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| UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN ||
1837
SCIENTIA
ARTES
VERITAS
LIBRARY
OF THE
DU ERIS
MAMONAMI
CIRCUMSPICE
GIFT OF
REGENT L L. HUBBARD
Hubbar
Imag, Vi
PR
M61
1747
.
-33
--
MISCELLANIES
>
IN
FOUR VOLUMES.
By Dr. SWIFT, Dr. ARBUTH NOT,
Mr. POPE, and Mr. GA?,
The FIFTH EDITION Corrected:
With Several ADDITIONAL Pieces in
VERSE and PROSE.
VOL. I.
By Dr. SWIFT.
LONDON:
Printed for CHARLE BATHURST, at the
Grofs Keys oppoſite St. Dunſtan's Church,
Fleetfiret, MDCCXLVII.
有人​在
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PRE FACE.
T!
which there
ded
HE Papers that compoſe the first of
e
there Volumes were printed about
,
are now added two or three ſmall Tracts; and
the Verſes are transferred into the fourth Vo-
lume apart, with the Addition of ſuch others
as we ſince have written. The ſecond and
third will conſiſt of ſeveral ſmall Treatiſes
in Prore, in which a Friend or two is con-
cerned with us.
HAVING both of us been extremely ill
treated by ſome Bookſellers (eſpecially one
Edmund Curll) it was our Opinion that the
beft Method we could take for juſtifying our-
felves, would be to publiſh whatever looſe Pa-
pers, in Proſe and Verſe, we have formerly
written; not only ſuch as have already ſtolen
into the World (very much to our Regret,
and, perhaps, very little to our Credit) but
ſuch, as in any Probability hereafter may run
the ſame Fate; having been obtained from
us by the Importunity, and divulged by the
Indiſcretion of Friends, although reſtrained
by Promiſes, which few of them are ever
krown to obſerve, and often think they make
us a Compliment in breaking.
But
a 2
YA
PREFACE.
:
.
But the Conſequences have been ſtill worſe :
We have been intitled, and have had our
Names prefixed at Length, to whole Volumes
of mean Productions, equally offenfive to good
Manners and good Senſe, which we never ſaw
nor heard of till they appear'd in Print,
For a Forgery, in ſetting a falſe Name to a
Writing, which may prejudice another's For-
tune, the Law puniſhes the Offender with the
Loſs of his Ears; but has inflicted no adequate
Penalty for ſuch as prejudice another's Repu-
tation, in doing the ſame thing in Print;
though ali and every individual Book ſo ſold
under a falſe Name, are manifeftly ſo many
ſeveral and multiplied Forgeries.
INDEED we hoped, that the good Nature,
or at leaſt the good Judgment of the World,
would have cleared us from the Imputation of
ſuch Things as had been thus charged upon us,
by the Malice of Enemies, the Want of Judg-
ment in Friends, the Unconcern of indifferent
Perſons, and the confident Afertions of Book-
ſellers.
We are aſhamed to find ſo ill a Tafte pre-
vail, as to make it a nį ceſſary Work to do
this Juſtice to ourſelves. It is very poſſible for
any Author to write below himſelf; either his
Subject not proving ſo fruitful, or fitted for him,
as he at firſt imagined ; or his Health, or his
Humour, or the preſent Diſpoſition of his
Mind, unqualifying him at that Juncture :
However, if he poſſeſſed any diſtinguiſhing
Marks
PRE FACE.
Marks of Style, or Peculiarity of Thinking,
there would remain in his leaſt ſucceſsful Wri-
tings fome few Tokens, whereby Perſons of
Taſte might diſcover him.
But fince it hath otherwiſe fallen out, we
think we have ſufficiently paid for our Want of
Prudence, and determine for the future to be
leſs communicative: Or rather, having done
with ſuch Amuſements, we are reſolved to give
up what we cannot fairly diſown, to the Seve-
rity of Criticks, the Malice of perſonal Ene-
mies, and the Indulgence of Friends.
We are ſorry for the Satire interſperſed in
ſome of thefe Pieces, upon a few People, from
whom the higheſt Provocations have been re-
ceived, and who by their Conduct ſince have
ſhewn that they have not yet forgiven us the
Wrong They did. It is a very unlucky Cir-
cumſtance, to be obliged to retaliate the Inju-
ries of ſuch Authors, whoſe Works are ſo ſoon
forgotten, that we are in Danger already of
appearing the firſt Aggreſſors. It is to be la-
mented, that Virgil let paſs a Line, which told
Pofterity he had two Enemies called Bavius and
Mævius. The wiſeſt Way is not once to name
them, (but as the Madman adviſed the Gentle
man, who told him he wore a Sword to kill
his Enemies) to let them alone and they will die
of themſelves. And according to this Rule we
have acted throughout all thoſe Writings which
we deſign'd for the Preſs : But in thele, the
Publication whereof was not owing to our Folly
Vol. I.
b
but
0.
PRE FACE.
......
but that of others, the Omiffion of the Names
was not in our Power. At the wonit,
At the worſt, we can
only give them that Liberty now for ſomething,
which they have ſo many years exerciſed for
nothing, of railing and ſeribling againſt us.
And 'tis fome Commendation, that we have
not done it all this while, but avoided pub-
lickly to characterize any perſon without long
Experience. Nonum prematur in Annum is a
good Rule for all Writers, but chiefly for Wri.
ters of Characters; becauſe it may happen to
thoſe who vent Praiſe or Cenſure too precipi-
tarely, as it did to an eminent Engliſh Poet,
who celebrated a young Nobleman for erecting
Dryden's Monument, upon a Promiſe which his
Lordſhip forgot, till it was done by another.
In Regard to two Perſons only, we wih
our Raillery, though ever ſo tender, or Relent.
ment, though ever ſo juſt, had not been in-
dulged. We ſpeak of Sir John Vanbrugh, who
was a Man of Wit, and of Honour; and of
Mr. Addiſon, whoſe Name deferves all Reſpect
from every Lover of Learning.
We cannot deny (and perhaps moft Wri-
ters of our Kind have been in the fame Cir.
cumſtances) that in ſeveral Parts of our Lives,
and according to the Diſpoſitions we were in,
we have written fome Things which we may
wiſh never to have thought on. Some Sallies
of Levity ought to be imputed to Youth, (lup
poſed in Charity, as it was in Truth, to be
the Time in which we wrote them;) Others
*
PRE FACE.
3
to the Gaiety of our Minds at certain Junctures
common to all Men. The Publiſhing of theſe,
which we cannot diſown, and without our
Conſent, is, I think, a greater Injury, than
that of afcribing to us the
moſt ſtupid Produc-
tions which we can wholly deny.
This has been uſually practifed in other
Countries, after a Man's Deceaſe; which in
a great Meaſure accounts for that manifeſt In-
equality found in the Works of the beſt Au-
thors; the Collectors only conſidering that ſo
many more Sheets raiſe the Price of the Book ;
and the greater Fame a Writer is in Poffeffion
of, the more of ſuch Tralh he may bear to
have tacked to him. Thus it is apparently the
Editor's Intereſt to inſert, what the Author's
Judgment had rejected ; and Care is always
taken to interſperſe theſe Additions in ſuch a
Manner, that ſcarce any Book of Conſequence
can be bought, without purchaſing ſomething
unworthy of the Author along with it. 1502
BUT in our own Country it is ſtill worſe :
Thoſe very Bookſellers who have ſupported
themſelves upon an Author's Fame while he
lived, have done their utmoſt after his Death
to leſſen it by ſuch Practices : Even a Man's
laft Will is not ſecure from being expoſed in
Print; whereby his moſt particular Regards,
and even his dying Tenderneſſes are laid open.
It has been humorouſly faid, that ſome have
fiſhed the very Jakes, for Papers left there by
Man of Wit. But it is no Jeſt to affirm, that
the
b2
PREFACE.
the Cabinets of the Sick, and the Cloſets of
the Dead, have been broke open and ranſacked,
to publish our private Letters, and divulge to
all Mankind the moſt ſecret Sentiments and In-
tercourſe of Friendſhip. Nay, theſe Fellows
are arrived to that Height of Impudence, that
when an Author has publickly diſowned a ſpu-
rious Piece, they have diſputed his own Name
with him in printed Advertiſements, which has
been practiſed to Mr.Congrede and Mr Prior.
We are therefore compell’d, in Reſpect to
Truth, to ſubmit to a very great Hardſhip; to
own ſuch Pieces, as in our ſtricter Judgments
we would have ſuppreſſed for ever : We are
obliged to confeſs, that this whole Collection,
in a manner, conſiſts of what we not only
thought unlikely to reach the future, but une
worthy even of the preſent Age; not our Stu-
dies, but our Folies; not our Works, but our
Idleneſles, at
SOME Comfort however it is, that all of
them are innocent, and moſt of them, Night
as they are, had yet a moral Tendency; either
to ſoften the Virulence of Parties againſt each
other; or to laugh out of Countenance fome
Vice or Folly of the Time; or to diſcredit the
Impoſitions of Quacks and falſe Pretenders to
Science; or to humble the Arrogance of the
ill-natured and envious: In a word, to leſſen,
the Vanity, and promote the good Humour of
Mankind.
SUCH
::
PRE FACE.
Such as they are, we muſt in Truth cone
fels they are Ours, and others ſhould in Juſtice
believe they are All that are Ours. If any
thing elſe has been printed in which we really
had any Hand, it is either intolerably imper-
feet, or loaded with ſpurious Additions ; fome-
times even with Inſertions of Mens Names,
which we never meant, and for whom we have
an Eſteem and Reſpect. Even thoſe Pièces in
which we are leaſt injured, have never before
been printed from the true Copies, or with any
tolerable Degree of Correctneſs. We declare,
that this Collection contains every Piece, which
in the idleſt Humour we have written; not
only ſuch as came under our Review or Cor-
rection; but many others, which however un-
finiſhed, are not now in our Power to ſuppreſs.
Whatſoever was in our own Poffeffion at the
Publiſhing hereof, or of which no Copy was
gone abroad, we have actually deſtroyed, to
prevent all poſſibility of the like Treatment.
These Volumes likewiſe will contain all
the Papers wherein we have caſually had any
Share; particularly thoſe written in Conjunc-
tion with our Friends, Dr. Arbuthnot and Mr.
Gay; and laſtly, all of this Sort compoſed fingly
by either of thoſe Hands. The Reader is
therefore deſired to do the ſame Juſtice to theſe
our Friends, as to Us; and to be aſſured that
all the Things called our Miſcellanies (except
the Works of Alexander Pope, publiſhed by
B. Lintótt, in Quarto, and Folio in 1717 ; thoſe
of
PREFACE.
of Mr. Gay by y Tonfon, in Quarto, in
1720; and as many of theſe Miſcellanies as
have been formerly printed by Benj. Tooke)
are abſolutely fpurious, and without our Con-
fent impoſed upon the Publick.
'Twickenham,
May 27, 1727
JONAT#. SWIFT
ALEX. POPE.
..
CON
CONTENTS
:
Of the FIRST VOLUME,
By Dr. SWIFT.
A
Diſcourſe of the Conteſts and Diſſentions
between the Nobles and the Commons in
Athens and Rome; with the Conſequen-
ces they had upon both thoſe States.
The Sentiments of a Church-of-England Man,
with Reſpect to Religion and Government.
An Argument to prove, That the aboliſhing of
Chriſtianity in England, may, as Things now
ſtand, be attended with ſome Inconveniencies,
and, perhaps, not produce thoſe many good Ef-
A Project for the Advancement of Religion, and
the Reformation of Manners.
A Letter from a Member of the Houſe of Com-
mons in Ireland, to a Member of the Houſe
of Commons in England, concerning the sa-
cramental Teft.
A Tritical Ejay upon the Faculties of the Mind.
Predi&tions for the Year 108. Wherein the
Month and Day of the Month are ſet down,
the Perſons named, and the great Astions and
Events
:
CONTENT S.
Events of next Year particularly related, as
will come to paſs. Written to prevent the
People of England from being farther impoſed
01 by vulgar Almanack-makers. By Ifaac
Bickerítaif, Ejg;
The Accompliſhment of the firſt of Mr. Bicker-
ftaff's Predictions ; being an Account of the
Death of Mr. Partridge the Almanack-maker.
Squire Bickerſtaff detected; or, The Aſtrolo-
gical Impoſtor convicted. By John Partridge,
Student in Phyſick and Afrology.
A true and impartial Account of the Proceedings
W
of Iſaac Bickerſtaff, Eſq; againft Me ----
A l'indication of Ifaac Bickerſtaff, Ela, againſt
what is obječted to him by Mr. Partridge in
his Almanack for the preſene Year 1709. By
the Taid Ifaac Bíckerſtaff, Elg;
Merlin's Prophecy.
Veditation on a Broom/lick.
A Propoſal for Correcting, Improving, and Al-
certaining the Engliſh
Tongue. In a Letter to
the mof Honourable Robert Earl of Ox-
ford and Mortimer, Lord High Treaſurer
of Great Britain.
Some free. Thoughts upon the State of Affairs,
in the Year 1714
Thoughts on various Subječts.
This is the only Piece in this Volume
which was not written by Dr. Sivift,
A DISH
3 R pilotoshout
, har A pwog boricuina ini
А
DISCOURSE
Tots aq binom
sexuelt OF THE
Conteſts and Diffentions
410 BETWEEN the
o noiden op
NOBLES and the COMMONS in
ATHENs and ROME; with the
Conſequences they had upon both
choſe STATES.
Si tibi vera videtur,
Dede manus, & fi falfa eft, accingere contra. Lucr.
Written in the Year 1701.
'T
CHAP. I.
TIS agreed, that in all Government there is
an abſolute unlimited Power, which natu-
rally and originally ſeems to be placed in
the whole body, where-ever the executive part of it
lies. This holds in the Body-natural; for where ever
we place the beginning of Motion, whether from the
Head, or the Heart, or the animal Spirits in general,
** Vol. I.
B
the
Contents and Diffentions
Men ſeem naturally to divide ; for by all I have
the Body moves and acts by a Conſent of all its parts.
This unlimited power placed fundamentally in the
body of a people, is what the legiſlators of all ages
have endeavoura, in their ſeveral Schemes or Inftitu-
tions of Government, to depoſite in ſuch hands as
would preſerve the people from Rapine and Oppreſ-
fion within, as well as Violence from without. Moſt
of them ſeem to agree in this, that it was a truſt too
great to be committed to any one Man or Affem-
ble, and chercfare they left the Right An in the
whole Body; but the Adminiſtration or executive
part, in the hands of One, the Few, or the Many,
into which three Powers all independent Bodies of
road of thoſe innumerable and petty Commonwealthy
in traty, Græc and Sicily, as well as the great ones
of. Cardungo and Rome, it ſeems to me that a free
people met logether, whether by Compati, or Family-
Government, as ſoon as they fall into any acts of civil
Society, do of themſelves divide into three powers.
The firſt is that of ſome one eminent ſpirit, who
Daving ſignaliz'd his Valour and Fortune in defence
of bis country, or by the practice of popular arts at
home, becomes to have great influence on the people,
to grow their Leader in warlike expeditions, and to
prolide, afier a fort, in their civil Allemblies, and
this is grounded upon the principles of Nature and
common Reaſon, which in all difficulties or dangera,
here Prudence or Courage are required, do rather
incite
us to fly for Council or Alliſtance to a fingle
pertonthan a multitude. The ſecond natural divilion
of power, is of ſuch men who have acquir'd large
pullellions, and conſequently dependancies, or deſcend
from Anceſtors who have left them great inheritances,
Tugether with an hereditary authority. Theſe easily
uniting
in ATHENS and ROME.
3
uniting in Thoughts and Opinions, and acting in
Concert, begin to enter upon meaſares for ſecuring
their properties, which are beſt upheld by preparing
againſt Invaſions from abroad, and maintaining Peace
at home: This commences a great Council or Senate
of Nobles for the weighty Affairs of the Nation
The laſt diviſion, is of the Maſs or Body of the peo-
ples whoſe part of power is great and indiſputable,
whenever they can unite either connectively, or by
deputation, to exert it. Now the three forms of
Government, fo generally known in the ſchools, differ
only by the civil Adminiſtration being placed in the
hands of one, or ſometimes two, (as in Sparta) who
were called Kings; or in a Senate, who were
called the Nobles; or in the People collective
or repreſentative, who may be called the Commons.
Each of theſe had frequently the executive Power in
Greece, and ſometimes in Rome : But the power in
the laſt reſort was always meant by Legiſlators to be
held in balance among all three. 1. And it will be an
eternal rule in Politicks among every free people, that
there is a Balance of Power to be carefully held by
every State within itſelf, as well as among ſeveral
States with each other.qui va
The true meaning of a Balance of Power, either
withour or within a State, is beſt conceiv'd by conſi-
dering what the nature of a Balance is. It ſuppoſes
three things: Firſt, the part which is held, together
with the hand that holds it; and then the two Scales,
with whatever is weigh'd therein. Now conſider ſe-
veral States in a neighbourhood ; in order to preſerve
Peace between theſe States, it is neceſſary they ſhould
be form'd into a Balance, whereof one or more are to
be directors, who are to divide the reſt into equal ſcales,
and upon occaſion remove from one into the other,
or elle fall with their own weight into the lighteſt: So
in
B 2
g
Conteſts and Diffentions
:
:
in a State within itſelf, the Balance muſt be held by
a third hand, who is to deal the renaining Power
with utmoſt exactneſs into the ſeveral Scales. Now
it is not neceſſary that the power ſhould be equally
divided between theſe three, for the Balance may be
held by the weakeſt, who, by his Addreſs and Con-
duct, removing from either Scale, and adding of his
own, may keep the Scales duly poisid. Such was
that of the two Kings of Sparta, the Conſular Power
in Rome, that of the Kings of Media before the
Reign of Cyrui, as repreſented by Xenophon; and
that of the ſeveral limited States in the Gothick In-
Statution.
* When the Balance is broke, whether by the neg-
ligence, folly, or weakneſs of the hand that held it,
or by mighty weights fallen into either Scale, the
power will never continue long in equal diviſion be.
aween the two remaining parties, but all the Balance
is fixʼd anew) will run entirely into one. This gives
the trueſt account of what is underttood in the most
mntient and approved Greek Authors by the word
Tyranny, which is not meant for the ſeizing of the
uncofiroll?d or abſolute power into the hands of a
fingle perſon, (as many ſuperficial men have groily
miſtaken) but for the breaking of the Balance by
is latever hand, and leaving the power wholly in one
Scale: For Tyranny and Uſurpation in a State, are by
no means confined to any number, as might eaſily
appear from examples enough; and becauſe the point
is material, I fhall cite a few to prove it.
The * Romans having ſent to Atbens, and the Greek
Cities of Italy, for the copies of the beſt Laws, choſe
* Dionyf. Hal. 1. 10.
in ATHENS and ROME. 5
842
ten Legiſlators to put them into form, and during the
Exerciſe of their Office, fufpended the Confular
Power, leaving the Adminiſtration of Affairs in their
hands. Theſe very men, though choſen for ſuch a
work, as the digeſting a body of Laws for the go-
vernment of a free State, did immediately ufurp
arbitrary power, ran into all the forms of it, had
their Guards and Spies, after the pra&tice of the Ty-
rants of thoſe ages, affected kingly ſtate, deſtroy'd the
Nobles, and oppreſs'd the people ; one of them pro-
ceeding ſo far as to endeavour to force a Lady of
great Virtue: The very Crime which gave occaſion
to the expulſion of the regal power but fixty years
before, as this attempt did to that of the Decemviri.
The Epbori in Sparta were at firſt only certain
perfons deputed by the Kings to judge in civil Mat-
ters, while They were employed in the Wars. Theſe
men at ſeveral times uſurp'd the abſolute authority,
and were as cruel Tyrants as any in their ages.
Soon after the unfortunate expedition into Sicily,
the Albenians choſe four hundred men for Admini-
ſtration of Affairs, who became a Body of Tyrants,
and were called, in the language of thoſe ages, an
Oligarchy, or Tyranny of the Few ; under which
hateful denomination, they were ſoon after depoſed
in great rage by the people.
When Albens was fubdued by Lyſander, he ap-
pointed thirty men for the Adminiftration of that
city, who immediately fell into the rankeft Tyranny :
But this was not all ; for conceiving their power not
founded on a Bahis large enough, they admitted three
e foo
* Thucyd. lib. 8. Xenoph, de Rebus Græc. 1. 2.
B 3
thouſand
6
Contents and Diffentiinsa.
thouſand into a ſhare of the Government; and thus
fortify'd, became the cruelleſt Tyranny upon record.
They murder'd, in cold blood, great numbers of the
belt mich, without any provocation, from the meer
luft of Cruelty, like Nero or Caligula. This was
fueh a number of Tyrants together, as amounted to
Dear a third part of the whole city: For Kemophon
tells us, that the city contained about ten thouſand
houſes, and allowing one man to every houſe, who
could have any ſhare in the Government, the reſt,
confifting of women, children, and ſervants) and
making other obvious abatements, theſe Tyrants, if
they had been careful to adhere together, might have
been a majority even of the people collective.
tri In * the time of the ſecond Punick War, the Ba-
lance of Power in Carthage was got on the ſide of
the people, and that to a degree, that ſome Authors
reckon the Government to have been then among,
them a Dominario Plebis, or Tyranny of the Comments,
which it ſeems they were at all times apt to fall into,
and was at laſt among the Cauſes that ruin'd their
State: And the frequent Murders of their Generals,
which + Diodorus tells us was grown to an eſtabliſh'd
cuſtom among them, may be another inſtance that
Pyranny is not confined to numbers.
I Thail mention but one example inore, among a
great number that might be produced: 1 It is re-
kied by the Author laſt cited. The Orators of the
people of Argos (whether you will ftyle them in mo
dern phraſe, Great Speakers of the Houſe ; or only,
in general, Repreſentatives of the Houſe collettivo)
Memorab. lib 3. Polyb. Frag, lib. 6.
+ Lib. 29.
Lib. 15.
ftirted
in ATHENS and ROME.
Itirred up the Commons againſt the Nobles of
whom 1600 were murder'd at once, and at lait, the
Orators themſelves, becauſe they left off their Accu-
ſations, or, to fpeak intelligibly, becauſe they with-
drew their Impeachments ; having, it feems, raiſed a
Spirit they were not able to lay. And this laſt Cir
cumſtance, as Caſes have lately ſtood, may perhaps
be worth noting.
From what hath been already advanced, ſeveral
Conclufions may be drawn.quot 10790
Firſt, That a mix'd Government, partaking of the
known forms received in the Schools, is by no means
of Gothick invention, but hath place in Nature and
Reaſon, ſeems very well to agree with the Senti-
ments of moft Legiſlators, and to have been followd
in moft States, whether they have appeared under
the name of Monarchies, Ariſtocracies, or Democra-
cies: For not to mention the ſeveral Republicks of
this Compoſition in Gaul and Germany, deſcribed by
Cafar and Tacitus, Polybius tells us, the beſt Governi-
ment is that which conſiſts of three Forms, * Regno,
Optimatium, & populi imperio. Which may be
fairly tranſlated, the King, Lords, and Commons.
Such was that of Sparta, in its primitive inſtitution
by Lycurgus; who, obſerving the Corruptions and
Depravations to which every of theſe was fubject,
compounded his ſcheme out of all; fo that it was
made up of Reges, Seniores, & Populus. Such alſo
was the ſtate of Rome, under its Conſuls; And the
Author tells us, that the Romans fell upon this Mo-
del purely by chance, (which I take to have been
* Fragm. lib. 6.
B4
Nature
:
Conteſts and Diffentions
Nature and common Reaſon) but the Spartans by
Thought and Deſign. And fuch at Carthage was the
* fumma Reipublica, or power in the laſt reſort; for
they had their Kings call'd Suffetes, and a Senate
which had the power of Nobles, and the People had
a fhare etablished too.
o seu
end
Serondly, It will follow. That thoſe Reaſoners,
who employ ſo much of their Zeal, their Wit, and
toeir Leifure, for the upholding the Balance of Power
ta Chriſtendom, at the ſame time that by their pre-
ctices they are endeavouring to deſtroy it at home, are
not ſuch mighty Patriots, or ſo much in the true In-
tercí ok sheir Country, as they would affect to be
thought, but ſeem to be employ'd like a man who
pulls down with his right hand what he has becr
building with his left.
້ການ
15
Thirdly. This makes appear the Error of thoſe
who think it an uncontrollable maxim, that power
is a.ways fafer lodged in many hands than in one:
For if thoſe many hands be made up only of one
of the three Diviſions before mentioned, 'tis plain
from thofe examples already produced, and eaſy to
he parallel'd in other ages and countries, that they
sare as capable of enſlaving the nation, and of acting
all manner of Tyranny and Oppreſſion, as it is pol-
ſible for a ſingle perſon to be, tho' we ſhould ſuppoſe
their number not only to be of four or five hundreds
but above three thouſand, 2 1
Again, It is manifeſt from what has been ſaid, that
in order to preſerve the Balance in a mix'd Scate,
* Id. ib.
in ATHENS and .
RomeROME
the limits of power depoſited with each party, ought
to be aſcertained, and generally known. The defect
of this is the cauſe that introduces thoſe ſtrugglings
in a ſtate about Prerogative and Liberty, about en.
croachments of the Few upon the rights of the Many,
and of the Many upon the privileges of the Fero,
which ever did, and ever will conclude in a Tyran-
ny: Firſt, either of the Few, or the Many, but at
laft infallibly of a ſingle perſon : For, which ever
of the three diviſions in a ftate is upon the
ſcramble for more power than its
own, fas one or
other of them generally is) unleſs due care be taken
by the other two, upon every new queſtion that
ariſes, they will be ſure to decide in favour of them-
felves, talk much of inherent right: They will nou-
riſh up a dormant power, and reſerve the privileges,
in petto, to exert upon occaſions, to ſerve expedients,
and to urge upon neceſſities: They will make large
demands, and ſcanty cenceſſions, ever coming off
conſiderable gainers: Thus at length the balance is
broke, and Tyranny let in; from which door of the
three it matters not.
To pretend to a declarative right upon any occa-
fion whatſoever, is little leſs than to make uſe of
the whole power; that is, to declare an opinion to
be Law, which has always been conteſted, or per-
haps never ſtarted at all before ſuch an incident
brought it on the Stage. Not to conſent to the en-
acting of ſuch a law, which has no view beſides
the general good, unleſs another law ſhall at the ſame
time paſs, with no other view but that of advan-
cing the power of one party alone; what is this buit
to claim a poſitive voice, as well as a negative? To
pretend that great changes and alienations of property
have created new and great dependencies, and con-
ſequently
to Conteſts and Difentions
fequently new additions of power, as ſome reaſoners
have done, is a moſt dangerous tenet. If Dominion
muſt follow property, let it follow in the fame place;
for change in property through the bulk of a Na-
tion, makes flow marches, and its due power always
attends it; to conclude, that whatever attempt is
begon by an affeinbly, ought to be purſued to the
end, without regard to the greateſt incidents that
may happen to alter the caſe: To count it mean, and
below the Dignity of a Houle to quit a proſecution ;
to reſolve upon a conclufion before it is poſſible to
be appriſed of the premiſes: to act thus, I ſay, is
to affect not only abſolate power, but infallability
too. Yet ſuch unaccountable proceedings as theſe
liave popular aſemblies engaged in, for want of fixing
the due limits of Power and Privilege.
Great changes may incleed be made in a govern-
ment, yet the form continue, and the balance be
held: But large intervals of time muſt paſs between
every ſuch innovation, enough to melt down and
make it of a piece with the conftitution. Such,
we are told, were the proceeditegs of Solon, when
he modelled anew the Athenian Common-wealth;
and what convulſions in our own
own as well as other
ftate , have been bred by a neglect of this rule, is
freſh and notorious enough: 'Tis too ſoon in all con-
ſcience to repca; this Error again.
Having ſhewn that there is a natural balance of
power in all free ſtates, and how it has been divi-
aed, fometimes by the people themſelves, as in
Rome, at others by the Inſtitutions of the legiſlators,
as in the ſeveral ſtates of Greece and Sicily; the next
thing is to examine what methods have been
to break or overthrow this balance, which every of
the three parties have continually endeavour'd, as op-
portunities
taken
in ATHENS and ROME.
11
portunities have ſerv'd; as might appear from the
ſtories of moft ages and countries : For abſolute pow-
er, in a particular ſtate, is of the ſame nature with
univerſal Monarchy in ſeveral ſtates adjoining to each
other. So endleſs and exorbitant are the deſires of
men, whether conſider'd in their perſons or their
eftates, that they will graſp at all, and can form no
ſcheme of perfect happineſs with lefs. Ever ſince
men have been united into governments, the hopes
and endeavours after univerſal Monarchy have been
bandied among them, from the reign of Ninus, to
this of the Moſt Chriſtian King; in which purfuits
Common-wealths have had their ſhare as well as
Monarchs : So the Athenians, the Spartans, the The-
bans, and the Achaians, did ſeveral times aim at the
univerſal Monarchy of Greece: So the Common-
wealths of Carthage and Rome affected the univerſal
Monarchy of the then known world. In like manner
has abſolute power been purſued by the ſeveral parties
of each particular ſtate; wherein ſingle perſons have
met with moſt ſucceſs, though the endeavours of the
Few and the Many have been frequent enough: But,
being neither ſo uniform in their deſigns, nor ſo di-
rect in their views, they neither could manage nor
maintain the power they had got; but were ever de-
ceived by the popularity and ambition of fome ſingle
perſon. So that it will be always a wrong ſtep in
policy, for the Nobles or Commons to carry their en-
deavours after power ſo far, as to overthrow the ba-
lance; and it would be enough to damp their warmth
in ſuch purſuits, if they could once reflect, that in
ſuch a courſe they will be ſure to run upon the very
rock they meant to avoid ; which I ſuppoſe they
would have us think is the Tyranny of a ſingle per-
fon.
Many
Contests and Difuntions
Many examples might be produc'd of the endea-
vours from each of theſe three rivals after abſolute
power; but I ſhall ſuit my diſcourſe to the time I
am writing in, and relate only ſuch diſſentions be-
tween the Nobles and Commons, with the conſequen-
ces of them, in Greece and Rome, wherein the latter
were the aggreflors.
I fhall begin with Greure, where my obſervations
Shall be confind to Athens, though ſeveral inſtances
might be brought from other dates thereof.
CHAP. II.
Of the Diffentions in ATHENS, between the
Few and the Manga
war.
HESEUS is the firſt who is recorded, with
any appearance of truth, to have brought the
Gracians from a barbarous manner of life, among
ſcatter'd villages, into cities, and to have eſtabliſh'd
the popular State in sebens, affigning to himſelf the
guardianſhip of the laws and chief command in
He was forced after ſome time to leave the Albe
niams to their own meaſures, upon account of their
feditious temper, which ever continu'd with them,
till the final diſolution of their government by the
Romans. It ſeems, the country about Attica was
the moſt barren of any in Grčece s through which
means it happend that the Natives were never ex-
pelled by the fury of invaders, (who thought it not
worth a conqueſt) but continued always Aborigines;
and therefore retained, through all revolutions, a tin-
aure of that turbulent fpirit wherewith their go-
vernment
}
in ATHENS and ROME.
13
vernment began. This inftitution of Theſeus appears
to have been rather a ſort of mix'd Monarchy, than
a popular ſtate, and for ought we know, might con-
tinue ſo during the ſeries of kings till the death of
Codrus. From this laſt prince, Solon was ſaid to be
deſcended; who finding the people engaged in two
violent factions, of the poor and the rich, and in
great confuſion thereupon ; refuſing the Monarchy
which was offer'd him, chofe rather to caſt the go-
vernment after another model, wherein he made
due proviſions for ſettling the balance of power, chu-
ſing a ſenate of four hundred, and diſpoſing the ma
giſtracies and offices according to men's eſtates ; leav-
ing to the multitude their votes in electing, and the
power of judging certain proceſſes by appeal. This
council of four hundred was choſen, one hundred
out of each tribe, and ſeems to have been a body
repreſentative of the people: tho’ the people col-
le&tive reſerved a ſhare of power to themſelves. It
is a point of hiſtory perplexed enough; but thus
much is certain, that the balance of power was pro-
vided for ; elle Piſfiratus (called by authors the
tyrant of Athens) could never have govern'd ſo peace
ably as he did, * without changing of any of Solon's
laws. Theſe ſeveral powers, together with that of
the Archon, or chief magiſtrate, made up the form of
government in Athens, at what time it began to ap-
pear upon the ſcene of action and ſtory.
The firſt great man bred up under this inſtitu-
tion was Miltiades, who lived about ninety years
after Solon, and is reckond to have been the firſt
great captain, not only of Atbens, but of all Greece.
Herodot. lib. 1.
Proin
Conteſts and Diffentions
and often ſupported by early
ftates, (as will appear m proper place) though they
From the time of Miltiades to that of Phocion,
who is look'd upon as the laſt famous general of
Atbens, are about 1 jo years: After which they were
fubdued and inſalted by Alexander's captains, and
continu'd under ſeveral revolutions, a ſmall truckling
ſtate, of no name or reputation, till they fell with
the reſt of Grrece under the power of the Romans.
During this period from Miltiades to Pbocion, I
fhall trace the conduct of the Athenians, with relation
to their diffentions between the people and ſome of
their Generals; who, at that time, by their power
and credit in the army, in a Warlike Commonwealth,
magiſtrates and other civil officers, a ſort of counter-
poiſe to the power of the people, who fince the
death of Selon had already made great encroach-
What theſe diffentions were, how tounded,
and what the conſequences of them, I ſhall briefly
and impartially relate.
I muſt here premiſe, that the Nebles in Athens
being not at this time a corporate aſſembly that
I can gather; therefore the reſentments of the
Commons were uſually turned againſt particular
perſons, and by way of Articles of Impeachment.
Whereas the commons in Rome, and ſome other
ments.
follow'd this method upon occaſion, yet generally
purſued the enlargement of their power, by more
fet quarrels of one entire allembly againſt another.
However, the cultom of particular impeachments
being not limited to former ages, any more than
that of general ftruggles and diffentions between fix'a
affernblies of nobles and commons, and the ruin of
Greece having been owing to the former, as that
of Rome was to the latter, I fall treat on both ex-
preſly;
sance
and ROME.
15
by reaſon of his wounds, fin'd 30000 Crowns, and
in ATHENS preſly ; that thoſe ſtates who are concerned in either
(if
, at leaſt, there be any ſuch now in the world)
may, by obſerving the means and the iſſues of former
diffentions, learn whether the cauſes are alike in
theirs; and if they find them to be fo, may confider
wheiher they ought not juſtly to apprehend the fame
effects.
To ſpeak of every particular perſon impeached
by the Commons of Athens, within the compaſs de-
figned, would introduce the hiſtory of almoſt every
great Man they had among them : I ſhall therefore
only take notice of fix, who living in that period of
time when Athens was at the height of its glory,
(as indeed it could not be otherwiſe while ſuch hands
were at the Helm) though impeacb'd for High Crimes
and Miſdemeanors, ſuch as Bribery, arbitrary Pro-
ceedings, miſapplying or embezzling publick Funds,
ill Conduit at Sea, and the like, were honoured and
lamented by their country, as the preſervers of it,
and have had the veneration of all ages ſince paid
juftly to their memories.
Miltiades was one of the Athenian Generals a-
gainſt the Perſian power, and the famous Victory at
Marathon was chiefly owing to his valour and con-
duct. Being ſent ſome time after to reduce the Inand
Paras, he miſtook a great Fire at a diſtance for the
Fleet, and being no ways a match for them, ſet fail
for Albenss at his arrival he was impeach'd by the
commons for Treachery, though not able to appear
dy'd in priſon. Though the conſequences of this
proceeding upon the affairs of Athens were no other-
wiſe than by the untimely loſs of ſo great and good a
man, yet I could not forbear relating is.
Their
3
16 Conteſts and Diffentions
the preſervation of the
Their next great man was Ariſtides: Beſides the
mighty fervice he had done his country in the wars, he
was a perſon of the ſtrictelt juſtice, and belt acquainted
with the laws as well as forms of their government
ſo that he was in a manner chancellor of Athens.
This man, upon a ſlight and falſe accuſation of fa-
pouring arbitrary Powder, was banish'd by Oftraciſm;
which, renderd into modern Engliſh would ſignify
that they voted he pould be removed from their Pre-
ſence and Council for ever. But, however, they
had the wir to recall him, and to that action owed
.
For it mult be fill conte led in behalf of the Athenian
people, that they never conceived themſelves per-
fectly infallible, nor arrived to the heights of modern
Aſemblies, to 10ake Offinary confirm what ſudden
Heat and Temerity began. They thought it not be
low the dignity of an aſſembly to endeavour at cor-
Teéting an ill flep; at least to repent, tho it often
fell out too late.
Tbemiforles was at firſt a Commoner himſelf. It
was he that raiſed the Athenians to their greatneſs at
fea, which he thought to be the true and conſtant in-
tereſt of that Commonwealth; and the famous Naval
Victory over the Perſians at Salamais was owing to
his condu&t. It ſeems the people obſerved fomewhat
of haughtineſs in his temper and behaviour, and
therefore baniſhed him for five years; but finding
ſome flight matter of Accuſation againſt him, they
fent to ſeize his perfon, and he hardly eſcaped to
the Perſian Court, from whence, if the love of his
Country had not furmo ined its baſe ingratitude to
him, he had many invitations to return at the head
of the Persian fleet, and take a terrible revenge: But
he rather chole a voluntary death.
The
in ATHENS and ROME.
17
tune.
The people of Athens impeached Pericles fon
mijapplying the publick Revenues to bis oon private
Uſe: He had been a perſon of great defervings from
the Republick, was an almirable Speaker, and very
popular. His Accounts were confujed, and be could
not then give them up, therefore merely to divert
that difficulty, and the conſequences of it, he was
forced to engage his country in the Peloponneſian war,
the longeſt that ever was known in Greece, and which
,
ended in the utter ruin of Athens.
The fame people having reſolved ro fubdae Sicily,
ſent a mighty Fleet under the Command of Nicias,
Lamacbus, and Alcibiades; the two former perſons,
of age and Experience; the laft a young Man of
noble birth, excellent education, and a plentiful for-
A little before the Fleet let ail, it lects
one night, the ſtone-images of Mercury, placed in
ſeveral parts of the City, were all pared in the face :
This aâion the Albanians interpreted for a deign
of deltroying the popular itate ; and Alcibiades han
ving been formerly noted for the like frolicks and
excurſions, was immediately accusd of this. He,
whether conſcious of his innocence, or aſſurd of the
ſecrecy, offer'd to come to his Tryal before he went
to luis command; this the di benians refus'd. Bar
as ſoon as he was got to Sicily, they ſent for him
back, deſigning to take the advantage, and proſecute
him in the abſence of his friends, and of the armiyi
where he was very powerful. It icoms, he under-
food the reſediments of a popular sfenbly 100
well io truſt them; and theretore, indicad of re.
turning, eſcap'd to Sparta; where his deſires of re-
venge prevailing over his love to his Counity, ha
became its greiteit enemy. Mean while,
the tite-
nians before Sicily, by the death of one Com-
Vol. 1
C
, ,
18 Conteſts and Diffentions
mander, and the ſuperſtition, weakneſs, and perfect
whole Fleet taken, a miſerable ſlaughter made of
the Army, whereof hardly one ever returnd. Some
time after this, Alcibiades was recall d upon his
own conditions, by the necellities of the people, and
made chief Commander at Sea and Land; but his
Lieutenant engaging again't his poſitive orders, and
being beaten by Lslander, Alcibinder was again dil-
grac'd and baniſh'd. However, the Athenians ha-
ving lost all itrength and heart ſince this misfortune
at Sicily, and now depriv'd of the only perſon that
was able to recover their lolles, repent of their rafh-
neſs, and endeavour in vain for his Reſtoration; the
Perſian Lieutenant, to whole protection he fled,
making him a ſacrifice to the reſentments of Lyſander
the General of the Lacedemonians, who now reduces
all the dominions of the Athenians, takes the City,
razes their walls, ruins their works, and changes the
Form of their Government; which though again re.
ford for ſome time by Thraſybulus (as their walls
were rebuilt by Canon) yet here we muſt date the
Fall of the Arbenian greatneſs; the dominion and
chief power in Greece, from that period, to the
time of Alexander the Great, which was about
fifty
years, being divided between the Spartans and The-
bans. Though Pbilip, Alexander's father (the moſt
Cbriflian King of that age) had indeed ſome time
before begun to break in upon the republicks of
Greece, by Conqueſt or Bribery; particularly deal-
ing large Money among fame popular Orators, by
which he brought many of them (as the term of Art
was then) to Pbilippize.
of them a
In the time of Alexander and his Captains, the
Athenians were offered an opportunity of preſerving
their
:
in ATHENS and ROME.
