popularity by acts of indiscretion, at a time when
he was under the frowns of the government. The evident
propriety of his abstaining from such courses, gave rise to the
expostulations of the writer, who counsels him to take heed
lest he should suffer by the acts of evil men who made use
of his name for factious purposes.
4. "A Declaration of Truth to BENJAMIN HOADLY,
one of the High Priests of the Land, and of the Degree
whom Men call Bishops. By a Ministering Friend, who
(u) At the end of this pamphlet is the following advertisement relative
to the former:-"Whereas, there was public notice given in a paper,
commonly called the London Gazette, the 5th day, and in another paper
called the Daily Courant, the 7th day of the present month (by several
ministering friends and others who have become backsliders and time-
servers) that a book, intitled, "A Friendly Epistle, by way of Reproof,
from one of the People called Quakers," was written by an adversary,
and with an evil intent against the king, princes, and rulers of the land;
and that the said book contains several irreverent expressions against the
king: This is to inform the people, that the said notice is entirely false and
malicious, and that the said book was written by a friend in unity with the
people called Quakers; and that he is moved to reprove them also in public
for their backslidings. N. B.-This day is published, the fifth edition of the
said book. Printed for the author, and sold by the publisher of this paper.
P. S. The reason why the author does not put his name to the aforesaid
book is, because Friends would ruin him for his plain-dealing."
DECLARATION OF TRUTH TO BENJAMIN HOADLY. 411
66
writ to Thomas Bradbury, a Dealer in many words. London:
printed for E. More, near St. Paul's, and sold by the
Booksellers of London and Westminster. 1717. Price Six-
pence." 8vo. pp. 31. In this work, Hoadly is commended
for his manly avowal of the truth, in his celebrated sermon
before the king, concerning the nature and objects of
Christ's kingdom; which he declared to be a spiritual con-
stitution, not cognizable by temporal pains and penalties
annexed by ecclesiastics to the churches of this world. Our
author exhorts the court-preacher to follow out his liberal and
enlightened views, which would land him at last in the com-
munity of Friends. Verily Benjamin, thou hast done well
in that thou hast openly declared the iniquity of those who
have armed themselves with unlawful power, and have ex-
ercised tyranny over their brethren, saying, ye must join with
us, otherwise ye shall go to prison; or otherwise you shall
have no honour, or part or lot among us: Whereas King
Jesus never left any such commandment. But it remaineth
as a difficulty, or doubt unto us who are Friends, how thou
canst lay a confederacy with these men! Verily, Benjamin,
if thou come not out from among them, thou wilt give occa-
sion to wicked men to say of thee, that thou hast said that in
thy teaching office which thou wilt not put in practice in thy
person. Wherefore, friend Benjamin, as I know that the
truth hath been spoken by thee, I warn thee for thy good,
that thou come out speedily from among them; lay down
thy painted vestments and profane trinkets, the ensigns of
that usurpation upon thy Lord and Master's kingdom, which
thou hast so faithfully borne thy testimony against.—Blessed
art thou, O Benjamin, in that thou hast borne thy testimony
against these things. Wherefore I know, that leaving behind
thee all these wicked and erroneous opinions, and bearing
witness to the truth, thou will at length join thyself unto
us, and I rejoice over thee in this, that thou art enlightened
to know the truth. Friend Timothy greeteth thee in like
412
THOUGHTS ON TRADE AND A PUBLIC SPIRIT.
manner; as also James the aged, a lover of those who forsake
the errors of the wicked. In a word, all Friends greet thee,
and speak well of thee. Fare thee well."
(C
In 1716, there appeared a work of a miscellaneous
nature, embracing a variety of topics relating to the public
interest, and interspersed with many judicious remarks,
intitled, 'Thoughts on Trade and a Public Spirit. Con-
sidered under the following heads, viz.-1. Companies in
Trade. 2. Stock Jobbers. 3. Projectors. 4. Corruptions
in the Law and Public Offices. 5. Of a Public Spirit.
Humbly dedicated to all Lovers of their Country. London:
printed for the Author. 1716." 8vo. pp. 212. This work is
thought to have been the production of De Foe; but it
should seem from the Preface that it was the author's first
appearance before the world in that character; and there is a
passage or two in the body of the work, concerning the late
ministers, which De Foe would probably not have written.
It is, however, an excellent work, abounding in just senti-
ment, and enlivened by many striking examples illustrating
the various topics of which it treats. It also contains
much useful information concerning the execution of the
laws, the conduct of official persons, and the abuses in
public trusts. The author writes like a sensible and judicious
man, anxious to remedy the evils he complains of, which
are only to be cured by the exercise of a public spirit. He
has also many excellent remarks of a moral nature, designed
to enforce a public spirit, the value of which he illustrates
by some striking examples.
Although De Foe had withdrawn himself from politics, hist
name continued to be associated with some of the numerous
publications to which the events of the new reign had given
birth; yet it is doubtful whether he drew his pen upon poli-
tical subjects after the publication of his "Appeal," which
may be considered as his final legacy to the political world.
"TRIENNIAL BILL IMPARTIALLY STATED.”
413
A passing notice, however, may be expected of those works
to which his name has been commonly attached.
The first of them intitled to notice, is "Some Account of
the Two Nights Court at Greenwich: wherein may be seen.
the Reason, Rise and Progress of the late unnatural Rebel-
lion against his Sacred Majesty King George and his
Government. London: printed for J. Baker, 1716. 8vo. pp.72.
The object of the work is to detail the Conversation that
took place in some private cabals at Greenwich, both before
and after the king's landing; the result of which was the
disappointment of the late ministers at the sudden turn of
affairs, and the resolution of several Lords and gentlemen to
raise a rebellion in favor of the Pretender. They were to
begin by dividing the people at home, through the assistance
of the clergy, who were to beat the drum ecclesiastic; and
this being accomplished, they made themselves sure of a co-
operation from abroad. Some of the agents in the business
are distinctly alluded to, as also the manner in which their
designs were to be carried into effect. It was probably the
work of some zealous Whig.
For the further security of the new government, as well as
to consolidate the power of the Whigs, a measure was brought
forward in 1716, to lengthen the duration of parliament. It
was at first proposed in accommodation to the exigences of the
time, to be only temporary; but this scheme was abandoned
in favour of a permanent measure, which received the sanc-
tion of both Houses, and is commonly known by the name of
"The Septennial Bill." Whilst it was under discussion, De
Foe is reputed to have written "The Triennial Bill imparti-
ally stated. Lond. 1716;" but Mr. Chalmers thinks the pam-
phlet was not his. Boyer insults him for it in his "Poli-
tical State," for April, and says, that all the arguments against
the bill were fully confuted "by the ingenious and judicious
Joseph Addison, Esq." Upon this important subject, many
persons equally judicious have thought differently; and it is
414
happy for the age, that political topics can now be discussed
with more temper and good manners than was the lot of that
in which Boyer wrote.
In the early part of the following year, De Foe was again
brought upon the public stage, but with the same miscon-
ception of fact and malignancy of spirit as in the former
instance. Toland had published in the month of January,
1717, "The State Anatomy of Great Britain. Containing
a particular account of its several interests and parties, their
bent and genuis: and what each of them, with all the rest of
Europe, may hope or fear from the right and family of King
George. Being a Memorial sent by an intimate Friend to a
Foreign Minister, lately nominated to come for the Court of
England. London: printed for John Philips." 8vo. pp. 104.
This work, which quickly passed through nine editions, and
treats of a variety of subjects connected with civil and reli-
gious liberty, gave most offence by its recommending the
naturalization of foreigners, and the introduction of two Ha-
noverian noblemen into the House of Peers, contrary to an
existing statute, which the author proposed to be dispensed
with in their favour. This suggestion drew forth an angry
answer, intitled "An argument proving that the Design of
employing and Ennobling Foreigners, is a treasonable con-
spiracy against the Constitution, dangerous to the Kingdom,
an Affront to the Nobility of Scotland in particular, and dis-
honourable to the Peerage of Great Britain in general. With
an appendix; wherein an insolent pamphlet, entitled The
Anatomy of Great Britain, is Anatomized; and its Design
and Author detected and exposed. London: 1717, 8vo. pp.
102. Boyer, in his "Political State," ascribes this work to
De Foe, and as such it was replied to by Toland, who pub-
lished in April, "The Second Part of the State Anatomy,
&c., containing a Short Vindication of the Former Part,
against the Misrepresentations of the ignorant or the mali-
cious, especially relating to our Ministers of State and to
TOLAND UPON ENNOBLING FOREIGNERS.
Ch
TOLAND UPON ENNOBLING FOREIGNERS.
415
6
Foreigners; with some Reflections on the designed Clamour
against the Army, and on the Swedish Conspiracy. Also,
Letters to his Grace, the late Archbishop of Canterbury, and
to the Dissenting Ministers of all Denominations, in the year
1705-6, about a general Toleration, with some of their
Answers to the Author: who now offers to public Considera-
tion what was then transacted for Private Satisfaction;
together with a Letter from their High Mightinesses the
States-General of the United Provinces, on the same subject.
London: 1717. 8vo. pp. 80. Toland frequently points to De
Foe by name in this performance, and handles him with great
severity as his supposed antagonist; but in this he was
mistaken, as is fully apparent from the rejoinder of his
former adversary, who published "A Farther Argument against
Ennobling Foreigners, in Answer to the Two Parts of the
State Anatomy: with a Short Account of, the Anatomizer:
printed for E. Moore, near St. Paul's, 1717. 8vo. pp. 43.
The writer acquaints Toland, that in seeking for an author
to fight with, he had dressed up a man of straw; and
finding it greatly to his purpose, that De Foe, author of
the True-Born Englishman,' should pass for the author of
the 'Argument against ennobling Foreigners,' he has singled
him out, and fallen upon him in a most merciless manner.
He has recommended him to the revenge of his foreigners,
and to the resentment of the government. He has exposed,
ridiculed, bantered, and in a word, as far as in him lies,
murthered the man; and yet all this while, this man, as I
find, was no more author of this book, than the man in the
moon. Nay, as I hear, for I have no knowledge of the man,
he has been sick in his bed all the while. In carrying on
this tragi-comedy, he takes care to summon for evidence all
that this D. F. has said upon the same subject in his
pamphlets and poems formerly written, and to confront this
with what I have said now." He accuses Toland with
(C
C
"C
having taken a wrong aim, and charging a man falsely
416
46 WHAT IF THE SWEDES SHOULD COME?"
with writing a book, who really has no concern in it, or
about it." In another place, he says, "If Mr. Baker, the
publisher, were not just at the point of death, while this is
at the press, a particular account of that part would be
given; but it is none of my business to vindicate De Foe,
however injuriously he may be treated." Toland had charged
De Foe with being a writer in Mercurius Politicus, but
without any real foundation. Dr. Fiddes was another of
Toland's antagonists in this controversy, and is severely
handled by him in his Second Part.
The threatened invasion of England by the Swedish
monarch in 1717, gave rise to a pamphlet, exposing the little
danger that was to be apprehended from any such attempt,
and intitled, "What if the Swedes should come? With
some Thoughts about keeping the Army on Foot, whether
they come or not. London. J. Roberts, 1717." 8vo. This
work, perhaps more from the likeness of the title to that of
one of his former pieces than from any weightier considera-
tion, has been sometimes ascribed to De Foe.
Another work, with which his name has been usually as-
sociated in the booksellers' catalogues, is intitled, "The
History of the Press-Yard or a brief Account of the
Customs and Ceremonies that are put in Practice, and
to be met with in that ancient Repository of living Bodies,
called his Majesty's Gaol of Newgate, in London. Lond.
1717." 8vo. This account of the behaviour of the rebel-
prisoners during their confinement, appears to have been
written by one of their own class, who was chamber-
fellow with young Bottair in Newgate; so that De Foe can
have no pretensions to the authorship. Another work ap-
peared shortly afterwards upon the same subject, in the shape
of a diary of the proceedings of the prisoners, and may be
regarded as a sort of counter-statement. It is intitled "The
(( THE HANOVER SPY."
417
Secret History of the Rebels in Newgate. Giving an Account
of their daily Behaviour, from their Commitment to their
Gaol-delivery. Taken from a Diary kept by a Gentleman in
the same Prison. London: printed and sold by A. Dodd, &c.
Price Sixpence." 8vo. No date. The first pamphlet is written
by a friend to the prisoners; and both of them are interesting
documents.
We have seen, in an early part of this work, that some
connexion had formerly subsisted between our author and
Dunton, the projector. The jealousy of the latter had led to
some occasional sparring, which, however, does not appear to
have detracted from his respect for De Foe, to whose character
he pays homage in various parts of his works; yet his name
nowhere occurs in any of De Foe's writings. Their inter-
course appears to have been renewed at this time; for we find
amongst the Rawlinson manuscripts in the Bodleian Library
at Oxford, the rough draught of "Articles of agreement
between Daniel De Foe and John Dunton, for writing a
weekly paper, to be intitled, The Hanover Spy.' Dated
October 28, 1717." This project, it is probable, was never
executed.
Another work, generally attributed to De Foe, that made
its appearance in this year, was "Minutes of the Negociations
of Mons. Mesnager, at the Court of England, towards the
close of the last Reign. Wherein some of the most secret
Transactions at that time, relating to the Interest of the
Pretender, and a clandestine separate Peace, are detected
and laid open. Written by Himself. Done out of French.
London printed for J. Baker, at the Black Boy and Anchor,
in Paternoster-Row. 1717." Svo. pp. 326. A second
edition of this work, printed for J. Roberts, was published
in 1736. There is nothing but traditional authority for
ascribing this work to De Foe, and its internal character
2 E
VOL. III.
:
418
MEMOIRS OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND."
affords just reason for suspecting that it has no solid founda-
tion. (x) Although pretending to be a translation from the
French, it was composed in England, but not by the French
agent named in the title. It contains a curious narrative of
the secret intrigues that brought about the peace of Utrecht,
bearing upon the face of it every mark of authenticity; and
as such it has been appealed to by most of our historians.
Savage, in his satire "On False Historians," speaks of it as
"a book calculated to vilify the administration in the four
last years of Queen Anne's reign;" and pronounces it a
forgery:
"Some usurp names-an English garreteer
From minutes forged, is Monsieur Mesnager."
There is, perhaps, juster reason for ascribing to our author
the following work: "Memoirs of the Church of Scotland.
In Four Periods. I. The Church in her Infant State, from
the Reformation to the Queen Mary's Abdication. II. The
Church in its Growing State, from the Abdication to the
Restoration. III. The Church in its Persecuted State, from
the Restoration to the Revolution. IV. The Church in its
With
Present State, from the Revolution to the Union.
an Appendix of some Transactions since the Union. London:
printed for Eman. Matthews, at the Bible, and T. Warner,
at the Black-Boy, both in Paternoster Row. 1717." 8vo.
pp. 438. The materials for this valuable work, were pro-
bably gleaned by De Foe, during his frequent visits to Scot-
land. He tells us that he applied himself to living witnesses
for information, gathered up something from oral tradition,
(x) Oldmixon, in his reply to Bishop Atterbury, page 7, expressly says
that Mesnager's Negociation was written by De Foe, and that he composed
it "by direction or encouragement of the quondam Treasurer, Harley, who
could not but be well acquainted with the subject described." This writer,
however, is so often mistaken in his representations of things, that no
great reliance is to be placed upon his testimony.
419
and made the best use of written authorities. Amongst these,
Knox, Buchanan, Calderwood, and Spottiswood, are most
frequently referred to. In the use of his authorities, he has
discovered no less judgment than research, whilst he writes
with a feeling and pathos that show how deeply he was in-
terested in the events as they passed before him. He is much
concerned that a fuller narrative had not been presented to
the public, to ❝ do justice, not to the church of Scotland only,
but to the memory and families of the particular sufferers,
and confessors, who have sacrificed themselves in defence of
religion, in that part of Great Britain." This consideration,
he says,
"has made an officious stranger concern himself in
the work. He could not bear to think, that the memory of
the most glorious scene of action, and the most dismal scene
of suffering, which the Church of Scotland has passed through,
should lie buried in their own ashes, and not a man be found
who could effectually employ himself, and set seriously about
the work of ransoming things of such consequence from the
grave of forgetfulness." The defect here complained of, was
supplied a few years afterwards, in a very ample and satis-
factory manner, in the work of Mr. Woodrow. As a com-
pendious narrative of an important period in the Scottish
History, De Foe's work will always retain its interest, both
for the value of its facts, and the felicitous manner in which
they are related. A recent biographer of De Foe remarks,
with equal taste and judgment, "His narrative of the earlier
part of the eventful history of the Presbyterian Church, may
be perused with pleasure, even by those who have lived to see
the same period treated of by the greatest historical writer of
the present day, Dr. M'Crie; while his representations of
the more recent troubles in the times of the Covenanters, his
descriptions of the battles of Claverhouse, and the cruelties of
the persecution under James II., need scarcely shrink from a
comparison with some of the most picturesque passages in
2E2
REMARKS UPON THE WORK.
420
the first Tales of my Landlord.""* There are, perhaps, few
English writers to whom the Church of Scotland owes so
many obligations as to De Foe, who watched her interests.
with fidelity and affection, at a time when she was threatened
by powerful enemies, and defended her with a zeal and ability
which could only be expected from a warm friend and ad-
mirer. His "Memoirs of the Church of Scotland," has
never been reprinted, and is now amongst the scarcest of
his works.
(6
،
THE DEFECTION CONSIDERED," &c.
:
The division that took place in the ministry in 1717, gave
rise to much political discussion. Lord Townshend's party
that went out, was attacked by Dr. Tindall, in a pamphlet
intitled, "The Defection considered, and the Designs of
those who divided the Friends of the Government, set in a
true Light. Lond. 1717." 8vo. To this, several answers
were immediately published. One of them, written by
George Sewell, M.D. is intitled, "The Resigners Vindi-
cated or the Defection re-considered. In which the De-
signs of all Parties are set in a true Light. By a Gentle-
man. Lond. 1718." 8vo. Another writer replied in "The
Defection Detected; or Faults laid on the Right Side. In
Answer to a late Anonymous Pamphlet, called the Defection
considered,' &c. Lond. 1718." 8vo.
Lond. 1718." 8vo. A third answer to
Tindall is intitled, "Some Persons Vindicated against the
Author of 'The Defection,' &c. And that Writer convicted of
Malice and Falsehood. RW-Esq. London: 1718."
8vo. The author of Tindall's life ascribes the last pamphlet
to De Foe; but certainly without any good reason. The
author was probably either Walpole himself, or some person
in his confidence, to whom he disclosed some facts that could
be known only through him. Tindall complains heavily of
(
*Pref. to Cadell's ed. of Robinson Crusoe.
66
SECOND VOLUME OF THE FAMILY INSTRUCTOR." 421
66
this disclosure, in a pamphlet written by him in the same
year, intitled, " An Account of a Manuscript, intitled,
'Destruction the certain consequence of Division :
or the
Necessity of a Strict Union between all who love the present
Government and Protestant Religion.' Written at the desire
of R▬▬W▬▬▬▬▬Esq.; and left with him at his Request, but
since exposed, contrary to his Promise, with Aspersions on
the Author of the Defection, &c. Lond. 1718." 8vo. Before
the publication of this piece, Tindall vindicated his first
pamphlet, in The Defection further Considered.' London:
1718."
In 1718, De Foe followed up his method of familiarizing
religion to the young and the uninformed, by publishing a
second volume of his moral dialogues. It is intitled, "The
Family Instructor. In Two Parts. 1. Relating to Family
Breaches, and their obstructing religious Duties. 2. To the
great Mistake of mixing the Passions in the managing and
correcting of Children. With a great variety of Cases
relating to setting ill-examples to Children and Servants.
Vol. II. London: printed for Eman. Matthews, at the Bible
in Paternoster-Row. 1718." 12mo. pp. 404. His former
volume had then reached a fourth edition. This success
encouraged him to pursue the subject, although he considered
it " a bold adventure to write a second volume of any thing,
the success of a first part being no rule to expect success to
a second; the modern readers of books having a general
opinion that second parts never come up to the spirit of the
first." He however flattered himself that his present effort
would be an exception to that rule. He refers to Milton, as
differing from the world in its judgment upon his two great
performances, and cites his reason for the common opinion;
"that the people had a general sense of the loss of Para-
dise, but not an equal gust for the regaining of it." In point
of value, De Foc's second volume is not inferior to the first.
-
422
The dialogue is equally pleasing, and the moral no less
important and instructive. It is rather a companion than a
sequel to the former volume, the story being unconnected.
"If novelty, the modern vice of the reading palate," says
he, "is to judge of our performances, the whole scene now
presented, is so entirely differing from all that went before,
and so eminently directed to another species of readers, that
it seems to be as perfectly new, as if no other part had been
published before it." A reflection upon the different scenes of
human life, suggested new matter for his pen, and he seized
the occasion from passing follies, to convey wholesome
instruction to his readers. The silence of our best writers
upon the relative duties, induced him to take up the subject
as one of great importance, and to press it earnestly upon
those who had the government of families. "Doubtless
there are duties in all our relative stations one to another;
duties from parents to children, and from masters to servants,
as well as from children to parents, and from servants to
masters; and it must be owned by all who look narrowly
into these things, that, as on the one hand there are great
mistakes committed in the government of themselves and
their families by parents and masters, so there is perhaps less
said upon those necessary heads in public, than upon any
other." He hints largely upon the correction of children,
and points out the impropriety of suffering the passions to
gain the ascendancy. The excellent maxims that run through
the volume, commend it to the judgment of every judicious
reader; whilst it breathes a strain of piety calculated to
arouse the attention, and kindle the best affections of the
heart. The third edition of this volume was printed in 1727,
and since then has been often re-printed as a companion to
the first volume. They are both admirably adapted to
awaken the attention of the careless, to instruct the ignorant,
and to please the virtuous. Whilst the young are attracted
by the incidents that compose the narratives, their accu-
REMARKS UPON IT.
423
rate delineation of human nature must extort praise from the
learned, and will remain a standing monument of the skill
and ingenuity of the writer. There are perhaps few books
better adapted for family reading, for parochial libraries, or
for circulation amongst the poor; and if the author had
written nothing else, these volumes alone possess a sufficient
merit to give him a high place amongst English moralists.
MEMOIRS OF DR. DANIEL WILLIAMS.
It has occurred to the present writer, whether De Foe was
not the author of the Life of Dr. Daniel Williams, published
by Curll, in this year. There is not only a strong resem-
blance in the style, but there are other internal marks,
which may be detected by a comparison with some of his
writings (y). The work here alluded to is intitled,
"Me-
moirs of the Life and Eminent Conduct of that learned and
reverend divine, DANIEL WILLIAMS, D.D.
With some
Account of his Scheme for the vigorous Propagation of
Religion, as well in England as in Scotland, and several other
parts of the World. Addressed to Mr. Peirce. London :
printed for E. Curll, at the Dial and Bible, against St.
Dunstan's Church in Fleet Street. 1718. Price 2s. 6d.
bound." 8vo. pp. 86. To this is annexed, "A true Copy
of the last Will and Testament of Dr. Williams." pp. 45.
Dr. Williams was an eminent Presbyterian divine, first in
Dublin, and afterwards in London. He was a liberal bene-
factor to the Dissenters; and dying in 1716, left the bulk of
his property, which was considerable, to charitable uses.
He was the founder of an extensive library for the use of the
Dissenters, bearing his name, and situated in Red-Cross
Street, London.
In the controversy concerning the doctrine of the Trinity,
during the early part of the last century, the Dissenters, it is
(r) See particularly "The Parallel: or, Persecution of Protestants the
Shortest Way to prevent the Growth of Popery in Ireland. 1704.”
424
well known, took a large share. During the contention,
much angry feeling was discovered by both sides, and the
cause of charity was sacrificed to a zeal for orthodoxy.
Salters'-Hall, the arena of the disputes, exhibited scenes of
tumult and discord, but little befitting an assembly of grave
divines, met together for the avowed purpose of composing
their differences. The conduct manifested by the more
violent, drew down much obloquy upon the Dissenters, and
exposed them to the talk and derision of their enemies.
Pamphlets flew about in all directions, abounding in censures
and recriminations, but having no tendency to settle the
points at issue. In the midst of this paper war, De Foe
stepped in, not as a partizan, nor as interfering in any way in
the quarrel; but in the pacific character of a mediator
between the two parties. He conjures them to lay aside
their quarrels, and to consult the safety and reputation of
their cause, as Dissenters, by studying the things that make
for peace. The title of his tract is, "A Letter to the Dis-
senters. London: printed for J. Roberts, in Warwick-Lane.
1719. Price Sixpence." pp. 27. 8vo.
Our author had so
often appeared in the character of a peace-maker, and with
so little success, that he was diffident of his labours upon this
occasion. "The passions of men are none of their best
friends; and though when the passions are most violent,
they stand at that time in most need of advice, it seems of
all times the most unseasonable to offer it." De Foe gives
much judicious advice to the Dissenters, founded upon
urgent motives, for allaying their animosities; but the
disease was seated too deeply to yield to correctives, and
diffused a poison that corrupted the whole mass.
LETTER TO THE DISSENTERS.
"A
In the same year, De Foe appeared again before the world
as the translator of a French work, relative to the disputes
between the Jesuits and the Jansenists. It is intitled,
Curious Oration delivered by Father Andrews, concerning
DE FOE'S ASSIGNMENT OF PROPERTY.
425
the present Great Quarrels that divide the Clergy of France.
Translated from the French. By D. De F-e. London:
1719." 8vo.
In this year, De Foe assigned over some property that he
had in the hands of the South-Sea Company, to the person
named in the following deed; but for what purpose does not
appear. The original is in the possession of Mr. Upcott, to
whom the public is indebted for this copy.
"Know all Men by these Psents That I Daniel De Foe,
of Stoke Newington in the County of Midx. Gent. have
made, ordained, deputed, authorised, and appointed, and by
these Psents do make, ordain, depute, authorize, and appoint
Mordecai Jenkins of London, Gent., my true and lawful
attorney, for me, and in my name, to assign and transfer to
any person or persons whomsoever, the sum of One hundred
Twenty seven pounds ten shillings, being all the stock which
I have in the Books of the Governor and Company of
Merchants of Great Britain, trading to the South Seas, and
other parts of America, and for encouraging the Fishery,
with full power to make and give proper and sufficient ac-
quittance for the consideraen money to be had and received
for the same, and generally to make and do all such other
necessary acts and things proper to be done, as fully and
effectually as I myself might or should do being personally
present, hereby ratifying and confirming whatsoever my said
Attorney shall lawfully do or cause to be done, in and about
the premises. In Witness whereof I have hereunto set my
hand and seal this Two and Twentieth day of March, Anno
Dom° 1719. Anno R R Georgii D. G. Mag. Brita cr. 60"
DANIEL DE FOE."
"Sealed and delivered
in the presence of us,
JOSEPH BOONE,
JA. RUCK."
CHAPTER XVII.
De Foe's merits as a writer of Fiction.-Estimate of them by Charles Lamb.
“Robinson Crusoe.”—History of its Publication.—Its great success.-De
Foe publishes a second volume.-Piracy of this Work.-Controversy concern-
ing it.-Libel upon De Foe.-Blair's character of " Robinson Crusoe."-
Johnson's Eulogy.—De Foe publishes his " Serious Reflections.”—Design of
the Work.-The Author's allusions to Himself.-Subjects discussed.-Po-
pularity and character of "Robinson Crusoe."-Rousseau's commendation.—
Judgment of Dr. Beattie.-Origin of the Work.-" Timothy Crusoe."-
“ Account of Alexander Selkirk.”— Works relating to him.—Steele's Paper
in the "Englishman."—How far De Foe was indebted to his story.—Idle tale
of his Plagiarism discussed.—Writers for and against it.-The Work
ascribed to Arbuthnot and Harley.- Various opinions upon the place of its
birth.— Notice of its various editions.— French and Spanish translations.—A
great favourite with the Arabs.-Imitations of the Work.-"Philip Quarll."
-Professor Campe's French Work.-Spanish and Latin translations.—
Edition of Mad. Montmorency Lavale.
1719.
WHATEVER fame De Foe had created for himself amongst his
contemporaries by his previous writings, it has been eclipsed
in the judgment of posterity, by the series of imaginative
works which now fell from his pen with astonishing rapidity,
and will entail honour upon his name so long as true genius,
consecrated by moral worth, shall continue to be an object of
estimation. There can be no doubt that long habit, urged on
by necessity, contributed greatly to lessen the toils of compo-
sition; and that the readiness he had acquired, received an
additional stimulus from the excitements of genius. Yet no
427
DE FOE'S MERITS AS A WRITER OF FICTION.
to
man, without the resources of De Foe, could have combined,
with the same rapidity, so much varied and useful informa-
tion. To extensive reading upon almost every branch of litera-
ture, he united an intimate knowledge of the world; and his
resources were so much at his command, that he appears
have drawn upon them with little apparent labour. Accus-
tomed to view mankind in all its gradations of station and
character; conversing sometimes with the great, at other
times with the low, he had stored his mind with an abun-
dance of materials, which a lively fancy enabled him to turn
to a good account. His commerce with the world had brought
him acquainted with its habits and occupations, its business
and amusements, and with all the forms in which society has
developed the human passions. Engaged from his earliest.
years in active pursuits, and thrown by the accidents of life
into almost every variety of situation, he had an opportunity
of reading instructive lessons upon human nature, and fur-
nished many scenes of real life from the storehouse of his own
experience. A character formed in so extensive a school,
acutely alive to passing events, and disciplined by correct
habits of thinking, was at no loss for incidents to awaken the
attention of mankind; whilst his habitual seriousness led him
to improve every occasion for converting them into channels
of instruction. Intimately acquainted with the whole circle
of common life, he possessed the talent above most men, of
seizing upon ordinary occurrences, and throwing over them a
charm which they owe entirely to the force of his own fancy.
But his genius was happily chastened by a correct and solid
judgment. His mind was no less vigorous than acute, and
being tempered by a high tone of moral feeling, he insinuates
instruction insensibly upon his readers, whilst he administers
to their amusement. If some of his fictions partake of less re-
finement than can be desired, he does not, like many of his
contemporaries, disgust us with their sallies of vulgarity; he
no where sacrifices decency to wit; nor does he offend by
428
the extravagancy of his descriptions. De Foe uniformly pays
homage to virtue; and when he dives into the depravity of
the human character, it is for the purpose of raising it to the
standard of excellence. Whilst he wrote with an ease and
fluency that communicated life and grace to his subject; it is
more than probable that the enchantments of his pen yielded
as much pleasure to him that wielded it, as they communi-
cated to the mass of his admirers.
ESTIMATE OF THEM BY CHARLES LAMB.
QUA
The following remarks upon De Foe's works of genuis,
are from the pen of the Author's highly esteemed friend,
Charles Lamb, and are original. "In the appearances of
truth, in all the incidents and conversations that occur in
them, they exceed any works of fiction that I am acquainted
with. It is perfect illusion. The author never appears in
these self-narratives (for so they ought to be called, or rather
auto-biographies) but the narrator chains us down to an im-
plicit belief in every thing he says. There is all the minute
detail of a log-book in it. Dates are painfully pressed upon
the memory.
Facts are repeated over and over in varying
phrases, till you cannot chuse but believe them. It is like
reading evidence in a court of Justice. So anxious the story-
teller seems that the truth should be clearly comprehended,
that when he has told us a matter of fact, or a motive, in a
line or two farther down he repeats it, with his favourite
figure of speech, I say, so and so, though he had made it
abundantly plain before. This is in imitation of the common
people's way of speaking, or rather of the way in which they
are addressed by a master or mistress, who wishes to impress
something upon their memories, and has a wonderful effect
upon matter-of-fact readers. Indeed, it is to such principally
that he writes. His style is every where beautiful, but plain
and homely. Robinson Crusoe is delightful to all ranks and
classes; but it is easy to see, that it is written in a phraseology
peculiarly adapted to the lower conditions of readers. Hence,
it is an especial favourite with sea-faring men, poor boys,
HISTORY OF ITS PUBLICATION.
429
6
servant-maids, &c. His novels are capital kitchen-reading,
while they are worthy, from their interest, to find a shelf in
the libraries of the wealthiest and the most learned.
His pas-
sion for matter-of-fact narrative, sometimes betrayed him into
a long relation of common incidents, which might happen to
any man, and have no interest beyond the intense appearance
of truth in them, to recommend them. The whole latter half,
or two thirds, of Colonel Jack' is of this description. The
beginning of Colonel Jack is the most affecting natural picture
of a young thief, that was ever drawn. His losing the stolen
money in the hollow tree, and finding it again when in despair;
and then being in equal distress at not knowing how to dis-
pose
of it, and several similar touches in the early history of
the Colonel, evince a deep knowledge of human nature; and
putting out of question the superior romantic interest of the
latter, in my mind very much exceeds Crusoe. Roxana (first
edition) is the next in interest, though he left out the best part
of it in subsequent editions, from a foolish hyper-criticism of
his friend Southerne. But Moll Flanders, the account of the
Plague, &c. &c. are all of one family, and have the same
stamp of character."
The first, and by far the most celebrated, of those works of
imagination, which have conferred immortality upon the name
of De Foe, appeared in 1719, under the title of "The Life
and Strange Surprizing adventures of ROBINSON CRUSOE,
of York, Mariner: who lived eight and twenty years all
alone in an uninhabited Island on the Coast of America, near
the Mouth of the Great River Oroonoque; having been cast on
shore by Shipwreck, wherein all the men perished but himself.
With an Account how he was at last strangely delivered by
Pirates. Written by Himself. London: printed for W. Taylor,
at the Ship, in Paternoster-Row, 1719." 8vo. pp. 364 (z).
In a preface remarkable for its brevity and simplicity, De
(z) It was entered at Stationers' Hall, for William Taylor, the 23rd of
April, 1719.
430
Foe thus introduces this enchanting narrative to his readers.
"If ever the story of any private man's adventures in the
world were worth making public, and were acceptable when
published, the Editor of this account thinks this will be so.
The wonders of this man's life exceed all that he thinks are
to be found extant; the life of one man being scarce capable
of greater variety. The story is told with modesty, with seri-
ousness, and with a religious application of events to the
uses to which wise men always apply them, viz. to the instruc-
tions of others by example, and to justify and honour the
wisdom of Providence in all the variety of their circumstances,
let them happen how they will. The Editor believes the
thing to be a just history of fact; neither is there any appear-
ance of fiction in it. However this may be, for all such things
are disputed, he is of opinion that the improvement of it, as
well to the diversion, as to the instruction of the reader, will be
the same; and as such, he thinks, without farther compliment
to the world, he does them a great service in the publication.”
Singular as it may have appeared in after times, the manu-
script of "Robinson Crusoe" passed through the whole circle
of the trade before it could find a purchaser. A circumstance
so discreditable to the judgment of the booksellers, can only be
referred to that class of unaccountables, which, for want of a
better solution, we resolve into caprice. The great mind that
conceived the matchless poem of "Paradise Lost," had pre-
sented many years before a striking instance of this wayward-
ness of taste: but De Foe's bookseller had greater reason to
congratulate himself upon the success of his speculation.
This was so immediate, and so rapid, that less no than four
editions were published in as many months; and several
printers were set to work upon them, in order to satisfy
the eager demands of the public (A). William Taylor, the
ITS GREAT SUCCESS.
(A) Mr. Dibdin, in his "Library Companion," states "That 'Robinson
Crusoe' first greeted the public eye in the sorrily printed pages of 'The Ori-
ginal London Post, or Heathcote's Intelligence,' from No. 125 to No. 289,
DE FOE PUBLISHES A SECOND VOLUME.
431
fortunate purchaser, is said to have cleared a thousand
pounds by the work. The extent of De Foe's remuneration is
not known; but it was probably far from being large. That
which had passed through so many hands with a cool indiffer-
ence, was not likely to meet with a warm reception at last.
Had De Foe retained the copy-right in his own hands, it
would have been a fortune to himself and family. The sudden
success of the work fully justified the expectation of the
author, and was an argument in favour of the good taste of
the public. "If it be inquired," says Mr. Chalmers, " by
what charm it is that these Surprizing Adventures should
have instantly pleased, and always pleased, it will be found,
that few books have ever so naturally mingled amusement
with instruction. The attention is fixed, either by the sim-
plicity of the narration, or by the variety of the incidents ;
the heart is amended by a vindication of the ways of God to
man; and the understanding is informed by various exam-
ples, how much utility ought to be preferred to ornament:
the young are instructed, while the old are amused."*
The favorable reception of this volume, notwithstanding
some insidious attempts to prejudice the public against it, en-
couraged the author to pursue the subject. A second part,
the composition of which was the labour of little more than
three months, was published in the following August. It was
sold to the publisher of the former part, and appeared with
the following title. "The Farther Adventures of ROBINSON
CRUSOE: being the Second and Last Part of his Life, and
the Strange Surprizing Accounts of his Travels round three
Parts of the Globe. Written by Himself. To which is added,
inclusively; the latter dated 7th October, 1719." But this statement must
be incorrect; as the first edition appeared in an octavo volume as early as
the month of April. The popularity of the work, no doubt, occasioned it to
be pirated in this manner, to promote the circulation of Heathcote's paper.
The only copy of it in this form, known to be in existence, is in the valuable
library of the Right Honourable Thomas Grenville.
* Life of De Foe, p. 52.
432
a Map of the World, in which is delineated the Voyages of
Robinson Crusoe. London: printed for W. Taylor. 1719."
8vo. pp. 373. (B) As so many editions of the former volume
had given a sufficient attestation of the public opinion in its
favour, De Foe, in announcing the continuation, triumphst
over the malice of invidious criticism, and rests his defence.
upon the utility of the performance. The whole of the pre-
face is worth transcribing, as forming a part of the history of
the work. It is as follows:-
PIRACY OF THE WORK.
"The success the former part of this work has met with in
the world, has yet been no other than is acknowledged to be
due to the surprizing variety of the subject, and to the agree-
able manner of the performance. All the endeavours of
envious people to reproach it with being a romance, to search
it for errors in geography, inconsistency in the relation, and
contradictions in the fact, have proved abortive, and as im-
potent as malicious. The just application of every incident,
the religious and useful inferences drawn from every part, are
so many testimonies to the good design of making it publick,
and must legitimate all the part that may be called invention,
or parable, in the story. The second part, if the Editor's
opinion may pass, is (contrary to the usage of second parts,)
every way as entertaining as the first, contains as strange and
surprizing incidents, and as great a variety of them. Nor is
the application less serious or suitable; and doubtless will, to
the sober as well as ingenious reader, be every way as pro-
fitable and diverting. And this makes the abridging this
work as scandalous as it is knavish and ridiculous ; seeing,
while to shorten the book, that they may seem to reduce the
value, they strip it of all those reflections, as well religious as
moral, which are not only the greatest beauties of the work,
but are calculated for the infinite advantage of the reader.
(B) This volume is entered at Stationer's-Hall, for William Taylor, the
17th of August, 1719.
433
By this, they leave the work naked of its brightest orna-
ments; and if they would, at the same time, pretend that the
author has supplied the story out of his own invention, they
take from it the improvement which alone recommends that
invention to wise and good men. The injury these men do
the proprietor of this work, is a practice all honest men abhor;
and he believes he may challenge them to show the difference
between that and robbing on the highway, or breaking open
a house. If they can't shew any difference in the crime,
they will find it hard to shew why there should be any dif-
ference in the punishment: and he will answer for it, that
nothing shall be wanting on his part to do them justice."
To warn the public against the injury here complained of,
the following advertisement was inserted in the "St. James's
Post" for August 7, 1719. "The pretended abridgment of
this book, clandestinely printed for T. Cox, at the Amsterdam
Coffee-House, consists only of some scattered passages, inco-
herently tacked together, wherein the author's sense through-
out is wholly mistaken, the matters of fact misrepresented,
and the moral reflections misapplied. It's hoped the publick
will not give encouragement to so base a practice, the pro-
prietor intending to prosecute the venders according to law.”
This notice produced some angry discussions between the
parties. Taylor commenced a suit in Chancery for the pro-
tection of his copy-right, and Cox vindicated himself from
any concern in the piracy, by the following advertisement
inserted in the "Flying Post," Oct. 29, 1719:-
"Whereas, Mr. William Taylor, in Paternoster-Row, has
in many
of the public newspapers falsely charged T. Cox, at
the Amsterdam Coffee-House, with printing an abridgment of
a book, pretended to be 'The Life and Surprizing Adventures
of Robinson Crusoe,' &c., which action the author, in his pre-
face to the second volume, has rendered as heinous as robbing
on the highway, or breaking open a house, and challenges
any to show him the difference; and promises, as highway-
2 F
VOL. III.
CONTROVERSY CONCERNING IT.
P
434
men and robbers, that nothing shall be wanting on his part.
to do them justice. This, therefore, is to inform the world,
that, when the said book was published, I was on my journey
to Scotland. Neither had I, directly or indirectly, any con-
cern in the said book, nor knew any thing more of it than
this: that a certain person, a few days before I left London,
came to me with a part of a sheet, as a specimen of the paper
and print, and desired me to buy some of them; and at the
same time told me there had been a wrangling between Mr.
Taylor and the author about copy-money for the second
volume upon which, I immediately concluded that the
author had done it himself in revenge to Mr. Taylor, be-
cause he could not bring him to his own terms; and, if I
have been mistaken in this one point, I presume those gen-
tlemen who are better acquainted with the author, will very
readily forgive me. As soon as I came to London, I went
to Mr. Taylor, and gave him all the satisfaction I possibly
could, that I had not so much as seen or sold one of the said
books; and promised him, at the same time, if he would
approve himself so much a man of honour and honesty, as
to do me justice in some other advertisement, that I would
acquaint him who was the person that brought me the
specimen; but being denied, with only a promise that he
would stop the prosecution of a bill in Chancery he had
taken out against me, I thought I was obliged to offer this
much to justify myself. Had that good maxim, which one
of them was pleased to remind me of, in a letter to Edin-
burgh (that honesty is the best policy), but a due influence
on their conduct, I am persuaded it would increase the num-
ber of fair traders, and convert one of the most prostituted
pens in the whole world, more steadily to the service of reli-
gion and the best of governments. N.B. If Mr. Taylor, or
the author of Crusoe's Don Quixotism, should make any
farther steps to insinuate that I was the proprietor of that
Abridgement, I assure the public, that, in justice to myself,
CONTROVERSY CONCERNING IT.
-
435
I shall publish some secrets as yet unknown to the world;
and prove that there is as little sincerity and honesty in
exposing me, both in bookseller and author, as there is truth
in Robinson Crusoe."
"T. Cox." (c)
LIBEL UPON DE FOE.
De Foe had been so long accustomed to the ill-usage of
the world, that he must have been prepared for its assaults
whenever they should overtake him. Whether he appeared
abroad as a politician or a moralist, provoking resentment
by his satire, or furnishing matter for calming the passions,
scandal was still at his heels. Such was the malice of party,
that his name was a signal for reproach; his writings were
calumniated without a hearing, and condemned by those
who were disqualified to pronounce a judgment. "Robinson
Crusoe" had scarcely drawn his canoe ashore, as Mr. Chal-
mers observes, when he was attacked by his old enemies,
the savages. The first assault was by a writer who made an
attempt at wit, in a dull dialogue, in which he ungenerously
raked into the former life and misfortunes of our author.
It had nothing to recommend it but the title, which is
as follows: "The Life and Surprising Adventures of Mr.
D— De F—, of London, Hosier, who has lived above fifty
years by himself, in the Kingdom of North and South
Britain the various Shapes he has appeared in, and the
Discoveries he has made for the Benefit of his Country.
In a Dialogue between Him, Robinsoe Crusoe, and his
Man Friday. With Remarks, Serious and Comical, upon
the Life of Crusoe. London: printed for J. Roberts. 1719."
8vo. pp. 48.
:
(c) It appears, from the publisher's introduction to the "Serious Re-
flections," that this attempt to invade his property failed of success, and
the principal person concerned died soon afterwards. The injurious treat-
ment received from the booksellers, was the result only of envy and chagrin.
"I must do the author the justice to say," observes the publisher, “that not
a dog has wagged his tongue at the work itself, nor has a word been said
to lessen the value of it, but which has been the visible effect of envy at
the good fortune of the bookseller."
2F2
436
In this low performance, which is said to have been the
work of Gildon, the writer has extracted the essence of all
that had been previously written to blast the reputation of
our author, and had been as often refuted. In his crucible
it loses none of its virulence; but, as Mr. Chalmers properly
remarks, "he who had been struck by apoplexy, and who
was now discountenanced by power, was no fit object of an
Englishman's satire.” When De Foe was himself a writer
of satiric poetry, he declares, "that he never reproached any
man for his private infirmities, for having his house burnt,
his ships cast away, or his family ruined; nor had he ever
lampooned any one, because he could not pay his debts, or
differed in judgment from him." However creditable this
forbearance, it was no protection to his character; for such
was the rancour of party, that it sought nothing less than
the destruction of its victim. Envious of his popularity, the
dialogue-writer makes Crusoe famous "from Tuttle-street to
Limehouse-hole. There is not an old woman," says he,
66
'that can go to the price of it, but buys the 'Life and Adven-
tures,' and leaves it as a legacy with the Pilgrims' Progress,'
the 'Practice of Piety,' and 'God's Revenge against Murther,'
to her posterity." In "An Epistle to De F-," annexed to
the Dialogue, the writer shows as little judgment when he
sets up for a critic, as he does charity in the rest of his per-
formance. ""
I have perused your pleasant story of Robin-
son Crusoe," says he, "and if the faults of it had extended
no farther than the frequent solecisms, looseness and incor-
rectness of style, improbabilities, and sometimes impossi-
bilities, I had not given you the trouble of this epistle." A
work, that has outlived the feelings of envy, and received
the applause of the enlightened in all nations, is now beyond
the reach of criticism; but even in the time of this angry
writer, the judgment of wise men pronounced a verdict in
favour of Crusoe, that left all his adversaries in the back
ground. When De Foe published his second volume, the
LIBEL UPON DE FOE.
}
Ma
BLAIR'S CHARACTER OF ،، ROBINSON CRUSOE." 437
same writer renewed his attack in a " Postscript;" but, as
Mr. Chalmers observes, "he has all the dullness without
the acumen of Dennis; and all his malignity, without his
purpose of reformation." Amongst other absurdities, he
had ridiculed Crusoe for his Quixotism, which De Foe
received as a compliment. (D) The animadversions of angry
men, whatever temporary importance they may receive from
party, speedily sink into their merited oblivion; whilst the
works they seek to oppress, break through the clouds that
obscure them, and shine by the lustre of their own merit.
Who amongst the readers of De Foe, ever thinks for a
moment of his opponents? Indeed, how few are there
who know that he had any? Crusoe makes his way to
the heart by a fascination that never wearies, and leaves
behind him a sympathy that forms the best criterion of
his merits. Dr. Blair observes, "No fiction in any lan-
guage was ever better supported than the Adventures of
Robinson Crusoe.' While it is carried on with that ap-
pearance of truth and simplicity which takes a strong hold
of the imagination of all readers, it suggests at the same
time, very useful instruction: by showing how much the
native powers of man may be exerted for surmounting the
difficulties of any external situation." Dr. Johnson's
eulogium upon the work, is the sentiment felt by every
،
(D) In the preface to "Serious Reflections," De Foe observes, "The
famous history of 'Don Quixote,' a work which thousands read with plea-
sure, to one that knows the meaning of it, was an emblematic history of,
and a just satire upon, the Duke De Medina Sidonia, a person very remark-
able at that time in Spain. To those who knew the original, the figures
were lively, and easily discovered themselves, as they are also here, and
the images were just; and therefore when a malicious, but foolish writer,
in the abundance of his gall, spoke of the Quixotism of R. Crusoe, as he
called it, he shewed evidently that he knew nothing of what he said, and
perhaps will be a little startled when I shall tell him, that what he meant
for a satire, was the greatest of panegyricks."
* Lectures on Rhetoric, iii. 82.
438 DE FOE PUBLISHES HIS "SERIOUS REFLECTIONS.
reader. In a conversation with Mrs. Thrale, he said, "Was
there ever anything written by mere man, that was wished
longer by its readers, excepting Don Quixote,'' Robinson
Crusoe,' and the 'Pilgrims' Progress ?'"
(
6
Although the story of Robinson Crusoe' was completed in
the two volumes already mentioned, and various opportunities
had offered for giving it a moral direction, yet such was the
anxiety of the author to render it a vehicle for instruction,
that he could not be satisfied without adding a supplemental
volume, which should embody the musings of Crusoe upon
the most important subjects connected with morals and
religion. Studious as he was to please, he was still more
desirous of being found useful; and in his opinion, the know-
ledge that led to make us better men, and fitter candidates
for eternity, was the highest object of improvement. With
such motives, he produced the sequel to his celebrated work,
under the title of "SERIOUS REFLECTIONS during the Life
and Surprizing Adventures of ROBINSON CRUSOE. With
his Vision of the Angelick World. Written by Himself.
London: printed for W. Taylor, 1722." 8vo. pp. 354. 27 A
The success of the former volumes raised sanguine expecta-
tions in the publisher as to the present; and he says in
his advertisement, "while the parable has been so diverting,
the moral must certainly be equally agreeable." But in
this, he took a false estimate of mankind. "That this third
volume has more morality than fable," says Mr. Chalmers,
"is the cause, I fear, that it has never been read with the
same avidity as the former two, or spoken of with the same
approbation; and he who would inculcate useful truths,
must study to amuse, or he will offer his lessons to an
auditory, neither numerous nor attentive."
SR
KAY!
De Foe tells us in his Preface, "that the present work
is not merely the product of the two first volumes, but the
two first volumes may rather be called the product of this :
the fable is always made for the moral, not the moral for
439
the fable." The objection that had been urged against his
work, as wholly fictitious, he obviates by observing,
"that
the story, though allegorical, is also historical; and that it
is the beautiful representation of a life of unexampled mis-
fortunes, and of a variety not to be met with in the world,
sincerely adapted to, and intended for the common good of
mankind; and designed at first, as it is now farther applied,
to the most serious uses possible. Farther, that there is a
man alive, and well known too, the actions of whose life are
the subject of these volumes, and to whom all or most part
of the story most directly alludes." After recounting a
number of particulars that had a real foundation in history,
but were converted by his own inimitable genius to the
purposes of his story, he says, "the adventures of Robinson
Crusoe are one whole scene of real life of eight and twenty
years, spent in the most wandering, desolate and afflicting
circumstances that ever a man went through, and in which I
have lived so long a life of wonders, in continual storms;
fought with the worst kind of savages and man-eaters, by
unaccountable surprising incidents; fed by miracles greater
than that of ravens; suffered all manner of violences and
oppressions, injurious reproaches, contempt of men, attacks
of devils, corrections from heaven, and oppositions on earth;
have had innumerable ups and downs in matters of fortune;
been in worse slavery than Turkish; escaped by an exqui-
site management, as that in the story of Xury and the boat
at Sallee; been taken up at sea in distress; raised again
and depressed again, and that oftener perhaps in one man's
life than ever was known before; shipwrecked often, though
more by land than by sea; in a word, there's not a cir-
cumstance in the imaginary story, but has its just allusion
to a real story, and chimes part for part, and step for step,
with the inimitable life of Robinson Crusoe."
DESIGN OF THE WORK.
There can be no doubt, that many of the reflections in the
present volume were suggested by his former experience, and
440
THE AUTHOR'S ALLUSIONS TO HIMSELF.
have a reference to events in his own life. Such is the visit
to St. Paul's, when the queen went there in procession to
offer thanksgivings for a victory; and which led to some
strictures upon the total absence of devotion at such public
exhibitions. In the " Vision," towards the end of the volume,
he says, "When I was in my island kingdom, I had abund-
ance of strange notions of my seeing apparitions," &c., which
he explains by observing, "All these reflections are just
history of a state of forced confinement, which in my real
history is represented by a confined retreat in an island; and
'tis as reasonable to represent one kind of imprisonment by
another, as it is to represent any thing that really exists, by
that which exists not. The story of my fright, with something
on my bed, was word for word a history of what happened;
and indeed all those things received very little alteration,
except what necessarily attends removing the scene from one.
place to another." His meaning in the following passage
cannot be mistaken: "had the common way of writing a
man's private history been taken, and I had given you
the
conduct or life of a man you knew, and whose misfortunes
and infirmities perhaps you had sometimes unjustly triumphed
over, all I could have said would have yielded no diversion,
and perhaps scarce have obtained a reading, or at best no
attention; the teacher, like a greater, having no honour in his
own country."
The subjects discussed by our author in this work, are
judiciously chosen with reference to the events of his former
volumes, and equally applicable as moral discourses, ad-
dressed to mankind at large. To arrest the attention, he
sometimes enlivens them by examples and dialogues; whilst
at others, he talks with the earnestness of a man upon his
last voyage, with the port of eternity in prospect. It is im-
possible to read his admonitions, without giving him full
credit for sincerity, and having at the same time a strong per-
suasion of the piety and good understanding of the writer.
441
He has some passages relating to spirits, and the doctrine of
Providence, which may appear fanciful; but they were the
fancies of his day, and detract not from the general utility of
his discourses. The honesty of his design is manifested by
the spirit of seriousness that runs through the work; which
abounds in just sentiments of human life, and offers much
useful instruction to those who will listen to it. (E)
"Robinson Crusoe," in spite of all the efforts of envy and
malevolence, has taken an honourable station in our litera-
ture. It has obtained a ready passport to the mansions of
the rich, and the cottages of the poor, and communicated
equal delight to all ranks and classes of the community. As
a work of amusement, it is one of the first books put into the
hands of youth; and there can be none more proper to insi-
nuate instruction, whilst it administers delight. "Robinson
Crusoe," says Marmontel, " is the first book I ever read with
exquisite pleasure,—and I believe every boy in Europe might
say the same thing." Whilst youth and ignorance have
found ample scope for entertainment in the succession of
incidents, told with all the simplicity and veri-similitude of
SUBJECTS DISCUSSED.
(E) The subjects discussed in this volume are as follows:--
Chap. I. Of Solitude: How incapable to make us happy; and how unqua-
lified to a Christian life.
II. An Essay upon Honesty, under the following Heads. 1. Of
Honesty in general. 2. Of the Tryal of Honesty. 3. Of Ho-
nesty in Promises. 4. Of Relative Honesty.
III. Of the Immorality of Conversation, and the Vulgar Errors of
Behaviour. 1. Of unfitting ourselves for Conversation. 2. Of
the Immorality of Conversation in general. 3. Of reforming
the Errors of Conversation. 4. Of Atheistical and Profane
Discourse. 5. Of Lewd and Immodest Discourse. 6. Of
Talking falsely.
IV. An Essay on the Present State of Religion in the World. 2. Of
Differences in Religion. 3. Of the wonderful Excellency of
negative Religion, and negative Virtue.
V. Of listening to the Voice of Providence.
VI. Of the Proportion between the Christian and Pagan World.
VII. A Vision of the Angelic World.
442
real life, it has commended itself to the more enlightened, as
one of those rare efforts of genius, that places its author in
the first rank amongst the writers of invention. As a narra-
tive replete with incidents, it stands unrivalled for its natural
and easy transitions from one part of the story to another,
unincumbered by irrelative matter, or display of useless.
ornament. The whole machinery is strictly subservient to
the main object of the story, and its various parts are so
nicely adjusted, that there is nothing wanting to complete
the chain, nor to heighten the interest. Crusoe is strictly a
child of Nature, assisted only by the circumstances that
arose out of his peculiar situation and sphere of life. There
is an air of plausibility, or rather reality, in all the particulars
of the story, even to the minutest, that the reader reluctantly
admits any part of it to be a fiction. When his mind is upon
the stretch, it is absorbed in the fascinating description of
scenes from real life; he is never astounded by improba-
bilities, nor disgusted by mawkish sensibility. His attention
is fixed by one artless chain of natural incidents, such as
may happen to any individual in a similar situation; but
told in a concise manner, without decoration, and deriving
their interest solely from the peculiar mode of telling the
story.
<<
POPULARITY OF ROBINSON CRUSOE."
The fine sentiments that abound in Crusoe, its delicate
touches, and pure morality, are not the least parts of its
beauties, and give it a decided superiority over every other
work of the same description. Whilst it instructs us in the
development of the human powers, under the guidance of
natural reason, it points to the Almighty as the source from
whence man derives his capacities, and to whom his homage
should be directed. The reader of Crusoe is taught to be a
religious, whilst he is an animal being. But his lessons of
this kind are no where out of place; they are closely inter-
woven with the story, and are so just and pertinent in them-
selves, that they cannot be passed over, but the attention is
443
irresistibly rivetted to them as an essential part of the nar-
rative. So true are his pictures of human nature, so just his
delineation of the passions, so skilful his transition from
common matters to those of importance, and so artless his
disposition of occurrences, that nothing can exceed its effect
as a representation of life and manners, that comes home to
the bosom of every reader. The intense interest excited by
the work, may be owing partly to the minuteness with which
the author details every incident that belongs to his narra-
tive; to the charming simplicity in which he clothes his
descriptions; and to the persuasion that hangs upon us
whilst dwelling upon the story, that we are conversing with
events and scenes which actually existed. Every reader of
Crusoe is insensibly transported to his habitation; he is
mixed up with all his affairs; enters into his labours and
amusements; and participates in all the sympathies of his
situation. Perhaps, few works have been more generally
read, or more justly admired; few that have yielded such
incessant amusement, and at the same time have developed
so many lessons of practical instruction. It has been justly
observed, that "society is for ever indebted to the memory
of De Foe, for his production of a work in which the ways of
Providence are simply and pleasingly vindicated, and a
lasting and useful moral is conveyed through the channel
of an interesting and delightful story.”
"'*
The marks of excellence that distinguished "Robinson
Crusoe "beyond all other works in the same class, are so
prominent, and present themselves in such a variety of
shapes, that it has furnished ample scope for the diversified
praise of ingenious men, according to the bent of their tastes
and opinions. Some have eulogized it for its ingenuity;
others, for its close adherence to nature, in the development
of her resources amidst unexampled difficulties; and many
ITS MARKS OF EXCELLENCY.
Ballantyne's Pref. to "Robinson Crusoe."
444
ROUSSEAU'S COMMENDATION.
for its moral and religious tendency. Rousseau's commen-
dation of the work is well known; and the uses he draws
from it for the instruction of his Emilius, exemplifies the
sentiment, that De Foe possessed sufficient capacity and
resources within himself, to qualify him for the founder of
a colony. (F) The philosopher of Geneva remarks, "Since
we must have books, this is one, which, in my opinion, is
a most excellent treatise on natural education. This is the
first my Emilius shall read; his whole library shall long
consist of this work only, which shall preserve an eminent
rank to the very last. It shall be the text to which all our
conversations on natural science are to serve only as a
comment. It shall be a guide during our progress to matu-
rity of judgment; and so long as our taste is not adulterated,
the perusal of this book will afford us pleasure. And what
surprising book is this? Is it Aristotle, is it Pliny, is it
Buffon? No; it is 'Robinson Crusoe.'"* The value and
importance of the various arts, observes Rousseau, are
ordinarily estimated, not according to their real utility, but
by the gratification which they administer to the fantastic
desires of mankind. "But Emilius shall be taught to view
them in a different light: Robinson Crusoe' shall teach
him to value the stock of an ironmonger above that of the
most magnificent toy-shop in Europe." To the judgment
of this eccentric genius, shall be added that of the more
"
(F) A writer in the "Gentleman's Magazine" observes, "De Foe's life
must itself have been singular. Whence came so able a geographer? Not
only a geographer, but so well acquainted with the manners of savages,
and with the productions, animal and vegetable, of America! Whence came
he not only so knowing in trade, but so able a mechanic, and versed in so
many trades? Admirably as Dr. Swift has contrived to conceive propor-
tional ideas of giants and pigmies, and to form his calculations accordingly,
he is superficial when compared with the details in Robinson Crusoe.'
The Doctor was an able satyrist: De Foe might have founded a colony."-
Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. lv. p. 882.
'
* Rousseau's Emilius, i. 267. Ed. 1763.
1
ORIGIN OF THE WORK.
445
sedate philosopher, Dr. Beattie: "Robinson Crusoe,"
says he, "must be allowed, by the most rigid moralist, to
be one of those novels which one may read, not only with
pleasure, but also with profit. It breathes throughout a
spirit of piety and benevolence; it sets in a very striking
light the importance of the mechanic arts, which they, who
know not what it is to be without them, are so apt to under-
value;
it fixes in the mind a lively idea of the horrors of
solitude, and, consequently, of the sweets of social life, and
of the blessings we derive from conversation and mutual
aid; and it shows how, by labouring with one's own hands,
one may secure independence, and open for one's-self many
sources of health and amusement. I agree, therefore, with
Rousseau, that this is one of the best books that can be put
into the hands of children."
It will be proper now to trace the origin of a work that
has obtained so much, and such deserved celebrity. (G)
There can be no doubt that the idea was first suggested to
our author by the story of ALEXANDER SELKIRK, which
had been given to the public, in various shapes, seven years
before, and for a time excited considerable attention. His
real name was Seleraig, which he changed to that of Selkirk,
(G) The name of Crusoe is not fictitious. It had a real owner in
Timothy Crusoe, of whom there is an engraved portrait by White. He was
a popular preacher amongst the Presbyterians in London, and dying in
1697, was buried in Stepney Church-Yard, where his monument, with a
Latin inscription, still remains. He published a considerable number of
sermons, mostly upon public occasions, and his name could not have been
unknown to De Foe. Dunton speaks highly of his qualifications, and
alludes to a slip in his morals, which he atoned for by a public declaration
of his penitence. "He was called the Golden Preacher, and was so great
a textuary, that he could pray two hours together in Scripture-language. It
is true, he was not arrived at perfection, as appeared by his sloth in tying
the conjugal knot; but his repentance was sincere and public, (being de-
clared in the pulpit with his own mouth) and I do not fear but Tim. Crusoe
is now a glorified saint in heaven." Whether he furnished De Foe with a
name for his romance, can now be only a matter of conjecture.
446
when he went to sea. He was born at Largo, in the county
of Fife, in 1676, and after a common school education, was
put to his father's business, which was that of a shoe-maker.
Being a spoiled child, he soon discovered a waywardness of
temper that gave much uneasiness to his parents; whilst
an early propensity to the sea, rendered his employment
irksome. At length, an incident occurred that put him upon
indulging his humour; for, being brought under church-
censure, for irregular conduct, when he was eighteen years
of age, rather than submit, he suddenly left home, and
was never heard of for six years. It is supposed that he
was with the buccaneers in the South Seas. In 1701, we
find him again at Largo, but the same untractable person
as ever, being engaged in constant broils with his family.
As the sea was his favorite element, he did not continue
long in Scotland; but going to London, engaged with
Captain Dampier upon a cruising expedition to the South
Seas. This was the voyage that rendered his subsequent
history so interesting to the lovers of romance. Being ap-
pointed sailing-master of the Cinque Ports galley, a com-
panion to the St. George, commanded by Dampier, he left
England in the spring of 1703, and after various adventures,
both vessels reached the island of Juan Fernandez in the
following February. After staying some time to refit, they
sailed again in quest of booty; but a violent quarrel arising
between Selkirk and his commander, Stradling, which settled
into a rooted animosity, the former resolved to take the first
opportunity of leaving the vessel. This occurred at the be-
ginning of September, 1704, when her crazy state obliged
Stradling to return to Juan Fernandez for fresh repairs;
which being completed, Selkirk bid a final adieu to his
comrades at the end of the same month. Upon this island
he lived by himself during four years and four months,
until he was released by Captain Woodes Rogers, in the
month of February, 1709. He was then engaged as a mate
ACCOUNT OF ALEXANDER SELKIRK.
G
447
on board of Rogers's ship, the Duke, and accompanied him
during the remainder of his expedition, conducting himself
much to the satisfaction of his employer. At length, after
a long and fatiguing cruise, Selkirk arrived in England,
in the month of October, 1711, with a booty of 8007., after
an absence of rather more than eight years. (H)
WORKS RELATING TO HIM.
(H) Selkirk's story was first communicated to the world by Rogers, who
created an appetite that was speedily fed by other writers. The original
accounts of him are four in number.
1. "A Cruising Voyage Round the World: First to the South-Seas,
thence to the East Indies, and homewards by the Cape of Good Hope.
Begun in 1708, and finished in 1711. Containing a Journal of all the
Remarkable Transactions; particularly of the taking of Puna and Guiaquil,
of the Acapulco ship, and other Prizes: An Account of Alexander Selkirk's
living alone four years and four months in an Island; and a brief Descrip-
tion of several Countries in our Course noted for Trade, especially in the
South Sea. With Maps of all the Coast, from the best Spanish Manuscript
Draughts. And an Introduction relating to the South-Sea Trade. By
Captain Woodes Rogers, Commander-in-Chief on this Expedition, with
the Ships Duke and Duchess, of Bristol. London. 1712." 8vo.
2. "A Voyage to the South-Sea Trade, and round the World. Wherein,
an Account is given of Mr. Alexander Selkirk, his manner of Living and
taming some Wild Beasts, during the four years and four months he lived
upon the uninhabited Island of Juan Fernandez. London. 1712." 2 vols.
8vo. Notwithstanding the Expectations held forth in his Title, Cooke gave
but a meagre account in his first volume; which creating disappointment,
he endeavoured to atone for it by a more ample detail in an introduction to
the second. But he writes like a man out of humour with the public for
not being satisfied with his first narrative. Copious extracts from this work
were published in the "Memoirs of Literature" for that year.
3. "Providence displayed; or a very surprising Account of one Mr.
Alexander Selkirk, Master of a Merchantman, called the Cinque Ports;
who dreaming that the Ship would soon after be lost on a desolate island
in the South-Seas, where he lived four years and four months, without
seeing the face of Man; the ship being afterwards cast away as he dreamed.