19
their liberty, and being reſtor'd to their former
State; but the wife turn they thought to give the
matter, was by an impeachment and ſacrifice of the
author, to hinder the ſucceſs. For, after the de-
ftruction of Thebes by Alexander, this prince deſign-
ing the Conqueſt of Athens, was prevented by Pbo-
cion the Athenian General, then ambaſſador from
that ſtate; who by his great wiſdom and ſkill at
negotiations, diverted Alexander from his deſign,
and reſtor'd the Athenians to his favour. The very
fame ſucceſs he had with Antipater after Alexander's
death, at which time the government was new regu-
lated by Salon's laws: But Polypercbon, in hatred to
Pbocion, having by order of the young king (whole
governor he was) reſtor'd thoſe whom Pbocion had
baniſh'd, the plot ſucceeded. Phocion was accus'd
by popular orators, and put to death
..?
en Thus was the moſt powerful Common-wealth of
all Greece, after great degeneracies from the inftitu-
tion of Selan, utterly deſtroyed by that rah, jealous,
and inconftant humour of the people, which was
never ſatisfied to ſee a General either vi&torious or
unfortunate; fuchill judges, as well as rewarders,
have popular Aſſemblies been, of thoſe who beſt de
ferv'd from them.
ang ng 20 tablete
Now the circumſtance which makes theſe exam-
ples of more importance, is, that this very power
of the people in Athens, claim'd fo confidently for
an inherent Right, and inſiſted on as the undoubted
Privilege of an Athenian born, was the rankeſt en-
croachment imagirable, and the grofielt degeneracy
from the Form that Solon left them. In ſhort,
their government was grown into a Dominatio Plebis,
or" Tyranny of the People, who by degrees had broke
and overthrown the balance which that legiflator
C 2
had
.
mander's Captains, Abregated the popular Govern.
20 Conteſts and Diffentions
had very well fix'd and provided for. This appears
not only from what has been already faid of that
Law-giver, but more manifeſtly from a Paſſage in
Diodorus; who tells us, * That Antipater, one of
ment (in Athens) and reford the Power of Suffrages
and Magiftracy, to fuch only as were worth two Thou-
fand Drachma's; by which means (ſays he) that Re-
publick came to be (again) adminiſter'd by the Laws
of Solon. By this quotation, 'tis manifeſt that great
author look'd upon Salon's inſtitution, and a popu-
lar government, to be two different things. And
as for this Reſtoration by Antipater, it had nei-
ther Conſequence, bor Continuance worth obferv-
ing.
I might eaſily produce many more examples, but
theſe are ſufficient : And it may be worth the Rea-
ders time to refled a little on the merits of the
cuuſe, as well as of the men who had been thus dealt
with by their country. I ſhall direct him no further
than by repeating, that Ariſides was the moſt re-
nowned by the people themſelves for his exact Yu-
Mite and Knowledge in the Law ; that Themiffocles
was a moſt fortunate Admiral, and had got a mighty
Vidory over the great King of Perſia's Fleet ; that
Pericles was an able Miniſter of State, an excellent
Orator, and a Max of Letters: And laſtly, that Pho-
cion, beſides the ſucceſs of his Arms, was alſo re-
nowned for his Negotiations Abroad, baving in an
Emballs brougbt tbe greatet Monarıb of the World
of sbar Time, to the Terms of an bonourable Peace,
By wbicb bis Country was preſerved.
Lib. 18.
I fhall
in ATHENS and ROME.
21
>
I ſhall conclude my remarks upon Albens, with the
character given us of that people by Polybius. About
this Time (ſays he) the Athenians were governed by
two Men ; quite Junk in their Affairs; bad little or
no Commerce with the reſt of Greece, and were be-
come great reverencers of crown'd Heads.
For from the time of Alexander's Captains, till
Greece was ſubdued by the Romans, (to the latter
part of which this deſcription of Polybius falls in)
Athens never produced one famous man either for
Councils or Arms, or hardly for Learning. And
indeed it was a dark inſipid period through all Greece:
For except the Achaian League under Aratus and
Philopæ men ; and the endeavours of Agis and Cle-
omenes to reſtore the State of Sparta, ſo frequently
harraſs'd by Tyrannies occaſion'd by the popular
practices of the Epbori, there was very little worth
recording. All which conſequences may perhaps be
jaftly imputed to this degeneracy of Atbens.
CHAP. III.
Of the Diffentions between the Patricians and
Plebeians in Rome, with the Conſequences
they had upon that State.
H
Aving in the foregoing Chapter confined myſelf
to the proceedings of the Commons only by
the method of Impeachments againit particular per-
fons, with the fatal effects they had upon the ſtate
of Arbens, I ſhall now treat of the diffentions at
Rome between the people and the collective body of
C3
the
22
Conteſts and Diffentions i
Nobles.com
but I ſhall draw it into as narrow a, compaſs 2
I can.
As Greece, from the moſt ancient accounts we have
of it, was divided into ſeveral Kingdoms, ſo was most
part of Italy * into ſeveral petty Common-wealths.,
And as thoſe Kings in Greece are ſaid to have been
depos'd by their people upon the ſcore of their arbi-
trary proceedings, ſo, on the contrary, the Com-
mon-wealths of Italy were all ſwallowed up, and
concluded in the Tyranny of the Roman Emperors.
However, the differences between thoſe Grecian
Monarchies, and Italian Republicks, were not very
great : For, by the accounts Homer gives us of thoſe
Grecian Princes who came to the Siege of Troy, as
well as by ſeveral paſſages in the Odyſſes, it is mari
nifeſt, that the power of theſe Princes in their ſe-
veral States, was much of a ſize with that of the
Kings in Sparta, the Archon at Arbens, the Saffetes
at Carthage, and the Conſuls in Rome: So that a
limited and divided power ſeems to have been the
moſt antient and inherent principles of both thoſe
people, in matters of Government. And ſuch did
that of Rome continue from the time of Romulus,
tho' with fome interruptions, to Julius Cæfar
when it ended in the Tyranny of a ſingle perſon.
During which periods (nobri
mänyi years » longer
than from the Norman Conqueſt to our Age) the
Commons were growing by degrees into Power and
Property, gaining ground upon the Patricians, as it
were, Inch by Inch, till at lalt they quite overturned
yd viro anoroco
on St, cogu biti
NO
Dionyſ. Halicar.
38 romab si
3. Thod sviBolos si possos the
sed odi
in Athens and ROME. 23
.
the Balance, leaving all doors open to the practices of
popular and ambitious men, who deſtroyed the wifeſt
Republick, and enſlaved the nobleſt People that ever
enter'd upon the Stage of the World. By what ſteps
and degrees this was brought to paſs, ſhall be the ſub-
ject of my preſent enquiry.
While Rome was govern'd by Kings, the Monar-
chy was altogether ele&tive. Romulus himſelf, when
he had built the City, was declar'd King by the
univerſal conſent of the people, and by Augury,
which was there underſtood for Divine Appointment.
Among other diviſions he made of the people, one
was into Patricians and Plebeians : The former were
like the Barons of England ſome time after the Con-
queſt ; and the latter are alſo deſcrib’d to be almoſt
exactly what our Commons were then. For, they
were dependants upon the Patricians, whom they
choſe for their patrons and protectors, to anſwer
for their appearance, and defend them in any pro-
ceſs: They alſo ſupplied their patrons with money
in exchange for their protection. This cuſtom of
Patronage, it ſeems, was very antient, and long pra-
etiſed among the Greeks.
Out of theſe Patricians, Romulus choſe an hun-
dred to be a Senate, or Grand Council, for advice and
aſſiſtance to him in the adminiſtration. The Senate
therefore originally confifted all of Nobles, and were
of themſelves a Standing Council, the People being
only convoked upon ſuch occaſions, as, by this inſti-
tution of Romulus, fell into their cognizance : Thoſe
were to conſtitute Magiftrates, to give their Votes for
making Laws, and to adviſe upon entering on a
war. But the two former of theſe popular privileges
were to be confirmed by authority of the Senates
and the laft was only permitted at the King's pleaſure.
This
C4
24 Conteſts and Diffentions
This was the utmoſt extent of power pretended to
by the Commons in the time of Romulus ; all the reſt
being divided between the King and the Senate; the
whole agreeing very nearly with the conſtitution of
England for ſome Centuries after the Conqueſt.
After a year's Inter-regnum from the death of Ro-
mulus, the Senate of their own Authority choſe a
Succeſſor, and a Stranger, meerly upon the Fame of
his Virtue, without aſking the conſent of the Com-
mons, which cuſtom they likewiſe obſerved in the two
following Kings. But in the Election of Tarquinius
Priſons the fifth King, we firſt hear mentioned that it
was done, Populi impetrata genia, which indeed was
but very reaſonable for a free people to expect ; tho
I cannot remember in my little reading, by what
Incidents they were brought to advance ſo great a
ſtep. However it were, this Prince, in gratitude to
the People, by whoſe Conſent he was cholen, elected
a hundred Senators out of the Commons, whole
number, with former additions, was now mounted
to three hundred.
The people having once diſcovered their own
ſtrength, did ſoon take occafion to exert it, and that
by very great degrees. For at this King's death
(who was murder'd by the ſons of a former) being
at a loſs for a Succeſſor, Servius Tullius, a Stranger,
and of mean extraction, was choſen Protector of the
kingdom, by the People, without the Conſent of the
Senates at which the Nobles being diſpleaſed, he
wholly applied himſelf to gratify the Commons,
and was by them declared and confirmed no longer
Protector, but King.
This Prince firſt introduced the cuſtom of giving
Freedom to Servants, ſo as to become Citizens of
equal
in ATHENS and ROME. 25
equal privileges with the reſt, which very much
contributed to increaſe the power of the People,
Thus in a very few years the Commons proceeded
ſo far, as to wreit even the power of chuſing a King,
entirely out of the hands of the Nobles; which was
ſo great a leap, and cauſed ſuch a Convulſion and
Struggle in the State, that the Conſtitution could
not bear it; but Civil Diſſentions aroſe, which im-
mediately were followed by the Tyranny of a ſingle
perſon, as this was by the utter ſubverſion of the
regal Government, and by a ſettlement upon a new
Foundation. For the Nobles, ſpighted at this indig-
nity done them by the Commons, firmly united in
a body, depoſed this Prince by plain force, and choſe
Tarquin the Proud, who running into all the forms
and methods of Tyranny, after a cruel reign, was
expelled by an univerſal Concurrence of Nobles and
People, whom the miſeries of his reign had recon-
ciled.
When the Conſular Government began, the Ba-
lance of Power between the Nobles and Plebeians
was fixed anew: The two firſt Conſuls were nomni.
nated by the Nobles, and confirmed by the Com-
mons; and a Law was enacted, That no perſon
Thould bear any Magiftracy in Rome, injuſu Populi,
that is, without Conſent of the Commons.
In ſuch turbulent times as theſe, many of the pooreft
Citizens had contracted numerous Debts, either to the
richer fort among themſelves, or to Senators and
other Nobles: And the caſe of debtors in Rome, for
the firſt four * Centuries, was, after the ſet time
for payment, no choice but either to pay or be the
* Ab Urbe Condita.
Creditor's
Conteſts and Diffentions
Creditor's Slave. In this juncture the Commons
quit the City in Mutiny and Diſcontent, and will
not return but upon condition to be acquitted of all
their debts"; and moreover, that certain Magiſtrates
be choſen yearly, whole buſineſs it ſhall be to defend
the Commons from injuries. Theſe are called Tri-
bunes of the People, their perſons are held ſacred and
inviolable, and the people bind themſelves by oath ne-
ver to abrogate the Office. By theſe Tribunes, in pro-
ceſs of time, the people were grofly impoſed on to
ſerve the turns and occaſions of revengeful or ambitious
men, and to commit ſuch Exorbitances as could not
end, but in the diffolution of the Government.
Thele Tribunes, a year or two after their inflitu-
tion, kindled great Diffentions between the Nobles
and the Commons, on the account of Coriolanus, a
Nobleman, whom the latter had impeached, and the
conſequences of whoſe impeachment (if I had not
confined myſelf to Grecian examples for that part of
my ſubject) had like to have been fo fatal to their
ftate. And from this time the Tribunes began a cu-
ftom of accufing to the people whatever Noble they
pleas’d, ſeveral of whom were baniſh'd or put to
death in every age.
At this time the Romans were very much enga-
ged in Wars with their neighbouring Stares ; but
on the leaſt intervals of peace, the quarrels between
the Nobles and the Plebeians would revive; and one
of the moſt frequent ſubjects of their differences was
the conquered Lands, which the Commons would fain
have divided among the publick ; but the Senate
could not be brought to give their conſent. For ſe-
veral of the wiſeſt among the Nobles began to ap-
prehend the growing power of the people; and there-
fore knowing what an Acceſſion thereof would accrue
oboro
but up-
to
in ATHENS and ROME. 27
to them, by fuch an addition of property, uſed all
means to prevent it: For this the Appian Family
was moſt noted, and thereupon moſt hated by the
Commons. One of them having marle a Speech
againſt this diviſion of lands, was impeach'd by the
people of high Treaſon, and a day appointed for his
Trial ; but diſdaining to make his defence, choſe ra-
ther the uſual Roman Remedy of killing himſelf:
After whoſe death the Commons prevailed, and the
Jands were divided among them.
This point was no ſooner gained, but new Diffen-
tions began. For the Plebeians would fain have a law
enacted to lay all mens Rights and Privileges upon
the fame level ; and to enlarge the power of every
Magiſtrate within his own juriſdiction, as much as
that of the Conſuls. The Tribunes alſo obtained to
have their number doubled, which before was five :
and the Author tells us, that their inſolence and
power increaſed with their number, and the Seditions
were alſo doubled with it.ro
By the beginning of the fourth Century from the
building of Rome, the Tribunes proceeded ſo far in
the name of the Commons, as to accuſe and fine the
Conſuls themſelves, who repreſented the kingly power,
And the Senate obſerving, how in all Contentions
they were forced to yield to the Tribunes and People,
thought it their wiſeft courſe to give way alſo to
Time; therefore a Decree was made to fend Am-
baſſadors to Atbens, and to the other Grecian Com-
monwealths planted in that part of Italy call'd
Grecia Major, to make a Collection of the beſt laws ;
out of which, and ſome of their own, a new com-
Dionyf. Halicar.
pleat
28
Conteſts and Diffentions
bere butter'd it to e
pleat Body of Law was formed, afterwards known
by the name of the Laws of the Twelve Tables.
To digeſt theſe Laws into order, ten men were
choſen, and the Adminiſtration of all Affairs Jeft in
their hands; what uſe they made of it has been al-
ready thewn. It was certainly a great Revolution,
produced entirely by the many unjuſt Encroachments
of the people ; and might have wholly changed the
Fate of Rome, if the Folly and Vice of thoſe who
were chicfly concern'd, could have ſuffer'd it to take
Root.
A few years after, the Commons made farther
Advances on the power of the Nobles ; demanding,
among the reſt, that the Conſulſhip, which hitherto
had only been diſpoſed to the former, ſhould now lic
in common to the pretenſions of any Roman what-
ſoever. This, tho' it fail'd at preſent, yet afterwards
obtained, and was a mighty ſtep to the ruin of the
Commonwealth.
What I have hitherto ſaid of Rome, has been chiefly
collected out of that exact and diligent writer Dionyſius
Halicarnafius, whoſe hiſtory (thro’ the injury of
Time) reaches no farther than to the beginning of
the fourth Century after the building of Rome. The
reſt I ſhall fupply from other Authors ; tho' I do not
think it necellary to deduce this matter any further,
ſo very particularly as I have hitherto done.
To point at what time the Balance of Power was
moſt equally held between the Lords and Commons
in Rome, would perhaps admit a Controverſy. * Po-
lybius tells us, that in the ſecond Punick War, the
Cartbaginians were declining, becauſe the Balance
• Fragm. lib. 6.
was
in ATHENS and ROME. 29
was got too much on the ſide of the people; whereas
the Romans were in their greateſt Vigour, by the
Power remaining in the Senate; yet this was between
two and three hundred years after the Period Dio-
nyfius ends with; in which time the Commons had
made ſeveral further Acquiſitions. This however
muſt be granted, that (till about the middle of the
fourth Century) when the Senate appeared reſolure
at any time upon exerting their Authority, and ad-
hered cloſely together, they did often carry their point.
Beſides, it is obſerved, by the beſt Authors, that
in all the Quarrels and Tumults at Rome, from the
Expulſion of the Kings, tho' the people frequently
proceeded to rude contumelious language, and fome-
times ſo far as to pull and hale one-another about
the Forum, yet no blood was ever drawn in any po-
pular Commotions, till the time of the Gracchi:
However, I am of opinion, that the Balance had be-
gun many years before to lean to the popular ſide.
But this default was corrected, partly by the Principle
juſt mentioned, of never drawing blood in a Tumult;
partly by the warlike genius of the people, which
in thoſe ages was almoft perpetually employed ; and
partly by their great Commanders, who by the Cre-
dit they had in their Armies, fell into the Scales as
a further Counterpoiſe to the growing power of the
people. Beſides, Polybius, who lived in the time of
Scipio Africanus the younger, had the fame appre-
henſions of the continual Encroachments made by
the Commons; and being a perſon of as great abi-
lities, and as much fagacity, as any of his age, from
obſerving the Corruptions, which, he ſays, had al.
Dionyf. Hal. Platarch,
ready
30
Conteſts and Dilentions ;
ready entered into the Roman Conſtitution, did very
nearly foretel what would be the iſſue of them. His
words are very remarkable, and with little addition
may be render'd to this purpoſe. * That theſe Abuſes
and Corruptions which in Time deſtroy a Government,
are fown along with the very Seeds of it, and both
grow up together ; and that as Ruft eats away Iron, and
Worms devour Wood; and both are a fort of Plagues
born and bred along with the Subſtance they deſtroy
so with every Form and Scheme of Government that
Man can invent, fome Vice or Corruption creeps in with
the very Inſtitution, which grows up along with, and
at laſ deſtroys it. The fame Author in another
place, ventures ſo far as to gueſs at the particular Fate
which would attend the Roman Government. He
fays, its Ruin would ariſe from the popular Tu-
mults which would introduce a Dominatio Plebis,
or Tyranny of the people; wherein 'tis certain he
had reaſon, and therefore might have adventured to
purſue his Conjecture ſo far, as to the conſequences
of a popular Tyranny, which, as perpetual Expe-
rience teaches, never fails to be follow'd by the ar-
bitrary Government of a ſingle perſon.
About the middle of the fourth Century from the
building of Rome, it was declared lawful for Nobles
and Plebeians to intermarry ; which cuſtom, among
many other States, has proved the moſt effectual means
to ruin the former, and raiſe the latter.
And now the greateſt Employments in the State
were one after another, by Laws forcibly enacted
by the Commons, made free to the People, the Con-
Julidip itielf, the Office of Cenfor, that of the Que-
* Lib. 5.
+ Fragm. lib. 6.
Stors,
in ATHENS and ROME.
ftons, or Commiffi aners of the Treaſury, the Office of
Prætor, or Chief Juſtice, the Prieſthood, and even
that of Diflator.c) The Senate, after long oppoſition,
yielding merely for preſent quiet to the continual
urging Clamours of the Commons, and of the Tribunes
their Advocates. A Law was likewiſe enacted, that
the Plebiſcita, or a Vote of the Houſe of Commons,
ſhould be of univerſal obligation, nay, in time the
method of enaĉting Laws was wholly inverted : For
whereas the Senate uſed of old to confirm the Pl_bi.
feita, the people did at laſt, as they pleaſed, confirm
or diſannuſ the * Senatuſconſulta.
Appius Claudius brought in a Cuftom of admit-
ting to the Senate the ſons of freed men, or of ſuch
who had once beon Slaves; by which, and ſucceeding
Alterations of the like Nature, that great Council
degenerated into a moſt corrupt and factious body
of men, divided againſt itſelf; and its Authority be-
came deſpiſed. Users and its
The Century and half following, to the end of
the third Punick War by the deſtruction of Carthage,
was a very buſy period at Rome : The intervals be-
tween every War being ſo ſhort, that the Tribunes
and People had hardly leiſure or breath to engage in
domeſtick Diffentions: However, the little time they
could ſpare, was generally employ'd the fame way
So Terentius Leo, a Tribune, is recorded to have
balely proſtituted the privileges of a Roman Citizen,
in perfect ſpight to the Nobles. So the great African
Scipio and his brother, after all their mighty ſervices,
were impeached by an ungrateful Commons.
Dionyf. lib. 2.
bote
32 Conteſts and Diſentions
ato a head, til de
However, the Warlike Genius of the people, and
continual employment they had for it, ferved to di-
vert this humour from running into a head, till the
age of the Graccbi.
Thele perſons entering the Scene in the time of a
full peace, fell violently upon advancing the power
of the people, by reducing into practice all thoſe
Encroachments, which they had been ſo many years
a gaining. There were at that time certain conquered
Lands to be divided, beſide a great private Eſtate left
by a King. Theſe the Tribunes, by Procurement of
the elder Gracchus, declar'd by their Legiſlative Au-
thority, were not to be diſpoſed of by the Nobles,
but by the Commons only. The younger brother
purſued the fame deſign and beſides, obtained a
Law, that all Italians ſhould vote at Elections, as
well as the Citizens of Rome : In ſhort, the whole
endeavours of them both perpetually turned upon re-
trenching the Nobles Authority in all things, but
eſpecially in the matter of Judicature. And though
they both loft their lives in thoſe purſuits, yet they
traced out ſuch ways as were afterwards followed
by Marius, Sylla, Pompey and Cafar, to the Ruin
of the Roman Freedom and Greatneſs.
For in the time of Marin, Saturnus a Tribune
procured a Law, that the Senate ſhould be bound by
Oath to agree to whatever the people would enact :
And Marius himſelf, while he was in that Office
of l'ribune, is recorded to have with great induſtry
uſed all endeavours for depreſſing the Nobles, and rai-
fing the people, particularly for cramping the former
in their Power of Judicature, which was tbeir moſt
ancient inberent Right.
Sylla, by the fame Meaſures, became perfect Ty-
radi of Rome: He added three hundred Commons to
che
in ATHENS and ROME.
33
the Senate, which perplexed the power of the whole
order, and render'd it ineffectual; then Ainging off
the Malk, he aboliſhed the Ofice of Tribune, as
being only a ſcaffold to tyranny, whereof he had no
further uſe. im
As to Pompey and Cæſar, Plutarch tells us, that
their union for pulling down the Nobles, (by their
credit with the people) was the cauſe of the civil
war, which ended in the Tyranny of the latter :
both of them in their Conſulthips having uled all
endeavours and occaſions for linking the authority
of the Patricians, and giving way to all encroach-
ments of the people, wherein they expected beft to
find their own Account.
From this deduction of popular encroachments in
Rome, the Reader will eaſily judge how much the
balance was fallen upon that fide. Indeed by this
time the very Foundation was removed, and it was
a moral impoffibility that the Republick could ſub-
fiſt any longer. For the Commons having ufurp'd the
office of State, and trampled on the Senate, there
was no Government left but a Dominatio Plebis.
Let us therefore examine how they proceeded in this
Conjuncture.
I think it is an univerſal truth, that the people
are much more dextrous at pulling down and ſet-
ting up, than at preſerving what is fix'd; and they
are not fonder of ſeizing more than their own, than
they are of delivering it up again to the worſt Bidder,
with their own into the bargain. For althoin
their corrupt notions of divine worſhip, they are apt
to multiply their Gods; yet their earthly devotion
is ſeldom paid to above one idol at a time, of their
own Creations ; whoſe Oar they pull with leſs mur-
VOL. I.
D
muring
.
O or they poll wis muning
34 Conteſts and Diffentions
:
muring and much more ſkill, than when they are
the Lading, or even bold the Helm.
The feveral Provinces of the Roman Empire were
now govern'd by the great men of their State; thoſe
upon the frontiers with powerful armies, either for
Conqueſt or Defence. Theſe Governors upon any
deſigns of revenge or ambition were ſure to meet
with a divided power at home, and therefore bent
all their thoughts and applications to cloſe in with
the people, who were now by many degrees the
fronger party. Two of the greateſt fpirits that
Rome ever produced, happend to live at the ſame
time, and to be engaged in the fame purſuit; and
this at a juncture the moſt dangerous for ſuch a
Conteſt. Theſe were Pompey and Cafar, two ſtars
of ſuch a magnitude, that their Conjunktion was as
likely to be fatal as their Oppoſition.
The Tribunes and people having now ſubdued all
competitors, began the laſt game of a prevalent po-
pulace, which is that of chuſing themſelves a Mafter ;
while the nobles foreſaw, and uſed all endeavours
left them to prevent it. The people at firft made
Pompey their Admiral, with full power over all the
Mediterranean, ſoon after Captain-General of all the
Roman Forces, and Governor of Aia. Pompey on
the other ſide reſtor'd the office of Tribune, which
Sylla had put down ; and in his Conſullhip procur'd
a Law for examining into the Miſcarriages of Men in
Office or Command for twenty Tears paft. Many
other examples of Pompey's popularity are left us
on Record, who was a perfect favourite of the
people, and deſign'd to be more; but his preten-
fions grew ftale for want of a timely opportunity of
introducing them upon the Stage. For Cafar, with
his Legions in Gaul, was a perpetual check upon
his
in ATHENS and ROME.
35
his deſigns; and in the arts of pleaſing the people,
did foon after ger many lengths beyond him. For
he tells us himſelf, that the Senate by a bold effort
having made fome fevere decrees againſt his pro-
ceedings, and againſt the Tribunes, theſe all left the
City, and went over to his party, and conſequently
along with them the affections and intereſts of the
people ; which is further manifeft from the accounts
he gives us of the Citizens in ſeveral Towns, mu-
tinying againſt their Commanders, and delivering
both to his devotion. Beſides, Cæfar's publick and
avowed pretenſions for beginning the Civil War,
were to reſtore the Tribunes and the people oppreſs'd
(as he pretended) by the Nobles.be
This forced Pompey, againſt his inclinations, upon
the neceſſity of changing fides, for fear of being for
faken by both; and of cloſing in with the Senate
and chief Magiſtrates, by whom he was choſen Gene-
ral againſt Cæfar.
Thus at length the Senate (at leaſt the primitive
part of them, the Nobles) under Pompey, and the
Commons under Cajar, came to a final deciſion of
the long quarrels between them. For, I think, the
Ambition of private Men, did by no means begin
or occaſion this War; tho' civil diſſentions never
fail of introducing and ſpiriting the ambition of pri-
vate men; who thus become indeed the great in-
ſtruments for deciding ſuch quarrels, and at laſt
are ſure to ſeize on the prize. But no man that
fees a Flock of Vultures hovering over two Armies
ready to engage, can juſtly charge the blood drawn
in the battle to them, though the Carcaſſes fall to
their ſhare. For while the Balance of power is
equally held, the ambition of private men, whether
Orators or great Commanders, gives neither danger
D 2
36
Conteſts and Diffentions
.
nor fear, nor can poſſibly enſlave their Country ;
but that once broken, the divided parties are forced
to unite each to its head, under whoſe conduct or
fortune one fide is at firſt victorious, and at laſt
both are ſlaves. And to put it paſt diſpute, that
this entire ſubverſion of the Roman liberty and con-
ftitution, was altogether owing to thoſe meaſures
which had broke the balance between the Patricians
and Plebeians, whereof the ambition of particular
Men, was but an effect and conſequence, we need
only conſider, that when the uncorrupted part of
the Senate had, by the death of Cafar, made one
great effort to reſtore their former ſtate and liberty,
the ſucceſs did not anſwer their hopes, but that
whole aſſembly was ſo funk in its authority, that
thoſe patriots were forced to fly, and give way to
the madneſs of the people, who by their own diſpoſi-
tions, ſtirred up with the Harrangues of their Orators,
were now wholly bent upon ſingle and deſpotick
Navery, Elſe, how could ſuch a profligate as An-
tony, or a boy of eighteen, like Ottavius, ever dare
to dream of giving the law to ſuch an Empire and
people ? wherein the latter ſucceeded, and entailed
the vileft Tyranny that Heaven in its anger ever in-
flicted on a corrupt and poiſon'd people. And this,
with fo little appearance at Cæfar's death, that when
Cicero wrote to Brutus, how he had prevailed by
his credit with Odavius, to promiſe him (Brutus)
pardon and ſecurity for his perfon, that great Ro-
man received the Notice with the utmoſt indignity,
and returned Cicero an Anſwer (yet upon Record)
full of the higheſt Refentment and Contempt for ſuch
an offer, and from ſuch a hand.
Here ended all ſhew or ſhadow of liberty in
Rome. Here was the Repoſitory of all the
CON-
in ATHENS and ROME. 37
contentions and ſtruggles for power between the
Nobles and Commons, lap'd up ſafely in the Bo-
fom of a Nero and a Caligula, a Tiberius and a
Domitian.
Let us now ſee from this deduction of particular
impeachments, and general diffentions in Greece and
Rome, what concluſions may naturally be formed
for inſtruction of any other State, that may haply,
upon many points, labour under the like circum-
ſtances.
CHAP. IV.!
U Poble
PON the ſubject of Impeachments we may
obſerve, that the cuſtom of accuſing the Nobles
to the People, either by themſelves, or their Orators,
(now ſtyled an Impeachment in the name of the Com-
mons) has been very antient both in Greece and
Rome, as well as Cartbage ; and therefore may ſeem
to be the inherent right of a free people, nay, per-
haps it is really fo: But then, it is to be conſidered,
firſt, that this cuſtom was peculiar to Republicks,
or ſuch States where the Adminiſtration was princi-
pally in the hands of the Commons, and ever raged
more or leſs, according to their Encroachments upon
abſolute power ; having been always looked upon
by the wiſeſt men and beſt authors of thoſe Times,
as an effect of licentiouſneſs, and not of liberty; a
diſtinction which no multitude, either repreſented or
collettive, has been at any time very nice in obſerv-
ing. However, perhaps this cuſtom in a popular
State, of impeaching particular men, may ſeem to
D
be
:
<
38
Conteſts and Diſfentions
be nothing elſe but the people's chuſing, upon oc-
caſion, to exerciſe their own Juriſdiction in perſon,
as if a King of England ſhould fit as Chief Ju-
fice in his Court of King's Bench; which, they
ſay, in former times he ſometimes did.
But in
Sparta, which was called a kingly Government,
though the people were perfectly free, yet becauſe
the Adminiſtration was in the two Kings, and the
Ephori, (with the aſſiſtance of the Senate) we read
of no impeachments by the people, nor was the
proceſs againſt great men, either upon account of
ambition or ill conduct, though it reachd ſometimes
to Kings themſelves, ever formed that way, as I
can recollect, but only paſs'd through thoſe hands
where the adminiftration lay. So likewiſe during
the regal Government in Rome, though it was inſti-
tuted a mix'd Monarchy, and the people made great
advances in power, yet I do not remember to have
read of one impeachment from the Commons againſt
Patrician, till the conſular State began, and the
people had made great Encroachments upon the Ad-
miniftration.
19 Another Thing to be conſidered is, that allowing
this Right of impeachment to be as inherent as they
pleaſe, yet, if the Commons have been perpetually
miſtaken in the merits of the cauſes and perſons,
as well as in the conſequences of ſuch impeach-
ments upon the Peace of the State, one cannot conclude
leſs, than that the Commons in Greece and Rome (what-
ever they may be in other States) were by no means
qualified either as Proſecutors or Judges in ſuch mat-
ters; and therefore, that it would have been prudent,
to have reſerved theſe privileges dormant, never to be
produced but upon very great and urging occaſions,
where the State is in apparent danger, the univerſal
Body
in ATHENS and ROME.
39
o
Body of the people in Clamours againſt the Admi-
niftration, and no other remedy in view. But for
a few popular Orators or Tribunes, upon the ſcore
of perſonal Piques; or to employ the Pride they cox-
ceive in ſeeing themſelves at the Head of a Party:
or as a Method for Advancement ; or moved by certain
powerful Arguments that could make Demoſthenes
Philippize : For ſuch men, I ſay, when the State
would of itſelf gladly be quiet, and has, beſides, af-
fairs of the laſt Importance upon the Anvil, to im-
peach Miltiades after a great naval Vi&tory, for not
purſuing the Perſian Fleet: To impeach Ariſtides, the
Perfon molt verſed among tbem in the Knowledge and
Pratice of their Laros, for a blind Suſpicion of his
alting in an arbitrary Way (that is, as they ex-
pound it, not in Concert with the People:) To in-
peacb Pericles, after all his Services, for a few paul-
try Accounts; or to impeach Phocion, who had been
guilty of no orber Crime but negotiating a Treaty
for be Peace and Security of bis Country : What
could the continuance of ſuch proceedings end in,
but the utter diſcouragement of all virtuous Actions
and Perſons, and conſequently in the Ruin of a
State? Therefore the Hiſtorians of thoſe Ages fel-
dom fail to ſet this matter in all its Lights leaving
as the higheſt and moſt honourable Ideas of thoſe
perſons, who ſuffered by the perſecution of the
people, together with the fatal Conſequences they
had, and how the perfecutors feldom failed to repent
when it was too late.
Theſe impeachments perpetually falling upon ma-
ny of the beſt men both in Greece and Rome, are
e Cloud of Witneſſes, and examples enough to dif-
courage Men of Virtue and Abilities from engaging
in the fervice of the Publick; and help on t'other
Side,
D 4
40 Conteſts and Diffentions
Side, to introduce the Ambitious, the Covetous, the
Superficial, and the Ill-deſigning; who are as apt
to be bold, and forward, and meddling, as the
former are to be cautious, and modeſt, and reſerved.
This was fo well known in Greece, that an eagerneſs
after employments in the State, was look'd upon, by
wiſe men, as the worſt Title one could ſet up; and
made Plato ſay, That if all Men were as good as
they ought, the Quarrel in a Commonwealth would
be, not as it is now, who ſhould be Miniſter of State,
but who fpould not be ſo. And Socrates is intro-
duc'd by Xenopbon, feverely chiding a Friend of his
for not entering into the publick Service, when he
was every way qualified for it. Such a backward-
neſs there was at that Time among good Men to
engage with an ufurping people, and a Sett of prag-
matical ambitious Orators. And + Diodorus tells
us, that when the Petaliſm was erected at Syracule,
in imitation of the Offraciſm at Athens, it was ſo
notoriouſly levelled againſt all who had either Birth
or Merit to recommend them, that whoever had ei-
ther, withdrew for Fear, and would have no con-
cern in publick Affairs. So that the people them-
ſelves were forced to abrogate it for fear of bringing
all Things into Confuſion.
T'here is one Thing more to be obſerved, wherein
all the popular impeachments in Greece and Rome, ſeem
to have agreed ; and that was, a Notion they had of
being concerned in Point of Honour to condemn what
ever Perſon they impeached, however frivolous the
Articles were upon which they began, or however
weak the Surmiles whereon they were to proceed in
.
gais que pod ut som et
odio's * Lib. Memorabi di Lib. 11.
their
in ATHENS and ROME. 41
their proofs. For, to conceive that the Body of the peo-
ple could be miſtaken, was an indignity not to be
imagined, till the Conſequences had convinced them,
when it was paſt remedy. And I look upon this as a
Fate to which all popular Accuſations are ſubject :
though I ſhould think that the ſaying, Vox Populi, Vox
Dei, ought to be underſtood of the univerſal Bent and
Current of a people, not of the bare Majority of a
few Repreſentatives; which is often procured by
little Arts, and great Induſtry and Application;
wherein thoſe who engage in the purſuits of Malice
and Revenge, are much more ſedulous than ſuch as
would prevent them.
From what has been deduced of the Diffentions
in Rome, between the two bodies of Patricians and
Plebeians, ſeveral Reflections may be made.
Firſt, That when the Balance of Power is duly
fixed in a State, nothing is more dangerous or unwile
than to give way to the firf Steps of popular En-
croachments ; which is uſually done either in Hopes
of procuring Eaſe and Quiet from fome vexatious
Clamour, or elſe made Merchandize, and merely bought
and ſold. This is breaking into a Conſtitution to
ſerve a preſent expedient, or ſupply a preſent exigen-
cy: The remedy of an Empirick, to fifle the pre-
ſent pain, but with certain proſpect of ſudden and
terrible Returns. When a child grows eaſy and con-
tent by being humoured ; and when a lover becomes
fatisfied by ſmall compliances, without further pur-
ſuits; then expect to find popular Aſemblies content
with ſmall conceſſions. If there could one ſingle
example be brought from the whole com paſs of hi-
ſtory, of any one popular Aſſembly, who, after be-
ginning to contend for power, ever ſat down quietly
with a certain Share : Or if one inſtance could be
o
produced
42 Conteſts and Diſentions
produced of a popular Aſſembly, that ever knew, or
propoſed, or declared what ſhare of power was their
due; then might there be fome hopes, that it were
a matter to be adjuſted, by Reaſonings, by Conferen-
ces, or Debates : but ſince all that is manifeſtly other-
wiſe, I ſee no courſe to be taken in a ſettled State,
but a ſteady conſtant reſolution in thoſe to whom the
reſt of the Balance is entruſted, never to give way fo
far to popular Clamours, as to make the leaſt breach
in the Conſtitution, through which a million of A-
buſes and Encroachments will certainly in time force
their way
Again, from this deduction, it will not be difficult
to gather and aſſign certain marks of popular encroach-
ments; by obſerving of which, thoſe, who hold the
Balance in a State, may judge of the degrees, and
by early Remedies and Application, put a ſtop to
the fatal Conſequences that would otherwiſe enſue.
What thoſe marks are, has been at large deduced, and
need not be here repeated.
Another conſequence is this : That (with all re-
ſpect for popular Aſſemblies be it ſpoke) it is hard
to recollect one Folly, Infirmity, or Vice, to which
a ſingle man is ſubjected, and from which a Body of
Commons, either collective or repreſented, can be
wholly exempt. For, beſides that they are compoſed
of men with all their infirmities about them, they
have alſo the ill Fortune to be generally led and in-
fluenced by the very worſt among themſelves, I mean,
Popular Orators, Tribunes, or, as they are now fty-
led, Great Speakers, Leading Men, and the like. From
whence it comes to paſs, that in their Reſults we have
ſometimes found the fame Spirit of Cruelty and Re-
venge, of Malice and Pride; the ſame Blindneſs, and
Obſtinacy, and Unſteadineſs; the ſame ungovernable
Rage
in ATHENS and ROME.
43
Rage and Anger ; the fame Injuſtice, Sophiſtry, and
Fraud, that ever lodged in the Breaſt of any indi-
vidual.