As also, how he came afterwards to be miraculously preserved and redeemed
from that fatal place, by two Bristol Privateers, called the Duke and
Duchess; that took the rich Acapulco ship, worth a hundred ton of
gold, and brought it to England. To which is added, An Account of his
Birth and Education; his Description of the Island where he was cast;
how he subsisted; the several strange things he saw, and how he used to
spend his Time. With some pious Ejaculations that he used, composed
448
WORKS RELATING TO HIM.
Selkirk no sooner made his appearance in London, than
the singularity of his adventures occasioned much conversa-
tion; and being an object of curiosity, many persons resorted
during his melancholy Residence there. Written by his own Hand, and
attested by most of the eminent Merchants upon the Royal Exchange."
This catch-penny publication is a quarto tract of twelve pages, manufac-
tured from Cooke and Rogers to amuse the vulgar, whom it imposed upon
by its mistakes. Selkirk, it is evident, could have had no hand in it. This
tract is reprinted in the Harleian Miscellany.
4. The "Englishman" for December 3, 1713. Some further particulars
concerning this singular man, may be Gleaned from the Voyages of Funnell,
Shelvocke, Anson, and Ulloa; as also, from the more recent Collection of
Voyages and Discoveries in the South Seas, by the late Captain Burney.
Besides the allusions to Selkirk, in the works above-mentioned, which
relate chiefly to his solitude, there are two narratives of his life, in which
are condensed all the particulars that had been hitherto published, together
with some further information collected from tradition, or from more au-
thentic sources. These are
1. "Providence Displayed: Or the Remarkable Adventures of ALEX-
ANDER SELKIRK, of Largo in Scotland; who lived four years and four
months by Himself, on the Island of Juan Fernandez; from whence he
returned with Capt. Woodes Rogers, of Bristol, and on whose Adventures.
was founded the celebrated Novel of Robinson Crusoe.' With a Descrip-
tion of the Island, and an Account of several other Persons left there,
particularly WILLIAM, a Mosquito Indian, and Capt. Davis's Men: In-
cluding brief Memoirs of the famous Capt. WM. DAMPIER. To which
is added, A Supplement, containing the History of PETER SERRANO,
EPHRAIM HOW, and others left in similar situations. By ISAAC JAMES.
With a Map of the Island, and twenty-four Wood Cuts. Bristol. 1800."
12mo. This work contains a large body of information, industriously col-
lected, and put together with great accuracy. The patient research of the
writer, is equalled only by his great anxiety to record nothing but the truth.
:
2. "The Life and Adventures of Alexander Selkirk Containing the
real incidents upon which the Romance of Robinson Crusoe' is founded:
In which also the Events of his Life, drawn from Authentic Sources, are
traced from his Birth in 1676, till his Death in 1723. With an Appendix,
comprizing a Description of the Island of Juan Fernandez, and some
curious Information relating to his Shipmates, &c. By JOHN HOWELL.
Edinburgh. 1829." 12mo. As this is the latest, so it is the most authen-
tic Account of Selkirk, and embraces a variety of particulars relating to his
personal history, never before communicated to the public. It is an elegant
little volume, and will be read with interest by every admirer of Robinson
Crusoe.'
،
66
STEELE'S PAPER IN THE ENGLISHMAN."
449
to see him. Most of his visitors, of whom there is any tradi-
tional remembrance, represent him as an unsociable man, of
singular habits, and far from communicative. As he spoke
in a broad Scotch dialect, it was with some difficulty that he
could be understood. Amongst his visitors was the celebrated
Sir Richard Steele, who collected from him all the particulars
he could remember of his employment during his solitude;
which, with his own reflections upon his appearance and
behaviour, he afterwards presented to the world in the
26th Number of the "Englishman." His narrative, which
is worth preserving, is as follows:
"Under the title of this paper, I do not think it foreign to
my design, to speak of a man born in her Majesty's dominions,
and relate an adventure in his life so uncommon, that it's
doubtful whether the like has happened to any other of
human race. The person I speak of, is Alexander Selkirk,
whose name is familiar to men of curiosity, from the fame of
his having lived four years and four months alone in the
island of Juan Fernandez. I had the pleasure, frequently, to
converse with the man soon after his arrival in England, in
the year 1711. It was matter of great curiosity to hear him,
as he is a man of good sense, give an account of the different
revolutions in his own mind in that long solitude. When
we consider how painful absence from company, for the space
of but one evening, is to the generality of mankind, we may
have a sense how painful this necessary and constant solitude
was to a man bred a sailor, and ever accustomed to enjoy,
and suffer, eat, drink, and sleep, and perform all offices of
life in fellowship and company. He was put ashore from a
leaky vessel, with the captain of which he had had an irre-
concilable difference; and he chose rather to take his fate in
this place, than in a crazy vessel, under a disagreeable com-
mander. His portion was a sea chest, his wearing clothes
and bedding, a fire-lock, a pound of gunpowder, a large
quantity of bullets, a flint and steel, a few pounds of tobacco,
2 G
VOL. III.
450
STEELE'S PAPER IN "THE ENGLISHMAN.”
a hatchet, a knife, a kettle, a Bible, and other books of
devotion; together with pieces that concerned navigation,
and his mathematical instruments. Resentment against his
officer, who had ill used him, made him look forward on this
change of life as the more eligible one, till the instant in
which he saw the vessel put off; at which moment, his heart
yearned within him, and melted at the parting with his
comrades and all human society at once.
He had in pro-
visions for the sustenance of life, but the quantity of two
meals, the island abounding only with wild goats, cats, and
rats. He judged it most probable that he should find more
immediate and easy relief, by finding shell-fish on the shore,
than seeking game with his gun. He accordingly found
great quantities of turtles, whose flesh is extremely delicious,
and of which he frequently eat very plentifully on his first ar-
rival, till it grew disagreeable to his stomach, except in jellies.
The necessities of hunger and thirst were his greatest diver-
sion from the reflections on his lonely condition. When those
appetites were satisfied, the desire of society was as strong a
call upon him, and he appeared to himself least necessitous
when he wanted every thing: for the supports of his body were
easily attained, but the eager longings for seeing again the
face of man, during the interval of craving bodily appetites,
were hardly supportable. He grew dejected, languid, and
melancholy, scarce able to refrain from doing himself vio-
lence, till by degrees, by the force of reason and frequent
reading the Scriptures, and turning his thoughts upon the
study of navigation, after the space of eighteen months, he
grew thoroughly reconciled to his condition. When he had
made this conquest, the vigour of his health, disengagement
from the world, a constant cheerful serene sky and a tempe-
rate air, made his life one continual feast, and his being much
more joyful than it had before been irksome. He now taking
delight in every thing, made the hut in which he lay, by
ornaments which he cut down from a spacious wood on
451
the side of which it was situated, the most delicious bower,
fanned with continual breezes and gentle aspirations of wind,
that made his repose after the chace equal to the most sensual
pleasures.
"I forgot to observe, that during the time of his dissatisfac-
tion, monsters of the deep, which frequently lay on the shore,
added to the terrors of his solitude; the dreadful howlings and
voices seemed too terrible to be made for human ears: but
upon the recovery of his temper, he could with pleasure not
only hear their voices, but approach the monsters themselves
with great intrepidity. He speaks of sea lions, whose jaws
and tails were capable of seizing or breaking the limbs of a
man, if he approached them. But at that time his spirits and
life were so high, that he could act so regularly and uncon-
cerned, that merely from being unruffled in himself, he killed
them with the greatest ease imaginable; for observing that
though their jaws and tails were so terrible, yet the animals
being mighty slow in working themselves round, he had
nothing to do but place himself exactly opposite to their
middle, and as close to them as possible, and he dispatched
them with his hatchet at will.
((
STEELE'S PAPER IN THE ENGLISHMAN.
>>
"The precautions which he took against want, in case of
sickness, was to lame kids when very young, so as that they
might recover their health, but never be capable of speed.
These he had in great numbers about his hut; and as he was
himself in full vigour, he could take at full speed the swiftest
goat running up a promontory, and never failed of catching
them, but on a descent.
"His habitation was extremely pestered with rats, which
gnawed his clothes and feet, when sleeping. To defend himself
against them, he fed and tamed numbers of young kitlings,
who lay about his bed and preserved him from the enemy.
When his clothes were quite worn out, he dried and tacked
together the skins of goats, with which he clothed himself,
2 G 2
452
STEELE'S PAPER IN "THE ENGLISHMAN.”
and was inured to pass through woods, bushes, and brambles,
with as much carelessness and precipitance as any other
animal. It happened once to him that running on the summit
of a hill, he made a stretch to seize a goat, with which under
him, he fell down a precipice and lay senseless for the space
of three days, the length of which he measured by the
moon's growth since his last observation. This manner of
life grew so exquisitely pleasant, that he never had a moment.
heavy upon his hands; his nights were untroubled and his
days joyous, from the practice of temperance and exercise.
It was his manner to use stated hours and places for exercises
of devotion, which he performed aloud, in order to keep up
the faculties of speech, and to utter himself with greater
energy.
"When I first saw him, I thought if I had not been let into
his character and story, I could have discerned that he had
been much separated from company from his aspect and
gesture; there was a strong but cheerful seriousness in his
look, and a certain disregard to the ordinary things about
him, as if he had been sunk in thought. When the ship,
which brought him off the island, came in, he received them
with the greatest indifference, with relation to the prospect
of going off with them, but with great satisfaction in an
opportunity to refresh and help them. The man frequently
bewailed his return to the world, which could not, he said, with
all its enjoyments, restore him to the tranquillity of his
solitude. Though I had frequently conversed with him,
after a few months' absence he met me in the street, and
though he spoke to me, I could not recollect that I had seen
him; familiar discourse in this town had taken off the lone-
liness of his aspect, and quite altered the air of his face.
"This plain man's story is a memorable example that he is
happiest who confines his want to natural necessities; and
he that goes further in his desires, increases his want in pro-
STEELE'S PAPER IN "THE ENGLISHMAN."
453
portion to his acquisitions; or to use his own expression, I
am now worth eight hundred pounds, but shall never be so
happy as when I was not worth a farthing.” (1)
Such is the story of a man who gave birth to the far-famed
romance of" Robinson Crusoe." There have been, indeed,
other persons in a similar situation, of whom accounts have
(1) The sequel of Selkirk's life contains but few incidents. As soon as
he had realized the profits of his cruize, he returned to Largo, his native
place, early in the spring of 1712. His parents, who were still living,
received him with joy; but his recluse habits induced him to shun the
haunts of men, and he constructed a cave in their garden, where he sought
repose in solitude. Having purchased a boat, he employed much of his
time in fishing, and filled up the intervals in solitary walks amongst the
woods and glens in his neighbourhood. In these rambles, he often met a
young girl, Sophia Bruce, seated alone, and tending a single cow, the pro-
perty of her parents. Her lonely occupation and innocent looks soon made
a deep impression upon him; and he watched her for hours unseen, as she
amused herself in gathering wild-flowers, or chanting her rural lays. At
length he joined her in conversation; their attachment became mutual; and
they agreed to elope from the romantic scenes of Scotland, for the atmos-
phere of London. From a deed executed by him in 1717, in which he
conveyed his property to her, it should seem that they were not married,
as he calls her his "trusty and loving friend Sophia Bruce, Spinster." She
is said to have died within a year or two afterwards, but from a fact to be
recorded presently, it is most probable that Selkirk deserted her, and
returned again to Scotland, where an unfortunate broil in which he was
engaged having brought him under the discipline of the church, he avoided
its consequences by retreating to England, and at this time, is said to have
visited Bristol and Liverpool. Tired of an inactive life, he again went to
sea, on board his Majesty's ship Weymouth, where he died some time in
the year 1723. He is said to have left his effects by will, "to sundry
loving female friends, with whom he had contracted intimacies during his
residence upon shore." One of these, Frances Candis, claiming to be his
widow, made her appearance at Largo in 1724, and after some litigation with
his relatives, is said to have recovered his property there. Another female,
Sophia Selcraig, who represented herself as his widow, applied for charity
to the Rev. Samuel Say, a dissenting minister in Westminster. She seems
to have been a Scotchwoman, and to have had three uncles of the name of
Rymer, all ministers in the church of Scotland. It is probable she was the
Sophia Bruce before-mentioned who still survived. Her letter to Mr. Say,
is to be found amongst the "Say Papers," published in the "Monthly
Repository." Vol. v. p. 531.
454 HOW FAR DE FOE WAS INDEBTED FOR HIS STORY.
been given by various authors, and whose fate may have
suggested materials for fancy to work upon. The story of
Friday, may, perhaps, have been borrowed from that of the
Mosquito Indian, related by Dampier; but from a passage
in De Foe's" Serious Reflections," there can be no doubt
that Selkirk was the hero upon whose history the tale is
founded. If he furnished the idea, however, this is all he
can be said to have contributed. The details of the story, its
varying incidents and engaging descriptions, with the useful
reflections arising out of it, belong wholly to the author.
The temporary interest excited by the adventures of an ordi-
nary seaman, whose tale of solitude rendered him an object of
curiosity, would have subsided with his day, and his name be
scarcely remembered, but for the genius of De Foe. "Robin-
son Crusoe," observes a modern writer, " is a most skilful
romance, of which the first idea indeed was borrowed from the
strange story of Alexander Selkirk; but in which the whole
arrangement and execution-all the filling up of incident,
reflection and character-are truly and entirely De Foe's: and
the same sort of criticism that would diminish the credit of
its author, would produce the same effect on the authors of all
the celebrated epic, and almost all the celebrated dramatic
poems in the world. He took no more of 'Robinson Crusoe'
from Selkirk's story, than Shakespeare did of Macbeth and
Hamlet from the old Scotch and Danish chronicles; or of
Romeo and Juliet from the Italian ballad.” *
Long after the publication of Crusoe, an idle tale got
abroad in the world, that was calculated to injure the reputa-
tion of the author; and having passed through many hands,
has obtained more credit than it was ever entitled to. The
story is this: that Selkirk continued to keep a diary, from
which he drew up a narrative of his adventures, which he put
into the hands of De Foe, to be rendered fit for publication ;
* Pref. to Cadell's edit. of "Robinson Crusoe."
***
IDLE TALE OF HIS PLAGIARISM.
455
but after purloining the contents, he returned it to the writer
as an unsaleable commodity. To atone for the injustice, it is
further said that he divided the profits with Selkirk. As there
is no evidence for this story, it may be safely rejected without
argument. Certain it is, that the most diligent inquiries have
not produced a single fact to prove that De Foe was ever in
possession of a single paper belonging to Selkirk; and how
could they? For Selkirk had none to communicate! As he had
neither pen, ink, nor paper upon the island, he could keep no
journal. It appears from Rogers, that he had nearly lost his
language during his solitude; and others agree, that what he
recovered of it afterwards was scarcely intelligible. It is, there-
fore, without the range of probability, that an unlettered man,
who had spent so many years at sea, and during a portion
of the time in a state of seclusion from society, should find
the use of his pen so suddenly as this story supposes. There
can be no doubt that Selkirk told all he had to communicate,
first to Rogers, and afterwards to Steele, who had several
conversations with him, and elicited only the same facts that
he had told before, but deriving a superior interest from his
own mode of relating them. Had Selkirk possessed any
papers, he could have been at no loss for assistance in making
them public long before the appearance of Crusoe, when his
story had ceased to excite attention. Besides, a circumstance
so injurious to the reputation of De Foe, would not have been
so long concealed; for there is no trace of it until nearly forty
years afterwards. His enemies, always upon the alert, would
not have failed to avail themselves of so strong a point against
him; nor would it have escaped Gildon, who collected all
the scandal that was afloat against De Foe, when he attacked
Crusoe. So far from any charge of plagiarism, he represents
Robinson Crusoe and his man Friday as the airy phantoms
of the writer's brain. He says, "that the story was feigned;
that it was all a romance; that there never was any such
man, or place, or circumstances in any man's life; that it was
456
formed and embellished by invention, to impose upon the
world."
This was an objection which De Foe found it
more difficult to answer than the above scandal, which he
would not have failed to notice had it been propagated in his
life-time. No one who reads his "Essay upon Honesty," in
the "Serious Reflections," published a year afterwards, can
suppose for a moment, that he was capable of lending himself
to a transaction like the one so wantonly attributed to him.
Selkirk's story had been for full seven years a common prey
to the birds of literature; and De Foe was at full liberty,
equally with others, to extract from it all the nutriment that
he conceived necessary to supply his genius, and to perfect
his design for the amusement and instruction of the public.
It may have been often observed, that the most groundless
calumnies, when frequently repeated, acquire a certain credit
which indisposes mankind for further inquiry. Hence the
difficulty of surmounting early prepossessions, which acquire
a tenacity unfavourable to the development of truth. That
which has been often told, we readily believe; giving less
heed to the contradiction of a story, than to an early im-
pression in its favour. It is surely high time to divest
ourselves of this prejudice, and to discard reports that have
no solid foundation to rest upon. Envy and malice may
blast the fairest reputation, and they hurled their shots without
mercy at De Foe; but if this had not been a tale of after-
times, we might have been well assured, from the general tenor
of his character, that he who could inculcate the moral lessons
so seriously enforced in "Robinson Crusoe", was not the man
to commit a deliberate act of injustice. (K)
IDLE TALE OF HIS PLAGIARISM.
(®) The first writer who appears to have given currency to this tale of
slander, was Entick, in his "Naval History," published in 1757; but he
gives no authority, and his account carries its own confutation. Watson
repeated the story in his "History of Halifax, 1775;" as did Dr. Beattie,
in his "Dissertations, Moral and Critical, 1783." It is to be regretted that
a writer so justly respected, should have given sanction to the calumny; for
457
The spirit of detraction, ever active in assailing the repu-
tation of De Foe, attempted other means to despoil him of
his literary honours. Singular as it may now appear, it
was even gravely asserted that he was not the author of
IDLE TALE OF HIS PLAGIARISM.
people are too often misled by the authority of names. His version of the
story, which has its variations, is as follows: "Selkirk was advised to get
his story put in writing, and published. Being illiterate himself, he told
every thing he could remember to Daniel De Foe, a professed author of
considerable note; who instead of doing justice to the poor man, is said
to have applied these materials to his own use, by making them the ground-
work of Robinson Crusoe;" which he soon after published, and which being
very popular, brought him a good deal of money. I am willing to believe
that De Foe shared the profits of this publication with the poor seaman: for
there is an air of humanity in it, which one could not expect from an author
who is an arrant cheat. In the preface to his second volume, he speaks
feelingly enough of the harm done him by those who had abridged the first
in order to reduce the price." Upon this, Dr. Beattie raises a very natural
question, which might go far to refute his hear-say story: "Is it to be
imagined," says he, "that any man of common prudence would talk in this
way, if he were conscious that he himself might be proved guilty of that
very dishonesty which he so severely condemns ?" Dr. Towers very ap-
propriately remarks, "It certainly would have been somewhat extraordi-
nary, that De Foe should have talked in the manner he did, if he had been
guilty of that with which he was charged. But the fact appears to have been,
that the charge against De Foe of having taken his book from Selkirk's
manuscripts, or from communications of any kind made by Selkirk, was
wholly groundless, and of which he had himself never heard; for we do not
find that the least hint of any such accusation against him was ever published
during his life-time." The charge was again revived in the "Gentleman's
Magazine" for 1787 and 1788, and accompanied by other mistakes. It is
to be regretted that so important a work as the "Encyclopædia Britannica"
should have propagated the tale. The latest author who has adopted it, was
Mr. Isaac James, in his account of Selkirk; but the present writer had the
satisfaction to hear him give up the story as void of foundation. The writers
who have rejected it, after deliberate investigation, are Dr. Towers, in the
(C
Biographia Britannica ;" Mr. Chalmers, in his Life of De Foe; Captain
Burney, in the fourth volume of his "Voyages and Discoveries;" Mr.
D'Israeli, in the third volume of his "Curiosities of Literature ;" and Mr.
Howell, in his "Life of Selkirk." To these may be added, the authors of
the Prefaces to Cadell's and Mawman's editions of Robinson Crusoe. The
reasonings of these writers, with what has been advanced in this work, will,
it is hoped, set this matter finally at rest.
458
VARIOUS OPINIONS UPON THE PLACE OF
"Robinson Crusoe." By some it was ascribed to Arbuth-
not; (L) by others to Harley, Earl of Oxford. (M) To refute
these extravagant tales would be superfluous; the only sur-
prising matter is, that they should ever have found any im-
plicit believers. The merits of De Foe are now established
upon too firm a basis to be shaken. Whilst his works have
out-lived the age that obscured the brightest worth by the
dimness of party, each succeeding inquiry has contributed
to raise his fame, and to dispel the illusions by which it
was surrounded. Learning and taste have now assigned him
the foremost rank amongst original writers, and he must
ever be regarded as one of the most ingenious moralists in
the English language.
The well-established reputation of "Robinson Crusoe" has
attached a degree of interest to every fact connected with.
its history. Even so minute a circumstance as the place
(L) The author of Arbuthnot's life, in the first edition of the "Biogra-
phia Britannica," says, "The Doctor shared the like fortune with his friends
Pope and Swift, in having several brats illegitimately fathered upon him,
among which the famous romance of Robinson Crusoe' is worth mention-
ing." He adds in a note, "This romance was written in so natural a
manner, and with so many incidents, that it was judged for some time to
be a true story. It was the delectable offspring of the teeming brain of
Daniel De Foe, a writer famous in his generation for politics and poetry,
especially the former."
(M) In the "Gentleman's Magazine," for March, 1788, is the following
communication of an anonymous writer, who signs himself W. W., and
dates from Dublin, Feb. 25:-"In the course of a late conversation with
a nobleman of the first consequence and information in this kingdom, he
assured me, that Mr. Benjamin Holloway, of Middleton Stony, assured
him, some time ago, that he knew, for fact, that the celebrated romance of
'Robinson Crusoe' was really written by the Earl of Oxford, when confined
in the Tower of London; that his lordship gave the manuscript to Daniel
De Foe, who frequently visited him during his confinement; and that
De Foe, having afterwards added the second volume, published the whole
as his own production. This anecdote I would not venture to send to
your valuable Magazine, if I did not think my information good, and
imagine it might be acceptable to your numerous readers, notwithstanding
the work has heretofore been generally attributed to the latter."
..
THE BIRTH OF
ROBINSON CRUSOE."
where it was written, has not escaped inquiry, and various
are the opinions that have been started upon the subject.
Watson, in his "History of Halifax," assigns it to a house
in the back lane of that town, known by the sign of the
"Rose and Crown," where he tells us De Foe resided, when he
was forced to abscond for his political writings. But he
had now done with politics, and had nothing to fear from
the government. A writer in the "Gentleman's Magazine"
says, it was written at Gateshead, in the county of Durham;
and there is a story in the "Economist," which has been
transcribed into several provincial papers, transferring the
place to an alley in Whitechapel. (N) Widely differing from
these authorities, a correspondent observes, that the honour
appertains to the village of Hartley, in Kent. (o) It seems
most probable, that De Foe wrote it in his retirement at
Stoke-Newington, where he resided during the principal part
of this reign, in a large white house, re-built by himself,
and still standing in Church-street. In Gildon's libel before
459
(N) This idle story is as follows:-"In the centre of Whitechapel-Market,
is a little dirty alley, called Harrow-Alley, opposite to which is a hair-
dresser's shop, kept by Mr. Lunsun. In this house, above 150 years ago,
dwelt that prince of wits and excellent man, Daniel De Foe; here he
wrote that much-read and excellent moral work, Robinson Crusoe,' and
here he wrote a memorable melancholy journal of the Plague in London,
of which he was an eye-witness."
(0) The late William Titford, Esq., in a letter to the author, dated June
31, 1822, writes thus:-"I was born at Cranbrook, in the Weald of Kent,
1752; my father at Hawkhurst, four miles from Cranbrook, 1717. Hartley
is now a very small village, being about half-way between Cranbrook and
Hawkhurst: most of the houses now standing have been built in my re-
membrance. In this valley is a small public-house, standing by itself, the
sign The Duke William's Head. Sixty years ago, my father, having occa-
sion to stop there with me, he informed me, pointing to a back chamber,
over a wash-house, and said, 'In that room Daniel De Foe wrote Robinson
Crusoe.' He said De Foe had offended government, and was concealed in
that house many months. Before the turnpike-road was made, it was quite
impassable in winter for any carriage, and with difficulty for horses, and
was well calculated for private concealment."
460
NOTICE OF ITS VARIOUS EDITIONS.
mentioned, the scene of the dialogue is laid in a field at
Stoke-Newington, when De Foe is supposed to be upon his
return home. This seems conclusive upon the subject. It
appears from the records of that parish, that, upon the 10th
of April, 1721, being Easter-Monday, he paid a fine of 107.
to be excused from serving parochial offices.
the
More than a century has now elapsed since the first pub-
lication of this charming work, but it has lost none of its
interest. With few exceptions, no work has been so often
printed, nor so extensively read; and the solid foundation
upon which its popularity is built, will continue to maintain
it so long as the language exists. Until of late years, if we
except the early editions, which are respectably printed, it
has walked abroad only in a homely dress, and most fre-
quently in vile abridgments. The first attempt to press
fine arts into its service, was made at the Logographic Press,
by the late Mr. John Walter, who published, in 1790, "A
Selection from the Works of Daniel De Foe," in three vo-
lumes, octavo. The third volume comprises the "Serious
Reflections;" the "True-Born Englishman ;" and the politi-
cal dissertation, intitled "The Original Power of the People
of England." The other volumes were accompanied by
four beautiful engravings, executed by Pollard, illustrative
of events in the story of Crusoe. In an "Advertisement,"
written by the late Mr. William Coombe, whose memory, as
an accomplished gentleman and a most agreeable companion,
will be long cherished by those who knew him, it is justly
observed, "Few writers have suffered more severely by
abridgers, than Mr. Daniel De Foe. These lawless ban-
ditti, who are constantly employed in making predatory in-
cursions into the territories of genius, have ravaged his most
celebrated work, The Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, with
a barbarous and indiscriminating ferocity. Not content with
constantly ushering it into the world in a garb more worthy
of a Grub-Street production, than a work on which the great
461
Rousseau has bestowed the highest encomiums, they have
modernized it; that is, divested it of its simplicity,—struck
out every thing moral, useful and impressive,-presenting
nothing but a bare exterior; totally rejecting those excellent
philosophical and religious applications, everywhere inter-
woven with the story. To restore to our author what has
been thus unjustly ravished from him, and to give his
principal productions that respectable appearance so justly
their due, has been the chief object in publishing this
selection.'
""
NOTICE OF ITS VARIOUS EDITIONS.
The next edition deserving of notice, is that by Mr. Stock-
dale, published also in 1790, in two volumes, octavo, and
embellished with a number of good engravings. To this
work was prefixed Mr. Chalmer's Life of De Foe, consi-
derably enlarged from the History of the Union; and some
copies were then thrown off for separate distribution. The
admirers of De Foe were under considerable obligations to
Mr. Chalmers, for this acceptable addition to his work. The
"Academic Edition," published in 1815, by Joseph Maw-
man, in one large volume, octavo, is chiefly remarkable for
a large body of notes, illustrating the geographical and
nautical parts of the work, and compiled by the hydrogra-
pher of the "Naval Chronicle." It has an original preface,
and is accompanied by a considerable number of wood-cuts,
of natural history; but the mechanical execution of the work
is inferior to its other merits. In point of exterior embellish-
ment, no former edition of this enchanting work can compete
with that issued by Messrs. Cadell and Davies, in 1820, in
two volumes, octavo, with twenty-two exquisite line engrav-
ings, executed by Heath, from drawings by Stothard. With
these, the paper and typography are in good keeping, and
altogether exhibit Crusoe in his gayest clothing.
It is ac-
companied by a new life of the author, written with superior
taste and discrimination, but exhibing no new facts in his
history.
462
FRENCH AND SPANISH TRANSLATIONS.
"Robinson Crusoe" has yielded as much delight to
foreigners, as to the people in whose language it was written.
Upon its first appearance, it was translated into French, and
by that means became known to most of the nations of
Europe. A very neat edition in that language, with a
series of beautiful engravings by Picart, was printed at
Amsterdam, in three thick volumes, 12mo, in 1720 and
1721. It comprised the "Serious Reflections," and had
original Prefaces in commendation of the work. Since then,
it has been often printed in France, Holland and Germany,
and has had a powerful influence upon the minds of the
rising generation. That it should have found admirers in a
country that produced the renowned adventures of "Don
Quixote," is not surprising; nor that it should have become
obnoxious to those censors of literature, the fathers of the
Inquisition, who inserted it in their list of prohibited books,
in 1756.
It has been justly observed, that " although abounding in
all the prejudices of his countrymen, even in those confined
to the humbler orders, the nationality of De Foe's opinions
formed no obstacle to his reception abroad; because it did
not interfere in any way with the effect of his broad and
sure pictures of human nature; his unfailing appeals to the
elemental workings of the human mind; his mastery over
the universal passions; the sagacity, finally, and the deep
wisdom of those views of human character and conduct,
which in "Robinson Crusoe," more successfully than in
any
production of the same captivating species, are made to
display themselves in the apparently artless concatenation of
the incidents of a fictitious narrative, and the development
of one imaginary individual's mind."* One of the most
striking features in the history of the work, is the acceptance
it met with from the Arabs, whose literature is rich in works
* Pref. to Cadell's ed. i.
A GREAT FAVORITE WITH THE ARABS.
463
of fiction, the beauties of which can scarcely be appreciated
by an European. The late enterprising traveller, John Lewis
Burckhardt, during his residence in Syria, amused himself by
translating "Robinson Crusoe" into the Arabic, in order
to facilitate his acquaintance with the language. (P) "While
he was composing it, he used to read passages of his work to
his Arab friends, when they came to sit at his gate in the cool
hours of evening; and the most learned and the most ignorant
of them, says he, expressed great delight and admiration.
The most bigotted lovers of Oriental literature could not help
confessing, that the Frankish story-teller had afforded them
as much amusement as the historian of Sinbad, without ever
having recourse to anything in the smallest degree improbable,
and without ever writing one sentence less pregnant with
instruction than amusement."*
That a work of so much celebrity, and so well calculated
to please the taste of a numerous class of readers, should
meet with imitations, was to be expected; and no less so,
that they should all have been left in the back ground. The
first candidate for rivalship, was "The Hermit: or the
unparalleled Sufferings and surprising Adventures of Mr.
Philip Quarll, an Englishman; who was lately discovered
by Mr. Dorrington, a British Merchant, upon an unin-
habited Island in the South Sea; where he has lived above.
Fifty years without any human assistance, still continues
to reside, and will not come away. Containing-1. His
(P) Writing from Aleppo, July 2, 1810, he says, "I have for some time.
past been engaged in an Arabic exercise, which has proved of great utility
to me; it is the metamorphosis of the well-known novel of Robinson
Crusoe,' into an Arabian tale, adapted to Eastern taste and manners.
A young Frank, born at Aleppo, who speaks Arabic like a native, but who
neither reads nor writes it, has been my assistant in the undertaking. I
take the liberty of sending you here enclosed a copy of this travestied Robin-
son, or as I call the book in Arabic, Dur el Bakur, the Pearl of the Seas."
-Burckhardt's Travels in Nubia, p. 28.
*Pref. to Cadell's ed. iii.
464
PROFESSOR CAMPE'S FRENCH WORK.
Conferences with those who found him out, to whom he
recites the most material circumstances of his life; as, that
he was born in the parish of St. Giles's, educated by the
charitable Contribution of a Lady, and put 'Prentice to a
Lock-smith. II. How he left his Master and was taken up
with a notorious Housebreaker, who was hanged; how, after
his Escape, he went to Sea a Cabin-boy, married a famous.
Whore, listed himself a common Soldier, turned Singing-
master, and married three Wives, for which he was tried
and condemned at the Old Bailey. III. How he was par-
doned by King Charles, II., turned Merchant, and was
shipwrecked on this desolate Island, on the Coast of Mexico.
With a curious Map of the Island, and other Cuts. West-
minster printed for T. Warner, &c. 1727." 8vo. This was
the first edition of a work which has been often printed upon
coarse paper for the common people, but never attained to
any reputation. It is characterised by Dr. Beattie, as a
paltry imitation of " Robinson Crusoe;" and it requires but
little discernment to appreciate the justice of his remark.
The preface sufficiently shews that it was suggested by
envy at the popularity of De Foe's writings, which the
author vainly imagined to supersede by his own lucu-
brations.
There have been also several imitations of the work, with
the same title, of which the best, perhaps, is that of Mons.
Campe, a Frenchman, who, taking some hints from Rous-
seau, composed a story upon the model of De Foe's romance,
in which he professed to develope the resources of nature to
a greater extent than had been done by the original writer.
His work is cast in dialogues, and split into portions, adapted
to evening conversations. One object of the writer was, to
expunge from it every thing offensive to Catholics, that it
might receive no obstruction from persons whose tenacity
might lead them to reject it upon that account. It has
accordingly been popular upon the continent, and translated
465
into most of its languages, that of Spain amongst the rest;
it being the only version of Crusoe that is allowed to circulate
in that country. (9) There is an English translation, which
has been often printed under the title of "The New Robin-
son Crusoe," which has been likewise altered; the colloquy
being dropped, and the story thrown into a continued nar-
rative. Of late years, an attempt has been made to render
it a class-book for schools, both upon the continent and in
England. For this purpose, it was turned into Latin by
Professor Goffaux, chiefly from Campe's work. The diffi-
culty of such an undertaking must be very apparent; but it
is upon the whole well executed; the style is pure, neat and
simple; and the subject being attractive, it is calculated to
awaken the attention of the young, during the hours of
recreation. Another imitation in the French language, in
which the hero is a Frenchman, was published in Switzer-
land, under the following title: "La Robinson Français ou
l'histoire d'une Famille Francoise habitant une isle de la
mer du sud.”
SPANISH AND LATIN TRANSLATIONS.
-
Like most of its fellows, it is made up of imaginary
voyages, and marvellous adventures. But, instead of making
its hero a solitary being, upon a desart island, whither he
arrived through hair-breadth escapes, it places him upon
a beautiful and fertile spot, finds him a partner, and peoples
(@) It is intitled, "El Nuevo Robinson, Historia Moral, Reducida a
Dialogo para instruccion y entretenimento de Ninos y Jóvenes de ambos
sexôs: Escrita recentimente en Aleman Por el Señor Campe, Traducida
al Ingles, al Italiano, y al Frances, y de éste al Castellano con varias cor-
recciones. Por D. Tomas De Yriarte. Con las Licencias Necesarias. En
Madrid: En la Imprenta de Benito Cano. Ano de 1789." 2 Tom. 12mo.
Cuts. Yriarte, the translator, prefixed an original preface, in which he
claimed for his countrymen the honour of furnishing the model for this
ingenious work. The story is that of Peter Serrano, who lived seven years
on a sandy island upon the coast of Peru: the particulars of which are to
be found in the Royal Commentaries of Garcilasso De La Vega, from
which work he produces an extract to justify his conjecture.
VOL. 111.
2 11
H
466
the island with his progeny. The morality of the work,
however, is strictly attended to, and it is in some respects an
agreeable performance. Amongst the varieties of the French
press, is an edition of "Robinson Crusoe," with an inter-
lineary translation by Mad. Montmorency Lavale, printed at
her own house, in two volumes octavo. It bears the fol-
lowing title: "La Vie, et les tres surprennantes Aventures
de Robinson Crusoe, en Anglais. Avec la Traduction Fran-
caise interlineaire. Par G. E. J. M. L. 2 tom. a Dampierre.
1797.” It is said, that only twenty-five copies were printed
of this work, all upon fine Dutch writing-paper.
C
FRENCH TRANSLATIONS.
CHAPTER XVIII
Account of Dickory Cronke.-Plausibility of De Foe's Narratives.-His
Knowledge of Nautical Affairs.—He publishes the “ Life and Piracies of
Captain Singleton.”—Account of the Work-His "History of Duncan
Campbell."— Fortune-Tellers of the Day.-Spy upon the Conjuror.—The
Dumb Projector.-The Friendly Damon.-The Loadstone and Powder of
Sympathy.-Campbell turned Doctor.-The Supernatural Philosopher.-
Notice of William Bond.-Death of Duncan Campbell.-" Secret Memoirs
of the late Mr. Duncan Campbell.”—De Foe's "Poem upon Painting."
-Various Translations of Du Fresnoy's Work.—“ Christian Conversa-
tion, in Six Dialogues.”
1719-1720.
Add
THE SUCCESS of "Robinson Crusoe," encouraged our author
to persevere in the new line he had marked out for himself;
and the fertility of his invention enabled him to supply
the public with a series of works, as various in their nature,
as they are ingenious in their contrivance.
The same year that produced his master-piece, gave birth
to “The Dumb Philosopher; or, Great Britain's Wonder.
Containing, I. A faithful and very surprizing Account how
DICKORY CRON KE, a Tinner's son in the County of Corn-
wall, who was born Dumb, and continued so for 58 years;
and how some days before he died, he came to his Speech;
with Memoirs of his Life, and the Manner of his Death.
II. A Declaration of his Faith and Principles in Religion
with a Collection of Select Meditations, composed in hist
Retirement. III. His Prophetical Observations upon the
Affairs of Europe, more particularly of Great Britain, from
2H 2
468
PLAUSIBILITY OF DE FOE'S NARRATIVES.
1720 to 1729. The whole extracted from his Original
Papers, and confirmed by unquestionable Authority. To
which is annexed, His Elegy, written by a young Cornish
Gentleman, of Exeter Coll. in Oxford; with an Epitaph by
another Hand. Non Quis, sed Quid. London: printed by
Thos. Bickerton, at the Crown, in Paternoster-Row. 1719.
Price ls." 8vo. pp. 64.
In this, as in all the author's narratives, there is an unsus-
picious air of truth running through all its circumstances,
that sets scepticism itself at defiance. Anticipating the ob-
jections that would be started to its reality, he opens with an
appeal to evidence that must stop the mouth of incredulity.
"The publick has too often been imposed upon by ficti-
tious stories, so that I think myself obliged, by the usual
respect which is paid to candid and impartial readers, to
acquaint them with what they are to expect, and what they
may depend upon; and yet with this caution too: that 'tis
an indication of ill-nature or ill-manners, if not both, to pry
into a secret that's industriously concealed. However, that
there may be nothing wanting on my part, I do hereby assure
the reader, that the papers from whence the following sheets
were extracted, are now in town, in the custody of a person
of unquestionable reputation, who, I'll be bold to say, will
not only be ready, but proud to produce them upon a good
occasion; and that I think is as much satisfaction as the
nature of this case requires." By way of further verification,
he tells the reader," that what he has now before him, was
collected from a large bundle of papers, mostly in short hand,
and very ill digested; however, this may be relied upon, that
though the language is something altered, yet strict care has
been taken to speak the author's mind, and keep as close as
possible to the meaning of the original.'
The plausibility of De Foe's fictions, is partly maintained
by the circumstantiality of his details. We have here all the
particulars of time and place, noted with the same exactness
469
that we should look for in the most authentic piece of bio-
graphy. He tells us, that his hero was born at a little hamlet.
near St. Colomb, in Cornwall, upon the day of King Charles's
return, which procured him the name of " Restoration Dick;"
that he was first discovered to be dumb at three years old;
that, notwithstanding this calamity, he learned to read and
write so perfectly, as to be able to instruct his neighbours;
that the delicacy of his constitution preventing him from
working in the mines along with his father, he was taken
into the family of a Welch gentleman, one Mr. Owen Parry,
with whom he lived twenty years; and that after his death,
he went into the service of Mrs. Mary Mordaunt," a gentle-
woman of great virtue and piety," with whom he continued
to the time of her death. Being of sober and frugal habits,
he then retired upon the fruit of his earnings to St. Helens,
in his native county, and passed the remainder of his days
with a sister, who had been left a widow, and was the last
survivor of his family. Towards the close of his life, he was
seized with an apoplectic fit; and upon his recovery, found
himself in the possession of speech. This, however, was but
the prelude to his death; but he improved the short interval
to pious purposes, and delivered many excellent advices to
his sister, for the regulation of her conduct. His speech, at
length, failed him, and the fit returning, he expired, "after
a severe conflict that lasted near eight hours;" and "which
happened upon the 29th of May, 1718, about the same hour
in which he was born." (R)
ACCOUNT OF DICKORY CRONKE.
(R) De Foe relates a story of a man born deaf and dumb, who served his
apprenticeship to Mr. H— -1, a printer in St. John's-Lane, and was one
of the compositors of the Review. This man arrived to a perfection in the
silent language, or talking with his fingers: he learned to write without
being taught, and wrote a good hand, as well as good sense; and which is
yet more admirable, he arrived at the top of his trade, being a very good
compositor, and a rare workman, though he died before the expiration of
his time.-Review, ii. 51.
470
*
To the incidents of his life, our author adds the following
account of his habits. "His constant practice, both winter
and summer, was to rise and set with the sun; and if the
weather would permit, he never failed to walk in some unfre-
quented place for three hours, both morning and evening.
The chief part of his sustenance was milk, with a little bread
boiled in it, of which, in a morning, after his walk, he would
eat the quantity of a pint, and sometimes more. Dinners he
never eat; and at night, he would only have a pretty large
piece of bread, and drink a draught of good spring-water.
After this method, he lived during the whole time he was at
St. Helens. 'Tis observed of him, that he never slept out of
a bed, and never lay awake in one; which I take to be an
argument, not only of a strong and healthful constitution, but
of a mind composed and calm, and entirely free from the
ordinary disturbances of human life. He never made the
least signs of complaint or dissatisfaction at any thing, unless
it was when he heard the Tinners swear, or saw them drunk ;
and then too, he would get out of the way, as soon as he had
let them see, by some significant signs, how scandalous and
ridiculous they made themselves; and against the next day
he met them, would be sure to have a paper ready writ,
wherein he would represent the folly of drunkenness, and the
dangerous consequences that usually attend it. Idleness was
his utter aversion. If at any time he had finished the busi-
ness of the day, and was grown weary of reading and writing,
in which he daily spent six hours at least, he'd certainly find
something, either within doors or without, to employ himself.
Much might be said, both with regard to the wise and regular
management, and the prudent methods he took to spend his
time well towards the declension of his life. I shall only
observe in the general, that he was a person of great wisdom
and sagacity. He understood nature beyond the ordinary
capacity; and if he had had a competency of learning
suitable to his genius, neither this, nor the former ages,
ACCOUNT OF DICKORY CRONKE.
DE FOE'S KNOWLEDGE OF NAUTICAL AFFAIRS. 471
would have produced a better philosopher, or a greater
man."
In this simple story, De Foe has put in practice, without
any apparent effort, the same peculiarity of invention that
distinguishes his other performances. Although the incidents
of the narrative are few in number, they are told in the same
unpretending manner, and with so much exactness, that it is
difficult for the reader to persuade himself that it is any
other than a real history. As De Foe wrote for the common
people, he fed their appetite with such stimulants as were
suited to their love of excitement; and when he lays a tax
upon their credulity, it is levied with an air of seriousness.
that extorts belief, and finds ample remuneration in the
moral lessons with which it is accompanied. His purpose of
reformation, he unfolds at the outset: "for the design, I
think there's nothing need be said in vindication of that.
Here's a dumb philosopher introduced to a wicked and dege-
nerate generation, as a proper emblem of virtue and morality;
and if the world could be persuaded to look upon him with
candour and impartiality, and then to copy after him, the
Editor has gained his end, and would think himself suffi-
ciently recompensed for his present trouble.”
As De Foe had mixed much in society, he was become
familiar with the habits and modes of talking that distin-
guished different persons, particularly in common life; and
it is upon such subjects that he feels most at home. His
different excursions to the continent, would bring him in
contact with the British sailor, whose peculiarity of charac-
ter was not lost upon him; and it is not improbable that he
numbered amongst his acquaintance, persons of a sea-faring
life, from whom he derived that correct knowledge of nauti-
cal affairs, which is so conspicuous in his writings. When
personating the sailor, he is as much at home as when he
is discoursing upon trade, or discussing politics. It has been
472
LIFE OF CAPTAIN SINGLETON."
thought that he was not unacquainted with the celebrated
Dampier, who, to professional skill, united other com-
mendable qualities. De Foe lived at a period when buc-
caneering was carried on to a great extent, being encouraged
by the long wars that grew out of the revolution, particularly
the war of the Spanish succession. From the relations of
these lawless adventurers, he no
doubt derived many
anecdotes of surprising encounters and hair-breadth escapes,
which he skilfully converted by his own genius to the uses
required. He was also well-read in the voyages and travels
of former days, from whence he transferred the most strik-
ing incidents into his own imaginary voyages.
The favourable reception of "Robinson Crusoe" might be
partly owing to the partiality with which every circumstance,
illustrating the character of the British sailor, is viewed by
the public. It was probably in accommodation to this
national taste, that De Foe now recorded the adventures of
a buccaneer, which he depicts with all that spirit of enter-
prise and variety of incident, which usually mark the opera-
tions of that hardy character. This work he intitled, " The
Life, Adventures, and Pyracies of the famous Captain.
SINGLETON: Containing an Account of his being set on
shore in the Island of Madagascar; his Settlement there;
with a Description of the Place and Inhabitants: of his
passage from thence in a Paraguay to the main land of
Africa; with an Account of the Customs and Manners
of the People: his great Deliverance from the barbarous
Natives and wild Beasts: of his meeting with an English-
man, a Citizen of London, among the Indians; the great
Riches he acquired; and his Voyage home to England.
As, also, Captain Singleton's Return to Sea; with an Ac-
count of his many Adventures and Pyracies with the famous
Captain Avery and others. London: printed for J. Brother-
ton, at the Black Bull in Cornhill; J. Graves, in St.
James's Street; A. Dodd, at the Peacock, without Temple
(C
-
(( LIFE OF CAPTAIN SINGLETON."
473
Bar; and T. Warner, at the Black Boy in Paternoster Row.
1720." 8vo. pp. 360. 2nd edition. 1737. 12mo. 3d edition.
1768. 12mo.
Bob Singleton, as he was familiarly called, knew nothing
of his origin, having been trepanned when a child, and sold
to a gipsy woman; who happening to be hanged, he was
thrown upon the parish. At twelve years old he went to
Newfoundland, and upon his return home was captured by
a Turkish rover, but re-taken by the Portuguese, and
carried to Lisbon. His master dying there, he engaged
himself as cabin-boy in a Portuguese vessel bound to the
East Indies, and became initiated in every vice. But, de-
graded as he was, he could not but look with horror upon
his ship-mates, whom he describes as the most profligate of
beings. However, "he that is shipped with the devil,
must sail with the devil;" so he continued his voyage.
Upon his return from Goa, where he only escaped the inqui-
sition by becoming a good Catholic, the vessel put into
Madagascar; and a mutiny taking place amongst the sea-
men, twenty-seven of them, including young Singleton,
were left upon shore. Here they were hospitably treated
by the natives; but their new situation not sitting easy upon
them, they longed for an opportunity of returning to Europe.
Like men in despair, they wandered from one expedient to
another; and at length committed themselves to the sea, in
a vessel of their own construction. After a perilous voyage
of twenty-four days, they reached the main land of Africa,
but found themselves in a more barbarous country than that
they had quitted. They had now to cross a large continent,
which they performed upon foot; and we have a relation
of many perilous adventures with wild beasts, and savage
nations, as also, of the treasures they collected in their pro-
gress. Having at length reached the western coast, Single-
ton separated himself from the rest of his companions, and
embarking at Cape Coast Castle, returned to England,
474
LIFE OF CAPTAIN SINGLETON.”
where he soon dissipated his property. And with this ends
the first part of his adventures.
The second part of his life was no less remarkable, but
terminated more hopefully. As soon as he had seen the
bottom of his purse, he went on board a trading vessel
bound for Cadiz, where he engaged in a conspiracy to
seize the ship. But the plot failing, he transferred himself
to another vessel that was her companion, and where the
crew met with better success. Having chosen Wilmot, one
of them, their captain, and Singleton his lieutenant, they
laid in stores for a voyage, and put to sea. It was not
long before they captured a Spanish sloop, which they
manned for a privateer, giving the command to Singleton.
After a cruize of two years, they began to grow rich, dis-
posed of the sloop, and transferred the crew to a large
Spanish frigate carrying 38 guns, of which Singleton had
the command. With this force they swept the seas of
every vessel that came within their reach. In one of their
prizes was a Quaker from Pennsylvania, a surgeon by pro-
fession; who, being a useful person, was made to bear them
company, and cuts a considerable figure in the story. They
now thought of returning home with their booty, and
agreed to rendezvous at Madagascar. Here they fell in
with Captain Avery, a noted pirate of those times, whose
exploits are matter of history. But a difference now arising
between Singleton and the other commander, they parted
company, Wilmot carrying away all the spoil. Our hero
had now to begin the world again; but he was not dis-
heartened. Having a large frigate carrying 44 guns and
400 men, besides a sloop at his disposal, he set sail again,
his friend the Quaker bearing him company. It was not
long before they took some valuable prizes, with the con-
tents of which they carried on a considerable trade, and in
the end grew very rich. It was now time to think of leav-
ing off so hazardous a mode of life, with the guilt of which
(6
((
HISTORY OF DUNCAN CAMPBELL.
>>
475
our Captain began to have some compunctions of conscience,
that were instilled into him by the Quaker. For some con-
siderable time he was under great terror of mind, even border-
ing upon despair; but the Quaker's discourses brought him
to some composure, with a resolution to reform his life, and
make all the reparation in his power for the injustice he had
committed. The Quaker had a sister in England, to whom
he remitted a considerable sum of money, with directions to
take a house in the country, as a retreat for them upon
their arrival. This they at length accomplished; and the
story ends by Singleton's marriage to the fair Quakeress.
This work is inferior to some of De Foe's narratives. His
hero is altogether a worthless character, and the actions
recounted of him, are such as few readers would take delight
in. From the nature of the story, these, indeed, could not be
much otherwise. Singleton is a faithful portrait of a nu-
merous herd that swarmed upon the seas at that period.
The events of his life are those of any other pirate, but diver-
sified by some strange adventures, which owe their existence
to the fertile brain of the writer. Those who take delight in
adventures of this nature, will find much to amuse, if not to
instruct them. De Foe has less moralizing in this, than in
most of his other works, yet it is not entirely lost sight of;
for towards the close, his hero becomes a reformed man.
The story of the Quaker, who was the agent in the change,
is by far the best part of the work.
For the further amusement of the public, De Foe published
in the same year, some particulars of a noted seer of those
days, who gave rise to a variety of speculations. Steele
introduces him in the Tatler, as a dumb fortune-teller, who
imposed upon the vulgar, by pretending to tell fortunes by
the second-sight. Whether he was actually deaf and dumb,
or only feigned so, for the purpose of notoriety, was a matter
of doubt; but be this as it may, he practised many years
The Price
476
(6 HISTORY OF DUNCAN CAMPBELL."
upon the credulity of the public, and with so much success,
as to amass a fortune by his profession. The celebrity to
which he attained, is thus noticed by the Spectator. “Every
one has heard of the famous conjuror, who, according to the
opinion of the vulgar, has studied himself dumb; for which
reason, as it is believed, he delivers out his oracles in writing.
Be that as it will, the blind Teresias was not more famous
in Greece, than this dumb artist has been for some years
last past in the cities of London and Westminster.”*
So remarkable a character was not likely to escape the
observation of De Foe, who rightly considered, that he would
be a popular subject for his pen. He therefore composed
"The History of the Life and Adventures of Mr. DUNCAN
CAMPBELL, a Gentleman, who though Deaf and Dumb,
writes down any Stranger's Name at first sight, with their
future contingencies of Fortune. Now living in Exeter
Court, over against the Savoy in the Strand. London: printed
for E. Curll: and sold by W. Meers, &c. 1720." 8vo. pp.
320. So great was the demand for the work, that a second
edition appeared in the same year. It was accompanied by
a portrait of Mr. Duncan Campbell, Ætat. 40, engraved by
M. Vangergucht in his best manner; and there are some
other plates illustrative of the subject.
In the days of De Foe, the resort to fortune-tellers, for the
purpose of prying into futurity, was not confined to the
lower orders. The slender education then bestowed upon
females, and the habits of society so accurately described by
Steele and Addison, left the higher orders equally exposed
to the inroads of imposture. Accordingly, the levee of our
seer, who affected to look down upon the vulgar arts resorted
to by his rivals in the trade, could boast of a large assemblage
of the fair sex, of various ranks, who had recourse to him
for information upon the point that dwelt uppermost in their
* Spectator, No. 560.
HISTORY OF DUNCAN CAMPBELL."
477
thoughts. The notoriety of the circumstance led many to
expect a disclosure of secret intrigues in the life of the pro-
phet; but he disdained to indulge this appetite for scandal.
In a dedication "To the Ladies and Gentlemen of Great
Britain," he says, "they will find a much more elegant en-
tertainment. The good old gentleman who wrote the adven-
tures of my life, has made it his business to treat them with a
great variety of entertaining passages, which always terminate
in morals that tend to the edification of all readers of whatever
sex, age, or profession." Soaring above the tricks of common
conjurors, he rejects the aid of those popular superstitions
which act as talismans upon the vulgar. His skill in diving
into futurity, he rests solely upon his gift of the "second-
sight;" upon the history of which, the author employs a
whole chapter. "The persons who are most to be avoided,'
says he, "are your ordinary fortune-telling men and women
about this town, whose houses ought to be avoided as a
plague or a pestilence, either because they are cheats and
impostors, or because they deal with black arts, none of
them that I know having any pretensions to the gift of a
second-sight." Of these rivals for fame and fortune, he
gives a curious account. (s)
>>
..
(s) "The first and chiefest of these mischievous fortune-tellers is a woman
that does not live far from the Old Bailey, where she pretends to give charms
written upon paper, with odd scrawls, which she calls figures. The other
is a fellow that lives in Moorfields, in which place, those who go to consult
him ought to live all their life-time at the famous palace of the senseless.
He is the successor of the famous Dr. Trotter, whose widow he married;
and from being a tailor, and patching men's garments, he now cuts
flourishes with his shears upon parchment, considers the heavens as a gar-
ment, and from the spangles thereupon, he calculates nativities, and sets
up for a very profound astrologer. The third, is an ignorant fellow, who
kaws out strange predictions in Crow Alley, of whose croaking noise I
shall now take no notice, he having been sufficiently mauled in the most
ingenious Spectators. These, and such counterfeits, I would desire all
gentlemen and ladies to avoid. The only two really learned men that I
ever knew in the art of astrology, were my good friends, Dr. Williams and
478
((
HISTORY OF DUNCAN CAMPBELL.
""
Our present hero asserts a higher claim to attention than
those he has just described. DUNCAN CAMPBELL, accord-
ing to his biographer, was descended from a Scotch clan that
claimed the house of Argyle for its chief. But he was him-
self born in Lapland, whither his father had been driven by
a storm, and united himself in marriage with a lady of con-
sequence in that country. From his mother he is said to
have inherited the gift of second-sight, for which the people
in those northern regions were celebrated. Upon her death,
which happened when young Duncan was little more than
two years old, his father returned with him to Scotland,
and there married a second wife. By the time he was four
years old, it was discovered that nature had denied him the
gift of speech, which put an end to all those hopes of future
greatness which his father cherished, and had been prognos-
ticated by his mother. From this state of distress, he was
partially relieved by a learned divine of the University of
Glasgow, who made himself acquainted with Dr. Wallis's
method of teaching the deaf and dumb, and undertook the
tuition of Duncan. He was about half a-year in learning his
letters; but afterwards made such quick progress, that in
little more than two years, he was able to read and write as
well as other children. The process of tuition, which was
chiefly by the fingers, is here explained at considerable
length, and a plate of the alphabet annexed. His father
joining in the expedition of Argyle, died soon afterwards in
exile; and in the course of a few years he lost his step-
mother, being left an orphan when he was twelve years old.
T
Mr. Gadbury."-The Spectator, (No. 505) observes, "It is not to be con-
ceived how many wizards, gipsies, and cunning men are dispersed through
all the counties and market-towns of Great Britain; not to mention the
fortune-tellers and astrologers, who live very comfortably upon the curiosity
of several well-disposed persons in the cities of London and Westminster."
Moorfields had been time out of mind the most common habitation of these
gentry.
479
He continued in Scotland two years afterwards, giving many
indications of the rare faculty for which he became so famous,
the particulars of which are noted down in his life with great
exactness. In 1694, he removed to London, where he soon
attracted a large concourse of visiters, some of them drawn
together by motives of curiosity, and others by a concern
for business. The fame he acquired by his predictions, of
the fulfilment of which some strange stories are recorded,
resounded to the remotest corners of the metropolis, and
brought him a large harvest of the valuable metal. But as
his reputation extended, envy and detraction were at work to
undermine it. His oracles, which were sometimes of an un-
palatable nature, and delivered with freedom, brought him
into scrapes, and upon one occasion he narrowly escaped
with his life. At length he began to grow tired of his
profession; and having realized a handsome fortune, he so-
licited ease in retirement.
(6 HISTORY OF DUNCAN CAMPBELL."
Being then in the prime of life, he embarked in the pur-
suits of a modern fine gentleman; frequented the coffee-
houses and public assemblies; and addicting himself to a
variety of expensive pleasures, he soon came to the bottom
of his fortune. His biographer tells us, that being himself a
man in years, and experienced in the ways of the world, he
took upon him to admonish Mr. Campbell upon the tendency
of his courses: but heedless of his advice, he still continued
his expensive habits, until he involved himself in debt, and
became the inmate of a prison. After a confinement of six
weeks, he was delivered by some friends, and resolved to try
his fortune in the army. For this purpose, he took his pas-
sage on board a vessel bound to Rotterdam, where he engaged
in a frolic that again deprived him of his liberty. After his
release, his humour for rambling brought him into fresh
troubles, and he was persuaded to return to England; but
the vessel in which he had embarked, was captured and car-
ried into France. Here he had an odd adventure with some
480
(i HISTORY OF DUNCAN CAMPBELL."
friars, who wished to convict him as a conjuror, but suddenly
became his friends. Having arrived in London, he sought
out his former lodgings, resumed his occupation as a fortune-
teller, and had an abundance of customers. Prosperity again
smiled upon him. "He had nothing to do from early in the
morning till late at night, but to read questions and resolve
them, as fast as much-frequented doctors write their prescrip-
tions, and like them also to receive his fees." But a glut of
money was not the only good thing that fortune bestowed
upon him. Being visited by an agreeable young widow,
who was not only liberal in her donations, but expressed
great kindness for him, he felt a strong desire to interpret
her fortune in his own favour, and proved a successful suitor.
He now took a house in Monmouth-Court, where he conti-
nued to follow his profession; and with this part of his life
the story ends.
Such is an outline of the particulars that form the subject
of the present volume. A considerable part of it is occupied
in a relation of the adventures of this singular personage, in
stories of apparitions, and in arguments to support the theory
of natural magic. The most interesting part of the book,
perhaps, is the account of Archibald Campbell, father of the
conjuror. (T)
Τ
(T) The subjects discussed in the volume, may be learnt from the fol-
lowing table of contents. Chap. I. Mr. Campbell's descent, family, birth,
&c. Also, an account of Mr. Archibald Campbell's travels in Lapland,
where he married a rich lady of that country, who was daughter to the
under-prefect, or deputy-governor of the district of Uma Lapmark. With
some letters from him to his father in the isle of Shetland in Scotland;
particularly one concerning the birth of his son, Mr. Duncan Campbell.
Chap. II. After the death of Mr. Duncan Campbell's mother, in Lapland,
his father, Mr. Archibald Campbell, returned into Scotland with his little
son and family. His second marriage, and how his son, being born deaf
and dumb, was first taught to read and write. Chap. III. His method of
teaching deaf and dumb persons to write, read, and understand a language.
Chap. IV. Young Duncan Campbell returns with his mother to Edinburgh.
The Earl of Argyle's overthrow. The ruin of Mr. Archibald Campbell, and
<< SPY UPON THE CONJUROR."
481
moirs.
It is easy to perceive, that a man born deaf and dumb,
but provided with the rare accomplishments possessed by
Mr. Campbell, would excite no little degree of curiosity in
the world. Accordingly, we find that De Foe's book was no
sooner announced, than it produced a great demand, which
induced him to conclude it sooner than he intended. The
following passage seems to hint at a continuation of the me-
"The most diverting of all are to be found, best to
the life, in original letters that passed between Mr. Campbell
and his correspondents; some select ones of which will be
shortly published, with a continuation of his life to the pre-
sent time, for the farther entertainment of such readers as
shall relish this treatise." The work to which this passage
refers, appeared about four years afterwards, with the follow-
ing title: "A Spy upon the Conjuror: or a Collection of
surprising Stories, with Names, Places, and particular Cir-
cumstances relating to Mr. Duncan Campbell, commonly
known by the name of the Deaf and Dumb Man; and the
astonishing Penetration and Event of his Predictions. Writ-
ten to my Lord, by a Lady, who, for more than
Twenty years past, has made it her Business to observe all
Transactions in the Life and Conversation of Mr. Campbell.
London: sold by Mr. Campbell, at the Green-Hatch, Buck-
ingham-Court, Whitehall; and at Burton's Coffee-House,
Charing-Cross. 1724." 8vo. pp. 259. This volume has been
sometimes attributed to Mrs. Eliza Haywood, a celebrated
his death. Young Duncan's practice in prediction at Edinburgh, while
yet a boy. Chap. V. An argument proving the perception which men have
had, and have, by all the senses, as seeing, hearing, &c., of Demons, Genii,
or Familiar Spirits. Chap. VI. A narrative of Mr. Campbell's coming to
London, and taking upon him the profession of a predictor; together with
an account of many strange things that came to pass just as he foretold.
Chap. VII. A philosophical Discourse concerning the Second-Sight.
Chap. VIII. A Dissertation upon Magic, under all its branches. With
some remarkable particulars relating to Mr. Campbell's private life. On
the Existence of Spirits. And Witches.-Appendix.
2 I
VOL. II.
(6
482
female novelist; but the internal evidence is against that
supposition; and notwithstanding the female disguise, it was
most probably the production of De Foe, to whom it has been
also assigned. It was evidently intended as a sequel to the
former work, which is often referred to. About a third of the
volume consists of Letters to Mr. Campbell; the remainder
is occupied in relations of his interviews with various persons
who consulted him upon their destinies, and the exposure of
their fortunes. There are also some few particulars of his
private history, intermixed with reflections of a moral nature;
and he is represented as displaying more honesty towards his
customers than was usual with persons of his profession.
In the following year, there appeared a further account
of our prophet, by the author of the work last mentioned.
It is intitled "The Dumb Projector: being a surprizing Ac-
count of a Trip to Holland made by Mr. Duncan Campbell;
with the Manner of his Reception and Behaviour there. As
also, the various and diverting Occurrences that happened in
his departure. London: printed for W. Ellis, at the Queen's
Head in Gracechurch Street, J. Roberts in Warwick Lane,
&c. 1725. Price Sixpence. 8vo. pp. 40. The title sufficiently
explains the nature of the work, which relates to a fool's
errand upon which Mr. Campbell was sent to Holland, with
the promise of a large reward, which he never received.
THE DUMB PROJECTOR."
Another work relating to him, which was also most pro-
bably from the pen of De Foe, is intitled "The Friendly
Dæmon or the Generous Apparition. Being a true Narra-
tive of a miraculous Cure newly performed upon that famous
Deaf and Dumb Gentleman, Dr. Duncan Campbell, by a
Familiar Spirit that appeared to him in a white Surplice, like
a Cathedral Singing Boy. London: printed and sold by
J. Roberts, in Warwick-Lane, 1726." 8vo. pp. 39. The follow-
ing lines are inserted in the title:
"If by our senses, spirits we perceive,
Or from the strength of fancy, we believe,
<<
THE FRIENDLY DEMON."
No fault do we commit that merits blame,
If to the public we repeat the same.
For, whether by our eyes we spectres see,
Or by a second-sight, we must agree,
Things are to us, as they appear to be.”
483
This singular performance consists of two letters: the first
written by Duncan Campbell himself, and addressed “To my
anonymous worthy friend, physician and philosopher, whose
name for certain reasons I forbear to mention," contains a nar-
rative of a distressing illness which attacked him in 1717, and
continued nearly eight years. It was attended by epileptic
fits, which seized him suddenly, and for a time deprived him
of his senses. From this period, he tells us, that every little
disorder of mind, or disappointment in business, never failed
to bring on a return of the fits, which convulsed his features,
distorted his limbs, and were attended by racking pains in
the bowels. By this calamity, the faculties of his mind
became greatly impaired, and his physicians advised him to
try the cold bath, which for a time appeared to mitigate the
disorder; but the fits returning upon him as frequently as
ever, he began to despair of relief from human aid. In the
midst of his despondency, as he was slumbering upon his
bed towards the latter end of 1725, his good genius, or guar-
dian angel, appeared to him, clothed in a white surplice, and
with a scroll in his hand, containing the following inscrip-
tion, written in large capitals: "Read, believe and practice.
The loadstone shall be your cure, with an addition of the
powder here prescribed you; but keep the last as a secret,
for with that and the magnet, you shall relieve numbers in
distress, and live to do greater wonders than you have hitherto
performed therefore, be of good cheer, for you have a friend
unknown, who, in the time of trouble, will never fail you."
This consoling news could not be otherwise than welcome to
a person in his condition; therefore, after some struggle with
his natural reason, to which, he tells us, he subjected his
212
484 THE LOADSTONE AND POWDER OF SYMPATHY.
faith, he began to put the remedy in practice, and in a
month's time, was restored to a state of health. The second
letter is from his friend the physician and philosopher, whose
opinion he had requested upon the notion of genii, or familiar
spirits; upon the virtues of the loadstone; and upon the
powder of sympathy, the effects of which had operated so
mysteriously in his case. Diffident of his own ability to give
any satisfactory account of the world of spirits, he refers to
what the ancients had written upon the subject, particularly
as it respected the dæmon of Socrates; and he adds to them
the testimonies of Glanvil, Beaumont, and other moderns.