Again, in all free States the Evil to be avoided
is Tyranny, that is to ſay, the Summa Imperii, or
unlimited Power ſolely in the hands of the One, the
Few, or the Many. Now, we have ſhewn, that al-
though moft Revolutions of Government in Greece
and Rome began with the Tyranny of the people,
yet they generally concluded in that of a ſingle per-
fon; fo that an ufurping populace is its own Dupe ;
a meer Underworker, and a Purchaſer in Truft for
ſome ſingle Tyrant, whoſe State and Power they ad-
vance to their own ruin, with as blind an Inſtinct, as
thoſe Worms that die with weaving magnificent ha-
kits for Beings of a ſuperior nature to their own.
СНАР. у.
Simon
OME Reflections upon the late publick proceed-
ings among us, and that variety of Factions into
which we are ſtill ſo intricately engaged, gave occa-
fion to this diſcourſe. I am not conſcious that I have
forced one example, or put it into any other light
than it appeared to me long before I had thoughts of
producing it.
I cannot conclude without adding ſome particular
Remarks upon the preſent poſture of Affairs and
Diſpoſitions in this Kingdom.
The Fate of Empires is grown a Common-Place :
That all Forms of Government having been inftitu-
ted by men, muſt be mortal like their authors, and
have their periods of duration limited as well as thoſe
of
44 Conteſts and Diſſentions
Or
of private perſons. This is a Truth of vulgar know-
ledge and obſervation : but there are few who turn
their thoughts to examine how thoſe diſeaſes in a State
are bred, that haſten its end; which would however
be a very uſeful enquiry. For though we cannot
prolong the period of a Commonwealth beyond the
decree of Heaven, or the date of its nature, any more
than human life beyond the ſtrength of the ſeminal Vir-
tue ; yet we may manage a fickly conſtitution; and
preſerve a ſtrong one; we may watch and prevent ac
cidents ; we may turn off a great blow from without,
and purge away an ill humour that is lurking with
in: And by theſe, and other ſuch methods render a
State long-lived, though not immortal. Yet fome
Phyficians have thought, that if it were practicable
to keep the ſeveral humours of the Body in an exact
equal Balance of each with its oppoſite, it might be
immortal, and ſo perhaps would a political Body,
if the Balance of Power could be always held exactly
even. But, I doubt, this is as impoſſible in the
Practice as the other.
It has an appearance of Fatality, and that the pe-
riod of a State approaches, when a concurrence of
many circumſtances, both within and without, unite
towards its ruin : While the whole body of the peo-
ple are either ſtupidly negligent or elſe giving in with
all their might to thoſe very practices that are work-
ing their deſtruction.
deſtruction. To ſee whole Bodies of men
breaking a Conſtitution, by the very fame errors that
ſo many have been
n broke before: To obſerve oppo.
fite parties, who can agree in nothing elſe, yet firmly
united in ſuch meaſures, as muſt certainly ruin their
country : In ſhort, to be encompals'd with the greateſt
dangers from without, to be torn by many virulent
Faélions within; then to be ſecure and ſenſeleſs under
all
in ATHENS and ROME.
45
all this, and to make it the very leaſt of our concern ;
theſe, and ſome others that might be named, appear
to me to be the moſt likely ſymptoms in a State, of
a Sickneſs unto Death.
Quod procul a nobis fleitat Fortuna gubernans :
Et ratio potius, quam res perſuadeat ipfa.
LUCRET.
There are ſome conjunctures wherein the death or
diſſolution of Government is more lamentable in its
conſequences, than it would be in others. And, I
think, a State can never arrive to its period in a more
deplorable Criſis, than at a time when ſome Prince in
the Neighbour bood, of a vaſt Power and Ambition,
lies hovering like a Vulture to devour, or, at leaſt,
diſmember its dying Carcaſs, by which means it be-
comes only a Province or Acquiſition to ſome mighty
Monarchy, without hopes of a Reſurrection.
I know very well, there is a ſett of fanguine tem-
pers, who deride and ridicule, in the number of
fopperies, all ſuch apprehenfions as theſe. They
have it ready in their mouths, that the people of
England are of a Genius and Temper, never to ad-
mit Slavery among them; and they are furniſhed
with a great many Common-places upon that ſub-
ject. But it ſeems to me, that ſuch diſcourſers do
reaſon upon ſhort Views, and a very moderate coin paſs
of Thought. For, I think it a great error to count
upon the genius of a Nation as a ſtanding argumene
in all ages, fince there is hardly a ſpot of ground in
Europe, where the inhabitants have not frequently
and entirely changed their Temper and Genius. Nei-
ther can I ſee any reaſon why the genius of a Na.
tion ſhould be more fixed in the point of Govern-
Inent.
46
Conteſts and Diſentions
ment, than in their Morals, their Learning, their Re-
ligion, their common Humour and Converſation, their
Diet and their Complection ; which do all notoriouſly
vary almoſt in every age, and may every one of them
have great effects upon mens notions of Govern-
ment.
Since the Norman Conqueſt, the Balance of Power
in England has often varied, and ſometimes been
wholly overturned ; the part which the Commons
had in it, that most diſputed Point in its Original
Progrip, and Extent, was, by their own confeſſions,
but a very inconfiderable ſhare. Generally ſpeaking,
they have been gaining ever ſince, tho' with frequent
interruptions, and flow progreſs. The aboliſhing of
Villanage, together with the cuſtom introduced (or
permitted) among the Nobles of ſelling their lands
in the Reign of Henry the Seventh, was a mighty
addition to the power of the Commons; yet I think
a much greater happened in the time of his Succef-
for, at the diffolution of the Abbeys. For this turn-
ed the Clergy wholly out of the Scale, who had ſo
long filled it; and placed the Commons in their ſtead;
who in a few years became poſſeſſed of vaſt quan-
tities of thoſe and other lands, by Grant or Pur-
chaſe. About the middle of Queen Elizabeth's
Reign, I take the power between the Nobles and
the Commons to have been in more equal Balance,
than it was ever before or ſince. But then, or
foon after, aroſe a Faction in England, which une
der the name of Puritan, began to grow popular
by molding up their new Schemes of Religion with
republican principles in Government; and, gaining
upon the Prerogative, as well as the Nobles, under
ſeveral denominations, for the ſpace of about fixty
years, did at laft overthrow the Conſtitution, and
according
in ATHENS and Rome.
47
tale
according to the uſual Courſe of ſuch Revolutions,
did introduce a Tyranny, firſt of the people, and
then of a ſingle perſon.
In a ſhort Time after, the old Government was
revived. But the progreſs of affairs for almoſt thirty
years, under the Reigns of two weak Princes, is a
ſubject of a very different Nature: When the Ba-
lance was in danger to be overturned by the hands
that held it, which was at laſt very ſeaſonably pre-
vented by the late Revolution. However, as it is the
Talent of human Nature to run from one extreme
to another, fo, in a very few years, we have made
mighty leaps from Prerogative heights into the
depths of popularity, and, I doubt, to the very laſt
degree that our Conſtitution will bear. It were to
be wiſhe, that the moſt auguſt afiembly, of the
Commons would pleaſe to form a Pandea of their
own Power and Privileges, to be confirmed by the
entire legiſlative Authority, and that in as folemn a
Manner (if they pleaſe) as the Magna Charta. But
to fix one foot of their Compaſs where-ever they
think fit, and extend the other to ſuch terrible lengths,
without deſcribing any Circumference at all, is to
leave us and themſelves in a very uncertain State,
and in a ſort of Rotation, that the Author of the
Oceana never dream'd on. I believe the moſt
hardy Tribune will not venture to affirm, at pre-
ſent, that any juſt Fears of Encroachment are given
us from the regal Power, or the Few : And, is it
then impoſſible to err on the other Side ? How far
muft we proceed, or where ſhall we ſtop? The rag-
ing of the Sea, and the Madneſs of the People are
put together in Holy Writ; and 'tis God alone
who can ſay to either, Hitherto fhalt thou paſs, and
no further
The
48
Conteſts and Diffentions
.
The Balance of power in a linnited State is of
fuch abſolute Neceflity, that Cromwell himſelf, be-
fore he had perfectly confirmed his Tyranny, hav-
ing fome Occaſions for the Appearance of a Parlia-
ment, was forced to create and erect an entire new
Houſe of Lords (ſuch as it was) for a Counterpoiſe
to the Commons. And indeed, conſidering the Vile-
neſs of the Clay, I have ſometimes wonder'd, that
no Tribune of that Age durft ever venture to
alk the Potter, What dot thou make? But it was
then about the laft Act of a popular Ufurpation, ,
and Fate or Cromwell had already prepared them for
that of a ſingle Perfon.
I have been often amazed at the rude, paſſionate,
and miſtaken Reſults, which have at certain Times
fallen from great Aflemblies, both antient and mo-
dern, and of other Countries as well as our own.
This gave me the opinion I mentioned awhile
ago; That publick Conventions are liable to all the
Infirmities, Follies, and Vices of private Men. To
which, if there be any Exception, it muft be of
fuch Affemblies who act by univerſal Concert, upon
prblick Principles, and for publick Ends; ſuch as
proceed upon Debates without unbecoming Warmths,
or Infisence from particular Leaders and Inflamert;
fach whoſe Members, infiead of canvaling to procure
Majorities for their private Opinions, are ready to
comply with general Jober Reſults, ibo contrary to
rbeir own Sentiments. Whatever Aſemblies act by
theſe and other Methods of the like Nature, muſt
be allowed to be exempt from ſeveral imperfections
to which particular Men are ſubjected. But I think
the Source of moſt Miſtakes and Miſcarriages, in
Matters debated by publick Aflemblies, ariſes from
the influence of private Perſons upon great Num-
bers,
in ATHENS and Rome.
49
bers, ſtyled in common Phraſe, Leading Men and
Parties. And therefore when we ſometimes meet
a few Words put together, which is called the Vote
or Reſolution of an Aſſembly, and which we cannot
poſſibly reconcile to Prudence or publick Good, it is
moſt charitable to conjecture, that ſuch a Vote has
been conceived, and born, and bred in a privat
brain, afterwards raiſed and ſupported by an obſe-
quious party, and then with uſual methods confirmed
by an artificial Majority. For, let us ſuppoſe five
hundred men, mix'd in point of ſenſe and honeſty,
as uſually Affemblies are; and let us ſuppoſe thele
men propoſing, debating, reſolving, voting, accord-
ing to the meer nacural motions of their own little
or much reaſon and underſtanding : I do allow, that
abundance of indigeſted and abortive, many perni-
cious and fooliſh Overtures would ariſe and float a
few minutes ; but then they would die and diſappear.
Becauſe, this muſt be ſaid in behalf of human-kind,
that common ſenſe and plain reaſon, while men are
diſengaged from acquired opinions, will ever have
fome general influence upon their minds ; whereas
the ſpecies of Folly and Vice are infinite, and ſo
different in every individual, that they could never
procure a majority, if other Corruptions did not enter
to pervert mens underſtandings, and miſ-guide their
wills.
To deſcribe how Parties are bred in an Aſſembly,
would be a work too difficult at preſent, and perhaps
not altogether ſafe. Periculofe plenum opus aleæ.
Whether thoſe who are Leaders, uſually arrive at that
ſtation more by a ſort of Inſtinct or ſecret Compofi-
tion of the nature or influence of the ſtars, than by
the poſſeſſion of any great abilities, may be a point
of much diſpute : But when the Leader is once fixed,
VOL 1.
8
there
50 Conteſts and Diſſentions
2
there will never fail to be followers. And Man is ſo
apt to imitate ſo much of the nature of Sheep,
( imitatores, fervum Pecus) that whoever is ſo bold
to give the firſt great Leap over the Heads of thoſe
about him, (tho' he be the worſt of the Flock) ſhall
be quickly followed by the reſt. Beſides, when Par-
ties are once formed, the ſtragglers look ſo ridiculous,
and become lo inſignificant, that they have no other
way, but to run into the herd, which at leaſt will
hide and protect them ; and where to be much con-
fidered, requires only to be very violent.
But there is one circumſtance, with relation to
Parties, which I take to be of all others moſt
per-
nicious in a State; and I would be glad any Partizan
would help me to a tolerable reaſon, that becauſe
Clodius and Curio happen to agree with me in a
few ſingular notions, I muſt therefore blindly follow
them in all: Or, to ſtate it at beſt, that becauſe Bibu-
lus the Party-man is perſuaded that Clodius and Curio
do really propoſe the good of their country as their
chief end; therefore Bibulus ſhall be wholly guided
and governed by them, in the means and meaſures
towards it. Is it enough for Bibulus, and the reſt
of the herd, to ſay, without further examining, I
am of the fide with Clodius, or I vote with Curio?
are theſe proper methods to form and make up what
they think fit to call the united Wiſdom of the Na-
tion? Is it not poſſible, that upon ſome occaſions
Clodius may be bold and inſolent, borne away by his
paffion, malicious and revengeful ? That Curio may
be corrupt, and expoſe to fale his tongue, or his
pen? ( conceive it far below the dignity both of hu-
man nature, and human reaſon, to be engaged in any
Party, the moſt plauſible foever, upon ſuch fervile
conditions, .
This
in ATHENS and ROME.
51
This influence of One upon Many, which ſeems
to be as great in a people Repreſented, as it was of
old in the Commons Colle&tive, together with the
conſequences it has had upon the Legiſlature, has given
me frequent occaſion to reflect upon what Diodorus
tells us of one Charandas, a Lawgiver to the Sybarites,
an antient people of Italy, who was ſo averſe to all
Innovation, cſpecially when it was to proceed from
particular perſons; and I ſuppoſe, that he might put
it out of the power of men, fond of their own notions,
to difturb the Conſtitution at their pleaſures, by
advancing private ſchemes ; that he provided a Statute,
that whoever propoſed any alteration to be made,
ſhould itep out and do it with a rope about his neck :
If the matter propoſed were generally approved, then
it ſhould paſs into a Law; if it went in the Nega-
tive, the propoſer to be immediately hanged. Great
Minifters may talk of what projects they pleaſe; but
I am deceived, if a more effectual one could ever be
found for taking off as the preſent phraſe is) thoſe
hot, unquiet Spirits, who diſturb Affeinblies, and
obſtruct publick Affairs, by gratifying their Pride,
their Malice, their Ambition, or their Avarice.
Thoſe who in a late reign began the diſtinction be-
tween the perfonal and politick Capacity, feem to have
had reaſon, if they judged of Princes by themſelves ;
for, I think, there is hardly to be found through all
nature, a greater difference between two things, than
there is between a repreſenting Commoner, in the
function of his publick calling, and the ſame perſon
when he acts in the common offices of life. Here,
he allows himſelf to be upon a level with the reſt
of Mortals : Here, he follows his own reaſon, and
his own way, and rather affects a ſingularity in his
actions, and thoughts, than ſervilely to copy either
E 2
from
52
Conteſts and Diſentions
from the wifeſt of his neighbours. In ſhort, here his
Folly and his Wiſdom, his Reaſon and his Paſſions,
are all of his own growth, not the eccho or infuſion
of other men.
But when he has got near the walls of
his Aſſembly, he affumes and affects an entire ſett
of very different airs ; he conceives himſelf a Being
of a ſuperior nature to thoſe without, and acting in
a ſphere where the vulgar methods for the conduct of
human life can be of no uſe. He is liſted in a
party, where he neither knows the Temper, nor De-
ſigns, nor perhaps the Perſon of his Leader ; but
whoſe opinions he follows and maintains with a zeal
and faith as violent, as a young ſcholar does thoſe
of a Philoſopher, whoſe ſect he is taught to profeſs.
He has neither opinions, nor thoughts, nor actions,
nor talk, that he can call his own, but all conveyed
to him by his Leader, as wind is through an organ.
The nouriſhment he receives has been not only chewed
but digeſted before it comes into his mouth. Thus
inſtructed, he follows the Party, right or wrong,
through all its ſentiments, and acquires a courage and
tiffneſs of opinion not at all congenial with him.
This encourages me to hope, that during this lucid
interval, the Members retired to their homes, may
ſuſpend a while their acquired Complexions, and,
taught by the calmneſs of the ſcene and the ſeaſon,
reaffume the native fedateneſs of their temper. If
this ſhould be ſo, it would be wiſe in them, as indi-
vidual and private mortals, to look back a little upon
the ſtorms they have raiſed, as well as thoſe they have
eſcaped. To reflect, that they have been Authors of
a new and wonderful thing in England, which is,
for a Houſe of Commons to loſe the univerſal Fa-
vour of the numbers they repreſent: To obſerve,
how thoſe whom they thought fit to perſecute for
Righteouſneſs
in Athens and Rome.
53
y
pit
Righteouſneſs Sake, have been openly careſsed by the
people ; and to remember how themſelves fate in fear
of their perſons from popular rage. Now, if they
would know the ſecret of all this unprecedented pro-
ceeding in their Maſters, they muſt not impute it to
their freedom in debate, or declaring their opinions, but
to that unparliamentary abuſe of ſetting individuals
upon their ſhoulders, who were hated by God and
Man. For, it ſeems, the maſs of the people, in ſuch
conjunctures as this, have opened their Eyes, and will
not endure to be governd by Clodius and Curio, at
the head of their Myrmidons, though theſe be ever ſo
numerous, and compoſed of their own Repreſenta-
tives.
This averſion of the people, for the late proceed-
ings of the Commons, is an accident, that if it laſt
a while, might be improved to good uſes for ſetting
the Balance of Power a little more upon an equality,
than their late meaſures ſeem to promiſe or admit.
This accident may be imputed to two cauſes : The
firit is an univerſal Fear and Apprehenſion of the
greatneſs and power of France, whereof the people in
general ſeem to be very much and juſtly poſſeſs’d,
and therefore cannot but reſent to ſee it, in ſo critical
a juncture, wholly laid aſide by their Miniſters, the
Commons. The other cauſe, is a great love and
fenſe of gratitude in the people towards their preſent
King, grounded upon a long opinion and experience
of his merit, as well as conceſſions to all their reaſon-
able deſires ; ſo that it is for ſome time they have be-
gun to fay, and to fetch inſtances, where he has in
many things been hardly uſed. How long theſe hu-
mours may laft, (for Paſſions are momentary, and
eſpecially thoſe of a multitude) or what conſequen-
ces they may produce, a little time may diſcover.
But
E 3
54 Conteſts and Dillentions, &c.
But whenever it comes to paſs, that a popular Aflem-
bly, free from ſuch obltructions, and already poſlefied
of more Power, than an equal Balance will allow,
ſhall continue to think they have not enough, but
by cramping the hand that holds the Balance, and by
Impeachments or Diljentions with the Nobles, en-
deavour ftill for more ; I cannot poſſibly ſee in the
common courſe of Things, how the ſame Cauſes can
produce different Effects and Conſequences among
us, from what they did in Greece and Rome.
Estado eqosi no lo
07 ateite sin
.
1.
to home
out to be done bus
.
ting
THE
:
( 55 )
THE
SENTIMENTS
OF A
Church-of-England MAN.
With Reſpect to
RELIGION and GOVERNMENT.
Written in the Year 1708.
W
HOEVER has examined the Conduct
and Proceedings of both parties for ſome
years paſt, whether in or out of Power,
cannot well conceive it poſſible to go far towards the
extremes of either, without offering ſome violence to
his integrity or underſtanding. A wife and a good
man may indeed be ſometimes induced to comply
with a number whoſe opinion he generally approves,
though it be perhaps againtt his own. But this Li-
berty
E 4
56
The Sentiments of a
berty ſhould be made Uſe of upon very few Oc-
cafions, and thoſe of ſmall Importance, and then only
with a view of bringing over his own fide another
time to ſomething of greater and more publick Mo-
ment. But to ſacrifice the Innocency of a Friend,
the Good of our Country, or our own Conſcience, to
the Humour, or Pallion, or Intereſt of a Party,
plainly ſhews, that either our Heads or our Hearts
are not as they ſhould be: Yet this very practice
is the fundamental Law of cach Faction among us,
as may be obvious to any who will impartially and
without Engagement, be at the Pains to examine
their Actions, which, however, is not ſo eaſy a
Talk: For it ſeems a Principle in human Nature, ,
to incline one way more than another, even in
Matters where we are wholly unconcerned. And
it is a common obſervation, that in reading a Hi-
ſtory of Facts done a thouſand years ago, or ſtanding
by at Play among thoſe who are perfect ftrangers
to us, we are apt to find our hopes and wiſhes en-
gaged on a ſudden in favour of one fide more than
another. No wonder then we are all fo ready to
intereſt ourſelves in the Courſe of publick Affairs,
where the moſt inconſiderable have ſome real Share,
and by the wonderful Importance which every
Man is of to himſelf, a very great imaginary
one.
And indeedwhen the two Parties, that divide
the whole Common-wealth, come once to a Rup-
ture, without any hopes left of forming a Third
with better Principles, to balance the others, it ſeems
every Man's duty to chuſe a fide, though he can-
not entirely approve of either ; and all pretences to
Neutrality are juſtly exploded by both, being too
ftale and obvious, only intending the Safety and
Eaſe
yarad
Church-of-England Man. 57
Eaſe of a few Individuals while the Publick is em-
broiled. This was the Opinion and Practice of the
latter Cato, whom I eſteem to have been the wiſeft
and beſt of all the Romans. But before things proceed
to open Violence, the trueſt ſervice a private Man
may hope to do his Country, is by unbiaſling
his mind as much as poſſible, and then endeavouring
to moderate between the rival Powers, which mult
needs be owned a fair proceeding with the World,
becauſe it is of all others the leaſt conſiſtent with
the common deſign of making a Fortune by the Merit
of an Opinion.
I have gone as far as I am able in qualifying
myſelf to be ſuch a Moderator: I believe I am no
Bigot in Religion, and I am ſure I am" none in
Government. I converſe in full Frecdom with
many
conſiderable Men of both Parties; and if not in
equal number, it is purely accidental and perſonal,
as happening to be near the Court, and to have
made Acquaintance there, more under one Miniſtry
than another. Then, I am not under the neceſſity
of declaring my ſelf by the proſpect of an Employ-
inent. And, laſtly, if all this be not ſufficient, I
induſtriouſly conceal my Name, which wholly ex-
empts me from any Hopes and Fears in delivering
my Opinion.
In Conſequence of this free Uſe of my Reaſon,
I cannot poſlibly think ſo well or ſo ill of either
Party, as they would endeavour to perſuade the
World of each other, and of themſelves. For In-
ſtance; I do not charge it upon the Body of the
Whigs or the Tories, that their ſeveral principles
lead them to introduce Preſbytery, and the Religion
of the Church of Rome, or a Common-wealth, and
Arbitrary Power. For why fhould any Party be
accuſed
58
The Sentiments of a
Thinkers, do properly join with the fame Body ; be.
accuſed of a Principle which they folemnly diſown
and proteſt againſt ? But, to this they have a mu-
tual Anſwer ready; they both aſſure us, that their
Adverſaries are not to be believed; that they diſown
their Principles out of Fear: which are manifeſt
enough, when we examine their Practices. To
prove this, they will produce inftances, on one fide,
either of avowed Preſbyterians, or Perſons of Liber-
tine and Atheiſtical Tenets, and on the other of pro-
feffed Papiſts, or ſuch as are openly in the intereſt
of the abdicated Family. Now it is very natural
for all ſubordinate Sects and Denominations in a
State, to fide with ſome general Party, and to chuſe
that which they find to agree with themſelves in ſome
general Principle. Thus, at the Reforation, the
Preſbyterians, Anabaptiſts, Independents, and other
Sects, did all, with very good Reaſon, unite and
fodder up their feveral Schemes to join againſt the
Church, who, without regard to their diſtinctions,
treated them all as equal Adverſaries. Thus, our
preſent Diffenters do very naturally cloſe in with the
Whigs, who profeſs Moderation, declare they abhor
all thoughts of Perfecution, and think it hard that
thoſe who differ only in a few Ceremonies and Spe-
culations, ſhould be denied the privilege and profit
of ſerving their Country in the higheſt Employments
of State. Thus, the Atheiſts, Libertines, Deſpiſers
of Religion and Revelation in general, that is to ſay
all thoſe who uſually paſs under the name of Free-
cauſe they likewiſe preach up Moderation, and are
not ſo over-nice to diſtinguiſh between an unlimited
Liberty of Conſcience, and an unlimited Freedom of
Opinion. Then, on the other ſide, the profeſsid
firmneſs of the Tories for Epifcopacy, as an Apo-
ftolica)
Church-of-England Man. 59
ſtolical Inſtitution : Their averfion to thoſe ſects who
lie under the reproach of having once deſtroyed their
Conftitution, and who, they imagine, by too indiſ-
creet a Zeal for Reformation, have defaced the pri-
mitive Model of the Church: Next, their Vene'a-
tion for Monarchical Government in the common
Courſe of Succeſſion, and their hatred to Republi-
can Schemes: Theſe, I ſay, are Principles which
not only the Nonjuring Zealots profeſs, but even
Papifts themſelves fall readily in with. And every
Extreme here mentioned, flings a general Scandal
upon the whole Body it pretends to adhere to."
But ſurely no Man whatſoever ought in Juſtice
or good Manners to be charged with Principles he
actually diſowns, unleſs his practices do openly, and
without the leaſt room for doubt, contradict his
profeſſion : Not upon finall ſurmiſes, or becauſe he
has the misfortune to have ill Men ſometimes agree
with him in a few general Sentiments. However,
though the extremes of Wbig and Tory feem, with
little Juſtice, to have drawn Religion into their Con-
troverſies, wherein they have ſmall Concern, yet
they both have borrowed one leading Principle from
the abuſe of it, which is, to have built their ſeveral
Syſtems of political Faith, not upon enquiries after
Truth, but upon oppoſition to each other, upon in-
jurious appellations, charging their Adverſaries with
horrid Opinions, and then reproaching them for the
Want of Charity ; Et neuter falſo.
• In order to remove theſe Prejudices, I have thought
nothing could be more effectual than to deſcribe
the Sentiments of a Church-of-England Man, with
reſpect to Religion and Government. This I fhall
endeavour to do in ſuch a Manner, as may not be li-
able to the leaſt Objection from either Party, and
which
60
The Sentiments '
of a
*
which I am confident would be aſſented to by great
numbers in both, if they were not miſled to thoſe
mutual Miſrepreſentations, by ſuch Motives as they
would be aſhamed to own.
I thall begin with Religion.
And here, though it makes an odd ſound, yet it
is neceſſary to ſay, that whoever profeſſeth himſelf
a Member of the Church of England, ought to be-
Jieve a God, and his Providence, together with re-
vealed Religion, and the Divinity of Cbrift. For
beſide thoſe many Thouſands, who (to ſpeak in the
phraſe of Divines) do practically deny all this by
the Immorality of their Lives, there is no ſmall
Number, who, in their Converſation and Writings,
directly, or by Conſequence, endeavour to overthrow
it : Yet all theſe place themſelves in the Liſt of
the National Church, though at the ſame time (as it
is highly reaſonable) they are great Sticklers for Li-
berty of Conſcience.
To enter upon Particulars : A Church-of-England
Man has a true Veneration for the Scheme eſta-
bliſhed among us of Eccleſiaſtick Government ;
and though he will not determine whether Epiſco-
pacy be of Divine Right, he is ſure it is moſt agree-
able to primitive Inſtitution, fittelt, of all others,
for preſerving Order and Purity, and under its pre-
fent Regulations beſt calculated for our civil State :
He ſhould therefore think the Aboliſhment of that
Order among us would prove a mighty Scandal
and Corruption to our Faith, and manifeſtly dange-
rous to our Monarchy; nay, he would defend it by
Arms againſt all the Powers on Earth, except our
own Legiſlature ; in which cafe he would ſubmit
as to a general Calamity, a Dearth, or a Pelti-
lence. Po ogle
As
...
?
Church-of-England Man. 61
As to Rites and Ceremonies, and Forms of Prayer,
and more, which in the Proſpect of uniting Chri
ftians might be very ſupportable, as Things declared
in their own Nature indifferent; to which he there-
fore would readily comply, if the Clergy, or (tho'
this be not ſo fair a Method) if the Legiſlature ſhould
direct: Yet at the ſame time he cannot altogether
blame the former for their unwillingneſs to conſent
to any Alteration, which, beſide the Trouble, and per-
haps Diſgrace, would certainly never produce the
good Effects intended by it. The only Condition
that could make it prudent and juſt for the Clergy
to comply in altering the Ceremonial, or any other
indifferent part, would be a firm Reſolution in the
Legiſlature to interpoſe, by ſome ſtrict and effectual
Laws, to prevent the riſing and ſpreading of new
Sects, how plauſible foever, for the future ; elle
there muſt never be an End: And it would be
to act like a Man who ſhould pull down and change
the Ornaments of his Houſe, in compliance to every
one that was diſpoſed to find fault as he paſſed by ;
which, beſides the perpetual Trouble and Expence,
would very much damage, and perhaps in Time de
ſtroy the Building. Sects in a State feem only to-
lerated with any Reaſon, becauſe they are already
ſpread ; and becauſe it would not be agreeable with
lo mild a Government, or fo pure a Religion as
ours, to uſe violent Methods againſt great Numbers
of miſtaken People, while they do not manifeſtly
endanger the Conſtitution of either. But the greateſt
Advocates for general Liberty of Conſcience will
allow, they ought to be check'd in their Beginnings,
if they will allow them to be any Evil at all, or,
which is the ſame Thing, if they will only grant,
10
62
The Sentiments of a
it were better for the Peace of the State, that there
ſhould be none. But while the Clergy conſiders the
natural temper of mankind in general, or of our,
own country in particular, what affurances can they
have, that any compliances they ſhall make, will re-
move the evil of Diffention, while the liberty ſtill
continues of profefling what new Opinions we pleaſe ?
Or how can it be imagined that the Body of Dif-
ſenting Teachers, who muſt be all undone by ſuch a
Revolution, will not caſt about for ſome new objec-
tions to with-hold their Flocks, and draw in freſh
Proſelytes by ſome further Innovations or Refine-
ments ?
Upon theſe Reaſons he is for tolerating ſuch dif-
ferent forms in religious worſhip as are already ad-
mitted, but by no means for leaving it in the power of
thoſe who are tolerated, to advance their own models
upon the ruin of what is already eſtabliſhed; which
it is narural for all fects to delire, and which they
cannot juftify by any conſiſtent Principles if they
do not endeavour; and yet, which they cannot fuc-
ceed in without the utmoſt danger to the publick
Peace.
To prevent theſe inconveniences, he thinks it highly
juſt, that all rewards of Truſt, Profit, or Dignity,
which the State leaves in the diſpoſal of the admini-
*ſtration, ſhould be given only to thoſe whoſe Princi-
ples direet them to preſerve the Conſtitution in all
its parts. In the late affair of Occaſional Conformity,
the general argument of thoſe who were againſt it,
was not, to deny it an evil in itſelf, but that the
remedy propoſed was violent, untimely, and impro-
per, which is the Biſhop of Salisbury's opinion in
the Speech he made and publiſhed againſt the Bill:
But however juft their Fears or Complaints might
have
Church-of-England Man.
63
have been upon that ſcore, he thinks it a little too
groſs and precipitate to employ their writers already
in arguments for repealing the Sacramental Teft, up-
on no wiſer a Maxim, than That no man ſhould, on
the account of Conſcience, be deprived the Liberty
of ſerving his Country ; a Topick which may be
equally applied to admit Papias, Atheiſts, Mabome-
tans, Heathens, and Jews. If the Church wants
Members of its own to employ in the ſervice of the
publick, or be ſo unhappily contrived, as to exclude
from its Communion, ſuch perſons who are likelieſt
to have great abilities, it is time it ſhould be altered
and reduced into ſome more perfect, or at leaſt more
popular form : But in the mean while it is not alto-
gether improbable, that when thoſe who diſlike the
Conſtitution, are ſo very zealous in their offers for the
ſervice of their country, they are not wholly un-
inindful of their party, or of themſelves
.
The Dutch, whoſe practice is ſo often quoted to
prove and celebrate the great advantages of a general
Liberty of Conſcience, have yet a national Religion
profeſſed by all who bear office among them: But
why fhould they be a precedent for us either in Reli-
gion or Government? Our Country differs from
theirs, as well in Situation, Soil, and Productions of
Nature, as in the Genius and Complection of In-
habitants. They are a Commonwealth founded on
a ſudden, by a deſperate attempt in a deſperate con-
dition, not formed or digeited into a regular fyftem by
mature Thought and Reaſon, but huddled up under
the preſſure of ſudden exigencies ; calculated for no
long duration, and hitherto fublifting by accident in
the midſt of contending Powers, who cannot yet
agree about ſharing it among them. Theſe difi-
culties do indeed preſerve them from any great Cor
ruptions,
1
:
64
The Sentiments of a
.
ruptions, which their crazy Conſtitution would ex-
tremely ſubject them too in a long Peace. That con-
fluence of people in a perſecuting age, to a place of
refuge neareſt at hand, put them upon the neceſſity
of trade, to which they wiſely gave all eaſe and en-
couragement : And if we could think fit to imitate
them in this laſt particular, there would need no more
to invite Foreigners among us; who ſeem to think
no farther than how to ſecure their property and
conſcience, without projecting any ſhare in that Go-
vernment which gives them protection, or calling it
Perſecution if it be denied them. But I ſpeak it for
the honour of our Adminiſtration, that although our
Sects are not ſo numerous as thoſe in Holland, which
I preſume is not our Fault, and I hope is not our
Misfortune, we much excel them and all Chriſtendom
beſides in our indulgence to tender conſciences. One
fingle compliance with the national form of receiving
the Sacrament, is all we require to qualify any Sec-
tary among us for the greateſt employments in the
State, after which he is at liberty to rejoin his own
Allemblies for the reſt of his life. Beſides, I will
ſuppoſe any of the numerous fects in Holland to
have ſo far prevailed as to have raiſed a Civil War,
deſtroyed their Government and Religion, and put
their Adminiſtrators to death; after which I will ſup-
poſe the people to have recovered all again, and to
have ſettled on their old foundation. Then I would
put a query, whether that fect which was the unhap-
py inſtrument of all this confuſion, could reaſonably
expect to be entrufted for the future with the greateſt
employments, or, indeed, to be hardly tolerated a-
mong them?
To go on with the Sentiments of a Church-of-
England Man: He does not ſee how that mighty
Paſſion
Church-of-England Man.
65
diſtinguish on
,
Paſſion for the Church which ſome men pretend,
can well confiſt with thoſe indignities and that
tempt they beſtow on the perſons of the Clergy.
Charch Men, that they are ſuch who imagine the
Clergy can never be too Low. He thinks the maxim
theſe gentlemen are ſo fond of, that they are for an
humble Clergy, is a very good one: And ſo is he;
and for an humble Laity too, ſince Humility is a
Virtue that perhaps equally benefits and adorns every
lation of life.
But then if the Scribblers on the other ſide freely
ſpeak the ſentiments of their Party, a Divine of the
Church of England cannot look for nuch better
quarter from thence.
You ſhall obſerve nothing more
frequent in their weekly papers, than a way of af-
fecting to confound the terms of Clergy and High
loading the latter with all the calumny they can in-
vent. They will tell you they honour a Clergy-
man ; but talk at the ſame time, as if there were not
three in the Kingdom who could fall in with their
definition. After the like manner they inſult the
Univerſities as poiſoned Fountains, and Corrupters of
d
youth.
Now, it ſeems clear to one that the Whigs might
eaſily have procured and maintained a majority among
the Clergy, and perhaps in the Univerſities, if they
had not too much encouraged or connived at this in-
temperance of ſpeech, and virulence of pen, in tha
wort and moſt proſtitute of their party among
whom there hath been, for ſome years palt, ſuch a
perpetual clamour againit the ambition, the impla-
cable temper, and the covetouineſs of the Priechod
Such a Cant of Higb-Cburcb, and Perſecution, and
being
66
The Sentiments of a
being Prieſt-ridden ; ſo many reproaches about nar-
row Principles, or Terms of Communion: Then ſuch
fcandalous reflections on the Univerſities, for infecting
the youth of the Nation with Arbitrary and Jacobite
Principles, that it was natural for thoſe who had the
care of Religion and Education, to apprehend ſome
general deſign of altering the Conftitution of both.
And all this was the more extraordinary, becauſe it
could not eaſily be forgot, that whatever oppoſition
was made to the Uſurpations of King James, pro-
ceeded altogether from the Church of England, and
chiefly from the Clergy, and one of the Univerſities.
For, if it were of any uſe to recal matters of fact,
what is more notorious than that Prince's applying
himſelf firſt to the Church of England; and upon
their refuſal to fall in with his meaſures, making the
like advances to the Diflenters of all kinds, who rea-
dily and almoſt univerſally complied with him, af-
fecting in their pumerous Addreſſes and Pamphlets,
the ſtyle of Our Brethren the Roman-Catholicks ;
whoſe intereſts they put on the ſame foot with their
own: And ſome of Cromwell's Officers took poſts in
the Army raiſed againſt the Prince of Orange. Theſe
proceedings of theirs they can only extenuate, by
arging the provocations they had met from the Church
in King Charles's
Reign; which though perhaps ex-
cuſable upon the ſcore of human infirmity, are not
by any means a plea of merit equal to the conſtancy
and ſufferings of the Biſhops and Clergy, or of the
Head and Fellows of Magdalen College, that furniſhe!
the Prince of Orange's declaration with ſuch power-
ful arguments to juſtify and pronote the Revolution.
Therefore a Church of England Man abhors the
humour of the age, in delighting to fling Scandals
upon the Clergy in general; which beſides the dif-
grace
Church-of-England Man.
67
grace to the Reformation, and to Religion itſelf, cafts
an ignominy upon the Kingdom that it doth not de-
ferve. We have no better materials to compound
the Prieſthood of, than the maſs of mankind, which,
corrupted as it is, thoſe who receive orders muſt have
fome vices to leave behind them when they enter in-
to the Church, and if a few do ſtill adhere, it is no
wonder, but rather a great one that they are no worſe.
Therefore he cannot think. Ambition, or Love of Power,
more juſtly laid to their charge than to other men, be-
cauſe that would be to make Religion itſelf, or at lealt
the belt Conftitution of Church-Government, anſwer-
able for the Errors and Depravity of human Na-
e fall two he
Within theſe laſt two hundred
years, all ſorts of
Temporal Power hath been wreſted from the Clergy,
and much of their Ecclefiaftick, the Reaſon or Justice
of which proceeding I ſhall
not examine; but that
the remedies were a little too violent, with reſpect
to their Pollellions, the Legiſlature hath lately con-
feſted by the remiffion of their Firi Fruits. Nei
cher do the common libellers deny this, who, in their
invectives, only tax the Church with an inſatiable
defire of power and wealth, (equally common to all
bodies of men, as well as individuals) but thank God,
that the Laws have deprived them of both. How-
cver, it is worth obſerving the juſtice of parties, the
Sects among us are apt to complain, and think it hard
uſage to be reproached now after filty years, for over-
turning the State, for the murder of a King, and
the indignity of an Uſurpation ; yet theſe very Men,
and their Partiſans, are continually reproaching the
Clergy, and laying to their charge the Pride, the Ava-
rice, the Luxury, the Ignorance, and Superſtition of
Popiſ times for a thouſand years paſt,
P2
Hei
68
1 The Sentiments of a
He thinks it a ſcandal to Government, that ſuch
an unlimited liberty ſhould be allowed of publiſh
ing books againſt thoſe Doctrines in Religion, where
in all Chriſtians have agreed, much more to connive
at ſuch Tracts as reject all Revelation, and by their con-
Tequences often deny the very Being of a God. Sure-
ly 'tis not a ſufficient attonement for the writers, that
they profeſs much loyalty to the preſent Government,
and ſprinkle up and down ſome arguments in favour
of the Diſſenters; that they diſpute, as ftrenuouſly
as they can, for Liberty of Conſcience, and inveigh
Jargely againſt all Ecclefiafticks under the name of
High-Cburcb; and in ſhort, under the ſhelter of
fome popular principles in Politicks and Religion,
undermine the Foundations of all Piety and Virtue.