For the wonderful efficacy ascribed to the loadstone, he pro-
fesses his inability to account upon any rational principles;
but he advises his friend to keep the secret to himself and to
make the most of it. Upon the virtues of the sympathetic
powder, as he was unacquainted with its composition, he for-
bears an opinion, being unable to say, "how far his guar-
dian angel is a regular proficient in the modern practice of
physic." But he tells him, that a powder of this kind was
Brought from the East by a religious Carmelite, who com-
municated the receipt to our countryman, the famous Sir
Kenelm Digby, who wrote upon the subject, and performed
a remarkable cure with it upon the person of Mr. James
Howell, a well-known writer of the period.
66
Mr. Campbell having obtained possession of so important
a secret, resolved to make his market of it with the public.
He therefore advertised its virtues in a variety of complaints,
and in commencing practitioner of the healing art, announced
himself in due form a doctor of the faculty. To the above
publication is annexed a Postscript," in which the public
are informed, that "at Dr. Campbell's house, in Bucking-
ham-Court, over against Old Man's Coffee-house at Charing-
Cross, they may be readily furnished with his Pulvis Miracu-
losus, and the finest sort of Egyptian loadstones, ready armed
and fitted for the purpose, which if applied and continued
BOND'S "SUPERNATURAL PHILOSOPHER."
485
according to direction, never fail of success." Such is the
credulity of mankind, that those who practice upon it with a
moderate share of skill, will never fail to accomplish their
object; and their success will be in proportion to the degree
of mystery that is mixed up with their art. Animal mag-
netism has performed as many exploits in our own day, as
the loadstone and sympathetic powder in that of Doctor
Campbell.
Another work connected with this subject, is "The super-
natural Philosopher, or the Mysteries of Magic in all its
branches clearly unfolded. Containing, first, An Argument
proving the Perception which Mankind have by all the
Senses of Dæmons, Genii, or Familiar Spirits, and of the
several species of them, both Good and Bad. Second, A phi-
losophical Discourse concerning the Second-Sight, demon-
strating it to be hereditary in some Families. Third, A full
Answer to all Objections that can be brought against the
Existence of Spirits, Witches, &c. Fourth, Of Divination
by Dreams, Spectres, Omens, Apparitions after Death, Pre-
dictions, &c. Fifth, Of Enchantments, Necromancy, Geo-
mancy, Hydromancy, romancy, Pyromancy, Chiromancy,
Augury and Aurispicy, collected and compiled from the most
approved authorities. By William Bond, of Bury Saint
Edmonds, Suffolk. Exemplified in the Life of Mr. Duncan
Campbell. London: 1728. Price Five Shillings." 8vo.
This is no other than the work first described, with a new
title. William Bond was the name of a real person at this
time, and not unknown in the republic of letters. His abilities,
however, did not rank very high. He added a ninth volume
to the Spectator; translated Buchanan's History; and was
concerned with Aaron Hill in a periodical paper, called "The
Plain Dealer." Having a taste for the stage, he played the
part of Lasignan, in Hill's tragedy of Zara, but for one night
only; being seized with a fit upon the stage, which termi-
nated his life the following morning, in the month of June
486
1735. He is said to have been nearly related to Lord Gage;
and was the author of some poetical pieces, for which he was
placed in the Dunciad.
-
The remarkable personage who gave rise to the foregoing
publications, died about the year 1730, after a long illness, in
which he suffered great torture of body, that baffled the spells
of the loadstone, as well as the art of the medical practitioner.
As he was never heard to utter any complaints under the ex-
cruciating agonies that distorted his frame, it may be safely
concluded that the suspicion of those who took him for an
impostor were ill-grounded. The organs that nature had
denied him, were compensated by the acuteness of his other
faculties. A quickness of sight, joined to long practised
observation, enabled him to understand the turn of conver-
sation; and the delicacy of his touch qualified him to distin-
guish the harmony of sounds. He could play upon the violin
with great exactness, and tuned it by putting the instrument
between his teeth. He was a great master of the art of self-
defence, frequented the fencing school, and was member of a
society formed from amongst his pupils, who met once a week
to improve themselves in the art. It was at one of these meet-
ings that an experiment was made upon him by firing a pistol
close to his ear, when he neither started nor betrayed any
symptom of surprise. Aware that public curiosity would be
excited to know something more of him after his death, Mr.
Campbell, that his fame might not suffer by imperfect narra-
tives, drew up an account of his own life, which he left prepared
for the press. It made its appearance soon after his death,
with the following title. "Secret Memoirs of the late Mr.
Duncan Campbell, the famous Deaf and Dumb Gentleman.
Written by Himself, who ordered they should be published
after his decease. To which is added, An Appendix by way
of vindication of Mr. Duncan Campbell, against that ground-
less aspersion cast upon him, that he but pretended to be Deaf
and Dumb. London: printed for J. Millan, at the Green Door,
4
DEATH OF DUNCAN CAMPBELL.
DE FOE'S POEM UPON PAINTING.
487
the corner of Buckingham Gate; and J. Chrichley, at the
London Gazette, Charing Cross. 1732." 8vo. pp. 239. The
work is accompanied by a wretched portrait of Mr. Campbell,
engraved by Price. His narrative commences from the time
of his appearance in London, and for the former part of his
history, he refers to the works already mentioned.
A rhyming fit having returned upon De Foe, he now pro-
duced "The Compleat Art of Painting: a Poem. Translated
from the French of M. du Fresnoy. By D. F. Gent. Lon-
don: printed for T. Warner. 1720. Price One Shilling."
8vo. pp. 53. Du Fresnoy's poem, so highly esteemed upon
the continent, had been translated into English prose by
Dryden, and his version met with a corresponding approba-
tion in England. Although no attempt had been made to
turn it into English metre, yet the rejection of it by Dryden
might have been sufficient to deter our author from so ven-
turous an experiment. De Foe's ear was never attuned to
music, he was therefore incapable of that nice discrimination
which is requisite to produce harmony. Dryden had set be-
fore him the noble example of abandoning a vicious taste;
and Pope, who was now in the height of his popularity, had
imparted a smoothness and perspicuity to his verse that pro-
cured the admiration of his contemporaries. With these
models before him, it is surprising that De Foe could still
take delight in his unmusical rhymes; for his present effort
is even inferior to many of his former productions. It may
be difficult to assign a motive for the publication, unless, as
Mr. Chalmers intimates, it was to gain a few guineas, without
much labour of the head or hand. A metrical translation
of Du Fresnoy's work was attempted by Wills the painter;
but, like its precursor, has been long since forgotten. In later
times, it was undertaken with fair success by the late elegant
scholar and poet, Mr. William Mason, whose work was
488 <<
CHRISTIAN CONVERSATION," IN SIX DIALOGUES.
enriched with many valuable notes, by his friend, Sir Joshua
Reynolds.
Towards the end of the same year, De Foe employed his
pen upon a subject more congenial with his talents, and better
adapted to purposes of usefulness. In a series of moral dis-
courses, written by way of dialogue, he showed how com-
petent he was to explain the real nature of religion, and to
unfold its consolations. He intitled his work "Christian
Conversation: in six Dialogues. I. Between a doubting
Christian and one more confirmed, about Assurance. II.
Between the same Persons about Mortification. III. Between
Eudoxius and Fidelius, about Natural Things spiritualized.
IV. Between Simplicius and Conscius, about Union. V. Be-
tween Thipsius and Melaudius, about afflictions. VI. Be-
tween Athanasius and Bioes, about Death. By a Private
Gentleman. London: printed for W. Taylor. 1720." 8vo.
Entered at Stationers'-Hall, November 2. "The moralities
of De Foe," observes Mr. Chalmers, "whether published in
single volumes, or interspersed through many passages, must
at last give him a superiority over the crowd of his contem-
paries.” In this judgment, those who have perused his
writings cannot but concur. Upon most of them a favour-
able verdict was pronounced by his contemporaries; and
they require only to be extensively known, to obtain for
the author that meed of praise which is due to his merito-
rious exertions.
CHAPTER XIX.
De Foe a Painter of Nature.- He publishes the “Fortunes and Misfortunes
of Moll Flanders."-Character of the Story.-De Foe's Object in writing it.
-Its revolting Features.-Success of the Work.- Various Editions.-His
Life of Colonel Jacque.—Nature of the Work-Slaves and Slave-Owners.
- De Foe an enlightened Philanthropist.-General Character of his Novels.
-Moral Tendency of Colonel Jacque.-" Memoirs of a Cavalier."—Account
of it by his Editor.-Laboured attempts to authenticate the Narrative.—
The Cavalier's Story.-Character of Tilly's Army.-And of Gustavus
Adolphus.-Sensation produced by his Death.-Civil Wars in England.—
Character of Fairfax.-And of the Memoirs.-War and Pestilence.—
De Foe's Account of the Plague.-Character of his Work.-Its Moral
Tendency.—Plague at Marseilles.-Publications upon the great Plague.
-Controversy with Dr. Hancocke.-Religious Courtship.-Its estimable
Character.-Other Works attributed to De Foe.
1721-1722.
THE misfortunes of De Foe, at a former period, had thrown
him into circumstances which subjected him to the sight of
human nature in its lowest and most degraded forms. Whilst
immured in prison, he was necessarily brought into contact
with persons who were competent to let him into those scenes
of crime and misery, of which his fertile genius availed itself
in the publications we are now about to notice. The various
incidents in the eventful life of Moll Flanders, from the time.
of her seduction to that of her becoming a convict and a quiet
settler in Maryland, are those of real life, as exemplified by
multitudes of individuals, who have run the career of their
vicious propensities. The artless disposition of the narrative,
490
STORY OF "MOLL FLANDERS.”
the lively interest excited by unlooked for coincidences, the
rich natural painting, the moral reflections, are all so many
proofs of the knowledge and invention of the writer; but the
facts were furnished him by the annals of Newgate.
To gratify the taste of the public, De Foe now served up
a dish of coarser materials than ordinary, but adapted to a
numerous class of readers, who might be indisposed to receive
instruction from his moral dialogues. It is intitled "The
Fortunes and Misfortunes of the Famous MOLL FLANDERS,
&c., who was born in Newgate, and during a Life of continued
variety for threescore years, besides her Childhood, was
twelve years a Whore, five times a Wife, (whereof once to
her own Brother) Twelve Years a Thief, Eight Years a trans-
ported Felon to Virginia, at last grew Rich, lived Honest,
and died a Penitent. Written from her own Memorandums.
London: printed for and sold by W. Chetwood, at Cato's
Head, in Russell Street, Covent Garden; and T. Edlin, at
the Prince's Arms, over against Exeter Change in the Strand.
1721." 8vo. pp. 366.
From the character of the incidents that compose the pre-
sent narrative, De Foe was fully aware of the objections that
would be urged against it by the scrupulous. To conceal a
single fact, would have taken so much from the fidelity of
the portrait; all that he could do, therefore, was to neutralize
the poison, by furnishing the strongest antidotes. Accord-
ingly, whilst he paints the courses of an every-day profligate
in their natural colours, he shows us with the same faith-
fulness their natural tendency; and that, first or last, vice is
sure to bring down its own punishment. His villains never
prosper; but either come to an untimely end, or are brought
to be penitents. In dressing up the present story, he tells us,
he had taken care to exclude every thing that might be
offensive; but conscious that he had a bad subject to work
upon, he endeavours to interest the reader in the reflections
arising out of it, that the moral might be more enticing than
J
STORY OF "MOLL FLANDERS."
491
>>
the fable. "To give the history of a wicked life repented of,
necessarily requires that the wicked part should be made as
wicked as the real history of it will bear, to illustrate and
give a beauty to the penitent part, which is certainly the
best and brightest, if related with equal spirit and life.'
Judging from the common experience of mankind, De Foe
archly suspects that this part of his narrative will be less
cordially received than the other. Should this be the case,
he says,
"I must be allowed to say, 'tis because there is not
the same taste and relish in the reading; and indeed it is
too true, that the difference lies not in the real worth of the
subject, so much as in the gust and palate of the reader."
But the work being intended for those who know how to
make a good use of it, he adds, "It is to be hoped, such
readers will be much more pleased with the application than
with the relation; with the end of the writer, than with the
life of the person written of."
Such is the object of the story of Moll Flanders, and it
must be allowed to be executed in strict conformity with the
writer's intentions. The events of her life are indeed coarse
and disgusting; but they are exactly those of a person in her
situation, led on from one degree of crime to another, and par-
ticipating in all the miseries that may be expected to accom-
pany such courses. In the midst of her career, this unhappy
creature was not without those compunctions of conscience that
often attend a life of guilt; and our author has pourtrayed the
workings of her mind with great force and discrimination.
But a perseverance in evil courses has a tendency to harden
the heart, until it grows callous to conviction. So it was
with our heroine; and the reflections suggested by it as soon
as she found herself in Newgate, form a striking part of the
narrative. The best part of her life is towards its close.
“Her application to a sober life and industrious management
at last in Virginia, with her transported spouse, is a story
fruitful of instruction to all the unfortunate creatures who are
492
STORY OF "MOLL FLANDERS."
obliged to seek their re-establishment abroad, whether by the
misery of transportation or other disaster; letting them know,
that diligence and application have their due encouragement,
even in the remotest part of the world, and that no case can
be so low, so despicable, or so empty of prospect, but that an
unwearied industry will go a great way to deliver us from it,
and will in time raise the meanest creature to appear again in
the world, and give him a new cast for his life."
The story of Moll Flanders, although seriously told, and
abounding in just reflections upon the danger of an habitual
course of wickedness, is a book after all, that cannot be re-
commended for indiscriminate perusal. The scenes it unfolds
are such as must be always unwelcome to a refined and well-
cultivated mind; whilst with respect to others, it is to be
feared that those who are pre-disposed to the oblique paths of
vice and dishonesty, will be more alive to the facts of the
story, than to the moral that is suspended to it. The life of
a courtezan, however carefully told, if told faithfully, must
contain much matter unfit to be presented to a virtuous mind.
Moll Flanders is one of a low description; and gliding into
the occupation of a shop-lifter, she became an adept in all
the arts of her profession. The first part of her story renders
her an object of pity, as the latter part of it does of respect;
but the intermediate spaces are filled up by matters of a
forbidding nature; and whatever lessons the whole may be
calculated to afford to persons in a similar situation, it may
be feared that they will weigh less with the obtuse and the
profligate, than their dreams of present advantage. Those
who take delight in exploring the annals of Newgate, without
the moral, may here find the like scenes with the moral
pointed. It is to the credit of De Foe, that he nowhere
administers to the vicious taste of his reader, but takes every
occasion of holding up vice to abhorrence.
If the sale of a book were any criterion of its merit, De
Foe had every reason to be satisfied with the work. A third
"
STORY OF "MOLL FLANDERS."
493
edition was published by the same booksellers in 1722, and
another in the following year. There were two editions by
J. Brotherton; the second in 1741. There is also one with
wood cuts, by C. Sympson, in Stone-Cutter Street, Fleet
Market, without a date. These were all in octavo, and there
are many in a smaller size. An edition of the work, with
many omissions and alterations, was published in 1776, by
Francis Noble, who kept a circulating library in Holborn,
and reprinted several of De Foe's pieces, with castrations.
It professes to be taken from a corrected manuscript of De
Foe's, dated Islington, December 20, 1730, in which he
omitted some parts as unfit for perusal, and gave the whole
a new dress. But this is a mere deception. There is no
reason for supposing that De Foe left any such papers, nor
that he intended his work to be mutilated in the manner per-
formed by his anonymous editor. Besides abridging other
parts of her story, the whole of her practices as a thief are
omitted, and consequently those fine passages that describe
her mental conflicts in the silent hour of reflection. She is
no convict herself, but accompanies her husband to Virginia,
from whence they both return to Ireland, purchase an estate,
and pass a sober and religious life. She survives her husband,
makes her will, leaving the whole of her property to her
brother-in-law, and departs this life a great penitent, the
tenth of December, 1722, in the 75th year of her age. The
work concluding in this happy manner, is intitled “The
History of Lætitia Atkins, vulgarly called Moll Flanders.
Published by Mr. Daniel De Foe. And from Papers found
since his decease, it appears greatly altered by himself; and
from the said Papers, the present Work is produced. London:
printed for the Editor; and sold by F. Noble, in Holborn,
and T. Lowndes, in Fleet Street, 1776." 12mo. It contains
little more than half the quantity of the original work. (u)
(u) The account given of it by the Editor is as follows: "My father was
an intimate acquaintance of Mr. Daniel De Foe. I had frequently heard him
494
(( LIFE OF COLONEL JACQUE."
By the success of his late publications, De Foe obtained
full possession of the public taste. To gratify it, therefore, he
had only to follow the bent of his genius, which, as it pointed
out to him the surest road to fame, offered at the same time
the most likely method of improving his pecuniary affairs.
He had at this time, in all probability, no other dependance
than the gains of literature. His pen was therefore ever at
work; and from the facility with which he employed it, there
is reason to believe that he derived pleasure from an occupa-
tion, which was to him a matter of necessity.
As a sort of companion to the former work, and intended
for the amusement of persons in the same class of life, De
Foe now published "The History of the most Remarkable
Life and Extraordinary Adventures of the truly Honourable
COLONEL JACQUE, vulgarly called Colonel Jack; who was
born a Gentleman, put Apprentice to a Pick-Pocket, flou-
rished six and Twenty Years as a Thief, and was then Kid-
napped to Virginia: came back a Merchant, was five times
married to four Whores, went into the Wars, behaved bravely,
got Preferment, was made Colonel of a Regiment, returned
again to England, followed the Fortunes of the Chevalier de
St. George, was taken at the Preston Rebellion, received
his Pardon from the King, is now at the Head of his Regi-
ment in the Service of the Czarina, fighting against the
Turks; completing a Life of Wonders, and resolved to die a
General. London: printed for J. Brotherton, &c. 1722.”
8vo. A second edition by the same bookseller, appeared in
the following year; a third in 1724; and a fourth, printed
for Ward and Chandler, at the Ship without Temple Bar, in
speak of his friend, highly to his advantage as a moral writer, in many of his
publications, and wondered much after my reading his "Robinson Crusoe,"
to find both in his "Roxana," and in his "Moll Flanders," expressions so
much beneath him; but upon a perusal, when I came in possession of the ma-
nuscripts of his alterations of both those histories, I acquiesced in the opinion
of my father, and in that opinion, have thought it proper, in their new dress,
to introduce them for the entertainment of those who are admirers of nature.”
"L LIFE OF COLONEL JACQUE."
495
4.
1738. 8vo. Since then, it has been printed several times
in 12mo.
The "Life of Colonel Jacque," is a work excellent in its kind,
although less known than some of the author's other per-
formances. If it contains much manner of low-life, it aspires
to an elevation of character; whilst the painting is that
of nature, and the tendency strictly virtuous. There is in
truth but little that can associate it in character with
Moll Flanders; for, if there is a correspondency in some
of their actions, the principle that actuated them was
widely different, and our hero appears through the greater
part of the volume, a personage intitled to some respect.
Even the first portion of his life, which was spent amongst
thieves and vagabonds, discovers the latent seeds of honesty,
and a generosity of disposition rising superior to his pro-
fession. When a child, and ignorant of its meaning, he
imbibed a strong notion of being a gentleman, which was of
great service to him through this part of his career. The
manner in which this laudable feeling is brought into play,
is not only highly amusing, but strongly indicates the in-
genuity of the writer. Perhaps the most valuable part of
the story is that of his residence in Virginia, to which place
he was trepanned by the master of a vessel, and sold for a
slave. As he had hitherto lived a wandering life, without a
home, or any honest means of subsistence, he soon grew
reconciled to his lot, and conducted himself so well, as to
give satisfaction to his employer. During this scene of
life," says he, "I had time to reflect on my past hours, and
upon what I had done in the world; and though I had no
great capacity of making a clear judgment, and very little
reflections from conscience, yet it made some impression
upon me; and particularly that I was brought into this
miserable condition of a slave by some strange directing
power, as a punishment for the wickedness of my younger
years." When his master became acquainted with the
""
496
SLAVES AND SLAVE-OWNERS.
circumstances that brought him to the colony, he took com-
passion upon his situation, and receiving a favourable report
of his conduct, gave him his liberty, and appointed him
overseer of his plantations. The manner in which he be-
haved himself in his new office, forms an interesting feature
in the narrative.
De Foe had made himself fully acquainted with the gene-
ral character of English planters, and with the cruel treat-
ment exercised upon their negroes. A discipline so abhorrent
to the feelings of humanity, struck him with horror. Instead
of reforming, it hardened them in their faults; it rendered
them the ignoble victims of fear; and it instilled a deep-
rooted hatred against their oppressors. Believing that ne-
groes possessed all the faculties of reasonable creatures, and
were susceptible of the same impressions as others of the
species, he considered them not insensible of kindness: that
possessing the same principles of natural generosity as others,
they were equally alive to feelings of gratitude; and that
they might be governed by an appeal to generous motives,
without recourse to the lash, or at least so much of it as is
generally inflicted. In accordance with these humane senti-
ments, our hero tells his master, "I have found out that
happy secret to have good order kept, the business of the
plantation done, and that with diligence and dispatch; and
that the negroes are kept in awe, the natural temper of them
subjected, and the safety and peace of your family secured
as well by gentle means as by rough, by moderate correction
as by torture and barbarity, and by a due awe of just dis-
cipline, as by the horror of insufferable torments." The
mode by which he effected the change, is detailed with much
interest, and occupies several pages. He first alarmed their
apprehensions of punishment, in order to enhance the value
of a pardon; he then conversed with them upon the nature
of their offences, which he aggravated as committed against
so good a master; he appealed to all their better feelings in
497
order to excite the sentiment of gratitude; explained the
nature of an obligation, and so wrought upon their minds,
as to make them sensible of their faults, and alive to the
obligations of mercy. If, after all, any should prove so
utterly refractory as to be insensible to kindness, as will be
sometimes the case with both blacks and whites, he recom-
mends their expulsion from the plantation; for the peace of
the society is not to be disturbed for the sake of a single
individual. The slaves thus won by kindness, he found to
be not only the most diligent and laborious, but the most
useful upon the plantation, as influencing others. "It ap-
peared, that negroes were to be reasoned into things as well
as other people; and it was by thus managing their reason,
that most of the work was done." He tells us, he had
dwelt the longer upon the subject, that, if possible,
posterity might be persuaded to try gentler methods with
those miserable creatures, and use them with humanity;
assuring them that if they did so, adding the common pru-
dence which each particular case would suggest, the negroes
would do their work faithfully and cheerfully, and be the
same as their christian servants, except that they would be
the more thankful and laborious of the two."
De Foe was
an enlightened philanthropist. Esteeming the principle of
love a safer stimulus than fear, equally strong, but more
honourable and lasting, he commended it to the practice of
mankind; and it would be well if it were more generally
acted upon.
GENERAL CHARACTER OF HIS NOVELS.
Unlike the common herd of novel writers, who build their
stories upon love adventures, from which they derive all their
attraction, De Foe almost discards women from his narratives;
at least from those in which they do not figure as the chief
actors. He has nothing of the sickly sentimental to nauseate
and deprave the appetite, nor does he stimulate the passions
by unnatural tales of love. The vicissitudes of fortune,
which mark the characters of his heroes, and derive their
2 K
VOL. III.
498
MORAL TENDENCY OF COLONEL JACQUE.
charm from their semblance to real life, are sufficient to
enchain the attention; and when women are introduced, they
are quickly dismissed as mere incidents in the story. In all
cases, whether he talks of men or women, the governing
passion is the accumulation of wealth. Money is the main
object; and to this he directs all their pursuits, whether
honest or otherwise. But it should not be overlooked, that
De Foe always keeps in view the character of a rigid
moralist. His rogues never prosper eventually; that is to
say, while they continue so, Providence always frowns
upon their ill-gotten wealth, and he contrives some natural
calamity by which it is dispersed. It was so with Colonel
Jacque. He had accumulated about a hundred pounds by
his trade as a pick-pocket, and lodged it with a friend in
London, who engaged to pay him interest. Having occasion
for the money to stock some land, of which he had obtained
a grant by favour of his master, he ordered it to be laid out
in such articles as would be useful to him in his new plan-
tation. The goods were shipped, and the vessel had just
entered the bay of Virginia, when it was suddenly lost.
Many reflections of a moral and religious nature are
interspersed through the volume, highly honourable to the
piety and good understanding of the writer. Our Colonel,
whose affairs prospered as they were directed by the hand
of industry, found out at last, "that it was honesty and
virtue alone that made men rich and great, and gave them
a fame as well as figure in the world; and that, therefore,
he was to lay his foundation in these, expecting what might
follow in time." These thoughts led to many serious reflec-
tions upon the occurrences of his past life; his conscience
becomes gradually awakened to the enormities he had com-
mitted; and he resolves henceforward to live like a reason-
able being, and a good Christian. The circumstances which
led to his convictions, the workings of his mind during their
progress, and the happy means that were used for his
MORAL TENDENCY OF COLONEL JACQUE.
499
illumination, are minutely described by our author, and
are so many proofs of his great skill as a mental physiog-
nomist.
The moral uses that may be extracted from the work,
are thus happily expressed by the author." Here's room
for just and copious observations on the blessing and ad-
vantages of a sober and well-governed education, and the
ruin of so many thousands of all ranks in this nation for
want of it. We may also see how much public schools and
charities might be improved, to prevent the destruction of
so many unhappy children as are every year bred up for the
executioner. The miserable condition of multitudes of youth,
whose natural tempers are docile, and would lead them to
learn the best things rather than the worst, is truly deplora-
ble, and is abundantly seen in the history of this man's
childhood; where, though circumstances formed him by
necessity to be a thief, surprising rectitude of principles
remained, and made him early abhor the worst part of his
trade, and at length to forsake the whole of it. Had he
come into the world with the advantage of a virtuous
education, and been instructed how to improve the generous
principles he had in him, what a figure might he not have
made, either as a man or a Christian. The various turns of
his fortune in different scenes of life, make a delightful
field for the reader to wander in; a garden where he may
gather wholesome and medicinal fruits, none noxious or
poisonous; where he will see virtue and the ways of wisdom
every where applauded, honoured, encouraged and rewarded;
vice and extravagance attended with sorrow and every kind
of infelicity; and at last, sin and shame going together, the
offender meeting with reproach and contempt, and the crimes
with detestation and punishment. Every vicious reader
will here be encouraged to a change, and it will appear,
that the best and only good end of an impious mis-spent
life, is repentance; that in this there is comfort, peace, and
2 K 2
500
(C MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER.'
oftentimes hope, that the penitent shall be received like the
prodigal, and his latter end be better than his beginning."
It was the fortune of De Foe, that the circumstances of
his life, concurring with the bent of his genius, enabled him
to study human nature in all its gradations, from the prince
to the peasant; and in accommodation to the variety of
tastes, he adapted his food to the appetite of the persons for
whom he provided. In the stories of Moll Flanders and
Colonel Jacque, he administered moral instruction to the
lower orders, in a shape that was most accessible to their
capacities. In that which we are now about to notice, he
brings us into better company; and whilst his story rises
in character, it loses none of its interest.
It was probably about this time (for there is no date to
the work), that De Foe published his "Memoirs of a Cava-
lier or a Military Journal of the Wars in Germany, and
the Wars in England; from the year 1632 to the year 1648.
Written three-score years ago by an English Gentleman,
who served first in the Army of Gustavus Adolphus, the
glorious King of Sweden, till his Death; and after that, in
the Royal Army of King Charles the First, from the Begin-
ning of the Rebellion, to the End of that War. London:
printed for A. Bell, at the Cross Keys in Cornhill; J. Os-
born, at the Oxford Arms, in Lombard Street; W. Taylor,
at the Ship and Swan, and T. Warner, at the Black Boy,
in Paternoster Row." 8vo. pp. 338. The second edition of
this work, also without a date, was printed at Leeds, by
James Lister, and has the names of several country book-
sellers. (x) It is likewise in octavo, and has an Introduction
by the publisher, containing some speculations as to the
There are some later editions of this work. Francis Noble has one
in 3 vols. 12mo, 1784. It was re-printed at Newark, in 8vo, 1782; and
by Edward Jeffrey, in 1792; also in 8vo.
501
author; for, as De Foe always writes in the first person, it
is the hero himself who is supposed to be telling his own
story. How well he supports the artifice, may be gathered
from this writer.
ACCOUNT OF IT BY HIS EDITOR.
"The following historical memoirs are writ with so much
spirit and good sense, that there is no doubt of their pleasing
all such as can form any just pretensions to either. How-
ever, as upon reading a book, 'tis a question that naturally
occurs, Who is the Author? And as it is too much the custom
in these days to form our sentiments of a performance, not
from its intrinsic merit, but from the sentiments we form of
the writer, the present re-publication of these Memoirs will
renew an inquiry which has been often made, Who wrote
them? Some have imagined the whole to be a Romance; if
it be, 'tis a Romance the likest to truth that I ever read. It
has all the features of truth, 'tis clothed with simplicity,
and adorned with her charms. Without hazard I may ven-
ture to say, were all romance writers to follow this author's
example, their works would yield entertainment to philosophers,
as well as serve for the amusement of beaux-ésprits. But
I am fully persuaded our author, whoever he was, had been
early concerned in the actions he relates. 'Tis certain, no man
could have given a description of his retreat from Marston-
Moor to Rochdale, and from thence over the Moors to the
North, in so apt and proper terms, and in so exact a manner,
unless he had really travelled over the very ground he describes.
I could point out many other instances in the course of the
Memoirs, which evidence that the author must have been
well acquainted with the towns, battles, sieges, &c., and a
party in the action he relates. But, as 'tis needless to do this,
all that remains is to trace our author to his name. He says,
he was a second son to a Shropshire gentleman, who was
made a peer in the reign of King Charles I., whose seat lay
eight miles from Shrewsbury. This account suits no one so
well as Andrew Newport, Esq., second son to Richard New-
502
ATTEMPTS TO AUTHENTICATE THE NARRATIVE.
port, of High Ercol, Esq., which Richard was created Lord
Newport, October 14, 1642. This Andrew Newport, whom
we suppose our author to be, was, after the Restoration, made
a Commissioner of the Customs, probably in reward of his
zeal and good services for the royal cause."
be
The name of Andrew Newport, bestowed upon the Cavalier,
is purely suppositious, and any other would do equally well.
As De Foe professes himself unable to discover it, we may
sure the Cavalier had good reasons for keeping the secret;
but the laboured attempts of our author to investigate the
matter, and to authenticate the manuscript, are so many
proofs of his amazing skill in bestowing real life upon the
phantoms of his own genius. In this he has succeeded so
completely, that it is impossible to read his book without
a full persuasion of its being written by the identical person
whose story it relates, and that he was not only present upon
the spot, but an eye-witness of every fact here registered. In
ordinary cases, it requires a long detail of proofs to authenti-
cate a narrative; but here, the illusion is so perfect, that the
reader seeks for no further evidence; the story itself furnishes
him with all that he requires. Of this, the author himself
seems fully conscious: for he says, "There is no need to
trace the history of the papers, to give reputation to the story;
seeing the actions here mentioned, have a sufficient sanction
from all the histories of the times to which they relate, with
this addition :--that the admirable manner of relating them,
and the wonderful variety of incidents with which they are
beautified, give such a lustre, as well to the accounts them-
selves, as to the person who was the actor, that no story we
believe extant, ever came abroad with such advantages."
Whilst the reader feels constrained to take a similar view
of the work, he cannot withhold his belief" that it is born of
a soldier;" for, "it is through every part related with so
soldierly a style, and in the very language of the field, that it
seems impossible any but the very person who was present in
503
every action here related, could be the relater of them." That
we may be assured the Memoirs are authentic; our author
adds, "the accounts of battles, the sieges, and the several
actions of which this work is so full, are all recorded in the
histories of those times; such as the great battle of Leipsick,
the sacking of Magdeburgh, the siege of Nuremburgh, the
passing the river Leek in Bavaria; such also as the battles
of Keynton and Edge-hill, the battles of Newbury, Marston-
Moor, and Naseby, and the like. They are all, we say, re-
corded in other histories, and written by those who lived in
those times, and perhaps had good authority for what they
wrote." But the charm of the present work, as he justly
observes, consists in "the circumstances and incidents that
this man's eyes were witness to, and which his memory has
thus preserved."
That our Cavalier was a perfectly original character, the
reader will readily perceive by the naiveté of his remarks, and
we will endeavour to bring him acquainted with him in a few
words. There was something ominous in his very birth; for
his mother was haunted with dreams of kettle-drums and
other tokens of war, all which she noted most religiously in
the first leaf of her prayer-book. Being a favourite with his
father, he took extraordinary care of his education, and sent
him to complete it at Oxford. But a college life did not
suit him at all; so that when he had been there three years
he desired to be recalled, writing word to his father, “that he
thought he had staid there long enough for a gentleman."
Being gratified in his wishes, he now evinced a desire to
travel abroad, wishing rather to see the world for himself,
"than to hear of it in musty libraries." After staying three
weeks in Paris, he proceeded through Savoy into Italy.
Here he continued nearly two years, visiting the principal
cities, "but saw nothing that gave him any diversion.” Al-
though he was not very religious himself, he took a disgust
at the vices of the people, which made him disrelish the
ACCOUNT OF THE CAVALIER.
504
THE CAVALIER'S STORY.
beauties of the country. Having "no gust to antiquities,'
he left such things "to those people who made them more
their business." When at Rome, indeed, he thought it
pleasant to say, "here stood the Capitol, there the Colossus
of Nero; here was the Amphitheatre of Titus, there the
Aqueduct; here the Forum, there the Catacombs; here the
Temple of Venus, the Pantheon, and the like." But that
which inspired him with most pleasure, was the war which
the French were then waging with some Italian princes; and
finding the military fever to be growing rather strong upon
him, he thought he would "go out and see the sport, as the
French gentlemen call it." He was, however, but a raw
soldier, and did not like the sport at all; for, his party being
surrounded by the Duke of Savoy, he was obliged to run for
his life. After another encounter equally unfortunate, it
began to occur to him, what business he had there? And, as
he could give but a slender account of it, he prudently re-
solved that they should fight it out by themselves. The
plague then raging in that part of Italy, he thought it time
to be gone, having no manner of courage to risk the disease.
He took it, nevertheless, but passed through it more favorably
than he expected.
It was at Milan that he first heard of the great Gustavus
Adolphus, king of Sweden, who was at war with the Em-
peror. He says, "I had indeed no thought of seeing that
king or his armies; I had been so roughly handled already,
that I had given over the thoughts of appearing among the
fighting people." Yet, he could not deny, that the account
of his conquests, published in every gazette, gave him a
strong desire to see him. Leaving Italy, he passed through
Bavaria, and at last came to Vienna. Here he had a return-
ing fit to see the king of Sweden's army, but took rather a
disadvantageous mode of doing so, by entering that of the
Emperor. Having procured passes, he made his way to
Tilly's army, then at the siege of Magdeburgh; but the
""
CHARACTER OF TILLY'S ARMY.
505
cruelties committed by the Imperialists upon the fall of the
city, gave him a distaste to the cause, and he quitted the
camp three days afterwards. Having obtained a pass to
Leipsic, he had an opportunity of viewing the Saxon army,
and was pleased with its fine appearance; but he had mis-
givings of their ability to meet the Imperialists. "I that had
seen Tilly's army, and his old weather-beaten soldiers, whose
discipline and exercises were so exact, and their courage so
often tried, could not look on the Saxon army without some
concern for them, when I considered who they had to deal
with. Tilly's men were rugged surly fellows, their faces had
an air of hardy courage, mangled with wounds and scars;
their armour showed the bruises of musket-bullets, and the
rust of the winter storms. I observed of them, their clothes
were always dirty, but their arms were clean and bright; and
they were used to camp in the open fields, and sleep in the
frosts and rain. Their horses were strong and hardy like
themselves, and well taught their exercises; the soldiers
knew their business so exactly, that general orders were
enough; every private man was fit to command; and their
wheelings, marchings, counter-marchings, and exercise, were
done with such order and readiness, that the distinct words
of command were hardly of any use among them; they were
flushed with victory, and hardly knew what it was to fly."
As Tilly was now upon his march to Leipsic, our cavalier,
who had no mind to be besieged by such formidable cut-
throats, hastened away with the Saxon army, which in a
short time joined the Swedes. There happening to be some
Scotch regiments in the service, he soon made acquaintance
with Sir John Hepburn, one of their colonels, who knew his
father, and introduced him to King Gustavus. The sight of
the Swedish hero at once dispelled his fears; for who could
withstand the glory of following so victorious a prince, or
decline the honour of dying in his service? Besides, his
Swedish Majesty "makes war in so pleasant a manner," and
506
his soldiers have always the pleasure to conquer; which is
all that a warrior can wish. He therefore requested the
honour to trail a pike under Sir John; but it was not long.
before the king gave him a commission. Hitherto, our
Cavalier had been only an amateur soldier; but he soon saw
some service at the terrible battle of Leipsic, in which Tilly's
army was almost entirely destroyed. From this time, he
saw as much fighting as the most warlike person could de-
sire, and had the honour to be distinguished by many marks
of favour from the king, whose generous disposition, no less
than his heroic conduct, he dwells upon with delight.
with delight. "Twas
a most pleasant court sure as ever was seen, where every day
expresses arrived of armies defeated, towns surrendered, con-
tributions agreed upon, parties routed, prisoners taken, and
princes sending ambassadors to sue for truces and neutrali-
ties, to make submission and compositions, and to pay arrears.
and contributions."
1
AND OF GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS.
In the same pleasant mood, he goes on to relate the events
of the war, so far as he was personally concerned; and ex-
cepting upon one or two occasions, when he had the misfor-
tune to be wounded or taken prisoner, they fell out much to
his mind. The modesty with which he speaks of himself
accords with the simple strain of the narrative, in which the
historical and the fictitious are so artfully blended, as to
relieve the insipidity that usually accompanies military jour-
nals. Although the course of events brings us acquainted
with many persons who figured in the war, yet he never loses
sight of his own story; all other matters are incidental to his
own concerns; and these are sufficiently diversified to en-
gage the attention, and absorb the interest of the reader.
The lively manner in which they are related, throw a charm
over the dry details of war; and we instinctively move along
with him from place to place, as if we had a personal concern
in his actions.
The sensation produced by the death of Gustavus, who
507
was slain at the battle of Lutzen, is thus noticed by the
Cavalier. "It is impossible to describe the consternation the
death of this conquering king struck into all the princes of
Germany. The grief for him exceeded all manner of human
sorrow. All people looked upon themselves as ruined and
swallowed up. The inhabitants of two thirds of all Germany
put themselves into mourning for him. When the ministers
mentioned him in their sermons or prayers, whole congrega-
tions would burst into tears. The Elector of Saxony was
utterly inconsolable, and would for several days walk about
his palace like a distracted man, crying, The Saviour of
Germany was lost; the refuge of abused princes was gone."
It was indeed a great blow to the Protestant cause, but it
triumphed eventually. Our Cavalier was quite unnerved by
the event, and quitted the army. After wandering two years
longer upon the continent, he returned to England; but his
military ardour was not cooled. "I could not," says he,
"be but prying into all the foreign accounts from Germany.
There I could never hear of a battle, and the Germans being
beaten, but I began to wish myself there." In this fighting
humour he longed to be gone; but it was not long before the
events in his own country furnished him with ample scope
for the indulgence for his favourite sport.
Upon the breaking out of the civil war, he offered his ser-
vices to Charles I., "being ready to serve him against any
that his Majesty thought fit to account his enemies." As
these were rather numerous, he had ample field for his valour,
but it was damped at the outset. Not that he had any dis-
taste to the burning of towns and the murder of the inhabitants,
of which he had seen an abundance in Germany; nor had
he" the least compassionate thought for the miseries of his
native country." Fighting was his trade, and no music so
delightful to his ears as the beating of drums. His pride
was most piqued at the beggarly appearance of the army,
and the unsoldier-like manner of conducting the war. He
says,
"I was in the first army at York, and I must confess
CIVIL WARS IN ENGLAND.
508
had the least diversion there that ever I found in an army in
my life; for, when I was in Germany with the king of
Sweden, we used to see the king with the general officers,
every morning on horseback, viewing his men, his artillery,
his horses, and always something going forward. Here we
saw nothing but courtiers and clergymen, bishops and parsons,
as busy as if the direction of the war had been in them; the
king was seldom seen among us, and never without some of
them always about him." His description of the Scotch army
is highly picturesque. It seems, a peep into their camp gave
him a distrust of the royal cause; so that when the war
began in earnest, he shewed a disposition to hang back, for a
soldier has no stomach to be beaten. The indignities put
upon the king revived his chivalrous feelings; but after the
fight at Edge-hill, his misgivings returned, and some good
English feeling got the better of his German taste; he could
no longer bear to see the cutting of throats, especially
those of his own friends and relations. He, however, per-
severed in the contest, and was in most of the engagements
under Prince Rupert, of whom he gives a descriptive account.
The hard blows dealt out to the royalists, somewhat cooled the
fighting ardour of our Cavalier; but the Prince thought of
nothing else, having come to England for the purpose. It
is no wonder, therefore, if he sometimes had more than was
agreeable; for, notwithstanding he made light of the raw troops
opposed to him, "he found they stood to their tackle better
than well enough." Both parties growing tired of the war,
some efforts were made for its termination. "The treaty of
Uxbridge now was began, and we that had been well beaten in
the war, heartily wished the king would come to a peace; but
we all foresaw the clergy would ruin it all. The Commons were
for Presbytery, and would never agree the bishops should be
restored. The king was willinger to comply with any thing
than this; from whence we used to say among ourselves,
that the clergy were resolved, if there should be no bishop,
there should be no king." Upon the appointment of Sir
CIVIL WARS IN ENGLAND.
509
Thomas Fairfax to command the parliament forces, our
Cavalier gave all over for lost. His description of that General,
is too striking to be omitted. " Nor can I omit to make very
honourable mention of this noble gentleman, though I did not
like his cause; but I never saw a man of a more pleasant,
calm, courteous, downright honest behaviour in my life; and
for his courage and personal bravery in the field, that we had
felt enough of. No man in the world had more fire and fury
in him while in action, or more temper and softness out of it.
In short, and I cannot do him greater honour, he exceedingly
came near the character of my foreign hero, Gustavus Adol-
phus, and in my account is, of all the soldiers in Europe, the
fittest to be reckoned in the second place of honour to him."
Our Cavalier being taken prisoner, had nothing more to do in
He
the way of fighting, and therefore quietly returned home.
tells us, that he declined engaging in any subsequent insur-
rections of the royalists, "having no mind to be beaten and
then hanged."
From the foregoing particulars, the reader must allow that
the Cavalier has composed his Memoirs with a spirit and
vivacity that keep alive the attention, whilst he is charmed
with the extreme simplicity of his narrative. His account of
the civil wars, is distinguished by great candour and fairness;
not concealing the errors of his own party, whilst he does
justice to the bravery and the good conduct of his enemies.
It is said to have been a favourite book with the great Lord
Chatham, who long considered it an authentic history, and
was in the habit of recommending it as the best account of
the civil wars extant; nor was he a little mortified when told
that it was a romance. It is indeed, as Mr. Chalmers ob-
serves, "a romance the likest to truth that ever was written."
As a narrative of important events, containing a correct pic-
ture of the times, and enlivened by many just observations,
it will be always read with a keen interest by those who may
wish to occupy a spare hour in amusement or instruction.
CHARACTER OF THE MEMOIRS.
510
DE FOE'S ACCOUNT OF THE PLAGUE.
From the plague of war, which has lately occupied our at-
tention, we now revert to one of a still more distressing
nature. The game of swords and cannon-balls may be an
amusing one to the gaining side, and even the fluctuations.
that attend it serve but as varieties that call into exercise the
inventive powers of the gamesters.
As for the waste of
human life, which forms a necessary appendage, it is appre-
ciated by a certain kind of political arithmetic that has given
laws to the world, and easily stifles the accusations of con-
science. But a visitor more insidious in his approaches, more
silent in his progress, and more appalling to the sensibilities
of our nature, which in the other case are blunted by the
habits of life, is viewed with feelings less obtuse. The reason
is, because he appears in his native dress, unincumbered by
the subtleties that confound the distinction of right and
wrong, and levels the shafts of death without respect of per-
sons. Such is the pestilence. In waging war with mankind,
it knows nothing of those maxims that govern the every-day
destroyers of the human race. Like Leviathan of old, it
laughs at the sword and the buckler, and whilst it mocks the
pride of man, it equally confounds his devices. Insatiable
as the grave, it stalks abroad in dreadful majesty, with the
king of terrors at its skirts; entering with unsparing impar-
tiality the mansions of the rich, and the hovels of the poor;
and thundering the language of the prophet, prepare to meet
your God.
A subject so uninviting as that of the Plague, is one of the
last from which we might expect pleasure in the contempla-
tion. Yet, De Foe has founded upon it one of the most inge-
nious of his productions; one that never can be read without
the deepest interest; and read it will continue to be, as long
as the memory of that awful event shall remain upon record.
It is written with all the characteristic traits of the author's
genius; excessive minuteness, rich natural pathos, and exqui-
site moral feeling. Whilst it is impossible to read his de-
L
511
scription without the keenest sensations of sorrow, the atten-
tion is rivetted by the constant succession of incidents that
crowd upon the scene.
It was one of the felicities of De Foe, to select such sub-
jects for his pen, as would be of permanent interest; and
such are all those pictures of life and manners that carry us
back to former days, in the delineation of which he so greatly
excelled. (C
Nothing in the world is finer than the impres-
sion of the old city of London, before the fire, which one
gathers from his History of the Plague. Throughout the
whole of that most striking narrative, his mind is visibly
haunted with the idea, how princely was the desolation of
her grass-grown streets-how awful the silence of her deserted
palaces, and the fatal calmness of her shipless river.”* In
this affecting narrative, he has contrived to mix up so much
that is authentic with the fabrications of his own brain, that it
is impossible to distinguish the one from the other; and he has
given to the whole such a likeness to the dreadful original,
as to confound the sceptic, and encircle him in his enchant-
ments. No one can take up the book without believing that it
is the saddler of Whitechapel who is telling his own story; and
that he was an eye-witness to all that he relates; that he
actually saw the blazing stars which portended the calamity;
that he witnessed the grass growing in the streets, reading the
inscriptions upon the doors of the infected houses, heard the
bell-men crying, "Bring out your dead!" saw the dead-carts
conveying the people to their graves, and was present at the
digging of the pits in which they were deposited. In this,
indeed, consists the charm of the narrative. It is not merely
a record of the transactions that happened during the calamity,
nor even of private circumstances that would escape the
public eye; it is rather the familiar recital of a man's own
observations upon all that passed before him, possessing all
* Pref. to Cadell's Ed. of “Rob. Crusoe,” p. lxii.
CHARACTER OF HIS WORK.
512
the minuteness of a log-book, without its dullness. The ad-
vantage derived from this mode of telling the story is, that it
prepossesses the reader in a full belief of its reality. When a
man sits down to record the events that happened in any
given year, and crowds it with incidents, many of which are
known to be true, we do not hesitate to give him credit for
the remainder; and this more especially when he tells us,
that he was upon the spot when such a thing happened, that
he saw and spoke with the persons he describes, and relates
the substance of the conversation. With the same unhesitat-
ing confidence we take up the book before us. It is not the
journal of another person; there is not even the formality of
a preface; but we open it, and come in contact at once with
the author, who sees and hears all that he writes, and tells us
so in the first person.
By adopting this familar method of treating his subject,
it cannot be doubted that De Foe secured to himself many
advantages which he could not have hoped for in a formal.
history. Thus, whilst detailing incidents of importance, he
will sometimes introduce a story, apparently trifling in
itself, and by no means necessary to his main design; but
merely to show, that he is willing to keep back nothing,
or rather, must communicate every thing in the exact way
that it happened. But, however trivial his incidents, or
common-place his mode of relating them, they possess a
secret charm that keeps the mind upon the full stretch, and
gains it over to an unhesitating confidence in the relation.
No one thinks of skipping over a single particle of his nar-
rative, nor of exchanging for other words the homely lan-
guage of the writer. In truth, the circumstantiality of
ITS INTENSE REALITY.
W
De Foe never wearies; it rather adds to that intense con-
sciousness of reality that hovers over every page of his
writings. His "History of the Plague," is one of those books
in which he has carried his art to the greatest perfection.
So faithful is the portrait of that distressing calamity, so
-
513
entire its accordance with what has been delivered by other
writers, so probable the circumstances of all the stories,
and so artless the style in which they are delivered, that it
would baffle the ingenuity of any one but De Foe, to frame
a history with so many attributes of truth, upon the basis
of fiction. It is no wonder that a work so gravely written.
should have deceived Dr. Mead, who considered it an
authentic history, and quoted it as such in his Treatise
upon the Plague. (Y)
ITS MORAL TENDENCY.
The propriety of such an alliance between history and
fiction, more especially when so managed as to impose upon
the most wary reader, has been called in question, and
perhaps will scarcely admit of a satisfactory defence. Yet,
who would sacrifice the " Memoirs of a Cavalier," or the
"Journal of the Plague Year," to be disenchanted of so
pleasing a delusion? De Foe well knew, that a dry detail
of circumstances collected from the Bills of Mortality and
the pamphlets of the day, would interest none but an
antiquarian, the subject being of too repulsive a nature to
invite general attention. By personating a citizen of
London, who lived in the midst of the contagion, and was
a spectator of the scenes he describes, he not only secured
credit for his narrative, but was enabled to enliven it with
numerous stories of probable occurrence, and with picturesque
descriptions of the agitated feelings of the people. These,
with the moral reflections which would naturally occur to
(x) Dr. Mead is not the only person who has mistaken the drift of the
writer. The editor of the "Beauties of England," taking it to be a real
history, observes, "De Foe continued in London during the whole time of
the Plague; and for some portion of it, was one of those officers who,
under the appellation of Examiners, were appointed to shut up infected
houses." De Foe is thought to have borrowed some of his incidents from
Withers's "Britain's Remembrancer," a poem in eight cantos, descriptive
of the plague in 1625. There is a good article upon both works, and
another upon the "Memoirs of a Cavalier," in the "Retrospective
Review."
VOL. III.
19
L
514
PLAGUE AT MARSEILLES.
persons in so distressing a situation, combine to render a
story, in itself forbidding, not only readable, but highly
attractive. The plain matter-of-fact style of the author,
his undeviating simplicity, his well-timed lectures upon the
uncertainty of life, and the air of serious piety that he
communicates to his subject, concur not only to fix the
attention of the reader, but to put into motion all the sym-
pathies of his nature. As De Foe was a mere child when
the calamity happened, he could have no personal knowledge
of the matters he has recorded. But the feelings arising
from so awful a visitation would not subside suddenly. It
would continue to be the talk of those who witnessed it for
years afterwards, so that he must have been familiarized
with the subject from his childhood; and as curiosity is
most alive and the impressions strongest at that period,
there can be no doubt that he treasured up many things in
his memory, from the report of his parents and others,
which he converted into useful materials as they passed
through the operation of his own lively fancy. As it was
a subject rendered peculiarly seasonable by the recent
plague at Marseilles, so it was one that afforded him a fine
opportunity for indulging in those religious feelings which
it was so well calculated to awaken. De Foe is never so
much at home as when he is inviting men to repentance
and reformation; yet, he never goes out of his way for the
purpose, but seizes upon incidents as they arise, and are cal-
culated by their nature to give effect to his admonitions.
The work that has given rise to the foregoing remarks,
bears the following title: "A Journal of the Plague Year:
being Observations or Memorials of the most remarkable
Occurrences, as well public as private, which happened in
London during the last great Visitation in 1665. Written by
a Citizen, who continued all the while in London. Never
made public before. London: printed for E. Nutt, at the
Royal Exchange; J. Roberts, in Warwick-Lane; A. Dodd,
PUBLICATIONS UPON THE GREAT PLAGUE.
515
without Temple-Bar; and J. Graves, in St. James's-Street.
1722." 8vo. pp. 287. This first edition of the work is
amongst the scarcest of De Foe's pieces, and when brought
to market, bears a high price. In the subsequent editions
the title is altered. The second was published by F. and J.
Noble, in 1754, and is called "The History of the Great
Plague in London, in the year 1665. Containing Observa-
tions, &c. To which is added, A Journal of the Plague at
Marseilles, in the year 1720." 8vo. A third edition was
published by the same booksellers in 1769. It was also -
printed in Ballantyne's collection of De Foe's novels; and
lastly, for John Offer, in Newgate-Street, 1819. 8vo. Of the
plague at Marseilles, De Foe does not treat in his own work;
but, being a kindred subject, an abstract of it has been ap-
pended to subsequent editions. Those, however, who wish
the best information upon this subject, must read the excel-
lent work of Mons. Bertrand, of which there is an English
translation by Miss Plumptre, containing, amidst other in-
teresting matters, a record of the good deeds of Henry de
Belzune, the renowned bishop of Marseilles.
Of the plague in London, the only authentic accounts
published at the time, were those of Dr. Hodges and Dr.
Sydenham; but they are chiefly of a professional nature, and
contain few historical facts. A work of more general in-
terest, is that of Thomas Vincent, entitled "God's Terrible
Voice in the City," published in 1667. The author was one
of those noble-minded men who remained at their post
during the calamity, administering to the relief of the suf-
ferers. In the house where he resided, three persons were
cut off, yet he escaped the infection.
The recent distemper at Marseilles occasioned the revival of
those pieces, and the publication of others, and no doubt sug-
gested to De Foe the idea of his present work. (z) It was
(2) Amongst the publications of the times, was the following pamphlet,
which De Foe perhaps might have found of some use in compiling his
2 L 2
516
his peculiar talent to seize upon any popular subject, and
convert it, by his inimitable genius, into a fruitful source of
amusement and instruction. From his history of the plague,
notwithstanding its fictitious origin, we may derive more in-
formation, than from all the other publications upon the
subject put together. He has collected all the facts attending
the rise, progress, and termination of the malady, an accurate
report of the number of deaths as published by authority, a
faithful account of the regulations adopted to arrest and miti-
gate its fury, and numerous cases of infection, whether real
or imaginary. But that which imparts life to the whole, and
forms its distinguishing feature, is its descriptive imagery.
The author's object is not so much to detail the deadly con-
sequences of the disorder, as to delineate its effects upon the
frighted minds of the inhabitants. These are depicted with
all the genuine pathos of nature, without any aim at effect,
but with the ease and simplicity of real life. The numerous
incidents that follow in rapid succession, fraught as they are
with human misery, present, at the same time, an accurate
picture of life and manners in the metropolis, at the period
referred to. The style and dress, the language and ideas,
PUBLICATIONS UPON THE GREAT PLAGUE.
narrative. "A Collection of very Valuable and Scarce Pieces relating to
the last Plague, in the year 1665; viz. I. Orders drawn up and published
by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London, to prevent the
spreading of the Infection. II. An Account of the first Rise, Progress,
Symptoms, and Cure of the Plague; being the Substance of a Letter from
Doctor Hodges to a Person of Quality. III. Necessary Directions for the
Prevention and Cure of the Plague, with divers Remedies of small Charge,
by the College of Physicians. IV. Reflections on the Weekly Bills of
Mortality, so far as they relate to all the Plagues which have happened in
London, from the year 1592, to the Great Plague in 1665, and some other
particular Diseases. With a Preface, shewing the Usefulness of this Col-
lection; some Errors of Dr. Mead; and his Misrepresentations of Dr.
Hodges and some authors. To which is added, An Account of the Plague
at Naples in 1656, of which there died, in one day, 20,000 Persons; with
the Symptoms that appeared upon Dissection, and the approved Method of
Cure. The Second Edition. London: printed for J. Roberts. 1721.”
8vo. pp. 88.
¡
517
C
are exactly those of a citizen of London at the latter end of
the 17th century. It is an observation of a great modern
writer, that "had he not been the author of Robinson
Crusoe,' De Foe would have deserved immortality for the
genius which he has displayed in this work."* It is well
known to have furnished the machinery for a poem
of great
merit, published at Edinburgh in 1816, and entitled "The
City of the Plague;" by John Wilson, now Professor of
Moral Philosophy in the University of Glasgow, and author
of many other esteemed works.
CONTROVERSY WITH DR. HANCOCKE.
Before we dismiss the subject of the plague, it may be
proper to notice a controversy arising out of it, in which De
Foe is supposed to have participated. In consequence of the
general apprehension that the disorder would be communi-
cated to this country from France, a variety of books was
published, with a view to guard the people against its ap-
proaches, and to instruct them how to treat it, in case it
should make its appearance. Amongst them was a treatise
by Dr. Hancocke, a respectable clergyman, who recommended
the trial of cold water, taken internally, which he had found
effectual in cases of common fever. The charm consisted in
its acting as a sudorific. His work is intitled “ Febrifugum
Magnum: or Common Water the best Cure for Fevers, and
probably for the Plague. By John Hancocke, D.D., Rector
of St. Margaret's, Lothbury, London; Prebendary of Canter-
bury; and Chaplain to his Grace the Duke of Bedford.
London: printed for R. Halsey, in St. Michael's Church
Yard, Cornhill. 1722." 8vo. There were several editions of
the work; the first must have appeared as early as 1720, as
in that year, the French biographer, Niceron, published a
French translation, which also passed through several editions.
* Sir W. Scott's Works, iv. 290.
518
The work being popular, it was soon replied to in "Remarks
upon Febrifugum Magnum, wrote by the Rev. Dr. Hancocke,
for the general Good of Mankind. Wherein is shown the
Absurdity and inconsistency of the Doctor's Reasonings, and
the inevitable danger consequent upon the use of cold Water
in Fevers. London: 1722." 8vo. The dedication to the
College of Physicians, is subscribed James Gardner, M.D.;
but common report at the time, perhaps with doubtful pro-
priety, united in ascribing it to De Foe, who was charged
with writing in masquerade, and had the credit of another
pamphlet in the controversy, intitled “ Flagellum: or a dry
Answer to Dr. Hancocke's wonderfully Comical Liquid Book,
which he merrily calls Febrifugum Magnum, &c. Second
edition. London: T. Warner, 1723."
CONTROVERSY WITH DR. HANCOCKE.
Whether De Foe had any concern in these publications,
can be now only matter of conjecture. The cause of Dr.
Hancocke was taken up in "Remarks upon Remarks: or
some Animadversions on a Treatise wrote by one who calls
himself Dr. Gardner, others say Daniel De Foe. Intitled
Remarks on Febrifugum Magnum, wrote by the Rev. Dr.
Hancocke, for the general Good of Mankind. The Remarker's
Dedication to the President, Censors, and others of the
College of Physicians considered, and of the rest in as good
order as the Falsehood and confused Nature of the said
Pamphlet would admit, without Partiality or Respect of
Persons. To which some Accounts are added, of the Use
and Abuse of Common Water in many Distempers, not taken
Notice of by any of them. With an Hudibrastick Reply
subjoined, by Way of Appendix, to the sarcastical Gabriel
John's Flagellum, or a Dry Answer to Dr. Hancocke's won-
derfully Comical Liquid Book, &c. London: printed by
S. Collins, and sold by J. Isted, T. Crouch, &c." 8vo. No
date. The pamphlet bearing this singular title, is a farrago
of abuse and absurdity, such as it is surprising any man
519
could have the folly to write, or expect any person to read. (A)
In the last page, the author signs himself "Thomas Taylor,
Anti-Lithotomist, or author of the great dissolver of the
gravel and stone;" and he probably intended by the publi-
cation to puff himself into notice. Gabriel John having
defended his Flagellum in a "Postscript," Taylor, who calls
himself" Anti-Lithotomist, but not Antichrist," returned to
the combat in "Kick for Kick, and Cuff for Cuff; a clear
stage and no favour: or a Refutation of a bombastical and
scurrilous Postscript, writ by one who calls himself Gabriel
John, others will have it Daniel De Foe, which he calls 'Obser-
vations on my Hudibrastick Reply to his Flagellum, or Dry
Answer to Dr. Hancocke's Liquid-Book,' &c. London: T.
Crouch, &c. 1723." 8vo. Hancocke received another reply
in "The Juice of the Grape; or Wine preferable to Water, &c.
By a Fellow of the College. London: printed for W. Lewis,
1724." 8vo. It seems, however, that he did not desert his
argument; for he published another treatise soon afterwards,
intitled "Febrifugum Magnum, Morbifugum Magnum: or
the grand Febrifuge improved. London: 1726." (b)
CONTROVERSY WITH DR. HANCOCKE.
C
(A) In his preface, he says, "Since the finishing these sheets, another
very comical thing, called Flagellum, or a dry Answer to Dr. Hancocke's
Wonderfully Comical Liquid Book, &c.' is come to our hands, which,
though the author calls himself Gabriel John, any body who can relish
words, may be very positive by the arch waggery therein, it was wrote by
DI D
e when awaked, and that when in a deep sleep he
wrote his Remarks, or at least was tied up from his usual merry waggish
way of joke by those who hired him; that having nothing merry in it except
the female brute, with his father's coach. Flagellum, indeed, is as dry
as Daniel himself, the brat being as like him as ever it can stare; and
because it contains a little wit and mirth, I shall give some slight touches
thereon, and add it by way of Appendix to my animadversions on his
first Remarks."
(B) Dr. Hancocke was the author of a few single sermons, and of one of
the courses at Boyle's Lecture. Also, of a pamphlet against Sacheverell,
intitled "Low Churchmen Vindicated from the Character of No Church-
men." London: 1705. 8vo. Ile died June 21, 1728.
520
66
RELIGIOUS COURTSHIP."
With a mind ardently devoted to the improvement of his
fellow-men, and energies that seemed incapable of exhaustion,
De Foe continued to instruct the world by his moralities,
whilst he amused it by his fictions. The same year that pro-
duced some of the foregoing publications, gave birth to a
work that is composed with his characteristic talent, and dis-
tinguished as well for its utility as for its genius, for the im-
portance of the story as for skill in its management. There
are few books better known in the middle classes of society
than the "Religious Courtship," and few that are more de-
serving of general perusal. To those who have been trained
to religious habits, it needs no formal recommendation; whilst
others, who have yet to learn their value, may be amused by
an interesting story, at the same time that they are instructed
by the moral. Much of it is a faithful picture of manners in
the upper classes of life. The work that lays claim to such
merited regard, bears the following title: "Religious Court-
ship being Historical Discourses on the Necessity of Mar-
rying Religious Husbands and Wives only. As also, of
Husbands and Wives being of the same Opinions in Religion
with one another. With an Appendix. Of the Necessity of
taking none but religious Servants, and a Proposal for the
better Managing of Servants. London: printed for E. Mat-
thews, at the Bible, and A. Bettesworth at the Red Lyon, in
Paternoster Row; J. Brotherton and W. Meadows, in Corn-
hill. 1722." 8vo. pp. 358. The second edition was pub-
lished in 1729; that in 1789 was the twenty-first; and there
have been many since. The earlier editions are well printed,
and all in octavo; those published afterwards are many of
them of a smaller size and upon coarser paper, for cheap dis-
tribution. As the work was brought early into general
notice, so its well-established popularity procured for it a
constant sale, and a wide extended circulation. This favour-
able decision of the public is the highest testimony of its
merits; for, notwithstanding other and more modern treatises
"RELIGIOUS COURTSHIP."
521
upon the subject, it still maintains its ground, and will
secure for the author a lasting fame independently of his
other performances.
In discussing a subject of so much importance to young
persons of both sexes, and one that required to be handled
with great nicety, De Foe was well aware, that precept
would be of less weight than example; that whilst the world
refused to be instructed by a didactic treatise, it might be
disposed to listen to a familiar story. He therefore chose to
convey his ideas in this more inviting form, that by raising the
curiosity of the reader he might the more effectually fix him
with the moral. Historical dialogues, when written with spirit,
are particularly acceptable to the inferior classes, and to
young people in general, who make themselves parties to
the conversation, and can fix the subject, with a slight effort,
upon their memories. The familiar style of the present work,
its deep acquaintance with human nature, and the exquisite
moral feeling that pervades every page, render it peculiarly
adapted to steal instruction upon the young and the unin-
formed, and to leave an abiding impression upon the heart.
If this and the other moralities of De Foe were substituted
for the modern novels that have so pernicious an influence in
raising up false pictures to the mind, and unfitting it for
sober contemplation, the experience of the present writer
can vouch for their being equally attractive, whilst no one
can doubt the incalculable superiority of their permanent
effect. The voice of public opinion has long since concurred
with that of the author, that "The story represented here is
capable of such, and so many applications to the cases of
young people, whose settlement is always in view, that there
will never be a time when the instruction will be useless."
For, "to those who do not cast off all concern for them-
selves, who do not make marrying a mere leap in the dark,
these things will be of some moment. As to those who are
void of care in these matters, they must go on, and pay for
522
their experience; let them take heed and buy it as cheap as
they can." In the story framed by De Foe for the purpose
of enforcing his admonition, he points out the evil conse-
quences that infallibly result from ill-assorted matches; and
he strongly urges the duty of making religion the basis, as
affording the best materials for the happiness of conjugal
life.
OTHER WORKS ATTRIBUTED TO DE FOE.
Upon a story so well known as that which furnishes the
materials for the present work, it would be needless to dwell.
Those who are not acquainted with it may repair their
neglect, as it is easily accessible; and they will find their
reward. The author's deep knowledge of human nature,
enabled him to decipher the motives that influence mankind,
and to delineate the passions as they operate upon the mind,
or influence the conduct. He had studied religion with all
the attention due to its importance; and feeling its moral in-
fluence himself, he was qualified to trace its workings upon
others. The reader that can peruse this narrative without
instruction, has yet an important lesson to learn; and if he is
disposed to give the subject his attention, he can scarcely
hope for a more faithful or intelligent instructor.
A work that has been often attributed to De Foe, made its
appearance at this time, under the title of " The Comical Pil-
grim; or Travels of a Cynick Philosopher through the most
wicked parts of the World; namely, England, Wales, Scot-
land, Ireland, and Holland. With his Merry Observations
on the English Stage, Gaming-Houses, Poets, Beaux, Wo-
men, Courtiers, Politicians, and Plotters, Welsh Clergy,
Gentry and Customs; Scotch Manners, Religion, and Law-
yers; Irish Ceremonies in their Marriages, Christenings, and
Burials; and Dutch Government, Polity and Trade. Being
a general Satire on the Vices and Follies of the Age. The
Third Edition. London: printed for S. Briscoe, at the Belle
Sauvage, Ludgate Hill, &c. 1723. Price 1s. 6d." 8vo. pp.
108. A cursory glance at this work will be sufficient to show
523
that De Foe could not have been the author; but his name
being a marketable commodity, has been attached to many
books without the slightest authority. (c)
OTHER WORKS ATTRIBUTED TO DE FOE.
(c) A friend of the author's has suggested to him whether De Foe was not
the author of "The History of Mademoiselle De St. Phale," and of "The
French Convert;" but he sees no reason for the supposition. The following
work has been also ascribed to him, but perhaps with little foundation: “The
Compleat Mendicant; or Unhappy Beggar. Being the Life of an Unfortunate
Gentleman: In which is a comprehensive account of several of the most
remarkable adventures that befel him in Three and Twenty Years' Pilgrimage.
Also, a Narrative of his Entrance at Oxford, his Ordination, his Behaviour,
and Departure from Court, his taking upon him the habit of a Shepherd,
&c. With general Reflections and Observations upon the Men, Manners,
Customs, and Religions of the several countries he wandered through.
Likewise divers familiar Letters, both Latin and English, Sermons, Poems,
Essays, upon particular occasions, with a singular account of a Monastick
Life, and the Description of a Monastery, all faithfully collected from his
originals Papers. London: printed for E. Harris, at the Harrow, in Little
Britain. 1699." 8vo. pp. 156.
CHAPTER XX.
Remarks upon De Foe as a Novelist.-Moral Tendency of his Writings.-
His "Fortunate Mistress: or Life of Roxana."-Variations in the Edi-
tions of the Work.-Its leading Features.-Character of the Story.-
Design of the Publication.-De Foe's "Tours through Great Britain.”
-Character of his Work - Mutilated in later Editions-Confounded
with “Macky's Journey."-" Great Law of Subordination.”—Cause of
the Decline of Virtue.-Abuse of Liberty.-Character of his Book.-
"Everybody's Business Nobody's Business."-Habits of Servants.-
Preface to the Fifth Edition.-Answers to it." New Voyage Round the
World."- '-"Roberts's Voyages.”—“ Essay upon Literature.”—“ More
Nature Delineated."-Account of Peter, the Wild Boy.-De Foe's
Theory of Education.
1724-1726.
M
THE merits of De Foe, as a writer of fictitious narrative, are
fully established by the works recorded in the foregoing
chapters. These efforts of genius gave a new and decided
turn to his reputation, and raised him to a proud superiority
over other writers in the same class. Yet the year 1724
gave birth to a romance, which for originality of invention,
for accuracy of painting, and for utility of purpose, was not
exceeded by any of the former. In the story of "Roxana,"
there are incidents, indeed, that cannot be welcome to a
virtuous mind; but the fault is in the subject rather than in
the author, whose aim is to describe human nature as it is,
for the purpose of contrasting it with what it should be.
REMARKS UPON DE FOE AS A NOVELIST.
525
This fidelity of design will not always admit of an agreeable
outline; and it was the humour of De Foe to employ his
pen upon those subjects that present the broad features of
life in their full deformity. In ordinary cases, this would
be considered a mark of bad taste; but De Foe had always
some important end to legitimate his choice. He was the
last man to administer fuel to a flame that he sought rather to
extinguish. He never tells a story for mere amusement, nor
does he go out of his way to obtrude reflections for the pur-
pose of correcting it. His facts, however disreputable to
virtue, are always subservient to it in the long run: he
tells his story for the sake of the moral, which forms a con-
stituent part, and yet so inartificially produced, as to be
essential to the narrative. As a correct painter of life and
manners, he was under the necessity of taking the world as
he found it; as a moralist, he was desirous of leaving it
better. He therefore selected those parts from the great
drama that he thought most susceptible of improvement, and
converted them into sources of instruction, in a form that
would be most accessible to the generality of readers. His
knowledge of the world had taught him, that those who
would not listen to a grave discourse, might be allured by
an eventful story; that whilst to the former they gave only
the unwilling assent of the judgment, its exemplification
would go far towards fixing it upon the heart. Such a
result, however, is not to be produced by a forced delinea-
tion of the passions, nor by pictures of life that do violence to
truth. These, indeed, have been the common resort of
novelists, whose aim at effect has betrayed them into a de-
parture from the ordinary operations of nature, and producing
a degree of excitement that requires to be kept alive by
fresh stimulants; but as the illusion vanishes, the mind falls
a prey to grief and disappointment. De Foe never attempts
the beau ideal of human life. His characters are those of
ordinary occurrence, his portraits strictly natural, and his
526 ((
FORTUNATE MISTRESS: OR LIFE OF ROXANA,”
sketches of manners exactly such as existed at the period he
describes.
The work eliciting these remarks, is intitled "The Fortu-
nate Mistress: Or a History of the Life and vast Variety of
Fortunes of Mademoiselle de Beleau, afterwards called The
Countess de Wintelsheim, in Germany. Being the Person
known by the Name of the Lady ROXANA, in the Time of
King Charles II. London: printed for T. Warner, at the
Black Boy in Paternoster Row; W. Meadows, at the Angel
in Cornhill; W. Pepper, at the Crown in Maiden Lane,
Covent Garden; S. Harding, at the Post House in St.
Martin's Lane; and T. Edlin, at the Prince's Arms against
Exeter Change, in the Strand. 1724." 8vo. pp. 407. It has
a Frontispiece, exhibiting "The Famous Roxana," in her
drawing-room. This, like most of De Foe's narratives, hast
passed through several editions, but the variations in them
require some distinct notice. The writer has been informed,
that in the second edition, De Foe was persuaded by his
friend Southerne to leave out the whole of the story relating
to Roxana's daughter, Susannah; who, suspecting her
relationship, contrived various expedients to throw herself
in her mother's way, until she at length succeeded, and
accomplished her ruin. Southerne's objection, certainly a
very curious one, rested upon the supposition, that the
daughter's history was imaginary, whilst the rest of the
story was founded upon fact. Whatever foundation there
may be for this tradition, it is certain that most of the sub-
sequent editions of the book contain the story, and it is one
of the finest-wrought pictures in the work. There are some
points in it that strongly resemble the case of poor Savage,
whose prying curiosity was a great annoyance to his un-
natural mother, but did not end so successfully. It was
upon this part of Roxana's history, that Mr. Godwin founded
his tragedy of " Fawkener," which was acted and printed in
December, 1807, with a prologue by Charles Lamb.
(6
FORTUNATE MISTRESS: OR LIFE OF ROXANA.” 527
The editions of "Roxana" printed since the death of the
author, contain some variations in the matter as well as in
the title. That of 1735, is called "The Life and Adventures
of Roxana, the Fortunate Mistress, or most unhappy Wife."
The edition of 1742, printed for H. Slater in Clement's Lane,
12mo, varies again in the title, but the matter is an exact
transcript of the first edition. In 1745, there appeared a
new impression in 12mo, with a continuation of Roxana's
life from the place where it was broken off by De Foe, until
the time of her death, in 1742. It is impossible at this dis-
tance of time to say by whom it was written; perhaps by a
son of De Foe, as the style in some places greatly resembles
that of the original; but there are some passages that are
not in good keeping with the rest. These additions amount
to about a fourth part of the work, and have been retained
in the subsequent editions; but in most of them the work is
printed incorrectly, and with the omission of some passages
in the first edition. That of 1755, printed for H. Owen, in
White Fryars, 12mo, is divided into chapters, and embellished
with copper-plates; as is that published by J. Cooke, in
2 vols. 12mo, without a date. There is an edition in crown
octavo, printed uniformly with Moll Flanders, by C. Symp-
son, in Stone-Cutter Street, Fleet Market; and there is
another in small quarto, printed uniformly with Robinson
Crusoe, towards the middle of the last century. (D) Roxana,
in common with the other fictions of De Foe, fell into the
merciless grasp of Francis Noble, a bookseller in Holborn,
and a wholesale dealer in the trash then published under the
name of novels. Like his other works, it was dreadfully
mangled in the operation. Besides mutilating it of nearly
half its contents, and suppressing some of the finest and
(D) The latter work has the following imprint: "London: printed for
R. Crusoe, Junior, and may be had of all the persons who serve newspapers
and subscription books. 1742." It has some rude wood cuts.
528
most interesting passages, he had recourse to artifice in order
to procure a sale for his broken wares. His dealings with
Moll Flanders have been already noticed; his Roxana bore
the following title: "The History of Mademoiselle de
Beleau Or the New Roxana, the Fortunate Mistress,
afterwards Countess of Wintelsheim. Published by Mr.
Daniel De Foe; and from Papers found since his Decease,
it appears was greatly altered by himself; and from the said
Papers, the present work is produced. London: printed for
F. Noble, &c. 1775." 12mo. As De Foe left no such
papers as are here mentioned, it required no small stock of
effrontery to publish the falsehood. Yet from these muti-
lated editions, so imposed upon the public, those which have
since appeared, seem to have been chiefly copied.
The history of the beautiful Roxana, in the original dress
that De Foe bestowed upon it, is one of those rare efforts of
genius that occasionally blaze upon the world, to relieve it
from the surrounding dullness. In rich natural painting,
combining all the charms of simplicity with the most exquisite
pathos, it is surpassed by none of his preceding works, and it
is the subject only that renders it less acceptable than Robin-
son Crusoe. The genius that inspired the one, has put forth
the same energies in the other, producing an equally striking
effect, and illustrating alike the peculiar talents of the writer.
From the nature of the facts developed in Roxana, her story
will be less inviting to many readers than if she had been a
virtuous character; and for this reason, its circulation will be
restricted by prudence. Scenes of vice, however cautiously
described, are never welcome to a virtuous mind, which feels
an instinctive withdrawing from the degraded part of the
species. But tales of real life, even when partially repulsive,
if rendered subservient to the interests of virtue, may have
their utility; although, to the young especially, there is al-
ways danger that the moral will be less attractive than the
story. Of this De Foe was well aware, and therefore takes
VARIATIONS IN THE EDITIONS OF THE WORK.
529
all imaginable pains to guard against any improprieties of
expression that could prompt a vicious mind. "Scenes of
crime," says he, "can scarce be represented in such a
manner, but some may make a criminal use of them; but
when vice is painted in its low-prized colours, 'tis not to
make people fall in love with it, but to expose it; and if the
reader makes a wrong use of the figures, the wickedness is
his own." In the mean time, there are sufficient materials in
the work, to extract improvement from a vicious story.
De Foe instructs us, that a prosperous wickedness has a
worm at its root, which blights the bud of enjoyment, and
spreads a canker through the whole circulation. The terrors
of a guilty conscience, lacerated by remorse, and haunted with
the fears of future retribution, spring up in the paths of for-
bidden pleasure; and their workings in the mind of our
heroine are delineated with a power that strikes the reader
with awe, and constrains him to visit his own conscience
with serious reflections. In such descriptions De Foe parti-
cularly excelled. He never labours at the pathetic, but pro-
duces all the effect without the assistance of art. The com-
punctions of Roxana are the spontaneous effusions of a mind
oppressed with guilt, and feelingly alive to its alarming con-
sequences. In the midst of her gaiety, she sees the hand-
writing upon the wall, which strikes a dart through her liver,
and poisons the cup of enjoyment. But her miseries do not
end here. She becomes the victim of her own vices, and
reads her sin in her punishment. With De Foe the pro-
sperity of the wicked always comes to an end, even in this
life. The children of Roxana, whom she had deserted in
their childhood, and who trace her out by a chain of events as
singular as they are delightfully told, become eventually the
cause of her ruin; her ill-gotten gains are swept from her at
a blow; and she descends from the pinnacle of greatness, to
the depths of poverty and disgrace. Although the incidents
that compose this instructive narrative, derive all their interest
2 M
VOL. III,
ITS LEADING FEATURES.
530
from the contrivances of the writer, yet we may believe him
when he says,
"That the foundation is laid in truth of fact.”
It is not improbable that the original of the picture may have
had an existence in the gay court of Charles II; but be this
as it may, it is certain that the effect is greatly heightened
by her being made to tell her own story. In this, indeed,
consists its magical influence, persuading the reader that he
is conversing with the very person, and receiving from her own
lips the recital of her misfortunes.
CHARACTER OF THE STORY.
Although Roxana has passed under the same ban of pro-
scription as Moll Flanders, yet there is an essential difference
in the character of the two stories. The latter is an epitome
of vice in low life, exhibiting the homely features of the class
to which she belongs. Roxana, on the contrary, is a high-
bred courtezan, and however revolting her story, she presents
less grossness than is common to many of her order. She is
just such a sort of person as may be supposed to have figured
in the gay and licentious days of Charles II; when a
thorough-bred loyalist, whether in court or city, would have
thought it a breach of good manners to be considered better
than his prince. It is true, that in the empire of vice, the
moralist knows no distinction of ranks. In its personal
consequences, the rich and the poor meet upon one common
ground, and the more 'eminent the station, the more baneful
is the influence; but it is equally true, that in proportion to
the refinements of life, its exhibition will be usually more
or less disgusting. In Roxana, we have a portraiture of
manners in the upper classes of society; whilst her maid
Amy, who performs a minor part in her adventures, belongs
to the same class as Moll Flanders.
The story of Roxana presents a striking elucidation of the
fatal effects of female vanity. It is also fruitful in lessons
upon the hardening tendency of a perseverance in vicious
courses, which blunt the feelings, and render the mind im-
pervious to conviction. The gradual steps by which she
531
proceeded in her career, the arts employed to entangle her,
and the flashes of conscience that would sometimes intrude
upon her gaieties, are all traced with a masterly pen, and
furnish inlets to moral instruction. Although she attained
her eminence by the sacrifice of her virtue, she had no plea-
sure in the indulgence of the vice. Her besetting sins were
an excess of avarice, and an excess of vanity, which were not
proof against the flatteries of the great. The mode in which
these passions operated, are traced with great skill by our
author, who paints, in vivid colours, the fluctuations of her
mind between interest and conscience. "In the manner she
has told her story, it is evident she does not insist upon her
justification in any one part of it; much less does she recom-
mend her conduct, or indeed any part of it, except her repent-
ance, to our imitation. On the contrary, she makes frequent
excursions in a just censuring and condemning her own prac-
tice. How often does she reproach herself in the most pas-
sionate manner, and guide us to just reflections in the like
cases? It is true, she met with unexpected success in her
wicked courses; but even in the highest elevations of her
prosperity, she makes frequent acknowledgments, that the
pleasure of her wickedness was not worth the repentance, and
that not all the satisfaction she had in her prosperity, no, nor
all the wealtḥ she rolled in, the gaiety of her appearance,
the equipages and the honours she was attended with, could
quiet her mind, abate the reproaches of her conscience, or
procure her an hour's sleep, when just reflections kept her
waking. The noble inferences that are drawn from this one.
part, are worth all the rest of the story, and abundantly jus-
tify, as they are the professed design of the publication." *
Although there are scenes in the work of a forbidding cha-
racter, yet its evident purpose is to discourage the vices it
recounts, and to alarm the conscience of the reader by a full
DESIGN OF THE PUBLICATION,
* Preface.
2 M 2
532 DE FOE'S TOURS THROUGH GREAT BRITAIN.
display of their fearful consequences. As a means to reclaim
the profligate, we must commend the motives of the writer;
whilst, as an effort of strong natural genius, it is impossible
to read it without the highest admiration of his talents, and
an equal impression of his piety.
De Foe's next appearance before the public, was in the
character of a tourist; and it is generally agreed that he sup-
ports it in a very respectable manner. He was not one of
those fire-side travellers who describe countries they have
never seen, and deal out the labours of others at second hand.
In the former part of his life, business or pleasure had carried
him into most of the counties of England, and he traversed
them "with observant eyes and a vigorous intellect." * Of
the pains he has taken to procure correct information, he
thus speaks: "The preparations for this work have been
suitable to my earnest concern for its usefulness. Seventeen
very large circuits, or journies, have been taken through
divers parts separately, and three general tours over almost
the whole English part of the island; in all which the author
has not been wanting to treasure up just remarks upon parti-
cular places and things. Besides these several journies in
England, he has also lived sometime in Scotland, and has
travelled critically over great part of it: he has viewed the
north part of England, and the south part of Scotland, five
several times over; all which is hinted here, to let the
readers know what reason they have to be satisfied with the
authority of the relation." The wide range he has proposed
to himself, would not allow of much amplification; yet, he
neglects nothing that is worthy of observation to the philoso-
pher, the historian, or the antiquary. His narrative is diver-
sified by many anecdotes of local customs, distinguished
families, and remarkable events, which are rendered welcome
*Chalmers, p. 61.
533
to the reader by their intrinsic interest, or by the happy man-
ner in which they are related. Although nothing material
escapes him, either in the works of nature or the productions
of art, that is worthy of notice, yet his principal business is
with the people, whose customs, habits, and character, in all
their varieties, are pourtrayed with great felicity of descrip-
tion. Those who are desirous of a pleasant ramble in search
of national manners at the period referred to, may be amply
gratified by accompanying our author; whose volumes, not-
withstanding more modern publications upon the subject, will
always possess a sufficient charm to beguile the attention,
and please by their variety.
The first of these excursions was given to the public in
1724, under the title of "A Tour through the whole Island
of Great Britain, divided into Circuits or Journies. Giving
a particular and diverting Account of whatever is Curious
and worth Observation, viz. I. A Description of the Princi-
pal Cities and Towns; their Situations, Magnitude, Govern-
ment, and Commerce. II. The Customs, Manners, Speech;
as also, the Exercises, Diversions, and Employment of the
People. III. The Produce and Improvement of the Lands,
the Trade and Manufactures. IV. The Sea Ports and For-
tifications, the course of Rivers, and the Inland Navigation.
V. The Public Edifices, Seats and Palaces of the Nobility
and Gentry. With useful Observations on the whole. Parti-
cularly fitted for the Reading of such as desire to Travel over
the Island. By a Gentleman. London: printed and sold by
G. Strahan, in Cornhill; W. Mears, at the Lamb without
Temple Bar; R. Francklin, under Tom's Coffee House,
Covent Garden; S. Chapman, at the Angel in Pall-Mall;
R. Stagg, in Westminster Hall; and J. Graves, in St.
James's Street, 1724," 8vo. This volume includes "A Diary
of the Siege and Blockade of Colchester, An. 1648;" with
a plan of the town.
The favourable reception of this volume, encouraged the
author to follow it by a second in the next year, with a simi-
CHARACTER OF HIS WORK.
534
lar title, and the addition of a Map of South Britain, by
Herman Moll, the Geographer. A third volume, the same
also in title, was added in 1727, containing the northern
counties of England, and the south of Scotland; and this
completes the work. The useful information contained in
these volumes, is conveyed in the familiar form of letters,
which are paged separately, and have distinct indexes. In
commending the work to the notice of the public, he says, "I
have endeavoured that these letters shall not be a journal of
trifles. If it is on that account too grave for some people, I
hope it will not for others. I have studied the advancement
and increase of knowledge for those that read, and shall be as
glad to make them wise, as to make them merry; yet I hope
they will not find the story so ill-told, or so dull, as to tire
them too soon, or so barren as to put them to sleep over it.
The observations here made, as they principally regard the
present state of things, so, as near as can be, they are adapted
to the present state of the times."
MUTILATED IN LATER EDITIONS.
These light and entertaining Tours being in a palatable
form, and recommended by their authenticity, were for a long
time a standing favourite with the public. Successive editions
attested their popularity, but they all varied in a greater or
less degree from the original. Samuel Richardson, the cele-
brated novelist, who appeared to have studied the writings of
De Foe, and to have formed himself very much upon his
model, is said to have furnished the additions to the impres-
sion of 1732, shortly after the death of the author. All the
later editions are in four volumes duodecimo. That of 1778
is called the eighth, and is said in the title to have been "ori-
ginally begun by the celebrated Daniel De Foe, continued by
the late Mr. Richardson, and brought down to the present
time, by a Gentleman of Eminence in the literary world." It
is, however, a paltry imitation of De Foe's work. The ope-
ration this has undergone in the way of improvement, or
rather for the purpose of giving it a more modern dress, has
exposed it to dreadful mutilations; insomuch that it has lost
MUTILATED IN LATER EDTIONS,
535
not only the pith 'of the original, but all its characteristic
features. It is in fact no longer the work of De Foe, being
stripped of the finest passages illustrating the manners of his
time, and conveyed in his own simple language, which forms
one of the principal charms of his own work. This, notwith-
standing the local changes that have taken place since it was
written, will never be out of date; for it contains those cha-
racteristic features of the times, which we look for in vain in
more modern works, and is exactly the sort of information
that a curious reader would desire. A writer in the "Gentle-
man's Magazine" has the following remarks upon the spolia-
tion it has undergone. "The Tour through Great Britain,
originally written by Daniel De Foe, is an entertaining and
useful book, describing faithfully the face of the country, as
it appeared about the year 1725; but the last edition is the
strangest jumble and hodge-podge that ever was put together.
The compiler has cut out paragraphs from books that have
been since published, and tacked them to the original work,
without any local knowledge, and with so little skill, as to
make what was separately respectable, become truly ridiculous
by the strange admixture of it with the old materials."* (E)
* Gent. Mag. for 1783, vol. liii. p. 409.
(E) De Foe's Tours have been sometimes confounded with ano-
ther work published about the same time, and intitled “A Journey
through England, in Familiar Letters, from a Gentleman here to his Friend
Abroad. Containing whatever is curious in the Counties of Norfolk,
Suffolk, &c. London: printed for J. Pemberton, at the Buck, against St.
Dunstan's Church, Fleet Street, 1722." 2 vols. 8vo. The Author was
John Macky. Although his name does not appear in the title, it is sub-
scribed to the Preface. He added a third volume in 1726, being "A
Journey through Scotland." The same author also published “A Journey
through the Austrian Netherlands: containing the Modern History and
Description of all the Provinces, Towns, Castles, Palaces, &c. of that fruit-
ful, populous Country, so long the Scene of Wars and dreadful Ravages;
till it was by the Treaty of Utrecht yielded to the Emperor of Germany.
With an Account of all the remarkable Battles and Sieges; taken from the
most Authentic Narratives. To which is prefixed, an Introduction, contain-
536 THE GREAT LAW OF SUBORDINATION CONSIDERED.
The versatility of our author's talents furnished him with
topics as various in their nature as they were useful in their
design; whilst his desire for reformation led him to select
those that came recommended by their importance, or their
urgency. In the same year that produced Roxana, he ad-
dressed another class of the community upon some excesses
which he had glanced at before in his "Religious Courtship,"
and were of so notorious a character, as to induce him to
lay open in a distinct treatise. He intitled it "The Great
Law of Subordination considered: or, the Insolence and Un-
sufferable Behaviour of Servants in England duly enquired
into. Illustrated with a great Variety of Examples, Histo-
rical Cases, and Remarkable Stories of the Behaviour of
some particular Servants, suited to all the several Arguments
made use of as they go on. In Ten Familiar Letters. To-
gether with a Conclusion, being an earnest and moving Re-
monstrance to the House-keepers and Heads of Families
in Great Britain, pressing them not to cease using their
utmost interest (especially at this Juncture) to obtain suffi-
cient Laws for the effectual Regulation of the Manners and
Behaviour of their Servants. As also, A Proposal, contain-
ing such Heads or Constitutions as would effectually answer
this great End, and bring Servants of every Class to a just
(and yet not a grievous) Regulation. London: Sold by
S. Harding, at the Post-House in St. Martin's Lane; and
other Booksellers. 1724." 8vo. pp. 302.
De Foe makes heavy complaints of the change of manners,
even in his own time, which he attributes in a great measure
to the increase of drunkenness. "You cannot doubt," says
he, "but that flood of infatuation which has spread over
the whole kingdom, has had its effect not only upon the
ing the Ancient History of the whole Seventeen Provinces. By the Author
of the Journey through England and Scotland. London: printed for J.
Pemberton, 1725," 8vo. By an easy mistake, this work also has been
commonly attributed to De Foe.
537
morals, but even upon the senses and good manners of the
English nation. The very blood and nature of men seem to
be changed. With their temperance, they have lost their
temper; and with their virtue, so much of their good humour,
for which they used to be so famed, that they seem to be
quite another kind of people than their ancestors were usually
said to be, and even than I myself remember. The effect is
seen in abundance of ways in their families, and particularly
in their conduct and treatment of their wives. They grow
sottish and stupid more than ever, and by that sordid way of
living, drink away their understandings, and even their senses;
to say nothing of their substance and estates. By this they
become brutish and sour in their families, and at best de-
prive their wives and daughters, not only of their care and
management, on which the prosperity of families so much
depends, but of the solace and comfort of their company,
and of all that enjoyment which derives from what we call
social life." Profane swearing is another bad custom that
was become common in his day; and to the prevalence of
these two, he traces most of the vices that had overspread,
not the common people only, but also the nobility and gentry.
Our author has many excellent remarks upon the perverted
notions of liberty, entertained by servants and common
people, which often rendered their conduct absurd and
ridiculous. "'Tis with an Englishman about his liberty,"
says he, "as 'tis with many of them about Popery, and is
as blindly espoused as Popery is blindly hated, by those who
mistake it in the grossest manner. Nothing is more certain,
than that true liberty consists in a freedom to do well, not
giving a loose to the passions, gratifying every vicious gust,
and taking off the restraint of laws, leaving every man to do
what is right in his own eyes. What the people's notions of
liberty are," he adds, "I shall best describe, by giving some
historical examples that have come within my own obser-
vation." De Foe introduces some apt stories to illustrate his
ABUSE OF LIBERTY.
538
CHARACTER OF HIS WORK.
subject, and has many pithy remarks, highly characteristic
of his ingenuity and good sense. He enters largely into
the conduct of labouring people generally, and of servants in
particular, describing the arts they resort to for the circum-
vention of their employers, and recommending some legal
enactments for the regulation of their behaviour. Yet, as
Mr. Chalmers observes, "Though he interest by his mode,
inform by his facts, and convince by his argument, he fails
at last, by expecting from law, what must proceed from
manners." De Foe seems to have been fully sensible, that
no reform was to be expected without the assistance of the
persons most concerned. For, he says, "'Tis a needful and
unanswerable truth, that the want of family government is
the ruin of servants; and it is since family discipline de-
cayed in England, and the good example of masters ceased,
that servants have got the head and mastership over us.
And until something of an orderly and virtuous governing of
families comes in fashion again among us, I fear that no
laws or public regulations will be effectual to this purpose.
However unpromising his subject, De Foe has contrived to
make a most entertaining book of it. The numerous stories
with which it abounds, not only give a spur to the reading, but
are strongly indicative of character and manners in those
classes of society to which they refer. It does not appear
that there was ever more than one edition of the work.
>>
The abuses unfolded by our author in the foregoing treatise
calling loudly for redress, he returned to the subject in a
pamphlet published in the following year, in which he re-
sumed some topics that he had before handled but slightly.
His work is intitled "6 Every Body's Business is Nobody's
Business; or Private Abuses, Public Grievances. Exempli-
fied in the Pride, Insolence, and Exorbitant Wages of our
Women Servants, Footmen, &c. With a Proposal for
Amendment of the same. As, also, for the clearing of the
EVERY BODY'S BUSINESS NOBODY'S BUSINESS.' 539
Streets of those Vermin called Shoe-Cleaners, and substi-
tuting in their stead many Thousands of Industrious Poor,
now ready to Starve. With divers other Hints of great Use
to the Public. Humbly submitted to the Consideration of
our Legislature, and the careful Perusal of Masters and
Mistresses of Families. By Andrew Moreton, Esq. London:
Printed for W. Meadows in Cornhill; and sold by T. Warner,
Paternoster Row; A. Dodd, without Temple Bar; and E.
Nutt, at the Royal Exchange. 1725." 8vo. pp. 36. This is
the first of a series of works which he wrote under the assumed
name of Andrew Moreton.
(6
""
As a censor of public manners, our author deemed no subject
that interfered with the comforts of life, of too trifling a nature
for animadversion; and the one now discussed by him partook
of this character. He tells us, that servants, in his day,
caballed with each other to raise their wages, and carve out
their own work; that the former had risen from thirty or forty
shillings a year, to eight pounds and upwards; and all to
support the pride of dress, in which they vied with their
mistresses. These evils are traced by our author to their
proper source, and exposed in a strain of caustic humour, as
amusing as his remarks are pertinent. In the following
passage, we have a striking picture of London manners in
the class of persons referred to. "The country girl no sooner
comes to London, than she thinks of nothing but vails and
high wages.
Her neat leathern shoes are now transformed
into laced ones, with high heels; her yarn stockings are
turned into fine woollen ones, with silk clocks; and her high
wooden pattens are kicked away for leathern clogs. She
must have a hoop too, as well as her mistress; and her poor
scanty linsey-woolsey petticoat is changed into a good silk
one, of four or five yards wide at the least. Not to carry the
description further, in short, plain country Joan is now turned
into a fine London Madam; can drink tea, take snuff, and
carry herself as high as the best." In descanting upon the
540 EVERY BODY'S BUSINESS NOBODY'S BUSINESS.
petty habits of servants, De Foe lets us into many of the
artifices by which they often ruined themselves, as well as
their employers.
To the fifth edition of the work, published in the same
year, our author added a preface, in which he alludes to three
Answers that had appeared against it, besides "fresh attacks
daily expected from the powers of Grub Street." But he
declines a paper war with his antagonists. "As my inten-
tions are good," says he, "so have they had the good fortune
to meet with approbation from the sober and substantial part
of mankind as for the vicious and vagabond, their ill-will is
my ambition." One of the replies alluded to, is intitled
"Every Man mind his own Business; or private Piques no
public Precedents. Being an Answer to a late scurrilous
Pamphlet, intitled Every Body's Business Nobody's Business.
Written by an old peevish trading Jce, whose false
Reasoning is here exposed, the Cruelty of Masters and
Mistresses exemplified, and the Hardships of Servants set in
a clear light. In a letter to A- M- Esq. By Cathe-
rine Comb-Brush, Lady's Woman. London: printed and
sold by the Booksellers of London and Westminster. 1725."
8vo. Mrs. Comb-Brush, who mistakes her author for a
Justice of the Peace, is very eloquent in street-abuse. She
is angry that "Mr. Moreton's Essay is read in every house;"
and adds, "His doctrines, like weeds, spread all abroad, and
every master and mistress copy this great original." Another
of De Foe's Antagonists published "Servitude: a Poem.
To which is prefixed, an Introduction, humbly submitted to
the Considerations of all Noblemen, Gentlemen, and Ladies,
who keep many servants. Also, a Postscript, occasioned by
a late trifling Pamphlet, intitled Every Body's Business
Nobody's. Written by a Footman: in behalf of good Servants,
and to excite the bad to their Duty. London: printed for
T. Worrall, at the Judge's Head, against St. Dunstan's
Church, in Fleet Street. 8vo. No date. De Foe's pamphlet
541
was re-printed in 1767, but the replies to it have been long
since forgotten.
NEW VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
In the course of this year, De Foe presented the world with
a fresh proof of his skill in nautical affairs, in a work replete
with interest, and no less ingenious in the contrivance, than
amusing in its details. He intitled it, "A New Voyage round
the World, by a course never sailed before. Being a Voyage
undertaken by some Merchants, who afterwards proposed the
setting up an East India Company in Flanders. Illustrated
with Copper Plates. London: printed for A. Bettesworth,
at the Red Lyon in Paternoster-Row; and W. Mears, at the
Lamb, without Temple Bar. 1725." 8vo. pp. 413.
Although many voyages of equal extent had been performed
by our countrymen, yet their published accounts, as De Foe
justly observes, contain but little to amuse or instruct the,
reader, consisting chiefly of dry details extracted from their
journals, and these mostly of a professional nature. Our
author possessed the happy talent of rendering his voyages
attractive, by the variety of his incidents, and by the felicity
with which he related them; and he is no less happy in
making them a vehicle for insinuating instruction. From
those who have explored newly discovered countries, we na-
turally look for information concerning the character, habits,
and customs of the people, the productions of the soil, and
whatever may be interesting to the philosopher and the his-
torian. But it was the misfortune of our early navigators to
be generally men of confined education, who were in the pur-
suit of wealth rather than of information, so that their adven-
tures correspond more with those of a bucanier, than with any
thing of a civilized description. It was the object of De Foe to
give them a more inviting dress, that by mixing the agreeable
with the useful, he might fascinate at the same time that he in-
structed the reader. In reference to this work, Mr. Chalmers
has the following remarks. "Most voyagers have had this
542
NEW VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
misfortune, that whatever success they had in the adventure,
they have had very little in the narrative. They are indeed full
of the incidents of sailing, but they have nothing of story for
the use of readers who never intend to brave the dangers of the
sea. These faults De Foe is studious to avoid in his new voyage.
He spreads before his readers such adventures as no writer
of a real voyage can hope to imitate, if we except the teller
of Anson's tale. In the life of Crusoe, we are gratified by
continually imagining that the fiction is a fact: in the
voyage round the world, we are pleased by constantly per-
ceiving that the fact is a fiction, which, by uncommon
skill, is made more interesting than a genuine voyage."
The same writer observes, "the ship of Fools had indeed
been launched in early times; but who, like De Foe, had
ever carried his readers to sea, in order to mend the heart,
and regulate the practice of life, by shewing his readers
the effects of adversity, or how they might equally be called
to sustain his hero's trials, as they sailed round the world.
But without attractions, neither the originality nor the end,
can have any salutary consequence. This he had foreseen;
and for this he has provided, by giving his adventures in a
style so pleasing, because it is simple, and so interesting,
because it is particular, that every one fancies he could write
a similar language."
A main object of De Foe in all his writings, is to bring
forward some prominent error that has taken root in society,
for the purpose of its correction. In this work, he takes oc-
casion to reprehend the excess of punishment that is some-
times inflicted at sea, for trivial offences. His experience of
human life had taught him," that men were always secured
in their duty by a generous kindness, better than by absolute
dominion and severity." This sentiment he endeavours to
enforce by example; and who that has any knowledge of
mankind, does not acquiesce fully in its propriety? It is
quite evident from the aptitude and correctness of his writing
543
that De Foe must have been well acquainted with the stories.
of former navigators, from which he gleaned the materials
for his fancy to work upon. But the charm of the work owes
every thing to his own genius, which was fertile in con-
trivances, and rich in the sources of amusement. Whoever
may feel disposed to accompany our author in his imaginary
voyage, will find much to gratify his curiosity, and to inform
his judgment.
ROBERTS'S VOYAGES.
It has been suggested to the present writer, by a friend con-
versant in works of the kind, that the Voyage of Captain
Roberts, published in the following year, was also the produc-
tion of De Foe. Notwithstanding the circumstantiality of
facts and dates, he had a strong impression that it was no
other than a fiction; and from the likeness to be traced in
some passages, he thought himself warranted in coming to
his conclusion. How far the conjecture is correct, it may be
difficult perhaps to determine, and shall therefore be left to
the judgment of those who are disposed to investigate the
matter. The title of the work, from whence the reader will
derive some notion of its contents, is as follows: "The Four
Years' Voyages of Capt. George Roberts; being a Series of
Uncommon Events, which befel him in a Voyage to the
Islands of the Canaries, Cape de Verde, and Barbadoes, from
whence he was bound to the Coast of Guiney. The Manner of
his being taken by Three Pyrate Ships, commanded by Low,
Russell, and Spriggs, who, after having plundered him, and
detained him Ten Days, put him aboard his own Sloop,
without Provisions, Water, &c., and with only Two Boys, one
eighteen, and the other of eight years of age. The Hard-
ships he endured for above Twenty days, till he arrived at the
Island of St. Nicholas, from whence he was blown off to sea,
before he could get any sustenance, without his boat and
biggest Boy, whom he had sent ashore; and after Four Days
of Difficulty and Distress, was shipwrecked on the unfrequented
-
544
Island of St. John, where, after he had remained near Two
Years; he built a vessel to bring himself off. With a parti-
cular and curious Description and Draught of the Cape de
Verd Islands; their Roads, Anchoring Places, Nature and
Production of the Soils; the Kindness and Hospitality of the
Natives to Strangers, their Religion, Manners, Customs,
and Superstitions, &c. Together with Observations on the
Minerals, Mineral Waters, Metals and Salts, and of the
Nitre with which some of these Islands abound. Written by
Himself. And interspersed with many pleasant and profit-
able Remarks, very instructive for all those who use this Trade,
or who may have the Misfortune to meet with any of the like
Distresses, either by Pyracy or Shipwreck. Adorned with
several Copper Plates. London: printed for A. Bettesworth
at the Red Lyon in Paternoster Row; and J. Osborn, at the
Ship at St. Saviour's Dock-Head, near Horsleydown, 1726.”
8vo. pp. 458. The work is dedicated "To my highly esteemed
Friend, William Killet, of Gorlestown, in the County of
Suffolk, Gent."; subscribed "George Roberts"; and dated
"Shad-Thames, July 11th 1726." There was a new edition.
of this work in 1815.
ESSAY UPON LITERATURE.
Amongst the multifarious subjects that engaged the atten-
tion of De Foe, was one of great curiosity to literary men,
and important in its consequences to the public at large. The
work we are now about to notice, although excellent in its
kind; and containing much information within a narrow
compass, is but little known, and still less so as emanating
from our author. Besides the evidence furnished by its con-
tents, he has an allusion to it in one of his subsequent pub-
lications*; and in a copy before the writer, it is pointed to him
in the hand-writing of a contemporary. The work is intitled
"An Essay upon Literature: Or an Enquiry into the Anti-
*
System of Magick, p. 185.
545
quity and Original of Letters; proving that the Two Tables,
written by the Finger of God in Mount Sinai, was the first
Writing in the World; and that all other Alphabets derive
from the Hebrew. With a Short View of the Methods made
Use of by the Ancients to supply the Want of Letters before,
and improve the Use of them after they were known. London:
printed for Thomas Bowles, Printseller, next to the Chapter
House, St. Paul's Church Yard; John Clark, Bookseller,
under the Piazza, Royal Exchange; and John Bowles, Print-
seller, over against Stocks Market, 1726." 8vo. pp. 127.
As a writer who had contributed so largely to the concerns
of literature, he might be expected to feel interested in an
inquiry that brought to light the sources of its manufacture.
In the time of De Foe, the English language had produced
but few publications upon the subject, and none containing
so much information in a popular form. It was, therefore, an
object of curiosity with his countrymen; and the manner in
which he has treated it, exhibits more learning and research
than he has been usually credited with. "It is something
strange," says he, "that among the abundance of writers in
the world, and the multitude of authors who have published
their labours for the instruction of mankind in this age, not
one has thought it worth while to give any significant account.
of the art by which all their works are performed; and by
which, indeed, all manner of science is conveyed from age to
age, and handed down from our ancestors to this day: I mean
that of writing. Printing is a modern invention, but writing
is of a very ancient date, and has been the most useful of all
arts in the world." In attempting to supply the deficiency,
our author dives into the records of ancient times, and can
find no mention of letters before the writing upon the Two
Tables, from whence Moses took occasion to impart the know-
ledge to the Israelites. Having established his position, he
examines the pretensions of other nations to the discovery,
and finds them wanting. Cadmus, who is said to have first
2 N
VOL. II.
ESSAY UPON LITERATURE.
546
imparted letters to the Greeks, derived his knowledge from
the Phoenicians, as they did from the Jews; and the Egyp-
tians obtained it from the same source. For the proof of these
points, he goes into an ingenious train of reasoning, built upon
the imperfect remains of antiquity, but he thinks sufficiently
satisfactory to warrant his conclusion. The knowledge of
music and of numbers, he refers to the same divine original;
and is of the opinion before broached by Theophilus Gale,
that all human literature is to be traced to the Hebrews. It is
probable that De Foe was not unacquainted with the clabo-
rate work of that learned writer, upon "The Court of the
Gentiles."
ESSAY UPON LITERATURE.
Having discoursed upon the origin of letters, our author
proceeds next to inquire, " In what manner they were made
use of in the respective ages, after they were first given out;
and by what degrees the writing and printing of these letters
advanced to the perfection which we see them now arrived
to? Also, how, and in what manner, and upon what occa-
sions, the materials for writing and printing, and the instru-
ments and engines for the performance of the several parts
of it, were discovered." He supposes that the original writing
was by excoriation, upon a substance somewhat similar to
slate. That the law of the two tables was engraven in some
such manner, he infers from its being sufficiently portable
for Moses to carry in his hand. After this, the hammer and
the chisel were employed upon stone; the stylus upon wood,
&c. In process of time, the bark of trees, and a weed
produced in Egypt, called the Papyrus, were prepared for
the purpose, as were afterwards the skins of animals, known
by the name of parchment; and linen steeped in oil. The
instruments used for writing, were either of bone or iron,
and afterwards of steel; from whence the word stylus. The
liquid employed was prepared from the juice of a particular
kind of fish, called the Sepia, or Ink-fish. In the reign of
Augustus, the materials for writing underwent considerable
.. MERE NATURE DELINEATED."
547
improvement, and continued in a progressive state, until they
arrived at the perfection in which we now have them. The
various methods of writing, whether by words, abbreviations,
or ciphers; the process for preparing the materials; and
whatever relates to the history of the art, are detailed in an
entertaining manner, and with perspicuous brevity. From
writing, the author is led to a brief sketch of the origin
of printing, the manufacture of paper, and the invention
of the rolling press. These subjects have been more amply
illustrated by succeeding writers; but whoever wishes for
much useful information within a narrow compass, will be
amply compensated by the perusal of this little volume.
It is now but rarely to be met with; nor is it noticed in the
ample work of Dr. Watt.
The public curiosity being now excited by the case of a
wild youth, lately discovered in a German forest, and
brought to England by George I., De Foe naturally con-
sidered that it would be a popular subject for his pen. He
therefore contributed to the speculations then afloat amongst
naturalists and philosophers, in a pamphlet, intitled, "Mere
Nature delineated: or a Body without a Soul. Being
Observations upon the Young Forester lately brought to
Town, from Germany. With suitable Applications. Also, a
brief Dissertation upon the Usefulness and Necessity of
Fools, whether Political or Natural. London: printed for
T. Warner, at the Black Boy, in Paternoster-Row. 1726.
Price 1s. 6d." 8vo. pp. 123.
The contradictory reports that were in circulation respect-
ing this youth, rendered it difficult, in some instances, to get
at the truth. De Foe does not attempt to reconcile them;
but applies his reasoning to detect such as appeared void
of probability. He considers it next to impossible for so
young a child, who, from the account of his habits, must
have been long in the situation he was found in, to have
2N2
548
((
MERE NATURE DELINEATED.'
maintained his existence. This he argues from the severity
of the climate; his want of clothing, shelter, and food; and
his inability to protect himself from the wild beasts of the
forest. Yet, if he had not been so exposed for a length of
time, it is difficult to account for his want of speech, as his
hearing appeared to be perfect. These are points, observes
De Foe, which require explanation. He objects to the
statement of his going upon his hands and feet, as incon-
sistent with experience and common sense; and for the same
reason, of his climbing trees like a cat or a squirrel. If he
had lived long in the forest, De Foe thinks it scarcely
probable that he would have been overlooked by the boars
and hunting parties, by whom it was continually traversed.
He therefore rejects the notion that he had been dropped
there by some unnatural mother, and left, like Romulus and
Rhemus, to the mercy of the beasts. He was as little dis-
posed to admit the idea of his being an idiot, as he had
exhibited proofs of reason, and appeared susceptible of in-
struction. After arguing against the improbable stories
related of him, De Foe admits the fact of his having been
found in the situation described, but how he came there,
he leaves in the same uncertainty that he found it. After
a visit to the boy, he remarks, "He seems to be the very
creature which the learned world has, for many years past,
pretended to wish for, viz., one that being kept entirely
from human society, so as never to have heard any one
speak, must therefore either not speak at all; or, if he did
form any speech to himself, then they should know what
language nature would first form for mankind.”
From commenting upon the story of this young forester,
De Foe proceeds to moralize upon it, and has many sarcastic.
allusions to the men of his times. "In our further consider-
ing this wild youth," says he, "the business is, to make
his case useful to the rational part of the world, whether the
world can be made so to him or no; in which, if I do not
549
treat him a la buffoon, as has been thought proper by a
learned author of brains and brass, (for he calls himself the
copper farthing author (F,) or a la solemn, as a more learned
divine lately proposed to do when he had studied a whole
sermon upon him, making the words The wild beasts of the
forest, his text. I say, if I fall into neither of these extremes,
I hope the enquiring reader will not be disappointed." In
giving a political turn to the subject, he says, in his dry
sarcastic way, "I had some thoughts here of taking a little
notice of the extraordinary usefulness, nay, even the ne-
cessity of Fools at court; (and pray take notice that I must
always be understood of foreign courts, not our own) how
needful it is that there should be beasts of burthen, where
there are so many heavy burthens to be carried; and that
there should be many asses where there are many riders.
But this is an article of such importance, 'tis not to be
brought into a parenthesis, and therefore I have referred
it to a part by itself."
De Foe has some curious speculations upon the possibility
of thinking, without a knowledge of words, expressive of our
ideas of sensible objects. "Every mute," says he, "is not
an idiot or a fool; and we see some daily among us, whose
parts are as bright, their understandings as large and capa-
cious, and their reason in as full exercise, and as clear as
perhaps any other." Art had done much towards conquering
this defect, of which he relates a remarkable instance in the
case of a child that lost its parents in infancy, and being bred
by some dumb relations, did not acquire its speech until
some years afterwards. He makes respectful mention of
the skill of Mr. Baker, "who is eminently known for a
surprising dexterity in teaching such as have been born deaf
and dumb, both to speak and understand what is said when
ACCOUNT OF PETER THE WILD BOY.
(F) De Foe here pays off an old score upon Swift, who had often
handled him with severity, and had lately published a book against
Wood's Copper Coinage.
550
others speak to them; some living, though wonderful
examples of which are now to be seen. This Mr. Baker
afterwards married a daughter of De Foe. Had the wild
boy been committed to his care, he thinks he would have
stood a better chance of overcoming the disadvantages of
his situation, and the defects of nature, than he could
derive from the persons who had the charge of him. Dr.
Arbuthnot, to whose tuition he was consigned at first, had
him but a short time, when he was transferred to a farm-
house in the country. It is probable his case was now
considered hopeless.
From the case of this wild youth, our author draws some
practical reflections upon the value of education, and the
difficulty of communicating it after the powers of nature
have lost the pliancy of childhood. Of its success in the
present instance, he entertains strong doubts, having a mean
opinion of the boy's faculties; yet, as he exhibited no ap-
parent deformity, he was unwilling to go the length of those
who set him down as a fool, by their judgment of his phy-
siognomy. The face, he observes, is not always an index
of the mind. "The Lunenburgher has, indeed, no agreeable
aspect. He has a kind of natural dejection in his counte-
nance, looks wild and awkward, like one that has not yet
found his mouth, that does not know how to look; and,
indeed, having no speech, he seems to look dumb, if that
may be allowed me. His want of speech assists very much
to keep him just in the same state of nature that he was in
when first brought among us, and I do not find that he
makes much improvement in any thing." In favour of the
boy, he adds, "this is all nature still: for the natural powers
come to their maturity of acting by gradations; as the body
grows in strength, and as habits and exercise dictate and
instruct. Every man is born mute, though not dumb. He
is mute, because he cannot speak till he learns by imitation;
but he is not dumb, because he has a potential capacity to
DE FOE'S THEORY OF EDUCATION.
""
551
speak, as soon as he can shape his mouth to form a sound
articulate and distinct." De Foe was of the same opinion as
Locke, upon the structure and pliability of the human
powers, which he compares to a lump of soft wax, capable of
receiving whatever impressions are fixed upon it.
"The
soul," says he, "is placed in the body like a rough diamond,
which requires the wheel and knife, and all the other arts
of the cutter to shape and polish it, and bring it to show the
perfect water of the true brilliant. If we do not think it
worth while to bestow the trouble, we must not expect the
blessing. Education seems to me to be the only specific
remedy for all the imperfections of nature. The difference in
souls, or the greatest part at least, is owing to this. The
man is rational or stupid, just as he is handled by his
teachers. As he can neither read, write, nor perform some
of the most necessary actions of life without being taught,
so neither can he any of those operations in which the soul
is wholly the operator. This goes a great way to confirm
me in the opinion which was long received among the
ancients, of a parity of souls." The only obstructions to it
he conceives to arise from natural defects, or accidental causes
affecting the essential organs.
If De Foe had been told that he was a necessitarian, the
names of Hobbes and Collins would probably have made him
shrink from the suggestion. Yet, however unconscious of
the circumstance, he pleads for a doctrine which, if properly
understood and generally acted upon, would furnish a lever
to society more powerful and beneficial in its operation, than
all the chance-laws by which it is governed. We complain,
and justly, of the increase of crime, but it is in vain that we
go on to legislate for its punishment, whilst society continues
to furnish the incentives to its commission. Let these be
withdrawn, and it will be found that men are not naturally
more vicious than they were centuries ago. Our author
justly observes, that "as wisdom and virtue are their own
DE FOE'S THEORY OF EDUCATION.
552
reward, so vice and ignorance are their own punishment;
and they who choose them, as Solomon says of other crimi-
nals, Let them flee to the pit, let no man stay them; that is,
as I should translate, Let them be as miserable as they
desire to be."
DE FOE'S THEORY OF EDUCATION.
By the time De Foe had finished his pamphlet, reports
were in circulation, that the boy was to be received into the
church, by undergoing the rite of baptism; a circumstance
that he considered highly discreditable, unless he had made
greater proficiency than was generally known. The rite,
however, was performed, and he received the name of Peter.
Those who urged its administration, must have had very
low notions of religion, and his sponsors must have promised
more than they could perform; for it does not appear that
he ever became susceptible of instruction, or even acquired
the use of speech. Such as he was, however, he served to
swell the catalogue of national christians. The case of this
savage being so much to his purpose, attracted the attention
of that singular genius, Lord Monboddo, who paid him a
visit in 1782, and deduced conclusions from it favourable to
his theory of the human species. These he has detailed at
length in his "Ancient Metaphysics." Of his mode of life.
in England, and the failure of every attempt to develope his
mind by education, there is a detailed account in the parish
register of North Church, in the county of Hertford, where
he was buried. A copy of it may be found in Dodsley's
Annual Register, for the year 1785.
CHAPTER XXI.
De Foe's Notions of Spirits.-His Experience of their Existence.--Popular
Credulity.-Satirized by De Foe.-His " Political History of the Devil.”
-“System of Magick."-" Essay on Apparitions.”-
Satire upon the
Fops of his Day.—Moral Improvement of the Subject.-" The Protes-
tant Monastery."-De Foe's Age and Infirmities.—Allusion to the
Undutifulness of his Children.-Parochial Tyranny.-Select Vestries.-
Third Volume of the " Family Instructor."-Subjects handled in it.-
"Use and Abuse of the Marriage Bed."—" The Compleat Tradesman.”
A Second Volume upon the Subject.- Merits of the Work.-" Plan of the
English Commerce."-De Foe and Gee compared.—“ Military Memoirs
of Captain Carleton.”—A favourite with Johnson.-" Augusta Trium-
phans."-London University.-De Foe a
De Foe a Practical Reformer.-His
Scheme for the Prevention of Street Robberies.-Invasion of his Labours.-
He publishes "Second Thoughts are Best."-Strictures upon the Beggar's
Opera.-Schemes for Improvement of the Police.-" Dissectio Mentis
Humanæ.”—A Manuscript called " The Compleat Gentleman.”—De Foe's
Letter to his Printer.
1726-1730.
M
THE course of his studies, aided perhaps by his misfortunes,
led our author into many speculations upon the subject of
spirits, and their communication with the visible world.
From early life, his own mind had been strongly impressed
with a belief in their reality; and there are some passages in
his writings, from whence may be collected his opinion, that
they exercise, more or less, a direct influence upon the affairs
of men.
He notices two ways by which the communication
554
"* He
is maintained :-First, by "immediate, personal, and parti-
cular converse ;" and secondly, by "these spirits acting at
a distance, rendering themselves visible, and their trans-
actions perceptible, on such occasions as they think fit,
without any farther acquaintance with the person."
thought that God had posted an army of these ministering
spirits round our globe, "to be ready, at all events, to execute
his orders, and to do his will; reserving still to himself to
send express messengers of a superior rank on extraordinary
occasions." These, he adds, may, without any absurdity,
be supposed capable of assuming shapes, conversing with
mankind by voice and sound, or by private notices of things,
impulses, forebodings, misgivings, and other imperceptible
communications to the minds of men, as God their great
employer may direct." But, upon the power of man to
control or communicate at his will with these spiritual
beings, he entertains doubts, and protests against the arts
of conjuration.
De Foe has many allusions in his writings, to the silent.
workings of some supernatural influence upon his own mind,
acting as a prompter upon extraordinary occasions. He
speaks sometimes of mysterious impressions directing him
to particular subjects, and guiding his pen whilst in the act
of writing. Under the same impulse, we find him the
subject of secret forebodings, conveyed by some invisible
agent, and enabling him to escape from evils into which he
must have fallen but for such premonitions. However such
a belief may be condemned as fanciful, it has been that of
many grave theologians, and is sanctioned in some measure
by the sacred writings. There can be no doubt, also, that
it had a favorable influence upon the mind of De Foe, as
it reconciled him to many distressing events, and enabled
him to pass through the vicissitudes of life, with a confiding
EXPERIENCE OF THE EXISTENCE OF SPIRITS.
66
* History of Magick, p. 327. + History of Apparitions, p. 56.
555
trust in the superintendency of Providence. At the same
time, it opened to his view the cheering prospect of another
world, which became realized in proportion as it was brought
in contact with the present.
DE FOE'S NOTIONS OF SPIRITS.
"I firmly believe," says he, "and have had such con-
vincing testimonies of it that I must be a confirmed Atheist
if I did not, that there is a converse of spirits, I mean those
unembodied, and those that are incased in flesh. From
whence, else, come all those private notices, strong impulses,
involuntary joy, sadness, and foreboding apprehensions, of
and about things immediately attending us, and this in the
most important affairs of our lives. That there are such
things, I think, I need not go about to prove; and I believe
they are, next to the Scriptures, some of the best and most
undeniable evidences of a future existence. It would be
endless to fill this paper with the testimonies of learned and
pious men ; I could add to them a volume of my own ex-
periences, some of them so strange as would shock your
belief, though I could produce such proofs as would convince
any man. I have had, perhaps, a greater variety of changes,
accidents, and disasters in my short unhappy life, than any
man, at least than most men alive; yet I had never any
considerable mischief or disaster attending me, but sleeping
or waking I have had notice of it before hand, and had I
listened to these notices, I believe might have shunned the
evil. Let no man think this a jest. I seriously acknowledge,
and I do believe my neglect of these notices has been my
great injury; and since I have ceased to neglect them, I have
been guided to avoid even snares laid for my life, by no other
knowledge of them, than by such notices and warnings and
more than that, have been guided by them to discover even
the fact and the persons. I have living witnesses to produce,
to whom I have told the particulars in the very moment, and
who have been so affected with them, as that they have
pressed me to avoid the danger, to retire, to keep myself up,
556
and the like." De Foe tells us, that had he not neglected the
advice and the notice, he had been safe; but slighting both,
he has fallen into the pit exactly as described to him. He
says, that if it would be thought useful, he could descend to
particulars; but it being a private case, he did not think it
so material, and therefore avoided it. The inference that he
draws from the subject is, that "if such Notices, by whatso-
ever hand, or for whatever purpose, are given us, in our per-
sonal, private, and particular cases, as I believe nobody will
deny, why may not the same Providence and Power permit
the like notices, call them what you will, to be given to some
persons in matters public and national? History is full of
these; and were I not at the writing of this absent from books,
being now travelling, and at an inn on the road, I could
bring a numerous roll of quotations." De Foe refers from
memory to the well-known case of Mr. Wishart and the Arch-
bishop of St. Andrews; also to the names of Bradford, Knox,
Calvin, Luther, and Buchanan, for other examples; and par-
ticularly to Mr. Withers, who foretold the fire of London
several years before it happened.
Our author then descends to the phenomena of dreams,
which he desires to touch with great caution, on account of
the extremes into which even good people are apt to run.
But, in support of his theory, he adduces the examples of
Job, Daniel, Joseph, and others recorded in Scripture; and,
referring to profane history, he cites the dream of Cæsar's
wife, and the celebrated case of Brutus at Philippi. From
the whole, he concludes with a desire to steer between the
two extremes of rejecting "the warnings God is pleased to
give us in visions of the night, and of giving heed to those
delusions of the imagination, which proceed only from a
distempered brain.*
Perhaps the following passages in one of his works, has
PREMONITION BY DREAMS.
Review, viii. 93–96.
557
an immediate reference to himself: "I know a man, who
made it a rule always to obey these silent hints, and he has
often declared to me, that when he obeyed them he never
miscarried; and if he neglected them, or went on contrary to
them, he never succeeded; and gave me a particular case of
his own, among a great many others, wherein he was thus
directed. He had a particular case befallen him, wherein he
was under the displeasure of the Government, and was prose-
cuted for a misdemeanour, and brought to a trial in the King's
Bench Court, where a verdict was brought against him, and
he was cast; and times running very hard at that time,
against the party he was of, he was afraid to stand the
hazard of a sentence, and absconded, taking care to make
due provision for his Bail, and to pay them whatever they
might suffer. In this circumstance, he was in great distress,
and no way presented unto him but to fly out of the kingdom,
which, being to leave his family, children, and employment,
was very
bitter to him, and he knew not what to do; all
his friends advising him not to put himself into the hands of
the law, which though the offence was not capital, yet in his
circumstances seemed to threaten his utter ruin. In this
extremity he felt one morning (just as he had awaked, and
the thoughts of his misfortune began to return upon him),
I say, he felt a strong impulse darting into his mind thus,
Write a letter to them. It spoke so distinctly to him, and as
it were forcibly, that as he has often said since, he can scarce
persuade himself not to believe but that he heard it; but he
grants that he did not really hear it too. However, it repeated
the words daily and hourly to him, till at length walking
about in his chamber where he was hidden, very pensive and
sad, it jogged him again, and he answered aloud to it, as if
it had been a voice, Who shall I write to? It returned imme-
diately, Write to the Judge. This pursued him again for
several days, till at length he took his pen, ink, and paper,
and sat down to write, but knew not one word of what he
should say, but dabitur in hac hora, he wanted not words.
SECRET IMPULSES.
558
It was immediately impressed on his mind, and the words
flowed upon his pen in a manner that even charmed himself,
and filled him with expectations of success. The letter was
so strenuous in argument, so pathetic in its eloquence, and
so moving and persuasive, that as soon as the judge read it,
he sent him word he should be easy, for he would endeavour
to make that matter light to him; and in a word never left,
till he obtained leave to stop the prosecution, and restore him
to his liberty and to his family." *
In all his excursions through the world of spirits, De Foe
never allowed himself to wander beyond the confines of reli-
gion. If his speculations are sometimes fanciful, and in but
little accordance with the known phenomena of the human
mind, it is a consequence resulting from the uncertain nature
of his subject. Those who speculate upon matters beyond
the confines of human intelligence, are navigating an unknown
ocean, where they are in constant danger of shipwreck.
Hence, the absurd theories that have passed current in the
world, accredited by the sanctions of learning and religion,
in both of which subsequent inquiries have found them want-
ing. People emerging from a state of ignorance do not sud-
denly cast aside the prejudices that have so long bound them.
Every thing in society conspires to render improvement gradual
and progressive. Thus it has been with the occult sciences.
It is not difficult to assign a cause for their popularity with
the common people, who have a strong appetite for the mar-
vellous, which is only to be allayed by a sound education.
"Wonderful operations," observes De Foe, "astonish the
mind, especially where the head is not over burthened with
brains; and custom has made it so natural to give the devil
either the honour or scandal of every thing that we cannot
account for, that it is not possible to put the people out of the
road of it." There was a time when dæmonology was fostered
in this country by men of rank and learning, when religion
POPULAR CREDULITY.
* Vision of the Angelic World, p.48.
+ Hist. of the Devil, p. 280.
559
was brought to its aid, and when it received the sanction of
royal authority. But the learned trifling to which it gave birth,
was upon the decline towards the close of the 17th century,
when its influence extended chiefly to the common people.
In the time of De Foe, there was a strong remnant of cre-
dulity upon such subjects; and, availing himself of the cir-
cumstance, he turned it to account by some popular publica-
tions, in which he endeavoured to give it a useful direction.
Whatever were his own sentiments upon the subject of super-
natural appearances, and there is reason to think that he
entertained a belief of them upon extraordinary occasions,-
yet he was far from feeding the credulity of the vulgar, by
sanctioning the impostures that were daily practised by
cunning men laying wait to deceive. The works he com-
posed are designed rather to unmask the popular delusion ;
and in stripping it of its magic, he often resorts to a strain of
irony, which few could handle with greater effect.
From the succession of works produced by him upon the
subject, and the elaborate manner in which he has treated it,
there is reason to suppose that he was allured to it by taste,
and that it occupied a large portion of his serious attention.
At any rate, he could not easily have selected one that was
likely to gain a larger share of popularity, or in which the
depraved taste of the vulgar called more loudly for correction.
It is to his credit, that whilst he administers to the amuse-
ment of the reader, he never loses sight of his improvement.
Although there is no subject upon which curiosity is more
awake, yet he forbears to gratify it by diving into the secrets
of nature; his treatises, therefore, partake less of the me-
chanism of science, than of that moral instruction which he
is most solicitous to impress upon his reader. But whilst
our author appears more ambitious to be thought a moralist
than a conjuror, his treatises display a considerable portion
of learning and research; and they are enlivened by a
SATIRIZED BY DE FOE.
560
HIS "POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE DEVIL.”
number of dialogues and stories, that strongly indicate the
genius of the writer.
De Foe's first attempt to encounter supernatural appear-
ances, was in "The Political History of the Devil, as well
Ancient as Modern: in Two Parts. Part I. Containing a
State of the Devil's Circumstances, and the various Turns of
his Affairs, from his Expulsion out of Heaven, to the Creation
of Man; with Remarks on the several Mistakes concerning
the Reason and Manner of his Fall. Also, his Proceedings.
with Mankind, ever since Adam, to the first planting of the
Christian Religion in the World. Part II. Containing his
more Private Conduct, down to the Present Time: His
Government, his Appearance, his Manner of Working, and
the Tools he works with.
'Bad as he is, the Devil may be abused,
Be falsely charged, and causelessly accused,
When Men, unwilling to be blamed alone,
Shift off their Crimes on Him, which are their own.'
"The
London: printed for T. Warner, at the Black Boy in Pater-
noster Row. 1726." 8vo. pp. 408. Front.
So rapid was
the sale of the work, that a second edition was called for in
the following year. In this, it is called, simply,
"The
History of the Devil;" but in the subsequent editions, the
original title is restored. De Foe observes in his preface,
that the sale of a large impression of the first edition, is a
certificate from the world of its general acceptance.
wise world has been pleased with it, the merry world has
been diverted with it, and the ignorant world has been
taught by it; and none but the malicious part of the world
has been offended at it. Who can wonder, that when the
devil is not pleased, his friends should be angry." A third
edition was called for in 1734; a fourth in 1739; a sixth in
1770; and since then, it has been frequently printed both in
London and in the country.
"POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE DEVIL.'
561
The nature of the work will be best explained by the table
of contents below. (G) This, it is impossible to peruse
without admiring the ingenuity of the writer, who amuses by
(G) Part I. Chap. I. Being an Introduction to the whole Work.
Chap. II. Of the word Devil, as it is a proper name to the Devil, and any
or all his Hosts, Angels, &c. Chap. III. Of the Original of the Devil,
who he is, what he was before his Expulsion out of Heaven, and in what
state he was from that Time to the Creation of Man. Chap. IV. Of the
Name of the Devil, his Original, and the nature of his circumstances since
he has been called by that name. Chap. V. Of the Station Satan had in
Heaven before he fell; the Nature and Original of his Crime, and some of
Mr. Milton's mistakes about it. Chap. VI. What became of the Devil and
his Host of fallen Spirits after their being expelled from Heaven, and his
wandering condition till the Creation; with some more of Mr. Milton's
absurdities on that subject. Chap. VII. Of the number of Satan's Host;
how they came first to know of the new-created Worlds now in Being, and
their measures with Mankind upon the discovery. Chap. VIII. Of the
Power of the Devil at the Time of the Creation of this World; whether it
has not been farther straitened and limited since that time, and what shifts
and stratagems he is obliged to make use of to compass his designs upon
Mankind. Chap. IX. Of the progress of Satan in carrying on his conquest
over Mankind, from the Fall of Eve to the Deluge. Chap. X. Of the
Devil's second Kingdom, and how he got footing in the renewed World by
his Victory over Noah and his Race. Chap. XI. Of God's calling a Church
out of the midst of a degenerate World, and of Satan's new measures upon
that Incident: How he attacked them immediately, and his success in those
attacks.
Part II. Chap. I. The Introduction. Chap. II. Of Hell, as it is repre-
sented to us, and how the Devil is to be understood, as being personally in
Hell, when at the same time we find him at liberty ranging over the World.