As he does not reckon every Schiſm of that dam-
nable nature which ſome would repreſent, lo he is
very far from cloſing with the new opinion of thoſe
who would make it no crime at all ; and argue at a
wild rate, that God Almighty is delighted with the
variety of faith and Worſhip, as he is with the va-
rieties of Nature. To ſuch abſurdities are men car-
ried by the affectation of Free-Thinking, and remo-
ving the Prejudices of Education, under which head
they have for fome time begun to lift Morality and
Religion. It is certain that before the Rebellion in
1642, tho' the number of Puritans (as they were
then called) were as great as it is with us, and tho'
they affected to follow Paſtors of that denomination,
yet thoſe Paſtors had Epiſcopal Ordination, poſſeſſed
Preferments in the Church, and were ſometimes
promoted to Biſhopricks themſelves. But a breach
in the general forn of worſhip was, in thoſe days,
reckoned ſo dangerous and finful in itſelf, and ſo of-
fenfive to Reman Catholicks at home and abroad, that
it
Church-of-England Man.
69
4
Worthin.
it was too unpopular to be attempted; neither, I be
licve, was the expedient then found out of maintaiir-
ing ſeparate Pators out of private Purſese types og
When a Schiſm is once ſpread in a Nation, there
grows at length a diſpute which are the Schiſmaticks.
Without entering on the arguments urled by both ſides
anong us, to fix the guilt on each other, fris certain,
thar in the ſenſe of the law, the film lies on that
fide which oppoſes itſelf to the Religion of the State
I fall leave it among the Divings to dilate upon the
danger of Srbim as a Spiritual evil but I would
conſider it only as a Temporal one. And I think
it clear that any groat ſeparation from the eltabliſhed
worſhip, though to a new one that is more pure and
perfect may be an occaſion of endangering the pub-
lick peace, becauſe it will compofe a body always in
reſerve, prepared to follow any diſcontented heads,
upon the plaufible pretexts of advancing true Religion,
and oppoſing Error, Superftition, or Idolatry. For
this reaſon Plato lays it down as a Maxim, that Men
ought to worſhip the Gods according to the Latus of the
Country; and he introduces Socrates, in his laſt dif-
courſe, utterly diſowning the crime laid to his charge,
Thus the poor Hugonots of France were engaged in
a Civil War, by the ſpecious pretences of forne,
who, under the guiſe of Religion, facrificed ſo many
thouſand lives to their own Ambition and Revenge.
Thus was the whole body of Puritans in England
drawn to be inllrumental, or abettors of all manner
of Villany, by the artifices of a few Men, whoſe
* Deſigns from the firſt, were levelled to deſtroy the
* Lord Clarendon's Hiſtory, a
F 3
Con-
90 The Sentiments of a
Conſtitution both of Religion and Government. And
thus even in Holland itſelf, where it is pretended that
the variety of Sects live ſo amicably together, and in
ſuch perfect obedience to the Magiftrate, 'tis notorious
how a turbulent Party joining with the Arminians,
did, in the memory of our fathers, attempt to deſtroy
the liberty of that Republick. So that upon the
whole, where Sects are tolerated in a State, 'tis fit
they ſhould enjoy a full liberty of conſcience, and
every other privilege of free-born ſubjects to which
Ino Power is annexed. And to preſerve their obe-
dience upon all Emergencies, Ta Government cannot
give them too much Eaſe, nor truſt them with too little
Power. 210m ti oci to poi dados
The Clergy are uſually charged with a Perfecuting
Spirit, which they are ſaid to diſcover by an im-
placable hatred to all Diflenters; and this appears to
be more unreaſonable, becauſe they ſuffer leſs in their
intereſts by a Toleration, than any of the Conforming
Laity: For while the Church remains in its preſent
form, no Diflenter can poſſibly have any ſhare in its
Dignities, Revenues, or Power ; whereas, by önce
receiving the Sacrament, he is render'd capable of the
higheſt employments in the State. And it is very
poflible that a narrow, education, together with a
mixture of human infirmity, may help to beget a-
mong ſome of the Clergy in Poffeffion lúch an averfion
and contempt for all Innovators, as Phyſicians are apt
to have for Empiricks s or Lawyers for Petti-foggers,
or Merchants for Pedlars; but fince the number of
Sectaries does not concern the Clergy either in point
of intereſt or conſcience, (it being an evil not in their
power to remedy) 'tis more fair and reaſonable to fup-
poſe their diſlike proceeds from the dangers they ap-
prehend to the peace of the Commonwealth, in the
ruin
Church-of-England Mun,
ruin whereof they muſt expect to be the first and
greateft fufferers.
To conclude this Sextion, it muſt be obſerved,
there is a very good word, which hath of late fuffer-
ed much by both Parties, and that is Moderatior,
which the one fide very juftly diſowns, and the other
as unjuſtly pretends to. Beſide what pafies every day
in Converſation, any man who reads the papers pub-
liſhed by Mr. L., and others of his famp, muft
needs conclude, that if this author could make the
mation fee his adverſaries under the colours he palats
them in, we had nothing elſe to do, but riſe as one
man, and deſtroy ſuch wretches from the face of the
arth. On the other ſide, how fhall we excuſe the
advocates for Moderation ; among whom I could
appeal to a hundred papers of univerſal approbation
by the cauſe they were writ for, which lay ſuch prin-
ciples to the whole body of the Tories, as, if they
were true, and believed, our next buſineſs ſhould, in
predence be, to erect gibbets in every pariſh, and
hang thein out of the way. But I ſuppoſe it is pre-
funed, the common people underſtand Raillery, or
at lealt Rhetorick, and will not take Hyperboles in
too literal a ſenſe; which however in ſome junctures
might prove a deſperate experiment. And this is
Moderation in the modern ſenſe of the word, to which,
ſpeaking impartially, the Bigots of both Parties are
equally entitled
F
Suer
72
The Sentiments of a
SECT. II.
The Sentiments of a Church-of-England Man,
sex with reſpect to Government,
We
TE look upon it as a very juſt reproach, though
we cannot agree where to fix it, that there
Ihould be ſo much violence, and hatred in religious
Matters among men who agree in all fundamentals,
and only differ in ſome Ceremonies, or, at moſt,
mere ſpeculative points. Yet, is not this frequently
the caſe between contending Parties in a State For
inſtance ; do not the generality of Whigs and Tories
among us, profeſs to agree in the fame Fundamentals,
their loyalty to the Queen, their abjuration of the
Pretender, the ſettlement of the Crown in the Pro-
teſtant Line, and a Revolution Principle. Their affe-
&tion to the Church eſtabliſhed, with toleration of
Diflenters? Nay, ſometimes they go farther, and
pals over into each other's Principles; the Whigs be-
come great aſſertors of the prerogative, and the Tories
of the people's liberty : thefe crying down almoft
the whole ſett of Biſhops, and thoſe defending them;
ſo that the differences fairly ſtated, would be much of
a fort with thoſe of Religion among us, and amount
to little more than, who ſhould take place, or go in
and out firft; or kiſs the Queen's Hand; And what
are theſe but a few Court Ceremonies ? Or, Wbo
fbould be in the Miniſtry? And what is that to the
body of the Nation, but a mere ſpeculative Point ?
Yet I think it must be allowed, that no religious Sect
ever carried their Averſions for each other to greater
heights
Church-of-England Man. 73
heights than our State-Parties have done, who, the
more to inflame their pailions, have mixed religious
and civil animoſicies together ; borrowing one of their
appellations from the Church, with the addition of
High and Low, how little foever their diſputes relate
to the term, as it is generally underſtood.
I now proceed to deliver the Sentiments of a
Churcb-of-England Man, with reſpect to Govern-
ment.
He does not think the Church of England ſo nar-
Towly calculated that it cannot fall in with any re-
gular ſpecies of Government; nor does he think any
one regular fpecies of Government more acceptable
to God than another. The three generally received
in the Schools have all of them their ſeveral perfec-
tions, and are ſubject to their ſeveral depravations.
However, few States are ruined by any defect in
their inſtitution, but generally by the corruption of
manners, againſt which the beſt inſtitution is no long
ſecurity, and without which a very ill one may ſub-
fiſt and flouriſh : Whereof there are two pregnant
inſtances now in Europe. The firſt is the Ariſto-
cracy of Venice, which, founded upon the wileſt
Maxims, and digeſted by a great length of time,
hath in our age admitted ſo many abuſes through the
degeneracy of the Nobles, that the period of its du-
ration ſeems to approach. The other is the united
Republicks of the States-General, where a vein of
Temperance, Induſtry, Parſimony, and a publick
Spirit, running through the whole body of the peo-
ple, hath prelerved an infant Commonwealth, of an
untimely Birth and fickly Conftitution, for above an
hundred years, through ſo many dangers and difficul-
ties, as a much more healthy one could never have
ſtruggled againſt without thoſe advantages.
Wherc
74
The Sentiments of a
Where ſecurity of perſon and property are pre-
ſerved by laws, which none but the whole can re-
peal, there the great ends of Government are pro-
vided for, whether the adminiſtration be in the hands
of One, or of Many. Where any one Perſon or
Body of Men, who do not repreſent the Whole, ſeize
into their hands the power in the laſt reſort, there
is properly no longer a Government, but what Ari-
fotle and his Followers call the Abuſe and Corruption
of one. This diſtinction excludes Arbitrary Power,
in whatever numbers; which notwithſtanding all
that Hobbes, Filmer, and others, have ſaid to its ad-
vantage, I look upon as a greater Evil than Anar-
eby itſelf, as much as a Savage is a happier State of
Life, than a Slave at the Oar.
It is reckoned ill manners, as well as unreaſona-
ble, for men to quarrel upon difference in opinion ;
becauſe that is uſually ſuppoſed to be a Thing
which no man can help in himſelf; which how-
ever I do not conceive to be an univerſal infal-
lible Maxim, except in thoſe caſes where the que
ition is pretty equally diſputed among the Learned
and the Wiſe: Where it is otherwiſe, a man of
tolerable Reaſon, ſmall Experience, and willing to
be inſtructed, may apprehend he is got into a wrong
Opinion, though the whole Courſe of his Mind and
Inclination would perſuade him to believe it true;
he may be convinced that he is in an Error, though
he does not ſee where it lies, by the bad Effects of
it in the common Conduct of his Life, and by ob-
ſerving thoſe perſons, for whoſe Wiſdom and Good-
neſs he has the greateſt Deference, to be of a con-
trary Sentiment. According to Hobbes's Compariſon
of Reaſoning with caſting up Accounts, whoever finds
a Miſtake in the Sum Total, muſt allow himſelf out,
though
Church-of-England Man.
75
:
though after repeated Trials he may not fee in which
Article he has miſreckoned. I will inſtance in one
Opinion, which I look upon every Man obliged in
Conſcience to quit, or in Prudence to conceal; I
mean, that whoever argues in Defence of abſolute
Power in a ſingle Perſon, tho” he offers the old
plaufible Plea, that, it is bis Opinion, wbicb be can-
not help, unleſs be be convinced, ought in all free States
to be treated as the common Enemy of Mankind.
Yet this is laid as a heavy Charge upon the Clergy
of the two Reigns before the Revolution, who under
the Terms of Paffive-Obedience, and Non-Reſiſtance,
are ſaid to have preach'd up the unlimited Power
of the Prince, becauſe they found it a Doctrine that
pleas'd the Court, and made way for their Prefer-
ment. And I believe there may be Truth enough
in this Accuſation, to convince us, that human
Frailty will too often interpofe itſelf among perſons
of the holieſt Function. However, it may be offered
in excuſe for the Clergy, that in the beſt Societies
there are ſome ill Members, which a corrupted Court
and Miniſtry will induſtriouſly find out and intro-
duce. Beſides, it is manifeft, that the greater number
of thoſe who held and preached this Doctrine,
were miſguided by equivocal Terms, and by per-
fect Ignorance in the Principles of Government,
which they had not made any part of their Study.
The queſtion originally put, and as I remember to
have heard it diſputed in publick Schools, was this,
Wbetber under any Pretence whatſoever, it may be
lawful to rehit the ſupreme Magiſtrate? which was
held in the Negative ; and this is certainly the right
Opinion. But many of the Clergy and other learned
Men, deceived by a dubious expreſſion, miftook
the Obje&l to which Paſſive Obedience was due. By
the
76
The Sentiments of a
the Supreme Magiflrate is properly underſtood the
Legiſlative Power, which in all Governments must
be ablolate and unlimited. But the word Magidrate
feeming to denote a ſingle Perſon, and to expreſs
Die executive Power, it came to paſs, that the obe-
dience due to the Legiſlature was, for want of know-
ing or conſidering this eaſy diſtinction, miſapplied
to the Adminiftration. Neither is it any wonder,
that the Clergy or other well-meaning people ſhould
fall into this Error, which deceived Hobbes bimſelf
to far, as to be the Foundation of all the political
miſtakes in his book, where he perpetually con-
Founds the Executive with the Legiſlative Power,
though all well-inſtituted States have ever placed
them in different hands, as may be obvious to thoſe
who know any thing of Athens, Sparta, Thebes, and
other Republicks of Greece, as well as the greater
ones of Carthage and Rome.
Belides it is to be conſidered, that when
theſe Do-
arines began to be preached among us, the King-
dom had not quite worn out the memory of that
unhappy Rebellion, under the Conſequences of which
it had groaned almoſt twenty years.
And a weak
Prince, in conjunction with a Succeſſion of molt
proſtitute Miniſters, began again to diſpoie the peo-
ple to new attempts, which it was, no doubt, the
Clergy's duty to endeavour to prevent, if ſome
of them had not, for want of knowledge in Tem-
poral affairs, and others perhaps from a worſe Prin
cipke, proceeded upon a Topick, that, ftrially fol-
lowed. would enſlave all Mankind.
Among other theological Arguments made Uſe of
in thoſe Times in praiſe of Monarchy, and juſtifi-
cation of abſolute Obedience to a Prince, there
leemed to be one of a ſingular Nature : It was urged
Church-of-England Man. 77
that Heaven
none to controul his Power, but was abłolutely obeyed:
Then it followed that earthly Governments were
the more perfect, the nearer they imitated that in
Heaven. All which I look upon as the ſtrongeſt
Argument againſt Depotick Power that ever was of
ferd ; fince no Reaſon can poſſibly be alligned, why
it is beſt for the World that God Almighty hath
ſuch a Power, which doth not directly prove that no
mortal Man ſhould ever have the like.
But though a Church-of-England Man thinks every
Species of Government equally lawful, he does not
think them equally expedient; or for every Country
indifferently. There may be ſomething in the Cli-
mate, naturally diſpoſing Men towards one fort of
Obedience ; as it is manifeſt all over Aſia, where
we never read of any Commonwealth except fome
ſmall ones on the weſtern Coaſts eſtabliſhed by the
Greeks: There may be a great deal in the Situa-
tion of a Country, and in the preſent Genius of
the People. It hath been obſerved, that the tem-
perate Climates uſually run into moderate Govern-
ments, and the Extremes into deſpotick Power,
* T'is a Remark of Hobbes, that the Youth of Eng-
land are corrupted in their Principles of Governmient,
by reading the Authors of Greece and Rme, who
writ under Common-wealths. But it might have
been more fairly offered for the Honour of Liberty,
that while the reſt of the known World was over-
run with the Arbitrary Government of ſingle Per-
lonz, Arts and Sciences took their Riſe, and flouriſhed
only in thoſe few ſmall Territories where the People
were free. And though Learning may continue after
Liberty is loft, as it did in Rome, for a while, upon
the Foundations land ander the Common-wealth, and
thie
78
The Sentiments of a
the particular Patronage of ſome Emperors, yet it
hardly ever began under a Tvranny in any Nation.
Becaufe Slavery is of all things the greateſt Clog
and Obſtacle to Speculation. And indeed, arbitrary
Power is but the firſt natural ſtep from Anarchy or
the Savage Life; the adjuſting Power and Freedone
being an Effect and Conſequence of maturer Thinks
ing: And this is no where ſo duly regulated as in a
limited Monarchy: Becauſe I believe it may paſs
for a maxim in State, that the Adminiſtration cannot
be placed in too few Hands, nor the Legiſlature in
too many. Now in this material Point, the Con-
itirution of the Englija Government far exceeds all
others at this Time on the Earth, to which the pre-
fent Etabliſhment of the Church doth ſo happily
agree, that, I think, whoever is an Enemy to eilber,
muit of Necefliy be fo to both.
He thinks, as our Monarchy is conſtituted, an
Hereditary Right is much to be preferred before
El09:01. Becauſe the Government here, eſpecially
by fove late Amendments, is ſo regularly difpoled
in all its Parts, that it almoft executes itſelf
. And
therefore upon the Death of a Prince among us,
the Adminiſtration goes on without any Rub or In-
terruption. For the fame Reaſons we have fittle to
apprehend from the Weakneſs or Fury of our Mo-
narchs, who have ſuch wile Councils to guide the
first, and Laws to reſtrain the other. And therefore
this Hereditary Right fhould be kept fo facred, as
never to break the Succeſſion, unleſs where the pre-
ferving it may endanger the Conſtitution; which is
not from my intrinſick Merit, or unalienable Right
in a particular Family, but to avoid the Conſequen-
ces that uſually attend the Ambition of Competi-
tors, to which cleclive Kingdoms are expoled ; and
which
:
Church-of-England Man. 79
which is the only Obſtacle to hinder them from ar-
riving at the greateſt Perfection that Government
can poſſibly reach. Hence appears the Abſurdity
of that Diſtinction between a King de facto, and one
de jure, with reſpect to us. For every limited Mo-
narch is a King de jure, becauſe he governs by the
Conſent of the whole, which is Authority fufficient
to aboliſh all precedent Right. If a King come in
by Conquefi, he is no longer a limited Monarch; if
he afterwards conſent to Limitations, he becomes im-
mediately King de jure for the ſame Reaſon.
The great Advocates for Succeffion, who afirm it
ought not to be violated upon any regard or confi-
deration whatfoever, do inſiſt much upon one Ar-
gument that ſeems to carry little Weight.
They
would have it that a Crown is a Prince's Birthright,
and ought at leaſt to be as well ſecured to him
and his Poſterity as the Inheritance of any private
Man; in ſhort, that he has the fame Title to his
Kingdom which every Individual has to his Property:
Now the Conſequence of this Doctrine mult be,
that as a Man may find ſeveral Ways to waſte, mil-
pend, or abuſe his Patrimony, without being anſwe-
rable to the Laws; ſo a King may in like Manner
do what he will with his own, that is, he may
ſquander and miſapply his Revenues, and even alie-
nate the Crown, without being called to an account
by his Subjects. They allow ſuch a Prince to be
guilty indeed of much Folly and Wickedneſs, but
for thoſe he is to anſwer to God, as every private
Man muſt do that is guilty of Miſmanagement in his
own Concerns. Now the Folly of this Reaſoning
will beſt appear, by applying it in a parallel Cale:
Should any Man argue, that a Phyſician is fup-
poſed to underſtand his own Art belt; that the Law
protects
80
The Sentiments of a
20
protects and encourages his profeſion; and therefore,
altho he ſhould manifeſtly preſcribe Poiſon to all his
patients, whereof they fould immediately die, he
cmnot be juftly puniſhed, but is anſwerable only to
God, or should the fame be offered in behalf of
a Divine, who would preach againſt Religion and
moral Duties: In either of thele two caſes, every
body would find out the fophiftry, and preſently an-
ſwer, that altho' common men are not exactly ſkilled
in the compoſition or application of medicines, or in
preſcribing the limits of duty; yet the difference be:
tween Poiſons and Remedies is eaſily known by their
effects; and common Reaſon foon diſtinguiſhes between
Virtue and Vice and it muſt be neceſſary to forbid
both there the further practice of their profeſſions, be
cauſe their crimes are not purely perſonal to the
Phyfician or the Divine, but deltructive to the pub-
lick. All which is infinitely ftronger in reſpect to a
Prince, with whoſe good or ill conduct the happi-
neſs or miſery of a whole Nation is included ;
whereas it is of ſmall conſequence to the publick,
farther than examples, how any private perſon ma-
nages his property.
But granting that the right of a lineal Succeſſor to
Crown were upon the ſame foot with the property
of a ſubject; ftill it may at any time be transferred by
the legiſlative power, as other properties frequently
The ſupreme power in a State can do no wrong,
becauſe whatever that doth, is the action of all : And
when the Lawyers apply this maxim to the King, they
mult underſtand is only in that ſenſe as he is admini,
flrator of the Supreme Power, otherwiſe it is not uni-
verſally true, but may be controuled in ſeveral inftan.
ces cály to produce.
And
arc.
Church-of-England Man. 81
And theſe are the Topicks we muſt proceed upon
to juſtify our excluſion of the young Pretender in
France; that of his ſuſpected birth being merely po
pular, and therefore not made uſe of, as I remember,
lince the Revolution, in any Speech, Vote, or Pro-
clamation, where there was occafion to mention him.
As to the Abdication of King James, which the
Advocates on that fide look upon to have been forcible
and unjuſt, and conſequently void in itſelf, I think a
man may obſerve every Article of the Engliſh Church,
without being in inuch pain about it. 'I'is not un.
likely that all doors were laid open for his departure,
and perhaps not without the privity of the Prince of
Orange, as reaſonably concluding, that the Kingdom
might better be ſettled in his abſence; but to affirm
he had any cauſe to apprehend the ſame treatment
with his father, is an improbable ſcandal flung upon
the Nation by a few bigotted French ſcribblers, or
the inviduous affertion of a ruined party at home, in
the bitterneſs of their ſouls. Not one material cir-
cumſtance agreeing with thoſe in 1648 ; and the
greateſt part of the Nation having preſerved the ut-
moſt horror for that ignominious Murder: But whe-
ther his removal was cauſed by his own Fears, or
other men's Artifices, 'tis manifeſt to me, that ſup-
poſing the Throne to be vacant, which was the foot
they went upon, the body of the people was there-
upon left ar liberty, to chuſe what form of govern-
ment they pleaſed, by themſelves or their Repreſen-
tatives.
The only difficulty of any weight, againſt the pro-
ceedings at the Revolution, is an obvious objection,
to which the writers upon that ſubject have not yet
given
a direct or fufficient anſwer, as if they were
in pain at ſome conſequences, which they apprehended
VOLI
G
thoſe
82
The Sentiments of a
thoſe of the contrary opinion might draw from it.
I will repeat this objection as it was offered me fome-
time ago, with all its advantages, by a very pious,
learned, and worthy gentleman of the Nonjuring-
Party
The force of his argument turned upon this ; that
the laws made by the ſupreme power, cannot other-
wiſe than by the ſupreme power be annulled : That
this conſiſting in England of a King, Lords, and
Commons, whereof each have a negative voice, no
two of them can repeal or enact a Law without
conſent of the third ; much leſs may any one of them
be entirely excluded from its part of the Legiſla-
ture by a Vote of the other two. That all theſe ma-
xims were openly violated at the Revolution ; where
an Aſembly of the Nobles and People, not ſummoned
by the King's Writ (which was then an eſſential part
of the Conſtitution) and conſequently no lawful
meeting, did merely upon their own authority de-
clare the King to have abdicated, the Throne vacant,
and gave the Crown by a Vote to a Nepbew, when
there were three children to inherit, though by the
fundamental Laws of the Realm, the next heir is
immediately to ſucceed. Neither doth it appear how
a Prince's Abdication can make any other fort of va-
cancy in the Throne, than would be cauſed by his
death, ſince he cannot abdicate for his Children, (who
claim their right of Succeſſion by Act of Parliament)
otherwiſe than by his own conſent in form to a bill
from the two houſes.
And this is the difficulty that ſeems chiefly to ſtick
with the most reaſonable of thoſe who, from a mere
fcruple of conſcience, refuſe to join with us upon the
Revolution-Principle; but for the reſt, are, I believe,
as far from loving arbitrary Government, as any
.
others
::
:
Church-of-England Man.
83
Others can be, who are born under a free Conſtitution,
and are allowed to have the leaſt ſhare of common
good ſenſe.
In this objection there are two queſtions included :
First, Whether upon the foot of our Conſtitution,
as it ſtood in the reign of the late King James, a
King of England may be depoſed? The ſecond, is,
Whether the people of England, convened by their
own authority, after the King had withdrawn him-
ſelf in the manner he did, had power to alter the
Succeflion
As for the firſt, it is a point I ſhall not preſume to
determine ; and ſhall therefore only fay, that to any
man who holds the Negative, I would demand the li-
berty of putting the cafe as ſtrongly as I pleaſe. I will
fuppoſe a Prince limited by Laws like ours, yet run-
ning into a thouſand caprices of Cruelty like Nero or
Caligula ; I will ſuppoſe him to murder his mother
and his wife, to commit Inceſt, to raviſh Matrons,
to blow up the Senate, and burn his Metropolis ;
openly to renounce God and Chriſt, and worſhip the
Devil: Theſe and the like Exorbitances are in the
power of a ſingle perſon to commit, without the ad.
vice of a Miniſtry, or affiftance of an Army. And
if ſuch a King as I have deſcribed, cannot be depoſed
bat by his own conſent in Parliament, I do not well
fce how he can be refifted, or what can be nieant by
a limited Monarchy; or what fignifies the people's
conſent in making and repealing Laws, if the perſon
who adminiſters hath no Tie but Conſcience, and is
anſwerable to none but God. I defire no itronger
proof that an opinion mui be falſe, than to find very
great abſurdities annexed to it, and there cannot be
greater than in the preſent caſe ; for it is not a bare
speculation that Kings may sun jato fuch enormities
G2
as
84
The Sentiments of a
as are above-mentioned; the practice may be proved
by examples not only drawn from the firſt Cæfars
or later Emperors, but many modern Princes of Eu-
rope ; ſuch as Peter the Cruel, Philip the ſecond of
Spain, yohn Baſilovits of Mufrovy, and in our own
Nation, King John, Richard the third, and Henry
the eighth. But there cannot be equal abſurdities
ſuppoſed in maintaining the contrary opinion ; be-
cauſe it is certain, that Princes have it in their power
to keep a majority on their ſide by any tolerable ad-
miniſtration, till provoked by continual oppreſſions ;
no man indeed can then anſwer where the madneſs
of the people will ſtop.
As to the ſecond part of the objection ; whether
the people of England convened by their own au-
thority, upon King James's precipitate departure, had
power to alter the Succeſſion ?
In anſwer to this, I think it is manifeſt from the
practice of the wiſeft Nations, and who ſeem to have
had the trueſt notions of Freedom, that when a Prince
was laid aſide for Male-Adminiſtration, the Nobles
and People, if they thought it neceſſary for the pub-
lick weal, did reſume the adminiſtration of the ſu-
preme power, (the power itſelf having been always
in them) and did not only alter the Succeſſion, but
often the very form of Government too; becauſe they
believed there was no natural right in one man to
govern another, but that all was by Inſtitution,
Force, or Conſent. Thus, the cities of Greece, when
they drove out their tyrannical Kings, either choſe
others from a new family, or aboliſhed the kingly
Government, and became Free States. Thus the
Romans, upon the expulſion of Tarquin, found it
was inconvenient for them to be ſubject any longer
to the Pride, the Luft, the Cruelty and arbitrary Will
of
Church-of-England Man.
85
of ſingle perſons, and therefore by general conſent
entirely altered the whole frame of their Govern-
ment. Nor do I find the proceedings of either, in
this point, to have been condemned by any Hiſto-
rian of the ſucceeding ages.
But a great deal hath been already ſaid by other
writers upon this invidious and beaten ſubject; there-
fore I ſhall let it fall; though the point is commonly
miſtaken ; eſpecially by the Lawyers; who of all
others ſeem leaſt to underſtand the nature of Govern
ment in general; like under-workmen, who are ex
pert enough at making a ſingle wheel in a clock,
but are utterly ignorant how to adjuſt the ſeveral
parts, or regulate the movement.
To return therefore from this digreſſion : it is a
Church-of-England Man's opinion, that the freedom
of a Nation conſiſts in an abſolute unlimited legiſlative
Power, wherein the whole body of the people are fairly
repreſented, and in an Executive duly limited; be
cauſe on this fide likewiſe there may be dangerous
degrees, and a very ill extreme. For when two par-
ties in a State are pretty equal in Power, Preten-
fions, Merit, and Virtue, (for theſe two laſt are, with
relation to Parties and a Court, quite different things)
it hath been the opinion of the beſt writers upon
Government, that a Prince ought not in any ſort to
be under the guidance or influence of either, becauſe
he declines by this means from his office of preſiding
over the wbole, to be the head of a Party, which,
beſides the indignity, renders him anſwerable for all
publick miſmanagements, and the conſequences of
them; and in whatever State this happens, there
must either be a weakneſs in the Prince or Miniſtry,
or elſe the former is too much reſtrained by the Le-
giflature.
To
G 3
86
The Sentiments of a
To conclude: A Churcb-of England Man may
with prudence and a good conſcience approve the
profeffed principles of one party more than the other,
according as he thinks they beſt promote the good of
Church and State; but he will never be ſway'd by
paſſion or intereſt to advance an opinion merely be-
cauſe it is That of the party he moſt approves; which
one ſingle principle he looks upon as the root of all
our Civil Animoſities. To enter into a Party, as in-
to an Order of Fryars, with ſo reſigned an obedience
to ſuperiors, is very unſuitable both with the Civil
and Religious Liberties we ſo zealouſly aftert. Thus
the underſtandings of a whole Senate are often en-
ſlaved by three or four Leaders on each ſide, who, in-
ſtead of intending the publick weal, have their hearts
wholly ſet upon ways and means how to get or to keep
employments. But to ſpeak more at large, how has
this ſpirit of fa&tion mingled itſelf in with the maſs
of the people, changed their Natures and Manners,
and the very genius of the nation ; broke all the laws
of Charity, Neighbourhood, Alliance, and Hoſpita-
lity, deſtroy'd all ties of Friendſhip, and divided
Families againſt themſelves ? And no wonder it ſhould
be ſo, when in order to find out the character of a
perſon, inſtead of enquiring whether he be a man of
Virtue, Honour, Piety, Wit, good Senſe, or Learn-
ing; the modern queſtion is only whether he be a
Wbig or a Tory, under which terms all good and ill
qualities are included.
Now, becauſe it is a point of difficulty to chuſe an
exact middle between two ill extremès, it may be
worth enquiring in the preſent caſe, which of theſe
wiſe and good man would rather ſeem to avoid
Taking therefore their own good and ill characters
with due abatements and allowances for partiality and
pallion,
Church-of-England Man.
87
paflion, I ſhould think that in order to preſerve the
Conſtitution entire in Church and State, whoever
has a true value for both, would be ſure to avoid the
extremes of Wbig for the fake of the former, and
the cxtremes of Tory on the account of the latter.
I have now faid all I could think convenient upon
ſo nice a ſubject, and find I have the ambition com-
mon with other reaſoners, to wiſh at leaſt that both
Parties may think me in the right, which would be
of ſome uſe to thoſe who have any virtue left, but
are blindly drawn into the extravagancies of either,
upon falſe Repreſentarions, to ſerve the ambition or
malice of deſigning men without any proſpect of
their own.
But if that is not to be hoped for, my
next wiſh ſhould be, that both might think me in
the wrong : which I would underſtand as an ample
juſtification of my felf, and a ſure ground to believe
that I have proceeded at leaſt with impartiality, and
perhaps with Truth.
***
vi
G
AN
པ་དང་།
***
1.
.
( 88 )
AN
ARGUMENT
To
prove that the ABOLISHING of
CHRISTIANITY
IN
ENGLAND,
May, as Things now ſtand, be attended
with fome Inconveniencies, and per-
haps not produce thoſe many good
Efects propoſed thereby.
Written in the Year 1708.
I
Am very ſenſible what a weakneſs and preſump-
tion it is, to reaſon againſt the general humour
and diſpoſition of the world. I remember it was with
great juſtice, and a due regard to the freedom, both of
the publick and the preſs, forbidden upon ſeveral pe-
nalties to write, or diſcourſe, or lay wagers againſt
the
even before it was confirmed by Par-
liament ;
An Argument againſt, &c.
89
liament; becauſe that was look'd upon as a deſign
to oppoſe the current of the people, which beſides
the folly of it, is a manifeſt breach of the fundamen-
tal Law, that makes this Majority of Opinion the
Voice of God. In like manner, and for the very
fame reaſons, it may perhaps be neither faſe nor pru-
dent to argue againit the aboliſhing of Chriſtianity, at
a juncture when all Parties ſeem ſo unanimouſly de-
termined upon the Point, as we cannot but allow from
their Actions, their Diſcourſes, and their Writings.
However, I know not how, whether from the affec:
tation of fingularity, or the perverſeneſs of human
nature, but ſo it unhappily falls out, that I cannot
be entirely of this opinion. Nay, though I were ſure
an Order were iſſued for my immediate proſecution by
the Attorney-General, I ſhould ſtill confeſs, that in the
preſent poſture of our affairs at home or abroad, I
do not yet ſee the abſolute neceſſity of extirpating the
Chriſtian Religion from among us.
This perhaps may appear too great a paradox even
for our wiſe and paradoxical age to endure; there-
fore I ſhall handle it with all tenderneſs, and with
the utmoſt deference to that great and profound Ma-
jority which is of another Sentiment.
And yet the curious may pleaſe to obſerve, hov
much the genius of a nation is liable to alter in half
an age : I have heard it affirmed for certain by fome
very old people, that the contrary opinion was even
in their memories as much in vogue as the other is
now ; and that a project for the aboliſhing of Chri-
fianity would then have appeared as fingular, and
been thought as abſurd, as it would be at this time to
write or diſcourſe in its defence.
Therefore I freely own, that all appearances are
against me. The Syſtem of the Goſpel, after the
fate
90
An Argument againſt
fate of other Syſtems, is generally antiquated and ex-
ploded, and the maſs or body of the common peo-
ple, among whom it ſeems to have had its lateſt cre-
dit, are now grown as much aſhamed of it as their
betters ; opinions, like faſhions, always deſcending
from thoſe of quality to the middle fort, and thence
to the vulgar, where at length they are dropp'd and
vanilh.
But here I would not be miſtaken, and muſt there-
fore be fo bold as to borrow a diſtinction from the
writers on the other fide, when they make a difference
between nominal and real Trinitarians. I hope no
Reader imagines me ſo weak to ſtand up in the de-
fence of real Chriſtianity, ſuch as uſed in primitive
times (if we may believe the authors of thoſe ages)
to have an influence upon mens belief and actions :
To offer at the reltoring of that, would indeed be a
wild Project, it would be to dig up foundations; to
deſtroy at one blow all the Wit, and half the Learn-
ing of the Kingdom , to break the entire Frame and
Conftitution of Things ; to ruin Trade, extinguiſh Arts
and Sciences, with the Profeſſors of them ; in ſhort,
to turn our Courts, Exchanges and Shops into Deſarts;
and would be full as abſurd as the propoſal of Horace,
where he adviſes the Romans, all in a body, to leave
their City, and ſeek a new ſeat in ſome remote part
of the world, by way of a cure for the Corruption
of their Manners.
Therefore I think this caution was in itſelf altoge-
ther unneceſſary, (which I have inſerted only to pre-
vent all poſſibility of cavilling) fince every candid
Reader will eaſily underſtand my diſcourſe to be in-
tended only in defence of nominal Chriſtianity, the
other having been for fome time wholly laid aſide by
general
Aboliſhing Chriſtianity. 91
general conſent, as utterly inconſiſtent with all our
prefent ſchemes of Wealth and Power,
But why we ſhould therefore caſt off the Name
and Title of Chriſtians, although the general Opinion
and Reſolution be ſo violent for it, I confefs I can-
not (with Submiſſion) apprehend the Conſequence
neceſſary. However, ſince the Undertakers propoſe
ſuch wonderful Advantages to the Nation by this
Project, and advance many plauſible Objections againit
the Syſtem of Chriſtianity, I ſhall briefly conſider
the ſtrength of both, fairly allow them their greateſt
Weight and offer ſuch Anſwers as I think moſt
reaſonable. After which I will beg leave to ſhew
what Inconveniencies may poflibly happen by ſuch
an Innovation, in the preſent Pofture of our Af-
fairs.
Firſt, One great Advantage propoſed by the abo-
lithing of Chriſtianity is, That it would very much
enlarge and eſtabliſh Liberty of Conſcience, that
great Bulwark of our Nation, and of the Proteſtant
Religion, which is ſtill too much limited by Prieſt-
craft, notwithſtanding all the good Intentions of the
Legiſlature, as we have lately found by a ſevere In-
ftance. For it is confidently reported, that two
young Gentlemen of real Hopes, bright Wit, and
profound Judgment, who, upon a thorough Exami-
nation of Cauſes and Effects, and by the mere Force
of natural Abilities, without the leaſt Tincture of
Learning, having made a Diſcovery, that there was
no God, and generouſly communicating their thoughts
for the good of the Publick, were ſome time ago,
by an unparallel'd Severity, and upon I know not
what obſolete Law, broke for Blaſphemy. And as
it hạth been wiſely obſerved, if Perſecution once be-
gins,
92
An Argument Againſt
i
gins, no Man alive knows how far it may reach, or
where it will end.
In anſwer to all which, with Deference to wiſer
Judgments, I think this rather thews the neceſſity
of a nominal Religion among us.
Great Wits love
to be free with the higheſt Objects ; and if they
cannot be allowed a God to revile or renounce,
they will ſpeak evil of Dignities, abuſe the Govern-
ment, and reflect upon the Miniſtry, which I am
ſure few will deny to be of much more pernicious
Conſequence, according to the faying of Tiberius,
Deorum Offenſa Diis curæ. As to the particular
Fact related, I think it is not fair to argue from
one Inſtance, perhaps another cannot be produced :
yet (to the Comfort of all thoſe who may be ap-
prehenſive of Perſecution) Blaſphemy we know is
freely ſpoke a Million of times in every Coffee-
houſe and Tavern, or where-ever elſe good Com-
pany meet. It muſt be allowed indeed, that to
break an Engliſh Freé-born Officer only for Blaſphe-
my, was, to ſpeak the gentleſt of ſuch an Action,
a very high Strain of abſolute Power. Little can
be ſaid in Excuſe for the General, perhaps he was
afraid it might give offence to the Allies, among
whom, for ought we know, it may be the cuſtom
of the country to believe a God. But if he argued,
as ſome have done, upon a miſtaken Principle, that
an Officer who is guilty of ſpeaking Blaſphemy, may
ſome time or other proceed ſo far as to raiſe a
Mutiny, the Conſequence is by no means to be ad-
mitted: For ſurely the Commander of an Engliſe
Army is like to be but ill obey'd, whoſe Sol-
diers fear and reverence him as little as they do a
Deity.
It
Aboliſhing Chriſtianity. 93
It is further objected againſt the Goſpel Syſtem,
that it obliges Men to the Belief of Things too dif-
ficult for Free-Thinkers, and ſuch who have ſhook
off the Prejudices that uſually cling to a confind
Education. To which I anſwer, that Men ſhould
be cautious how they raiſe Objections which reflect
upon the Wiſdom of the Nation. Is not every body
freely allowed to believe whatever he pleaſes, and
to publiſh his belief to the World whenever he thinks
fit, eſpecially if it ſerves to ſtrengthen the Party
which is in the Right? Would any indifferent fo-
reigner, who ſhould read the Trumpery lately writ-
ten by Afgil, Tindal, Toland, Coward, and forty
more, imagine the Goſpel to be our Rule of Faith,
and to be confirmed by Parliaments? Does any
Man either believe, or ſay he believes, or deſire to
have it thought that he ſays he believes one Sylla-
ble of the Matter? Ana is any Man worſe received
upon that Score, or does he find his Want of no-
minal Faith a diſadvantage to him in the Purſuit of
any Civil or Military Employment? What if there
be an old dormant Statute or two againſt him, are
they not now obſolete, to a degree, that Empfon and
Dudley themſelves, if they were now alive, would
find it impoſſible to put them in Execution.