Chap. III. Of the manner of Satan's acting and carrying on his affairs in
this World, and particularly of his ordinary workings in the dark by
Possession, and Agitation. Chap. IV. Of Satan's Agents or Missionaries,
and their actings upon, and in the minds of Men in his Name. Chap. V. Of
the Devil's management in the Pagan Hierarchy, by Omens, Entrails,
Augurs, Oracles, and such like Pageantry of Hell; and how they went off
the Stage at last by the Introduction of true Religion. Chap. VI. Of the
extraordinary appearances of the Devil, and particularly of the Cloven-
Foot. Chap. VII. Whether is most hurtful to the World, the Devil
walking about without his Cloven-Foot, or the Cloven-Foot walking about
without the Devil? Chap. VIII. Of the Cloven-Foot walking about the
World without the Devil, (viz.) of Witches making Bargains for the Devil,
and particularly of selling the Soul to the Devil. Chap. IX. Of the Tools
20
VOL. 111.
562
(C POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE DEVIL."
his archness, whilst he instructs by his information. Aware
that many would be stumbled at his subject, he says, "I
doubt not but the title of this book will amuse some of my
reading friends a little at first. They will make a pause,
perhaps, as they do at a witch's prayer, and be sometime
resolving whether they had best look into it or no, lest they
should really raise the devil by reading his story." To dis-
arm their fears, he tells them, that superstition has painted
him in colours which do not belong to him. "Children and
old women have told themselves so many frightful things of
the devil, and have formed ideas of him in their minds, in so
many horrible and monstrous shapes, that really it were
enough to frighten the devil to meet himself in the dark,
dressed up in the several figures which imagination has
formed of him." He adds, "It must therefore be a most
useful undertaking, to give the true history of this terror and
aversion of mankind: to show what he is, and what he is
not; where he is, and where he is not; when he is in us, and
when he is not; for I cannot doubt but the devil is really in
a great many of our honest weak-headed friends, when they
themselves know nothing of the matter." In describing his
religion, De Foe says, sarcastically, "In reverence to my
brethren, I will not reckon him among the clergy; yet I
cannot deny that he often preaches; and if it be not pro-
fitably to his hearers, 'tis as much their fault, as it is out of
his design." As an apology for his undertaking, he says,
“'Tis a great mistake in those who think that an acquaint-
the Devil works with, (viz.) Witches, Wizards, or Warlocks, Conjurors,
Magicians, Diviners, Astrologers, Interpreters of Dreams, Tellers of For-
tunes; and above all the rest, his particular modern Privy Councillors,
called Wits and Fools. Chap. X. Of the various methods the Devil takes
to converse with Mankind. Chap. XI. Of Divination, Sorcery, the Black
Art, Pawawing, and such like Pretenders to Devilism, and how far the
Devil is, or is not, concerned in them. Chap. XII. The Conclusion. Of
the Devil's last scene of Liberty, and what may be supposed to be his End;
with what we are to understand of his being tormented for ever and ever.
(6 POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE DEVIL."
563
ance with the affairs of the Devil, may not be made very
useful to us all. They that know no evil, can know no
good; and as the learned tell us, that a stone taken out of
the head of a toad, is a good antidote against poison, so
a competent knowledge of the Devil and all his ways,
will be the best help to make us defy the Devil and all
his works."
The "History of the Devil," is a fine satire upon the
credulity of mankind. De Foe explodes the vulgar notions
of his person and residence as the fictions of poets and
painters, and "little more or less than the old story of
Pluto, Cerberus and Charon; only that our tale is not half
so well told, nor the parts of the fable so well laid together."
He adds, "Let us learn to talk of these things as we should
do; and as we really cannot describe them to our reason
and understanding, why should we describe them to our
senses?" His work exhibits much and various reading,
strong natural sense, and an intimate knowledge of man-
kind. His talent for broad-buffeting sarcasm is applied
with wonderful effect in exposing the popular delusions,
whilst they supply him with materials for insinuating whole-
some moral instruction. One of his leading objects is to
correct the bad passions of mankind, by tracing them to
their
proper source, and by showing, that they furnish a
more accurate representation of Satan, than the painted
spectres with which the world has been so long amused and
terrified. Mr. Chalmers, in describing the work, says, "The
matter and the mode conjoin to make this a charming per-
formance. He engages poetry and prose, reasoning and
wit, persuasion and ridicule, on the side of religion and
morals, with wonderful efficacy." Our author relieves his
argument by a number of entertaining dialogues, and relates
many instructive stories, partly real, and partly fictitious,
in order to illustrate his subject, and confirm his moral..
In the following year, De Foe pursued the subject of his
202
564
(( SYSTEM OF MAGICK."
former treatise, in "A System of Magick: or a History of
the Black Art. Being an Historical Account of Mankind's
most early dealing with the Devil; and how the Acquaint-
ance on both sides first began.
Our Magick, now, commands the troops of Hell,
The Devil himself submits to charm and spell,
The Conjuror in his circles and his rounds
Just whistles up his Spirits, as Men do Hounds.
Th' obsequious Devil obeys the Sorceror's skill,
The Mill turns round the horse, that first turns round the Mill.'
-
:
London printed and sold by J. Roberts, in Warwick
Lane. 1727." 8vo. pp. 403. Front.
De Foe's system is rather a satire upon the conjurors,
than a book of rules for understanding their art.
"The
world," says he, " has been imposed upon in nothing more
than in their notions of this dark practice. Most people
when they read of the ancient magicians, take them for
necromancers and conjurors, when at first they were really
very honest men. The Magi were persons of real science,
and the instructors of mankind; their magick was the
knowledge of nature. But the modern pretenders to the art,
are mere jugglers and mountebanks; men that would be
wicked if they did not want wit, and are no otherwise harm-
less than as they happen to be fools. There is one sort
would fain be called cunning men, than which nothing can
be a grosser piece of delusion: 'Tis not their cunning, but
their client's want of cunning, that gives them the least ap-
pearance of common sense.” He adds, "I see no great
harm in them, if the poor people could but keep their
money in their pockets; but that they should have their
pockets picked by such an unperforming, ignorant crew, is
the only magick that I can find in the whole science." The
best course that he could think of to cure the people of this
folly, was to laugh at them. Even general vice, says he,
may be hissed out of the world, should preaching prove
'SYSTEM OF MAGICK."
fruitless: " for, men are to be ridiculed into good manners,
when they won't be cudgelled into them." The scope of our
author in this treatise, will be best explained by exhibiting
the contents of the several chapters, which the reader will
find in the note. (H)
(6
565
-
(11) Introduction. Of the meaning of the terms; who and what kind
of people the magicians were, and how the words Magick, or Magician,
were originally understood. Chap. II. How Wisdom and Learning ad-
vanced Men in the First Ages to Royalty and Government, and how many
of the Magicians were made Kings on that account, as Zoroaster, Cadmus,
and many others. Chap. III. Of the reason and occasion which brought
the ancient honest Magi, whose original study was Philosophy, Astronomy,
and the works of nature, to turn Sorcerors and Wizards, and deal with the
Devil; and how their conversation began. Chap. IV. Of what Shapes
the Devil assumed in his first appearances to the Magicians, and others in
the first ages of the World; and whether he is, or has been allowed to
assume a human shape or no. Chap. V. A Farther Account of the
Devil's conduct in imitating Divine Inspirations; something of the differ-
ence between them; and particularly of signs and wonders, false as well
as true, and the cheats of the former. Chap. VI. Of who were the first
Practisers of Magick, as a Diabolical Art, and how it was handed on
to the Egyptians and Phoenicians, where it was first openly encouraged.
Chap. VII. Of the Practice and Progress of Magick, as it is now ex-
plained to be a Diabolical Art, how it spread itself in the World, and by
what degrees it grew up to the height which it has since arrived to.
Part II. Introduction. Of the Black Art itself; what it really is, why there
are several differing practices of it in the several parts of the World, and
what those Practices are; also, what is contained in it in general.
Chap. I. Of Modern Magick; or the Black Art as now in its practice and
perfection. Chap. II. The scene changed; that as the Devil acted at first
with his Black Art without the Magicians, so the Magicians seem to carry
it on now without the Devil. Chap. III. Of the present pretences of the
Magicians; how they defend themselves; and some examples of their
practice. Chap. IV. Of the Doctrine of Spirits, as it is understood by the
Magicians; how far it may be supposed there may be an Intercourse with
Superior Beings, without any Familiarity with the Devil, or Evil Spirits ;
with a transition to the present Times. Chap. V. Of the Magick of the
present Time, as it stands stripped in the last Chapter, from all the pre-
tences of the Magicians, and the delusions of Hell; of what length it has
gone, or is like to go, in deluding mankind; what the Magicians can do,
and that they really have now no Converse with the Devil at all; so that
the Art being at an end, the history comes to an end of course. Chap. VI.
566
At a period when the dealers in the black art have been
chased from the world, a treatise upon magick would recom-
mend itself merely as an object of curiosity. The time is
happily gone by for entertaining the subject in a serious
light; the credulity that supported it, having given way
before the diffusion of rational knowledge. It was upon the
wane when De Foe wrote; but as the race of conjurors was
not extinguished, his work was not only seasonable, but,
being written in a popular style, was eminently calculated to
expose their knavery. The stories he has collected together
for this purpose, are chosen appropriately and related with
humour. But the turn our author has given to the subject,
renders it both an agreeable and an useful performance. The
reader will find much information upon the early history of
mankind; many scriptural illustrations; and some curious
discussions upon the origin of witchcraft and idolatry. In
tracing the corruptions of religious worship, he exhibits
much learning and ingenuity, intermixed with many shrewd
remarks upon the follies they occasion, and the knavery that
produced them. His zeal for religion led him to encounter the
Atheists and Sceptics of his day, and to level his satire at the
vices of mankind, which diverted their attention from a sub-
ject of so much importance. In some few places, his zeal
betrays him into improper personalities; but his remarks in
general are distinguished by their soundness, and partake
of that keen caustic humour in which he so greatly excelled.
As a work of amusement, delineating the manners of former
times, and exhibiting a useful moral, it may be always read
SYSTEM OF MAGICK.
Of raising the Devil by Magical Operations; whether the Magicians really
have such a power or no; and if they have, whether it is performed as an
Art, and by the consequence of Magical Experiments, or whether it is by
Concert and mutual Consent, between Satan and the Magicians. Chap.
VII. Seeing, as the Magicians pretend, they do not deal with the Devil, or
raise the Devil; who it is they do deal with, how their Correspondence is
managed, and why do they deal with good Spirits, by Conjuring and the
Black Art.
567
with pleasure; for, as Mr. Chalmers remarks, "the reader
will discover in our author's system, extensive erudition,
salutary remark, and useful satire."
ESSAY ON APPARITIONS.
In the same year, De Foe produced another work of a kin-
dred nature, intitled "An Essay on the History and Reality
of Apparitions. Being an Account of what they are, and what
they are not. As, also, how we may distinguish between the
Apparitions of Good and Evil Spirits, and how we ought to
behave to them. With a great variety of surprising and
diverting Examples, never published before.
'By Death transported to th' eternal shore,
Souls so removed re-visit us no more:
Engrossed with joys of a superior kind,
They leave the trifling thoughts of life behind.'
London: printed and sold by J. Roberts in Warwick Lane,
1727.” 8vo. pp. 395. Plates. The subject being popular, a
second edition was soon called for; but not going off so soon
as desired, a new title was printed in 1738, when it was
announced as a third edition, with the following display of
its contents: "The Secrets of the invisible World disclosed:
or an Universal History of Apparitions, Sacred and Profane,
under all denominations, whether Angelical, Diabolical, or
Human Souls departed. Shewing, I. Their various Returns
to this World; with sure Rules to know, by their manner of
appearing, if they are Good or Evil Ones. II. The Differ-
ences of the Apparitions of Ancient and Modern Times; and
an Enquiry into the Scriptural Doctrine of Spirits. III. The
many species of Apparitions, their real Existence and Opera-
tions by Divine Appointment. IV. The Nature of seeing
Ghosts before and after Death; and how we should behave
towards them. V. The Effects of Fancy, Vapours, Dreams,
Hyppo, and of real and imaginary Appearances. VI. A
Collection of the most authentic Relations of Apparitions,
particularly that surprising one attested by the learned
568
Dr. Scott. By Andrew Moreton, Esq. Adorned with Cuts.
The Third Edition. London: printed for J. Clark, at the
Royal Exchange; A Millan, over against St. Clement's
Church in the Strand; and J. Brindly, in New Bond Street,
1738." 8vo. It has been reprinted since then in a smaller
size (1).
ESSAY ON APPARITIONS.
(1) The following are the contents of this work. Introduction. Of
Apparitions in general: the certainty and nature of them. Chap. I.—Of
Apparitions in particular, the reality of them, their Antiquity, and the differ-
ence between the Apparitions of former times and those which we may call
modern; with something of the reason and occasion of that difference.
Chap. II. Of the Appearance of Angels immediately in mission as from
Heaven; and why we are to suppose those kinds of Apparitions are at an
end. Chap. III. Of the Appearance of the Devil in human shape.
Chap. IV. Of the Apparition of Spirits Unembodied, and which never
were embodied; not such as are vulgarly called Ghosts; that is to say,
Departed Souls returning again, and appearing visibly on Earth, but
spirits of a superior and angelick Nature, with an opinion of another
species. Chap. V. Of the appearance of departed unembodied souls.
Chap. VI. Of the manner how the spirits of every kind which can or do
appear among us manage their appearance, and how they proceed.
Chap. VII. Of the many strange Inconveniences and ill consequences
which would attend us in this world, if the souls of Men and Women,
unembodied and departed, were at Liberty to visit the Earth, from whence
they had been dismissed, and to concern themselves about Human Affairs,
either such as had been their own, or that were belonging to other people.
Chap. VIII. The Reality of Apparitions farther asserted; and what Spirits
they are that do really appear. Chap. IX. More Relations of particular
facts, proving the reality of apparitions; with some just observations on the
difference between the good and evil spirits, from the errand or business
they come about. Chap. X. Of the different Nature of Apparitions; how
we should behave to them; when to be afraid of or concerned about them,
and when not. Chap. XI. Of Apparitions in dreams, and how far they
are or are not real Apparitions. Chap. XII. Of Apparitions being said
to happen just at the time when the person so happening to appear is said
to be departing; the fiction of it confuted. Chap. XIII. Of the Conse-
quence of this Doctrine; and seeing that Apparitions are real, and may be
expected upon many occasions, and that we are sure they are not the souls
of our departed friends; how are we to act, and how to behave to them,
when they come among us, and when they pretend to be such and such, and
speak in the first person of those departed friends, as if they were really
themselves? Chap XIV. Of Sham Apparitions, and Apparitions which
ESSAY ON APPARITIONS.
569
>>
Spectral appearances, observes our author, have made a
great noise in the world, and exercised no little influence
upon its affairs. Our ancestors laid too great stress upon
them, whilst the moderns have endeavoured to explode them
altogether; to reconcile which extremes, is the avowed
object of the present performance. "Some despise them in
so extraordinary a manner," says he, "that they pretend to
wish for nothing more than to be convinced by demonstra-
tion; as if nothing but seeing the Devil could satisfy them
there was such a person." And he wonders that Satan does
not think fit to justify his reality, by a personal appearance,
that men may no longer be in doubt upon the subject. On
the other hand, "some people are so horribly frighted at the
very mention of an apparition, that they cannot go two steps
in the dark, without looking behind them; and if they see
but a bat fly, they think of the devil, because of its wings.
How to bring the world to a right temper upon this point,
he acknowledges to be difficult; but to calm the apprehen-
sions of his readers, he tells them, that almost all real appari-
tions are of a kind and beneficent nature, and that when an
evil spirit appears, he is limited by a superior power, and can
do no harm without special licence. This, he thinks, should
arm us with resolution enough to meet the devil, whatever
shape he may assume: "for, I must tell you, good people,
he that is not able to see the devil, in whatever shape he is
pleased to appear in, is not really qualified to live in this
world,—not in the quality of a common inhabitant." To
enable his readers to make a just discrimination between
good and evil apparitions, he has adduced examples of both
kinds; and the difference, says he, is so notorious, "that no
man can be easily deceived, that will but make use of the
eyes of his understanding, as well as of those in his head."
have been the effect of fraud. Chap. XV. Of Imaginary Apparitions,
the Apparitions of Fancy, Vapours, waking Dreams, delirious Heads, and
the Hyppo.
570
In this work, our author fully unfolds his belief in the
converse between our spirits cased up in flesh, and the
spirits unembodied, who inhabit the unknown mazes of the
invisible world; those coasts which our geography cannot
describe; who between somewhere and nowhere dwell, none
of us know where, and yet we are sure must have locality,
and for aught we know, are very near us." To meet the
charge of credulity, he observes, "I have, I believe, as true
a notion of the power of imagination as I ought to have. I
believe we form as many apparitions in our fancies as we see
really with our eyes; nay, our imaginations sometimes are
very diligent to embark the eyes, and the ears too, in the
delusion. But it does not follow from thence, that there are
no such things in nature, and that there is no intercourse or
communication between the world of spirits, and the world
we live in. The inquiry is not, as I take it, whether they do
really come hither, but who they are that do come?" He
supposes them to be an intermediate order of beings between
angels and men, possessing limited powers, and inhabiting
the vast regions of space; and that they are the immediate
agents in dreams, premonitions, and secret hints, "calling
upon men to seek for direction and counsel from that hand
who alone can both direct and deliver." He strenuously
opposes the notion, that ghosts and apparitions are really the
departed souls of the persons they are said to represent, as
contradictory to the language of Scripture, which consigns
the departed to the immediate occupation of their future
abodes. He says, in his dry way, "could souls departed
come back to demand redress of grievances, and to put men
in mind of the injustice done them, I doubt it would make
but sad work among some families who now possess large
estates. But much as I think there is reason to apprehend
the prayers of the oppressed widow and orphan, I must
acknowledge, I see no reason to be afraid of their ghosts."
De Foe goes into a variety of arguments to show that there
66
HIS NOTION OF APPARITIONS.
571
are good spirits; that they sometimes assume a visible ap-
pearance; and are employed by the governing Power of the
universe to communicate notices of approaching good or evil,
for the admonition and well-being of mankind. "To say,
that the unembodied spirits have nothing to do with us, and
that we have reason to believe they are not at all acquainted
with human affairs, is what no man can be assured of;
reason does not exclude them; nature yields to the pos-
sibility; and experience, with a cloud of witnesses in all
ages, confirm the reality of the affirmative." Our author
supports his argument by a reference to the appearances
recorded in the Old and New Testaments, apologising to the
reader for troubling him with examples from such unfashion-
able authorities. "Unhappy times!" says he, "when to be
serious is to be dull, and consequently to write without spirit.
We must talk politely, not religiously; we may shew the
scholar, but must not shew a word of the christian-so we
may quote profane history, but not a word of sacred; and
a story out of Lucan or Plutarch, Tully or Virgil, will go
down, but not a word out of Moses or Joshua." This
might be true enough of the brainless coxcombs who are
sufficiently numerous in all ages, and are accurately de-
scribed by him in the following passage. "To see a fool, a
fop, believe himself inspired, a fellow that washes his hands
fifty times a day, but if he would be truly cleanly, should
have his brains taken out and washed, his skull trepanned,
and placed with the hinder side before; that his understand-
ing, which nature placed by mistake with the bottom upward,
may be set right, and his memory placed in a right position :
to this unscrewed engine, talk of spirits and of the invisible
world, and of his conversing with unembodied souls, when he
has hardly brains to converse with any thing but a pack of
hounds, and owes it only to his being a fool, that he does not
converse with the devil! Who, if he has any spirit about
him, it must be one of those indolent angels I speak of; and
SATIRE UPON THE FOPS OF HIS DAY.
572
MORAL IMPROVEMENT OF THE SUBJECT.
if he has not been listed among the infernals, it has not been
for want of wickedness, but want of wit."
Whoever may peruse this treatise, will find much to attract
his attention, as well for the information it conveys, as for
the instruction it is intended to communicate. Whatever
may be thought of his argument, the author cannot be
denied the praise of great adroitness in managing it; and he
has seasoned his work with so many just reflections, as well
as well as enlivened it with so much that is amusing, as to
leave a strong impression of its practical utility. De Foe
was far from believing the stories handed down by nurses and
old women, to scare the minds of children, and make up a
winter-evening's conversation; and if some of the stories he
relates are equally incredible, he lays less stress upon their
authenticity, than upon the moral to be derived from them.
He satirizes the general indolence of the age, which indis-
posed it for serious inquiry; and justly observes, that if
people would not be always looking over their shoulders and
forming spectres to their fancy, it is necessary that they
should have right notions upon the subject of apparitions; as
nothing is more likely to mislead us than our fears, which
cannot be calmed without a consciousness of personal rec-
titude. Next to fortifying the mind with religious consi-
derations, his advice is, always to speak to it. "Speak to it
early, and answer any questions it may put; but be sure to
ask it no questions but such as are reasonable, and none
tending to reveal the mysteries of a future state."
De Foe is careful to impress upon his reader, that he has
more to apprehend from the powers within, than from any
supernatural appearances. Conscience, indeed, is itself
a frightful apparition, and is a ghost to him sleeping or
waking. Nor is it the least testimony of an invisible world,
that there is such a drummer in the soul, that can beat an
alarm when he pleases, and so loud as no other noise can
drown it, no power silence it, no mirth allay it, no bribe cor-
66
573
rupt it." De Foe's piety led him to add, "There's no
scorning the terrors of a messenger from the other world,
but by a settled composure of the soul, founded on the basis
of peace and innocence, or peace and penitence, which is in
effect all one. This is the only face that a man can hold up
to the devil; and with it, he can boldly talk to and despise
him." He therefore exhorts his readers, to fortify their
minds with a steady confidence in the Supreme Maker and
Governor of all things, who has chained the destroyer, and
will never let him loose upon any one whose mind is steadily
fixed upon him. (K)
،،
THE PROTESTANT MONASTERY."
The year 1727 produced two pamphlets from De Foe,
under the assumed name of Andrew Moreton. Influenced
by the patriotic feeling, that "every man ought as much as
in him lies, to contribute in his station to the public welfare,
and not to be afraid or ashamed of doing, or at least meaning
well," he committed to the press "The PROTESTANT MO-
NASTERY: or a Complaint against the Brutality of the
Present Age, particularly the Pertness and Insolence of
our Youth to aged Persons. With a Caution to People in
years, how they give the Staff out of their own Hands, and
leave themselves at the Mercy of others. Concluding with
(K) There are two works connected with the above subject, that have
been commonly ascribed to De Foe; but perhaps with little reason. 1. "A
Treatise of Spirits, Apparitions, Witchcraft, and other Magical Practices;
containing an Account of Genii and Familiar Spirits. By John Beaumont,
Esq. Lond. 1705." 8vo. The same Author published, several years
afterwards, another learned work, in which he discussed the subjects
of Oracles and Familiar Spirits. It is intitled, "Gleanings of Anti-
quities, &c. Lond. 1724." 8vo. 2. "An Historical Essay concerning
Witchcraft, with Observations upon Matters of Fact; tending to clear
the Texts of the Sacred Scriptures, and confute the Vulgar Errors about
that Point. By Francis Hutchinson, D.D. Lond. 1718." 8vo. There was
a second edition of this work, with the addition of two sermons, in 1720.
There seems no reason for supposing but that both works were written by
the persons whose names they bear.
A
574
DE FOE'S AGE AND INFIRMITIES.
a Proposal for erecting a Protestant Monastery, where Per-
sons of small Fortunes may end their Days in Plenty, Ease
and Credit, without burthening their Relations, or accepting
Public Charities. By Andrew Moreton. Esq.; Author of
'Every Body's Business is Nobody's Business.' London:
printed for W. Meadows, at the Angel, in Cornhill; and
other Booksellers. 1727." 8vo. pp. 31.
This pamphlet is introduced by some affecting allusions
to the age and infirmities of the writer.
"I hope," says
he, "the reader will excuse the vanity of an officious old
man, if, like Cato, I enquire whether or no before I go hence
and be no more, I can yet do any thing for the service of my
country."—" Alas, I have but small health and little leisure
to turn author, being now in my 67th year, almost worn out
with age and sickness. The old man cannot trouble you
long; take then in good part his best intentions, and impute
his defects to age and weakness: look on him as a man of
more experience than learning; excuse his style, for the sake
of the subject; and take the will for the deed." He tells
us, that if he could have obtained admission for his projects.
in the public journals, free of expense, he should not have
resorted to the present mode of publication; "for if by any
means the public could have had it at a cheaper rate, I had
been better pleased."
From the strain of the present pamphlet, there seems
reason to apprehend that De Foe had experienced some
undutiful treatment from his own children. He touches the
subject in a tender manner. "There is nothing on earth
more shocking, and withal more common in too many
families, than to see age and grey hairs derided and ill-
used. The old man or the old woman can do nothing to
please. Their words are perverted, their actions misre-
presented, and themselves looked upon as a burthen to their
issue, and a rent-charge upon those who came from their
loins. This treatment, as it is directly opposed to the dig-
(6
PAROCHIAL TYRANNY."
575
nity and decency of human nature, calls aloud for redress.
The helpless and innocent ought to be the care of the healthy
and able. Shall a man or woman toil to bring up a nume-
rous issue? Shall they rear up, through all the uncertain-
ties and fatigues of childhood, a race who shall spring up
but to abandon them? Shall they enfeeble themselves to
give strength to those who shall on one day thrust them
aside, and despise them? Yet this is the case of
many aged
persons, who have outlived the comforts of this world; who
survive only to hear themselves wished out of the way, by
those very persons upon whom they have bestowed their
whole substance, and upon whom all their hopes have been
fixed.” He tells us that he speaks by experience, and a
letter to be produced hereafter, will explain more fully the
nature of his case. De Foe complains loudly of the for-
wardness of the young people of his age, which he attributes
to the injudicious management of parents; and he has some
excellent remarks upon the mode of dealing with them, in
order to their becoming good and useful members of society.
Not long afterwards, our author addressed himself to
another public grievance, which called loudly for redress.
This he explained in "Parochial Tyranny: or the House-
keeper's complaint against the insupportable Exactions and
partial assessments of Select Vestries, &c. With a Plain
Detection of many Abuses committed in the Distribution of
Public Charities. Together with a Practicable Proposal for
amending the same; which will not only take off great Part
of the Parish Taxes now subsisting, but ease Parishioners
from serving troublesome Offices, or paying exorbitant
Fines. By Andrew Moreton, Esq. London: printed for
W. Meadows, &c." No date. 8vo. In this work, De Foe,
complains largely of the abuses resulting from select ves-
tries, which being perpetual, he saw no prospect of their
amendment. In other bodies, the members are chosen
annually, or for a term of years; but here they are elected
576
"C NEW FAMILY INSTRUCTOR.'
(6
for life and as the old members drop off, none are put in
their place, except those who are willing to pursue the old
practices; so rogues succeeding rogues, the same scene of
villany is carried on to the terror of the parishioners. If, mis-
taken in their object, they happen to choose an honest man
among them, he is compelled to absent himself; for he is
placed in a situation like the owl amongst birds. He who
becomes a member of a select vestry, like a man who goes
to the Mint, if he go in honest, he is perfectly sure not to
come out so." The evil of which De Foe complained so
justly a century ago, still continues in full operation; and
consists but little with the freedom which Englishmen are
in the habit of arrogating for their institutions. The subject.
was brought forward in the last session of parliament, by
Mr. Hobhouse, who took respectful notice of De Foe's
pamphlet.
""
It appears to be known to but few persons, that De Foe
published in the year 1727, a third volume of his "Family
Instructor." The subjects being of a controversial nature;
and referring to points that have been so frequently handled
by other writers, has occasioned it to be less popular
than his practical treatises, and consequently less known.
But those who may be desirous of instructing their families
in such matters, will find much that is valuable for their
purpose, in a compendious form, and conveyed in a familiar
The object of the writer in this, as well as in his
former volumes, is the communication of religious knowledge;
but the subject relates to those controversies that have
divided the Christian world. It is intitled "A New Family
Instructor. In Familiar discourses between a Father and
his Children, on the most essential Points of the Christian
Religion. In Two Parts. Part I. Containing a Father's
Instructions to his Son upon his going to Travel into
Popish Countries; and to the rest of his Children on his
manner.
577
SUBJECTS HANDLED IN IT.
Son's turning Papist; confirming them in the Protestant
Religion, against the Absurdities of Popery. Part II. In-
structions against the Three grand Errors of the Times; viz.
1. Asserting the Divine Authority of the Scripture, against
the Deists. 2. Proofs that the Messias is already come, &c.;
against the Atheists and Jews. 3. Asserting the Divinity
of Jesus Christ, that he was really the same with the Mes-
sias, and that Messias was to be really God; against our
Modern Hereticks. With a Poem on the Divine Nature of
Jesus Christ; in blank Verse. By the Author of the 'Family
Instructor.' London: printed for T. Warner, at the Black
Boy in Paternoster Row. 1727." 8vo. pp. 384. A second
edition, with a varying title, was published in 1732, by
C. Rivington and T. Warner. It is there called "A New
Family Instructor: containing a Brief and Clear Defence
of the Christian Religion in General, against the Errors of
the Atheists, Jews, Deists, and Sceptics: and of the Pro-
testant Religion in Particular, against the Superstitions of
the Church of Rome. In Familiar Discourses between a
Father and his Children. In Two Parts, &c."
The author reminds us in his preface, of his former volumes,
and of the little similitude they bear to the present work.
"The Instructor here is the master of a family, whose
business and duty is to inform and confirm his children in
right principles. The children are brought in eager to know,
willing to be instructed, desiring their father to inform them
of the principles, and of the mistakes too, of the religious
part of the world." Parents, he observes, are under un-
questioned obligations to teach and instruct their children;
but many who possess the necessary qualifications, wholly
neglect it. When this omission becomes apparent by its
consequences, at an age when it is too late to be remedied,
self-reproach must necessarily follow. "It was a saucy, but
a melancholy return," says he, "which I once heard a child
make to his father, for calling him a fool, viz. That he should
2 P
VOL. III.
578
have been wiser, if his father had taught him better." The
points of instruction brought forward in the work, he tells
us, “Intimate, that the children were not too young to be
talked with upon the most nice and difficult points of
religion, and yet were not too old to be taught; and in
particular, did not think themselves too old for teaching, or
too wise to learn. A man ought no more to despise being
made wiser, than he would being made richer, which very
few incline to."
NEW FAMILY INSTRUCTOR.
“A former work which bore this title," says he, "has gone
very successfully through those branches of instruction, which
more especially concerned the first and youngest stages of
life, and for instilling the most early notions of God and
religion into the minds of children. But religious instruction
is never at an end, till our children cease to be children; nor
even then, while there is a disposition in them to be farther
informed. Masters of families can never be too careful to
fortify the minds of their posterity with good principles; and
prepare them to encounter those enemies of all serious reli-
gion, which they shall be sure to meet with as they grow up.
For these reasons, I have made it my study, for several
years, to find out some family, if it was possible, whose
example might be historically recommended to the world;
and where other parents, and other children, might have a
pattern laid before them, a rule to walk and act by, and from
whom I might take a light to guide myself in the great work
of instructing families, and that children might have a stand-
ard for their conduct in ages to come.'
""
The story is that of an Italian merchant, who had been
brought up religiously by his parents, and after trading
abroad with good success for several years, settled in London,
where he married, and had a family of seven children.
Being in good circumstances, he quitted the fatigues of
business, and lived privately, "but in very good figure and
fashion, in or near the city, till he was very old." De Foe
(( NEW FAMILY INSTRUCTOR."
579
tells us, that "After the example of his father, he was a
most pious and seriously religious person; and shewed it not
only by his personal behaviour through the whole series of a
long life, but particularly in the well-ordering and good
government of his family; instructing his children in the
paths of virtue and religion; in which his own example went
a great way, and kept an equal pace with his influence.
But in particular, he took up the very same method of
family order as his religious father had done before him, viz.
to make himself useful and agreeable to his children, and to
bring them, by the happy pleasantness of his temper, to
delight in his instructions, as well as to be bettered by them.
In this manner, he went on educating his children in the
fear and knowledge of God, in the love of religion, and in
all the best and most improving parts of human knowledge,
that he thought most suitable to make them wise and reli-
gious both together. Nor was his success less encouraging,
or the blessing of it less visible than that of his father. For,
his family was a little college, where the youth were happily
introduced, and his daily discourses to them were like the
public lectures in an university, sometimes upon one subject,
sometimes upon another; in all which he studied to make
his discourses short, to bring every question into a narrow
compass, and to express every thing in few words, plain and
intelligible, suited to the capacity and understanding of his
children."
This, like the other Family Instructors, consists of a series
of dialogues, between a father and his children, and the
children with each other. One of them, the eldest son,
during his travels abroad, had been perverted to the Roman
Catholic religion, which brings forward a long discussion
upon the leading points in controversy between Papists and
Protestants. The debate is managed with considerable
humour, and elicits much historical information, gleaned
from ecclesiastical writers. In the subsequent part of the
2 P 2
580 "
USE AND ABUSE OF THE MARRIAGE BED."
work, De Foe turns the debate upon the other topics enu-
merated in his title. These he argues with perspicuity and
great seriousness, and in so familiar a manner, as to render
them easy of comprehension to the plainest understanding.
Having studied the controversies of the times, he was armed
at all points with the arguments alleged by different parties,
and states them with as much fairness as can be expected
from one who has a system of his own to defend. He had
read the Scriptures, until they became so familiar to him,
that he could cite them easily upon any subject that required
their authority; and the manner in which he often applies
them, shews equal sagacity and judgment. Deeply im-
pressed with the importance of religion, he aims, by the
most solemn and persuasive arguments, to fix it upon the
attention of his readers. To the rising generation, as most
susceptible of impression, he addresses himself more particu-
larly in the present work; endeavouring to allure their
attention by diversifying his subject, and rendering it
pleasing, at the same time that it instructs.
In his anxiety to improve the morals of the age, De Foe
now published a large treatise upon the subject of marriage;
principally with a view to correct the loose notions that pre-
vailed with regard to it, and to counteract the abuses to
which it sometimes led, amongst the depraved of both sexes.
It was first intitled “ Conjugal Lewdness; or Matrimonial
Whoredom :" but this title being considered offensive to
delicacy, he immediately cancelled it, and substituted the
following: "A Treatise concerning the Use and Abuse of
the Marriage Bed: shewing, I. The Nature of Matrimony,
its sacred Original, and the true Meaning of its Institution.
II. The gross Abuse of Matrimonial Chastity, from the
wrong Notions which have possessed the World, degene-
rating even to Whoredom. III. The Diabolical Practice of
attempting to prevent child-bearing by physical Preparations.
USE AND ABUSE OF THE MARRIAGE BED."
581
IV. The fatal Consequences of clandestine or forced Mar-
riages, through the Persuasion, Interest, or Influence of
Parents and Relations, to wed the Person they have no Love
for, but oftentimes an Aversion to. V. Of Unequal Matches,
as to the Disproportion of Age; and how such, many ways,
occasions a Matrimonial Whoredom. VI. How married
Persons may be guilty of conjugal Lewdness, and that a
Man may, in Effect, make a Whore of his own Wife. Also,
many other Particulars of Family Concern. London: printed
for T. Warner, at the Black Boy in Paternoster Row. 1727.
Price 5s." 8vo. pp. 406.
,,
De Foe had now arrived at a time of life when he could
reprove the vices of the age with some degree of authority,
and assume a dignified indifference to the reproaches that
might be cast upon him for encountering such a subject.
He was well aware of its delicacy, and of the clamours that
would be raised against it by "the ill-nature of the age;
but he resolved to silence the voice of censure, by avoiding
any expressions that could justly offend the ears of modesty.
"The justness of the satire," says he, "the loud calls
which the crimes here reproved make for justice and a due
censure, the dreadful ruin of the people's morals, and the
apparent contempt of modesty and decency, which grows
so visibly upon us, join altogether to vindicate this under-
taking, and to shew not the usefulness only, but the neces-
sity of it." He tells us, it was almost thirty years since he
had begun the work; and that, during all that time, he
had heard, with a just concern, the complaints of good men
upon the subject. The grave and the sober, the lovers
of virtue and of religion, had expressed themselves with
grief upon the growing scandal, and often pressed him to
finish and bring out this reproof. He says he had delayed
the publication hitherto, partly on account of his years,
and partly in hopes of reformation: "but now despairing
of amendment, grown old, and out of the reach of scandal;
r
(( USE AND ABUSE OF THE MARRIAGE BED."
sincerely aiming at the reformation of the guilty, and
despising all unjust reproach from a vicious age, he closes
his days with this Satire, which he is so far from seeing
cause to be ashamed of, that he hopes he shall not, where
he is going to account for it." He adds, That he could
appeal to that judge before whom he expected so soon
to appear, that as he had performed it with an upright
intention for the good of mankind, so he had used his
utmost endeavour to execute it in a manner the least liable
to reflection, and in his judgment the most likely to answer
its true end-the reformation of the guilty.
"And with
this satisfaction, he comfortably prays for its success.”
De Foe informs us, that his work was no sooner adver-
tised, than it was pronounced objectionable; and this, not
merely as it regarded the title, but even the subject itself,
which it was thought impossible to handle in any other than
an offensive manner. Nay, some went so far as to insinuate,
that it was a bait to the curiosity of that part of the reading
world, whose vices would be prompted as much by the re-
proof, as by the plainest description. De Foe wisely ob-
serves, that he shall answer these people best by silence in
his introduction, and a speaking performance. The satis-
factory manner in which he has redeemed his pledge, must
be apparent to every reader, who will admire the extreme
caution of the writer, and the delicacy of his allusions.
"Words modestly expressed," says he, "can give no im-
modest ideas, when the minds of those who read are chaste
and uncorrupted." Although the principal object of our
author is to expose the abuses that arise out of the marriage-
union, yet he discusses the subject of marriage in a variety
of particulars, and has many useful remarks that are well
deserving of attention. He was a great friend to matrimony,
which he considered the highest state of human felicity;
from whence it may be concluded, that he was himself happy
in that relation. To reason against it from the example of
582
J
،، THE COMPLEAT TRADESMAN."
unhappy matches, he says, "is only arguing the ignorance
and corruption of mankind; which, as they are the cause,
so they are discovered in the unhappy consequences. Did
men expect happiness in a married condition, they would
begin and end it after another manner, and take greater
thought before they engaged in it." Perhaps De Foe would
have attained his object better by giving to his work a less
exceptionable title, and by making it a treatise upon mar-
riage generally. The matter of it must be allowed to be ex-
cellent, and to be composed with great seriousness as well
as force of argument. The satire is free from levity; the
reproof pointed, but delicate; and the moral so pure and
convincing, that the reader is constrained to do justice to the
piety and benevolence of the writer. He, indeed, deserves
the highest praise for encountering the prejudices of mankind,
at the risk of personal obloquy.
GİSİNİ
583
|:ན
Although age was now advancing apace upon our author,
and subjected him to bodily infirmities, yet his faculties ap-
pear to have lost none of their acuteness: his memory still
retained its freshness, and his mind its accustomed vigour.
Of this he gave a satisfying proof in some elaborate treatises
which he now composed upon the subject of trade. No
fewer than three volumes of considerable bulk, the fruit of
long experience, and accurate observation, were issued by
him successively, within the short space of little more than
one year. It is painful to reflect, that this surprising ra-
pidity of his pen, towards the close of a long life, was pro-
bably urged forward by the imperious demands of necessity;
but at the same time it is a gratifying circumstance that his
health and capacity enabled him to meet them.
The first of these works appeared in the early part of
1727, under the title of "The Compleat English Tradesman :
In Familiar Letters, directing him in all the several Parts and
Progressions of Trade, viz.: 1. Of acquainting him with
684
Business during his Apprenticeship. 2. Of Writing to Cor-
respondents in a trading style. 3. Of Diligence and Appli-
cation, as the Life of all Business. 4. Cautions against
Over-trading. 5. Of the ordinary Occasions of a Trades-
man's Ruin; such as expensive living, too early marrying,
innocent Diversions, too much Credit, being above Business,
dangerous Partnerships, &c. 6. Directions in several Dis-
tresses of a Tradesman when he comes to fail. 7. Of Trades-
men compounding with other Tradesmen, and why they are
so particularly severe upon one another. 8. Of Tradesmen
ruining one another by Rumours and Scandal. 9. Of the
Customary Frauds of Trade, and particularly of trading Lies.
10. Of Credit, and how it is only to be supported by Ho-
nesty. 11. Of punctual paying Bills, and thereby main-
taing Credit. 12. Of the Dignity and Honour of Trade in
England, more than in other Countries. To which is added,
A Supplement: Containing-1. A Warning against Trades-
men's borrowing Money upon Interest. 2. A Caution
against that destructive Practice of drawing and remitting,
as also discounting Promissory Bills, merely for a supply of
Cash. 3. Direction for the Tradesman's Accounts, with
Brief, but Plain Examples and Specimens for Book-keeping.
4. Of Keeping a Duplicate or Pocket Ledger, in Case of
Fire. London: printed for Charles Rivington, at the Bible
and Crown, St. Paul's Church Yard. 1727." 8vo. pp. 474.
This well contrived, and ably-written performance, whilst
it furnishes much information upon the subject of trade,
abounds in practical lessons that discover no ordinary ac-
quaintance with the world. The young tradesman is sup-
plied with many instructions for the government of his conduct,
some of them conveyed in a strain of cutting satire; and he
has many cautions to protect him from the snares that have
occasioned others to suffer shipwreck. Like an experienced
pilot, who has navigated the ocean of life, and become ac-
quainted with its rocks and shoals, our author points out in
it
THE COMPLEAT TRADESMAN."
*};
585
many judicious particulars, the course that is to be pursued,
in order to bring him at last into the harbour of safety. He
shews that industry, punctuality, and fair-dealing, tem-
perance and economy, are essential requisites to ensure
success; that the young tradesman must give up his whole
attention to business, be sparing in self-indulgences, and
make a conscience of all his transactions. The temptations
to which he will be exposed, as well as the artifices he will
have to encounter, are laid down with fidelity, and reasoned
upon with judgment. He is taught to begin prudently and
proceed wisely, in order that he may end happily.
The favourable reception of the work induced our author
to add a second volume in the same year, bearing the fol-
lowing title: "The Compleat English Tradesman. Volume II.
In Two Parts. Part I. Directed chiefly to the more ex-
perienced Tradesmen; with Cautions and Advices to them
after they are thriven, and supposed to be grown Rich, viz.
1. Against running out of their Business into needless Pro-
jects and dangerous Adventures, no Tradesman being above.
Disaster. 2. Against oppressing one another by Engrossing,
Underselling, Combinations in Trade, &c. 3. Advices, that
when he leaves off his Business, he should part Friends with
the World; the great Advantages of it; with a Word of
the scandalous Character of a Purse-proud Tradesman.
4. Against being litigious and vexatious, and apt to go to
Law for Trifles; with some Reasons why Tradesmen's
Differences should, if possible, be all ended by Arbitration.
Part II. Being useful Generals in Trade, describing the
Principles and Foundation of the Home Trade of Great
Britain; with large Tables of our Manufactures, Calcu-
lations of the Product, Shipping, Carriage of Goods by
Land, Importation from Abroad, Consumption at Home, &c.,
by all which the infinite number of our Tradesmen are em-
ployed, and the General Wealth of the Nation raised and
increased. The whole calculated for the Use of all our
(c
THE COMPLEAT TRADESMAN.
586
inland Tradesmen, as well in the City as in the Country.
London: Charles Rivington. 1727." 8vo. pp. 474.
As the former volume was intended for the conduct of
beginners through the first steps of trade, so the present is
addressed chiefly to the more experienced and opulent of the
order. "While the tradesman is not above trading," observes
De Foe, "he will find himself not out of the need of caution.”
The same good sense, knowledge of the world, and incul-
cation of moral principle that distinguish the former work,
pervade the present volume. This completed the author's
design. "The world will see no more volumes upon this
subject, our business being not to multiply books, but to
make the advices complete, that they may make the trades-
man so." "In these treatises," observes Mr. Chalmers, "the
tradesman found many directions of business, and many
lessons of prudence. De Foe was not one of those writers
who consider private vices as public benefits; God forbid, he
exclaims, that I should be understood to prompt the vices of
the age, in order to promote any practice of traffic: Trade
need not be destroyed, though vice were mortally wounded."
If his former writings had not given abundant evidence of
the fact, these volumes are sufficient to shew the penetration
of the writer, and that he was an accurate painter of life and
manners in the middle classes of society. Although the
lapse of a century has necessarily produced a considerable
change both in habits and manners, yet the instruction
conveyed in "The Compleat Tradesman" will be always
seasonable; and this, not merely as it respects the class of
persons to whom it is addressed. The caustic satire of the
writer reaches to the buyer as well as the seller, and he may
see how much the honesty of the one is affected by the
dealings of the other. Few persons, perhaps, would expect
to meet with amusement upon so dull a subject as trade;
yet, inspired by the genius of De Foe, it has furnished
materials for one of the most entertaining works in the
MERITS OF THE WORK.
PLAN OF THE ENGLISH COMMERCE.
587
English language. It came to a third edition in 2 vols. 8vo,
¡n 1732; and a few years afterwards, it was reprinted in
2 vols. 12mo.
The instructions laid down by our author for the manage-
ment of trade, were followed soon afterwards by a luminous
treatise upon its history and policy, with suggestions for its
improvement. This, he intitled "A Plan of the English
Commerce. Being a Compleat Prospect of the Trade of this
Nation, as well the Home Trade as the Foreign. In Three
Parts. I. Containing a View of the Present Magnitude of
the English Trade, as it respects-1. The Exportation of our
own Growth and Manufacture. 2. The Importation of Mer-
chant Goods from abroad. 3. The prodigious Consumption
of both at Home. Part. II. Containing an Answer to that
great and important Question now depending, Whether our
Trade and especially our Manufactures, are in a declining
Condition or No? Part. III. Containing several Proposals,
entirely new, for extending and improving our Trade, and
promoting the Consumption of our Manufactures, in Coun-
tries wherewith we have hitherto had no Commerce. Humbly
offered to the Consideration of King and Parliament.
London printed for Charles Rivington. 1728." 8vo. pp. 368.
To the Second Edition in 1730, was added "An Appendix,
containing A View of the increase of Commerce, not only of
England, but of all the trading Nations of Europe since the
Peace with Spain." A third edition in octavo, was published
by Rivington, in 1737; in which it is called by mistake the
second. The publisher announces it to be, "By the late
ingenious Mr. Daniel De Foe."
Our author opens his work with a sentiment that was amply
justified by the writers of his time. "Trade, like religion, is
what every body talks of, but few understand." To long
experience upon commercial affairs, De Foe, brought copious
stores of information, collected from the history of foreign
nations, as well as from our own writers. In applying them
588
to the circumstances of his own country, he discovers an
expansion of intellect, a soundness of judgment, and a felicity
of reasoning, that prove him not only to have been master
of his subject, but amply qualified to recommend it to the
world. From the mass of facts brought together in the
work, he deduces a number of ingenious calculations designed
to elucidate the value and importance of our trade, and the
means for carrying it on to a much greater extent. He dwells
with delight upon the character of the English tradesman,
who has filled the country with wealth, peopled the peerage,
and raised the condition of the people to a proud superiority
over those of other nations.
DE FOE AND GEE COMPARED.
This work was probably the completion of an undertaking
commenced by De Foe in 1713, and proposed to be published
periodically, but extending only to two numbers. Soon
after the publication of the "Plan of Commerce,” a work
somewhat similar in design, was published by Joshua Gee,
under the title of "The Trade and Navigation of Great
Britain Considered." Mr. Chalmers, who was fully con-
versant with such matters, draws the following parallel
between the two writers: "De Foe insisted that our in-
dustry, our commerce, our opulence, and our people, had
increased, and were increasing. Gee represented that our
manufactures had received mortal stabs; that our poor
were destitute, and our country miserable. De Foe main-
tained the truth, which experience has taught to unwill-
ing auditors. Gee asserted this falsehood, without know-
ing the fact; yet Gee is quoted, while De Foe, with all his
knowledge of the subject, as a commercial writer, is almost
forgotten. The reason may be found perhaps in the charac-
teristic remark with which he opens his Plan: "Trade,
like religion, is what every body talks of, but few under-
stand."*
**Life of De Foe, p. 62.
"MILITARY MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CARLETON." 589
Amongst the productions of the year 1728, was a fictitious
narrative of an English Officer; which, as far as appears, has
never been claimed by any writer, but has generally passed
for the production of the person to whom it relates. The
work, however, belongs to the same class of writing as the
"Memoirs of a Cavalier," and it has some passages which
bear a strong resemblance to the other works of the same
writer. It is, therefore, probable that De Foe has the best
title to the authorship; and as such, it deserves a conspicu-
ous place amongst his other writings. This work is intitled
"The Military Memoirs of Capt. GEORGE CARLETON.
From the Dutch War, 1672, in which he served, to the Con-
clusion of the Peace at Utrecht, 1713. Illustrating some of
the most remarkable Transactions, both by Sea and Land,
during the reign of King Charles and King James II., hitherto
unobserved by all the Writers of those Times. Together with
an exact Series of the War in Spain; and a particular
Description of the Several Places of the Author's Residence
in many Cities, Towns, and Countries; their Customs, Man-
ners, &c. Also, Observations on the Genius of the Spaniards,
(among whom he continued some Years a Prisoner,) their
Monasteries and Nunneries, especially that fine one at Mont-
serat; and in their public Diversions, more particularly their
famous Bull-Feasts. London: printed for E. Symon, over
against the Royal Exchange, Cornhill, 1728." 8vo. pp. 352.
Dedicated to "The Right Honourable Spencer, Lord Wil-
mington."
-
The ample title-page will sufficiently unfold the contents
of the work. A principal part of it is a record of the military
achievements of the brave Earl of Peterborough, who figured
in Spain during the Wars of Queen Anne; and it exhibits
the character of a soldier, distinguished alike by professional
prowess, and by devotion to the fair sex. The military details
of which it is composed, are relieved by many anecdotes and
striking incidents, that contribute to render it an agreeable
590
and an entertaining performance.
performance. Although full of the
business of war, it abounds with picturesque descriptions of
the country and its inhabitants, of many local customs and
observances, and of the genius of the Roman Catholic religion.
The moral reflections that are interspersed, the sarcasm upon
uelling, and the hints upon predestination and providence,
are quite in De Foe's taste; as are the few political allusions :
and we are no less reminded of him by the plain matter-of-
fact, and off-handed manner of telling the story. Although
its hero is, in all likelihood, a fictitious character, the events
detailed in the work are matters of history, and are related
with all the minuteness and personality of an eye-witness,
and an actor upon the spot. So faithful is the likeness to
truth, and so accurate the descriptions, that it has been
generally read as an authentic work, like the "History of
the Plague," and the "Memoirs of a Cavalier." As such,
it was considered by Dr. Johnson, who expressed much
satisfaction in the perusal. It was first introduced to his
notice by Lord Eliot, in consequence of his observing upon
the little that was known of Lord Peterborough, for whom he
had a great veneration. Lord Eliot told him that the best
account of that nobleman which he had happened to meet
with was to be found in "Captain Carleton's Memoirs."-
"Carleton," he added, was descended of an ancestor who
distinguished himself at the siege of Derry. He was an
officer; and what was rare at that time, had some know-
ledge of engineering;" particulars that he had collected from
the Memoirs. Johnson observed, that he had never heard
of the book. After a good deal of inquiry, Boswell informs
us, he procured a copy, and sent it to Johnson, who told Sir
Joshua Reynolds, that he was going to bed when it came, but
he was so much pleased with it, that he sat up till he had
read it through, and found in it such an air of truth, that he
could not doubt of its authenticity; adding with a smile, (in
allusion to Lord Elliot's having recently been raised to the
""
A FAVORITE WITH JOHNSON.
AUGUSTA TRIUMPHANS."
peerage) "I did not think a young lord could have mentioned
to me a book in the English history that was not known to
me.' This work was reprinted in London in 1743; and
again at Edinburgh, in 1808.
""*
(C
591
In this, and the following year, our author produced two
more pamphlets, under the assumed name of Andrew Moreton,
and both arising out of his zeal for national improvement.
De Foe had long witnessed, with regret, the abuses in the
administration of our laws, and was desirous of procuring
fresh enactments to enforce their observance. The alarming
state of crime in the metropolis, called from him many ener-
getic remonstrances, as well as plans for its prevention;
which could never be accomplished effectually, unless we
withdrew from the people those temptations which formed
its greatest encouragement. His anxiety to serve his own
and future generations, led him to suggest amendments in
some of our public institutions, and to project others for the
relief of the unfortunate, or for the improvement of mankind
in knowledge and virtue. With a view to these important
ends, he now published "Augusta Triumphans: or the Way
to make London the most flourishing City in the Universe.
I. By establishing an University, where Gentlemen may have
Academical Education under the Eye of their Friends.
II. To prevent much Murder, &c., by an Hospital for
Foundlings. III. By suppressing pretended Mad-Houses,
where many of the Fair Sex are unjustly confined, while
their Husbands keep Mistresses, &c., and many Widows are
locked up for the sake of their Jointure. IV. To save our
Youth from Destruction, by clearing our Streets of impudent
Strumpets, suppressing Gaming-Tables, and Sunday De-
bauches. V. To avoid the expensive Importation of Foreign
Musicians, by forming an Academy of our own. VI. To
* Boswell's Life of Johnson, iv. 348.
592
save our lower Class of People from utter Ruin, and render
them useful, by preventing the immoderate Use of Geneva.
With a frank explosion of many other common Abuses, and
incontestable Rules for Amendment. Concluding with an
effectual Method to prevent Street Robberies. And a Letter
to Col. Robinson, on Account of the Orphan's Tax. London:
printed for J. Roberts, and other Booksellers. 1728." 8vo.
pp. 63. There was a second edition of this work in the
following year.
When our author committed his work to the press, he
was admonished of his approaching exit, and was willing
that what remained to him of the thread of life, should be
employed for the benefit of his fellow-creatures. He had
sufficient experience of the world to know the common fate
of projectors; but "a man who has the public good in view,
ought not to be alarmed at the tribute of ridicule which
scoffers constantly pay to projecting heads." It must be
allowed, by all who have perused his writings, that De Foe
was a rational reformer; that his schemes were not only
practicable, but, in the highest degree, benevolent and useful.
Our author deeply lamented the decay of learning in his
time. "We have been a brave and learned people, but
are insensibly dwindling into an effeminate, superficial race.
Our young gentlemen are sent to the universities, but not
under restraint and correction as formerly; not to study,
but to drink; not for furniture for the head, but a feather
for the cap, merely to say they have been at Oxford or
Cambridge, as if the air of those places inspired knowledge
without application." To avoid the inconvenience of sending
youths to so great a distance from their friends, and at so
great a risk to their morals, as well as to provide efficient
instruction for many who would be otherwise without it, he
was desirous of seeing an university established in the metro-
polis, under the royal patronage, with the power of con-
ferring degrees. Knowledge will never hurt us; and
<<
LONDON UNIVERSITY.
593
whoever lives to see an university here, will find it give
quite another turn to the genius and spirit of our youth in
general." That which De Foe could only contemplate at a
distance, has been reserved for our own day to realize. At
the distance of a hundred years, we see a London University
arising amidst the jealousy of rival establishments, to shed
the benign rays of science and literature upon numbers who
would be otherwise destitute of their advantages. Breaking
through the barbarous trammels imposed by ignorance, and
fostered by bigotry, it throws open its doors to the whole
British nation; disdaining the 'sectarian prejudices which
encircle older institutions, and are as inimical to sound
knowledge, as the retention of them is absurd and ridiculous.
In spite of the artful accusations that have been brought
against it, the formation of an university, upon liberal prin-
ciples, must be a source of real gratification to all who wish
well to the cause of human improvement.
In favour of the practicability of our author's schemes, it
deserves to be remembered, that some of them were taken up
by enterprising individuals, and pushed forward with success.
Within a few years of his publication, an Hospital for
Foundlings was incorporated by royal charter; and his
appeal to the good sense of mankind was not lost upon the
other topics in his pamphlet. Still, however, much remains.
to be done. The accession of crime consequent upon an
increased commerce, and the advancement of luxury and
extravagance amongst our people, calls loudly for interpo-
sition; and this by way of prevention, rather than punish-
ment. The crimes inflicted upon society are mostly of its
own creation; and it possesses the means of correcting them,
by withdrawing the incentives to their commission, and
substituting others more favourable to virtue and happiness.
The materials for effecting this, are not difficult to be
devised; but we must surmount the prejudices of ignorance,
and overcome our selfishness and bigotry, before they can
2 Q
VOL. 111.
LONDON UNIVERSITY.
C
594 SCHEME FOR PREVENTION OF STREET ROBBERIES.
be rendered available for any useful purpose. Those who
are concerned for the improvement of our police, will find
many useful hints upon the subject, in this and the other
writings of De Foe. Whilst his acuteness and penetration
gave him the power of detecting errors, he was equally
happy in supplying the means for their correction.
In the foregoing pamphlet, De Foe had laid down "a plain
and practicable scheme for the total suppression and pre-
vention of street-robberies;" which scheme, says he, "has
been approved of by several learned and judicious persons.
Within a short time after its appearance, it seems that some
other projector stepped in to rob him of his honours, and
suggested a similar plan; which was submitted to parliament,
and received the ostentatious support of " venal news-writers."
Indignant at this invasion of his property, De Foe resolved
upon sending forth a new and enlarged version of his plan,
preceded by a statement of his literary grievances. "Though
I must confess," says he, "I am not a little piqued to be
jocky'd out of my labours; yet, not to be behind hand with
my gentleman in the clouds, who would have the parliament.
buy his pig-in-a-poke, and build up his fortune at my ex-
pense, I have so amply enlarged and amended my scheme,
that it is now scarce like the same. I have taken in every
thing possible of comprehension or practice; nor have I left
him room to edge in one single hint. I have debated the
objections of wise and learned men, and corrected my project
accordingly so that, upon comparison, my first thoughts
will appear but as a rude and imperfect sketch, only valuable
in that it gave the idea of this more laboured and finished
performance, in which I pledge my whole reputation, being
ready to stand or fall by its success. In order to which, I
have presented copies of this book to the King and Queen's
most excellent Majesties, to several of the lords spiritual,
and divers honourable and worthy members of both Houses;
and time must shew whose scheme shall have the precedence."
">
STRICTURES UPON THE BEGGARS' OPERA. 595
De Foe rests his cause upon the judgment of a discerning
public. "If men of sense approve," says he, "I need not
value the laughter of fools; for if a thinking man is to be
laughed out of every good intention or invention, nothing will
ever be done for the public good."
The work containing these remarks is intitled, "Second
Thoughts are best or a Further Improvement of a late
Scheme to prevent Street Robberies. In which our Streets
will be so strongly guarded, and so gloriously illuminated,
that any Part of London will be as safe and pleasant at
Midnight as at Noonday; and Burglary totally impracticable.
With some Thoughts for suppressing Robberies in all the
publick Roads of England, &c. Humbly offered for the
Good of his Country, submitted to the consideration of the
Parliament, and Dedicated to his Sacred Majesty King
George II. By Andrew Moreton, Esq. London: printed
for W. Meadows, at the Angel in Cornhill; and sold by
J. Roberts in Warwick Lane. 1729. Price Six Pence."
8vo. pp. 24.
In searching into the cause of the evil which our author
complains of, he traces much of it to the pernicious example
of the stage, and cites the " Beggar's Opera," lately pro-
duced with such unprecedented success, as a case in point. (L)
"Our
rogues," says he, “
are grown more wicked than ever;
and vice of all kinds is so much winked at, that robbery is
accounted a petty crime. We take pains to puff them up
in their villainy, and there is one set out in so amiable a
light in the Beggars' Opera, it has taught them to value
themselves on their profession, rather than to be ashamed of
it. Not content with the mischief done by the Beggars'
Opera, we must have a Quakers' Opera forsooth, of much
(6
32
(L) The Beggars' Opera" was so popular at its introduction upon the
stage in 1727, that it was performed sixty-three nights following in London,
and more than a hundred times in Bath, Bristol, and other places in the
country.
292
596
STRICTURES UPON THE BEGGARS' OPERA."
more evil tendency than the former: for, in this, Jack Shep-
herd is made the head of the drama, and runs through such a
scene of riot and success, that but too many weak minds
have been drawn away, and many unwary persons so charmed
with his appearance on the stage, drest in that elegant
manner, and his pockets so well lined, they have forthwith
commenced street-robbers or house-breakers; so that every
idle fellow, weary of honest labour, need but fancy himself
a Mackheath or a Shepherd, and there's a rogue at once.
De Foe was not the only moralist who bestowed censure
upon Gay's Opera. The amiable and pious Dr. Herring,
then preacher to the society of Lincoln's Inn, and afterwards
Archbishop of Canterbury, spoke of it in terms of repro-
bation in one of his sermons, for which he was treated with
great asperity by Swift; but the reputation of the honest
divine could receive no damage from the attack of a man who
was so little alive to a sense of decency.* (M) De Foe justly
observes, that since example has so much force, the stage
should exhibit nothing but what might be represented before
(6
>>
* Swift's Letters ii. 243.
(M) Swift attacked Herring's sermon in the "Dublin Intelligencer,"
No. III. in which he observed, with as little regard to truth as decency, that
the Beggars' Opera "would probably do more good than a thousand ser-
mons of so stupid, so injudicious, and so prostitute a divine" as Dr.
Herring. Swift was connected with Gay by the ties of friendship, which
he often carried to an immoderate length. He was also actuated by party
prejudice, Gay being then out of favour with the court, which he made the
subject of his satire. Herring was defended by his friend Mr. Duncombe,
in the "Whitehall Evening Post" for March and April, 1728. Notwith-
standing the clamour raised by the friends of Gay, the "Beggars' Opera '
stood condemned as of pernicious consequence to the cause of morality and
christian virtue. "Experience confirmed the truth of this observation, by
the many robberies committed daily in the streets during the representation
of that piece, beyond the example of former times; and several thieves
and robbers afterwards confessed in Newgate, that they raised their courage
at the play-house, by the songs of their hero Macheath, before they sallied
forth on their desperate nocturnal exploits."-Letters from Abp. Herring to
William Duncombe, Esq. p. 3, note.
??
SCHEMES FOR IMPROVEMENT OF THE POLICE. 597
a bishop: "They may be merry and wise; let them take the
Provoked Husband for a pattern."
To prevent the frequency of street robberies, he recom-
mends an efficient patrole, composed of able-bodied men, one
to every forty houses; to be elected and paid by the house-
keepers themselves. The money now collected, if properly
applied, he thinks would answer the purpose; but he makes
heavy complaints against the parochial management, which
he had exposed in a former treatise. He also recommends a
more effectual method of lighting the streets; and to prevent
the escape of thieves, proposes that gates should be fixed at
the entrance of all courts and narrow passages, to be opened
only by the watchman. Upon these subjects De Foe has
many judicious remarks, as also, upon the restraining of
prostitutes from the public exercise of their profession, the
suppression of vagrants and night-houses, and the provision
of night-lodgings for the destitute. He proposes that all
public-houses and gin shops should be shut at ten, and that
the latter should be subject to licences. To the excessive
use of the last commodity, he attributes much of the de-
pravity amongst the common people. Hackney-coach drivers
come next under his strictures, and he proposes that the law
should be so altered as to render the owners liable for the
offences of the persons they employ. He has some excellent
remarks upon the manœuvres of tradesmen to raise the price
of their commodities, and defraud the public; by which
means "the poor are ground to dust, in order to fatten a
pack of misers, who know no mercy." For the protection of
the roads near London, he proposes that parties of horse-
soldiers should be stationed in all the principal entrances;
and that the same might be extended to all the larger towns
in England. Whilst good sense legitimates the propriety of
our author's remarks upon these various topics, experience
upon such of them as have passed into practice, has fully jus-
tified their utility.
598
،، DISSECTIO MENTIS HUMANE."
To an author who wrote so much as De Foe, and whose
works are chiefly anonymous, it may be difficult to assign
his last publication. From a passage in the preface to his
“Use and Abuse of the Marriage bed," it may be inferred,
that he expected to close his labours with that "upright
intention for the good of mankind;" but we have seen, that
he lived to write several pieces afterwards. It has been
suggested to the present writer, that he was the author of
a long poem published in 1730, and taking in a wide range
of satire; but not having had an opportunity to consult it,
he can do no more than give the title, which is as follows:
"Dissectio Mentis Humanæ :" or a Satyric Essay on
Modern Critics, Stage and Epic Poets, Translators, Drolls,
Ill-Repute, Burials, Great Guns and Gunpowder, Physicians,
Sleep, Politicians, Patrons, Necessity, Philosophers, Pro-
phets, Conjurors, Witches, Astrologers, Stars, Gypsies,
Cunning Men, Physiognomy, Giants, Human Complexions,
Fictitious Beings, Elves or Fairies, Apparitions, Men of
Business, Wealth, Pride and Avarice, Virtue and Sense,
Courage, Honour, Education, Conversation, Travail, a Vicious
Taste, a City and Country Life, Flattery, Law, Custom and
Reason, Free-Thinking, Religion, Priestcraft, Publick
Justice, Learning and Learned Men, Curious Arts, Love and
Friendship, Ambition, Truth, Greatness, and Life. London:
printed for T. Warner, 1730." 8vo. pp. 100. In the same
year, he composed his Appendix to the "Plan of the English
Commerce," already noticed, which was, perhaps, the con
clusion of his literary labours. He was then upon the verge
of his last voyage to that country upon which he had long
fixed his attention, and from whence no traveller returns. (N)
(N) Cibber, in his Lives of the Poets, attributes the following work to
De Foe; but it was not published until at least three years after his death.