It is likewiſe urged, that there are, by Compu-
tacion, in this Kingdom, above ten thouſand Parſons,
whoſe Revenues, added to thoſe of my Lords the
Biſhops, would ſuffice to maintain at leaſt two hun-
dred young Gentlemen of Wit and Pleaſure, and
Free-Thinking, Enemies to Prieſtcraft, narrow Prin-
ciples, Pedantry, and Prejudices, who might be an
Ornament to the Court and Town: and then again,
fo great a wimber of able [bodied] Divines might
be a Recruit to our Fleet and Armies. This indeed
appears
94
An Argument again
:
appears to be a Confideration of ſome Weight: But
then, on the other Side, ſeveral Things deſerve to
be conſidered likewile: As, firſt, whether it may
not be thought neceſlary that in certain Tracts of
Country, like what we call Pariſhes, there ſhould
be one Man at leaſt of Abilities to read and write.
Then it ſeems a wrong Computation, that the Re-
venues of the Church throughout this Iſland would
be large enough to maintain two hundred young
Gentlemen, or even half that Number, after the
preſent refined way of Living, that is, to allow
each of them ſuch a Rent, as, in the modern Form
of Speech, would make them eaſy. But ſtill there
is in this Project a greater Miſchief behind; and
we ought to beware of the woman's folly, who
killed the Hen that every morning laid her a golden
Egg. For, pray, what would become of the Race
of men in the next Age, it we had nothing to truſt
to beſide the ſcrophulous conſumptive production
furniſhed by our Men of Wit and Pleaſure, when
having ſquandered away their Vigor, Health, and
Eſtates, they are forced, by ſome diſagreeable Mar-
riage, to piece up their broken Fortunes, and entail
Rottenneſs and Politeneſs on their Poſterity ? Now,
here are ten thouſand Perſons reduced, by the wiſe
Regulations of Henry the Eighth, to the Neceflity
of a low Diet, and moderate Exerciſe, who are the
only great Reſtorers of our Breed, without which, the
Nation would in an Age or two become one great
Hoſpital
Another Advantage propoſed by the aboliſhing
of Chriſtianity, is the clear Gain of one Day in
ſeven, which is now entirely loft, and conſequently
the Kingdom one ſeventh leſs conſiderable in Trade,
Buſineſs, and Pleaſure, beſides the Loſs to the Pub-
lick
Aboliſhing Chriſtianity.
95
lick of ſo many ſtately ſtructures now in the hands
of the Clergy, which might be converted into Play-
houſes, Exchanges, Market-houſes, common Dormi-
tories, and other Publick Edifices.
I hope I ſhall be forgiven a hard Word if I call
this a perfect Cavil. I readily own there hath been
an old Cuftom, Time out of Mind, for People to
aſemble in the Churches every Sunday, and that
Shops are ſtill frequently fhut, in order, as it is
conceived, to preſerve the Memory of that antient
Practice ; but how this can prove a hindrance to
Buſineſs or Pleaſure, is hard to imagine. What if
the men of Pleaſure are forced, one Day in the
Week, to game at Home inſtead of the Cbocolate-
bouje? Are not the Taverns and Coffee-boufes open ?
Can there be a more convenient Seaſon for taking
a Doſe of Phyſick? Are fewer Claps got upon
Sundays than other Days ? Is not that the chief
Day for Traders to ſum up the Accounts of the
Week, and for Lawyers to prepare their Briefs ? Bur
I would fain know how it can be pretended that the
Churches are miſapplied ? Where are more Appoint-
ments and Rendezvouzes of Gallantry? Where more
care to appear in the foremoſt Box, with greater
Advantage of Dreſs? Where more Meetings for
Buſineſs ? Where more Bargains driven of all Sorts ?
And where ſo many Conveniencies or Incitements to
Sleep?
There is one Advantage greater than any of the
foregoing, propoſed by the Aboliſhing of Chriſti-
anicy, that it will utterly extinguiſh Parties among
us, by removing thoſe Factious Diſtinctions of High
and Low-Church, of Wbig and Tory, Presbyterian
and Churcb-of-England, which are now ſo many
mutual Clogs upon publick Proceedings, and are apt
96
An Argument again
to prefer the gratifying themſelves or depreſſing their
Adverſaries, before the moſt important Intereſt of the
State.
I confeſs, if it were certain that ſo great an Ad-
vantage would redound to the Nation by this Expe-
dient, I would ſubmit, and be filent: But will any
Man fay, that if the Words, Wboring, Drinking,
Cheating, Lying, Stealing, were by Act of Parlia-
ment ejected out of the Engliſh Tongue and Di-
ctionaries, we Mhould all awake next Morning chafte
and temperate, honeſt and juſt, and lovers of Truth.
Is this a fair Conſequence? Or if the Phyſicians
would forbid us to pronounce the Words, Pox, Gout,
Rheumatiſm and Stone, would that Expedient ſerve
like ſo many Taliſmans to deſtroy the diſeaſes them-
ſelves ? Are Party and Faction rooted in men's hearts
no deeper than Phrales borrowed from Religion, or
founded upon no firmer Principles ? And is our
Language ſo poor, that we cannot find other Terms
to expreſs them? Are Envy, Pride, Avarice, and
Ambition ſuch ill Nomenclators, that they cannot
furniſh Appellations for their Owners ? Will not
Heydukes and Mamalukes, Mandarins and Pathaws,
or any other words formed at Pleaſure, ſerve to di-
itinguiſh thoſe who are in the Miniſtry from others
who would be in it if they could ? What, for In-
ſtance, is eaſier than to vary the form of Speech,
and inſtead of the word Church, make it a que-
ſtion in Politicks, whether the Monument be in
danger? Becauſe Religion was neareſt at hand to
furniſh a few convenient phraſes, is our Invention
fo barren, we can find no other ? Suppoſe, for
argument ſake, that the Tories favoured Margarita,
the Whigs Mrs. Tofts, and the Trimmers Valentini,
would not Margaritians, Toftians, and Valentinians
4
be
Aboliſhing Chriſtianity.
97
Town ,
be very tolerable Marks of Diſtinction? The Prafini
and Veneti, two moft virulent Factions in Italy,
began (if I remember right) by a Diſtinction of Co-
lours in Ribbands, which we might do with as
good a Grace about the Dignity of the Blue and
the Green, and ſerve as properly to divide the
Court
, the Parliament, and the Kingdom between
them, as any Terms of Art whatſoever, borrowed
from Religion. And therefore I think there is lit-
tle Force in this Objection againſt Chriſtianity, or
Proſpect of ſo great an Advantage as is propoſed in
the aboliſhing of it.
'Tis again objected, as a very abſurd ridiculous
Cuſtom, that a Sett of Men ſhould be ſuffered, much
leſs employed and hired, to bawl one Day in Seven
againſt the Lawfulneſs of thoſe Methods moſt in Uſe
towards the Purſuit of Greatneſs, Riches, and Plea-
ſure, which are the conſtant Practice of all Men
alive on the other Six. But this Objection is, I
think, a little unworthy fo refined an Age as ours.
Let us argue this matter calmly; I appeal to the
Breaſt of any polite Free Thinker, whether, in the
Purſuit of gratifying a predominant Paffion, he hath
not always felt a wonderful Incitement, by reflecting
it was a Thing forbidden: And therefore we ſee,
in order to cultivate this Teſt, the Wiſdom of the
Nation hath taken ſpecial care, that the Ladies
Thould be furniſhed with Prohibited Silks, and the
Men with Prohibited Wine. And indeed it were to
be wiſhed, that ſome other Prohibitions were pro-
moted, in order to improve the Pleaſures of the
gin already, as I am told, to flag and grow lan-
guid, giving way daily to cruel Inroads from the
Spleen.
VOL. I.
H
Tis
98
An Argument againſt
'Tis likewiſe propoſed, as a great Advantage to
the Publick, that if we once diſcard the Syſtem of
the Goſpel, all Religion will of courſe be baniſhed
for ever, and conſequently along with it, thoſe grie-
vous Prejudices of Education, which, under the
Names of Virtue, Conſcience, Honour, Juſtice, and the
like, are fo apt to difturb the Peace of human Minds,
and the Notions whereof are ſo hard to be eradi-
cated by right Reaſon or Free-Thinking, ſometimes
during the whole Courſe of our Lives.
Here firſt I obſerve how difficult it is to get
rid of a Phraſe which the World is once grown
fond of, tho' the Occaſion that firſt produced it be
entirely taken away. For ſome Years pait, if a
Man had but an ill-favour'd Noſe, the deep Think-
ers of the Age would ſome way or other contrive
to impute the cauſe to the Prejudice of his Edu-
cation. From this Fountain were ſaid to be deri-
ved all our foolish Notions of Juſtice, Piety, Love
of our Country; all our Opinions of God or a
future State, Heaven, Hell, and the like: And there
might formerly perhaps have been fome Pretence for
this Charge. But ſo effectual care hath been ſince
taken to remove thoſe Prejudices, by an entire change
in the Methods of Education, that (with Honour i
mention it to our polite Innovators) the young Gen-
tlemen, who are now on the Scene, ſeem to have
not the leaſt Tincture left of thoſe Infuſions, or
String of thoſe Weeds; and by conſequence the
Reaſon for aboliſhing nominal Chriſtianity upon
that
Pretext, is wholly ceas'd.
For the reſt, it may perhaps admit a Contro-
verſy, whether the baniſhing all Notions of Reli-
gion whatſoever would be inconvenient for the Vul-
gar. Not that I am in the leaſt of Opinion with
thoſe
Aboliſhing Chriſtianity. 99
thoſe who hold Religion to have been the Inven-
tion of Politicians, to keep the lower part of the
World in Awe by the Fear of Inviſible Powers ;
unleſs Mankind were then very different from
what it is now. For I look upon the Maſs or
Body of our People here in England to be as
Free-Thinkers, that is to ſay, as ſtaunch Unbeliey-
ers, as any of the higheſt Rank. But I conceive
ſome ſcatter'd Notions about a ſuperior Power to
be of fingular Ule for the common people, as fur-
niſhing excellent materials to keep children quiet
when they grow peevith, and providing Topicks of
Amulement in a tedious Winter-Night.
Laſtly, Tis propoſed, as a ſingular Advantage,
that the aboliſhing of Chriſtianity will very much
contribute to the uniting of Proteſtants, by enlarg-
ing the Terms of Communion, ſo as to take in all
Sorts of Diffenters, who are now ſhut out of the
Pale upon Account of a few Ceremonies, which all
Sides confeſs to be Things indifferent : That this
alone will effectually anſwer the great Ends of a
Scheme for Comprehenſion, by opening a large
noble Gate, at which all Bodies may enter ; where-
as the chaffering with Diſenters, and dcdging about
this or t'other Ceremony, is but like opening a few
Wickets, and leaving them a Jar, by which no more
than one can get in at a time, and that not without
ftooping, and fideling, and ſqueezing bis Body.
To all this I anſwer, That there is one darling
Inclination of Mankind, which uſually affects to
be a Rerainer to Religion, though ſhe be neither
118. Farent, its Godmother, nor its Friend ; I mean
the Spirit of Oppoſition, that lived long before
Chriſtianity, and can eafily fubfift without it.
Let us, for instance, examine wherein the Op-
H2
poſition
100 An Argument againſt
poſition of Sectaries among us confifts; we fhall
find Chriſtianity to have no Share in it as all.
Does the Goſpel any where preſcribe a ſtarched
fqueezed Countenance, a ſtiff formal Gait, a Sin-
gularity of Manners and Habit, or any affected
Forms and Modes of Speech different from the
reaſonable Part of Mankind ? Yet, if Chriſtianity
did not lend its Name to ſtand in the Gap, and
to employ or divert theſe Humours, they muſt of
Neceflity be ſpent in contraventions to the Laws
of the Land, and diſturbance of the publick Peace.
There is a Portion of Enthuſiaſm affigned to every
Nation, which if it hath not proper Objects to
work on, will burſt out, and ſet all into a Flame.
It the Quiet of a State can be bought by only
flinging men a few Ceremonies to devour, it is a
Purchaſe no wiſe man would refuſe. Let the ma-
ftiffs amuſe themſelves about a Sheep's Skin ftuf-
fed with Hay, provided it will keep them from
worrying the Flock. The inſtitution of convents
abroad feems in one Point a Strain of great Wil-
dom, there being few Irregularities in human Paſ-
fions, which may not have recourſe to vent themſelves
in ſome of thoſe Orders, which are fo many Re-
treats for the Speculative, the Melancholy, the
Proud, the Silent, the Politick, and the Moroſe,
to ſpend themſelves, and evaporate the noxious
Particles ; for each of whom we in this land
are forced to provide a ſeveral Sect of Religion,
to keep them quiet ; and whenever Chriſtianity
ſhall be aboliſhed, the Legiſlature muſt find ſome
other Expedient to employ and entertain them.
For what imports it how large a Gate you open,
if there will be always left a Number who place a
Pride and a Merit in not coming in?
Having
Aboliſhing Chriſtianity.
Having thus conſider'd the moſt important objections
againſt Chriſtianity, and the chief advantages propoſed
by the aboliſhing thereof; I ſhall now with equal
deference and ſubmiſſion to wiſer judgments, as be-
fore, proceed to mention a few inconveniencies that
may happen, if the Goſpel ſhould be repealed;
which perhaps the Projectors may not have ſufficient-
ly conſidered.
And firſt, I am very ſenſible how much the gentle-
men of Wit and Pleaſure are apt to murmur, and
be choaked at the ſight of ſo many daggled-tail par-
ſons, that happen to fall in their way, and offend
their eyes; but at the ſame time theſe wiſe Refor-
mers do not conſider what an advantage and felicity
it is, for great wits to be always provided with objects
of fcorn and contempt, in order to exerciſe and im-
prove their Talents, and divert their Spleen from
falling on each other, or on themſelves, eſpecially
when all this may be done without the leaſt imagina-
ble danger to their Perſons.
And to urge another Argument of a parallel na-
ture: If Chriſtianity were once aboliſhed, how would
the Free-Thinkers, the ſtrong Reaſoners, and the
Men of profound Learning, be able to find another
ſubject ſo calculated in all points whereon to dir-
play their Abilities ? What wonderful productions of
Wit ſhould we be deprived of, from thoſe whoſe Ge-
nius, by continual practice, hath been wholly turn'd
upon Raillery and Invectives againſt Religion, and
would therefore never be able to ſhine or diſtinguiſh
themſelves upon any other ſubject? We are daily
complaining of the great decline of Wit among us, and
would we take away the greateſt, perhaps the only
'Topick we have left ? Who would ever have ſuſpect-
ed Ajgil for a Wit, or Toland for a Philoſopher, if
the
H 3
.
102 An Argument againſt
be
the inexhauſtible ftock of Chriſtianity had not been
at hand to provide them with materials ? What other
Subject through all Art or Nature could have pro-
duced Tindal for a profound Author, or furnilhed
him with Readers? It is the wiſe choice of the ſub-
ject that alone adorns and diſtinguiſhes the Writer.
For had a hundred ſuch pens as theſe been employ'd
on the ſide of Religion, they would have immediately
funk into Silence and Oblivion.
Nor do I think it wholly groundleſs, or my fears
altogether imaginary, that the aboliſhing of Chriſtia-
nity may perhaps bring the Church in danger,
or at leaſt put the Senate to the trouble of another
fecuring Vote. I defre I may not be miſtaken; I am
far from preſuming to affirm or think that the Church
is in danger at preſent, or as things now ſtand ; but
we know not how ſoon it may be ſo, when the Chri
ftian Religion is repealed. As plauſible as this Pro-
ject ſeems, there may a dangerous deſign lurk under
it. Nothing can be more notorious, than that the
Arbeits, Deifts, Socinians, Anti-Trinitarians, and
other Sub-diviſions of Free-Thinkers, are perſons of
little zeal for the prelent ecclefiaftical eſtabliſhment:
Their declared opinion is for repealing the Sacra-
mental Teft ; They are very indifferent with regard
to Ceremonies ; nor do they hold the Jus Divinum
of Epiſcopacy: Therefore they may be intended as
one politick ftep towards altering the Conſtitution of
the Church eſtabliſhed, and ſetting up Presbytery in
the ſtead, which I leave to be further confider'd by
thoſe at the Helm.
In the laft place I think nothing can be more plain,
than that by this expedient, we ſhall run into the evil
we chiefly pretend to avoid ; and that the aboliſh
ment of the Chriſtian Religion, will be the readielt
courſe
Aboliſhing Chriſtianity. 103
us.
courſe we can take to introduce Popery. And I am
the more inclined to this opinion, becauſe we know
it has been the conſtant practice of the Jefuits to ſend
over Emiffaries, with inſtructions to perſonate them-
felves Members of the ſeveral prevailing Sects amongſt
So it is recorded, that they have at fundry times
appeared in the guiſe of Presbyterians, Anabaptifts, In-
dependents, and Quakers, according as any of theſe
were moft in credit ; ſo, ſince the faſhion hath been
taken up of exploding Religion, the Popiſh Miffiona-
ries have not been wanting to mix with the Free-
Thinkers ; among whom Toland, the great Oracle of
the Anti-Chrifians, is an Iriſh Prieſt, the Son of an
Iriſh Prieft; and the moſt learned and ingenious Au-
thor of a Book called the Rights of the Chriſtian
Church, was in a proper juncture reconciled to the
Romiſo Faith, whoſe true Son, as appears by a hun-
dred paſſages in his Treatiſe, he ſtill continues. Per-
haps I could add ſome others to the number; but the
faci is beyond diſpute, and the reaſoning they proceed
by is right : For ſuppoſing Chriſtianity to be extin-
guiſhed, the people will never be at eaſe till they find
out ſome other method of Worſhip; which will as
infallibly produce Superſtition, as this will end in
Popery:
And therefore, if notwithſtanding all I have ſaid,
it ſtill be thought neceſſary to have a Bill brought
in for repealing Chriſtianity, I would humbly offer
an Amendment, that inſtead of the Word Chriſtianity
may be put Religion in general, which I conceive
will much better anſwer all the good Ends propoſed
by the Projectors of it. For as long as we leave in
Being a God and his Providence, with all the neceffary
Conſequences which curious and inquifitive Men will
be apt to draw from ſuch Premiſes, we do not ſtrike
at
H4
104
An Argument againſt
. UN-
.
at the Root of the Evil, though we ſhould ever lo
effectually annihilate the preſent Scheme of the
Goſpel : For, of what Ufe is Freedom of Thought,
if it will not produce Freedom of Action, which is
the fole End, how remote ſoever in Appearance, of
all Objections againſt Chriſtianity; and therefore, the
Free-Thinkers conſider it as a ſort of Edifice, wherein
all the Parts have ſuch a mutual Dependance on each
other, that if you happen to pull out one ſingle Nail,
the whole Fabrick inuft fall to the Ground. This was
happily expreſs'd by him who had heard of a Text
brought for Proof of the Trinity, which in an an-
cient Manuſcript was differently read; he thereupon
immediately took the Hint, and by a ſudden Deduc-
tion of a long Sorites, moſt logically concluded :
Why, if it be as you ſay, I may ſafely whore and
drink on, and defy the Parfon. From which, and
many the like Inſtances eaſy to be produced, I think
nothing can be more manifeft, than that the Quar-
rel is not againſt any particular Points of hard Di-
geſtion in the Chriſtian Syſtem, but againſt Religion
in general, which, by laying Reſtraints on human
Nature, is ſuppoſed the great Enemy to the Freedom
of Thought and Action.
Upon the whole, if it ſhall fill be thought for the
Benefit of Church and State, that Chriſtianity be
venient to defer the Execution to a Time of Peace,
and not venture in this conjuncture to diſoblige our
Allies, who, as it falls out, are all Chriſtians, and
many of them, by the Prejudices of their Education,
ſo bigoted, as to place a ſort of Pride in the Appel-
lation. If upon being rejected by them, we are to
truſt to an Alliance with the Turk, we ſhall find our
felves much deceived: For, as he is top remote, and
generally
Aboliſhing Chriſtianity. IOS
generally engaged in War with the Perſian Emperor,
to his people would be more ſcandalized at our Infi-
delicy, than our Chriſtian Neighbours. For they
are not only ſtrict Obſeryers of religious Worſhip,
but, what is worſe, believe a God; which is more
than is required of ys, even while we preſerve the
Name of Chriſtians.
To conclude: Whatever ſome may think of the
great Advantages to Trade by this favourite Scheme,
I do very much apprehend, that in fix Months Time
after the Act is paſt for the Extirpation of the Goſpel,
the Bank and Eaſt India Stock may fall at leaſt One
per Cent. And ſince that is fifty times more than ever
the Wiſdom of our Age thought fit to venture for
the Preſervation of Chriſtianity, there is no Reaſon
we ſhould be at ſo great a Loſs, merely for the ſake
of deſtroying it.
***
Wh
A PRO-
į
106 ]
si
PROJECT
.
*
:
V
A
F OR THE
Advancement of RELIGION
AND THE
By a Perſon of QUALITY.
Written in the Year 1709.
To the Counteſs of BERKLEY.
MADAM,
Y intention in prefixing your Ladyhip's
Name, is not after the common form, to
deſire your protection of the following pa-
pers; which I take to be a very unreaſonable re-
queft ; fince by being inſcribed to your Ladyſhip,
tho' without your knowledge, and from a concealed
hand, you cannot recommend them without ſome
ſuſpicion
Reformation of Manners,
A Projeet for the, &c. 107
fuſpicion of Partiality. My real Deſign is, I con
fels, the very ſame I have often dereſted in moſt De-
dications ; that of publiſhing your Praiſes to the
World. Not upon the Subject of your noble Birth,
for I know others as noble; or of the Greatneſs of
your Fortune, for I know others far greater; or of
ihat beautiful Race (the Images of their Parents)
which calls you Mother ; for even this may perhaps
liave been equal'd in ſome other Age or Country.
Belices, none of theſe Advantages do derive any Ac-
compliſhments to the Owners, but ſerve at beſt only
to adorn what they really poffefs. What I intend,
is your Piety, Truth, good Senſe, and good Nature,
Affability, and Charity; wherein I wiſh your Lady-
fhip had many Equals, or any Superiors ; and I wiſh
I could ſay I knew them too, for then your Lady-
fhip might have had a chance to eſcape this Addreſs.
In the mean Time, I think it highly neceſſary, for
the Intereſt of Virtue and Religion, that the whole
Kingdom ſhould be informed in ſome Parts of your
Character : For Inſtance, that the eafieit and politeſt
Converſation, join'd with the trueſt Piety, may be
obſerv'd in your Ladyſhip, in as great Perfection as
they were ever ſeen apart in any other Perſons. That
by your Prudence and Management under ſeveral
Diſadvantages, you have preſerved the Luſtre of that
moſt noble Family, into which you are grafted, and
which the unmeaſurable Profuſion of Anceſtors for
many Generations had too much eclipſed. Then,
how happily you perform every Office of Life, to
which Providence hath called you : In the Education
of thoſe two incomparable Daughters, whoſe Cons
duct is ſo univerſally admir'd ; in every Duty of a
prudent, complying, affectionate Wife; in that Care
which deſcends to the meaneſt of your Domeſticka :
and
108
A Project for the
mens
and laſtly, in that endleſs Bounty to the Poor, and
Diſcretion where to diſtribute it. I inſiſt on my
Opinion, that it is of importance for the Publick to
know this and a great deal more of your Ladyſhip;
yet whoever goes about to inform them, ſhall, inſtead
of finding Credit, perhaps be cenſured for a Flatterer.
To avoid ſo uſual à Reproach, I declare this to be no
Dedication, but properly an Introduction to a Pro-
poſal for the Advancement of Religion and Morals,
by tracing, however imperfectly, fome few Linea
all her Life in the Practice and Promotion of both.
MONG all the Schemes offered to the Pub,
lick in this projecting Age, I have obſerved,
with ſome Diſpleaſure, that there have never been
any for the Improvement of Religion and Morals :
which, beſide the Piety of the Deſign, from the
Conſequences of ſuch a Reformation in a future Life,
would be the beſt natural Means for advancing the
publick Felicity of the State, as well as the preſent
Happineſs of every Individual. For, as much as
Faith and Morality are declined among us, I am al-
together confident, they might in a ſhort time, and
with no very great Trouble, be raiſed to as high a
Perfection as Numbers are capable of receiving. In-
deed, the Method is ſo eaſy and obvious, and ſome
preſent Opportunities ſo good, that in order to have
this Project reduced to Practice, there ſeems to want
nothing more than to put thoſe in mind, who by
their Honour, Dury, and Intereſt, are chiefly con-
cerned.
But becauſe it is idle to propoſe Remedies before
we are aſſured of the Diſeaſe, or to be in Pain till
we are convinced of the Danger ; I ſhall firſt ſhew
in
Advancement of Religion, &c. 10g
in general, that the Nation is extremely corrupted in
Religion and Morals ; and then I will offer a ſhort
Scheme for the Reformation of both.
As to the firſt; I know it is reckoned but a Form
of Speech when Divines complain of the Wickedneſs
of the Age: However, I believe upon a fair Com-
pariſon with other Times and Countries, it would be
found an undoubted Truth.
For firſt, To deliver nothing but plain Matter of
Fact without Exaggeration or Satire, I ſuppoſe it
will be granted, that hardly one in an liundred among
our People of Quality or Gentry, appears to act by
any Principle of Religion ; that great Numbers of
them do entirely diſcard it, and are ready to own their
Diſbelief of all Revelation in ordinary Diſcourſe.
Nor is the Cale much better among the Vulgar, efpe-
cially in great Towns, where the Profaneneſs and lg-
norance of Handicraftſmen, ſmall Traders, Servants,
and the like, are to a Degree very hard to be imagined
greater. Then, it is obſerved abroad, that no race
of Mortals hath ſo little Senſe of Religion as the
Engliſh Soldiers ; to confirm which, I have been
often told by great Officers in the Army, that in the
whole Compaſs of their Acquaintance, they could
not recollect three of their Profeſſion, who ſcend to
regard or believe one Syllable of the Goſpel : And
the fame at leaſt may be affirmed of the Fleet. The
Conſequences of all which upon the Actions of Meri
are equally manifeft. They never go about, as in
former Times, to hide or palliate their Vices, but
expo e them freely to View like any other common
Occurrences of Life, without the leaſt Reproach from
the World or themſelves. For Initance, any Man
will tell you he intends to be drunk this Evening, or
was lo luft Night, with as little Ceremony or Souple,
IIO
A Project for the
as he would tell you the Time of the Day. He
will let you know he is going to a Whore, or that he
has got a Clap, with as much Indifferency as he
would a piece of publick News. He will ſwear,
curſe, or blafpheme, without the leaſt Paffion or Pro-
vocation. And though all regard for Reputation is
not quite laid aſide in the other Sex, 'tis however at
fo low an Ebb, that very few among them ſeem to
think Virtue and Conduct of abſolute Neceſſity for
preſerving it. If this te not ſo, how comes it to
paſs, that Women of tainted Reputations find the
lame Countenance and Reception in all publick Pla-
ces, with thoſe of the niceſt Virtue, who pay and
receive Viſits from them without any manner of
Scruple; which Proceeding, as it is not very old a-
mong us, fo I take it to be of moſt pernicious Con-
fequence : It looks like a ſort of compounding between
Virtue and Vice, as if a Woman were allow'd to be
vicious, provided ſhe be not a Profligate ; as if there
were a certain Point where Gallantry ends, and In-
famy begins ; or that a hundred criminal Amours
were not as pardonable as half a Score.
Belides thote Corruptions already mentioned, it
would be endleſs to enumerate ſuch as ariſe from the
Excels of Play or Gaming : The Cheats, the Quar-
reks, the Oaths, and Blaſphemies, among the Men ;
among the Women, the Neglect of Houſhold Af-
fairs, the unlimited Freedoms, the undecent Paſſion,
and Jaitly the known Inlet to all Lewdneſs, when
after an ill Run, the Perfon muſt anſwer the Defects
of the Purſe: The Rule on ſuch Occaſions holding
true in Play, as it does in Law; Quod non habet in
Crumena, luat in Corpore.
But all theſe are Trifles in Compariſon, if we
ſtep into other Scenes, and conſider the Fraud and
Cozenage
Advancement of Religion, &c,
*
*
Cozenage of Trading Men and Shok-keepers; that
inſatiable Gulph of Injuſtice and Oppreſſion, the Lato.
The open Traffick of all Civil and Military Em-
ployments (I wiſh it refted there) without the leaft
regard to Merit or Qualifications: The corrupt Ma-
nagement of Men in Office; the many dereftable
Abuſes in chuſing thoſe who repreſent the People,
with the Management of Intereſts and Factions among
the Repreſentatives: To which I muſt be bold to
add, the Ignorance among ſome of the lower Clergy,
the mean fervile Temper of others ; the pert prag-
matical Demeanour of ſeveral young Stagers in Di-
vinity, upon their firſt producing themſelves into the
World; with many other Circumſtances needleſs, or
rather invidious to mention; which falling in with the
Corruptions already related, have, however unjuſtly,
almoſt render'd the whole Order contemptible.
This is a ſhort View of the general Depravaties a-
mong us, without entering into Particulars, which
would be an endleſs Labour. Now, as univerſal and
deep rooted as theſe appear to be, I am utterly de-
ceived, if an effectual Remedy might not be ap-
plied to moſt of them ; neither am I at preſent up-
on a wild ſpeculative Project, but ſuch a one as may
be calily put in Execution.
For, while the Prerogative of giving all Emplay-
ments continues in the Crown, either immediately :
or by Subordination, it is in the Power of the Prince
to make Piety and Virtue become the Faſhion of the
Age, if at the ſame time he would make them necei-
ſary Qualifications for Favour and Preferment.
It is clear from preſent Experience, that the bare
Example of the belt Prince, will not have any mighty
Influence where the Age is very corrupt. For, when
was there
e ever a better Prince on the Throne than
the prolent Queen ? I do not çalk of her Talent for
Government,
112
Proje&t for the
Government, her Love of the People, or any other
Qnalities that are purely regal; but her Piety, Cha-
rity, Temperance, Conjugal Love, and whatever
other Virtues do beſt adorn a private Life ; wherein,
without Queſtion or Flattery, the hath no ſuperior :
Yet neither will it be Satire or peeviſh Invective to
affirm, that Infidelity and Vice are not much diminiſh-
ed ſince her coming to the Crown, nor will
, in proba-
bility, till ſome more effectual Remedies be provided.
Thus human Nature ſeems to lie under this Diſad-
vantage, that the Example alone of a vicious Prince
will in Time corrupt an Age; but that of a good
one will not be ſufficlent to reform it, without
further Endeavours. Princes muſt therefore fup-
ply this Defect by a vigorous Exerciſe of that Au-
thority, which the Law has left them, by making it
every
Man's Intereſt and Honour to cultivate Reli-
gion and Virtue, by rendering Vice a Diſgrace, and
the certain Ruin to Preferment or Pretenſions : All
which they ſhould firſt attempt in their own Courts
and Families. For Inſtance, might not the Queen's
Domeſticks of the middle and lower ſort, be obliged,
upon Penalty of Suſpenſion or Loſs of their Employ-
ments, to a conſtant weekly Attendance on the Ser-
vice of the Church; to a decent Behaviour in it; to
receive the Sacrament four times in the Year; to a-
void ſwearing and irreligious prophane Diſcourſes ;
and to the Appearance at leaſt, of Temperance and
Chaſtity ? Might not the Care of all this be commit-
ted to the ftri&t Inſpection of proper Officers ? might
not thoſe of higher Rank and nearer Acceſs to her
Majeſty, receive her own Commands to the fame
Purpoſe, and be countenanced or disfavoured accord-
ing as they obey might not the Queen lay her In-
junctions on the Biſhops, and other grear Men of un-
doubted
Advancement of Religion, &c. 113
doubted Piety, to make diligent Enquiry, and give
șier Notice, if any Perſon about her ſhould happen
to be of Libertine Principles or Morals? Might
not all thoſe who enter upon any Office in her Ma-
jeſty's Family, be obliged to take an Oath parallel
with that againſt Simony, wlich is a miniſtred to the
Clergy? T'is not to be doubted, but that if theſe
or the like Proceedings were duly obſerved, Morality
and Religion would ſoon become faſhionable Court
Virtues ; and be taken up as the only Methods ta,
get or keep Employments there ; which alone would
have mighty Influence upon many of the Nobility
and principal Gentry.co
But if the like Methods were purſued as far as
poffible, with regard to thoſe who are in the great
Employments of the State, it is hard to conceive how
general a Reformation it might in Time produce a-
mong us.
For if Piety and Virtue, were once rec-
koned Qualifications neceſſary for Preferment, every
Man thus endowed, when put into great Stations,
would readily imitate the Queen's Example in the
Diſtribution of all Offices in his Diſpoſal ; eſpecial-
ly if any apparent Tranfgreflion thro' Favour or
Partiality would be imputed to him for a Miſde.
mcanor, by which he muſt certainly forfeit his Fa-
vour and Station : And there being ſuch great Num-
bers in Employment ſcatter'd thro' every Town and
Country in this Kingdom, if all theſe were exem-
plary in the Conduct of their Lives, Things would
foon take a new Face, and Religion receive a mighty
Encourageinent: Nor would the Publick Weal be
leſs advanced fince of nine Offices in ten that are
ill executed, the Defect is not in Capacity or. Un-
derſtanding, but in common Honeſty. I know no
Employment for which Piety diſqualifes any Man;
Vol. I.
and
114
the new
A Proje&t for the
and if it did, f doubt the Objection would not be
very ſeaſonably offered at preſent : Becauſe, it is
perhaps too juft a Reflection, that in the Diſpoſal of
Places, the Queſtion whether a Perſon be fit for
what he is recommended, is very often the laſt that
is thought on or regarded.
have often imagined, that ſomething parallel to
the Office of Cenſors antiently in Rome, would be of
mighty Uſe among us, and could be eaſily limited
from running into any Exorbitances. The Romans
underſtood Liberty at leaſt as well as we, were as
jealous of it, and upon every Occaſion as bold Al-
ſertors. Yet I do not remember to have read any
great Complaints of the Abuſes in that Office among
them; but many admirable Effects of it are left up-
on Record. There are ſeveral pernicious Vices fre-
quent and notorious among us, that eſcape or elude
the Puniſhment of any Law we have yet invented,
or have had no Law at all againſt them ; ſuch as
Atheiſm, Drunkenneſs, Fraud, Avarice, and ſeveral
others; which by this Inſtitution, wiſely regulated,
might be much reformed. Suppoſe, for Inſtance,
that itinerary Commiſſioners were appointed to in-
fpect every where throughout the Kingdom into the
Conduct (at leafty of Men in Office, with reſpect to
their Morals and Religion, as well as their Abilities
o receive the Complaints and Informations that ſhould
be offered againſt them, and make their Report here
upon Oath, to the Court or the Miniſtry, who ſhould
reward or punifh accordingly. I avoid entering into
the Particulars of this or any other Scheme, which
coming from a private Hand, might be liable to many
Defe&s; but would ſoon be digeſted by the Wiſdom
of the Nation : And ſurely, fix thouſand Pounds a
Year' would not be ill laid out among as many Com-
millioners
a
Advancement of Religion, &c. 115
miſfioners duly qualified, who in three Diviſions
ſhould be perſonally obliged to take their yearly Cir-
cuits for that purpoſe.
But this is beſide my preſent Deſign, which was
only to thew what Degree of Reformation is in the
Power of the Queen, without the Interpoſition of the
Legiflature, and which her Majeſty is, without que-
ftion, obliged in Conſcience to endeavour by her Au-
thority, as much as the does by her practice her A
It will be eaſily granted, that the Example of this
grear Town hath a mighty Influence over the whole
Kingdom; and it is as manifeft, that the Town is
equally influenced by the Court and the Miniſtry,
and thoſe who by their employments, or their Hopes,
depend upon them. Now, if under lo excellent a
Princeſs as the preſent Queen, we would fuppofe a
Family ftri&tly regulated as I have above propofed;
a Miniſtry, where every ſingle Perſon was of diftin-
guiſhed Piery: if we ſhould fuppofe all great Offices
of State and Law filled after the ſame manner, and
with ſuch as were equally diligent in chuling Perfons,
who in their ſeveral Subordinations would be obliged
to follow the Examples of their Superiors, under
the Penalty of Loſs of Favour and Place; will not
every body grant, that the Empire of Vice and Ir-
religion would be toon deſtroyed in this great Me-
whole Iſland, which hath ſo great an Intercourſe with
it, and ſo much affects to follow its Faſhions ?
For, if Religion were once underſtood to be the
neceſſary Step to Favour and Preferment, can it be
imagined that any Man would openly offend againſt
is, who had the lealt regard for his Reputation or his
Fortene? There is no Quality lo contrary to any
Nature, which Men cannot affect, and put on upon
Occa-
1 2
116
A Projeet for the
Occaſion in order to ſerve an Intereſt, or gratify a
prevailing Paſſion. The proudeft Man will perſonate
Humility, the moroſeſt learn to flatter, the lazieſt
will be ſedulous and active, where he is in Purſuit
of what he has much at Heart: How ready there-
fore would moſt Men be to ſtep into the Paths of
Virtue and Piety, if they infallibly led to Favour and
Fortune!
If Swearing and Prophaneneſs, ſcandalous and avowed
Lewdneſs, exceffive Gaming and Intemperance, were
a little aiſcountenanced in the Army, I cannot readily
ſee what ill Conſequences could be apprehended. If
Gentlemen of that Profeſſion were at leaſt obliged to
fome external Decorum in their Conduct, or even
if a profligate Life and Character were not a Means
of Advancement, and the Appearance of Piety a moſt
infallible Hindrance, it is impoflible the Corruptions
there ſhould be ſo univerſal and exorbitant. I have
been aſſured by ſeveral great Officers, that no Troops
abroad are ſo ill diſciplined as the Engliſ; which
cannot well be otherwiſe, while the common Soldiers
have perpetually before their Eyes the vicious Ex-
ample of their Leaders; and it is hardly poſſible for
thoſe to commit any Crime, whereof theſe are not
infinitely more guilty, and with leſs Temptation.
It is commonly charged upon the Gentlemen of
the Army, that the beaſtly Vice of drinking to Ex-
ceſs hath been lately from their Exanıple reſtored a-
mong us; which for ſome Years before was almoſt
dropt in England. But, whoever the Introducers
were, they have ſucceeded to a Miracle ; many of
the young Nobility and Gentry are already become
great Proficients, and are under no manner of Con-
cern to hide their Talent, but are got beyond all
Senſe of Shame, or Fear of Reproach.
This
Advancement of Religion, &c.
117
This might foon be remedied, if the Queen would
think fit to declare, that no young Perſon of Quas
lity whatſoever, who was notoriouſly addicted to
that or any other Vice, ſhould be capable of her
Favour, or even admitted into her Preſence ; with
pofitive Command to her Miniſters, and others in
great Office, to treat them in the ſame manner ;
after which, all Men who had any regard for their
Reputation, or any Proſpect of Preferment, would
avoid their Commerce. This would quickly make
Vice ſo ſcandalous, that thoſe who could not ſubdue,
would at leaſt endeavour to diſguiſe it.
By the like Methods, a Stop might be put to that
ruinous Practice of deep Gaming; and the Reaſon
why it prevails fo much, is, becauſe a Treatment
direally oppoſite in every Point is made uſe of to pro-
mote it; by which means the Laws made againſt this
Abuſe are wholly eluded.
It cannot be denied that the want of itrict Diſci-
pline in the Univerſities hath been of pernicious Con-
ſequence to the Youth of this Nation, who are there
almott left entirely to their own Management, el pe-
cially, thoſe among them of better Quality and for
tune; who, becauſe they are not under a Neceflity of
making Learning their Maintenance, are eaſily allowed
to paſs their Time and take their Degrees with little
or no Improvement: than which there cannot well
be a greater Abſurdity. For if no Advancement of
Knowledge can be had from thoſe Places, the Time
there ſpent is at beſt utterly loft, becauſe every orna-
mental Part of Education is better taught elſewhere
And as for keeping Youth out of Harm's way,
doubt, where ſo many of them are got together, at
fal Liberty of doing what they pleaſe, it will not
anſwer the End. But, whatever Abuſes, Corruptions,
I 3
118
A Project for the
fcurvy Cuſtom among the
or Deviations from Statutes have crept into the Uni*
verſities, through Neglect, or Length of Time, they
might in a great Degree be reformed by ftri&t In-
junctions from Court, (upon each Particular) to the
Viſitors and Heads of Houſes ; beſides the peculiar
Authority the Queen may have in ſeveral Colleges,
whereof her Predeceſſors were the Founders. And
among other Regulations, it would be very conve-
nient to prevent the Exceſs of Drink, with that
former Vice, the taking of Tobacco, where it is not
abſolutely neceſſary in point of Health.
From the Univerſities, the young Nobility, and
others of great Fortunes, are ſent for early up to
Town, for fear of contracting any Airs of Pedan-
try by a College Education. Many of the younger
Gentry retire to the Inns of Court, where they
are wholly left to their own Diſcretion.
And the
conſequence of this Remiineſs in Education appears
by obſerving, that nine in ten of thoſe who riſe
in the Church or the Court, the Law or the Ar-
my, are younger Brothers, or new Men, whoſe
narrow Fortunes have forced then upon Induſtry and
Application.
As for the Inns of Court, unleſs we ſuppoſe
them to be much degenerated, they muſt needs be
the worſt inſtituted Seminaries in any Chriftian
Country ; but whether they may be corrected with-
out Inter poſition of the Legiſlature, I have not
ſkill enough to determine. However, it is certain
that all wiſe Nations have agreed in the Neceffity
of a frict Education, which conſiſted, ainong other
Things, in the Obſervance of moral Duties, eſpe-
cially Juſtice, Temperance, and Chaſtity, as well
as the knowledge of Arts, and bodily Exerci-
les :
Advancement of Religion, &c.
ſes: But all theſe, among us, are laughed out of
doors.
Without the leaſt Intention to offend the Cler-
gy, I cannot but think, that through a miſtaken
Notion and Practice, they prevent themſelves from
doing much Service, which otherwiſe might lie in
their Power, to Religion and Virtue: I mean, by
affecting ſo much to converſe with each other,
and caring fo little to mingle with the Laity.
They have their particular Clubs, and particular
Coffee-houſes, where they generally appear in Clu-
fers : A ſingle Divine dares hardly ſhew his Perſon
among Numbers of fine Gentlemen ; or if he hap
pens to fall into ſuch Company, he is filent and
Tuſpicious, in continual Apprehenſion that ſome pert
Man of Pleaſure fhould break an unmannerly Jeft,
and render him ridiculous. Now I take this. Beba
viour of the Clergy to be juſt as reaſonable, as if
the Phyſicians ſhould agree to ſpend their Time in
viſiting one another, or their ſeveral Apothecaries,
and leave their Patients to ſhift for themſelves. In my
humble Opinion, the Clergy's Buſineſs lies entire-
Iy among the Laity; neither is there, perhaps, a more
effectual Way to forward the Salvation of Men's
Souls, than for ſpiritual Perſons to make themſelves
as agreeable as they can in the Converſations of the
World; for which a learned Education gives them
grcat Advantage, if they would pleaſe to improve
and apply it. It ſo happens, that the Men of Plea-
Jure, who never go to Church, nor amuſe them.
ſelves to read Books of Devotion, form their Ideas
of the Clergy from a few poor Strolers they often
obſerve in the Streets, or ſneaking out of ſome per-
ſon of Quality's houſe, where they are hired by
the Lady at ten Shillings a Month : while thoſe of
I 4
better
120
oject A ProjeEt the
.
:
Return of Eccleſiaſtical Diſcipline among them, I
is part of
for for the
better Figure and Parts do ſeldom appear to cor-
rect theſe Notions. And let fome Reaſoners think
what they pleaſe, 'tis certain that men muſt be
brought to eſteem and love the Clergy, before they
can be perſuaded to be in love with Religion. No
Man values the beſt Medicine, if adminifter'd by a
Phyſician whoſe Perſon he hates or deſpiſes. If the
Clergy were as forward to appear in all Compa-
nies, as other Gentlemen, and would a little ſtudy
the Arts of Converſation, to make themſelves agree-
able, they might be welcome at every Party, where
there was the leaſt Regard for Politeneſs or good
Senſe; and conſequently prevent a thouſand vicious
or prophane Diſcourſes, as well as Actions; neither
would men of Underſtanding complain that a Cler-
gyman was a conſtraint upon the company, becaule
they could not ſpeak Blaſphemy or obſcene jeſts
before him. While the People are ſo jealous of the
Clergy's Ambition, as to abhor all Thoughts of the
do not ſee any other Method left for Men of that
Function to take, in order to reforın the World,
than by uſing all honeſt Arts to make themſelves
that Wiſdom of the Serpent, which the Author of
Chriſtianity directs, and is the very method uſed
by St. Paul, who became all Things to all Men,
to the Jews a Jew, and a Greek to the Greeks.
How to remedy theſe Inconveniencies, may be a
Matter of fome Difficulty, ſince the Clergy ſeem to
be of an Opinion, that this Humour of lequeftring
themſelves is a part of their Duty; nay, as I re-
member, they have been told ſo by ſome of their
Biſhops in their paſtoral Letters, particularly by
one among them of great merit and diſtinction, who
yet,
Advancement of Religion, &c.
2:.
sce by
yet, in his own Practice, hath all his Life-time taken
a Courſe directly contrary. But I am deceived, if
an aukward Shame, or fFear of ill uſage from the
Laity, have not a greater Share in their miſtaken
conduct, than their own Inclinations. However, if
the outward profeſſion of Religion and Virtue were
once in practice and countenance at Court, as well
as among Men in Office, or who have any hopes
or Dependance for Preferment, a good Treatment
of the Clergy would be the neceſſary Conſequence
of ſuch a Reformation; and they would ſoon be
wiſe enough to ſee their own Duty and Intereſt
in qualifying themſelves for Lay-Converſation, when
once they were out of fear of being choaked by Ri-
baldry or Prophaneneſs
There is one further Circumſtance upon this
Occaſion, which I know not whether it will be
very Orthodox to mention: The Clergy are the
only Sett of Men among us, who conſtantly wear
a diſtinct Habit from others : The Conſequence of
which (not in Reaſon but in Fact) is this, that
as long as any ſcandalous Perſons appear in that
Dreſs, it will continue in ſome degree a general
Mark of Contempt. Whoever happens to ſee a
Scoundrel in a Gown, reeling home at Midnight (a
Sight neither frequent nor miraculous) is apt to en-
tertain an ill Idea of the whole Order, and at the
ſame time to be extremely comforted in his own
Vices. Some Remedy might be put to this, if
thofe ftraggling Gentlemen who come up to Town
to ſeek their Fortunes, were fairly diſmiſſed to the
Weft-Indies, where there is Work enough, and where
fome better Proviſion ſhould be made for them, than
I doubt
there is at preſent. Or, what if no Perſon
were allowed to wear the Habit, who had not ſome
Preferment
:
I22
A Projeɛt for the
Preferineht in the Church, or at leaſt ſome Tem-
poral Fortune ſufficient to keep him out of Con-
tempt ? Though, in my opinion, it were infinitely
better, if all the Clergy (except the Biſhops) were per-
mitted to appear like other men of the graver Sort,
unleſs at thofe Seaſons when they are doing the Buſi-
neſs of their Function.
There is one Abuſe in this Town which won-
derfully contributes to the Promotion of Vice; that
fuch men are often put into the Commiſſion of the
Peace, whoſe Intereſt it is, that Virtue ſhould be
atterly baniſhed from among us; who maintain,
or at leaſt enrich themſelves by encouraging the
groſſeft Immoralities ; to whom all the Bawds of
the Ward pay Contribution for Shelter and Prote-
&tion from the Laws. Thus theſe worthy Magi-
ſtrates, inſtead of leſſening Enormities, are the Oc-
caſion of juſt twice as much Debauchery as there
would be without them. For thoſe infamous Women
are forced upon doubling their Work and Induſtry, to
anſwer double Charges, of paying the Juftice, and
fupporting themſelves. Like Thieves who eſcape the
Gallows, and are let out to ſteal in order to diſcharge
the Goaler's Fees.
It is not to be queſtioned, but the Queen and
Miniſtry might eaſily redreſs this abominable Griev-
ance, by enlarging the Number of Juſtices of the
Peace, by endeavouring to chuſe Men of virtuous
Principles, by admitting none who have not con-
fiderable Fortunes ; perhaps, by receiving into the
Number fome of the moſt eminent Clergy: Then,
by forcing all of them, upon ſevere Penalties, to
act when there is Occaſion, and not permitting any
who are offered to refuſe the Commiſſion but
in
Advancement of Religion, &c. 123
in theſe two laſt Caſes, which are very material, I
doubt there will be need of the Legiſlature,
The Reformation of the Stage is entirely in the
Power of the Queen ; and in the Confequences it
hath upon the Minds of younger People, does very
well deſerve the ſtricteſt Care. Beſide the unde-
cent and prophane paſſages ;
beſide the perpe-
tual turning into ridicule the very Function of the
Prieſthood, with other Irregularities in moſt modern
Comedies, which have been often objected to them;
it is worth obſerving the diſtributive Juſtice of the
Authors, which is conſtantly applied to the Punish-
ment of Virtue, and the Reward of Vice; directly
oppofire to the Rules of their beſt Criticks, as well
as to the Practice of Dramatic Poets in all other
Ages and Countries. For Example, a Country
Squire, who is repreſented with no other Vice but
that of being a Clown, and having the provincial Ac-
cent upon his Tongue, which is neither a Fault, nor in
þis Power to remedy muſt be condemn'd to marry
a caſt Wench, or a crack'd Chambermaid. On the
other fide, a Rake-hell of the Town, whoſe Chara-
Eter is ſet off with no other Accompliſhments but
exceffive Prodigality, Prophaneneſs, Intemperance,
and Luft, is rewarded with a Lady of great Fortune
to repair his own, which his Vices had almoſt
ruined. And, as in a Tragedy, the Hero is re-
preſented to have obtained many Victories, in or
der to raiſe his Character in the Minds of the Spe-
Etators; ſo the Hero of a Comedy is repreſented
to have been victorious in all his Intrigues for
the fanie Reaſon. I do not remember that our
Engliſh Poets ever ſuffer'd a criminal Amour to fuc-
ceed upon the Stage, till the Reign of King Charles
the Second. Ever ſince that Time, the Alderman
is made a Cuckold, the deluded Virgin is debauched,
and
I 24
A Project for the
.
and Adultery and Fornication are ſuppoſed to be
committed behind the Scenes, as part of the A-
etion. Theſe and many more Corruptions of the The-
atre, peculiar to our Age and Nation, need conti-
nue no longer than while the Court is content to
connive at or neglect them. Surely a Penſion would
not be ill employed on ſome Men of Wit, Learn-
ing and Virtue, who might have Power to ſtrike
out every offensive or unbecoming Paſſage from
Plays already written, as well as thofe that may be
offered to the the Future. By which
and other wiſe Regulations, the Theatre might be.
come a very innocent and uſeful Diverſion, inſtead
of being the Scandal and Reproach to our Religion and
Country.
The Propoſals I have hitherto made for the Ad-
vancement of Religion and Morality, are ſuch as
come within reach of the Adminiſtration ; ſuch as
a pious active Prince, with a ſteddy Reſolution,
might foon bring to Effect. Neither am I aware
of any Objections to be raiſed againſt what I have
advanced ; unleſs it ſhould be thought, that the
making Religion a neceſſary Step to Intereſt and
Favour, might increaſe Hypocriſy among us: And
I readily believe it would. But if one in twenty
fhould be brought over to true Piery by this or
the like Methods, and the other nineteen be only
Hypocrites, the Advantage would ſtill be great.
Beſides, Hypocriſy is much more eligible than
open Infidelity and Vice; it wears the Livery of
Religion ; it acknowledges her Authority, and is
cautious of giving Scandal. Nay, a long conti-
nued Diſguiſe is too great
a conſtraint upon human
Nature ; eſpecially an Engliſe Diſpoſition: Men
would leave off their Vices out of mere Wearineſs,
rather
Advancement of Religion, &c. 125
rather than undergo the Toil and Hazard, and per-
haps Expence, of practiſing them perpetually, in
private. And I believe it is often with Religion as
with Love; which, by much diffembling, at laſt
grows real.
All other Projects to this great End have proved
hitherto ineffectual. Laws againſt Immorality have
not been executed, and Proclamations occaſionally
iſſued out to inforce them, are wholly unregarded
as Things of Form. Religious Societies, though be-
gun with excellent Intention, and by Perſons of
true Piety, are ſaid, I know not whether truly or
no, to have dwindled into factious Clubs, and grown
a Trade to enrich little knaviſh Informers of the
meaneſt Rank, ſuch as common Conſtables, and bro-
ken Shopkeepers.
And that ſome effectual Attempt ſhould be made
towards ſuch a Reformation, is, perhaps more ne-
ceffary than People commonly apprehend; becauſe
the Ruin of a State is generally preceded by an uni
verſal Degeneracy of Manners, and Contempt of Re-
ligion; which is entirely our Cafe at preſent.
um perempuan
Diis të minorem, quod regis, imperas. Hor.
Neither is this a Matter to be deferred till a more
convenient Time of Peace and Leiſure : Becauſe a
Reformation in Mens Faith and Morals is the beſt
natural, as well as religious Means to bring the
War to a good Concluſion. For if Men in Truſt
performed their Duty for Conſcience fake, Affairs
would not ſuffer thro' Fraud, Falfhood, and Neg-
lect, as they now perpetually do. And if they be-
lieved a God, and his Providence, and acted ac-
cordingly,
no ns the only
126 0 1 Project for the
cordingly, they might reaſonably hope for his Divine
Afliſtance in ſo juft a Cauſe as ours.
Nor could the Majeſty of the Engliſh Crown ap-
pear, upon any Occaſion, in a greater Luftre, either
to Foreigners or Subjects, than by an Adminiftra-
tion, which producing ſuch great Effects, would dil-
cover fo much Power. And Power being the na-
tural Appetite of Princes, a limited Monarch can-
not fo well gratify it in any thing, as a ttrict Execu-
tion of the Laws.
Befides ; all Parties would be obliged to cloſe
wich ſo good a Work as this, for their own Repu-
tation : Neither is any Expedient more likely to
unite them. For, the moſt violent Party-men I
have ever obſerved, are ſuch as in the Conduct of
their Lives have diſcovered leaft ſenſe of Religion
or Morality; and when all ſuch are laid aſide, at
leaſt thoſe among them as ſhall be found incorri-
gible, it will be a Matter perhaps of no great Diffi-
culty to reconcile the reſt.
The many Corruptions at preſent in every Branch
of Buſineſs are almoſt inconceivable. I have heard
it computed by ſkilful Perſons, that of Six Millions
raiſed every year for the Service of the Publick,
one Third, at leaſt, is ſunk and intercepted through
the ſeveral Claſfles and Subordinations of artful Men
in Office, before the Remainder is applied to the
proper
Uſe. This is an accidental ill effect of our
Freedom. And while ſuch Men are in Truſt, who
have no Check from within, nor any Views but to
wards their Intereſt, there is no other Fence againſt
them but the certainty of being hanged upon the
firſt Diſcovery, by the arbitrary Will of an unli-
Danger to be apprehended, is the Lois of an Em
ployment ;
Advancement of Religion, &c. 127
ployment ; and that Danger is to be eluded a thouſand
Ways. Beſides, when Fraud is great, it furniſhes
Weapons to defend itſelf : And at worſt, if the
Crimes be ſo flagrant, that a Man is laid afide out
of perfect Shame (which rarely happens) he retires
loaded with the Spoils of the Nation ; Et fruitur
Diis iratis. I could name a Commiſſion, where
ſeveral Perfons, out of a Salary of five hundred
Pounds, without other viſible Revenues, have al-
ways lived at the Rate of two Thouſand, and laid
out forty or fifty Thouſand upon Purchaſes of Land
or Annuities. An Hundred other Inſtances of the
fame Kind might eaſily be produced. What Re-
medy therefore can be found againſt ſuch Grievances
in a Conſtitution like ours, but to bring Religion
into countenance, and encourage thoſe who from
the Hope of future Reward, and Dread of future
Puniſhment, will be moved to act with Juſtice and
Integrity
This is not to be accomplifhed any other Way,
but by introducing Religion as much as poſſible to
be the Turn and Falhion of the Age; which only
lics in the Power of the Adminiſtration, the Prince
with utmoſt ſtrictneſs regulating the Court, the Mi-
niftry, and other Perſons in great Employment ; and
theſe by their Example and Authority reforming all
who have Dependance on them.
It is certain that a Reformation ſucceſsfully car.
ried on in this great Toun would in Time ſpread
itſelf over the whole Kingdom; fince moſt of the
conſiderable Youth paſs here that Seaſon of their
Lives wherein the ſtrongeſt Impreſſions are made,
in order to improve their Education, or advance
their Fortune ; and thoſe among them who return
into their leveral Countries, are ſure to be followed
and
128
A Proje it for the
and imitated as the greateſt Patterns of Wit and good
Breeding.
And if Things were once in this Train, that is,
if Virtue and Religion were cítabliſhed as the ne.
ceffary Titles to Reputation and Preferment; and
if Vice and Infidelity were not only loaded with
Infamy, but made the infallible Ruin of all Mens
Pretenſions; our Duty, by becoming our Intereſt,
would take Root in our Natures, and mix with
the very Genius of our People ; ſo that it would
not be eaſy for the Example of one wicked Prince to
bring us back to our former Corruptions,
I have confined myſelf (as it is before obſerved)
to thoſe Methods for the Advancement of Piety,
which are in the Power of a Prince limited like ours,
by a ſtrict Execution of the Laws already in Force.
And this is enough for a Project that comes without
any name or recommendation: I doubt, a great
deal more than will ſuddenly be reduced into Pra-
Clice. Tho' if any Diſpoſition ſhould appear to-
wards ſo good a Work, it is certain, that the Al-
fiftance of the Legiſlative power would be neceſſary
to make it more compleat. I will inſtance only a
few particulars.
In order to reform the Vices of this Town,
which, as we have ſaid, hath ſo mighty an Influence
on the whole Kingdom, it would be very inftru-
mental, to have a Law made, That all Taverns and
Ale-houſes ſhould be obliged to diſmiſs their com-
pany by Twelve at night, and ſhut up their Doors ;
and that no Woman ſhould be ſuffered to enter any
Tavern or Ale-houſe upon any pre.ence whatio-
ever. It is eaſy to conceive what a number of ill
Conſequences ſuch a Law would prevent ; the Mil-
chiefs of Quarrels, and Lewdneſs, and Thefts, and
Midnight
Advancement of Religion, &c. 129
Midnight Brawls, the Diſeaſes of Intemperance and
Vencry, and a thouſand other eviis needleſs to men-
tion. Nor would it be amiſs, it the Maſters of
thoſe Publick-houſes were obliged, upon the ſevereſt
Penalties, to give only a proportioned Quantity of
Drink to every Company : ‘and when he found
his Gueſts diſordered with Exceſs, to refuſe them
any more.
I believe there is hardly a nation in Chriſtendom
where all kind of Fraud is practiſed in ſo unmea-
ſurable a Degree as with us. The Lawyer, the
Tradeſman, the Mechanick, have found ſo many
Arts to deceive in their ſeveral Callings, that they
far
outgrow the common prudence of Mankind,
which is in no fort able to fence againſt them.
Neither could the Legiſlature in any thing more
conſult the publick Good, than by providing ſome
effectual remedy againt this Evil, which in feveral
Cales deſerves greater punifhinent than many Crimes
that are capital among us. The Vintner, who by
mixing poiſon with his Wines, deſtroys more Lives
than any malignant Diſeaſe; the Lawyer, who per
fuades you to a Purchaſe which he knows is mort-
gaged for more than the Worth, to the ruin of you
and your Family; the Goldſmith or Scrivener, who
takes all your Fortune to diſpoſe of, when he has
before-hand reſolved to break the following Day,
do ſurely deſerve the Gallows much better than
the Wretch, who is carried there for ſtealing a
Horſe. anste
It cannot eaſily be anſwered to God or Man,
why a Law is not made for limiting the Preſs :
at leaſt ſo far as to prevent the publiſhing of ſuch
pernicious Books, as under Pretence of Free-Think-
inn, endeavour to overthrow thoſe Tenets in Re-
K
ligion,
130
A Project for the
employ'd on the Good of his Country
ligion, which have been held inviolable almoſt in
all Ages by every Sect that pretend to be Chriſtian,
and cannot therefore with any colour of Reaſon be
called Points in Controverſy, or Matters of Specula-
tion, as ſome would pretend. The Doctrine of the
Trinity, the Divinity of Chriſt, the Immortality of
the Soul, and even the Truth of all Revelation, are
daily exploded and denied in Books openly prin-
ted; tho''tis to be ſuppoſed, neither Party will avow
fuch Principles, or own the ſupporting of them to be
any way neceſſary to their Service.
It would be endleſs to ſet down every corrup-
tion or defect which requires a Remedy from the
Legiſlative Power. Senates are like to have little
regard for any Propoſals that come from without
Doors ; though, under a due ſenſe of my own
Inabilities, I am fully convinced that the un-
biaſsd Thoughts of an honeſt and wiſe man,
may be
better digefted, than the Reſults of a multitude, where
Faction and Intereſt too often prevail; as a ſingle
Guide may direct the way better than five hundred
who have contrary Views, or look a-ſquint, or fout
their Eyes.
??
I shall therefore mention but one more Parti-
cular, which I think the Parliament ought to take
under Conſideration; Whether it be not a Shame
to our Country, and a Scandal to Chriſtianity, That
in many Towns where there is a prodigious In-
creaſe in the number of Houſes and Inhabitants, fo lit-
tle cáre ſhould be taken for the building of Churches,
that five parts in fix of the people are abſolutely hin-
der'd from hearing divine Service? Particularly here
in London, where a ſingle Miniſter with one or two
forry Curate, hath the care fometimes of above
twenty
40331
Advancement of Religion, &c. 131
Morals
twenty thouſand Souls incumbent on him. A neg-
lect of Religion fo ignominious, in my Opinion,
that it can hardly be equalled in any civilized Age or
Country.
But, te leave theſe airy imaginations of intro-
ducing new Laws for the Amendment of mankind;
what I principally inſiſt on is 'a "Que Execution
of the old, which lies wholly in the Crown, and
in the Authority derived from thence: I therefore
return to my former Affertion, That if Stations of
Power, Truſt, Profit, and Honour, were conſtantly
made the Rewards of Virtue and Piety, ſuch an Ad-
miniſtration muſt needs have a mighty Influence on
:
men of great abilities would tben endeavour to ex-
cel in the Duties of a religious Life, in order to
qualify themſelves for publick Service. I may poſ-
libly be wrong in ſome of the means I preſcribe
towards this End: but that is no material Objection
againſt the Deſign itſelf. Let thole who are at the
Helm contrive it better, which perhaps they may
eaſily do. Every body will agree that the Diſeaſe
is manifeſt as well as dangerous ; that ſome Re-
medy is neceſſary, and that none yet applied hath
been effectual ; which is a ſufficient Excuſe for any
man who wiſhes well to his Country, to offer his
Thoughts, when he can have no other End in
view but the Publick Good. The preſent Queen
is a Prince of as many and great Virtues as ever
filled a Throne: How would it brighten her Cha-
racter to the preſent and after Ages, if he would
exert her utntoft Authority, to inftil fome Share of
thoſe Virtues into her People, which they are too dege-
nerate to learn only from her Example ? And, be
it ſpoke with all the Veneration poſſible for fo ex-
cellent
DK 2
132
A Projeet for the
cellent a Sovereign, her beſt Endeavours in this
weighty Affair are a moſt important part of her
Duty as well as her Intereſt, and her Honour.
But it muſt be confeſſed, that as Things are now,
every man thinks he has laid in a ſufficient Stock of
Merit, and may pretend to any Employment, pro-
vided he has been loud and frequent in declaring him
ſelf hearty for the Government. Tis true, he is a
Man of Pleaſure, and a Free-Thinker, that is, in other
Words, he is profligate in his Morals, and a Deſpiſer
of Religion ; but in point of Party, he is one to be
confided in ; he is an Aflertor of Liberty and Proper-
ty; he rattles it out againſt Popery and Arbitrary
Power, and Prieſt craft, and High-Church. 'Tis e-
nough: He is a Perlon fully qualified for any Em-
ployment in the Court or the Navy, the Law or the
Revenue, where he will be ſure to leave no Arts un-
tried of Bribery, Fraud, Injuſtice, Oppreſſion, that
he can practiſe with any Hope of Impunity. No
wonder ſuch Men are true to a Government, where
Liberty runs high, where Property, however attained,
is ſo well ſecured, and where the Adminiſtration is
at leaſt ſo gentle : 'Tis impoflible they could chuſe
any other Conſtitution, without changing to their
Lofs.
Fidelity to a preſent Establiſhment is indeed the
principal means to defend it from a foreign Enemy,
but without other Qualifications will not prevent
Corruptions from within, and States are oftener ruined
by theſe than the other.
To conclude: Whether the Propoſals I have offer'd
towards a Reformation be ſuch as are moſt prudent
and convenient, may probably be a Queſtion ; but
it is none at all, whether ſome Reformation be ablo-
lutely neceffary, becauſe the Nature of Things is
fuch,
Advancement of Religion, &c. 133
ſuch, that if Abuſes be not remedied, they will cer-
tainly increaſe, nor ever ſtop till they end in the Sub-
verſion of a Commonwealth. As there muſt always
of neceffity be fome Corruprions, ſo in a well-in-
ſtituted State the executive Power will be always con-
tending againſt them, by reducing Things (as Machi-
avel ſpeaks) to their firſt Principles, never letting A-
buſes grow inveterate, or multiply fo far that it will be
hard to find Remedies, and perhaps impoſſible to ap-
ply them. As he that would keep his Houſe in re-
pair, muſt attend every little, Breach or Flaw, and
ſupply it immediately, elle T'ime alone will bring
all to ruin ; how much more the common Acci-
dents of Storms and Rain ? He must live in perpe
tual Danger of his Houſe, falling about his Ears ;
and will find it cheaper to throw it quite down, and
build it again frồm the ground, perhaps upon a new
Foundation, or at leaſt in a new Form; which may
neither be lo ſafe nor ſo convenient as the Old.
to be
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MEMBER tof the Houſe of Commons
Ireland, to a M'E MBER of the
w Houſe of Commons in England,
preconcerning the SACRAMENTAL
ONS OP WOOL
TEST.
ba in Ireland
Written in the Year 1708.
I
SIR,
Received your Letter, wherein you tell me of
the ſtrange Repreſentations made of us on your
Side of the Water. The Inſtance you are
pleaſed to mention is that of the Preſbyterian Miſ-
fionarj, who, according to your Phraſe, hath been
lately perſecuted in Drogheda for his
Religion : But it
is eaſy to obſerve, how mighty induſtrious ſome Peo-
ple have been for three or four Years paſt, to hand
about
A LETTER concerning the, &c. 135
about Stories of the Hardſhips, the Merits, the Num-
ber, and the Power of the Presbyterians in Ireland,
to raiſe formidable Ideas of the Dangers of Popery
there, and to tranſinit all for England, improved by
gread Additions, and with ſpecial Care to have them
inſerted with Comments in thoſe infamous weekly
Papers that infeſt your Coffee-Houſes. So, when
the Clauſe enacting a Sacramental Toft was put in
execution, it was given out in England that half the
Juſtices of Peace through this Kingdon had laid down
their Commiſſions: whereas, upon Examination,
the whole Number was found to amount only to
a dozen or thirteen, and thoſe generally of the loweft
Rate in Fortune and Underſtanding, and ſome of
them fuperannuated. So, when the Earl of P-ke
was in Ireland, and the Parliament fitting, a formal
Story was very gravely carried to his Excellency by
ſome zealous
Members, of a Prieſt newly arrived
from abroad to the North-Weſt parts of Ireland, who
had publickly preached to his People, to fall a mur-
thering the Proteftants; which, tho invented to ſerve
an End they were then upon, and are ſtill driving at,
it was preſently handed over, and printed with
ſhrewd remarks by your worthy Scribblers. In
like manner, the Account of that Perſon who was
lately expelld our Univerſity for reflecting on the
Memory of King William, what a Duſt it raiſed,
and how foully it was related, is freſh enough in
Memory. Neither would people be convinced till
the Univerſity was at the pains of publiſhing a Latin
Paper to juſtify themſelves. And, to mention no
more, this Story of the Perfecution at Drogbeda, how
it hath been ſpread and aggravated, what Conſe-
quences drawn from it, and what Reproaches fixed
on thoſe who have leaft deſerved them, we are already
K
informed
136 ALETTER concerning the
informed. Now if the End of all this Proceeding
were a Secret and Myſtery, I ſhould not undertake
to give it an Interpretation ; but Care has been ta-
ken to give it fufficient Explanation. Firſt, by
Addreſies artificially (if not illegally) procured, to
ſhew the miſerable State of the Diſenters in Ireland,
by reaſon of the Sacramental Teft, and to deſire the
Queen's Interceffion that it might be repealed. Then
it is manifeſt that our S our, when he was laſt
Year in England, ſollicited in Perſon ſeveral Members
of both Houſes, to have it repealed by an act there,
though it be a Matter merely National, that cannot
poſſibly interfere with the Trade and Interest of Eng-
land, and though he himſelf appeared formerly the
moſt zealous of all Men againſt the Injuſtice of bind-
ing a Nation by Laws to which they do not conſent.
And laſtly, thoſe weekly Libellers, whenever they
get a Tale by the End relating to Ireland, without
ever troubling their Thoughts about the Truth, al-
ways end it with an Application againſt the Sacra-
mental Tef, and the abſolute Neceſſity there is of re-
pealing it in both Kingdoms. I know it may be
reckoned a Weakneſs to ſay any thing of ſuch Trifles
as are below a ſerious Man's Notice, much leſs would
I diſparage the Underſtanding of any Party to think
they would chuſe the vileft and moſt ignorant among
Mankind to employ them for the Affertors of a
Cauſe; I fhall only ſay, that the fcandalous Liberty
thoſe Wretches take would hardly be allowed, if it
were not mingled with Opinions that ſome Men would
be glad to advance. Beſides, how inſipid ſoever thoſe
Papers are, they ſeem to be levelled to the Underſtand
ings of a great Number; they are grown a neceſſary
Part in Coffee-houſe Furniture, and ſome time or other
may happen to be read by Cuſlomers of all Ranks
for
Sacramental Teft.
137
for Curioſity or Amuſement, becauſe they lie always
in the way. One of theſe Authors (the Fellow that
was Pilloried, I have forgot his Name) is indeed ſo
grave, fententious, dogmaticala Rogue, that there is no
enduring him ; the Obſervator is much the brilker of
the two, and I think farther gone of late in Lyes
and Impudence than his Presbyterian Brother. The
Reaſon why I mention him, is to have an Occaſion
of letting you know, that you have not dealt ſo gal-
lantly with us, as we did with you in a parallel Cale:
laſt year a paper was brought here from England, called
A Dialogue between the Archbiſhop of Canterbury and
Mr. Higgins, which we ordered to be burnt by the
common Hangman, as it well delerved, though we
have no more to do with his Grace of Canterbury,
than you have with the Archbiſhop of Dublin; nor
can you love and reverence your Prelate more than
we do ours, whom you tamely ſuffer to be abuſed
openly, and by name, by that paultry Raſcal of an
Obſervater; and lately upon an affair wherein he
had no Concern : I mean the Buſineſs of the Miſſio-
nary at Drogheda, wherein our excellent Primate was
engaged, and did nothing but according to Law and
Diſcretion, But becauſe the Lord Archbiſhop of
Dublin hath been, upon ſeveral Occaſions, of late
Years, miſrepreſented in England, I would willingly
ſet you right in his Character. For his great Suf-
ferings and eminent Services, he was by the late King
promoted to the Sce of Derry. About the fame
Time he wrote a Book to jullify the Revolution,
wherein was an Account of King James's Proceedings
in Ireland, and the late Archbiſhop Tillotſon recom-
mended it to the King as the moſt ſerviceable Trea-
tiſe that could have been publiſhed at ſuch a Juncture,
And as his Grace ſet out upon thoſe Principles, he
has
*
138 A Letter concerning the
has proceeded ever fince, as a loyal Subject to the
Queen, entirely for the Succeſſion in the Proteſtant
Line, and for ever excluding the Pretender; and tho'
a firm Friend to the Church, yet with Indulgence to-
wards Diſfenters, as appears from his Conduct at
Derry, where he was ſettled for many Years among
the moſt virulent Sect; yet upon his removal to
Dublin, they parted from him with Tears in their
Eyes, and univerſal acknowledgments of his Wiſdom
and Goodneſs. For the reſt, it muſt be own'd,
he does not buſy himſelf by entering deep into any
Party, but rather ſpends his Time in Acts of Ho-
ipitality and Charity, in building of Churches, re-
pairing his Palace, in introducing and prefering the
worthieſt perſons he can find, without other regards :
In ſhort, in the practice of all Virtues that can be
come a publick or 'private Life. This and more,
if poſſible, is due to fo excellent a perſon, who may
be jaftly reckoned among the greateſt and moſt learned
Prelates of this Age, however his Character may be
defiled by ſuch mean and dirty Hands as thoſe of
the Obſervator, or ſuch as employ him.
I now come to anſwer the other part of your Let-
ter, and ſhall give you my Opinion freely about re-
pealing the Sacramental Teji; only whereas you de-
fire my Thoughts as a Friend, and not as I am a
Member of Parliament, I muſt aſſure you they are
exactly the ſame in both Capacities,
and I muſt begin by telling you, we are generally
ſurprized at your wonderful Kindneſs to us on this
Occaſion, in being ſo very induſtrious to teach us to
ſee our Intereſts in a Point where we are fo unable
to ſee it ourſelves. This hath given us fome fufpi-
cion; and tho’ in my own particular, I am hugely
bent to believe, that whenever you concern yourſelves
in
Sacramental Teft.?
Das be a Fire at fone.
in our Affairs, it is certainly for our Good, yet I have
the misfortune to be ſomething fingular in this Belief,
and therefore I never attempted to juſtify it, but con-
tent myſelf to pofleſs my own Opinion in private,
for fear of encountering Men of more Wit or Words
than I have to ſpare.
We at this Diſtance, who fee nothing of the Spring
of Adtions, are forced by meer Conjecture to allign
two reaſons for your defiring us to repeal the Sacra-
mental Teft; one is, becauſe you are ſaid to imagine
it will be one Step towards the like good Work in
England. The other more immediate, that it will
open a Way for rewarding ſeveral Perſons who have
well deſerved upon a great Occaſion, but who are
now unqualified thro' that Impediment.
I do not frequently quote Poets, eſpecially Englife:
but I remember there is in ſome of Mr. Cotuler's
Love Verles, a Strain that I thought extraordinary
at Fifteen, and have often fince imagined it to be
poken by Ireland,
*Forbid it, Heaven, my Life foonid be
Weigh'd with her leafl Conveniency.
In fhort, whatever advantage you propoſe to your
ſelves by repealing the Sacramental Teft, ſpeak it out
plainly, 'tis the bef Argument you can uſe, for we
value your Intereſt much more than our own; If
your little Finger be fore, and you think a Poultice
made of our Vitals will give it any Baſe, ſpeak
the Word, and it ſhall be done : The Intereſt of our
whole Kingdom is at any
time ready to ſtrike to that of
your pooreſt Fiſhing Torons ; it is hard you will not ac
cept our Services, unleſs we believe at the ſame time
that you are only conſulting our Profit, and giving
diftanice,
140
A LETTER concerning the
diſtance, and I immediately blow up my Houſe be-
fore there be Occaſion, becauſe you are a Man of Qua-
lity, and apprehend ſome danger to a Corner of your
Stable ; yet why ſhould you require me to attend next
Morning at your Levee, with my humble Thanks
for the Favour you have done me?
If we might be allowed to judge for ourſelves, we
had abundance of Benefit by the Sacramental Tej,
and foreſee a number of miſchiefs would be the con-
ſequence of repealing it; and we conceive the Ob-
jections made againſt it by the Diffenters are of no
manner of force ; they tell us of their merits in the
late War in Ireland, and how chearfully they engaged
for the Safety of the Nation; that had they thought
they had been fighting only other people's Quarrels,
perhaps it might have cool'd their Zeal; and that
tor the future they ſhould ſit down quietly, and let us
do our Work ourſelves ; nay, that it is neceſſary they
ſhould do ſo, ſince they cannot take up Arms under
the penalty of High-Treaſon.
Now ſuppoſing them to have done their Duty, as
I believe they did, and not to trouble them about the
Fly on the Wheel, I thought Liberty, Property, and
Religion, had been the three Subjects of the Quarrel ;
and have not all thoſe been amply ſecured to them?
Had they at that time a mental Reſervation for Power
and Employments? And muſt thoſe two Articles be
added henceforward in our National Quarrels ? It is
groin a mighty Conceit among ſome men, to melt
down the Phraſe of a Church eſtabliſhed by Law,
into that of the Religion of the Magiſtrate ; of which
Appellation it is eaſier to find the reaſon than the
ſenſe : If by the Magiſtrate, they mean the Prince,
the Expreſſion includes a Fallhood; for when King
James was Prince, the eſtabliſhed Church was the
fame
Sacramental Teft.
141
, and
upon
lame it is now. If by the fame Word they mean the
Legiſlature, we delire no more. Be that as it will, we
of this Kingdom believe the Church of Ireland to be the
National Church, and the only one eſtabliſhed by Law,
and are willing by the fame Law, to give a Toleration
to Diflenters ; but it once we repeal our Sacramental
Tel, and grant a Toleration, or fufpend the Execu-
tion of the penal Laws, I do not ſee how we can be
said to have any eſtabliſhed Church remaining; or
rather why there will not be as many eſtabliſhed
Churches, as there are Sects of Diſſenters. No, fay
they, yours will fill be the National Church, becauſe
your Biſhops and Clergy are maintained by the Pub-
lick: But That I ſuppoſe will be of no long Dura-
tion, and it would be very unjuft it ſhould, becauſe
to ſpeak in Tindal's phrale, it is not reaſonable that
Revenues ſhould be annexed to one Opinion more
another, when all are equally lawful; and 'tis that
Author's Maxim, That no free-born Subject ought to
pay for maintaining ſpeculations he does not believe.
But wby fiould any Man, upon dicount of Opinions be
vannot hely, be deprived the Opportunits of Jerving his
!
when employments go a begging for want of hands
they ſhall be ſure to have the refuſal, only upon con-
that equally include Atheifts, Turks, Jews, Infidels,
and Hereticks, or, which is fill more dangerona,
even Papills themſelves : The former you allow, the
orker you dety, becauſe theſe fait own a foreign
pouver, and therefore mot be that out. But there is
110 great Weight in this; for their Religion can füit
with Prec Stad, with limited or abſolute Monarchies,
as well
as a better; and the Pope's power in France
bue a Shados; to that upon this foot there feed
be
142 A LETTER concerning the
be no great Danger to the Conſtiution by admitting
Papills to employments. I will help you to enough
of them, Thall be ready to allow the Pope as little
power here as you pleaſe ; and the bare Opinion of
his being a Vicar of Chriſt is but a Speculative Point,
for which no man it ſeems ought to be deprived the
Capacity of ſerving his Country.