"The Life and entertaining Adventures of Mr. CLEVELAND, natural Son of
Oliver Cromwell. Written by Himself. Giving a particular Account of
his Unhappiness in Love, Marriage, Friendship, &c., and his great Suffer-
599
To this foregoing account of De Foe's writings, it may be
added, that he had prepared another work for publication a
little before his death; but whether owing to illness, or to
whatever cause, only one sheet of it appears to have been
printed. (o) It was to have been intitled "The Compleat
Gentleman, containing useful observations on the general
Neglect of Education of English Gentlemen, with the Reason
and Remedies: The apparent Differences between a Well-
Born and Well-Bred Gentlemen: And Instructions how
Gentlemen may recover a Deficiency of their Latin, and be
Men of Learning, though without the Pedantry of Schools."
The manuscript of the work, which is partly in Short-hand,
is still in existence, and in the possession of one of his
lineal decendants, the Rev. Henry De Foe Baker, by whose
favor the writer is enabled to give the following analysis of
its contents.
Part the First. Chap. 1. Of the Gentleman born, in the
،،
""
THE COMPLEAT GENTLEMAN.'
ings in Europe and America. Intermixed with Reflections, describing the
Heart of Man in all its variety of Passions and Disguises; also, some
curious Particulars of Oliver's History and Amours, never before made
publick. London: printed for T. Astley, at the Rose in St. Paul's Church
Yard, 1734." 5 vols. 12mo. There was a second edition in three volumes,
in 1741.
(0) The following letter to his printer "Mr. J. Watts, in Wild Court,"
relates to the above work.
S¹.,-I am to ask yor Pardon for keeping the Enclosed so long, Mr.
Baker having told me yor Resolution of taking it in hand and working it
off. But I have been exceeding ill. I have Revised it again and contracted
it very much, and hope to bring it within the Bulk you desire or as near it
as possible. But this and some needful alterations will oblige you to much
Trouble in the first sheet, and perhaps almost as bad as setting it over again,
which cannot be avoided. I will endeavour to send the Rest of the Copy
so well Corrected as to give you very little Trouble. I here return the first
sheet, and as much Coppy as will make near 3 sheets more, you shall have
all the remainder so as not to let you stand still at all.
I am,
Sept. 10th, 1729.
Sir,
Your Most Humble Servant,
DE FOE.
600
"THE COMPLEAT GENTLEMAN."
common acceptation of the word, and as the Gentry amongst
us are pleased to understand it. Chap. 2. Some Examples
from History, and from good Information, of the want of care
taken in the Education of Princes, and Children of the
Nobility in former times, as well in this Nation as in foreign
Countries, and how fatal the Effects of it has been in their
future conduct; with some few Examples of the contrary
also. Chap. 3. Examples of the different Educations of
Princes and Persons of rank from the beginning of the
XVIth century, viz. from the Reign of Henry the VIIIth
inclusive. With Observations down to the present time, on
the Happiness of these Reigns in general, where the Princes
have been educated in Principles of Honour and Virtue; and
something of the contrary. Chap. 4. Of Royal Education.
Chap. 5. The head of this chapter is erased. Chap. 6. Of
the G―; of Himself, his Family, and Fortune.
Part the Second. Chap. I. Of the Fund for Encrease of
our Nobility and Gentry in England; being the Beginning
of those we call Bred Gentlemen: with some Account of
Difference. Chap. 2. There is no head to this chapter.
Chap. 3. Of the generall Ignorance of the English Gentry,
and the true Cause of it in the Manner of their Introduction
into Life. Chap. 4. Of what may be the unhappy Cause of
the generall Defect in the Education of our Gentry; with a
rational proposal for preventing those Consequences.
CHAPTER XXII.
Some Particulars of De Foe during the latter years of his Life.—Mr. Baker's
Account of his Habits.-And Courtship of his Daughter.-He falls into
Difficulties.— Unnatural Behaviour of his Son.-His affecting Letter to
Mr. Baker.—His Prospects as to another World.-Time and Circumstances
of his Death.-Some Errors corrected.—Registers of his Burial.-Letters
of Administration upon his Effects.-View of De Foe's Character.- Mode
of Dealing amongst Literary Men in his Day.-Wanton Manner of pro-
pagating Slander.-Mark Noble.-De Foe's Moral Character.-Private
Habits.-Melmoth's Letter to him upon the Stage.-His Political Prin-
ciples-Patience under Suffering.-His Religious Character.- His Bene-
volence illustrated.-General View of his Character as a Writer.-His
Pretensions as a Poet.-As a Political Writer.-As a Commercial Writer.
—As an Historian.—As a Moralist.— As a Writer of Fiction.-Estimate
of his Secondary Novels, by Charles Lamb.-Comparison with Richardson.
-And Bunyan.-Concluding Remarks.-Particulars concerning his Family
and Descendants.
1731.
THE latter years of De Foe's life furnish but few materials
for biography, independently of those arising from the his-
tory of his publications. The rapidity with which these
followed each other, and the successive editions that were in
demand during his lifetime, if his gains were at all commen-
surate, must have ensured him a considerable degree of
wealth; such at least would be the well-earned reward of an
author, possessed of only half of his genius, in the present
day. But De Foe was never destined to be a rich man.
602 SOME PARTICULARS OF DE FOE'S LATTER DAYS.
He must, however, have been in easy circumstances during
the first run of his romances. We have seen, that in 1721,
he fined to the parish of Stoke-Newington, to be excused
serving parish offices; a tax that he paid for being a Dis-
senter. In the following year, he obtained from the corpo-
ration of Colchester, a lease for ninety-nine years of Kings-
wood-heath, at a yearly rent of 1207., besides a fine of 5007.
But whether his speculation failed, or to whatever cause it
was owing, he did not retain it long; for we find the pro-
perty transferred soon afterwards to Walter Bernard. At
the time that Mr. Chalmers wrote, Kingswood-heath was
worth 3001. a-year. It must have been about this time, or a
little before, that he built a large and handsome house for
his own residence at Stoke-Newington; and if we may be-
lieve the report of his literary opponents, he had the luxury
of a coach and its accustomed appendages. But whatever
may have been his opulence, as Mr. Chalmers observes,
"our author did not waste his subsequent life in unpro-
fitable idleness. No one can be idly employed who endea-
vours to make his fellow-subjects better citizens and wiser
men." Prosperous as De Foe's circumstances now appeared
to be, they could not procure him the blessing of health.
He was now tormented with those dreadful maladies, the
gout and the stone, occasioned in part, most probably, by
his close application; and they subjected him to continual
attacks of illness during the remainder of his life.
Of the habits and pursuits of De Foe at this time, we
have an interesting account from Mr. Henry Baker, the
celebrated natural philosopher, who married one of his
daughters, and left behind him some valuable papers.
Amongst them are the letters that passed between himself
and his wife during their courtship. To these he has pre-
fixed a narrative of their early acquaintance, which contains
some notices of De Foe that will gratify the reader; who
is indebted for them to his descendant before-mentioned.
MR. BAKER'S ACCOUNT OF HIS HABITS.
603
"In the year 1724, Mr. H. Baker engaged in an under-
taking which required his spending some days every week
at Newington. Amongst the first who desired his acquaint-
ance there, was Mr. De Foe, a gentleman well known by his
writings, who had newly built there a very handsome house,
as a retirement from London, and amused his time, either in
the cultivation of a large and pleasant garden, or in the pur-
suit of his studies, which he found means of making very
profitable. He was now at least sixty years of age, afflicted
with the gout and stone, but retained all his mental faculties
entire. Mr. Baker readily accepted his invitation, and was
so pleased with his conversation, that he seldom came to
Newington without paying a visit to Mr. De Foe. He met
usually at the tea-table his three lovely daughters, who were
admired for their beauty, their education, and their prudent
conduct; and if sometimes Mr. De Foe's disorders made.
company inconvenient, Mr. Baker was entertained by them,
either singly or together, and that commonly in the garden,
when the weather was favourable. Mr. Baker very soon
discovered the superior excellencies of Miss Sophia, the
youngest daughter, of whose person and manners he speaks
in strains of the highest eulogium. He knew nothing of
Mr. De Foe's circumstances; only imagined, from his very
genteel way of living, that he must be able to give his
daughter a decent portion: he did not suppose a large one.
On speaking to Mr. De Foe, he sanctioned his proposals,
and said, he hoped he should be able to give her a certain
sum specified; but when urged to the point some time after-
wards, his answer was, that formal articles he thought unne-
cessary; that he could confide in the honour of Mr. Baker;
that when they talked before, he did not know the true state
of his own affairs; that he found he could not part with any
money at present; but at his death, his daughter's portion
would be more than he had promised; and he offered his
own bond as a guarantee for the payment." With this, it
F
604
seems, Mr. Baker was not satisfied; and their altercation
upon money matters produced a coolness between them for
some time, so that they seldom saw each other; but Mr.
Baker constantly visited his dear Sophia. It is said, that by
creating these difficulties, De Foe expected the impatience of
the young people would be wearied into a marriage, without
any previous agreement with him. But if so, he was disap-
pointed; for, after a protracted negociation of almost two
years, the same authority says, that he consented to engage
his house at Newington as a security, and articles were exe-
cuted accordingly. De Foe had no ready money to part
with, but gave a bond with his daughter for 500l. payable
after his death. It bears date, April 5, 1729,* and the mar-
riage was celebrated upon the 30th of the same month.
It appears, that whilst De Foe was negociating with
Mr. Baker, he had another estate in Essex, which, with
that at Newington, he had secured, in some way, for the
benefit of his family. But his property was a source of much
vexation to him, chiefly through the undutiful behaviour of
his son.
DE FOE FALLS INTO DIFFICULTIES.
Strangely as it may consist with the foregoing account of
De Foe's circumstances, it was not long after his daughter's
marriage, before he was doomed to undergo the privation,
not only of the comforts he enjoyed in his retreat at New-
ington, but even of his personal liberty. The immediate
occasion of it cannot now be known; but he was probably
thrown into prison by some merciless creditor, whom he
hints at, as a
"wicked and perjured enemy." That he was
not long in confinement, seems probable, as we find him
again at liberty, in August 1730; although, still, not with-
out apprehensions of renewed troubles. All this while, he
suffered greatly from bodily affliction, having been brought
low by an attack of fever. But these were not the whole
* Gent. Mag., vol. lxxxii. p. 529.
605
of De Foe's misfortunes. He who had borne so long the
buffetings of the world, possessed a spirit that refused to
sink under them, until he was touched by a hand that should
have nourished and protected him. He could say in the
language of the prophet, “I have nourished and brought up
children, and they have rebelled against me." It seems,
that to prevent the shipwreck of his property, he had con-
veyed it to his son, with a legal obligation, as well as private
understanding, that it was for the joint benefit of his wife
and two unmarried daughters. But he proved an unfaithful
steward, converting the property to his own use, and leaving
his mother and sisters to want. This unnatural conduct pierced
his unhappy father to the very soul; but how it touched him
can be told only by his own pen. The following letter to
Mr. Baker, for which the present writer is indebted to his
great great grandson, presents a tale of sorrow, such as,
perhaps, was never told before; and for the honour of human
nature, it is to be hoped but rarely occurs. He who can read
it with unmoistened eyes must be possessed of feelings that
no man ought to envy.
"Dear Mr. Baker,
UNNATURAL BEHAVIOUR OF HIS SON.
"I have yo' very kind and affecc'onate Letter of the 1st:
But not come to my hand till ye 10th; where it had been de-
lay'd I kno' not. As your kind manner, and kinder Thought,
from wch it flows, (for I take all you say to be as I always
believed you to be, sincere and Nathaniel like, without Guile)
was a particular satisfacc'on to me; so the stop of a Letter,
however it happened, deprived me of that cordial too many
days, considering how much I stood in need of it, to support
a mind sinking under the weight of an afflicc'on too heavy
for my strength, and looking on myself as abandoned of
every Comfort, every Friend, and every Relative, except
such only as are able to give me no assistance.
"I was sorry you should say at ye beginning of your
Letter, you were debarred seeing me. Depend upon my
606
AFFECTING LETTER TO MR. BAKER.
sincerity for this, I am far from debarring you. On y con-
trary, it would be a greater comfort to me than any I now
enjoy, that I could have yo' agreeable visits wth safety, and
could see both you and my dearest Sophia, could it be with-
out giving her y grief of seeing her father in tenebris, and
under ye load of insupportable sorrows. I am sorry I must
open my griefs so far as to tell her, it is not ye blow I
reed from a wicked, perjur'd, and contemptible enemy, that
has broken in upon my spirit; wch as she well knows, has
carryed me on thro' greater disasters than these. But it has
been the injustice, unkindness, and, I must say, inhuman
dealing of my own son, wch has both ruined my family, and,
in a word, has broken my heart; and as I am at this time
under a weight of very heavy illness, wch I think will be a
fever, I take this occasion to vent my grief in yº breasts who
I know will make a prudent use of it, and tell you, that
nothing but this has conquered or could conquer me. Et
tu! Brute. I depended upon him, I trusted him, I gave up
my two dear unprovided children into his hands; but he
has no compassion, and suffers them and their poor dying
mother to beg their bread at his door, and to crave, as if it
were an alms, what he is bound under hand and seal, besides
the most sacred promises, to supply them with; himself, at
ye same time, living in a profusion of plenty. It is too
much for me. Excuse my infirmity, I can say no more;
my heart is too full. I only ask one thing of you as a dying
request. Stand by them when I am gone, and let them not
be wrong'd, while he is able to do them right. Stand by
them as a brother; and if you have any thing within you
owing to my memory, who have bestow'd on you the best
gift I had to give, let ym not be injured and trampled on by
false pretences, and unnatural reflections. I hope they will
want no help but that of comfort and council; but that they
will indeed want, being too easie to be manag'd by words.
and promises.
607
"It adds to my grief that it is so difficult to me to see
you. I am at a distance from Lond" in Kent; nor have I a
lodging in London, nor have I been at that place in the Old
Bailey, since I wrote you I was removed from it. At present
I am weak, having had some fits of a fever that have left
me low. But those things much more.
"I have not seen son or daughter, wife or child, many
weeks, and kno' not which way to see them. They dare not
come by water, and by land here is no coach, and I kno' not
what to do.
AFFECTING LETTER TO MR. BAKER.
"It is not possible for me to come to Enfield, unless you
could find a retired lodging for me, where I might not be
known, and might have the comfort of seeing you both now
and then; upon such a circumstance, I could gladly give the
days to solitude, to have the comfort of half an hour now
and then, with you both, for two or three weeks. But just
to come and look at you, and retire immediately, tis a bur-
den too heavy. The parting will be a price beyond the
enjoyment.
"I would say, (I hope) with comfort, that 'tis yet well.
I am so near my journey's end, and am hastening to the
place where ye weary are at rest, and where the wicked cease
to trouble; be it that the passage is rough, and the day
stormy, by what way soever He please to bring me to the
end of it, I desire to finish life with this temper of soul in
all cases: Te Deum Laudamus.
“I congratulate you on ye occasion of yor happy advance
in yr employment. May all you do be prosperous, and all
you meet with pleasant, and may you both escape the tor-
tures and troubles of uneasie life. May you sail ye dan-
gerous voyage of life with a forcing wind, and make the
port of heaven without a storm.
"It adds to my grief that I must never see the pledge of
your mutual love, my little grandson. Give him my blessing,
and may he be to you both your joy in youth, and your com-
608
fort in age, and never add a sigh to your sorrow. But, alas!
that is not to be expected. Kiss my dear Sophy once more
for me; and if I must see her no more, tell her this is from
a father that loved her above all his comforts, to his last.
breath.
HIS PROSPECTS AS TO ANOTHER WORLD.
Yo' unhappy,
"About two miles from Greenwich, Kent,
Tuesday, August 12, 1730.
D. F.
"P. S. I wrote you a letter some months ago, in answer
to one from you, about selling ye house; but you never sig-
nified to me whether you received it. I have not the policy
of assurance; I suppose my wife, or Hannah, may have it.
Idem.
D. F."
From this scene of sorrow, we must now hasten to an
event, that dropped before it the dark curtain of time.
Having received a wound that was incurable, there is too
much reason to fear that the anguish arising from it sunk
deep in his spirits, and hastened the crisis that, in a few
months, brought his troubles to a final close. As the shadow
of life declined, we may easily believe that his prospect of a
better world grew stronger and brighter. It was long since
that he had resolved the business of life into these two par-
ticulars: "Reflections upon things past; serious application
to things future."*
His latter writings all lead to the con-
clusion, that he considered himself upon the verge of another
world, and was setting his house in order, that he might not
be taken by surprise. With a resolute purpose to devote his
energies, so long as they continued, to the improvement of
mankind, we observe a growing indifference to passing scenes,
and an elevation of mind that raised his contemplations to
spiritual objects. Those religious impressions which he had
*Serious Reflections, p. 120.
609
imbibed early, and carried with him through life, were
sharpened by the asperities of his situation. They became
his solace under the frowns of the world, and the staff of his
old age. Disciplined in the school of affliction, he had been
taught submission to the hand that inflicted it; and aware of
the difficulties that beset a conscientious adherence to the
path of duty, he made them a motive for vigilance, and fre-
quent self-examination. In one of his latest publications, he
says, "I know not whether of the two is most difficult, in
the course of a Christian's life; to live well, or to die well."*
In a former work, he has the following reflections suggested
by the prospect of a future state. "I believe nothing would
contribute more to make us good Christians, than to be able
to look upon all things, causes, and persons here, with the
same eyes as we do when we are looking into eternity.
Death sets all in a clear light; and when a man is, as it
were, in the very boat, pushing off from the shore of the
world, his last views of it being abstracted from interests,
hopes, or wishes, and influenced by the near view of the
future state, must be clear, unbiassed, and impartial.”+
With a mind elevated above the grovelling pursuits of the
mere worldling, and steadily fixed upon the scenes that were
opening to him as he approached the boundaries of time,
De Foe could not be unprepared for the change that was to
separate him from his dearest connexions. The time of his
death has been variously stated; (P) but it took place upon
HIS PROSPECTS AS TO ANOTHER WORLD.
* Compleat Tradesman, ii. 222.
+ Review, ii. 201.
(P) The author of his Life, in the "Biographia Britannica," places his
death upon the 26th of April; as does the "Gentleman's Magazine" for
1731, where it is thus recorded: "April 26, Mr. Daniel De Foe, sen., emi-
nent for his many writings." The "Historical Register," for 1731, states
it more correctly, as follows: "April 24. Dy'd Mr. Daniel De Foe, well
known for his various writings." Boyer, in his "Political State,” for April,
has the following notice of his death: "About the end of this month, died
Mr. Daniel De Foe, sen., a person well known for his numerous and various
2 R
VOL. III.
610
the 24th of April, 1731, when he was about seventy years of
age, having been born in the year 1661. Cibber and others
state that he died at his house at Islington; but this is
incorrect. The parish of St. Giles, Cripplegate, in which
he drew his first breath, was also destined to receive his last.
This we learn from the parish register, which has been
searched for the purpose, and further informs us, that he
went off in a lethargy. (9) He was buried from thence, upon
the 26th of April, in Tindall's Burying-ground, now most
known by the name of Bunhill Fields. The entry in the
register, written probably by some ignorant person, who
made a strange blunder of his name, is as follows: "1731.
April 26. Mr. Dubow. Cripplegate." Whether De Foe
passed his latter days in the midst of his family, or in an
obscure lodging by himself, can now be only matter of con-
jecture: it is to be hoped he was not without the solace of
those who were best fitted to administer to him the little
remnant of earthly enjoyment. After his death, his widow,
Susannah, continued to reside at Stoke Newington; and as
his daughters were afterwards in independent circumstances,
it may be presumed that they succeeded in recovering their
property. Mr. Baker, who appears to have been a kind-
hearted man, probably stood their friend upon the occasion.
Mrs. De Foe did not long survive her husband, dying at the
latter end of the following year. She was also removed to
Bunhill Fields for interment, as appears by the following
entry: "1732. Decr. 19. Mrs. Defow. Stoke Newington."
The same register records the burial of another Mrs. De Foe,
REGISTERS OF HIS BURIAL.
writings; by some of which it appears that he had a good natural genius,
and he was generally looked on as a man who thoroughly understood the
theory of trade, and the true interest of this nation; but he never had the
good fortune to be much taken notice of by any minister of state, so that he
got but little by his knowledge."
(Q) The following is a copy of the register: "1731. Daniel Defoe, gen-
tleman. To Tindall's. (Lethargy.) April 26."
VIEW OF DE FOE'S CHARACTER.
611
about four years afterwards. She was brought from Hack-
ney, and was most probably a daughter-in-law. The entry
stands thus: "1737. Jan 19. Mrs. Deffoe. St. John's,
Hackney." (R)
It is lamentable to reflect, that a man of De Foe's genius
and talents should have died insolvent; yet the events that
befel him during the last year or two of his life, could have
produced no other result. Although, during a long and
active life, his pen had known but little intermission, and the
profits from his publications latterly could not have been in-
considerable, yet the demands of a numerous family, upon
whose education he had not been sparing of expense, must
have quickly absorbed them. In addition to this, he was
never free from the burthen of unsatisfied creditors, which
acted as a mill-stone about his neck, and plunged him at last
in irrecoverable poverty. He who had nothing to leave, had
no occasion for a will. Accordingly, there is none to be
found in Doctor's Commons; but the books there inform us,
that, in September, 1733, letters of administration, on his
goods and chattels, were granted to Mary Brooks, widow, a
creditrix, after summoning in official form the next of kin to
appear.*
It now only remains to take a brief survey of De Foe's
character, which the reader will have gathered, in a great
measure, from the foregoing narrative; but a few reflections
may be allowed upon his conduct as a man, and his merits
as an author.
It has been justly remarked by a sensible writer, that
"No history can furnish us with an example of a man whose
life and actions have been universally applauded: malice, or
a different interest, being always ready to wound the noblest
(R) For these entries, the writer is indebted to Mr. John Rippon, of Great
Surry-street, whose father, Dr. Rippon, made copies of all the registers and
monumental inscriptions many years since, with a view to publication.
* Chalmers, p. 64.
2 R 2
612 WANTON MANNER OF PROPAGATING SLANDER.
integrity.' Of the truth of this sentiment, De Foe was a
memorable instance. Living at a period when the political
horizon was overspread by faction, invading the peace of
families, and diffusing a canker through the social system,
a less prominent character would scarcely have escaped with-
out scars upon his reputation. An eminent living writer,
referring to the former part of it, and what he says is equally
true of the latter, observes, "A critic of that time never
deemed that he had so effectually refuted the reasoning of
his adversary, as when he had said something disrespectful
of his talents, person, or moral character. Thus, literary
contest was embittered by personal hatred, and truth was so
far from being the object of the combatants, that even vic-
tory was tasteless unless obtained by the disgrace and degra-
dation of the antagonist." But this illegitimate mode of
warfare was not confined to literature: it was carried into
the world of politics, where it assumed the highest tone of
acrimony. In those sour days, both the understandings and
the morals of men were estimated according to the party they
belonged to, and received a colouring in proportion to their
own importance, or to the skill of their adversaries. When
the human character has been subjected to so precarious a
test, it is no wonder that virtue and vice have changed their
positions in history, and that they have been so shifted in
their application, as to be accommodated to the prejudices of
those who had a turn to serve by their dishonesty. Although
this perversion of ideas may be set straight by the cool judg-
ment of posterity, yet when the poison is dilated through
endless ramifications, the antidote has fearful odds to contend
with. But, should time moderate the symptoms, it is not
before the original purpose was answered. When men are
stunned by clamour, and borne down by the voice of autho-
rity, their mouths are stopped from inquiry, and they easily
"'*
*Preface to Ludlow's Memoirs.
:
+ Scott's Life of Dryden.
613
take that for granted, which, upon sober investigation, would
turn out to be merely the result of prejudice. This circum-
stance, so unfavourable to the cause of truth, has given a real
disadvantage to those who have contended against popular
opinions; the merits of the question being shifted to foreign
matters, or absorbed in the common share of scandal and
abuse. At the period of which we are speaking, even men
of the greatest names were not above stooping to these low
and disingenuous arts; whilst the calumnies they propagated
derived an authority from their sanction.
In this ocean of slander, no one was dipped more deeply
than De Foe. To sink his reputation as a patriot, he was
charged with selfishness and venality; and to ruin him in
the estimation of the virtuous, his moral character was
assailed by the most impudent falsehoods. If we were to
believe his enemies, there was scarcely a crime that gave de-
formity to human nature, with which he was not chargeable.
The extent to which this mode of warfare was carried, can
be known only to those who are conversant with the news-
writers and pamphleteers of the day. That the libels heaped
upon him by his contemporaries, should have been wantonly
adopted by succeeding writers, affords the less surprise, when
we consider the voracious appetite that is indulged for slan-
der, and the slender authority upon which reports are taken
up and propagated. Experience shows that history may be
written without investigation, and pass current in the world,
in spite of the grossest inaccuracy. Of this we have a
glaring instance, in the volumes of the late Mark Noble,
whose account of De Foe is one tissue of misrepresentation
and falsehood. His flippancy and his bigotry might have
been borne with, if these offensive adjuncts had been accom-
panied by a tolerable share of accuracy; but the want of
correctness that disfigures a large proportion of his pages,
renders them a ludicrous contrast, when placed in juxta-
MARK NOBLE.
614
position with the instructive volumes of the candid and judi-
cious Granger.
But amidst the storms of reproach that De Foe was called
upon to encounter, he maintained a calm serenity of mind,
that could only be inspired by conscious rectitude. He was
not insensible to the value of character, nor backward to
vindicate himself when attacked; but, standing upon the
solid ground of truth and honesty, he was able, with a vir-
tuous indignation, to defy and confute, if not to silence, his
calumniators. The frequency with which he had to meet.
these attacks, constrained him sometimes to break through
the dignified silence which he usually prescribed to himself,
and to trespass upon that diffidence which he thought best
befitting persons encompassed with infirmities. He avows,
that he is not more exempt from human frailties than other
men, and is willing to look back upon the best actions of his
life with the temper of a penitent. Yet, when he goes so far
to stop the mouth of censure, he rejects with indignation the
charge of offences that he was conscious had no foundation,
but in malice. He distinctly asserts that he was not a man
of vice, and challenges all the world to prove the contrary;
yet he was so far from boasting of his exemption from com-
mon vices, that he ascribes it solely to the restraining power
of divine grace. He thought that little satisfaction was to
be derived from negative duties, unless accompanied by
active exertions in Christian duty. For the correctness of
De Foe's private conduct, we need seek no further evidence
than his own manly avowal in the face of his enemies. No
man can write in stronger language against the vices of the
times; yet none would have had the hardihood to do so, if
he could be confronted with the vices he condemns. He
therefore sets malice at defiance, and reposes in the conscious-
ness of acting well. "He that cannot live above the scorn
of scoundrels," says he, "is not fit to live: dogs will bark;
DE FOE'S MORAL CHARACTER.
615
and so they shall, without lessening one moment of my tran-
quillity."* Anticipating the tongue of slander, he says,
PRIVATE HABITS.
"Malice shall write thy character in vain,
Thou know'st more faults than thy describers can ;
But let the man that pens thy history
Correct his own, and first repent like thee.Ӡ
Although a frequenter of the coffee-houses, then the com-
mon resort of literary men, it did not intrench upon his habits
of temperance. Drunkards he denounces, as "Philosophers
in wickedness, who can extract pleasure to themselves in
losing their understandings, and making themselves sick at
heart for their diversion.” That he was no swearer, we
may justly argue from his constant ridicule of that "Frenzy
of the tongue, in which there is neither pleasure nor profit."§
He was a great admirer of the fair sex, in the station assigned
them by providence and the laws of society, and therefore
had a high opinion of marriage, when suitably contracted,
and founded upon mutual affection; but he despised the
alienation of "God's best gift to man," for vicious purposes,
as a thing not worth the repentance. Rising above the nar-
row prejudices of his age, he was desirous of seeing greater
attention bestowed upon the education of females, that they
might become the companions of our leisure, as well as the
directors of our households. No man had a greater relish
for the pleasures of society, when restrained within the rules
of decorum; but he had a great contempt for that "low-
prized wit," which was shot off at the expense of decency
and morals. With his companionable habits, united to a
lively imagination, a good understanding, and a general
knowledge, it is easy to conceive that he must have commu-
nicated as much pleasure as he derived from society; and
we may be assured, that the man who attended the levees
Review, vi. 342.
+ More Reformation.
Essay upon Projects, p. 240.
Poor Man's Plea.
616
of Godolphin and Harley, and could ingratiate himself with
King William and Queen Anne, must have possessed gentle-
manly manners. To the natural goodness of his temper, we
have the testimony of his contemporary, Dunton, who knew
him personally; and his writings sufficiently attest its peace-
ableness. Although frequently engaged in controversy, and
treated with the utmost bitterness by his opponents, he rarely
departs from gentleness of language, and studiously avoids
the mixing up of personal animosities in general arguments;
yet, when aroused by repeated injuries, he could exhibit the
manliness and vigour of an upright and independent mind.
Of his personal courage, no one can doubt who looks into
his "Reviews." For his freedoms, in attacking the vices of
the age, he was often threatened with violence, but always
treated such threats with ridicule. Against the absurd prac-
tice of duelling, in which the injured party puts himself upon
a level with the party who commits the injury, he declares
himself in forcible terms: yet it appears that he was once
concerned in "an affair of honour," for which he expresses
his penitence. (s)
With regard to his petty habits, but little can now be told.
His religious scruples led him to discourage the theatre, the
ball-room, and the card-table, from an apprehension that
they are injurious to morals, of which he had witnessed some
sad examples. In this opinion he concurred with many
eminent persons, as well of the laity as of the clergy, who
signified their approbation of his writings upon those sub-
jects. (T) There was nothing of effeminacy in De Foe's consti-
PRIVATE HABITS.
(s) "I am not only an enemy to duelling, as it is a sin against God, and
therefore never speak of it but to declare my own penitence upon that subject;
yet I think the staking of life, upon the occasion of an affront, is the most
unequal thing in the world."-Review, vii. 451.
(T) Amongst his correspondents, was William Melmoth, Esq., a worthy
barrister, and author of "The Great Importance of a Religious Life." Being
in pursuit of the same object as De Foe, he sought the assistance of his
literary friends, and, says the writer of his life, wrote a letter to the
*C
VIEW OF DE FOE'S CHARACTER.
617
tution. He was a friend to manly sports and athletic exercises,
as not only conducive to health, but calculated to support the
reputation of the British character. From the manner in
which he speaks of snuff-takers, it may be inferred that he
was not one himself. To smoking, he seems to have had
an equal aversion, as an inlet to intemperance. "Every body
that smokes," says he, "secretly intimates that it is no virtue
at least, by the excuses he makes for it. Truly, we are apt
to believe, most that use it have some weakness; the young
in their judgments, the old in their natures; but those more
particularly who take it for diversion. Some use it this hot
weather, because, as they say, it cools them. They can't
endure the sight of a chimney in a coffee-house, yet they
will have both fire and smoke at their mouths, and this to
cool them! If they think so, let them enjoy the notion;
though we take the reason to be, that the pipe disposes them
to be quiet. Now, we believe, were they to sit as still without
a pipe, they would cool as soon. We conceive it is conducive
to intemperate drinking, yet not inconsistent with sobriety;
famous author of a miscellaneous and instructive Review, part of which is
as follows:
Sir. The regard you have shewn to the request I have lately made you,
to pursue your design of exposing the stage, obliges me to repeat my thanks
to you, which I assure you I do with great sincerity, being always pleased,
I must own, whenever I see the play-houses attacked; for I am persuaded
they greatly contribute to corrupt the present age. I have taken the freedom
to send you Mr. Bedford's new book, by which you will see that my charge
is not ill-grounded, when I told you how little respect had been shown to
her majesty's order. I am the more induced to trouble you with this book,
as thinking it may be of some use to you in the design in which you are
engaged. I have likewise sent you the opinion of Archbishop Tillotson
touching plays, which has lately been printed and dispersed in great num-
bers, and which, if it were still made more public, as it might be, if printed in
one of your Reviews, would prove, I hope, of some use. His opinion,
perhaps, may have some weight with those who are proof against other
arguments; at least one would think it should make them consider a little
what they are doing, when they give countenance to a set of men who seem
to bid defiance to all that is serious, &c. &c." Memoirs of a late eminent
Advocate, pp. 54, 55.
618
but, sure, the leaning towards a sin, is enough to make a
man of sense avoid it, unless he can restrain himself from
intemperance. De Foe was but an indifferent friend to
the doctor, thinking that unassisted nature, with temperance,
would, in most cases, effect a cure; he therefore advises
people to let their friends die a natural death. He expresses
his thankfulness, that he had so little occasion to resort to
medicine; from whence it might be inferred that he enjoyed
a tolerable share of health: but we have seen, that it was
often interrupted by illness. He appears to have possessed
a robust and vigorous constitution, with a good flow of
spirits; and they were not impaired by intemperance.
The political opinions of De Foe are to be sought for in
his own writings, rather than in those of his enemies; and
they will be perceived to be as sound as they are useful, as
liberal as they are just. Inspired by a love of liberty, he
embarked early in the factions of the times, and enlisting him-
self in the school of patriots, headed by Russell and Sidney,
he adhered through life to those principles of government,
which they contended for at so costly a price. Until the
change in the ministry, towards the end of the reign of Queen
Anne, he was commonly identified with the Whigs, because
he advocated their political doctrines; but it does not appear
that he ever derived from them any solid marks of favour.
He seems to have possessed too much of a public spirit for
the climate of party. He therefore never entered into the
private views of the Whigs, nor lent himself to their schemes
for personal aggrandizement. Before he lost their good word,
he had said, "I have never loved parties, but with my
utmost zeal have sincerely espoused the great original interest
of this nation, and of all nations; I mean truth and liberty :
and whoever are of that party, I desire to be with them."+
His obligations to Harley, naturally linked him to that
minister, and so far fettered him, as to impose silence upon
* Little Review, p. 70.
+ Hist. of the Union, p. 123.
HIS POLITICAL PRINCIPLES.
>>%
HIS POLITICAL PRINCIPLES.
619
some measures that he could not approve. But he owed
nothing to the Whigs, and was so far free to follow his
patron, whose opinions upon all essential points corresponded
with his own. De Foe, however, was not the man to sacrifice
his independence to any minister. Whoever employed him, he
made a reserve of his liberty to write upon any subject his
judgment dictated; and we have seen, that he delivered his
sentiments freely upon various measures that emanated from
the government of his patron. But this, the Whigs either
had not the sense to see, or the honesty to acknowledge. In
their vituperations of Harley, they were equally unsparing
of De Foe; making him responsible for opinions that he
never maintained, and for books that he did not write. With
little regard to truth, and less charity, they accused him
of political delinquencies which they could never establish;
whilst, in giving vent to their malice, they lost sight of their
own factiousness. He who serves his country faithfully,
must expect reproach; which he will be sure to get from the
violent and the venal of all parties. Thus it was with De
Foe. The Whigs hated him for his supposed alliance with
the Tories: the latter, for his real attachment to the princi-
ples of the Whigs. In fact, no man was further removed
from Toryism than De Foe, nor wrote more strenuously
against it; yet it was his fate to be misunderstood by the
party he served, and that with more honesty than those who
were loudest in their clamours against him. If upon some occa-
sions he condemned the conduct of the Whigs, as proceeding
from a spirit of faction; and differed from them upon others that
involved questions of national or commercial policy, posterity
will give him praise for the greater patriotism and the sounder
judgment: he never swerved, like them, from the principles
of liberty, nor lost sight of those distinguishing features that
first gave them reputation as a party. Amidst the versatility
of the times, few men were less open to the charge of political
apostacy than De Foe; yet no man suffered more unmerited
620
11IS POLITICAL PRINCIPLES.
obloquy upon that account. His attachment to Harley,
founded upon a sentiment of honour, and strengthened by the
persecution of the Whigs, was attended by no compromise of
principle, although it led him, perhaps, into some compliances.
with the times, which his better judgment disapproved; but
Harley's friendship was a crime which they could never forgive.
The fall of that minister, therefore, was the signal of his own
ruin; for the Whigs, ascending to power, made him respon-
sible for offences that were his greatest abhorrence. Of his
overtures to them for a reconciliation; of their unforgiving
disposition; and of the manner in which he reconciled him-
self to his lot, he gives the following pathetic narrative:—
"I have lived to see men of the best light mistaken, as
well in party as in principles, as well in politics as in religion;
and find not only an occasion, but even a necessity to change
hands or sides in both. I have seen them sometimes run
into contrary extremes, beyond their first intention, and even
without design; driven into lengths they never intended, by
the fiery resentment of those whom they seemed to have left,
and whom they differed from. I have lived to see those men
acknowledge, even publicly, they were mistaken, and express
their regret for being misled very sincerely; but I cannot
say, I have lived to see the people they have desired to return
to, forgive or receive them. Perhaps, the age I have lived in,
has not been a proper season for charity. I hope futurity
will be furnished with better christians; or perhaps 'tis
appointed so to illustrate the divine mercy, and let mankind
see, that they are the only creatures that never forgive. I
have seen a man in the case I speak of, offer the most sincere
acknowledgments of his having been mistaken, and this not
in matters essential either to morals or christianity, but only
in matters of party, and with the most moving expressions,
desire his old friends to forgive what has passed; and have
seen their return by mocking him with what they called a
baseness of spirit, and a mean submission. I have seen him
621
expostulate with them why they should not act upon the
same terms with a penitent, as God himself not only pre-
scribed, but yields to; and have seen them in return tell him,
God might forgive him if he pleased, but they would never;
and then expose these offers to the first comer, in banter and
ridicule. But take me right too; I have seen at the same
time, that to wiser men it has been always thought to be an
exposing themselves, and an honour to the person.
I speak
this too feelingly, and therefore say no more. There is a
way, by patience, to conquer even the universal contempt
of mankind; and it is in my experience the only method.
There is a secret peace in it; and in time, the rage of men
will abate. A constant steady adhering to virtue and honesty,
and shewing the world, that whatever mistakes he might be
led into, supposing them to be mistakes, that yet the main
intention and design of his life was sincere and upright; he
that governs the actions of men by an unbiassed hand, will
never suffer such a man to sink under the weight of universal
prejudice and clamour. I, Robinson Crusoe, grown old in
affliction, borne down by calumny and reproach, but sup-
ported from within, boldly prescribe this remedy against
universal clamours and contempt of mankind. Patience, a
steady life of virtue and sobriety, and a comforting depen-
dence on the justice of Providence, will, first or last, restore
the patient to the opinion of his friends; and, in the mean
time, will support him comfortably in despising those who
want manners and charity, and leave them to be cursed from
heaven with their own passions and rage."* In another
work, he says,
"It has been my honour to be heard and
valued by the best king that ever reigned over you; and I
can, with a boasting not contrary to modesty, write it on my
grave, as the true character of my life,-
PATIENCE UNDER SUFFERING.
CC
By wise men courted, and by fools despised. "t
*Serious Reflections, pp. 258, 259.
+ Review, vi. 341.
622
De Foe's religious opinions were conformable to the current
standard of orthodoxy among Protestants. He appears to
have been well acquainted with the theological controversies.
of his day, and evinces considerable skill as a disputant; but,
when speaking of his attainments, he always expressed him-
self with modesty. He tells us, "He was satisfied with a
competent knowledge of so much of religion as appertained
to duty, without pretending to an extraordinary nicety in
polemics."*
Living at a period when disputes were con-
ducted with much intemperance, he protests earnestly against.
such a mode of warfare. "Heat and passion," says he, " prove
nothing, but drive men into unwarrantable and ridiculous
extremes. Could our religious differences be pursued with a
Christian temper, argued calmly, managed with charity, and
no more zeal than is according to knowledge, there would be
no occasion for such unnatural strife of parties and interrup-
tions of the nation's peace, as we find amongst us." It is
not to be expected that a man of De Foe's temperament
would be without his prejudices; indeed, who amongst the
sons of men can be said to be free from them? If his zeal
occasionally betrayed him into intemperate expressions, and
led him to draw conclusions unfavourable to the character of
those who differed from him, they are blemishes which occur
but seldom in his writings. In the ecclesiastical disputes of
the times, he took part with the Dissenters. This was no
small disadvantage to him in a financial view, as it incapaci-
tated him for those employments in the state, to which his
talents and his connexions might lead him to aspire. But he
gloried in the profession of Non-conformity, and was one of
the ablest advocates of which the Dissenters could boast.
His treatment by them was not of the most generous kind;
for, if they had but little to give in the shape of honour or
promotion, yet they were a wealthy body; and as he suf-
* Review, i. Supp. ii. p. 5. + Ibid. Supp. iii. p. 14.
HIS RELIGIOUS CHARACTER.
623
ferred in their cause, he had a right to look to them for some
assistance in his troubles, and for more comfort and encou-
ragement than he appears to have received. But their con-
cerns were always badly managed, owing to the want of a
federative union, which would have kept their party unmixed,
and have given them greater consideration with the state.
Upon this subject, De Foe expostulates with the Dissenters,
and has many judicious hints for the better regulation of their
interest. Oldmixon, who delights in misrepresentation, repeat-
edly calls him an Independent and a Republican; but he was
as far from the one as from the other: in his religion he was
a Presbyterian, and in his politics, a friend to the British Con-
stitution, as settled at the Revolution. Of his personal piety,
no one can doubt who has perused his writings. The cast of
it was similar to that of the Puritans, but free from moroseness,
and chastened by a free conversation with men and things.
That he was man of prayer, and made a conscience of religious
duties, are no less evident; and there can be no doubt, that
he carried into his own family those admirable lessons which
he laid down for the instruction of others. From the tenour
of his writings, it may be easily seen, that religion was upper-
most in his mind, that he reaped its consolations, and lived
under an habitual sense of its practical importance. The
earnestness with which he enforces it upon his readers, leaves
no doubt of his sincerity; whilst his languages intimates, that
it had taken full possession of his heart. Of his benevolence
in private life, the following instance, communicated by a late
respected friend, is one doubtless out of many others, which,
if known, would illustrate and exalt his character. Mr.
Isaac James, in a letter to the author, says, "I have a manu-
script account of one Thomas Webb, of Devizes, who after-
wards removed to London. After lamenting the death of his
wife, in 1724, he says, ' And poor distressed I left alone, and
no one to go and speak to, save only Mr. Deffoe, who hath
acted a noble and generous part towards me and my poor
HIS
BENEVOLENCE ILLUSTRATED.
624 VIEW OF HIS CHARACTER AS A WRITER.
children. The Lord reward him and his with the blessings
of upper and nether spring, with the blessings of his basket
and store, &c."
We must now consider De Foe's pretensions as a writer,
and the bare catalogue of his works will be sufficient to show,
that, like the elder Scipio, "he was never more employed than
when at leisure, nor less solitary than when alone." That
he possessed talents of no ordinary cast, is a sentiment now
so fully established, as to triumph over every contemporary
effort to destroy his fame. "Though his abilities, in certain
respects, were generally acknowledged, full justice was far
from being done to his reputation, either during his life, or
for a considerable time after his decease. By some persons
he has been spoken of with contempt, and others have re-
garded him as a ready miscellaneous writer; but the world
is at last become sensible of his great and various talents."*
De Foe affords one out of many examples, that literary
merit, however oppressed for a time by the influence of party,
is sure, at length, to find its proper place in the estimation
of mankind. He has now outlived his century, when, as
Mr. Chalmers observes, "he must be acknowledged as one
of the ablest, as he was one of the most captivating, writers,
of which this island can boast."+
For the qualities that constitute the basis of his fame, De
Foe was more indebted to nature, than to any acquired en-
dowments. Being shut out from the universities by barbarous
statutes, his education was defective, and his learning rather
various than profound. He appears, however, to have had a
respectable acquaintance with the ancient and modern lan-
guages, was well read in history, and had improved himself
by an extensive acquaintance with the world. Few men
were better versed in the controversies of his time, whether
political or ecclesiastical; or possessed more adroitness in the
Biog. Brit.
+ Life of De Foe, p. 65.
1
62
management of an argument. To extraordinary energy of
mind, he united the most perfect self-possession; being as
provoking by his coolness, as his pertinacity was galling.
He possessed a large share of that dry, caustic wit, which
gave a peculiar force to his language, and told more signi-
ficantly than whole pages of sentiment. Perfect master of
his own resources, he adapts himself to the humour of his
opponents. When they argue fairly, he reasons with acute-
ness, vigour, and judgment; but when they lose their temper,
he laughs at their weakness, and answers their railings by
sarcasm. Unfettered by the opinions of other writers, and
unawed by the authority of custom and precedent, he never
fails to avow his convictions; justly considering that true
wisdom consists in the right adaptation of means to existing
circumstances, and that novelty should be no bar to improve-
ment. In canvassing the most important subjects of human
inquiry, he had to contend with strong prejudices, fortified
by imposing sanctions, and defended with bitterness. To
encounter them required skill, knowledge, and perseverance;
and these De Foe possessed in an eminent degree. It will
be found, upon a candid examination, that his sentiments.
upon most subjects are distinguished by good sense, and a
profound acquaintance with human nature; and that his
writings, generally, have for their object the diffusion of
knowledge and happiness, and the advancement of the best
interests of mankind.
De Foe paid but little attention to the graces of compo-
sition. He wrote too fast to study correctness, and seems to
have read more for the purpose of storing his mind with
ideas, than to express them tastefully. His style is often
negligent, and sometimes coarse and verbose. Yet there are
many fine passages in his writings, distinguished alike for
vigour of thought, smoothness of language, and even ele-
gance of expression; but his usual characteristics are plain-
ness and simplicity. He writes with ease, and generally
2 s
VOL. III.
VIEW OF HIS CHARACTER AS A WRITER.
626
VIEW OF HIS CHARACTER AS A WRITER.
expresses himself with force and perspicuity; and whilst he
pleases by his familiarity, he is often so impressive as to
awaken the deepest attention, and to produce impressions
that are never effaced. Many of his works appear to have
been composed upon the spur of the moment, and the mate-
rials gathered from the inexhaustible stores of a retentive
memory. Having read and thought much upon almost every
subject, he was never at a loss for ideas; and so accurate
was his recollection, that he often quotes at a distance from
his books, with all the freshness of a recent impression. But
De Foe was a perfectly original writer. He gathered his
knowledge from men as well as from books; and the use
that he made of it, discovers equal penetration and judg-
ment. He was not only a keen observer of passing events,
but dives into the recesses of the human heart. Whilst the
surface of nature furnished him with pictures for delineation,
its study enabled him to develope the secret springs that set
it in motion. With a lively imagination, and powers of in-
vention that have been rarely equalled, he brings up new
worlds of ideas to the mind, that insensibly rivet the atten-
tion, and engage the best affections of the heart. Such was
the acuteness of his perceptions, that he readily seizes upon
every circumstance that constitutes an item in the great drama
of life, and renders it available by his genius, either for
amusement or instruction. Having studied nature in her
own school, he acquired a knowledge of her capabilities;
whilst he drew upon the resources of his own mind for those
lessons of prudence which were suggested by her wants, or
dictated by her teachings. In estimating the claims of De
Foe to literary merit, it would be unjust to measure him by
the standard of a more advanced period. Addison and Swift,
to whom he was inferior in the graces of style, and even
Johnson himself, with all his vigour and discernment, would
be unable to bear such a test. "To judge rightly of an
author," observes the last great writer, "we must transport
627
ourselves to his time, and examine what were the wants of
his contemporaries, and what were his means of supplying
them. That which is easy at one time, was difficult at
another."*
If De Foe was inferior to some of his contem-
poraries, it is sufficient that he did better than many with
superior advantages; and this is his legitimate praise.
In the number and variety of his works, De Foe stands
unrivalled by any writer in the English language; his proto-
type, William Prynne, perhaps, only excepted. Such was
the versatility of his talents, that he wrote upon almost every
subject within the range of human speculation. Whether it
were politics or morals, trade or religion, history or fiction,
he seems to be equally at home, and to wield his pen with a
power and facility, that point him out as no ordinary man.
Even the worst of his pieces, in spite of their uninviting style
or forbidding subject, display marks of talent and genius that
distinguish him from the herd of common-place writers. The
number of his works, when we consider his other numerous
engagements, evinces extraordinary rapidity of composition.
As an illustration of his readiness, we are told, that he wrote
two twelve-penny pamphlets in one day; and those produc-
tions had not then attained the ample margin and loose print-
ing of modern times. That he sometimes wrote for present
support, may be as true of him as of Steele and others, and
entails no discredit in either case; but it appears, that most
of his writings were directed to some topie of public interest,
in which he evinced greater zeal for the national welfare than
for his own private advantage. The charge of his being a
mercenary writer, therefore, is as unfounded as it was mali-
cious; and being circulated for party purposes, can no longer
deceive. He had a great dislike to personal altercations, and
thought the public ill-used when concerned in such debates.
Although few men gave stronger evidence of moderation, yet
VIEW OF HIS CHARACTER AS A WRITER.
* Johnson's Life of Dryden. + Biog. Brit.
2s2
628
even this was turned to his disadvantage; for such was the
violence of the times, that no man was safe in his reputation,
who had not the prevailing appetite for extremes.
Perhaps few writers obtained distinction in so many walks.
of literature, and still fewer who deserved it so well. In one
department only can he be said to have failed. It will now
be scarcely believed that De Foe took his station with the
poets of his day; yet there were many who read and admired
his verses. This might be partly owing to the excitement of
the times, and the temporary nature of his subjects. The
readers of poesy, however, will find little to gratify them in
De Foe, beyond propriety of sentiment, keenness of satire,
and benevolence of design; and these, probably, compensated
with the vulgar for a want of harmony.
“Considered as a
poet," says Cibber, "Daniel De Foe is not so eminent as in
a political light. He has taken no pains in versification; his
ideas are masculine, his expressions coarse, and his numbers
generally rough. He seems rather to have studied to speak
truth, by probing wounds to the bottom, than, by embellish-
ing his versification, to give a more elegant keenness. This,
however, seems to have proceeded more from carelessness in
that particular, than want of ability. Poetry was far from
being the talent of De Foe. He wrote with more perspicuity
and strength in prose; and he seems to have understood as
well as any man the civil constitution of the kingdom, which
indeed was his chief study."* With the exception of the
"True-Born Englishman," in which are some tasteful and
even elegant lines, his poetry would scarcely rescue his name
from oblivion. The peculiar circumstances under which this
poem was written, its political allusions, and its caustic satire,
rendered it a favourite with the public long after the occasion
that produced it, and raised a durable memorial to the author.
From his perseverance in composing verses, it may be inferred
HIS PRETENSIONS AS A POET.
* Cibber's Lives of the Poets, vol. iv.
629
that he was enamoured with the occupation, and thought
better of them than has fallen to the judgment of posterity.
That he had a relish for poetry, although his ear was not
formed for music, may be conjectured from his criticisms upon
the poets of his time, of whom he had but a mean opinion;
and his judgment was probably correct. From Dryden to
Pope, there was a dearth of English poets. De Foe accounts
for it by" the drums and trumpets of war, together with the
more terrible clamours of the street mobs, and all the et
ceteras of parties; and I am told," says he, " they can never
make any music since."
AS A POLITICAL WRITER.
As a political writer, De Foe takes a much higher rank.
Possessed of an acute intellect, great keenness of wit, exem-
plary perseverance, and a coolness not to be provoked, nature
had qualified him in a high degree for a disputant.
To an accurate acquaintance with the history of mankind
generally, and of the British constitution in particular, he
united sound opinions upon government; and the rational
exercise of his powers, enabled him to detect the sophisms
invented by cunning or mistaken men, to enslave the world
and encircle it with ignorance. In discussing a subject of
such high importance, he brings learning and eloquence,
reasons profoundly, and batters down the props of his oppo-
nents with seriousness or ridicule, as best suited the occasion.
To strength and perspicuity of argument, and skill in its
arrangement, he unites candour and fairness, and lets his
adversary know that he is not to be driven from his point by
sophistry on the one hand, nor by railing on the other.
Relying solely upon argument for a rational conviction, he
strips it of its disguises, and recommends liberty to the
world as a sacred deposit, worthy of a divine original, and
rising superior to the pretences to power. "He that won't
fight for it is a fool; he that denies it to others must be a
*
System of Magick, p. 342.
630
knave." The effects of tyranny, as they had passed under
his own review, had given him a just abhorrence of a lawless.
government; he therefore rejoiced in the revolution-settle-
ment, and was a passionate admirer of its hero. De Foe's
labours in the cause of liberty have never been sufficiently ap-
preciated. Amongst the political writers who then abounded,
no one contributed more largely, nor more effectually, to the
overthrow of those absurd tenets which were cherished under
the Stuarts, and pertinaciously adhered to by the statesmen
and priests of his day. It is to his credit, that he employed
his great talents in forcing the strong holds of despotism and
priestcraft, and in assisting to relieve his countrymen from
their oppressive influence. Although now little known as a
political writer, many of his tracts are still worthy of atten-
tion, as abounding in useful information, and replete with
solid arguments in defence of civil and religious liberty. It
has been justly observed, "The nature of the topics handled
in them, has condemned the greater part of them to neglect
and oblivion; but he that would write, or even study, with
accuracy, the history of that period of fermentation, alarm,
and suspicion, in the public mind of England, cannot hope
for success in his researches, unless he has patience to go
over the fugitive pieces of Daniel De Foe. In many of them
he will find more amusement than their subjects might lead
him to expect-in all of them he will at least find traces of a
genuine and masculine English intellect, and a power of lan-
guage which he will seek for in vain among the far greater
mass of miscellaneous politics, either of that or of any other
period of our history."*
De Foe treated largely upon trade, both in his Reviews,
and in some separate publications; and the manner in which
he handled it, shews deep and uncommon penetration, know-
ledge as various as extensive, and a judgment at once dis-
AS A COMMERCIAL WRITER.
* Pref. to Cadell's ed. of Rob. Crusoe, xviii.
631
cerning and profound. Intimately acquainted with the power
and resources of his own country, he was desirous of seeing
them rendered still more available, by beating out new paths
to enterprise and wealth. No man understood better the
principles of commerce, its relative bearings, and its practical
details s; no man argued upon the subject more wisely, or
possessed greater skill in detecting the errors and combating
the prejudices with which it was surrounded. It is to the
credit of De Foe, that he argued the principles of free trade,
and contended against monopolies, at a time when the cur-
rent of opinion was set strong the other way. His acquaint-
ance with foreign countries, their produce, their manners,
and their government, gave him great advantage in discussing
the subject, and shows no less the extent of his reading, than
his good sense in its application. Mr. Chalmers has treated
this part of De Foe's character with great knowledge and
judgment. “As a commercial writer," says he, “ De Foe is
fairly entitled to stand in the foremost rank among his con-
temporaries, whatever may be their performances or their
fame. Little would be his praise, to say of him, that he
wrote on commercial legislation like Addison, who, when he
touches on trade, sinks into imbecility, without knowledge
of fact, or power of argument. The distinguishing charac-
teristics of De Foe, as a commercial disquisitor, are originality
and depth. He has many sentiments with regard to traffic,
which are scattered through his Reviews, and which I never
read in any other book. His Giving Alms no Charity is a
capital performance, with the exception of one or two thoughts
about the abridgment of labour by machinery, which are
either half formed, or half expressed. Were we to compare
De Foe with Davenant, it would be found that Davenant has
more detail from official documents; that De Foe has more
fact from wider inquiry. Davenant is more apt to consider
laws in their particular application; De Foe more frequently
investigates commercial legislation in its general effects.
AS
A COMMERCIAL WRITER.
632
From the publications of Davenant, it is sufficiently clear,
that he was not very regardful of means, or attentive to con-
sequences; De Foe is more correct in his motives, and more
salutary in his ends. But, as a commercial prophet, De Foe
must yield the palm to Child; who, foreseeing from expe-
rience that men's conduct must be finally directed by their
principles, foretold the colonial revolt. De Foe, allowing his
prejudices to obscure his sagacity, reprobated that suggestion,
because he deemed interest a more strenuous prompter than
enthusiasm. Were we, however, to form an opinion, not
from special passages, but from whole performances, we must
incline to De Foe, when compared with the ablest contem-
porary: we must allow him preference, on recollection, that
when he writes on commerce, he seldom fails to insinuate
some axiom of morals, or to inculcate some precept of re-
ligion."* Notwithstanding later treatises upon the subject.
of commerce, De Foe's speculations may still be perused
with advantage.
AS AN HISTORIAN.
Of his talent for executing the lighter narrative, De Foe
exhibits favourable specimens in the History of the Plague,
and the Memoirs of a Cavalier. But his qualifications for a
grave historian, were fully exemplified in his History of the
Union; which displays a keen, penetrating, and energetic
mind, turned to investigation, and capable of discriminating
the niceties of a great political question. It is minute, even
to excess; but this, so far from being a fault, is a guarantee
for its fidelity. The reader will find many important remarks
interspersed through the work, as well as much historical
information, not only as connected with that great transac-
tion, but as relating to other parts of the affairs of Scotland.
It has been justly remarked, that "His history of the in-
trigues which preceded the completion of this long-desired
conjunction of the two crowns, must always be read with
*Life of De Foe, pp. 67-69.
633
the most lively interest."* In estimating De Foe's talents as
an historian, Mr. Chalmers observes, "It will be found that
our author had few equals in the English language, when he
wrote. His History of the Union evinces that he was equal
to the higher departments of historic composition. This is
an account of a single event, difficult indeed in its execution,
but beneficial certainly in its consequences. With extraor-
dinary skill and information, our author relates not only the
event, but the transactions which preceded, and the effects
which followed. He is at once learned and intelligent. Con-
sidering the factiousness of the age, his candour is admirable,
his moderation is exemplary. If the language of his narra-
tive want the dignity of the great historians of the current
time, it has greater facility; if it be not always grammatical,
it is generally precise; and if it be thought defective in
strength, it must be allowed to excel in sweetness."+ His
History of the Church of Scotland, relating to a very inte-
resting period, is also a valuable work, as well for the cor-
rectness of its information, as for the judgment of its remarks.
It evinces research of no common order, and is written in a
style of felicity beyond what is usual in its author. His
fidelity is placed beyond the reach of suspicion; for, when he
does not write from personal observation, he is careful to refer
to his authorities. He tells his readers, that he always pre-
serves a just distinction between what he gathers from private
report, and from positive history.
Whoever will be at the pains to examine his writings,
must be satisfied that De Foe is intitled to take a high place
amongst our English moralists. Whether he discusses
politics or trade, history or manners, he converts it to the
noble purpose of informing the judgment, or of ameliorat-
ing the heart. Not only his Family Instructor, and his
Religious Courtship, which have for their specific object
AS A MORALIST.
*Pref. to Cadell's ed. of Rob. Crusoe, p. xxxviii.
† Life of De Foe, p. 69.
634
the awakening mankind to serious reflection; but his writings,
generally, abound in prudential maxims, enforcing some
sentiment of practical importance. Such was his anxiety for
reformation, that he never slips an opportunity of introducing
some hint or caution, or of suggesting some remark in the
way of admonition or satire, with a view to the correction of
vice, and the inculcation of moral principles. Yet, he never
goes out of his way for the purpose, but ingeniously contrives
the moral to form a requisite part of his discourse. All his
satires are written for the express purpose of exposing the
follies of the age, and of inviting mankind to the regulation
of their habits in conformity to the dictates of reason and
religion. His prose writings, amidst the frequent ruggedness
of their style, are rich in sentiment, and abound in senten-
tious passages, that convey the soundest ideas upon some of
the most important subjects of human inquiry. Whilst we
respect his talents and revere his genius, it is impossible not
to admire that purpose of instruction which is the end of all
his performances. Although politics first raised his fame,
and fiction has embalmed it with posterity, yet it should not
be forgotten, that he was one of the ablest moralists of his
age. If Johnson surpassed him in purity of diction, he only
equals him in energy of thought and propriety of sentiment.
As a writer of fiction, whether we consider the originality
of his genius, the simplicity of his design, or the utility of
his moral, De Foe is now universally acknowledged to stand
in the foremost ground. That his inventive powers were of
the first order, no one can doubt; nor that he possessed the
art above most other men, of infusing into his performances
all the genuine pathos of nature, without the least apparent
effort or exaggeration. Although he is now most known by
the first great effort of his genius, "Robinson Crusoe," yet
in many of his other works he carries his art to the highest
perfection. In these we discover the same unpretending
simplicity, a like utility of purpose, and an undeviating
AS A WRITER OF FICTION.
635
likeness to real life. However uninviting his subject, the
attention is insensibly chained down by the intense interest
it excites, and the reader is inspired with a reluctance to lay
down the story until the whole is finished. Much criticism
has been employed to decipher the charm that rivets the
faculties, and creates so much interest and delight. There
have been writers who bring to their aid greater purity of
language, and more attractive subjects for their discourse;
but how few of them can be read with the same absorbing
attention, and from which of them can be extracted so much
nutriment for reflection? Whilst in ordinary cases, a single
perusal is amply sufficient, and often more than can be con-
quered without weariness, we return to the pages of De Foe
with renewed delight, and read him to the close with an
appetite that refuses to be satiated. Whether the charm.
consist in the artificial structure of his story, in the minute-
ness and quick transition of incidents, or in that intense
persuasion of reality which every where exists, or in a combi-
nation of these together, the effect is no less certain than
it is striking; and however it may be explained, presents a
rare occurrence in the history of literature. As De Foe
wrote for the common people, who form the most numerous
class of readers, he selected his subjects in accommodation
to their habits and ideas; and his language is the fittest in
the world to recommend them to their attention. Let the
same stories be told in the classical style of our purest
writers, and they would at once lose their impressive attrac-
tion; the charm would be broken, and they would bear about
the same comparison with the great original, as Patrick's
"Parable of the Pilgrim," by the side of the "Pilgrims'
Progress." It is the homely matter-of-fact style of De Foe,
wholly free from artificial ornament and unincumbered by
any aim at effect, that obtains credit with the reader. He is
conscious of no disguise, nor is there any in fact; for the
matters detailed bear all the marks of authenticity, and are
AS A WRITER OF FICTION.
636
ESTIMATE OF HIS SECONDARY NOVELS, BY LAMB.
related exactly as they would have occurred, had they
actually taken place. It has been justly observed, by a
distinguished living writer, that "It is the last style which
should be attempted by a writer of inferior genius; for
though it be possible to disguise mediocrity by fine writing,
it appears in all its native inanity when it assumes the garb
of simplicity."*
It may call for some surprise that De Foe should be so
little known as a novelist, beyond the range of "Robinson
Crusoe." To recal the attention of the public to his other
fictions, the present writer is happy to enrich his work with
some original remarks upon his secondary novels, by his
early friend Charles Lamb, whose competency to form an
accurate judgment upon the subject, no one will doubt who
is acquainted with his genius.
"It has happened not seldom that one work of some
author has so transcendantly surpassed in execution the
rest of his compositions, that the world has agreed to pass a
sentence of dismissal upon the latter, and to consign them
to total neglect and oblivion. It has done wisely in this, not
to suffer the contemplation of excellencies of a lower standard
to abate, or stand in the way of the pleasure it has agreed to
receive from the master-piece.
"Again it has happened, that from no inferior merit of
execution in the rest, but from superior good fortune in the
choice of its subject, some single work shall have been
suffered to eclipse, and cast into shade the deserts of its
less fortunate brethren. This has been done with more or
less injustice in the case of the popular allegory of Bunyan,
in which the beautiful and scriptural image of a pilgrim or
wayfarer (we are all such upon earth), addressing itself
intelligibly and feelingly to the bosoms of all, has silenced,
and made almost to be forgotten, the more awful and scarcely
* Sir W. Scott's Miscellaneous Works, iv. 302.
5
ESTIMATE OF HIS SECONDARY NOVELS, BY LAMB.
637
less tender beauties of the "Holy War made by Shaddai
upon Diabolus," of the same author; a romance less happy
in its subject, but surely well worthy of a secondary immor-
tality. But in no instance has this excluding partiality
been exerted with more unfairness than against what may
be termed the secondary novels or romances of De Foe.
"While all ages and descriptions of people hang delighted
over the Adventures of Robinson Crusoe,' and shall con-
tinue to do so we trust while the world lasts, how few com-
paratively will bear to be told, that there exist other fictitious
narratives by the same writer-four of them at least of no
inferior interest, except what results from a less felicitous
choice of situation. Roxana-Singleton-Moll Flanders--
Colonel Jack-are all genuine offspring of the same father.
They bear the veritable impress of De Foe. An unpractised
midwife that would not swear to the nose, lip, forehead, and
eye, of every one of them! They are in their way as full of
incident, and some of them every bit as romantic; only
they want the uninhabited Island, and the charm that has
bewitched the world, of the striking solitary situation.
"But are there no solitudes out of the cave and the
desert? or cannot the heart in the midst of crowds feel
frightfully alone? Singleton, on the world of waters,
prowling about with pirates less merciful than the creatures
of any howling wilderness; is he not alone, with the faces
of men about him, but without a guide that can conduct
him through the mists of educational and habitual ignorance;
or a fellow-heart that can interpret to him the new-born
yearnings and aspirations of unpractised penitence? Or
when the boy Colonel Jack, in the loneliness of the heart
(the worst solitude), goes to hide his ill-purchased treasure
in the hollow tree by night, and miraculously loses, and
miraculously finds it again—whom hath he there to sympa-
thise with him? or of what sort are his associates?
"The narrative manner of De Foe has a naturalness about
638
ESTIMATE OF HIS SECONDARY NOVELS, BY LAMB.
it, beyond that of any other novel or romance writer. His
fictions have all the air of true stories. It is impossible to
believe, while you are reading them, that a real person is not
narrating to you every where nothing but what really hap-
pened to himself. To this, the extreme homeliness of their
style mainly contributes. We use the word in its best and
heartiest sense-that which comes home to the reader. The
narrators everywhere are chosen from low life, or have had
their origin in it; therefore they tell their own tales, (Mr.
Coleridge has anticipated us in this remark,) as persons in
their degree are observed to do, with infinite repetition, and
an overacted exactness, lest the hearer should not have
minded, or have forgotten, some things that had been told
before. Hence the emphatic sentences marked in the good
old (but deserted) Italic type; and hence, too, the frequent
interposition of the reminding old colloquial parenthesis,
"I say"—" mind"—and the like, when the story-teller re-
peats what, to a practised reader, might appear to have been
sufficiently insisted upon before: which made an ingenious
critic observe, that his works, in this kind, were excellent
reading for the kitchen. And, in truth, the heroes and he-
roines of De Foe, can never again hope to be popular with a
much higher class of readers, than that of the servant-maid
or the sailor. Crusoe keeps its rank only by tough prescrip-
tion; Singleton, the pirate-Colonel Jack, the thief-Moll
Flanders, both thief and harlot-Roxana, harlot and some-
thing worse would be startling ingredients in the bill of fare
of modern literary delicacies. But, then, what pirates, what
thieves, and what harlots is the thief, the harlot, and the
pirate of De Foe? We would not hesitate to say, that in
no other book of fiction, where the lives of such characters
are described, is guilt and delinquency made less seductive,
or the suffering made more closely to follow the commission,
or the penitence more earnest or more bleeding, or the inter-
vening flashes of religious visitation, upon the rude and unin-
639
structed soul, more meltingly and fearfully painted. They,
in this, come near to the tenderness of Bunyan; while the
livelier pictures and incidents in them, as in Hogarth or in
Fielding, tend to diminish that "fastidiousness to the con-
cerns and pursuits of common life, which an unrestrained
passion for the ideal and the sentimental is in danger of pro-
ducing."
It has been intimated, that Richardson, who must have
been a diligent reader of De Foe, may have taken him for
his model. There is the more reason to suppose this, says
Dr. Towers, "because it may be observed, that the dramatic
form into which De Foe has thrown many parts of his works
of imagination, has been evidently imitated by Richardson in
his Pamela, Clarissa, and Sir Charles Grandison.”* Dr.
Kippis, taking up the same idea, observes, "Richardson
seems to have learned from him that mode of delineating cha-
racter and carrying on dialogues, and that minute discrimina-
tion of the circumstances of events, in which De Foe so
eminently excelled. If, in certain respects, the disciple rose
above his master, as he undoubtedly did, in others he was
inferior to him; for his conversations are sometimes more
tedious and diffuse; and his works, though beautiful in their
kind, are not by any means so various. Both of these writers
had a wonderful ability in drawing pictures of human nature
and human life. A careful perusal of the Family Instructor
and the Religious Courtship, would particularly tend to shew
the resemblance between De Foe and Richardson."+ But
whatever likeness may be traced between the two writers,
the diffuseness of Richardson will ever keep him in the back
ground; whilst the very homeliness of De Foe's language,
so perfectly adapted to his incidents as they respect persons,
time, and place, imparts to them a witchery, which, in spite
of all his defects, gives him an unrivalled claim to superiority.
* Biog. Brit. + Ibid.
COMPARISON WITH RICHARDSON.
640
Dr. Towers further observes, that "If Richardson is to be
traced to De Foe, we have sometimes thought, that the latter
was, with regard to simplicity of style, somewhat indebted to
Bunyan, an author whom he must have read in his youth,
and whose religious principles are obvious in the second
volume of Robinson Crusoe."* In justification of this remark,
be added, that examples of the likeness may be ad-
duced from Moll Flanders, as compared with Bunyan's
"Grace abounding to the chief of Sinners;" and it may be
also traced in some of the other writings of De Foe.
it
may
If the foregoing estimate of De Foe's talents has not been
overstated, he will deserve to be considered as one of the most
ingenious and enterprising writers of his age. But, if we
regard the utility of his performances, he is intitled to still
higher praise. He who aims to rescue mankind from the
thraldom of oppression, who lays open the sources, and en-
forces the true principles of knowledge, virtue and happiness,
has no mean pretensions to our regard; and if the successful
display of his talents be a just foundation for fame, but few
will be disposed to withhold it from our author. His works
have passed through more numerous editions than has fallen
to the lot of most writers; no mean test, surely, of their
merit. For, as Mr. Chalmers observes, "He whose works
have pleased generally and pleased long, must be deemed a
writer of no small estimation; the people's verdict being the
proper test of what they are the proper judges." Amidst the
taste for collecting uniform editions of popular English writers,
it is surprising that De Foe has not received such a distinction,
and it confers some reproach upon the British press. In
spite of the obloquy cast upon him by his contemporaries, the
time is now arrived, when he must be acknowledged as one of
the most useful, because one of the most instructive, writers
of his day. If he paid the tax of censure for his celebrity,
CONCLUDING REMARKS.
* Biog. Brit.
641
it was in a cause that will be approved by the wise and the
virtuous. The truth is seldom told in a man's life-time; per-
sonal enmities then too often interfere to obscure his virtues,
or exaggerate his failings. It is, as the Spectator observes,
"When writers have the least opportunity of knowing the
truth, they are in the best disposition to tell it."* It is,
therefore, the privilege of posterity to adjust the characters of
eminent men, and to arbitrate the disputes between them and
their opponents. How far the present writer has succeeded
in the case of De Foe, must be left to the judgment of the
reader.
HIS FAMILY AND DESCENDANTS.
:
Curiosity will be naturally awake to learn the fate of a
family that descended from so ingenious a writer. If this
cannot be gratified so fully as can be wished, the following
particulars may be worth preservation. De Foe was twice
married the name of his first wife was Mary; the last
Susannah; but their family names have not reached us.
In
1706, he appears to have had seven children. One of these,
Martha De Foe, died, a child, in the following year, at
Hackney, and was carried out of the parish for interment ;
perhaps in Bunhill Fields, the common receptacle for Dissen-
ters. In one of his Reviews for 1712, he refers to his six
children, then living; and they all appear to have survived
him. Their names, with such particulars as can be collected
concering them and their descendants, are as follows:
1. DANIEL, the eldest son, seems to have inherited a por-
tion of his father's zeal, and was, like him, a strenuous Dis-
senter. He appears to have married early in life, and to
have settled at Clerkenwell; but the nature of his pursuits
is not known. He had a son born to him in that parish, as
appears by the following entry in the register: "January 1,
1708-9, Daniel, son of Daniel De Foe." Several years.
* No. 101.
VOL. III.
<
+ Malcolm's London, iii. 218.
2 T
642
HIS FAMILY AND DESCENDANTS.
afterwards, we read of another Daniel, "an infant and nursed
child," who was buried at Hackney, June 14, 1724.* If this
was his son, the former died most likely in the intermediate
time; but perhaps he was the son of his brother. It is pro-
bable he had other children; but whether it is in his line
that the name is still preserved, the obscurity of the subject
involves great uncertainty. This Daniel is said to have emi-
grated to Carolina, and to have died at an advanced age,
either there, or in some other part of North America. If
this story of his emigration be correct, it must have taken
place between the years 1725 and 1730. In the former year,
his name appears, with that of his father, as a subscriber to
"Lillie's Collection of Papers, omitted in the Tatler and
Spectator." He is there called Daniel De Foe, jun. From
De Foe's letter to Mr. Baker, written but a few months be-
fore his death, it should seem that he had then but one son
in England; for he there speaks of his son in the singular
number. The same form of expression is adopted by Sophia
De Foe, when alluding to her brother, in her correspondence.
with Mr. Baker. The Mrs. De Foe, who died at Hackney,
in 1737, and was buried in Bunhill Fields, was no doubt the
wife of one of De Foe's sons; and, if Daniel had emigrated,
must have belonged to his brother.
2. BENJAMIN. This is the name given by Mr. Chalmers
to De Foe's second son, of whom, he says, nothing is known.
A writer in the "Gentlemen's Magazine" informs us, that
De Foe had a son who assumed the name of Norton, and fol-
lowed his father's profession as a writer. This Norton is.
introduced in the "Dunciad," accompanied by a piece of
scandal which Pope borrowed from Savage; (u) and, resting
P
*Lysons's Environs, ii. 502.
+ Vol. iv. Part ii. p. 953.
(u) In the Preface to his "Author to be Let;" in which he says, “Had
it not been an honester livelihood for Mr. Norton (Daniel De Foe's son of
love by a lady who vended oysters) to have dealt in a fish-market, than to
be dealing out the dialects of Billingsgate in the Flying Post?"
643
upon no better evidence, may be safely dismissed as a random
shot of the poet. The wanton manner in which he sported
with the reputation of his contemporaries, justified the senti-
ment of his friend Atterbury, when he described him as
possessing mens curva in corpore curvo.
The manner in
which he alludes to this son of De Foe, is as follows:
HIS FAMILY AND DESCENDANTS.
"Norton, from Daniel and Ostrœa sprung,
Blest with his father's front and mother's tongue."
،
Upon this passage, the annotator has the following remark :
"Norton De Foe, offspring of the famous Daniel, fortes
creantur fortibus. One of the authors of the Flying Post,'
in which well-bred work Mr. P. had some time the honour
to be abused with his betters; and of many hired scurrilities
and daily papers, to which he never set his name.' In the
first edition of the "Dunciad," Pope had said,
""
"She saw in Norton all his father shine;"
which the annotator describes as "A great mistake! For
Daniel De Foe had parts, but Norton De Foe was a wretched
writer, and never attempted poetry. Much more justly is
Daniel himself made successor to W. Prynne, both of whom
wrote verses as well as politics; and both had a resemblance
in their fates as well as their writings, having been alike sen-
tenced to the pillory." Upon Norton's abilities as a writer,
it may be difficult now to pass an opinion; but not so, that
he who shot so many arrows in sport at others, had no reason
to complain if some of them were returned upon himself.
The present writer has somewhere met with the name of
Bernard De Foe, as a writer of the same period; but having
mislaid his reference, is unable to say in what connexion.
He has a small work in his possession, called, "A Compleat
English Dictionary," said, in the title, to be "By B. N. De
Foe, Gent." and published in 1735. This B. N. De Foe, he
has no doubt, is Bernard Norton, and no other than De
Foe's second son, whom Mr. Chalmers calls Benjamin.
2T 2
644
Why he assumed the name of Norton, is now, perhaps, too
late to be told; but that no reliance is to be placed upon the
gossip of Savage, and the petulance of Pope, is a matter not
to be questioned. This Norton, as he chose to call himself,
succeeded Ridpath, who died in 1726, as editor of the
"Flying Post;" and was author of " Memoirs of the Princes
of the House of Orange," and of "The Life of Alderman
Barber."
HIS FAMILY AND DESCENDANTS.
3. MARIA, who seems to have been the eldest daughter of
De Foe, married a person of the name of Langley; but
neither of them has descended with any further particulars.
4. HANNAH, the next daughter, remained single. After
her father's death, she went to reside at Winborne-Minster,
in Dorsetshire, and became a member of the society of Pro-
testant Dissenters in that town. She was considered a sen-
sible woman, but of peculiar habits. As she lived upon her
own property, which afterwards passed to a nephew, it may
be concluded that De Foe's daughters succeeded in recover-
ing their estates out of the hands of their brother, and that
they were converted into money for the purpose of being
divided. From a document in the hands of Mr. Upcott, it
should seem that Hannah De Foe was possessed of property
in the books of the South Sea Company during her father's
life-time.(x) She died upon the 25th of April 1759, and was
interred in a vault in the north aisle of the church at Win-
borne.
5. HENRIETTA, the third daughter of De Foe, partook of
her sister's character for good sense and peculiarity of habits.
She became the wife of John Boston, of Much-Hadham in
Hertfordshire; a man of good family and estate at Boston, in
Lincolnshire. Being appointed supervisor of the Excise at
(x) The document runs thus: "Aug. 30, 1722. Mr. Lockyer. Pay to
James Ruck the dividend due at Midsummer last upon £706 13s. 4d., being
all the stock I then had in the books of the South Sea Company, and this
shall be sufficient; from yours, HANNAH DE FOE."
645
Winborne, he removed to that town, where both himself and
his wife communicated with the Dissenters. It is said, that
he resided for a short time at Christ Church, Hants; but he
died and was buried at Winborne. His wife, who survived
him, remained a widow until her death, which happened
March 5, 1760. She was interred in the same vault with her
husband and sister. (y) The issue of her marriage was one
son, John, born at Much-Hadham, but in business at Win-
borne, where he died. He inherited the property of his
mother, and aunt; but marrying a person in an inferior sta-
tion, and being of dissipated habits, he soon brought himself
to poverty, and eventually to the grave. He left a widow
and a son, William, who was put to school at Winborne, and
afterwards went to sea, where he perished, when he was about
fifteen years of age, in the year 1784. (z)
6. SOPHIA, the youngest daughter of De Foe, was born at
HIS FAMILY AND DESCENDANTS.
(y) The inscription upon the stone that covers the vault is now quite
obliterated, but it was copied thirty years ago by a gentleman who favoured
the present writer with the above particulars, and was as follows: "Here
also lieth Mrs. HANNAH DE FOE, who died April 25th, 1759. Also, Mrs.
HENRIETTA, wife of the above JOHN BOSTON, who died March 5th, 1760.”
Upon turning to Hutchins's "History of Dorset," vol. ii. page 553, the
following notice will be found of these interments: "About the middle of
this aisle (the north aisle of the collegiate church of Winborne) also two
daughters of the famous Daniel De Foe are interred, with an inscription
very unworthy so distinguished a character. I shall, therefore, only mention
the purport of it, that Mrs. HENRietta Dr Foe, one of the daughters, mar-
ried John Boston, an officer of Excise in this place, by whom she had one
son, and died May the 5th, 1760. HANNAH, the other daughter, died un-
married April the 28th, 1759." The reader will observe a slight variation
in the dates of Hutchins' and the writer's correspondent, William Ward
Wright, of Sopley, Esq.; which of the two is most correct he does not
pretend to determine.
(z) The late Dr. Duncan, formerly dissenting minister at Winborne, drew
up a history of his church, in which he says, "the celebrated Daniel De
Foe was here frequently," and he inserts some notices of his daughters,
which harmonize with the above account. He adds, "I am in possession
of two manuscript volumes of Daniel De Foe's. One is corrected for the
press, with a dedication. He wrote a neat fair hand. He entitles the book
thus: "Historical Collections: or, Memoirs of Passages collected from
several Authors. 1682.' I think it would take well if it were published.
646
HIS FAMILY AND DESCENDANTS.
Hackney, and baptized Dec. 24, 1701. (a) Of her courtship
by Henry Baker, the celebrated natural philosopher, some no-
tice has been already taken. They were married upon the 30th
of April, 1729, and lived together thirty-two years, "always
happy in each other;" so Mr. Baker expresses it. Of the
time and circumstances of her death, he has left the follow-
ing account in an old memorandum book, in the possession of
his present representative: "My dear wife, Sophia, died 4th
Jan. 1762, about ten o'clock in the morning. She had been
much afflicted some days with shortness of breath, a violent
cough, abundance of phlegm, was blooded, blistered, and
vomited, by the advice of Dr. Thomas, and though very weak,
was not thought in danger; but as she was rising, a fainting
fit seized her, out of which she never recovered. Some blood
was immediately taken from her arm, which made her breathe
a little; but she never opened her eyes, and was dead in a
few minutes. Mrs. Baker was buried in the church-yard of
St. Mary-le-Strand (the scite of the new church) a very little
on the left hand, as you enter the church-yard through the
iron gate on the south side, and very near the church-yard wall.
I have also some original poems of his, in his own hand-writing. He was
truly a great man, and I much wonder that he is so little known in the
world at this day, either by men of letters, politics, or religion; for he cer-
tainly had his share in all these, particularly the two latter." The writer
has made much enquiry for these manuscripts, but is unable to get any
tidings of them. Dr. Duncan, in the same history, relates the following
anecdotes of two of our poets, which will probably be new to the reader :-
"Mr. Congreve, the poet, who lived at Merley, and belonged to this meet-
ing, with his family; but he sold the manor, and resided at the manor-
house of Aldermaston, Hampshire. Matthew Prior, the poet, also, was
born in Abbot-street, a mile from this place, and not in London, as is said
in his life. His parents soon removed to London, and left him in the care
of his grand-parents, who, with his father and mother, were Dissenters,
and belonged to our meeting, and with them he continually attended. To
this also he alludes when he says, in one of his poems,
'And to the barn of loud Noncon,
Where with my grama oft I've gone.'"
(A) The following entry of her baptism, is from Lysons's Account of
Hackney: " Sophia, daughter to Daniel De Foe, by Mary his wife, was
baptized Dec. 24, 1701.
647
I desire to lye there myself." Mr. Baker, who appears to
have been a most affectionate husband, as well a truly excel-
lent man, having acquired an easy fortune, now retired from
public cares, and closed an honorable and useful life, upon
the 25th of November, 1774, in his 77th year. By his wife
Sophia, he had two sons, who both died shortly after their
mother. David Erskine, the eldest, named after his god-
father, the Earl of Buchan, notwithstanding the care bestowed
upon his education, disappointed his father's expectations.
Having contracted a taste for theatrical amusements, he asso-
ciated with strolling players, and united himself in marriage
with a female of that description, but left no children. He
was the author of "The Companion to the Play-house,” in
2 vols. 12mo, and dying at Gainsborough, in Lincolnshire,
Feb. 16, 1767, was buried there, at the age of 37. His
younger brother, HENRY, was bred to the profession of the
law, and had a taste for literature, but died young, August
24, 1776, having been born Feb. 10, 1734. He was buried
in London, near his mother. He left an only son, William,
born Feb. 17, 1763, and being bred to the church, became
rector of Lyndon and South Luffenham, in the county of
Rutland. He died in the month of May, 1828, leaving a
son, the Rev. Henry De Foe Baker, now vicar of Greetham,
Rutlandshire. This gentleman married, in September 1828,
Harriet, second daughter of the late H. Boulton, Esq., of
Geddington, Northamptonshire, and to whose intelligent
communications the reader is indebted for some interesting
particulars in the latter part of this work. It appears that a
great grand-daughter of De Foe's, who bore the maiden name
of Baker, was residing a few years ago at Hooknorton, in Ox-
fordshire, in rather low circumstances. She had received a
good education, suited to the line of life she was intended to
occupy; but being disappointed in a love affair, early in life,
she was induced to throw herself away upon a person in all
respects her inferior. Marrying a man of the name of Hyett,
a plasterer by trade, she experienced the disappointment that
HIS FAMILY AND DESCENDANTS
648
might be expected from so unequal a connexion.* Her father
is said to have been a lawyer; so that she was in all proba-
bility the daughter of the younger Henry Baker, above men-
tioned.
HIS FAMILY AND DESCENDANTS.
To the foregoing acccount of De Foe's children, may be
added some further particulars which have reached the author
concerning his other descendants. From information com-
municated by the present representative of the family in the
male line, it appears that De Foe had a grandson named
SAMUEL DE FOE, but from which of his sons he descended,
is, it seems, uncertain; although most likely from the one
that continued in England. Upon the first of April, 1743,
he was put apprentice to a calico-printer, in London, and
afterwards followed the business upon his own account; but
marrying a person who kept the Royal Inn, at West-Ham,
in Essex, he removed thither, and conducted the concern
until the death of his wife, when he returned to calico-printing.
He afterwards married a second wife, proved unfortunate in
business, and dying at Pedlar's Acre, in November, 1783, was
buried in Lambeth Church Yard. By the first marriage, he
had three sons: Samuel, who died young; Richard, bred
a carpenter; and Joseph, who came to an untimely end. (B)
By his second wife, he had four sons and four daughters.
Daniel was bound apprentice to a watch-maker, but ran
away and went to sea. He afterwards became cook on board
the Savage sloop of war, and was living, in that employment,
in 1787. (c) Samuel has been dead some years. Joseph
*From the information of the late Rev. Mr. Claypole, of Yeovil.
(B) This was, no doubt, John Joseph De Foe, who was capitally con-
victed with John Clarke, at the Old Bailey Sessions, December 1770, for
a highway robbery upon the person of Alexander Fordyce, Esq. They
both suffered the sentence of the law at Tyburn, January 2, 1771. See
Dodsley's Annual Register for that year.
(c) A correspondent of the "Gentleman's Magazine," signed Edward
Harwood, jun., speaking of De Foe, says, " Ilis grandson (rather his great-
grandson) is at this time cook to the gentlemen of the gun-room of the
Savage sloop of war. Having been lately surgeon of one of His Majesty's
ships on the coast of Scotland, and business requiring me on board that
649
was brought up a caulker, and went to sea.
He married,
and had two children; one of whom, bearing his own name,
is still living. James, the younger son, is living at this time,
a box-maker and undertaker, in Hungerford Market, London.
He has had a family of eight children, of whom two are now
living, James and Priscilla. (D) Of the daughters, one of
them married a Mr. Sayers, with whom she went to the East
HIS FAMILY AND DESCENDANTS.
C
ship, I casually heard a Daniel De Foe mentioned among the seamen. The
name being so familiar to me, I inquired, from motives of curiosity, con-
cerning his family. He told me his father was a calico-printer in Loudon,
who had failed in business; that his grandfather had written Robinson
Crusoe,' 'The True-Born Englishman,' &c. I felt myself much affected
when I saw the descendant of so ingenious a man in so unworthy a situa-
tion; and, making the circumstance known, recommended him to the
attention of the gentlemen on board.”—Gents. Mag. vol. Ivii. p. 1088.
(D) In St. Martin's Church-yard, Westminster, is a grave-stone, bearing
the following inscription for James De Foe's children:
In memory of
HENRY, Son of
JAMES and MARY DEFOE,
Who died Dec. 12, 1812,
Aged 5 months.
GEORGE DEFOE
Died January 24, 1816,
Aged 9 weeks.
Also,
JAMES DEFOE,
Brother of the above,
Died 6th of July, 1817,
Aged 9 years and 10 days.
Also, MARTHA Defoe,
Sister of the above,
Died 8th of July, 1817,
Aged 7 years and 6 months.
Also,
ROBERT DEFOE,
Brother of the above,
Who died the 18th Nov. 1817,
Aged 11 months.
Also,
MARY ANN Defoe,
Who died the 22d Nov. 1820,
Aged 2 years.
650
HIS FAMILY AND DESCENDANTS.
Indies, where she died, leaving seven children. Another
daughter married a Mr. Jenner, and is also dead, leaving
four children; and a third died unmarried. Priscilla, the
fourth daughter, is now, or was lately, living near Chatham.
Besides the male descendants above-mentioned, De Foe
had several grand-daughters, said to have sprung from his
son Daniel. Mary, who had previously boarded in a private.
family at Chelmsford, in Essex, was married, about the year
1749, to John Thorne, a shopkeeper at Braintree, in the
same county; where she died a widow, about the year 1775,
leaving a son, since dead, and two daughters."
She was a
zealous Dissenter, and seemed to inherit the sarcastic spirit
of her grandfather. Sophia, another grand-daughter, became
the wife of James Standerwicke, a haberdasher in Cornhill.
She died at Stoke Newington, where her husband had retired
from business, October 26, 1787, aged 62. One of her sons,
a tick merchant, was lately living in retirement at Islington.
Another of De Foe's grand-daughters was married to a Mr.
Coram, whose son was master of the free-school at Battersea,
and was father to the late Thomas Coram, an eminent print-
seller in London, who has been often heard to say, that his
grandmother was a De Foe. The Corams were related to
the celebrated Captain Coram, projector of the Foundling
Hospital. A few years ago, a great-great-grand-daughter of
De Foe was upon the list of the National Benevolent Insti-
tution, in Great Russell-street, London.
* Biog. Dict. Art. De Foe.
INDEX.
A.
ABBOT, Mordecai, his integrity, ii. 251.
Abney, Sir Thomas, allusion to him, ii. 36, 79.
Academy for the improvement of the English Tongue, projected by De Foe, i.
261.-French Academy, ib.—Similar projects by others, 262.
for Military Studies, i. 263.
for the Education of Females, i. 264.
Academies of the Non-conformists, some account of them, i. 20.—Their de-
fects, 21.
Account of some late designs to create a misunderstanding betwixt the King and
his people, i. 458.
Account of some remarkable passages in the Life of a Private Gentleman, iii. 27.
Act of Settlement, Account of, i. 359.
Act of Uniformity, Locke's reflections upon it, i. 42.
Addison, intended for the Church, i. 28.-His Whig Examiner, iii. 152.-His
account of the panic in the City, 165.—Writes against Mercator, 338.
Addresses to James II. upon his Accession, i. 103.-Upon his Declaration of In-
dulgence, 123.-De Foe's remarks upon them, 152.-To King William, 444.-
To Queen Anne, iii. 127.-That from Minchead, 128.-Publications in conse-
quence, 129.-De Foe's remarks upon, 130.-From the London Clergy, 153.
-De Foe's remarks, 155.—A collection of them published, 156.-De Foe
publishes another Collection, 157.-History of, 160.
Advantages of the Act of Security, ii. 482.
Advice to all parties, ii. 333.
Advice to the Ladies, ii. 353.
Alsop, Vincent, in King James's confidence, i. 125.
And What if the Pretender should come? iii. 310.
Anecdotes of De Foe, i. 10.—Duchess of Portsmouth, 38.-Milton, 39.-Lord
Southampton, 47.-Bishop Wilkins, 48.—Trajan, 54.-Sir Ellis Leighton, 64.
-Credulity, 10.-Charles II., 81.-Richard Cogan, 110.-Mrs. Cogan, 112.—
652
INDEX.
Marquis of Halifax, 115.-Colonel Fox, 120.-Bishop Morley, 139.-Colonel
Kirk, 147.-Colonel Ayloffe, 162.-Mons. Roussel, ib.-Erasmus, 185.-Dr.
South, 186.-James II., 193.-General Wood, 220.-Captain Vratz, 291.—
Tillotson, 301.-Marvel, ib.-Mynheer Gore, 305.-Lord Somers, 308.—
William Colepeper, 391.-Of the Royal Touch, ii. 17.-Prince George of
Denmark, 45.—Justice Balch, 80.—Bishop Patrick, 130.—Sir Godfrey Copley,
132.-Archbishop Cranmer, 211.-William Rufus, iii. 23.-An old woman,
67.-A tinker at Exeter, 203.-Lord Wharton, 237.-Mr. Ward, 251.-Of the
effect of Persecution, 252.-Dryden, 284.-Swift, 301.-Arbuthnot, ib.
An equivalent for Daniel De Foe, ii. 74.
Anguis in Herba, a work of Lord Somers, ii. 448.
Anne, Queen, goes over to the Prince of Orange, i. 152.-Sensation produced by
her departure from London, ib.-Her scruples against the Protestant succes-
sion conquered by Marlborough, 359.-General view of her reign, ii. 2.—
Proclaimed Queen, 3.-Discards the Whigs, ib.-Avowal of her favouritism
in Parliament, 7.—Declares war against France and Spain, 12.-Pacific Speech
to her Parliament, 126.-Character of her Ministers, 188.-Abused by the
Tories, 234.-Adopts more moderate councils, 236.-She relieves De Foe's
family, 274.-Her conciliatory speech, 293, 396.-Religious shows in her
reign, iii. 66.-Her dislike to the Toleration, 101.-Addresses to her, 127.-
Changes her Ministers, 139.-Flattered by Tom D'Urfey, 344.-Encourages
the Jacobites, 345.-Negociates for the Pretender, 352.-Her health declines,
371.-She dies, 372.-Her private and public character, ib.
Annesley, Dr. Samuel, De Foe's Pastor, i. 8.-De Foe's Elegy upon him, 343.—
Anecdote of his persecution, ii. 80.
Answer to the Question that Nobody thinks of, iii. 310.
Anti-Christ unmasked, ii, 302.
Ants, remarkable swarm of, i. 229.
A Pleasant Dialogue between the Pillory and Daniel De Foe, ii. 74.
Apparitions, Essay upon their history and reality, iii. 567.
Appeal to Honour and Justice, iii. 388.
Appeal to Protestant Kings and Princes, a pamphlet so called, i. 327.
Arbitrary Power, its character, ii. 210.
Arbuthnot, Dr., a writer for the Ministry, iii. 300.-Some of his publications,
301. His remarks upon the Secret History of the White Staff, 381.-Robin-
son Crusoe attributed to him, 458.
Archdale, John, his interview with Lord Granville, ii. 325.-His pamphlet upon
the Affairs of Carolina, 329.
Argument for Self-Defence, a pamphlet so called, i. 168.
Armageddon, a pamphlet so called, iii. 231.
Asgill, John, his argument upon eternal life, ii. 284.—Misrepresented by his
enemies, 285.-De Foe's reply to him, 286.
Astell, Mary, writes upon Occasional Conformity, ii. 124.
Atheism, De Foe's remarks upon, ii. 268.
Atkinson, Paul, a Franciscan Friar, imprisoned for life, i. 312.
Atterbury, Bishop, boasts of being a pillar of the Church, ii. 339.-His reply to
Vox Populi, iii. 98.—A writer in the Examiner, 150.-Prolocutor of the Con-
vocation, 175.-His Representation, ib.-Quoted, 318.-His outrageous con-
INDEX.
653
duct, 371.—His English advice to the Freeholders of England, 384.-Replied
to by De Foe, 385.-His character of Pope, 643.
A Word against a new Election, iii. 166.
Ayloffe, Colonel, his retort to King James, i. 162.
B.
Badger, curate of Coleshill, a Jacobite, iii. 251, 252.
Baker, Henry, his skill in teaching the deaf and dumb, iii. 549.-Marries one of
De Foe's daughters, 550.-His courtship, 603.-De Foe's Letter to him, 605.
-His account of his wife's illness and death, 646.-His own death, 647.
-His descendants, ib.
Baker, Thomas, the antiquarian, a Non-juror, i. 203.
Balch, Justice, his terrible death, ii. 80.
Bankrupts, severity of the laws against, i. 213.—On the Frauds committed by,
215.-Their Sanctuaries, 216.-On Commissions of, 218.-De Foe proposes a
Commission of Inquiry, 258.-Act relating to them, ii. 431.-De Foe's Re-
marks upon ii, ib.—His Publication upon the subject, 434.-Reply to it, 436.
Banks, De Foe's Project relating to, i. 257.
Beattie, Dr., his judgment of Robinson Crusoe, iii. 445.—Gives currency to an
idle tale of plagiarism, 456.
Beaumont's, John, Treatise of Spirits, iii. 573.-His Gleanings of Antiquities, ib.
Bedford, Hilkiah, a Non-juror, i. 203.-Prosecuted for publishing a book, iii. 347.
Beggars' Opera, its bad tendency, iii. 595.-De Foe's Remarks upon, ib.-Con-
demned by Abp. Herring, ib.
Belhaven, Lord, his Speech against the Union, ii. 526.-De Foe visits him,
iii. 22.-His death and character, 36.—Some account of him, 37.
Bennet, Dr. Thomas, De Foe's remark upon him, ii. 472.
Benson, Robert, Lord Bingley, made Chancellor of the Exchequer, iii. 219.
Benson, William, his Letter to Sir Jacob Banks, iii. 129.-Prosecuted for it, ib.
-He commences a prosecution against De Foe, 315.
Bertrand, Mons., his Account of the Plague at Marseilles, iii. 575.
Beveridge, Bishop, his bigotry reproved by Tillotson, i. 301.
Bisset, William, he is attached to the Tories, ii. 257.-Dr. King's libel npon
him, iii. 179.
Blair, Dr., his commendation of Robinson Crusoe, iii. 437.
Bill of Exclusion, i. 75.-De Foe's remarks upon it, 76.
Bill of Rights, De Foe's remarks upon it, i. 187.
Biography, its utility, i. 1.
Bishops of Charles II., their character, i. 47.—Quicken the execution of the
laws against Dissenters, 60.-Their disobedience to James II., 139.-Seven of
them sent to the Tower, 141.-Tried and acquitted, 142.-Their inconsistency,
149. Their moderation in Queen Anne's reign, ii. 44. 130.
Black List, account of it, i. 454.
Blackmore, Sir Richard, his picture of the national vices, i. 286.
Blount, Charles, a pamphlet of his burnt, 179.-Advocates the freedom of the
Press, 381.
Bolde, Samuel, his Reply to Comber, ii. 160.
Bolingbroke, his Remark upon Study, i. 2.-Character of James II., 102.-His
654
INDEX.
account of the Tory doctrine of Passive Obedience, 147.-His character, iii.
139.-His Letter to the Examiner, 150.-His pretensions to power, 195.-
Guiscard's design upon him, 196.-His saying upon the creation of twelve
Peers, 236.-Frames the treaty of Commerce, 328.-His scheme for new-
modelling the army, 351.-On the designs of the Ministers, 353.-Review of
his character, 355.-His introduction of the Bill to prevent the Growth of
Schism, 362.-Undermines Oxford, 370.—His rage at missing the Staff, 371.
Bond, William, his Supernatural Philosopher, iii. 485.-Some account of him, ib.
Bonwicke, Ambrose, a Non-juror, i. 203.
Bowles, Sir John, brings in the Act of Settlement, i. 359.
Boyer, his account of Mercator, iii. 332.—Quoted, 351.-His Remarks upon the
Secret History of the White Staff, 380.-Quoted, 413.
Bradbury, Thomas, his character, ii. 112.-Answer to Luke Milbourne, on the
Calves'-Head Club, 112.-Friendly Epistle to him, iii. 409.
Pag
Add
Bribery, De Foe advertises a work relating to, iì. 362.-His Remarks upon,
iii. 23. Further Remarks, 269.
Bridgwater, Benjamin, Poet to the Calves'-Head Club, ii. 109. 117.
Bristol, Earl of, supports the policy of the Test Act, i. 56.
British Merchant, Tindal's account of, iii. 334.-Chalmers's, 335.
Broderick, Sir Allan, his attempt to procure the removal of the Test, iii. 51.
Bromley, William, introduces a Bill to Prevent Occasional Conformity, ii. 33.—
Brings it in a third time, 295.-Publishes his Speech, 301.-Answered by the
Earl of Halifax, ib.-Chosen Speaker, iii. 174.-Encourages the Jacobites, 345.
His juggle with religion, 362.
Brown, William, the writer of Mercator, iii. 335.
Browne, Dr. Joseph, his attack upon De Foe, i. 31.-On De Foe's changing his
name, 231.-His Moon-Calf, ii. 348.-He reviews the Review, 414.-De
Foe's Remarks upon him, ib.-His translation of Horace, 415.-His Dia-
logue between Church and no Church, 437.-Under Prosecution, 438.-De
Foe's Remarks upon his Paper, 439.
Buchan, Earl of, De Foe's Letter to him, ii. 503.
Buckingham, Duke of, Lord Privy Seal, ii. 3.-Displaced, 239.-Estimate of his
religion, 366.-Made President of the Council, iii. 219.
Sir Owen, his manufacture for sail-cloth, ii. 320.
Bugg, Francis, attacks the Quakers, ii. 421.—De Foe's character of his Writings,
422.
Burckhardt, his Arabic translation of Robinson Crusoe, iii. 463.
Burgess, Daniel, anecdote of him, ii. 451.-His Meeting-house rifled, iii. 103.-
Burnt in Effigy, 110.
Burnet, Bishop, his character of the Duke of Monmouth, i. 109.-Advocates
Passive Obedience, 135.-Made Bishop of Salisbury, 176.-His Pastoral
Letter, 178.-Ordered to be burnt, 179.-His sentiments upon the Toleration,
183.-Falls into discredit with the High-party, ib.-His character of Tillotson,
239.--And of the Clergy, ib.-His zeal for the Act of Settlement, 360.—A
Writer for the Revolution, 381.-His description of the Public feeling, 386.—
His character of the Tory publications, 440.-On the conduct of Sir George
Rooke, ii. 13.- His Remarks upon the Occasional Bill, 129.-His zeal for
liberty, 130.-His generous sentiments, 131.-His Reply to Compton upon
INDEX.
655
the Danger of the Church, 405.-Abused by the inferior clergy, 407.-Libel
upon him, iii. 142.-His Political delinquency, 240.
Burton, Thomas, specimen of his preaching, iii. 304.
Bury St. Edmunds, De Foe retires there, ii. 277.-Character of the place,
ib.
C.
Cabal, Names of its members, i. 52.
Calamy, Dr. Benjamin, his dealings with Delaune, ii. 442.-De Foe's remarks
upon his conduct, 445.
Dr. Edmund, his Queries concerning the Schism Bill, iii. 366.
Caledonia, a Poem in praise of Scotland, ii. 485.
Calves'-Head Club, some account of, ii. 108.-Leslie's lamentations upon it, 109.
Dissenters vindicated from any concern in it, 111.-History of, published,
114.-Its character, 115.-Ward's account of its origin, 116.-Remarks upon
the Club, 117.
Campbell, Duncan, his Life and Adventures, iii. 476.-Other works relating to
him, 481. 482. 485. 486.
Campe, Mons., his new Robinson Crusoe, iii. 464.
Care, Henry, his Weekly Packet from Rome, ii. 197.-De Foe's account of the
work, 219.-His character of a Tory, 259.
Carleton, Captain George, his Memoirs, iii. 589.-Dr. Johnson's opinion of
them, 590.
Carolina, Settlement of the Colony, ii. 320.-Laws for its government, 321.—
Tory usurpation, 322.-Dissenters excluded from the legislature, ib.-Further
measures of injustice, 324.-Depute an agent to England to represent their
grievances, 325.-Brought before the House of Lords, 326.-Obtain relief, ib.
-The Charter resumed, 327.-De Foe writes upon the snbject, ib.-Mr.
Archdale's Pamphlet, 329.
Carstares, Principal, his testimony to the piety of King William, ii. 169.
Carte, Thomas, his relation of a miracle, ii. 19.-Minister of Coleshill, iii. 252.
Cartwright, Bishop, Specimen of his preaching, i. 119.
Catholics, Charles's favour to, i. 43. 53.-Proclamation against them, 44.-
Another, 54.—Their political wrongs, 58.-Their estates ordered to be seized,
60. They acquire boldness, 62.-Their expectations raised by the court, 65.-
Countenanced by James II. 115.-Formidable rivals to the Church of England,
116.—The use they made of King James's toleration, 125.-Vindicate their
loyalty, 138.-Persecuted by the Parliament, 312.-Their formidable power,
327.-Works relating to them, ib.-Their emancipation recommended, 329.—
Make rapid strides in England, iii. 343.
Cavalier, Memoirs of a, iii. 500.
Cave, Mr., a Non-conforming Minister, i. 7.
Caveat against the Whigs, iii. 249.
Ž
Chalmers, George, his researches concerning De Foe, i. 8. 112. 113.—Quoted,
208. 212. 341. 396. 451. ii. 71. 204. 274.-His Life of De Foe, iii. 49.-His
character of the Review, 297.-Quoted, 317. 318.-His account of Mercator,
335.-Of De Foe's General History of Trade, 338.-Quoted, 381. 413. 431.
437. His character of De Foe's moralities, 488.-Quoted, 509. 563.—His
comparison of De Foe and Gee, 588.-Character of De Foe as a commercial
writer, 631.-And an historian, 633.—A remark of his, 640.
656
Challenge of peace to the whole nation, ii. 126.
Champneys Justinian, one of the Kentish petitioners, i. 390.
Character, its early formation, i. 10.
of a Modern Addresser, iii. 160.
Charles I., a miracle performed by him, ii. 17.-Character of his camp, iii. 508.
Charles I., his accession to the throne, i. 33.-De Foe's remarks upon his Re-
storation, 34.-His profligacy, 35.-Character of his Court, ib.-Commences
his reign with blood, 39.-His disregard to oaths, 40.-Religious compliances,
ib.-Reconciles himself to the Catholic Church, ib.-Tricks the Presbyterians,
41.-Civilities to the Church, 43.-Main-spring of his policy, 51.-His perfidy
to his people, 51.-And to the Dutch, 52.-Shuts up the Exchequer, ib.—His
schemes to introduce Popery, 53.-His dishonesty, 54.-Plots with the Papists,
64.-Practises a fraud upon the Parliament, 75.-Governs without Parliaments,
76. His cruelty and tyranny, 82.-Becomes absolute, 93.-His death, 98.—
Character, 99.-Concealed by Mrs. Cogan, 112.-His miraculous powers, ii.
18.-Persecutions in his reign, 444. 448.
II., King of Spain, his declining state, i. 317.-Effects of his death, 321.
XII. of Sweden, De Foe's account of his conduct, ii. 519. 520.-His
defeat at Pultowa, iii. 116.
Charters, attacked by Charles, i. 77.
Christian Conversation, in six Dialogues, iii. 488.
Christianity corrupted by an association with the state, i. 47.
of the High Church considered, ii. 164.
INDEX.
Stat
Cibber, Theophilus, his character of De Foe, ii. 71. 73. 76.—His remarks upon
the piracy of De Foe's works, 92.-Attributes the Life of Cleveland to De
Foe, iii. 598.-His character of De Foe as a writer, 628.
Maytag
Clarendon, Lord, his high and arbitrary principles, i. 44.-His fall, ib.-A remark
of his, 199.-Publication of his history, ii. 118.-De Foe's account of it, 119.
Clarke, Dr. Adam, revives Asgill's notion of translation to eternal life, ii. 290.
Clark, James, paper war between him and De Foe, iii. 50.
Clarkson, David, De Foe's account of his character and writings, ii. 160.
Clergy, in Charles's reign, great persecutors, i. 46.—Sound the alarm of Popery,
54. Preach for severities, 93.-Make flattering addresses to James II. 103.-
Their politics, 117.-Locke's account of them, ib.-De Foe's account of their
preaching, 118. 130.-Why they were so zealous for tyranny, 135.-Their
hypocrisy to the Dissenters, 146.-Betray King James, 159.-Their artifices
to cover their allegiance to King James, 171.-Take the oaths with reservation,
178. Their illiberal conduct, 185.-Their duplicity, 196.—Raise a hurricane
in the nation, ii. 7.—Their 30th of January Sermons, 22.-Their preaching,
45.--Their violence, 129. 233. 331.-Their proceedings in convocation, 336.
-Their arrogance, 338.-Proclaim the Church to be in danger, 366.-Sym-
bolize with the Church of Rome, iii. 176.-Their Political vices, 220.-Raise
a clamour against the war, 225.-And against the allies, 300.-Specimen of
their preaching, 304.-Their advances to the Church of Rome, 358.-A band
of politicians, 364.-Their influence with King Charles I. 508.
Cockeril, Thomas, Dunton's account of him, i. 256.
T
Coffee-house preachers, ii. 471.
Coke, Roger, his remarks upon the plots in Charles's reign, i. 81.-His estimate
of King James's revenue, 104.-His account of the theatres after the Restora-
657
tion, 295.-Of the reception of the Act of Settlement, 360.-Reprints the
Memorials of the Church of England, 373.
Coleman, his letter to Father Le Chaise, i. 65.
Colepeper, William, one of the Kentish petitioners, i. 389.-Notice of him, 390.
A saying of his, 391.-His quarrel with Sir George Rooke, ii. 281.-Pamphlet
arising out of it, ib.-His character of De Foe, 281.
Thomas, one of the Kentish petitioners, i. 390.-His departure from
London, 409.
INDEX.
College, Stephen, his legal murder, i. 81.-Johnson's remarks upon his death,
83.
Collier, Jeremy, a voluminous writer, i. 203.-Attacks the stage, 296.
Colvill, Samuel, quoted by De Foe, ii. 522.
Comber, Dr., his account of the politics of the Clergy, i. 136.—And of the dis-
affection in the North, 205.-His reply to Clarkson, ii. 160.
Comical History of Mumper, ii. 261.
Pilgrim, iii. 522.
Compleat Art of Painting, a Poem, by De Foe, iii. 487.
S
English Tradesman, iii. 583.-A second volume, 585.
Gentleman, an unpublished work of De Foe's, iii.
Mendicant, iii. 523.
Compton, Bishop, his disingenuity, i. 149.-Takes the command of a troop of
horse, 152.-Conveys the Princess to Nottingham, 153.-Crowns King Wil-
liam, 176.-His speech upon the danger of the Church, 405.-Countenances
the Scottish Episcopalians, iii. 79.
Conduct of Parties in England, iii. 255.
of the allies, iii. 300.
Conscience, De Foe's remarks upon, i. 173.-Its terror described in Moll
Flanders, 491.-And in Roxana, 529.
Consolidator, a political satire, by De Foe, ii. 342.-Attacked by Dr. Browne,
343.-And Tutchin, 344.-Pirated, 345.
Constitution of England, remarks upon, i. 430.
Convocation, assembled by King William to revise the Liturgy, i. 184.-Defeats
the design, ib.-De Foe's character of, ii. 163.-Complain of the Freedom of
the Press, 170.-Its character in the reign of Queen Anne, 336.-Its proceed-
ings towards the end of her reign, iii. 175.
Coombe, William, his advertisement to Robinson Crusoe, iii. 460.
Cooper, a clergyman of loose character, iii. 121.-De Foe's letter to Lord
Wharton concerning him, ib.
Copley, Sir Godfrey, his observation concerning the church, ii. 132.
Copy-Right, Bill for the better Security of, ii. 85.
Corporation Oath, i. 39. 40.
Cosin, Bishop, a persecutor, i. 48.
Country Party, who, i. 308.-Promote the Act of Settlement, 362.
Coventry, riots at the election there, ii. 362.
Cowper, Sir William, made Lord Keeper, ii. 364.--- His good conduct, iii. 134.
Credit, De Foe's remarks upon the injurious effects of, ii. 511.
Credulity, exemplified upon the Popish Plot, i. 70.
Crewe, Bishop, his character, i. 205.
VOL. III.
2 U
658
Cronke, Dickory, De Foe's account of him, iii. 467.
Cruso, Timothy, iii. 445.
Curious Oration delivered by Father Andrews, iii. 424.
INDEX.
D.
Dæmonology, fostered by the learned, iii. 548.—Its popularity declines, 559.
Dalrymple, Sir David, his zeal for the Scottish Church, iii. 257.
Danger of the Protestant Religion, a pamphlet by De Foe, i. 326.
Daniel the Prophet no Conjuror, a satire upon De Foe, ii. 304.
Darby, Bernard, notice of him, i. 210.
Dartmouth, Lord, his conversation with Bishop Morley, i. 139.
Davenant, Dr. Charles, his Discourse on Grants and Resumptions, i. 310.—At-
tacks the Partition Treaty, 319.-His true picture of a modern Whig, 440.—
His Essays upon the Balance of Power, 450.-Publishes a Second Part of the
True Picture of a Modern Whig, 460.-And Sir Thomas Double at Court, 461.
-His Essays upon Peace at Home and Abroad, ii. 142.-His political apostacy,
ib.-Satire upon him, 143.-His character, 144.-His chapter on the danger of
Appeals to the People, animadverted upon by De Foe, 145.-Comparison be-
tween him and De Foe, iii. 633.
Dawes, Bishop, his bigotry, iii. 58.
De Beau Foe, a Norman family, i. 4.
Declaration of Truth to Benjamin Hoadly, iii. 410.
without Doors, ii. 396.-Reply to, ib.
De Foe, Daniel, see Table of Contents.
Delaune, Thomas, account of his case, ii. 161.-His Plea for the Non-conformists
republished by De Foe, 442.-Occasion of the work, ib.-The author's hard
treatment, 443.-Reply to him, 449.-His Plea reprinted under another title,
iii. 111.
De Lolme, his Introduction to De Foe's History of the Union, iii. 49.
Dennis the Critic, his Danger of Priestcraft, in reply to Sacheverell, ii. 29.—On
Tavern-wits, 203.
Devil, De Foe's History of the, iii. 560.-False notions concerning him corrected,
iii. 563.
Discourse concerning Trouble of Mind, iii. 27.
Dictionary of all religions, ii. 261.
Dispensing Power, decreed to King James by the Judges, i. 120.-Controversy
upon the subject, 127.
Dissectio Mentis Humanæ, iii, 59.
Dissenters, reasons for their conduct, i. 18.-Their persecution, 29. 46. 60.—
Their good conduct, 63.-Their commanding attitude, 129.-Their short-sighted
policy, 130. Their moderation, 132.-Their politics, ii. 25.-Sacheverell's
ravings at them, 27.-Their practice of Occasional Conformity, 35.-Persecuted
in Coventry, 46.-Violence of their enemies exposed by De Foe, 50.-Their
ill-usage of De Foe, 59.-He complains of it, 64.-Remarks upon their insti-
tution of Academies, 101.-Their character at this period, 106.-Defended
from any concern in the Calves'-Head Club, 108.-Attacked by Leslie, 109.-
By Sacheverell, 110.-And by the Publishers of Lord Clarendon's History, ib.
Their own defence, 111.-Remarks upon their politics, 114.-Swarms of pam-
phlets against them, 152.-Attacked by Leslie, 153.-Under great obligations
Magy
INDEX.
to De Foe, 164.-Their ingratitude to Delaune, 447.-Remarks upon their per-
secution, 448.-Unfriendly to general toleration, iii. 87.-Abused by Sache-
verell, 90.-De Foe's advice to them, 91.-Reproof of their former conduct to
him, 93.-Some of their ministers burnt in effigy, 109.-Accused of favouring
the Pretender, 170.-Given up by the Whigs, 238.-Excluded from all state-
offices, 241.-Their supineness upon the passing of the Occasional Bill, 247.-
De Foe exhorts them to a federative union, 264.-Present state of their affairs
laid open, 266.-Letter inviting them to support ministers, 359.--Bill to shut
up their schools, 361.-Letter to, 424.
Dissenters' answer to the High-Church challenge, ii. 159.
Misrepresented and Represented, ii. 24.
in England vindicated against Webster, ii. 493.-A larger work by De
Foe upon the same subject, 496.
Dissenting Hypocrite, a Poem, by Ned Ward, ii. 260.
Divine Right, a doctrine inculcated by the clergy, i. 116.-Exposed by Locke,
117. And by De Foe, 118.-Preached by Bishop Cartwright, 119.-Misleads
King James, 161.-Remarks upon its absurdity, 167.
Dodwell, Heury, the non-juror, i. 203.
Don Quixote, its origin, iii. 437.
Double Welcome to the Duke of Marlborough, ii. 317.
Drake, Dr. James, a work falsely ascribed to him, i. 304.-His allusion to Noland,
378. His short Defence of the last Parliament, 455.-Publishes the History of
the last Parliament, 459.-And some cursory considerations relating to Elections,
ii. 26.-Publishes Mercurius Politicus, 364.-Author of the Memorial of the
Church of England, 364.-Answered by De Foe, 375-and by Toland, 377.
Drelincourt upon
the Fear of Death, ii. 408.-Anecdote of the work, ib.
Drunkenness, in fashion after the Restoration, i. 37.-Its effect upon society,
iii. 537.
-
659
W
Drury-Lane Theatre, benefit given there for the repairs of a chapel, ii. 451.
Dryden, anecdote of him and the Duke of Buckingham, iii. 284.-His Translation
of Du Fresnoy upon Painting, 487.
Duelling, a barbarous practice, ii. 213.-Severe edicts against it in France, 214.-
Rollin's censure of it, 215.-Prayers of the church solicited in behalf of the
combatants, ib.-De Foe's remarks upon the subject, ib.
Du Fresnoy's Complete Art of Painting, translations of, iii. 487.
Dumb Projector, iii. 482.
Duncombe, his Defence of Dr. Herring, iii. 595.
Dunton, his character of Mr. Morton, i. 26.-His Athenian Society, 344.-His
character of De Foe, ib.-His satire on King William, ii. 98.-His account of
Benjamin Bridgewater, 117.-His Athenian Gazette, 198.-His character of a
Tacker, 303.-His character of De Foe, 503.-His connexion with De For,
iii. 417.
D'Urfey, Tom, flatters the Queen, iii. 344.
Dyer, the news writer, his ill-usage of De Foe, ii. 291.-His bickerings with the
Review, 416.-His reputation for falsehood, 417.-Noticed, iii. 19.-His
notice of the Clergy's Address, 154.-Renews the contest with De Foe, 184.—
Character of his Paper, ib.-De Foe invites him to peace, 185.-His letter to
him for that purpose, ib.
Dyet of Poland, a political satire, ii. 354.-Reply to it, 357.
2 v 2
660
INDEX.
E.
Eachard, Dr. John, His Grounds and Occasions of the Contempt of the Clergy,
i. 85.
Earle, Bishop, opposes the Oxford Act, i. 47.
Ecclesiastical Commission, King James's, i. 122.
Education, its importance, i. 11.-Method pursued by the Non-conformists, ib.—
Its general neglect, 266. ii. 202.—Its utility, iii. 551.
Edward the Confessor, his sanative virtues, ii. 16.
Edwin, Sir Humphrey, Lord Mayor of London, i. 170.-Carries the city Regalia
to Pinner's Hall, 271.-Abused by the clergy, ib.-Ridiculed by Swift, 272.
Elegy upon the author of the True-Born Englishman, ii. 278.
Eleven Opinions about Mr. Harley, iii. 201.
Elizabeth, Queen, nature of her Reformation, i. 14.-She touches for the Evil,
ii. 16.
Enquiry into Occasional Conformity, a Pamphlet by De Foe, ii. 47.
Enthusiasm, remark upon, i. 45.
Entick, his slander upon De Foe, iiì. 456.
Erasmus, his saying of the Puritans, i. 15.-Anecdote of, ii. 185.
Essays at removing National Prejudices, ii. 481.
Essay towards a History of the last Ministry and Parliament, iii. 141.
upon Public Credit, iii. 147.
upon Loans, iii. 148.
upon Projects, i. 256.
upon the Regulation of the Press, ii. 171.
on the South Sea Trade, iii. 200.
Essex, Lord, his fate, i. 81.
at a plain Exposition of that difficult phrase, a good peace, iii. 231.
on the History of Parties and Persecution in Britain, iii. 246.
on the Treaty of Commerce with France, iii. 328.
upon Literature, iii. 544.
on the History and Reality of Apparitions, iii. 567.
Evelyn, his account of a scene at court, just before King Charles's death, i. 100.
Every Body's Business Nobody's Business, iii. 538.-Answers to, 540.
Examiner, account of the papers so called, iii. 149.-De Foe's Remarks upon, 186.
189.
Experiment; or, the Shortest Way with the Dissenters Exemplified, ii. 345.-
Defence of it, 349.
Eyles, Sir John, Lord Mayor of London, i. 270.
F.
Fable of the Beasts and their King, ii. 158.
Faction Displayed, a Poem, ii. 241.
Fagg, Sir John, a friend of De Foe's, i. 230.
Fairfax, General, description of him, iii. 509.
Family Instructor, iii. 404.-A second volume, 421.-A third volume, 576.
Fanatics, who they were at the Restoration, i. 38.
B
Fasts, Political, remarks upon, iii. 66.
Faults on Both Sides, iii. 143.--Second Part, 144.--Other works arising out ofit, 145.
661
Females, De Foe's account of those of his time, i. 264.-Recommends greater
attention to their education, ib.
Fifteen Comforts of a Scotchman, ii. 501.
INDEX.
Fleming, Robert, his Discourse on the Rise and Fall of Popery, i. 328.-His His-
tory of Hereditary Right, iii. 220.
Foe, Daniel, Grandfather of De Foe, i. 6.
James, father of De Foe, ib.
Daniel De, for references to, see the headings of the several chapters.-His
children and descendants, iii. 641.
Daniel, jun. iii. 641,
Benjamin, iii. 642.
Norton, iii. 642.
Bernard Norton, 643.
Fools, De Foe proposes an establishment for, i. 260.—their usefulness in a state,
iii. 549.
Forfeited estates in Ireland, unjust proceedings concerning them, i. 309.-Publica-
tions upon the subject, 310.
Fortunate Mistress, or Life of Roxana, iii. 526.
Fortune-teller's, account of some, iii. 477.
Fox, the bookseller, his ill-usage of De Foe, ii. 291.
France, influence of, upon the affairs of England, ii. 315.—Its power and resources,
ii. 207.-Causes of its despotism, 209.
Franklin, Dr., his commendation of De Foe's Essay upon Projects, i. 267.
Freeholder's Plea against Stock-jobbing Elections, i. 340.
Free Institutions, their advantages, i. 5.
French convert, iii. 523.
Prophets, iii. 19.-De Foe's account of them, 20.
Friendly Dæmon, iii. 482.
Epistle to Thomas Bradbury, iii. 409.
Societies, De Foe's plan for, i. 259.
Fuller, Dr. Thomas, his account of a proverb, iii. 12.
G.
Gallienus Redivivus, a pamphlet, by Leslie, i. 247.
Gardner, Dr., his answer to Hancocke, iii. 518.
Gay, his account of the Review, iii. 297.—Remarks upon his Beggars' Opera, 595.
Gee, Joshua, compared with De Foe, 588.
General History of Trade, iii. 338.
George I., his accession to the throne, iii. 376.-His coronation, 377.
George, Prince of Denmark, goes over to the Prince of Orange, i. 152.-Declared
Generalissimo, ii. 3.-For pacific measures, 11.-A remark of his, iii. 5.—His
advice to the Queen, 6.—His death and character, 38.
Gildon, his libel upon De Foe, iii. 436.
Gill, Abraham, his case, ii. 345.
Giving Alms no Charity, a pamphlet, by De Foe, ii. 308.
Glenco, massacre at, some account of, i. 245.-De Foe's Vindication of King
William in that affair, 248.
Glocester, Duke of, consequences of his death, i. 357.
Goddard, Thomas, his sermon at Windsor, iii. 138.--Ridiculed by Dr. King, 139
662
INDEX.
Godolphin, Lord, in the first ministry of King William, i. 177.-First Lord of the
Treasury, 236.-Deserts the High-Church party, ii. 11.—Declares against the
Occasional Bill, 129.-Abandons the Tories, 237.-Eulogium upon his manage-
ment, 240.—His favour to De Foe, 483.-Harley's intrigues to supplant him.
iii. 4.—His testimony to De Foe's integrity, 8.-His management commended,
114.-His public spirit, 134.-His merit in managing the finances, 148.—
Rejects the services of Swift, 151.-Attacked by the ministers, 194.-Accused
of peculation, 299.
Godwin, William, correction of a mistake of his, i. 84.—Quoted, 86.
Gordon, Duchess of, presents a medal of the Pretender to the Faculty of Advo-
cates, iii. 222.
Government, remarks upon its origin and objects, i. 427.
Granger, his character of Titus Oates, i. 67.-His commendation as a writer, iii.
614.
Granville, Lord John, his intolerant proceedings in Carolina, ii, 322.-His despo-
tic conduct, 325.-His death, 327.
Grascome, Samuel, a controversial writer amongst the Non-jurors, i. 203.-His
reply to Owen upon Occasional Conformity, ii. 124. His second reply, 125.
Great Law of Subordination, iii. 536.
Greenshields, James, De Foe's account of him, iii. 77.-Pamphlet in his de-
fence, 78.
Greenville, Dr. Dennis, his letter to Dr. Comber, i. 205.
Groans of Europe, iii. 339.
of Great Britain, ib.
Guiscard, Marquis de, his attempt upon Harley, iii. 195.-Dies of his wounds,
197.
Gustavus Adolphus, his pleasant manner of making war, iii. 505.—His death, 507.
Gwynne, Nell, one of K. Charles's mistresses, i. 36.—Addicted to Swearing, 38.
H.
Hales, Sir Edward, embarks with King James, i. 156.
Hales, Sir Thomas, his conduct to the Kentish petitioners, i. 390.
Halifax, Marquis of, removed from office, i. 115.-His saying to the Earl of Perth,
ib.-His pamphlet upon the Dispensing Power, 127.-Made Keeper of the Privy
Seal. 177.-Attacked by the Whigs, 192.-His remark upon parties, 330.
Halifax, Charles Montague, Earl of, made Chancellor of the Exchequer, i, 236.—
Impeached by the Commons, 384.-His character, ib.-By Swift, 383.-Dis-
missed the Privy Council, ii. 3.-Publishes an answer to Bromley's Speech,
301. His speech upon the danger of the Church, 405.
Hamilton, William, one of the Kentish petitioners, i. 390.
Sir William, his experience, iii. 29.
Hancocke, Dr., his work upon the cure of fevers, iii. 517.-Controversy upon, 518.
Hanmer, Sir Thomas, chosen Speaker, iii. 350.
Hannibal at the Gates, iii. 275.-Hannibal not at our Gates, ib.
Hanover Spy, iii. 417.
Harbin, George, author of the Hereditary Right of the Crown of England Asserted,
iii. 347.
Harcourt, Sir Simon, Attorney-General, his ill-treatment of De Foe, ii. 65.-
Made Lord Keeper, iii. 140.-His character, ib.
Ag
INDEX.
663
Hardwick, Lord, his Vindication of King William, i. 320.
Harley, Robert, chosen Speaker, i. 356.-His strange conduct upon the Act of
Settlement, 360.-His picture, 362.-His disingenuity, 363.-Toland's account
of his conduct, ib.-Promotes an union of parties, 364.-Harrington's Oceana
published under his patronage, 373.-Legion's letter to him, 396.-Chosen
Speaker again, 462.-Made Speaker a third time, ii. 14.-The agent of mode-
rate measures, 239.-His negociation with De Foe, 273.-He defeats the Oc-
casional Bill, 295.-Entrusts De Foe with a secrect mission, 357.-De Foe's
letter to him, 358.-Brings down a message to the Commons relating to the
Memorial of the Church of England, 373.-Patronises Toland, 377.-Attacked
by Stephens, 379.-Defended by Toland, ib.-Recommends De Foe to the
patronage of Godolphin, 482.-His intrigues through Mrs. Masham, iii. 4.-
His character, 5.-Further account of his intrigues, ib.-Dismissed from office,
6. His political conduct, 135.-Speech at Sacheverell's trial, 136.—His mys-
tery, 140.-His character, 141.-Works in his praise, ib. 143.-De Foe's good
opinion of his politics, 161.-His embarrassment, 174.-Works for and against
him, 173.-His moderation, 194.-His pretensions to power, 195.-Attempt to
assassinate him, ib.-Honours bestowed upon him, 197.-His project of a trade
to the South Seas, 198.-Eleven opinions about him, 201.-Gives offence to the
Tories, 204.-The Tories unite under him, 217.-His conduct with regard to
the succession, 218.-Created Earl of Oxford, ib.-Leaves the Dissenters in the
lurch, 241.-Protects De Foe from the vengeance of the Whigs, 318.-En-
courages persons of all sects, 346.-Defeats the intrigues for the Pretender, 353.
Remarks upon his conduct as a minister, 354.-His political finesse, 363.-His
power undermined by Bolingbroke, 370.-The Staff taken from him, 371.-
Bolingbroke's rage at him, 372.
Harrington, his Oceana published, i. 373. 381.
Have a care what you say, a libel upon De Foe, ii. 527.
Haversham, Lord, the Commons pass some resolutions against him, i. 385.—De
Foe dedicates a work to him, ii. 164.-He joins the Tories, 397.-Attacks the
Ministers, ib.-Publishes his Speech, 398.-De Foe answers it, ib.-He pub-
lishes a Vindication, 399.-De Foe replies, ib.-His Speech against the Union,
516.-De Foe's remarks upon it, ib.-His Philippic against the Ministers, 525.
-De Foe's satire upon it, 426.
Haymarket Theatre, account of its opening, ii. 350.
Haywood, Eliza, a female novelist, iii, 481.
Henry VIII., his usurpation of the Supremacy, i. 12.
Heraclitus Ridens, a paper so called, ii. 197.
Herbert, Admiral, his honourable conduct, i. 147.
Hereditary Right, debates upon the subject, i. 165.-Its history, iii. 220.-A large
work in its defence, 344.
Herring, Archbishop, censures the Beggars' Opera, iii. 595.-Abused by Swift, ib.
Hickes, Dr., the Non-juror, his character, i. 203.
John, a Non-conformist, ib. n.
歌
​ܝ
High-Church Party in Charles's Reign, their Intolerance, i. 46.-Their hypocrisy,
133.--Favoured by Queen Anne, ii. 7.--Become discontented, 11.--Unmasked by
De Foe, 50.-Their language against the Dissenters, 58.-Abettors of persecu-
tion, 165.-Dishonesty towards Dissenters, 253.-Violent conduct, 294.-Their
664
INDEX.
hypocrisy, 296.-Jacobites in principle, 367.-De Foe's character of, 368.-
Satire upon them, 392.-Their violence, iii. 103.-Gain ground, 108.
High Church Address to Dr. Sacheverell, iii. 113.
Legion, ii. 376.
High and Low Church, Rise of the distinction, ii. 26.-Nature of it, ib.
Highways, De Foe's speculations upon their improvement, i. 258.
History, its perversion by modern writers, i. 255.
History of Hereditary Right, iii. 220.
History of Addresses, iii. 160.
History of Faction, quoted, i. 305. 404. 409. ii. 283. 299.-Account of the Work
and its author, 335.
History and Fall of the Conformity Bill; an excellent new song, ii. 304.
History of the Kentish Petition, i. 409.
History of the Press Yard, iii. 416.
History of the Union of Great Britain, iii. 45.-Account of the work, 46.-Its
merits, 48.-Various editions, 49.-Gives rise to a paper war, 50.
Hoadly, his Letter in Defence of the Bishops, ii. 131.-His liberal notions, 132.-
Attacked by Bishop Compton, 405.-Drowned in effigy, iii. 110.—Attacks the
Tories, 142.-His Letter concerning Allegiance, 154.-Declaration of Truth to
him, 410.
C
Hodges, James, writes against the Union, ii. 488.-Is answered by De Foe, 489.
Hone, William, his revival of Jure Divino, ii. 471.-His character of De Foe, ib.
Honesty, exemplified in De Foe, i. 212.-His remarks upon the subject, 219.
Hough, Bishop, complains of the insubordination of the clergy, ii. 405.
Howe, John, the Dissenting Minister, De Foe addresses a work to him, ii. 36.-
He Replies, 37.-De Foe rejoins, 38.-His Letter about Occasional Con-
formity, 42.
P
Hughes, John, his reply to Dean Willis's Sermon, ii. 392.
Hume, Sir Patrick, his Narrative referred to, i. 370.