But, if you pleaſe, I will tell you tl
you the great Ob-
jection we have againſt repealing this fame Satra-
mental Teft. It is, that we are verily perſuaded
the conſequence will be an entire alteration of Re-
ligion among us in no great compaſs of Years.
And pray, obſerve how we reaſon here in Ireland
upon this matter.
We oblerve the Scots in our Northern Parts, to
be a brave induſtrious people, extremely devoted
to their Religion, and full of an undiſturbed affe-
ction towards each other. Numbers of that noble
nation, invited by the Fertilities of Soil, are glad
to exchange their barren Hills of Loquabar by a
Voyage of three Hours, for our fruitful Vales of
Doun and Antrim, fo productive of that Grain,
which at little trouble and leſs expence, finds diet
aud lodging for themſelves and their cattle. Theſe
people, by their extreme Parfimony, wonderful
Dexterity in Dealing, and firm adherence to one an
other, ſoon grow into wealth from the ſmalleſt Begin-
nings, never are rooted out where they once fix, and
increaſe daily by new Supplies : Belides, when they
are the ſuperior number in any Tract of Ground,
they are not over patient of Mixture ; but fuch, whom
they cannot aſimulate, ſoon find it their Intereſt to
remove.. I have done all in my power on ſome land
of my own, to preſerve two or three Engliſh
fellows
in their neighbourhood, but found it impoſſible, tho'
one
Sacramental Teit.
C.
one of them thought he had fufficiently made his
Court by curring Preſbyterian. Add to all this, that
they bring along with them from Scotland a moft for
midable notion of our Church, which they look
upon at leaſt three degrees worſe than Popery: And
it is natural it ſhould be ſo, ſince they come over
full fraught with what Spirit which taught them to
abolith Epifcopacy at home.
Then we proceed farther, and obſerve, that the
Gentlemen of employments here make a very con-
fiderable number in the Houſe of Commons, and
have no other Merit, but that of doing their Duty
in their ſeveral Stations ; Therefore, when the Teſt
is repealed, it will be highly reaſonable they ſhould
give place to thoſe who have much greater Services
to plead. The Commiſſions of the Revenue are
ſoon diſpoſed of, and the collectors and other of
ficers throughout the Kingdom are generally ap-
pointed by the Commiſſioners, which give them
mighty Influence in every County. As much may
be laid of the great officers in the Law ; and when
this Door is open to let Diflenters into the Com-
iniffions of the Peace, to make them High-Sheriffs,
Mayors of Corporations, and Officers of the Army
and Militia, I do not ſee how it can be otherwiſe,
conſidering their Induſtry and our Supineneſs, but
that they may, is a very few years, grow to
majority in the Houſe of Commons, and conie
quently make themfelves the national Religion, and
have a fair pretence to demand the Revenues of the
Church for their Teachers. I know it will be obie
Eted, that if all this thould happen as I deſcribe
,
yet the Preſbyterian Religion could never be made
the National by Act of Parliament, because dur
Bibops are fo great tha number in the Houſe of
144 A LETTER concerning the
Lords; and without a majority there, the Clrureh
could not be aboliſhed. But I have
But I have two very good
Expedients for that, which I Mall leave you to gueſs,
and I dare ſwear our Sp- k-er here has often thought
on, e!pecially having endeavoured at One of them
ſo lately. That this deſign is not ſo foreign from
jome People's Thoughts, I muſt let you know, that
an honelt Bell-weather of our Houſe (you have him
now in England, I wiſh you could keep him there)
had the impudence ſome years ago, in Parliament-
time, to ſhake my Lord Biſhop of Kilaloo by his
Lawn-Sleeve, and tell him, in a threatning manner,
Tbat he boped to live to ſee the Day, when there
foould not be one of his Order in the Kingdom.
Thele laſt lines perhaps you think a digreſſion ;
therefore to return, I have told you the conſequen-
ces we fully reckon upon from repealing the Sa.
cramental Teſt, which although the greateſt number
of ſuch as are for doing it, are actually in no man-
ner of pain about it, and many of them care not
Three-pence whether there be any Church, or no;
yet becauſe they pretend to argue from Conſcience
as well as Policy and Interelt, I thought it
proper
to underttand and anſwer them accordingly.
Now, Sir, in anſwer to your queſtion, Whether
if an attempt fhould be made here for repealing
che Sacramental Teft, it would be likely to ſucceed?
The number of profeſſed Diflenters in this Parlia-
ment, was, as I remember, ſomething under a do-
zen, and I cannot call to mind above thirty others
who were expected to fall in with thein. This is
certain, that the Preſbyterian Party having with
great Induſtry mufter'd
up their Forces, did endea-
your one Day upon occalion of a Hint in my
Lord P-ke's Speech to introduce a Debate a-
bout
Sacramental Teft.
145
about repealing the Teſt Clauſe, when there appeared
at least four to one odds againſt them, and the
ableft of thoſe who were reckoned the moſt ftanch
and thorough-pac'd Whigs upon all other Occaſions,
fell off with an Abhorrence at the firit mention of
I muſt defire you to take notice, that the Terms of
Whig and Tory do pot properly expreſs the diffe
ren Intereſts in our Parliament. I reineniber when
I was laſt in England, I told the King, that the
higheſt Tories we had with us would make tolera-
ble Whigs there: This was certainly right, and ſtill
in the general continues ſo, unlels you have fince
admitted new Char'cteriſticks, which did not come
within our Definition. Whoever bears a true Ve.
neration for the glorious Memory of King William,
as our great deliverer from Popery and Slavery ; who
ever is firmly loyal to our preſent Queen, with
an utter Abhorrence and Dereſtation of the Pre-
tender ; whoever approves the Succeſſion to the
Crown in the Houſe of Hanover, and is for preſerv-
ing the Doctrine and Diſcipline of the Church of
England, with an Indulgence for fcrupulous Con-
ſciences; ſuch a Man we think ads upon right Prin-
ciples, and may be juſtly allowed a Whig: And I
believe there are not fix Members in our Houſe of
Commons, who may not fairly come under this
Deſcription. So that the Parties among us are made
op on one ſide of moderate Whigs, and on the other
of Preibyterians and their Abettors, by which laſt
I mean ſuch who can equally go to a Church or
Conventicle, or ſuch who are indifferent to all Re-
Higion in general ; or Jaftly, fuch who affect to bear
a perſonal Rancour towards the Clergy : Theſe laſt
are a Sett of Men not of our own Growth, their
Vol 1
L
Prin.
146 A LETTER concerning the
Principles at leaſt have been imported of late years;
yet this whole party put together will hardly, I
am confident, amount to above fifty Men in Parlia-
ment, which can hardly be workd up into a majo-
rity of three hundred.
As to the Houſe of Lords, the difficulty there is
conceived at leaſt as great as in ours. So many
of our Temporal Peers live in England, that the
Biſhops are generally pretty near a Par in the
Houſe, and we reckon they will be all to a Man
againſt repealing the Teft; and yet their Lordſhips
are generally thought as good Whigs upon our prin-
ciples as any in the Kingdom. There are indeed a
few Lay-Lords who appear to have no great devotion
for Epiſcopacy ; and perhaps one or two more with
whom certain Powerful Motives might be uſed for
removing any difficulty whatſoever : But theſe are,
in no ſort a number to carry any Point againſt
a Conjunction of the reſt with the whole Bench of
Biſhops. spacul
Belides, thei whole body of our Clergy are utterly
againſt repealing the Teft, though they are entirely
devoted to her Majeſty, and hardly one in an hun
dred who are not very good Whigs in our Accep-
tation of the Word. And I muſt let you know,
that we of Ireland are not yet come up to other Folks
Refinements, for we generally love and eſteem our
Clergy, and think they deſerve it; nay, we are apt
to lay fome Weight upon their Opinion, and would
not willingly diſoblige them, at leaſt, unleſs it were
upon ſome greater point of Intereſt than this. And
their Judgment in the preſent affairs is the more
to be regarded, becauſe they are the laſt perſons
who will be affected by it: This makes us think
them impartial, and that their concern is only for
Religion
Sacramental reſt.
Religion and the Intereſt of the Kingdom. Becauſe
che Act which repeals the Teft will only qualify a
Layman for an Employment, but not a Presbyterian
or Anabapti? Parfon for a Church Living. Now I
inutt take leave to inform you, that ſeveral Members
of our Houſe, and myſelf among the selt, knowing
fome tiine ago what was upon the Anvil, went to all
the Clergy we knew of any Diſtinction, and deſired
their Judgment in the matter, wherein we found
a moſt wonderful Agreement, there being but one
Divine that we couid hear of in the whole King-
dom, who appeared of a contrary Sentiment, wherein
he afterwards flood alone in the Convocation, very
little to his Credit, though, as he hoped, very much
10 his intereſ.
I will now a little conſider the Arguments of-
fered to thew the advantages or rather the necef-
fity of repealing the Ted in Ireland., We aren toki,
the Popiſh intereſt is here ſo formidable, that all
hands ſhould be joined to keep it under ; that the
only names of Diſtinction among us ought to be
thoſe of Protefiant and Papift, and that this Expe-
dient is the only means to unite all Proteſtants upon
one common bottom. All which is nothing but mif-
reprcfentation and miſtake.
?
If we were under any real Fear of the Papills
in this Kingdom, it would be hard to think us ſo
ſtupid, not to be equally apprehenſive with others,
ſince we are likely to be the greateſt, and more im-
meiliate Sufferers: But on the contrary, we look upon
then to be altogether as inconſiderable, as the wo-
inen ajrd children. Their Lands are almoſt entirely
taken from them, and they are render'd uncapable
of purchafing any more; and for the little that re-
prains, Proviſion is made by the Jale Act againſt
L2
Popery,
148 A LETTER concerning the
Popery, that it will daily crumble away : To pre-
vent which, ſome of the moſt conſiderable among
them are already turned Proteſtants, and ſo in all
probability will many more. Then, the Popith
Prieſts are all regiſter'd, and without permiffion
(which I hope will not be granted) they can have
no Succeſſors; fo that the Proteſtant Clergy will find
it perhaps no difficult matter to bring great num-
bers over to the Church ; and in the mean time
the common people, without Leaders, without Dif-
cipline, or natural Courage, being little better than
Hewers of Wood, and Drawers of Water, are out
of all capacity of doing any miſchief, if they were
ever ſo well inclined. Neither are they at all likely
to join in any conſiderable numbers with an 11-
vader, having found ſo ill ſucceſs when they were
much more numerous and powerful; when they
had a Prince of their own Religion to head them,
had been trained for ſome years under a Popiſ
Deputy, and received ſuch mighty Aids from the
French King.
As to that Argument uſed for repealing the Teft
,
that it will unite all the Proteſtants againſt the Com-
mon Enemy : I wonder by what figure thoſe Gen-
tlemen ſpeak, who are pleaſed to advance it : Sup-
poſe, in order to increaſe the friendſhip between
you and me, a Law ſhould paſs, that I muſt have
half your Efate; do you think that would much
advance the Union between us? Or ſuppoſe I ſhare
my Fortune equally between my own Children and
a Stranger whom I take into my Protection
that be a method to unite them ? 'Tis an odd Way
of uniting Parties, to deprive a Majority of 'Pert of
their antient Right, by conferring it on a Faliion
who had never any Right at all, and therefore can
3
Sacramental Teſt.
149
not be ſaid to ſuffer any loſs or injury, if it be
refuſed them. Neither is it very clear, how far
fome people may ſtretch the Term of Common Ene-
my. How many are there of thoſe that call them-
félves Proteſtants, who look upon our Worſhip to
be idolatrous as well as that of the Papiſts, and with
great Charity put Prelacy and Popery together as
Terms convertible?
And therefore there is one finall Doubt I would
be willingly fatisfied in, before I agree to the re-
pealing of the Teft ; that is, whether the ſame Pro-
teftants, when they have by their dexterity made
themſelves the National Religion, and diſpoſed the
Church Revenues among their Paflors or themjelves,
will be ſo kind as to allow us Diſenters, I do not
fay a ſhare in Employments, but a bare Toleration
by Law the reaſon of my Doubt is, becaule I.
have been fo very idle as to read above fifty pan-
phlets written by as many Preſbyterian Divines, louda
ly diſclaiming this Idol Toleration, ſome of them cal-
ling it (I know not how properly) a Rag of Po-
pery, and all agreeing it was to eſtabliff Iniquity by
Law. Now, I would be glad to know when and
where their Succeffors have renounced this Doctrine,
and before what Witneſſes. Becauſe methinks I
thould be loath to ſee my poor titular Biſhop, in
partibus, ſeized on by miſtake in the dark for a
Jeſuit, or be forced myſelf to keep a Chaplain dif-
guiſed like my Butler, and ſteal to prayers in a back
Room, as any Grandfather uſed in thoſe times when
the Church of England was malignant.
But this is ripping up old Quarrels long forgot;
Popery is now the common Enemy, againſt which we
muſt all unite : I have been tired in Hiſtory with
the perpetual folly of thoſe States, who call in
Foreigners
L 3
-.-
:
150 A Letter concerning the
Foreigners to affiſt them againſt a common Enemy :
But the miſchief was, theſe Allies would never be
brought to allow that the common Enemy was quite
fubdued. And they had reaſon; for it proved at
laſt, that one part of the common Enemy was thoſe
who called them in, and ſo the Allies became at
length the Maſters.
'Tis agreed among Naturaliſts, that a Lion is a
larger, a ſtronger, and more dangerous Enemy
than a Cat; yet if a man were to have his choice,
either a Lion at his foot, bound faſt with three or
four chains, his teeth drawn out, and his claws
pared to the quick, or an angry Cat, in full Li-
berty at his Throat; he would take no long Time to
determine.
I have been ſometimes admiring the wonderful
fignificancy of that word Perfecution, and what va-
rious interpretations it hath acquired even within
my memory. When I was a boy, I often heard
the Preſbyterians complain, that they were not per-
mitted to ſerve God in their own way ; they ſaid
they did not grudge us our employments, but thought
that all men who live peaceably ought to have Li-
berty of Conſcience, and leave to affemble. That
impediment being removed at the Revolution, they
foon learned to ſwallow the Sacramental Tell, and
began to take very large ſteps, wherein all that of-
fered to oppoſe them, were called men of a per-
fecuting Spirit During the Time the Bill against
Occaſional Conformity was on foot, Perfecution was
every day rung in our Ears, and now at laſt the
Sacramental Teff itſelf has the ſame name. \Vhere
then is this matter likely to end, when the obtain.
ing one requeft is only uſed as a ſtep to demand
another 4 Lower is evet complaining of Cruelty
200
Sacramental Teft.
151
evens to
while any Thing is denied him ; and when the
Lady ceaſes to be cruel, ſhe is from the next mo-
ment at his mercy : So Perfecution, it ſeems, is
every thing that will not leave it in mens power to
perſecute others.
There is one Argument offered againſt a Sacra-
mental Teft, by a fort of men who are content to
be filed of the Church of England, who perhaps
attend its Service in the morning, and go with their
wives to a Conventicle in the afternoon, confeſſing
they hear very good Doctrine in both. Theſe men
are much offended, that fo Holy an Inſtitution, as
that of the Lord's Supper, ſhould be made fubfervient
to ſuch mercenary purpoſes as the getting of an
employment. Now it ſeems, the Law concluding
all men to be Members of that Church where they
receive the Sacrament; and fuppofing all men to
live like Chriſtians (eſpecially thoſe who are to have
employments) did imagine they receiv'd the Sa-
crament in courſe about four times a Year; and
therefore only deſir'd it might appear by Certifi-
cate to the Publick, That ſuch who took an Of
fice, were Members of the Church eſtabliſh'd, by
doing their ordinary Duty. However, left we pould
offend tbem, we have often defired they would deal
candidly with us : For if the matter ftuck only
ſtead of receiving the Sacrament, be obliged to ſwear,
that he is a Member of the Church of Ireland by
Law cftabliſhed, with Epiſcopacy, and ſo fortb; and
as they do now in Scotland, to be true to the Kirk.
But when we drive them thus far, they always re-
turn to the main body of the Argument, urge the
hardſhip that men ſhould be deprived the Li-
L 4
berty
.:
,
152 A LETTER concerning the
berty of ſerving their Queen and Country on ac-
count of their Conſcience : And in ſhort, have re-
courſe to the common Stile of their Half-Brethren,
Now whether this be a fincere way of arguing, I will
appeal to any other judgment but theirs ?
There is another Topick of Clamour ſomewhat
parallel to the foregoing : It ſeems by the Teft-
Clauſe, the Military Officers are obliged to receive
the Sacrament, as well as the Civil. And it is a
matter of ſome patience, to hear the Diffenters de-
claiming upon this Occaſion: They cry they are
difarmed, they are uſed like Papifts : When an Enemy
appears at home, or from abroad, they muſt fit ftili,
and ſee their Throats cut, or be hang'd for High-
Treaſon if they offer to defend themſelves. Mile-
rable Condition! Woeful dilemma! It is happy for
us all, the Pretender was not appriſed of this paf-
five Presbyterian Principle, elſe he would have
infallibly landed in our Northern Parts, and found them
all fat down in their Formalities, as the Gauls did
the Roman Senators, ready to die with Honour in
their Callings. Sometimes to appeaſe their indig-
nation, we venture to give them Hopes, that in
fuch a Caſe the Government will perhaps connive,
- and hardly be ſo ſevere to hang them for defending
it againſt the Letter of the Law; to which they
readily anſwer, That they will not lie at our Mer
ey, but let us fight our Battles ourſelves. Some
times we offer to get an Aa, by which, upon all
from abroad, the Government hall be impowered to
grant Cominífſions to all Proteſtants whatloever, with
out that perfecuting circumſtance of cbliging them
to fay their Prayers when they receive the Sacra-
ment: Bat they abhor all Thoughts of Occaſional
Commiflions
Sacramental Teft.
153
to work themſelves up into the National Church ; in-
Commiſfions ; they will not do our Drudgery, and
we reap the Benefit: It is not worth their while to
fight pro Aris & Focis; and they had rather loſe their
Eftates, Liberties, Religion, and Lives, than the
pleaſure of Governing.
But to bring this Diſcourſe towards a concullion :
If the Diffenters will be ſatisfied with ſuch a Toleration
by Law, as hath been granted them in England, I be
lieve the Majority of both Houſes will fall readily in
with it; farther it will be hard to perſuade this Houſe
of Commons, and perhaps much harder the next.
For, to ſay the truth, we make a mighty difference
here between ſuffering Thiſtles to grow among us, and
wearing them for Polies. We are fully convinced in
our Conſciences, that We ſhall always tolerate Them:
but not quite fo fully that They will always tolerate Us,
when it comes to their turn; and We are the Majority,
and We are in Poffeffion.
He that argues in defence of a Law in force, not
antiquated or obſolete, but lately enacted, is certainly
on the ſafer fide, and may be allowed to point out the
Dangers he conceives to foreſee in the abrogation of it.
For if the Conſequences of repealing this Clauſe
ſhould at ſome time or other enable the Preſbyterians
ſtead of uniting Proteſtants, it would low eternal
Diviſions among them. Firſt, their own Sects, which
now lie dormant, would be ſoon at Cuffs again with
each other about Power and Preferment; and the dif-
ſenting Epiſcopals, perhaps diſcontented to ſuch a de-
gree, as upon ſome fair unbappy occaſion, would be
able to ſhake the firmeſt Loyalty; which none can de-
ny theirs to be.
Neither is it very difficult to conjecture, from ſome
late Proceedings, at what a rate this Faction is like to
drive
154
A LETTER concerning, &c.
in open contempt of the Laws: They ſend Miſſiona.
drive wherever it gets the Whip and the Seat. They
have already ſet up Courts of ſpiritual Judicature
.
ries every where, without being invited, in order to
convert the Church-of-England Folks to Chriſtianity.
They are as vigilant as I know who, to attend perſons
on their Death-beds, and for purpoſes much alike.
And what Practices ſuch Principles as theſe (with
many other that might be invidious to mention) may
ſpawn, when they are laid out to the Sun, you may
determine ar leiſure. It
Lafly, Whether we are fo entirely ſure of their
Loyalty upon the preſent foot of Government as
you may imagine, their Detractors make a queſtion,
which however does, I think, by no means affect the
Body of Diffenters : But the Initance produced, is of
ſome among their leading Teachers in the North,
who have refuſed the Abjuration Oatb, yet continue
their preaching, and have abundance of Followers.
The Particulars are out of my head; but the Fact is
notorious enough, and I believe has been publiſhed;
I think it a pity it has not been remedied.
Thus I have fairly given you, Sir, my own Opi
nion, as well as that of a great Majority in both
Houſes here, relating to this weighty Affairs upon
which I am confident you may ſecurely reckon. I
will leave you to make what uſe of it you pleaſe.
I am with great Refpeel, Sir,
Dublin, Dec. 4,
1708.
[ 155 ]
:
TRITICAL ESSAY
is!
jeat fully and cloſely: All wbich Errors I bave care-
A
UPON THE
AL
FACULTies of the MIND.
Το.
SIR
EING fo great a Lover of Antiquities, it was
reaſonable to ſuppoſe you would be very much obli.
ged with any Thing ebat was neto. I bave been
of late offended with many Writers of Ejays and
Moral Diſcourſes, for running into fale Topicks and
thread-bare Quotations, and not bandling their Sub-
Fully avoided in the following Ejay, wbich I have
propoſed as a Pattern for young Writers to imitate.
The Thoughts and Obſervations being entirely new, the
Quotations untouched by others, the subject of mighty
Importance, and treated with much Order and Perſpi-
cuity: It has coſt me a great deal of Time; and I de-
fire you will accept and conſider it as the utmoſt Effort
of my Genius.
Phi-
BAL
156
A Tritical Ejay upan
cdn-
PH
Cheſnat
Hiloſophers fay, that Man is a Microcoſm, or little
World, reſembling in Miniature every part of the
Great : And, in my opinion, the body natural may be
compared to the body politick: And if this be ſo, how
can the Epicarean's opinion be true, that the Univerſe
was formed by a fortuitous concourſe of Atoms :
which I will no more believe, than that the acciden-
tal jumbling of the letters in the Alphabet, would
fall by chance into a moſt ingenious and learned Trea-
tiſe of Philoſophy. Rifum teneatis amici? [Hor.]
This falle Opinion muſt needs create many more ;
'tis like an error in the firſt Concoction, which
not be corrected in the ſecond ; the Foundation is
weak, and whatever Superſtructure you raiſe upon
it, muft of neceſſity fall to the ground. Thus men
are led from one error to another, 'till with Ixion
they embrace a Cloud inſtead of Juno; or like the
Dog in the Fable, loſe the Subſtance in gaping at
the Shadow. For ſuch Opinions cannot cohere; but
like the Iron and the Clay in che Toes of Nebuchad-
nezzar's Image, muſt feparate and break in pieces.
I have read in a certain Author that Alexander wept
becauſe he had no more worlds to conquer ; which
he need not have done, if the fortuitous concourſe
of Atoms could create one: But this is an opinion
fitter for that many-headed beaſt the Vulgar to enter-
tain, than for ſo wiſe a man as Epicurus; the corrupt
part of his Sect only borrowed his Name, as the
out of the Fire.
However, the firſt ſtep to the Cure is to know the
Diſeaſe; and tho' Truth may be difficult to find, be-
cauſe, as the Philoſopher obſerves, the lives in the
bottom of a Well, yet we need not, like blind men,
grope
the Faculties of the Mind,
157
able to dive into
grope in open day-light. I hope I may be allowed
among ſo many far more learned men to offer my Mite,
ſince a ftander-by may ſometimes perhaps ſee more of
the game than he that plays it. But I do not think a
Philoſopher obliged to account for every Phænome-
non in Nature, or drown himſelf with Ariſtotle, for
not being able to ſolve the ebbing and flowing of the
Tide, in that fatal Sentence he paſt upon himſelf,
Quia te non capio, tu capies me.
Wherein he was at once the Judge and the Cri-
minal, the Accuſer and Executioner. Socrates on
the other hand, who ſaid he knew nothing, was pro-
nounced by the Oracle to be the wiſelt man in the
world,
But to return from this Digreſſion, I think it as
clear as any Demonſtration in Euclid, that Nature
her ſecret Receſſes, we ſhould find that the ſmalleft
Blade of Grats, or molt contemptible Weed, has its
particular vie, but ſhe is chiefly admirable in her
minuteſt compoſitions, the leaſt and moſt contempti-
ble Inſea moſt diſcovers the Art of Nature, if I
may ſo call it ; tho' Narare, which delights in variety,
will always triumph over Art: And as the Poet
obſerves,
Naturom expellas farta licet, uſque recurret.
Hor.
But the various Opinions of Philoſophers, have
[catier'd thro' the world as many Plagues of the Mind,
aa Pandora's Box did thole of the Body, only with
this difference, that they have not left Hope at the
borrom. And if Truth be not fled with Alirea, the
is certainly as hidden as ttre source of Nile, and can
be
158
A Tritical Efay upon
be found only in Utopia. Not that I would reflect on
thoſe wiſe Sages, which would be a ſort of Ingrati-
jude ; and he that calls a man ungrateful, ſums up
all the Evil a man can be guilty of,
Ingratum fi dixeris, omnia dicis.
But what I blame the Philoſophers for tho' fome
may think it a Paradox) is chiefly their Pride.
nothing lels than an ipſe dixit, and you muſt pin
your Faith on their Sleeve. And tho' Dingenes lived
iu a Tuh, there might be, for ought I know, as
much Pride under his Rags, as in the fine ipun
Garinent of the divine Plato. It is reported of this
Diogenes, that when Alexander came to ſee him, and
promiſed to give him whatever he would aſk, the
Cypick only anſwer'd, Take not from me what thou
canſt not give me, but ſtand from between me and the
Ligbt ; which was almoſt as extravagant as the Phi-
loſopher that Aung his Money into the Sea, with
this remarkable Saying
How different was this Man from the Uſurer, who
being told his Son would ſpend all he had got, re-
plied, He cannot take more Pleaſure in Spending, than
I did in Getting it. Theſe men could ſee the Faults
of cach other, but not their own; thoſe they flung
into the bag behind ; Non videmus id manticæ quod in
tergo eft. I may perhaps be cenſured for my free
opinions, by thoſe carping Momus's, whom Authors
worſhip as the Indians do the Devil, for fear. They
will endeavour to give my Reputation as many
wounds as the man in the Almanack ; but I value it
not ; and perhaps like Flieş, they inay buz ſo often
about the Candle, till they burn their Wings. They
muſt pardon me if I venture to give them this Ad-
vice,
the Faculties of the Mind
159
ޖަގެ
vice, not to rail at what they cannot underſland: it
does but diſcover that felf-tormenting Paſſion of Envy,
than which the greateſt Tyrant never invented a more
cruel Totment.
Invidia Siculi non invenere Tyranni
Tormentum majus
Juv.
I muſt be ſo bold to tell my Criticks and Widings,
that they are no more judges of this, than a man that
is born blind can have any true idea of Colours. I
have always obſerved, that your empty vcllels sound
loudeſt: I value their Lalhes as little as the Sea did
when Xerxes whipp'd it. The utmoſt favour a Man
can expect from them is, that which Polypbemus pro-
miſed Uly/es, that he would devour him the laſt
They think to ſubdue a Writer as Cajar did his Ene-
my, with a Veni, vidi, vici. I confeſs I value the
opinion of the judicious few, a R—, a D-
or a Wb; but for the reſt, to give my judgment
at once, I think the long diſpute among the Phi-
loſophers about a Vacuum, may be determined in
the Affirmative, that it is to be found in a Critick’s
head. They are at beſt but the Drones of the learn-
ed world, who devour the Honey, and will not work
themſelves; and a Writer need no more regard thern
than the Moon does the barking of a little ſenſeleſs
Cur. For, in ſpight of their terrible roaring, you may
with half an eye diſcover the Aſs under the Lion's ſkin.
But to return to our Diſcourſe: Demofthenes being
aſk'd what was the firit part of an Orator, replies,
dâion: What was the ſecond, Aaion: What was
the third, Aition : And ſo on ad infinitum. This
may be true in Oratory; but Contemplation in other
things exceeds Adlion. And therefore a wiſe man is
leſs alone, than when he is alone :
Nunquam
never
160
A Tritical Eſay upon
Nunquam minus folus quam cum folus.
And Archimedes, the famous Mathematician, was
ſo intent upon his Problems, that he never minded
the Soldier who came to kill him. Therefore not to
detract from the juſt Praiſe which belongs to Orators,
they ought to conſider that Nature which gave us two
Eyes to fee, and two Ears to hear, has given us but
one Tongue to ſpeak, wherein however ſome do lo
abound, that the Virtuoſi who have been ſo long in
fearch for the perpetual Motion, may infallibly find it
there.
Some men admire Republicks, becauſe Orators
flouriſh there moſt, and are the great Enemies of
Tyranny : But my opinion is, that one Tyrant is
better than an hundred. Beſides, theſe Orators inflame
the people, whoſe anger is really but a ſhort Fit of
Madneſs.
Ira furor brevis eft.
HOR.
After which, Laws are like Cobwebs, which may
catch ſmall Flies, but let Waſps and Hornets break
through. But in Oratory the greateſt Art is to hide
Art,
Artis efl celare Artem.
Bat this may be the work of Time, we muſt lay
hold on all opportunities, and let ſlip no occaſion, elle
we ſhall be forced to weave Penelope's Web, unravel
in tlie night what we did in the day. And therefore
have obſerved, that Time is painted with a Lock
before, and bald behind, fignifying thereby, that we
matt take time (as we lay) by the Forclock, for
Waca 'tis quce paſt there is no recalling it.
The
the Faculties of the Mind.
161
:
The Mind of Man is at firſt (if you will pardon
the Expreſſion) like a Tabula raſa, or like Wax, which
while it is foft, is capable of any Impreſſion, till
Time has harden'd it. And at length Death, that
grim Tyrant, ſtops us in the midſt of our career.
The greateſt Conquerors have at lalt been conquered
by Death, which ſpares none, from the Sceptre to
the Spade.
Mors omnibus communis.
All Rivers go to the Sea, but none return from it.
Xerxes wept when he beheld his Army, to conſider that
in leſs than an hundred years they would be all dead.
Anacreon was choak'd with a Grape-ſtone; and vio-
lent Joy kills as well as violent Grief. There is no-
thing in this world conſtant, but Inconſtancy; yet
Plato thought, that if Virtue would appear to the
world in her own native dreſs, all men would be en-
amour'd with her. But now ſince
But now ſince Intereſt governs
the World, and Men neglect the golden Mean,
Jupiter himſelf, if he came on the Earth, would be
deſpiſed, unleſs it were as he did to Danae, in a
Golden Shower; For men now-a-days worſhip the
Riſing Sun, and not the Setting.
Donec eris fælix', multos numerabis amicos.
Thus have I, in Obedience to your Commands,
ventured to expoſe myſelf to cenſure in this critical
age. Whether I have done right to my Subject, muſt
be left to the Judgment of the learned Reader : How
ever, I cannot but hope that my attempting of it may
be an Encouragement for ſome able Pen to perform
it with more Succceſs.
VOL. I.
M
PRL.
[ 162 ]
:
PREDICTIONS
FOR
The YEAR 1708.
Wherein the Month, and Day of the
Month are ſet down, the Perſons
named, and the great Actions and
Events of next Year particularly
related, as they will come to paſs.
Written to prevent the People of England from
being farther impoſed on by vulgar
Almanack-
makers.
By Isaac BICKERSTAFF, Eſq;
I
HAVING long' confider'd the groſs Abuſe of
Aftrology in this kingdom, and upon debating
the matter with myſelf, I could not poſſibly lay
the fault upon the Art, but upon thoſe groſs Impo-
fors, who ſet up to be the Artiſts. I know ſeveral
learned men have contended that the whole is a Cheat;
that
PREDICTIONS for, &c.
163
con-
that it is abſurd and ridiculous to imagine, the Stars
can have any influence at all upon human Actions,
Thoughts, or Inclinations : And whoever has not
bent his Studies that way, may be excuſed for think-
ing ſo, when he ſees in how wretched a manner that
noble Art is treated by a few mean illiterate Traders
between us and the Stars ; who import a yearly
ſtock of Nonſenſe, Lyes, Folly, and Impertinence,
which they offer to the world as genuine from the
Planets, tho’ they deſcend from no greater a height
than their own Brains.
I intend in a ſhort time to publiſh a large and ra-
tional Defence of this Art, and therefore ſhall ſay no
more in its juſtification at preſent, than that it hath
been in all ages defended by many learned men, and
among the reſt by Socrates himſelf, whom I look up-
on as undoubtedly the wiſeft of uninſpir'd mor-
demned this Art, though otherwiſe learned, having
been ſuch as either did not apply their Studies this
way, or at leaft did not ſucceed in their Applica-
tions: their Teſtimony will not be of much weight
to its diſadvantage, fince they are liable to the com-
mon Objection of condemning what they did not
underſtand.
Nor am I at all offended, or think it an injury to
the Art, when I fee the common Dealers in it, the
Students in Aſtrology, the Philomaths, and the reſt
of that tribe, treated by wiſe men with the utmoſt
Scorn and Contempt; but rather wonder, when I
obſerve gentlemen in the country, rich enough to
ſerve the Nation in Parliament, poring in Partridge's
Almanack, to find out the events of the year at home
and abroad; not daring to propoſe a Hunting-match,
till Gadbury or he have fixed the Weather.
M 2
I will
164 PREDICTIONS for
I will allow either of the two I have mentioned,
or any other of the fraternity, to be not only Aſtrolo-
gers, but Conjurers too, if I do not produce a hun-
dred Inſtances in all their Almanacks, to convince any
reaſonable man, that they do not ſo much as under-
ftand common Grammar and Syntax; that they are
not able to ſpell any word out of the uſual Road, nor
even in their Prefaces write common Senſe or intelli-
gible Engliſh. Then for their Obſervations and Pre-
dictions, they are ſuch as will equally ſuit any age
or country in the world. This Month a certain great
Perſon will be threaten'd with Death or Sickneſs.
This the News-papers will tell them ; for there we
find at the end of the year that no month paſſes
without the death of fome perſon of note ; and it
would be hard if it ſhould be otherwiſe, when there
are at leaſt two thouſand perſons of note in this king-
dom, many of them old, and the Almanack-maker
has the liberty of chuſing the ficklieft ſeaſon of the
year where he may fix his Prediction. Again, This
Month an eminent Clergyman will be preferrd; of
which there may be ſome hundreds, half of them
with one foot in the Grave. Then ſuch a Planet in
ſuch a Houſe Mews great Machinations, Plots and
Conſpiracies, that may in time be brought to light:
After which, if we hear of any Diſcovery, the
Aſtrologer gets the Honour; if not, his Prediction
ftill flands good. And at laft, God preſerve King Wil-
liam from all his open and ſecret Enemies, Amen.
When if the King ſhould happen to have died, the
Aſtrologer plainly foretold it; otherwiſe it paſſes
but for the pious Ejaculation of a loyal Subject :
Though it unluckily happend in ſome of their Al-
manacks, that poor King William was pray'd for
many
the YEAR 1708.
165
many months after he was dead, becauſe it fell out
that he died about the beginning of the year.
To mention no more of their impertinent Predic-
tions: What have we to do with their Advertiſements
about Pills and Drinks for the Venereal Diſeaſe? Or
their mutual Quarrels in Verſe and Proſe of Wbig
and Tory, wherewith the Stars have little to do?
Having long obſerved and lamented theſe, and a
hundred other abuſes of this Art, too tedious to
repeat. I reſolved to proceed in a new way, which
I doubt not will be to the general fatisfaction of
the Kingdom : I can this year produce but a Speci-
men of what I deſign for the future; having employ'd
inoſt part of my Time in adjuſting and correcting
the Calculations I made for ſome years paſt, becauſe I
would offer nothing to the world of which I am not
as fully ſatisfied as that I am now alive. For theſe
two laſt years I have not failed in above one or two
particulars, and thoſe of no very great moment. I
exactly foretold the Miſcarriage at Toulon, with all
its particulars ; and the Loſs of Admiral Shovel,
tho' I was miſtaken as to the day, placing that Ac-
cident about thirty-fix hours ſooner than it happend ;
but upon reviewing my Schemes, I quickly found
the cauſe of that Error. I likewiſe foretold the
Battle of Almanza to the very day and hour, with
the Loſs on both ſides, and the Conſequences thereof.
All which I ſhewed to ſome friends many months
before they happened, that is, I gave them Papers
ſealed up, to open at ſuch a time, after which they
were at liberty to read them ; and there they found
my Predictions trye in every Article, except one or
two, very minute.
As for the few following Predictions I now offer
the world, I forbore publiſhing them till I had peru-
ſed
M 3
a mark of Infamy to mankind, if they ſhall find I
166 PREDICTIONS for
fed the ſeveral Almanacks for the year we are now
enter'd on. I find them all in the uſual ſtrain, and I
beg the Reader will compare their manner with mine :
And here I make bold to tell the world, that I lay
the whole Credit of my Art upon the Truth of theſe
Predictions; and I will be content, that Partridge,
and the reſt of his clan may hoot me for a Cheat and
Impoſtor, if I fail in any ſingle particular of moment.
I believe, any man who reads this Paper, will look
upon me to be at leaſt a perſon of as inuch honeſty
and underſtanding, as a common maker of Almanacks.
I do not lurk in the dark; I am not wholly unknown
in the world, I have ſet my name at length, to be
.
deceive them.
In one thing I muſt deſire to be forgiven, that I
talk more ſparingly of home-affairs: As it will be
imprudence to dilcover Secrets of State, to it would
be dangerous to any perſon s but in imaller mariers,
and that are not of publick conſequence, I ſhall be very
free; and the Truth of my Conjectures will as much
appear from thoſe as the other. As for the most ſig.
nal Events abroad in France, Flanders, Iraly and
Spain, I ſhall make no fcruple to predict them in
plain terms :: Some of them are of importance, and
I hope I ſhall ſeldom miſtake the day they will hap-
pen; therefore, I think good to inform the Reader,
that I all along make uſe of the Old Style obferved
in England, which I dere he will compare with
that of the News-papers, at the time they relate the
Actions I mention.
* I muſt add one word more : I know it hath been
the opinion of ſeveral of the learned, who think well
enough of the true Art of AftrologyThat the Stars,
do only incline, and not force the Actions or Wills of
men
the Year 1708. کی تھی ۔
167
men: And therefore, however I may proceed by right
Rules, yet I cannot in prudence ſo confidently aſſure
the Events will follow exactly as I predict them.
I hope I have maturely conſider'd this Objection,
which in ſome caſes is of no little weight. For
example : A man may, by the influence of an over-
ruling Planet, be diſpoſed or inclined to Luft, Rage, or
Avarice, and yet by the force of Realon overcome that
bad Influence; and this was the caſe of Socrales :
But as the great Events of the World uſually depend
upon numbers of men, it cannot be expected they
ſhould all unite to croſs their Inclinations, from pur-
fuing a general deſign, wherein they unanimouſly agree.
Beſides, the Influence of the Stars reaches to many
actions and events which are not any way in the
power of Reaſon; as fickneſs, death, and what we
commonly call accidents, with many more, needleſs
to repeat.
But now it is time to proceed to my Predictions,
which I have begun to calculate from the time that
the Sun enters into Aries. And this I take to be
properly the beginning of the natural year. I pur-
fue them to the time that he enters Libra, or ſome-
what more, which is the buſy period of the year,
The remainder I have not yet adjuſted, upon account
of ſeveral Impediments needlefs here to mention : Be-
fides, I muſt remind the Reader again, that this is
but a Specimen of what I deſign in ſucceeding years
to treat more at large, if I may have Liberty and
Encouragement.