Humphrey, John, his Pamphlet against the Test, iii. 52.
Hungarians, call in the Turks to their assistance, i. 90.
Hunter, Rev. Joseph, has a Genealogy of the Mortons, i. 24.
Hussey, Joseph, his Warning from the Winds, ii. 265.
M. P., for Gloucestershire, his insolent reflection upon King Wil-
liam, i. 400.-Ridiculed by De Foe, iii. 234.-Bribed to hold his Tongue,
269.
Hutchinson, Francis, his Historical Essay concerning Witchcraft, iii, 573.
Hymn to the Pillory, ii. 71.-De Foe's account of it, 341.
Tyburn, ii. 74.
Victory, ii. 282.-Allusion to, iii. 14.
Truth, ii. 411.
Peace, ii. 419.
the Mob, iii. 386.
Ap
Howell, Laurence, a writer amongst the non-jurors, i. 203.
James, iii. 484.
John, his Life of Selkirk, iii. 448.
Huddleston, Father, receives King Charles II. into the Catholic Church, i. 100.
Hue and Cry after Daniel De Foe, iii. 180.
INDEX.
665
I.
Indulgence, King Charles's first declaration, i. 43.-Recalled, 44.-His Second
Declaration, 53.-Revoked, 54.-King James's, 123.
Inquiry into the case of Mr. Asgill's Translation, ii. 286.
Instructions from Rome in favour of the Pretender, iii. 112.
Ireland, State of Religious Parties there at the Revolution, ii. 185.-Zeal of the
Presbyterians for the Revolution, 186.-King William's bounty to them, ib.-
Withdrawn by Queen Anne, ib.-Supineness of the church clergy, and activity
of the Catholics, ib.-The Commons pass a bill to prevent the Growth of Popery,
ib.—Disingenuous conduct of the English Ministers, 187.-De Foe writes against
the Bill, 189.
Irish, De Foe's account of their behaviour at Reading and other places, i. 154.
J.
Jacobites, satirized by De Foe, i. 194.-They plot against the government, 195.-
Their infatuation, 204.-De Foe invites them to transfer their allegiance, 445.—
His further address to them, iii. 64.-Encouraged by the government, 222.—
Fall into their own snare, 262.-Prosperous state of their affairs, 342.—Their
insolence, 344.-Countenanced by the Queen and her ministers, 351.-Their
political influence, 357.
James I., His proceedings with regard to Religion, i. 14.
II. becomes a convert to Popery, i. 40.-Openly avows himself, 74.-
Attempt to convert him, ib.-His curious interview with some bishops, 75.-
Bill for his exclusion, 75.-Influences his brother's government, 93.-His
accession to the throne, 102.-Character of Bolingbroke, ib.-Breaks his Pro-
mises, 103.-His arbitrary measures, 115.-Governs by his own will, 120.-
Attacks the Universities, 121.-Prohibits preaching upon controverted subjects,
ib.—Institutes an Ecclesiastical Commission, 122.-His insincerity, 137.-His
Injunction to the Bishops, 139.-Interview with them, 140.-Sends some of
them to the Tower, 141.-His infatuation, 142.-His interview with the Bishops,
149.-His imbecility, 151.-Joins his army at Salisbury, ib.-Deserted by his
army and family, 152.-Desperate state of his affairs, 153.-Leaves London in
disguise, 156.-His ill-usage at Feversham, 157.--Returns to London, 160.-
Departs the kingdom, 161,-Sources of bis mis-government, ib.-His cold-
blooded cruelty, 162.-Deprived of the crown, 165.—Invades Ireland, 193.—
Defeated at the battle of the Boyne, 194.-Projects the invasion of England,
234.- His conversation with the French King, 234.-His disappointment, 235.
-He again menaces an invasion, 386.-His death and character, 441.—His
gift of healing, ii. 19.
James, Hugh, his vexatious conduct towards Abraham Gill, ii. 346.-Replies to
the Experiment, 348.
Isaac, his account of Selkirk, iii. 448.
Jaque, Colonel, his Life and Adventures, iii. 494.
Jeffries, Judge, his cruelties in the West, 110.
Jenkin, Robert, a non-juror, i. 203.
Jenkyn, William, his cruel treatment, ii. 444.
Johnson, Dr., his character of De Foe, i. 3.-A remark of his, 47.--On periodical
K
666
INDEX.
papers, ii. 204.-His eulogium upon Robinson Crusoe, 437.-His opinion of
Carleton's Memoirs, 590.
Johnson, Julian, his account of Charles's policy, i. 64.-His remarks upon the
death of Stephen College, 83.-And upon Tyranny, 128.-Upon the conduct of
the Clergy in James's reign, 135.-His notes upon Burnet's Pastoral Letter,
179.-Remark upon English priestcraft, 200.-A writer for the Revolution,
381.
Journal of the Plague Year, iii. 514.
Judgment of whole Kingdoms and Nations, iii. 96.
Jura Populi Anglicani, account of a pamphlet so called, i. 412.
Jure Divino, a Poem by De Foe, ii. 465.-History of its publication, ib.-Sin-
gular dedication, 467.-Object of the work, ib.-Its character, 469.-Lampoons
upon it, 470.
Jus Regium, a work so called, i. 310.
Juxon, Archbishop, his curious Licence for eating flesh in Lent, i. 43.
K.
Kenn, Bishop, gives absolution to Charles II., i. 100.-Attends the Duke of
Monmouth, 109.-His interview with James II. 140.-A devotional writer,
202.
Kennet, Dr., libelled by Welton, iii. 112.-By Dyer, 154.-Quoted, 345.
Kentish Petition, history of, i. 389.-A copy of it, 391.
Kentish Petitioners, account of them, and of their imprisonment, i. 390, &c.
Kettlewell, a passive preacher, i. 122. 127.—A devotional writer, 203.-Sows the
seeds of Jacobitism at Coleshill, iii. 251.
Kidder, Bishop, regulates the Reformation Societies, i. 297.-He is killed in the
great Storm, ii, 264.
Kimberley, Jonathan, his violence against the Dissenters, ii. 46.--Brief notice of
him, ib.
King William's Affection to the Church of England examined: a Satire, ii. 95.
King, Archbishop, his testimony to the good behaviour of the Irish Dissenters, ii.
192.
Dr. William, abuses Mr. Goddard, iii. 139.-A writer in the Examiner,
150. His libel upon Bisset, 179.-And De Foe, 180.
Kippis, Dr., his comparison between De Foe and Richardson, iii. 639.
Kirk, Colonel, his cruelties in the West, i. 110.-His reply to King James, when
urged to turn Catholic, 147.
L.
Lamb, Charles, his judgment of De Foe as a writer of Fiction, iii. 428.-His
character of De Foe's Secondary Novels, 636.
Lamplugh, Archbishop, a persecutor and traitor, i. 95.
Lancaster, Dr., Vicar of St. Martin's, ii. 452, 459.
Land, best mode of its improvement, iii. 71.
Law, a Bottomless Pit, iii. 301.
Lawful Prejudices against an Incorporating Union with England, ii. 491.-De-
fended, 493.-Second Defence, 495.
Layman's Sermon upon the late Storm, ii. 265.
667
Lee, Dr. Francis, his defence of King James, ii. 126.-Wrote the Life of Kettle-
well, 203.
Legion's Memorial to the Commons. i. 395.-Copy of it, 396.-Replies to it,
414.
Legion's New Paper, i. 455.
INDEX.
Address to the Lords, ii. 234.-Answer to it, 235.
Leighton, Sir Ellis, Anecdote of him, i. 64.
Lent, how observed in King Charles's reign, i. 43.
Leslie, Charles, a non-juror, i. 203.-His account of the Massacre at Glenco, 247.
—Attacks a pamphlet of De Foe's, ii. 26.-His New Association, 29.-Cha-
racter of him, ib.-His case of the Regale and Pontificate, 30.-—Projects an
Union between the English and Gallican churches, 31.-Slanders De Foe, 76.
-Publishes a second part of the New Association, 81.-Author of the Memorial
of the Presbyterians, 83.-His Lamentations upon the Calves'-Head Club, 109.
-Curious specimen of his Logic, ib.-His attack upon Burnet, 130.—His Wolf
stripped, 153. His curious notions of the priesthood, 154.-His tools for con-
version, 155.-His halcyon days, 156.-His account of the impression produced
by De Foe's Shortest Way, 157.-Would have made an excellent inquisitor,
158.-De Foe answers his Wolf Stripped, 159.-His Rehearsal, 199.—Remarks
upon Legion, 235.-Upon Faction Displayed, 243.-His Cassandra, 251.—
Answered in the Protestant Jesuit unmasked, 252.-His rage at De Foe, 254.—
Sets on foot the Rehearsal, 255.-Account of the work, 256.-His attack upon
Asgill, 285.-Abuses De Foe, 348.-His remarks upon the opening of the Hay-
market Theatre, 352.-Philippic against Whigs and Dissenters, 353.-His
account of the Church Memorial, 376.-His contest with the Review, 417.-
His opinion of De Foe's talents, 449.-De Foe Satirizes him, 454.-His taunts
upon
De Foe repelled, 502.—Attacks De Foe for his concern in the Union, 522.
-De Foe's answer, ib.-His contest with De Foe, iii. 19.-His unfounded
charges against the Presbyterians, 44.-Lays down his Rehearsal, 86.-His
coarse remark upon baptism, 176.-Attempts to convert the Pretender, 343.
L'Estrange, Roger, his Guide to the Inferior Clergy, answered by De Foe, i. 84.—
His answer, 89.-—His Observator, 197.
Letter to a Dissenter, i. 137.
from Captain Tom to the Mob, iii. 111.
to a Friend upon Occasional Conformity, ii. 139.
to Sir Jacob Banks, iii. 129.
concerning Allegiance, iii, 154.
from a Gentleman at the Court of St. Germains, iii. 170.
from a Tory Freeholder, iii. 302.
from a Member of the House of Commons, relating to the Bill of Commerce,
iii. 328.-Remarks on it, 331.
to the Dissenters, iii. 359.-Replies to, 360.-Another Letter, 424.
Liberty, advantage of, i. 5.-Its progress in the reign of King William, 379.—
Leading writers in its behalf, 380.-Its praises, 382.-De Foe's eulogium upon,
iii. 17.-Its abuse, 537.
Liberty of Episcopal Dissenters in Scotland truly stated, ii. 184.
Lobb, Stephen, a friend to toleration, i. 125.-Under Personal obligations to King
James, ib.
magic
see ystem
668
Locke, his account of the steps taken by Charles II. to enslave the people, i. 39.
-His reflections upon Bartholomew day, 42.-His account of the commission
to seize the estates of Papists, 60.-And of the politics of the clergy, 117.-His
Letters upon Toleration, 380.-Treatises upon Government, ib.-Frames a
Constitution for Carolina, ii, 321.
INDEX.
Lockhart's Libel upon De Foe, ii. 502.
London University, De Foe projects one, iii. 592.-Remarks upon its utility,
593.
Love, Alderman, his Speech for the Test Act, i. 58.
Louis XIV., assists King James to invade Ireland, i. 193.-His opinion of the
English, 234.-His faithless conduct, 321.-A merciless persecutor, 327.—His
practice of bribery, 357.—Visits King James upon his death-bed, 443.—Pro-
claims the Pretender, ib.-Publishes a memorial in justification of his conduct,
444.-His eulogy upon King William, 467.-His edict against Duelling, ii. 214.
-His policy towards the Protestants, 250.-His duplicity, iii. 63.
Loyal Man's Psalter, iii. 344.
Ludlow, General, a writer for Liberty, i. 381.
M.
Mackworth, Sir Humphrey, his Vindication of the Commons, i. 416.-Replied to
by Lord Somers, 417.-And by De Foe, 418.-His address from the Middle
Temple, 439.-Publishes Peace at Home, 133.-Remarks upon his work, 134.
-Replied to by De Foe, 135.-And by Mr. John Shute, 138.-His Scheme for
providing for the Poor, 308.-Introduces a Bill for the purpose, ib.-De Foe
writes against the measure, ib.-His bill rejected by the Lords, 317.-De Foe's
arguments against it, 318.-Implicated in writing the Memorial of the Church
of England, 372.-Renews his Bill for the employment of the poor, 514.-De
Foe's remarks upon it, ib.
Macky's, John, Journey through England, iii. 535.
Macpherson, his libel upon King William, i. 358.
Manley, Mrs., writes the Examiners, iii, 150.
Marlborough, Duke of, his slender claims to patriotism, i. 147.-Deserts the King,
151. His treachery to King William, 242.-Gains over the Princess Anne to
the Protestant succession, 359.-In favour with Queen Anne, ii. 3.-Deserts
the High-Church party, ii. 237.-His Success, 282.-Honours bestowed upon
him, 317.-De Foe's Vindication of him, 379.-His victory at Ramillies cele-
brated by De Foe, 441.-Harley's intrigues against him, iii. 4. 6.-Turned out
of his employments, 237.-Charged with peculation, 299.
Duchess of, introduces Mrs. Masham to Court, iii. 2.-Their aliena-
tion, 3.-Her high spirit, ib.-Her steps to defeat Harley, 5.-Ridiculed by
Arbuthnot, 301.
Marmontel, his observation upon Robinson Crusoe, iii. 441.
Mars stripped of his Armour, iii. 64.
Martin, Henry, compiled by Mercator, iii. 332. 334. 335.
Marvel, Andrew, his account of Charles's parliament, i. 50,-His remarks upon
the political use of Christianity, 95.-Insult to his memory, 301.
Mary, Queen, her accession to the throne, i. 176.-Her death, 236.-Sensation
produced by it, 237.-Her character, ib.-Her taste for gardening, 240.—And
669
for collecting china, 241.-Consequences of her death, 242.-Reforms the
court, 287.-Her regard for the observance of the sabbath, 300.
Masham, Lady, her introduction to court, iii. 2.-Her marriage, ib.-Her politics,
4. Her intrigues in favour of the Pretender, 352.-And of Bolingbroke, 370.
Maximilian II., a saying of his, i. 104.
Maynwaring, Arthur, a writer in the Medley, iii. 152.-He attacks De Foe,
227.-De Foe's reply, ib.
INDEX.
May-Poles, erected at the Restoration, i. 36.-Come into fashion again, ii. 9.-
Revive with Queen Anne, iii. 67.
Medley, a Paper so called, iii. 152.-Revived by Ridpath, 283.-De Foe's reply
to, ib.
Melmoth, William, his Letter to De Foe upon the Theatre, iii. 616.
Memoirs of the Church of Scotland, iii. 418.
Memorial of the Church of England, ii. 369.-Presented by the Grand Jury, 372.
-Answered by De Foe, 375.-Other replies, 377.
of the State of England, ii. 377.
of the Presbyterians, ii. 83.
Mercator; or, Commerce Retrieved, iii. 331.-Boyer's account of it, 332.-Old-
mixon's, ib.-Tindal's, 333.-Chalmers's, 335.-De Foe's account of what he
wrote in it, 336.
Mercer's Hall, curious account of a dinner there, i. 405.
Mercure Scandale, forms a portion of De Foe's Review, ii. 217.
Mercurius Politicus, account of that Paper, ii. 364.
Meredith, Mr., presents the Kentish Petition, i. 391.
Mere Nature delineated, iii. 547.
Mesnager, Mons., the French agent, iii. 225.—Minutes of his Negotiations pub-
lished, 417.
Milbourne, Luke, his attack upon the Dissenters, ii. 112.-Answered by Brad-
bury, ib.-Emulates Sacheverell, iii. 104.-His absurd sermon, ib.
Milton, feigns being dead, i. 39.-His works republished by Toland, 380.—His
writings referred to, 191.
Mine-Adventure, ii. 429.—Submitted to the judgment of De Foe, ib.—Its merits
discussed by him, 430.
Ministerial Profession, qualifications for, i. 30.
Mock Mourners, a satire by De Foe, i. 476.
L
Moderation Displayed, a Poem, by Shippen, ii. 243.
Moderation, Justice, and Manners of the Review, ii. 423.-De Foe animadverts
upon it, 424.
Modest Enquiry into the Causes of the Present Disasters of England, a pamphlet
so called, i. 194.-A Second Modest Enquiry, 195.
Modesty and Sincerity of High-Churchmen exemplified, ii. 348.
Mohocks, their exploits, iii. 273.-De Foe falsely charged as one of them, 274.—
Repels it with indignation, ib.-Swift's fear of them, 275.
Molyneux, his account of Sherlock's conversion, i. 197.
Monboddo, Lord, his visit to Peter the Wild Boy, iii, 552.
Monk, General, his duplicity, 34.-Surprises King Charles at mass, 41.
Monmouth, Duke of, some account of him, i. 105.-His invasion of England,
106.-A frequenter of the race-ground, 107.-His progress, 108.-Defeat,
670
INDEX.
109.-And execution, ib.-His character, ib.-An Inquiry into his title to the
crown proposed, 365.-De Foe writes upon it, ib.
Montesquieu, his remark upon toleration, ii. 427.
Moor, Sir John, Lord Mayor of London, i. 78. 79.
Moore, Bishop, publishes King William's Prayers, ii. 166.-His good character, 168.
More Reformation, a Satire by De Foe, ii. 87.
More Short Ways with the Dissenters, ii. 246.
Moreton's, Andrew, Every Body's Business Nobody's Business, iii. 538.-His
Protestant Monastery, 573.-His Parochial Tyranny, 575.-His Augusta Tri-
umphans, 591.-His Second Thoughts are Best, 594.
Morley, Bishop, he attempts the conversion of the Duke of York, i. 74.-His
message to the Duke of York, 139.
Morton, Charles, De Foe's account of his academy, i. 22.-His Plan of Edu-
cation, ib.—Defended from the aspersions of Wesley, 23.-Some account of
him, 24.-Vindication of his seminary, ii. 103.
Musgrave, Sir Christopher, advocates a Standing Army, i. 279.
N.
Narrative of the late Treatment of the Episcopal Ministers in Edinburgh, iii. 43.
Naturalization of Foreign Protestants, Bill for the puspose, iii. 54.—Advocated by
De Foe, 55.-Attempt to clog it with the Sacramental Test, 57.
Nelson, Robert, a non-juror, i. 203.-Presents a book to the Queen, iii. 345.-
His favour at Court, 347.
Nettleton, Dr., a friend of De Foe's, iii. 308.-His Thoughts concerning Virtue
and Happiness, ib.
New Association of Moderate Churchmen, a work by Leslie, ii. 209.-A Second
Part, 81.
Newspapers, their origin, ii. 196.-Leading Papers before the Revolution, 197.-
After the Revolution, 198.
New Test of the Church of England's Honesty, ii. 252.
the same title, by De Foe, ii. 23.
Loyalty, i. 138.-Another Pamphlet with
Sense of the Nation, iii. 157.
Wonder: or, a Trip to St. Paul's, iii. 111.
Noble, Francis, a mutilator of De Foe's Works, iii. 493. 527.
Mark, censured as a writer, iii. 613.
No-Church Catechism, iii. 142.
P
Non-conformists, ejected from the church, i. 42.-King Charles's first indulgence
to them, 43.-Defence of their preaching, 45.-Persecuted, 46.-King Charles's
Second Indulgence, 53.-Excluded from civil offices, 53.-King James allows
them liberty of worship, 123.
Non-jurors, their rise, i. 178.—Implicated in a Plot, 195.—Their clergy deprived,
196.—Their character and principles, 200.-Notice of their principal writers,
202.-Promote the return of King James, 204.
Noland, account of the Free State of, i. 375.
Norris, John, his notion of the Toleration, iii. 101.
North, Roger, his description of Titus Oates, i. 67.
Northern Worthies, iii. 122.
INDEX.
671
Nottingham, Earl of, made Secretary of State, i. 177.-Brings in the Act of
Toleration, 181.-Displaced from the ministry, 236.-Secretary of State to
Queen Anne, ii. 3.-Promotes the prosecution of De Foe, 61.-Sends to De
Foe in Newgate, 75.-His bigotry, 189.-Displaced, 239.-De Foe's fallusion
to him, 246.-The enemy of De Foe, 276.-His coalition with the Whigs, 238.
-Account of him by a Tory writer, 239.-Renews the Bill against Occasional
Conformity, 240.-A Pamphlet ascribed to him, 341.-Vindication of, ib.-
He opposes the Schism Bill, 363.
Novel and Scandal, a Paper so called, iii. 88. 111.
Now or Never, a libel upon De Foe, iii. 163.
Man
0.
Oaths, Political, their inutility exemplified by Charles II., i. 40.-De Foe's re-
marks upon them, 169.—Bill for their regulation, 177.-Their nullity, iii. 158.
Oates, Titus, has a pension, i. 66.-Granger's character of him, ib.-He is
godfather to the Tories, 73.-Allusion to him, 368.
Observations on the Bankrupts' Bill, ii. 436.-Upon the State of the Nation, iii.
340.-Works in Reply, ib.
Observator, by L'Estrange, ii. 197.—By Tutchin, 199.-Libel upon, 304.
Occasional Conformity, Rise of the Controversy concerning, i. 269.-De Foe
writes upon it, 273.-Bill brought into the Commons to prevent it, ii. 33.-
Occasion of the practice, 35.-De Foe revives the controversy, 36.-Mr. Howe
replies to him, 37.-The controversy renewed, 42.-Debates upon the Bill, 43.
-De Foe's account of its origin, 45.-He returns to the controversy, 47.—
The controversy continued, 121.-Remarks upon it, 125.-De Foe publishes
another work upon the subject, 244.-The subject revived in Parliament, 295.—
The Bill renewed, and passes both Houses, iii. 240.-Remarks upon it, 241.
October Club, De Foe's account of it, iii. 203. 204.-Pamphlets relating to, 207.
Old and Modern Whig truly represented, i. 439.
Oldfield, Dr. Joshua, minister at Tooting, i. 175.
Oldmixon, his account of a City procession, i. 189.—Of De Foe's trading, 208.—
Quoted, 231.-His account of the Legion Paper, 395. 404. 405.--Relates an
anecdote of De Foe's Shortest Way, ii. 56.—On the Earl of Nottingham's
tampering with De Foe, 75.-On the Calves'-Head Club, 111.-On the Great
Storm, 265.-His account of Faults on both Sides, 144.-A writer in the
Medley, 152.-Author of the History of Addresses, 160.-A libeller of De
Foe, 211.-His account of De Foe's prosecution, 315.-His remarks on the
Bill of Commerce, 331.-His account of Mercator, 332.-His remarks on the
Letter to the Dissenters, 360.-His remarks upon the Secret History of the
White Staff, 380.-Quoted, 418.
Oldisworth, a writer in the Examiner, iii. 150.
Orange, Prince of, invited to invade England, i. 148.-His arrival, 149.-Address
of adherence to him, 156.-His generosity to King James, 160.-He arrives
in London, 164.—Proceedings for settling the kingdom, ib.-His independent
conduct, 168.-Voted into the vacant throne, 171.
Qrford, Earl of, impeached by the Commons, i. 384.—His character, ib.—By
Swift, 387.-His public spirit, iii. 134.
i
Original Power of the People of England, account of the work, i. 418.-Remarks
upon De Foe's argument, 427.
672
INDEX.
Original Right, a pamphlet by De Foe, ii. 145.
Overall, Bishop, account of his Convocation Book, i. 199.
Owen, James, writes upon Occasional Conformity, ii. 121.-Replied to by De.
Foe, 122.-And by other writers, 123.-Defends his former pamphlet, 124.-
Reply to him, 125.-Attacked by Leslie, 153.
Oxford University, its celebrated decree, i. 80.—Its disloyalty, 124.
P.
Packington, Sir John, his absurd speech, ii. 129.
Palatines come to England, iii. 70.-Their case recommended by De Foe, 71.-
His project for their employment, 73.
Palmer, Samuel, his Defence of Dissenting Academies, ii. 100.-Further Reply
to Wesley, 105.-His Conformity, 107.
Parker, Lord Chief Justice, his unfair conduct, iii. 316.-Exposed by De Foe,
317.
M
M
Parliament of Charles II., its subserviency, i. 39.—And Bribery, 49.-De Foe's
account of the pension-parliament, 50.-Assists Charles in his policy, 51.—
Changes its tone towards Dissenters, 54.-Violence about the Popish Plot, 66.
-Repeals the Penal Laws, 75.-Breach with the King, 76.—Subserviency to
King James II., 104.-Opposes the increase of his army, 119.-Meeting of the
Convention Parliament, 165.—Its proceedings for settling the nation, 1b.-Passes
the Act of Toleration, 181.-Passes the Bill of Rights, 187.-Disaffected to
King William, 233.-Passes some popular measures, ib.-Opposes the King
upon the affair of the army, 280.-Character of William's third parliament
304. Of his fourth, 305.-In opposition to the King, 306.-Asperity of its
proceedings, ib.-Peevish Address, 308.-Attacks the Ministers, ib.—Resumes
the King's grants, 309.-Bad spirit of the Commons, 311.-Persecuting mea-
sures, 312.-Affronting Address to the King, 313.-Character of William's
fifth parliament, 356.-Its intemperate proceedings, 383.-Receive a check from
Legion's Memorial, 494.-Its altered tone, 437.-William's last parliament,
462.-Its good temper, 463.-Influenced by the Tories, ii. 12.-Bad disposition
of the Commons, 14.-Revives the Bill for preventing Occasional Conformity,
128.-Contests between the Lords and Commons, 232.-Renewed debate upon
the Occasional Bill, 295.-Hostilities between the two Houses, 330.-De Foe's
Address to, 393.-New one assembles, 396.-Debate upon the danger of the
Church, 405.-De Foe's Address to, 525.-Again, in the affair of Sacheverell,
iii. 94. Its dissolution resolved upon, 164.-A new one assembles, 174.-Re-
assembles, 236.—Last of Queen Anne, 350.-Passes a Bill to prevent the
growth of Schism, 362.-Hastily prorogued, 370.
Parliamentary Elections, pamphlets relating to, i. 337. 453.-Bad practices at, ii.
362.-De Foe's remarks upon, 363. iii. 23.—Carried on with fury, 165.—
Tumults at, 167.
Papillon, Thomas, his integrity, ii. 251.
Parochial tyranny, iii. 575.
Parsons, Robert, his conference about the succession, i. 198.
Partition Treaty, history of the, i. 317.-Its reception in Spain, 318.—And Eng-
land, ib.--Vindication of, 319.-De Foe's explanation of, iii. 229.-His Vindi-
cation of the Treaty and of King William, 234.
Party Tyranny; or, an Occasional Bill in Miniature, ii. 327.
g
INDEX.
Passive Obedience, a Mohammedan doctrine, i. 71.-Taught by the Clergy, 117.-
Locke's sentiments upon it, ib.-Kettlewell's sentiments, 122. 127.-Burnet and
Tillotson for it, 135.-The doctrines of the times, 136.-Renounced at the Re-
volution, 147.-Revived in Queen Anne's reign, ii. 22. &c.
Pasquinade, origin of the term, iii. 272.
Paterson, Archbishop of Glasgow, his perfidious conduct, ii. 183.
Patrick, Bishop, his manly conduct, ii. 130.-Complains of the insubordination
of the Clergy, 405.
Peace at Home, by Sir Humphrey Mackworth, ii. 133.
without Union, by De Foe, ii. 135.
673
of Utrecht, Bishop Robinson one of the negociators, iii. 219.-Commence-
ment of the negociations, 225.-Its reception in Parliament, 299.—And with
the nation, ib.--The peace concluded, 303.-Its character, ib.-De Foe's opinion
of it, 305.
Pembroke, Earl of, his resolute Speech, i. 385.-Allusion to, iii. 6.—Made Lord
High Admiral, 40.
Penal Laws for Religion, copied from the Pagans, i. 47.-Accompanied by grants
of money, 56.-Repealed by Parliament, 75.
Pepys, his account of Charles's Court, i. 36.—His visit to Lambeth Palace, 44.
Perjury, De Foe's remarks upon, i. 172.
Persecution, remarks upon, i. 46. 47.-The effect of State Policy, 59.—Of the
Hungarian Protestants, 91.-Abetted by the Clergy, 93.-And Justices, 94.-
Its folly exposed by De Foe, 95.-King James declares against it, 124.—
Example of, by the English Parliament, 312.-Protestants equally obnoxious to
the charge of, as Papists, 313.-Exposed by De Foe, ii, 44.-Its absurdity, 427.
-Its bad effect upon trade, iii. 56.-Exemplified in the case of a country town,
252.-Its effect in Scotland, 261.
Peter, the Wild Boy, speculations concerning him, iii. 547.
Philip V., King of Spain, grants a fair to be kept on a Sunday, i. 298.—Becomes
King of Spain, 322.
Phipps, Sir Constantine, patronizes the Jacobites, iii. 342.
Ka
Pierce, Sarah, a servant of James Foe, i. 7.
Pilkington, Sir John, Sheriff of London, i. 79.
Sir Thomas, Lord Mayor of London, i. 188.-Entertains King Wil-
liam, ib.
Pittis, William, attacks De Foe, ii. 377.-Prosecuted for libel, ib.
Plague, The, its character, iii. 510.-De Foe's history of, ib.-Writers upon, 515.
-Collection of pieces relating to, 576.-Dr. Hancocke's prescription for, 517.
Plan of the English Commerce, iii. 587.
Play-houses, De Foe's Address to the frequenters of the, ii. 351.-His attack upon
them, 451.—Satire upon the Players,' 459.-Upon their visit to Oxford, 462.—
Prohibited for a time, iii. 66.-De Foe's project for their suppression, 69.
Polhill, David, one of the Kentish petitioners, i. 390.—His departure from London,
407. Some account of him, 408.
Political History of the Devil, iii. 560.
Poor, Bill for their employment, ii. 308.-De Foe's sentiments upon the subject,
309.
Man's Plea, a pamphlet of De Foe's, i. 289.
2 x
VOL. III.
674
Pope, Alexander, satirizes De Foe, ii. 70.-Commends his writings, 71.-Libels
him, iii. 642.--Atterbury's character of, 643.
Popish Plot, account of, i. 64.-Its sanguinary character, 67.-Ridiculed by the
King, ib.-De Foe's account of it, ib.
Population, De Foe's theory of, ii. 310.-Its pressure against monopoly, iii. 55.—
The source of national wealth, 56. 72.
Portland, Earl of, abused by Tutchin, and defended by De Foe, i. 351.—Im-
peached by the Commons, 384.-Swift's character of him, 387.
INDEX.
Powel, the puppet-showman, his story applied to the politics of the period, iii. 365.
Powell, Sir Nathaniel, obtains a licence to eat flesh in Lent, i. 43.
Powis, Sir Thomas, his unfair dealing with De Foe, iii. 317.
Preaching of the Puritans, i. 45.—Of Sancroft, ih.—Of the Clergy, 118. 130.-—
Of Bishop Cartwright, 119.—Of the Clergy, ii. 45.-Of Thomas Burton, iii. 304.
Prerogative, remarks upon the, i. 233.
Presbyterians, their share in the Restoration, i. 41.-Cheated by the King, ib.-
Friends to a modified Episcopacy, 42.-Deprived of their livings, ib.
Present state of Jacobitism considered, i. 445.-A second part, in answer to the
first, 447.
Present state of Parties in Great Britain, iii. 263.
Press, freedom of the, an annoyance to the High-Church party, ii. 170.-De Foe
publishes an Essay upon its regulation, 171.-Tindal's reasons against restrain-
ing it, 172.-Threatened by the Tories, iii. 83.-Defended by De Foe, 84.-
Again threatened, 182.-Projected tax upon papers, 192.-De Foe's remarks
upon, ib.-Act for its regulation, 270.-De Foe's remarks upon, 271.
Pretender, proclaimed by the French King, i. 443.-Touches for the Evil, ii. 19,
—Attempts the invasion of Scotland, iii. 10.—Rumours of plots in his favour.
169.-Instructions to his adherents, 170.-His medal presented to the Faculty
of Advocates, 222.-His cause pleaded by the Tory writers, 223.-Depositions
concerning his birth, ib.-Toasted in private clubs, ib.-Songs in his favour,
224. His birth-day kept at Edinburgh, 342.-Leslie attempts his conversion,
343.-The Queen's favour for him, 352.-His mean character, 377.
Priestley, Nathaniel, a friend of De Foe's, iii. 308.
Prior, Matthew, a writer in the Examiner, iii. 150.-Sent to France to negociate
a peace, 225.-Swift's account of his journey, 226.
Privileged places for debtors, i. 216.-Suppressed by Act of Parliament, ib.
Projectors, their knavery exposed, ii. 87.511.
Property, remarks upon the laws concerning, i. 432.
Protestant Flail, description of that weapon, i. 69.
Monastery, scheme for one, iii. 573.
Puritans, their origin and history traced, i. 12. &c.—Their principles, 15.-De-
fended from the charge of fanaticism, 38.-Their preaching, 45.
Q.
Quakers, abused by Bugg, ii. 241.-Vindicated by De Foe, 422.-Their honour-
able claims, 423.-Defended from a false charge, iii. 22.
Sermon on the Union, ii. 501.
Quarll, Philip, his adventures, iii. 463.
Queensbury, Duke of, his favour to De Foe, who dedicates a work to him, ii. 485.
-Eulogized by De Foe, 497.-De Foe pays him a visit, ib,
INDEX.
R.
Rainbow, Bishop, opposes the Conventicle Act, i. 47.
Reading, some skirmisihng there, i. 163.-De Foe's account of the behaviour of
the Irish, 154.
Reasons against a War with France, i. 448.-Replies to it, 451.
against receiving the Pretender, iii. 171.
675
against the succession of the House of Hanover, iii. 310.
Reformation of Manners, proclamation upon the subject, i. 288.—De Foe writes
upon it, 289.-Societies for, their rise and progress, 296.-De Foe's account of
their success, 298.-Jealousy created by them, 300.-Dicountenanced by Arch-
bishop Sharp, 301.-Publications upon the subject, ib.-De Foe's poem upon,
ii. 85. His zeal for, 461.-Enforced, iii. 66.
a poem, ii. 83.
Regale and Pontificate, De Foe's remarks upon, i. 13. &c.-Leslie and others
write upon it, ii. 30.-Remarks upon the subject, ib.
Rehearsal, a periodical paper, by Leslie, ii. 199.-Laid down by him, iii. 86.
Revived, iii. 86.—Its principles, 87.-Its fall, 88.-Its character, 100.
Religious Courtship, Historical Discourses upon, iii. 520.
Remarks on the Bill to prevent frauds committed by Bankrupts, ii. 434.—Reply to
it, 436.
on the Barrier Treaty, iii. 300.
Republican Politics, their prevalency, 1, 373.
Review, a periodical paper, by De Foe, ii. 199.-Drake's character of it, 200.-
Leading objects and character of the work, 201.-Account of its publication,
205.-The author's exposé of his design, 206.—Subjects discussed in the first
volume, 207.—Institution of a Scandal Club, 217.—The author's defence of his
work, 220.—And of himself, 223.—A monthly supplement, 225.-Specimens of
the work, 226.-Proposals for continuing it, 227.-Account of the second vo-
lume, 410.-Little Review, 412.-Third volume, 506.-Fourth volume, iii. 14.
---Fifth volume, 59.-Sixth volume, 113.-Seventh volume, 181.-Eighth vo-
lume, 278.-Ninth volume, 295.-Remarks upon the work, 296.
Revolution in 1688.-Account of it, i. 148.-De Foe's reflections upon, 173.—
Commemorated by him annually, 175.
Richardson, an imitator of De Foe, iii. 534. 639.
Rights of Protestant Dissenters, by Mr. Shute, ii. 138.
of the Church of England, ii. 139.
P
Ridgley, Thomas, a pamphlet concerning, i. 7.
Ridpath, George, an opponent of De Foe, iii. 19.-Brings a false charge against
him, 253.-Its refutation, 255.-He conducts the Medley, 283.
Roberts's Four Years' Voyages, iii. 543.
Robertson, William, his Reply to Delaune's Plea, ii. 449.-His opinion of De
Foe, 450.
Robinson, Bishop, made Lord Privy Seal, iii. 219.-Negociates the peace of
Utrecht, ib.-His pompous retinue, ib.
Robinson Crusoe, history of its publication, iii. 429.-Its favourable reception,
431.-Farther adventures, ib.-Controversy upon its piracy, 432.-Gildon's libel
upon, 435.-Commended by Blair and Johnson, 437.-Serious reflections upon,
438.-Its enchanting character, 441.-Observation of Marmontel, ib.-Rous-
2 x 2
676
INDEX.
seau's commendation, 444.-Dr. Beattie's judgment, 445.-Founded upon the
story of Alexander Selkirk, ib.-Idle table of plagiarism confuted, 554.—Various
editions, 460.-Foreign translations, 462.-Imitations of, 463.
Rochester, Earl of, attacked in a pamphlet, i. 438.—His bigotry, ii. 188.—Eulogized
by Shippen, 241.-Speaks upon the danger of the Church, 405.-Made Presi-
dent of the Council, 139.-His pretensions to power, 195.-His condolement
with Harley, 198.-His death and character, 216.
Rogers, Timothy, quotes a work of De Foe's in the pulpit, i. 295.
Woodes, brings Selkirk to England, iii. 446.-his Voyage round the
World, 447.
Rooke, Sir George, King William's noble behaviour to him, i. 169.—His failure
at Cadiz, ii. 12.—Burnet's account of his conduct, 13.-His quarrel with Cole-
peper, 281.-Pamphlet arising out of it, ib.
Rose's observations referred to, i. 369.
Rousseau, his commendation of Robinson Crusoe, iii. 444.
Roxana, Life of, iii. 526.
Royal Religion, a pamphlet, by De Foe, ii. 167.
Touch, some account of its origin and practice in different reigns, ii. 15,
&c.-De Foe's opinion of it, 21.
65
Rozelli, Signior, adventures of, iii. 165.
Russel, Admiral, his victory at sea, i, 206.-First Lord of the Admiralty, 236.
Russell, Lord, his death, i. 81.
Ryswick, Treaty of, i. 277.-Its character, 304. 316.
S.
Sabbath, De Foe's zeal for its observance, i. 298.
Sacheverell, his sermon at Oxford, ii. 27.-Its character, ib.-Animadverted
upon by De Foe, 28.-Answered by Dennis, 29.-Gives rise to De Foe's
Shortest Way, 50.-His account of the Calves'-Head Club, 110.—His Rights of
the Church of England, 139.-Character of the work, 140.-Assize Sermon at
Oxford, 246.-De Foe's strictures upon it, 247.-Opposes Asgill, 285.-His
sermon at St. Paul's, iii. 89.-Ridiculed by De Foe, 90.-Impeached, 93.
De Foe's remarks upon his trial, 99.-Impeaches the toleration, 101.—Attacks
De Foe, ib.-Riots at his trial, 102.-His popularity envied, 104.-His lenient
sentence, 108.—Publications concerning him, 111.-Effect of his trial upon the
public, 124. His progress in the country, 131.-A Sharp Rebuke to him, 409.
Sacramental Test, first enacted, i. 55.-A banter upon religion, 274.-Made the
pimp of a party, ii. 245.-Its profanity, 492.-Controversy concerning, iii. 50.
-De Foe predicts its removal, 53.-Attempt to make it a condition of natura-
lization, 57.
Sacred Majesty, De Foe's exposition of the phrase, i. 137.
Sancroft, Abp., his preaching, i. 45.-His curious interview with the Duke of York,
75.-Orders the King's declaration to be read in churches, 76.-His resistance
to James II., 139.-Promotes a reformation in the church, 145.-Instructions
to his clergy, ib.-His conscientious scruples, 146.-Deprived, 196.-Pub-
lishes Bp. Overall's Convocation book, 198.-His character, 202.
Satyr upon King William, by Dunton, ii. 98.
Savoy Conference, its character, i. 17, 41.
Scandalous Chronicle, account of, ii. 218.
INDEX.
677
Scotch Medal decyphered, iii. 223.
Scotland, the people take arms against K. James II. i. 150.-Establishment of the
Reformation there, ii. 173.-Assumes the Presbyterian form, 174.-Persecutions
by the Stuarts, ib.-Craft to cover their cruelty, 175.-Exposed by De Foe,
176.—Re-establishment of Presbytery, 177.-Laws in its favour, 178.-Con-
tests with the Episcopalians, 180.-De Foe's Account of the country and
people, 481.-Act of security, 482.-De Foe sent there to forward the Union,
483.—He eulogizes the Scots in a poem, 487.-His schemes for the improve-
ment of the country, 499.-Loyalty of the Scots, iii. 10.--State of religious
parties in Scotland, 40.-Proceedings of the Jacobites, 41.-Ecclesiastical
Affairs, 60.-Prelatical persecution, 61.-Causes of its poverty, 74.—Capabili-
ties for improvement, 75.-Contests between the Presbyterians and Non-jurors,
ib.-Project for introducing the Liturgy, 77.-Scheme for perpetuating the
Scottish Bishops, 78.-Defence of the Scottish Church, 79.-Inroads upon the
Union threatened, 221.-Some acts against the privileges of the Scottish church,
257.-Remarks upon their design and operation, 258.-De Foe's remonstrances
against them, 259.
Scott, Sir Walter, his account of Mrs. Veal's Apparition, ii, 408.
Seasonable Caution against Papists and Jacobites, iii. 309.
Seasonable Expostulation with James Butler, iii. 409.
Second Thoughts are Best, iii. 594.
Secret History of Arlus and Odolphus, iii. 173.—Works in reply to it, ib.
the White Staff, iii. 380.-Works occasioned by it, 382.
Rebels in Newgate, iii. 417.
Memoirs of the late Mr. Duncan Campbell, iii. 486.
Selkirk, Alexander, some account of him, iii. 445.-Publications relating to him,
447.-Steel's account of him, 449.-Sequel of his history, 453.-Robinson
Crusoe founded upon his story, ib.
Septennial Bill, publications upon the subject, iii. 413.
Serious Inquiry, concerning a law to prevent Occasional Conformity, ii. 244.
Serious Reflections upon Robinson Crusoe, iii. 438.
Sermons, Farcical, one at Lambeth palace, i. 44.—Absurd one by Sancroft, 45.—
The Layman's upon the Storm, ii. 265.-Hussey's Warning from the Winds, ib.
-De Foe's at the fitting up of Daniel Burgess's Meeting-house, 452.-Quaker's
on the Union, 501.
Servants, their insufferable behaviour, iii. 536.-Their habits described, 539.
Sewell, Dr., his pamphlet against the Earl of Nottingham, iii. 341.
Seymour, Sir Edward, fall of his party, ii. 238.-He is displaced, 239.—A bad
churchman, 366.
Shadwell, his account of the neglect of education, i. 266.
Shaftesbury, Lord Chancellor, his enlightened views, i. 53.-His death, 80.
Sharp, Abp. his bigotry, i. 301. ii. 339.--His notions of the church's danger, 405.
Sharp Rebuke to Henry Sacheverell, iii. 409.
Sharpe, J., Curate of Stepney, attacks De Foe, ii. 440.
Sheldon, a callous-hearted prelate, i. 43.-Account of a farce acted before him at
Lambeth Palace, 44.-A persecutor, 46.
Sherlock, Dr., Remarks upon a sermon of his, i. 19.-His artifice about the oaths,
172.-Account of his conduct, 197.-Satirized by De Foe, 199.
678
Shippen, William, author of Faction Displayed, ii. 241.-His character, ib.-
Davies's account of him and his work, 242.-Publishes Moderation Displayed,243.
Short History of the last Parliament, i. 304.
Short and True Relation of intrigues to restore the late King James, i. 235.
Shorter, Sir John, Lord Mayor of London, i. 272.-His death, ib.
Shortest Way with the Dissenters, i. 50.-Occasion of the work, ib.-Its argu-
ment, 51.-Taken for the work of a high church-man, 55.-The author detected,
61.-Brief Explanation of, 62.-Replies to it, 76.-Allusions to the Shortest
Way, 90.-Leslie's account of the impression produced by it, 157.-The author's
defence of it, 253.—Allusion to, iii. 93. Further exemplified, 103.-The work
revived, 111.
INDEX.
Shortest Way with Whores and Rogues, ii. 80. 88.
Shortest Way to Peace and Union, ii. 91.
Shortest Way with Daniel De Foe, ii. 421.
Shower, Sir Bartholomew, pens the address from the Middle Temple, i. 439.—
Allusion to him, ii. 46.
Shower, John, his letter to Toland, ii. 378.-To the Earl of Oxford, iii. 241.
Shrewsbury, Earl of, a minister of K. William, i. 177. 236.-Made Treasurer, iii.
371.
l
Shute, Sheriff of London, i. 79.
Shute, John, afterwards Lord Barrington, his Defence of the Dissenters from any
concern in the Calves'-Head Club, ii. 111.-His rights of Protestant Dissenters,
138. Some replies to him, 139.-He writes against the Schism Bill, 366.
Sigismund, King of Sweden, deprived of his crown, i. 166.
Sincerity of the Dissenters Vindicated, ii. 122.
Singleton, Captain, his Adventures, iii. 472.
Sirnames, conjecture upon the Origin of some, i. 4.
Six Distinguishing Characters of a Parliament Man, i. 337.
Slave Trade, censured by De Foe, ii. 87.
Slaves, remarks upon their treatment, iii. 496.
Smalridge, Dr. pens the London clergy's address, iii. 154.
Smith, Dr. Thomas, a biographical writer, i. 203.
Smithies, William, his Coffee-house Preachers, ii. 471.-De Foe's account of his
treatment, 472.
Sobeiski, John, King of Poland, raises the siege of Vienna, i. 90.
Solomon, curious picture of him, ii. 464.
Somers, Lord, adduces a case in point to justify the dethroning of K. James, i.
166.-Appointed Lord Keeper, 236.-A noble saying of is, 308.-Publishes
Jus Regium, 310.-Removed from Office, 331.-His character, ib.-Offers to
stand by the king, 332.-Allusion to, 376.-A distinguished writer, 381.—
Impeached by the Commons, 384.-Swift's character of him, 383.-An Observa-
tion of his, 393.-Author of Jura Populi Anglicani, 412.-His Vindication of
the Lords, 417.-Publishes Anguis in Herba, 448.-The king presses him to
take the direction of affairs, 453.-Dismissed the privy-council, ii. 3.—Sums up
the debate upon the Danger of the Church, 405.-Made President of the
Council, iii. 40.—Declines a union with Harley, iii. 164.
Somerset, Duke of, resigns his place, iii. 165.
Sophia, Princess, K. William visits her, i. 358.-Toland's character of her, 372.
679
South, Dr., his enmity to the Dissenters, i. 186.-Anecdote of his preaching, ib.
Southampton, Lord Treasurer, a shrewd remark of his, i. 47.
INDEX.
Spanish Descent, a poem by De Foe, ii. 12.
Speculum Crape Gownorum, a satire by De Foe, i. 84.-A Second Part, 89.
Speech spoken by a Stone Chimney-Piece, iii. 244.
Spencer, Lord, a republican, i. 373.
Spies and Informers employed by Charles II., i. 60.
Spinkes, Nathaniel, a devotional writer, i. 103.
Spirits, their converse with mankind, iii. 554.—Their reality argued, 555.
Sports, Book of, De Foe's remarks upon, i. 16.—Account of, 299.
Sprat, Bishop, his observation upon Cowley, i. 5.-Supports the King's attack
upon the Charters, 77.-His curious notion of Providence, ib.—Blazons his own
infamy, 78.-A time-serving prelate, 149.
Spy upon the Conjuror, iii. 481.
St. Phale, History of Mademoiselle de, iii. 523.
Stage, The, its character, i. 295.-Attacked by Jeremy Collier, 296.—And the
Bishop of Oxford, ii. 265.
Standing Army, Views of different parties upon, i. 278.—Opposed by the Parlia-
ment, 280.-Trenchard writes upon it, ib.-Replied to by De Foe, 281.—Ano-
ther pamphlet, 285.
Station, its influence upon society, i. 294.
Steele, Sir Richard, his remark upon the churches of England and Rome, i. 185.
-Swift's Satire upon, iii. 150.-A writer in the Medley, 152.-Enforces the
destruction of Dunkirk, 339.—His Crisis, 347.-Expelled the Commons, 349.—
His satire the Harleys and Foleys, ib.-His view of public affairs, 351.-
upon
His Letter against the Schism Bill, 366.-His account of Alexander Selkirk.
449.-And Duncan Campbell, 475.
Stephens, William, his Sermon before the Commons, i. 311.-Prosecuted for a
Libel, ii. 379.-Works against him, 379.-His proposal to the Dissenters, 425.
Stepney, George, his Essay upon the Present Interest of England, i. 373.-Account
of his work, 447.
St
Stock-Jobbers, exposed by De Foe, i. 342. iii. 114.
Storm, The Great, in 1703, some account of it, ii. 262.-A pamphlet upon, 266.—
De Foe's work upon it, 267.
Story of the St. Alban's Ghost, iii. 301.
Stubbs's Sermon for God or for Baal, ii. 77.
Succession to the Crown of England considered, i. 365.
Sunderland, Earl of, insinuates himself into the favour of King William, i. 307.—
Uses it to supplant the Whigs, ib.-His intrigues, 308.
Sunderland, Earl of, the son, dismissed from being Secretary of State, iii. 133.—
De Foe's eulogy upon him, ib.
Supernatural Appearances, De Foe's account of, iii. 551.
Philosopher, iii. 485.
Swearing, attained its height at the Restoration, i. 37.-De Foe's remarks upon,
262.-Its effect upon Society, iii, 537.
Swedish Ambassador, complains against De Foe, ii. 517.-De Foe's account of
it, 518.
Swift, Dr., His satire upon the Lord Mayor, i. 272.-Account of his Discourse
680
INDEX.
upon the contests of Athens and Rome, 387.-His Toland's Invitation to
Dismal, ii. 111.-His account of the Sensation produced by the loss of the
Occasional Bill, 132.-His pamphlet upon the Test Act, iii. 51.—A writer in
the Examiner, 150.-His political conduct, 151.—He attacks De Foe, 187.-
His account of the October Club, 204.-Publishes some Advice to the Members,
205.-A tool of the Ministers, 211.-Toland's account of him, ib.-His New
Journey to Paris, 226.-His Letter to Shower, 241.-His fear of the Mohocks,
275.-A writer for the ministry, 300.-His conduct of the Allies, ib.—And Re-
marks on the Barrier Treaty, ib.-The Spanish Ambassador's compliment to
him, 301.-His Public Spirit of the Whigs, 348.-Screened by the Ministers,
ib.-De Foe satirizes him, 549.-Abuses Dr. Herring, 595.
Sydney, Algernon, his character of Charles's parliament, i. 50.-His Death, 81.
-De Foe's reflections upon it, 82.-His Discourses upon Government repub-
lished by Toland, 380.
System of Magick, iii. 564.
T.
Tatler and Spectator, Johnson's description of their merits, ii. 204.-Another
account, 205.
Taverns, frequented by literary men, ii. 202.-Their increase, 203.
Tavern-wits, their character, ii. 203.
Taubman, Matthew, publishes London's Great Jubilee, i. 188.
Taylor, Thomas, brief notice of him, i. 225.
L
Captain, Keeper of the Gate-house, his good behaviour to the Kentish
gentlemen, i. 394. 405.
Thomas, his Libel upon De Foe, iii. 518.-Another, 519.
Temple, Sir W., his account of the Popish Plot, i. 65.-His taste for Gardening,
241.
Tennison, Archbishop, Attends the Duke of Monmouth, i. 109.-Succeeds Tillot-
son in the See of Canterbury, 240.-His character, ib.-Draws up rules for the
clergy, 289.-His noble stand for liberty, ii. 296.-Endeavours to restrain the
intemperance of the clergy, 338.
Test Act, Reflections upon it, i. 55.-Opposed by the Court, ib.-Supported by
Catholics, 56.-And Dissenters, 57.-Its absurdity exposed, 97.--King Wil-
liam's attempt to get rid of it, 180.-Webster's remark upon, ii. 492.-Contro-
versy concerning, iii. 50.-Application for its removal, 51.
The Balance of Europe, a pamphlet so called, iii. 231.
The Defection Considered, iii. 420.-Answer to it. ib.
M
The Felonious Treaty, a pamphlet, iii. 234.
The Parallel; or, Persecution of Protestants the Shortest Way to Prevent the
Growth of Popery in Ireland, ii. 189.
The Remedy Worse than the Disease, iii. 366.
The Scots' Narrative examined, iii. 43.
The Tackers, satirized by De Foe, ii. 298.-And in a ballad, 302.-Vindicated, ib.
Brief account of, 303.-Dunton's character of, ib.-Other works upon it, ib.—
De Foe's description of, 305.
Thomas, Dalby, brief notice of him, i. 227.-De Foe's dedication of a work to him,
257.
INDEX.
Thoughts of an Honest Tory, iii. 142.
Thoughts of an Honest Whig, iii. ib.
681
Thoughts on Trade and a Public Spirit, iii. 412.
Tillotson, a remark of his, i. 2.-Opposes the Court, 117.-Advocates Passive-
obedience, 135.—Succeeds Sancroft in the See of Canterbury, 196.-His good
conduct, ib. His death and character, 238.-His reply to Beveridge, 301.—
His tutor, ii. 160.-His testimony to the piety of King William, 168.
Tilly, Count, description of his army, iii. 505.
Tindal, Dr. Matthew, advocates the Freedom of the Press, i. 381.-His reasons
against restraining the Press, ii. 172.-His pamphlets against Lord Townsend,
iii. 420.
Nicholas, his account of Mercator, iii. 333.-And of the British Mer-
chant, 334.
Titford, William, his letter to the author, iii. 459.
Toland, his account of Harley, i. 263.-His Art of Restoring, ib.-His Art of Go-
verning by Parties, 364.-His Anglia Libera, ib.-Publishes a pamphlet for
inviting the Electoral Family into England, 372.-Publishes Harrington's
Oceana, 373.-His re-publication of Sydney, Harrington, and Milton, 380.—
His character as an original writer, 381.-Quoted, 382.-His Memorial of the
State of England, ii. 377.-His political writings commended, 378.-His Letters
to the Dissenters, 425.-For general toleration, ib.-Alluded to by De Foe,
iii. 87.-His Dunkirk or Dover, 339.-His State Anatomy, 414.-Answers to
it, ib.
-
Toleration, projected by James II., i. 123.-Act of, passed, 181.-De Foe's re-
marks upon it, 181.-Reflections upon it, 182.-The High Clergy dissatisfied
with it, 183.-Queen Anne promises to preserve it inviolate, ii. 7.—Dissenters
invited to declare for, 425.-De Foe's opinions upon, 426.-Montesquieu's re-
mark, 427.-Universal, recommended, 428. iii. 81.-Threatened by the High-
Party, 87.-Attacked by Sacheverell and his party, 101.
Tong, William, his answer to Norris, upon Schism, iii. 101.
Tooting, origin of the Dissenters there, i. 175.
Tories, origin of their name, i. 72.-Concur with the Whigs in promoting the Re-
volution, 147.-Bolingbroke's remarks upon their conduct, ib.-Their shifts to
reconcile it with their doctrines, 170.-Their ascendancy in the councils of King
William, 192.-Their conduct about a Standing Army, 278.-Supplant the
Whigs, 331.-Their political conduct, 336.-Their ascendancy in Parliament,
356.-Disaffected to the Protestant Succession, 358. 362.-Oppose an invita-
tion to the Electoral Family, 372.-Lose their popularity, 438.-Their attach-
ment to the Stuarts weakened by the death of James, 445.-Their domestic
policy, 452.-Fall into discredit with the King, 453.-Restored to power by
Queen Anne, ii. 3.-Their influence in Parliament, 12.-Defeated in Parlia-
ment, 129.-Reflect upon the Queen, 233.-Wailings upon their defeat, 299.-
Their violent proceedings, 329. 331. 365.-Turn their rage upon the Queen and
Bishops, 406.-Foment a jealousy at Court, iii. 3.-Consequences of their as-
cendancy, 25.-Comparison with the Whigs as to morals, 68.-Threaten a re-
straint upon the Press, 83.-De Foe's opinion of them as politicians, 126.—
They split into parties, 194.-A Club of the more violent, 204.-Averse to the
war with France, 224.-Swell the ranks of the Jacobites, 357.-Estimate of
M
682
INDEX.
their political conduct, 359.-Renew their attack upon the Diseenters, 361.-
Their political theories receive a blow, 377.
Tour through the Island of Great Britain, iii. 533.
Towers, Dr., his character of De Foe's Reasons against a War with France, i. 451·
-Rebuts a slander against him, iii. 457.
his comparison between De Foe and Richardson, 639.-And Bunyan,
640.
Trade, De Foe's remarks upon, ii. 216.-Against prohibitions, 217.-Further re-
marks, 319. The source of national wealth, iii. 56.-Origin and sources of,
114.-To the South Seas, advocated by De Foe, 199.-To France, De Foe's
sentiments upon, 328. 337.-General History of, 338.-De Foe publishes several
works upon, 583, 587.
Trajan, Emperor, his patriotism, i. 54.
Treatise concerning the Use and Abuse of the Marriage Bed, iii. 580.
Trenchard, John, his pamphlet upon Standing Armies, i. 280.-A writer for liberty,
381.
Sir John, Secretary of State, i. 236.
Trevor, Sir John, obtains the Seals, i. 192.-A leading Tory, ib.
Trinity, controversy concerning, iii, 423.
True-Born Englishman, history and character of the work, i. 346.
Hugonot, i. 3. ii. 74.
Patriot Vindicated, a satire upon the Earl of Rochester, i. 438.
Picture of a Modern Whig, i. 440.-A second part, 460.
Tufton, Colonel Sackville, author of The History of Faction, ii. 335.
Turks, their war with the Emperor, i. 89.-De Foe writes upon the subject, 90.
Turner, Bishop, attends the Duke of Monmouth, i. 109.-Detected in a plot, 195.
Tutchin, John, De Foe's Challenge to him, i. 31.-His poem of the Foreigners,
347.-His remarks upon De Foe's sentence, ii. 68.-Author of the Observator,
82.-Attacked by Leslie, 83.-Sacheverell's, designation of him, 141.-His Ob-
server, 197.-His ballad upon the Tackers, 302.-Attacks De Foe's Consoli-
dator, 344.-His contest with the Review, 416.-Attacked by Sharpe, the
Curate of Stepney, 440.
Two Great Questions considered, i. 323.-Reply to it, 325.
further considered, ib.
considered with regard to the Union, ii. 501.
Two Nights Court at Greenwich, iii. 413.
Tyrell, James, a political writer, i. 381.
U.
Union with Scotland, ii. 480.-De Foe's publications to promote it, 481.-He
assists in person, 483.-Its opponents, 487.-Its policy discussed by De Foe,
497.-De Foe's share in it, 498.
Union Proverb, account of it, iii. 11.
Universal Toleration considered, ii. 425.
Upcott, Mr., possesses an original Letter of De Foe's, iii. 121.--And a Deed, 425.
-Another, 644.
V.
Vagrancy, De Foe's remarks upon, ii. 310.
INDEX.
Veal, Mrs., her apparition, ii. 408.
Villany of Stock-Jobbers detected, i. 342.
Vincent, Thomas, his account of the Plague, iii. 515.
Voice from the South, ii. 500.
683
Vox Populi Vox Dei, a book so called, iii. 95.-Replies to it, 98.
Voyage to the World of Cartesius, a book so called, i. 222.-Some account of it, ib.
round the World, iii. 541.
Vratz, Captain, a singular remark of his, i. 291.
W
Wagstaffe, Thomas, a writer amongst the non-jurors, i. 203.
War, the rules by which it is appreciated, iii. 510.
Ward, Bp. a persecutor and courtier, i. 46.
Ned, his satire upon De Foe, ii. 74.-His History of the Calves'-Head
Club, 115.-Notice of him, 116.-His Dissenting Hypocrite, 260.-Author of
Mars stripped of his Armour, iii. 64.—His Vulgus Britannicus, 113.
Mr., in partnership with De Foe, iii. 250.-Persecuted by the Jacobites,
251.
Warwick, Guy Earl of, i. 4.
Watkins, Mark, a tavern-keeper in Bristol, i. 222.
Watson, James, the first printer of a news-paper in Scotland, iii. 179.
the historian of Halifax, his account of De Foe, iii. 308.-Propagates a
slander concerning him, 456.—Quoted, 459.
Watts, the Printer, De Foe's Letter to him, iii. 599.
Webster, James, his controversy with De Foe concerning the Union with Scotland,
ii. 491.
Welton, Dr., his picture of the Last Supper, iii. 112.
Welwood, Dr. His Account of the Effects of the Popish Plot, i. 71.-And of the
religion of Charles II. 100.-Upon the Duke of Monmouth's treatment, 105.
-An invasion, 106.-His account of the conduct of the Catholics, 125.—A
writer for the revolution, 381.
Wesley, Samuel, His attack upon Dissenting Academies, ii. 99.--Replied to by
Palmer, 100.-Defends his former pamphlet, 101.-Animadverted upon by
De Foe, 103.-His further reply, 107.
What if the Swedes should come? iiì. 416.
Whig and Tory, their origin, i. 72.
Whig and Tory: Or Wit on both Sides, iii. 340.
Whigs, their influence in the City, i. 78.-Their meetings to discuss the affairs of
the nation, 81.-Their impolitic conduct, 191.-Supplanted by the Tories, 192.
-Re-admitted to office, 236.-Their sentiments upon a standing army, 279.-
Charged with corruption, 305.-Intrigues to supplant them, 307.-—Their
declining influence, 330.-Dismissed from Office, 331.-De Foe's account of
their conduct in power, 333.-Friends to the Protestant Succession, 362.-
Vindicated from the charge of Republicanism, 378.-They kindle a warlike
spirit in the nation, 447.-Discarded by Queen Anne, ii. 3.-Movements in
their favour, 233.-Old Whig and Modern Whig, 238.-De Foe lectures them
upon their inconsistency, iii. 24.-They lose ground at the elections, 25.-
684
INDEX.
Comparison with the Tories as to morals, 68.—Their despondency at the turn
of affairs, 108.-De Foe remonstrates with them for weakening public credit,
146.-They decline to unite with Harley, 164.-Misrepresent De Foe's opinions
upon the Peace, 230.-Their dishonourable coalition, 238.-Censured for their
political conduct, 256.-Calumniate De Foe, 305.-Proclaim their stupidity,
315.-Their intemperate conduct, 337.
Whigs turned Tories, and Hanoverian Tories proved Whigs, iii. 340.
Whiston, William, his anecdote of Col. Fox, i. 120.-Of Sir Richard Steele, i.
185.-Of King William, ii. 21.
White, Jeremiah, his manuscript account of the persecutions of the Non-conformists,
i. 132.
Wilkins, Bishop, his eminence as a Mathematician, i. 25.-Opposes the Conven-
ticle Act, 47.—His Conversation with Bishop Cosin, 48.
William III., his Accession to the Throne, i. 176.-His enlightened sentiments
upon religion, 180.-His designs in favour of the Dissenters, 180.-Desires the
union of his subjects, 184.-Defeated in his liberal projects, 184.—Entertained
by the citizens, 188.-Factions of his reign, 190.-Changes his ministers, 192.
-Gains the battle of the Boyne, 194.-Traitors in his Cabinet, 232.-Never
abused his power, 234.-Dismisses the Tories, 236.—His affairs more prospe-
rous, ib.-His grief for the death of his Queen, ib.-His eulogy upon Tillotson,
239.-Thinks of resigning the Crown, 242.-Concludes a peace with France,
277.-His conduct about the army, 279.-Recommends the enforcement of the
laws against vice and immorality, 288.-His merits as a Prince, 304.-Loses
his influence, 306.-Insults offered to him by the Commons, 309.-De Foe's
account of his political attitude at the close of the war, 316.-Negociates the
Treaty of Partition, 317.-Vindication of his conduct, 319. 323.-His unwise
policy in parting from the Whigs, 332.-Causes that led to the different changes
of government in his reign, 333.-His concern for the Protestant succession,
357.-Visits the Princess Sophia, 358.-Aspersed as an encourager of the Re-
publicans, 373.-Vindicated, 374.-His reign characterized by free discussion,
379.-Insults offered him in Parliament, 384.-Altered tone in his favour, 437.
-Orders his Ambassador to leave France, 444.-Declining state of his health,
452.-Determines upon a change of ministry, 453.-Last Speech to his Parlia-
ment, 463.-Prepares for War, ib.-Provides for the public safety, 464.-Falls
from his horse and breaks his collar-bone, 465.-His last illness and death, 466.
-His eulogy, ib.-His person and character, 467.-His claims to patriotism,
468.—His love of liberty, 469.--His failings, 470.-De Foe's eulogy upon him,
471.-Insults offered to his memory, 476.-Chastised by De Foe, ib.-The bene-
fits resulting from his reign, 480.-Gross reflection upon him by the Parliament,
ii. 14.-Had no faith in the Royal Touch, 19.-Practises it once, 21.-Satire
upon his Enemies, 95.-His Prayers published, 166.- De Foe's testimony to
his piety, 169.-That of Principal Carstares, ib.-His memory blackened by the
Jacobites, iii. 171.-Vindication of his concern in the Treaty of Partition, 229.
234.-A Saying of his, 283.
-
Williams, Dr. Daniel, burnt in effigy, iii. 110.-His Memoirs published, 423.
Williamson, Sir Joseph, sent to the Tower, i. 67.—Released by the King, ib.
Wiltshire, Samuel, a Dissenting Minister, unjustly taxed, ii. 440.
INDEX.
Wood, General, his honesty, i. 220.
Woodward, Josiah, his account of the Societies for Reformation of Manners, i.
302.
Wright, Dr. Samuel, his recommendation of the Family Instructor, iii. 404.
Writing, origin of, iii. 545.
Wyndham, Sir William, brings in a Bill to prevent the Growth of Schism, 361.
2.
Zeno, Answer of the Oracle to him, i. 2.
685
FINIS.
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