My firſt Prediction is but a Trifle, yet I will men
tion it, to fhew how ignorant thoſe fottiſh Pretenders
to Aſtrology are in their own Concerns : It relates to
Partridge the Almanack-maker ; I have conſulted the
Stars of his Nativity by my own Rules, and find he
will
M4
168
PREDICTIONS for
will infallibly die upon the 29th of March next, about
eleven at night, of a raging Fever; therefore I ad-
viſe him to conſider of it, and ſettle his affairs in
time.
The month of April will be obſervable for the
death of many great perſons. On the 4th will die
the Cardinal de Noailles, Archbiſhop of Paris : On
the 11th the young Prince of Ajlurias, Şon to the
Duke of Anjou: On the 14th a great Peer of this Realm
will die at his Country-Houle : On the 19th an old
Layman of great Fame for Learning : and on the
23d an eminent Goldſmith in Lombard Street. I
could mention others both at home and abroad, if
I did not conſider it is of very little uſe or inſtruc-
tion to the Reader, or the World.
As to publick affairs : On the 7th of this month
there will be an Inſurrection in Dauphine, occaſion'd
by the Oppreſſions of the People, which will not
be quieted in ſome months.
On the 15th will be a violent Storin on the South-
Eaſt Coaſt of France, which will deſtroy many of
their Ships, and ſome in the very Harbour.
The 19th will be famous for the Revolt of a whole
Province or Kingdom, excepting one City, by which
the affairs of a certain Prince in the alliance will take
a better face.
May, againſt common Conjectures, will be no
very buſy month in Europe, but very ſignal for the
death of the Dauphin, which will happen on the
7th, after a ſhort Fit of Sickneſs, and grievous Tor-
ments with the Strangury. He dies leſs lamented by
the Court than the Kingdom.
On the 9th a Mareſchal of France will break his
Leg by a fall from his Horſe. I have not been able
to diſcover whether he will then die or not.
On
the YEAR 1708.
169
*
On the nith will begin a moſt important Siege,
which the eyes of all Europe will be upon: I can-
not be more particular : for in relating affairs that
ſo nearly concern the Confederates, and conſequently
this Kingdom, I am forced to confine myſelf
, for
feveral reaſons very obvious to the Rcader.
On the 15th News will arrive of a very furprizing
Event, than which nothing could be more unex-
pected.
On the 19th three noble Ladies of this Kingdom
will, againſt all expectation, prove with Child, to
the great joy of their Huſbands.
On the 23d a famous Buffoon of the Play-houſe
will die a ridiculous death, ſuitable to his vocation.
June. This month will be diſtinguiſh'd at home,
by the utter diſperſing of thoſe ridiculous deluded
Enthuſiaſts, commonly call'd the Prophets; occafion'd
chiefly by ſeeing the time come that many of their
Prophecies ſhould be fulfill'd, and then finding them-
felves deceiv'd by contrary Events. It is indeed to
be admir'd how any Deceiver can be fo weak, to
foretel things near at hand, when a very few months
muft of neceſſity diſcover the Impofture to all the world;
in this point leſs prudent than common Almanack-
makers, who are ſo wiſe 10 wander in Generals,
and walk dubiouſly, and leave to the Reader the bu-
fineſs of interpreting,
On the ift of this month a French General will
be killed by a randoin Shot of a Cannon-Ball
.
On the 6th a Fire will break out in the Suburbs
of Paris, which will deſtroy above a thouſand houſes ;
and ſeems to be the foreboding of what will happen,
to the ſurprize of all Europe, about the end of the
following month.
On
170 PREDICTIONS for
:
On the 10th a great Battle will be fought, which
will begin at four of the clock in the afternoon; and
laſt till nine at night with great obſtinacy, but no very
deciſive Event. I ſhall not name the Place, for the
reaſons aforeſaid ; but the Commanders on each left
wing will be killed. I fee Bonfires, and hear the
poiſe of Guns for a Victory.
On the 14th there will be a falſe Report of the
French King's death.
On the 20th Cardinai Portocarero will die of a
Dyſentery, with great ſupicion of Paiſon ; but the
Report of his Intentions to revolt to King Charles,
will prove falſe.
July. The 6th of this month a certain General
will, by a glorious action, recover the Reputation he
loft by former Misfortunes.
On the 12th a great Commander will die a Priſoner
in the hands of his Enemies.
On the 14th a ſhameful Diſcovery will be made of
a French Jeſuit, giving Poiſon to a great
Foreign Ge-
neral ; and when he is put to the Torture, will make
wonderful diſcoveries.
In ſhort this will prove a month of great action, if
I might have liberty to relate the particulars.
At home, the death of an old famous Senator will
happen on the 15th at his Country-houſe, worn with
age and diſeaſes.
But that which will make this month memorable
to all poſterity, is the death of the French King,
Lewis the fourteenth, after a week's Sickneſs at Marli,
which will happen on the 29th, about ſix o'clock
in the evening. It ſeems to be an effect of the Gout
in his Stomach, followed by a Flux. And in three
days after Monſieur Chamillard will follow his Ma-
fter, dying ſuddenly of an Apoplexy.
In
the Year 1708.
ini
In this month likewiſe an Ambaſſador will die in
London ; but I cannot affign the day.
Auguft. The affairs of France will ſeem to ſuffer
no Change for a while under the Duke of Burgundy's
adminiſtration ; but the Genius that animated the
whole Machine being gone, will be the cauſe of
mighty Turns and Revolutions in the following year.
The new King makes yet little change either in the
Army or the Miniſtry ; but the libels againſt his
Grandfather, that fly about his very Court, give him
uneaſineſs.
I fee an Expreſs in mighty haſte, with joy and
wonder in his looks, arriving by break of day on the
26th of this month, having travel'd in three days a
prodigious journey by land and ſea. In the evening
I hear Bells and Guns, and ſee the blazing of a thou-
ſand Bonfires.
A young admiral of noble Birth, does likewiſe
this month gain immortal Honour by a great at-
chievement.
The affairs of Poland are this month entirely
ſettled : Auguftus reſigns his Pretenſions which he
had again taken up for lome time: Staniſlaus is peace-
ably poffels'd of the Throne; and the King of
Sweden declares for the Emperor.
I cannot omit one particular acceident here at home
that near the end of this month much miſchief will
be done at Bartholomew Fair, by the fall of a Booth.
September. This month begins with a very fur
prizing Fit of froſty Weather, which will last near
twelve days.
The Pope having long languiſh'd laſt month, the
Swellings in his Legs breaking, and the Fleſh morti-
fying, will die on the 11th initant; and in three weeks
time, after a mighty Conteſt, be ſucceeded by a Car-
dinal
172
PREDICTIONS for
dinal of the Imperial Faction, but Native of Tuſcany,
who is now about ſixty-one years old.
The French army acts now wholly on the Defen-
five, Itrongly fortify'd in their Trenches ; and the
young French King ſends Overtures for a Treaty of
Peace by the Duke of Mantua; which, becauſe it
is a matter of State that concerns us here at home,
I fall ſpeak no farther of it.
I ſhall add but one Predi&tion more, and that in
myſtical Terms, which ſhall be included in a Verſe
out of Virgil,
Alter erit jam Tethys, & altera que vcbat Argo.
- Dilectos Heroas.
ca
Upon the 25th day of this month, the fulfilling,
of this Prediction will be manifeſt to every body.
This is the farthelt I have proceeded in my Cal-
culations for the prelent year. I do not pretend, that
theſe are all the great Events which will happen in
this Period, but that thoſe I have ſet down will in-
fallibly come to paſs. It will perhaps ſtill be obje-
Eted, why I have not ſpoke more particularly of af-
fairs at home, or of the Succeſs of our armies abroad,
which I might, and could very largely have done ;
but thoſe in power have witely diſcourag'd men
from meddling in Publick Concerns, and I was
reſolv’d by no means to give the leaſt Offence. This
I will venture to ſay, That it will be a glorious
Campaign for the Allies, wherein the Engliſh Forces,
both by Sea and Land, will have their full ſhare of
honour: That her Majeſty Queen ANNE will con-
tinue in health and proſperity : and that no ill acci-
dent will arrive to any in the chief Miniſtry.
As
the YEAR 1701.
173
1
As to the particular Events I have mentioned,
the Readers may judge by the fulfilling of 'em,
whether I am on the level with common Aſtrologers ;
who, with an old paultry Cant, and a few Pothooks
for Planets, to amuſe the vulgar, have, in my Opi-
nion, too long been ſuffer'd to abuſe the world :
But an honeſt Phyſician ought not to be delpis’d,
becauſe there are ſuch things as Mountebanks. I
hope I have ſome ſhare of Reputation, which I
would not willingly forfeit for a frolick or humour :
And I believe no gentleman, who reads this Paper,
will look upon it to be of the ſame Calt or Mould
with the common Scribblers that are every day
hawk'd about. My Fortune has placed me above
the little regard of ſcribbling for a few Pence, which
I neither value nor want. Therefore let not wiſe
men too haſtily condemn this Effay, intended for a
good deſign, to cultivate and improve an ancient art,
long in diſgrace, by having fallen into mean and un-
ſkilful hands. A little time will determine whether
I have deceived others or myſelf : and I think it is
no very unreaſonable requeſt, that men would pleaſe
ſuſpend their judgments till then I was once
of the opinion with thoſe who deſpiſe all Predic-
tions from the Stars, till in the year 1686, a man
of Quality ſhew'd me, written in his Album, That
the moſt learned Aſtronomer, Captain H. aſſured him,
he would never believe any thing of the Stars Influ--
ence, if there were not a great Revolution in England
in the year 1688. Since that time I began to have
other Thoughts, and after eighteen years diligent
fudy and application, I think I have no reaſon
to repent of my pains. I ſhall detain the Reader
no longer, than to let him know, that the account I
deſign to give of next years Events, ſhall take in the
principal
174 PREDICTIONS for, &c.
principal affairs that happen in Europe ; and if I be
denied the liberty of offering it to my own Country,
I ſhall appeal to the learned world, by publiſhing
it in Latin, and giving order to have it printed in
Holland,
.::
:
mig
.
со THE
[ 175 ]
THE
ACCOMPLISHMENT
Of the FIRST of
Mr. Bickerſtaff's PREDICTIONS;
BEING AN
A C C O U N T
Of the DEATH of
Mr. Partridge, the ALMANACK-MAKER,
Upon the 29th Inſtant.
In a Letter to a Perfon of Honour.
PX
Written in the Year 1708.
My LORD,
N Obedience to your Lordſhip's Commands, as
well as to ſatisfy my own Curioſity, I have
for ſome days paſt enquired conſtantly after Par-
tridge the Almanack-maker, of whom it was foretold
in Mr. Bickerfaff's Predictions, publish'd about a
month
I
176
An ACCOUNT of
month ago, that he ſhould die the 29th Inſtant about
eleven at night of a raging Fever. I had ſome ſort
of knowledge of him when I was employ'd in the
Revenue, becauſe he uſed every year to preſent me
with his Almanack, as he did other gentlemen, upon
the ſcore of ſome little Gratuity we gave him. I
faw him accidentally once or twice about ten days
before he died, and obſerved he began very much to
droop and languiſh, tho' I hear his Friends did not
ſeem to apprehend him in any danger. About two
or three days ago he grew ill, was confin'd firſt to
his Chamber, and in a few hours after to his Bed,
where Dr. Cafe and Mrs. Kirleus were fent for
to viſit, and to preſcribe to him. Upon this intelli-
gence I ſent thrice every day one ſervant or other
to enquire after his health; and yeſterday, about four
in the afternoon, word was brought me that he was
paft hopes : Upon which, I prevailed with myſelf to
go and ſee him, partly out of Commiſeration, and I
confeſs, partly out of Curioſity. He knew me
very well, ſeemd ſurprized at my condeſcenſion,
and inade me compliments upon it as well as he
could, in the condition he was. The people about
him ſaid, he had been for ſome hours delirious ; but
when I ſaw him he had his underſtanding as well
as ever I knew, and ſpake ſtrong and hearty, with-
out any ſeeming uneaſineſs or conſtraint. After I had
told him how ſorry I was to ſee him in thoſe melan-
choly Circumſtances, and ſaid ſome other Civilities,
ſuitable to the occaſion, I deſired him to tell me free-
ly and ingenuouſly, whether the Predictions Mr.
Bitkerfinff had publiſh'd relating to his death, had
not too much affected and worked on his imagi-
nation. He confeſs'd he had often bad it in his head,
but never with much apprehenſion, till about a
fortnight
Partridge's Death.
177
:
;
fortnight before ; fince which time it had the perpe
tual poſſeſſion of his mind and thoughts, and he did
verily believe was the true natural cauſe of his preſent
diſtemper: For, ſaid he, I am thoroughly perſuaded,
and I think I have very good reaſons, that Mr. Bic-
kerſtaff ſpoke altogether by gueſs, and knew no more
what will happen this year than I did myſelf. I told
him his diſcourſe ſurprized me; and I would be
glad he were in a ſtate of health to be able to tell me
what reaſon he had to be convinc'd of Mr. Bickerſtaff's
ignorance. He reply'd, I am a poor ignorant fellow,
bred to a mean trade, yet I have ſenſe enough to
know that all pretences of foretelling by Aftrology
are deceits, for this manifeſt reaſon, becauſe the wile
and the learned, who can only know whether there
be any truth in this Science, do all unanimouſly agree
to laugh at and defpiſe it; and none but the poor ig-
norant vulgar give it any credit, and that only upon
the word of ſuch filly wretches as I and my fellows,
who can hardly write or read. I then aſked him
why he had not calculated his own Nativity, to ſee
whether it agreed with Bickerftaff's Prediction at
which he ſhook his head, and ſaid, Oh ! Sir, this is no
time for jefting, but for repenting thoſe fooleries, as I
do now from the very bottom of my heart. By what I
can gather from you, faid I, the Obſervations and Pre-
dictions you printed with your Almanacks, were mere
impofitions upon the people. He reply'd, if it were
otherwiſe I ſhould have the leſs to anſwer for. We
have a common forın for all thoſe things ; as to fore-
telling the weather, we never meddle with that, but
leave it to the Printer, who takes it out of any old
invention, to make my Almanack fell, having a Wife
VOL. I.
N
to
con
178 An ACCOUNT of
to maintain, and no other way to get my bread; for
mending old ſhoes is a poor livelihood; and (added
he, highing) I wiſh I may not have done more mil-
chief by my Phyfick than my Aſtrology; tho' I had
ſome good Receipts from my Grandmother, and my
own Compoſitions were ſuch as I thought could at
leaſt do no hurt.
I had ſome other diſcourſes with him, which now
I cannot call to mind; and I fear I have already
tired your Lordſhip. I ſhall only add one Circum-
Atance, That on his death-bed he declared himſelf a
Nonconformiſt, and had a Fanatick Preacher to be
his ſpiritual guide. After half an hour's converſation
I took my leave, being halt ftified by the cloſeneſs
of the Room. I imagined he could not hold out
long, and therefore withdrew to a little Coffee-houſe
come immediately, and tell me, as near as he
could, the minute when Partridge ſhould expire, which
was not above two hours after; when, looking upon
my watch, I found it to be above five minutes after
feven ; by which it is clear that Mr. Bickerſtaff was
miſtaken almoſt four hours in his Calculation. In
the other circumſtances he was exact enough. But
whether he has not been the Cauſe of this poor man's
death, as well as the Predictor, may be very rea-
lonably diſputed. However, it muſt be confels'd
the matter is odd enough, whether we ſhould en-
deavour to account for it by chance, or the effect of
imagination : For my own part, tho' I believe no
man hath leſs faith in theſe matters, yet I ſhall wait
with ſome impatience, and not without ſome expe-
Eation, the fulfilling Mr. Bickerfi aff's ſecond Pre-
diction, that the Cardinal de Noailles is to die upon
the
Partridge's Death.
179
the fourth of April, and if that ſhould be verified
as exactly as this of poor Partridge, I muſt own I
ſhould be wholly furprized, and at a loſs, and
ſhould infallibly expect the Accompliſhment of all
the reft.
.:
.
.!
N 2
TE
DI
[ 180 ]
.
This Piece being on the ſame Subje£t, and very rare,
we have thought fit to add it, i bough not written by
the ſame Hand.
NB. In the Dublin Edition it is ſaid to be written by
the late N. Rowe, Eſq; which is a Miſtake.
Squire Bickerstaff Detected;
OR, THE
WWW.
Aſtrological IMPOSTOR Convi&ted:
BY
JOHN PARTRIDGE,
Student in Phyfick and Aſtrology.
I
T is hard, my dear Countrymen of theſe united
Nations, it is very hard that a Briton born, a
Proteſtant Aſtrologer, a Man of Revolution
Principles, an Affertor of the Liberty and Property
of the People, ſhould cry out, in vain, for juſtice
againſt a Frenchman, a Papiſt, an illiterate Pretender
to Science ; that would blaſt my Reputation, moſt
inhumanly bury me alive, and defraud my native
country
BICKERSTAFF Dete Eted.
181
country of thoſe ſervices, that, in my double capa-
city, I daily offer the Publick.
What great provocations I have receiv'd, let the
impartial Reader judge, and how unwillingly, even
in my own defence, I now enter the liſts againſt
falſehood, ignorance and envy; But I am exaſpera-
ted, at length, to drag qut this Cacus from the den
of obſcurity where he lurks, detect him by the light
of thoſe ſtars he has ſo impudently traduced, and
ſhew there's not a monſter in the ſkies ſo pernicious
and malevolent to mankind, as an ignorant pretender
to Phyſick and Aſtrology. I ſhall not directly fah
on the many groſs errors, nor expoſe the notorious
abſurdities of this proſtituted libeller, till I have let
the learned world fairly into the controverſy depend.
ing, and then leave the unprejudiced to judge of the
merits and juſtice of the cauſe.
It was towards the concluſion of the year 1707,
when an impudent Pamphlet crept into the world,
intituled, Predi&tions, &c. by Ifaac Bickerſtaff, Eſq; -
Among the many arrogant aſſertions laid down by
that lying ſpirit of divination, he was pleas'd to pitch
on the Cardinal de Noailles and myſelf, among many
other eminent and illuſtrious perſons, that were to die
within the compaſs of the enſuing year ; and pe-
remptorily fixes the month, day, and hour of our
deaths : This, I think, is ſporting with great men,
and publick fpirits, to the ſcandal of Religion, and
reproach of Power; and if ſovereign Princes and
Aſtrologers muſt make diverſion for the vulgar
why then farewel
, fay J, to all Governments, eccle-
fiaſtical and civil. But, I thank my better Stars, I
am alive to confront this falſe and audacious Predictor,
and to make him rue the hour he ever affronted a man
of Science and Reſentment. The Cardinal may take
what
.
N 3
182 BICKERSTAFF Detected.
#
what meaſures he pleaſes with him; as his excellency
is a Foreigner, and a Papift, he has no reaſon to
rely on me for his juſtification ; I ſhall only affure
the world he is alive
but as he was bred to
letters, and is maſter of a pen, let him uſe it in his
own defence. In the mean time I ſhall preſent the
publick with a faithful Narrative of the ungenerous
treatment and hard uſage I have received from the
virulent papers and malicious practices of this pre-
tended Aſtrologer.
A True
[ (
183 ]
A True and Impartial
ACCOUNT
OF THE
PROCEEDINGS
OF
Ifaac Bickerſtaf, Eſq;
Againſt Me
T
HE 28th of March, Anno Dom. 1708,
being the Night this Sham-Prophet had to
impudently fix'd for my laſt, which made
little impreſſion on myſelf, but I cannot anſwer for
my whole Family ; for my Wife, with a concern
more than uſual, prevailed on me to take ſomewhat
to ſweat for a cold; and, between the hours of eight
and nine, to go to bed : The Maid, as ſhe was
warming my bed, with a curioſity natural to young
Wenches,
N 4
184
Bickerſtaff Detected.
Wenches, runs to the window, and aſks of one
paſſing the ftreet, who the Bell tolld for? Dr. Par-
fridge, ſays he, that famous Almanack-maker, who
died ſuddenly this Evening: The poor Girl pro-
voked, told him he ly'd like a Raſcal ; the other
very ſedately reply'd,' the Sexton had fo informed
him, and if falle, he was to blame for impoſing
upon a ſtranger. She aſked a ſecond, and a third,
as they paſſed, and every one was in the ſame
Tone. Now I don't ſay theſe are accomplices to
a certain Aftrological 'Squire, and that one Bicker-
staf might be fauntring thereabouts ; becauſe I will
aſfert nothing here but what I dare atteſt, and plain
matter of Fact. My wife at this fell into a vio.
lent diſorder and I muſt own I was a little diſcom-
poſed at the Oddneſs of the accident. In the mean
time one knocks at my Door, Betty runs down,
and opening, finds a ſober grave Perſon, who mo-
deſtly enquires if this was Dr. Partridge's ? She tak-
ing him for fome cautiouş Çity-Patient, that came
at that time for privacy, thews him into the Din-
ing Room. As ſoon as I could compoſe myſelf,
I went to him, and was ſurprized to find my Gen-
tleman mounted on a Table with a two-foot Rule
in his hand, meaſuring my Walls, and taking the
Dimenſions of the Room. Pray Sir, ſays I, not to
interrupt you, have you any buſineſs' with me
Only, Sir, replies he, order the Girl to bring me
a better Light, for this is but a very dim one.
Sir, ſays I, my name is Partridge: Oh! the Do-
&tors Brother, belike, cries 'he; the Stair-Caſe, I
believe, and theſe two apartments hung in cloſe
Mourning, will be ſufficieut, and only a Strip of
Bays round the other Rooms, The Doctor muſt
needs die rich, he had great dealings in his way
for
.
Bickerſtaff Detected.
185
for many years; if he had no Family-coat, you
had as good uſe the Eſcutcheons of the company,
they are as ſhowiſh, and will look as magnificent
as if he was deſcended from the Blood-Royal. With
that I aſſumed a great Air of Authority, and de
manded who employ'd him, or how he came there?
Why, I was ſent, Sir, by the Company of Under
takers, ſays he, and they were employed by the honeſt
Gentleman, who is Executor to the good Doctor
departed; and our raſcally Porter, I believe, is fal-
len faſt alleep with the black cloth and Sconces, or
he had been here, and we might have been tacking
up by this time. Sir, ſays I, pray be advis'd by
a friend, and make the beſt of your Speed out of
my Doors, for I hear my wife's Voice (which by
the by, is pretty diſtinguiſhable) and in that corner
of the Room ſtands a good cudgel, which ſomebody
has felt e're now ; if that light in her hands, and
The know the Buſineſs you come about, without
conſulting the Stars, I can aſſure you it will be
employed very much to the detriment of your per-
fon. Sir, cries he, bowing with great civility, I
perceive extreme grief for the loſs of the Doctor
diſorders you a little at preſent, but early in the
Morning I'll wait on you with all neceſſary Ma-
terials. Now I mention no Mr. Bickerſiai, nor
do I ſay, that a certain Star-gazing 'Squire has been
playing my Executor before his time, but I leave
the world to judge, and if he puts Things and
Things fairly together, it won't be much wide of
the mark.
Well, once more I got my doors clos'd, and pre-
pard for bed, in hopes of a little Repoſe afier fa
many rufling adventures ; juſt as I was putting
out my Light in order to it another bounces as
hard
186
Bickerftaff Detected.
this villainous »
hard as he can knock; I open the Window, and
alk who's there, and what he wants ? I am Ned the
Sexton, replies he, and come to know whether the
Doctor left any Orders for a Funeral Sermon, and
where he is to be laid, and whether his Grave is to
be plain or bricked Why, Sirrah, ſays I, you know
me well enough ; you know I am not dead, and
how dare you affront me after this manner ? Alack-
a-day, replies the Fellow, why: 'tis in print, and
the whole Town knows you are dead ; why, there's
Mr. White the Joiner is but fitting Screws to your
Coffin, he'll be here with it in an Inftant: he was
alraid you would have wanted it before this time.
Sirrah, Sirrah, ſays I, you ſhall know to-morrow
to your coft, that I am alive, and alive like to be.
Why, 'tis ſtrange, Sir, ſays he, you ſhould make
ſuch a ſecret of your Death to us that are your
Neighbours; it looks as if you had a deſign to de-
fraud the Church of its dues ; and let me tell you,
for one that has lived ſo long by the Heavens, that's
unhandſomely done. Hiſt, hiſt, ſays another Rogue
that ſtood by him, away Doctor, in your Flannel
Gear, as faſt as you can, for here's a whole Pack
of Diſmals coming to you with their black Equi-
page, and how indecent will it look for you to
ſtand frightning folks at your window, when you
ſhould have been in your coffin this three Hours ?
In ſhort, what with Undertakers, Imbalmers, Joiners,
Sextons, and your damnd Elegy-Hawkers, upon a
late Practitioner in Phyſick and Aftrology, I got
not one Wink of Sleep that Night, nor ſcarce a
moment's reſt ever ſince. Now I doubt not but
that theſe are entirely ſtrangers to him, he, good
Man, knows nothing of the matter, and honeſt Iſaac
Bickerſaff
a
Bickerſtaff Detected. 18
But I'll keep my
Birkerſaf, I warrant you, is more a Man of Ho
pour, than to be an Accomplice with a pack of
Raſcals, that walk the Sireets on Nights, and di-
ſturb good People in their Beds; but he is out,
if he thinks the whole world is blind; for
there is one John Partridge can ſmell a knave as far
as Grubſtreet, tho' he lies in the moſt exalted Gar.
ret, and writes himſelf 'Squire :
Temper, and proceed in the Narration.
I could not ſtir out of doors for the ſpace of three
Months after this, but preſently one comes up to
me in the ſtreet ; Mr. Partridge, that coffin you
was laſt buried in I have not been yet paid for: Do-
Etor, cries another Dog, How d'ye think people can
live by making of Graves for nothing. Next time
you die, you may e'en toll out the Bell yourſelf
Ned. A third Rogue tips me by the Elbow,
and wonders how I have the Conſcience to ſneak
abroad without paying my Funeral Expences.
Lord, ſays one, I durſt have ſwore that was honeit
Dr. Partridge, my old Friend; but poor man, he
is gone. I beg your Pardon, fays another, you look
ſo like my old acquaintance that I uſed to conſult
on ſome private occaſions ; but, alack, he's gone
the way of all Fleſh Look, look, look, cries
a third, after a competent Space of ſtaring at me,
would not one think our Neighbour the Almanack-
maker was crept out of his Grave to take t'other
Peep at the Stars in this world, and ſhew how much
he is improv'd in Fortune-telling by having taken
a Journey to the other ?
Nay, the very Reader of our Pariſh, a good
fober, diſcreet Perſon, has ſent two or three times
for me to come and be buried decently, or fend
him fufficient Reaſons to the contrary, or, if I have
becn
188
Bickerſtaff Detected.
been interr'd in any other Pariſh, to produce my
Certificate, as the act requires. My poor wife is
almoſt run diſtracted with being call?d widow Par-
tridge, when ſhe knows its falle ; and once a Term
the is cited into the Court, to take out Letters of
Adminiſtration. But the greateſt Grievance is, a
paultry Quack, that takes up my Calling juſt under
my Noſe, and in his printed Directions with N. B.
of ſays, He lives in the Houſe of the late ingeni-
ous Mr. John Partridge, an eminent Practitioner in
Leather, Phyſick, and Aſtrology. To
But to thew how far the wicked Spirit of Envy,
Malice and Refentment can hurry ſome men, my
nameleſs old Proſecutor had provided me a monument
at the Stone-cutter's, and would have erected it in the
Pariſh Church ; and this piece of notorious and ex-
penſive Villany had actually ſucceeded, had I not uſed
my utmoſt intereſt with the Veftry, where it was
carried at laſt but by two Voices, that I am ſtill
alive. That Stratagem failing, outcomes a long
fable Elegy, bedeck'd with Hour-glaſſes, Mattocks,
Sculls, Spades, and Skeletons, with an Epitaph as
confidently written to abuſe me, and my Profeſſion,
as if I had been under Ground theſe twenty years.
And, after ſuch barbarous Treatment as this, can
the World blame me, when I aſk, What is become
of the Freedom of an Engliſhman? And where is
the liberty and property that my old glorious friend
came over to aſſert ? We have drove Popery out of
the Nation, and ſent Slavery to foreign Climes.
The Arts only remain in Bondage, when a man of
Science and Character ſhall be openly inſulted in
the midſt of the many uſeful ſervices he is daily pay-
ing the Publick. Was it ever heard, even in Turkey,
or Algiers, that a State-Aſtrologer was banter'd out of
his
Bickerſtaff Detected.
189
his life by an ignorant Impoſtor, or bawld out of
the World by a pack of villanous, deep-mouth'd
Hawkers? Though I print Almanacks, and publiſh
Advertiſements; though I produce Certificates under
the Miniſters and Church-wardens Hands I am alive,
and atteſt the ſaine on Oath at Quarter-Sellions, out
comes a full and true Relation of the Death and In-
terment of John Partridge; Truth is bore down,
Atteſtations neglected, the Teſtimony of ſober Per-
fons deſpiſed, and a man is look'd upon by his
Neighbours as if he had been ſeven Years dead, and
is buried alive in the midſt of his Friends and Ac.
quaintance.
Now can any man of common Senſe think it
conſiſtent with the Honour of my Profeſſion, and
not inuch beneath the dignity of a Philoſopher, to
ſtand bawling before his own door? Alive!
Alive Ho! The famous Dr. Partridge! No Coun-
terfeit, but all Alive!
As if I had the twelve
Celeſtial Monſters of the Zodiack to thew within,
or was forced for a Livelihood to turn Retailer to
May and Bartholomezo Fairs. Therefore, if her Ma-
jeſty would but graciouſly be pleaſed to think a
hardſhip of this nature worthy her Royal confide-
ration, and the next Parl--m--nt, in their great Wif-
dom caſt but an eye towards the deplorable caſe of their
old Philomath, that annually beſtows his poetical
good wilhes on them, I am ſure there is one
Ifaac Bickerſtaff, Eſq; would ſoon be truls'd up for
his bloody Predictions, and putting good ſubjects in
Terror of their lives : And that henceforward to
murder a man by way of Prophecy, and bury him
in a printed Letter, either to a Lord or Commoner,
ſhall as legally entitle hiin to the preſent poffeffion of
Tyburn,
Igo
Bickerſtaff Detected.
Tyburn, as if he robb’d on the Highway, or cut
your Throat in Bed.
I ſhall demonſtrate to the judicious, that France
and Rome are at the bottom of this horrid Conſpicie
racy againſt me; and that Culprit aforeſaid is a Po-
piſh Emiſſary, has paid his Viſits to St. Germains,
and is now in the meaſures of Lewis XIV. That in
attempting my Reputation, there is a general Mar-
facre of Learning deſigned in theſe Realms ; and
through my Sides there is a wound given to all the
Protcitant-Almanack-makers in the Univerſe.
Vivat Regina.
A VIN-
[ 191.)
:::
*
VINDICATION
Iſaac Bickerſtaff, Efq;
V which is called, his Almanack for the pre-
A
OF
AGAINST
What is objected to him by Mr.
PARTRIDGE in his Almanack
for the preſent Year 1709.
By the ſaid IS AAC BICKER STAFF, Eſq;
Written in the Year 1709.
R. Partridge hath been lately pleaſed to treat
me after a very rough manner, in thar
ſent Year: Such Uſage is very undecent from one
Gentleman to another, and does not at all contribute
to the diſcovery of Truth, which ought to be the
great End in all diſputes of the Learner. To call
a man Fool and Villain, and impudent Fellow, only
for
M
192
A Vindication of
:
for differing from him in a point meer ſpeculative,
is, in my humble Opinion, a very improper Style
for a perſon of his Education. I appeal to the
learned World, whether in my laſt Year's Predictions
I
gave him the leaſt provocation for ſuch unworthy
Treatment. Philoſophers have differed in all ages;
but the diſcreeteſt among them have always differed
as became Philoſophers. Scurrility and Paffion, in
a Controverſy among Scholars, is juſt ſo much of
nothing to the purpole, and at beſt, a tacit confef-
fion of a weak Cauſe: My Concern is not ſo much
for my own Reputation, as that of the Republick
of Letters, which Mr. Partridge hath endeavour'd to
wound through my Sides. If men of publick Spi-
rit inuſt be ſuperciliouſly treated for their ingenious
attempts, how will true uſeful knowledge be ever
advanced ? I wiſh Mr. Partridge knew the thoughts
which foreign Univerſities have conceived of his un-
generous Proceedings with me; but I am too ten-
der of his Reputation to publiſh them to the world.
That Spirit of Envy and Pride, which blaſts fo
many riſing Genius's in our Nation, is yet unknown
among Profeſors abroad : The neceſſity of juſtifying
myſelf will excuſe my vanity, when I tell the Rea-
der that I have near a hundred honorary Letters
from ſeveral parts of Europe (ſome as far as Muf-
covy) in praiſe of my performance. Beſides ſeveral
others, which, as I have been credibly informed,
were open'd in the Poſt-office, and never ſent me.
'Tis true the Inquiſition in Portugal was pleaſed to
burn my Predictions, and condemn the Author and
Readers of them but I hope at the ſame time,
it will be conſider'd in how deplorable a State
Learning lies at preſent in that kingdom: And with
the profoundeſt Veneration for crown'd Heads, I will
preſume
Iſaac Bickerſtaff, Eſq; 193
Letter Hut
preſume to add, that it a little concerned bis Majeſty
of Portugal, to interpoſe his authority in behalf of
a Scholar and a Gentleman, the ſubject of a Nation
with which he is now in lo ftriệt an Alliance. But
the other Kingdoms and States of Europe have treated
me with more Candor and Generoſity! If I had
leave to print the Latin Letters tranfmitted to me
from foreign Parts, they would fill a Volume, and
be a full Defence againtt all that Mr. Partridge, or his
Accomplices of the Portugal Inquiſition, 'will be ever
able to object; who, by the way, are the only Ene-
mies my Predictions have ever met with at home
or abroad. But I hope I know better what is due
to the Honour of a learned Correſpondence in fo ten-
der a point. Yet ſome of thoſe illuftrious perſons
will perhaps excufe me for tranſcribing a paſſage
or two in my own Vindication. The moſt learned
Monſieur Leibnitsilthus addreſſes to me his third
Tatori, &c. Monfieur le Clerc, quoting my Predi-
Etions in a Treatiſe he publiſhed laſt year, is pleaſed
to ſay, Ita nuperime Bickerſtaffius magnam illud
Anglice fidus. Another great Profeffor writing of
me, has theſe Words : Bicker ſtaffius nobilis Anglus,
Aſtrologorum hujufce Sæculi facile Princeps. Signior
Magliabecchi, the Great Duke's famous Library-
Keeper, ſpends almost his whole letter in Compli-
ments and Praiſes, 'Tis true, the renowned Profef-
for of Aſtronomy at Utrecht, ſeems to differ from
me in one Article ; but it is in a modeft manner, that
becomes a Philoſopher; a', Pace tanti viri dixerim
and page 55, he ſeems to lay the Error upon the
Printer (as indeed it ooght) and ſays, vel forfan error
Typographi, cum alioquin Bickerſaffius vir doĉtiſi-
muas, &c.
Vol.1.
o
If
194
A Vindication of
3:
If Mr. Partridge had followed this example in the
Controverſy between us, he might have ſpared me
the trouble of juſtifying myſelf in ſo publick a
manner. I believe few men are readier to own
their Errors than I, or more thankful to thoſe who
will pleaſe to inform me of them. But it ſeems
this Gentleman, inſtead of encouraging the Progreſs
of his own Art, is pleaſed to look upon
all attempts
of that kind as an Invaſion of his Province. He has
been indeed fo wiſe to make no objection against
the truth of my Predictions, except in one fingle
point, relating to himſelf: and to demonſtrate how
much men are blinded by their own partiality, I
do folemnly, aſſure the Reader, that he is the only
perſon from whom I ever heard that objection offered;
which conſideration alone, I think, will take off all
its weight.
With my utmoſt endeavours I have not been
able to trace above two objections ever made againſt
the truth of my laſt Year's Prophecies: The firſt
was of a French Man, who was pleaſed to publiſh
to the world, that the Cardinal de Noailles was fill
alive, notwithſtanding the pretended Prophecy of Mon-
fieur Biquerſtaffe: But how far a Frenchman, a Pa-
piſt, and an Enemy is to be believed in his own
Caſe againſt an Engliſh Proteſtant, who is true to the
Government, I ſhall leave to the candid and impartial
Reader.
The other Objection is the unhappy occaſion of
this Diſcourſe, and relates to an Article in my Pre-
dictions, which foretold the death of Mr. Partridge,
to happen on March 29, 1708. This he is pleaſed
to contradiet abſolutely in the Almanack he has pub-
liſhed for the preſent Year, and in that ungentle-
manly manner (pardon the expreſſion) as I have a-
bove
Ifaac Bickerſtaff, Eſq; 195
.
?
bove related: In that work he very roundly afferta,
That he is not only now alive, but was likewiſe
alive upon that very 29th of March, when I had
foretold be jould die. This is the ſubject of the pre-
ſent Controverſy between us; which I deſign to handle
with all Brevity, Perfpicuity, and Calmnet's : In this
diſpute, I am ſenſible the Eyes not only of England, ,
but of all Europe, will be upon us ; and the Learned
in every Country will, I doubt not, take part on
that fide, where they find moſt appearance of Reaſon
and Truth.
Without entering into Criticifms of Chronology
about the hour of his death, I ſhall only prove
that
· Mr. Partridge is not alive. And my firit argument
is thus : Above a thouſand gentlemen having bought
his Almanack for this Year, merely to find what
he ſaid againſt me; at every line they read, they
would lift up their Eyes, and cry out, betwixt
Rage and Laughter, They were ſure no Man alive ever
writ ſuch damn'd Stuff as this. Neither did I ever
hear that Opinion diſputed : So that Mr. Partridge
lies under a Dilemma, either of diſowning his Al-
manack, or allowing himſelf to be no Man alivr.
Bot now if an uninformed Carcaſe walks ftill about,
and is pleaſed to call itſelf Partridge, Mr. Bickerftaff
does not think himſelf any way anſwerable for
that. Neither had the ſaid Carcaſe any right to beat
the poor boy who happen'd' to paſs by it in the
ſtreet, crying, A full and true Account of Dr. Par-
tridge's Death, &c.
Secondly, Mr. Partridge pretends to tell Fortunes,
and recover ſtolen goods ; which all the Pariſh fays
he muſt do by converſing with the Devil and other
evil Spirits and no wiſe man will ever allow
he
02
196
A Vindication of
he could converſe perſonally with either, till after he
was dead.
Thirdly, I will plainly prove him to be dead
out of his own Almanack for this Year, and from
the very Paffage which he produces to make us
think him alive. He there ſays, He is not only now
alive, but was alſo alive upon that very 29th of March,
cubich I foretold be fould die on: By this, he de-
clares his opinion, that a Man may be alive now, who
was not alive a Twelvemonth ago. And indeed, there
lies the Sophiſtry of this argument. He dares not
allert, he was alive ever ſince that 29th of March,
but that he is now alive, and was ſo on that Day:
I grant the latter ; for he did not die till night, as
appears by the printed account of his death, in a
Letter to a Lord; and whether he is ſince revived,
I leave the world to judge. This indeed is perfect
Cavilling, and I am aſhamed to dwell any longer
Fourthly, I will appeal to Mr. Partridge him-
ſelf, whether it, be probable I could have been ſo
indiſcreet, to begin my Predictions with the only
falfhood that ever was pretended to be in them ;
and this fin an affair at home, where I had ſo many
opportunities to be exact; and muft have given
ſuch advantages againſt me to a perſon of Mr. Par-
tridge's Wit and Learning, who, if he could por-
fibly have raiſed one ſingle objection more againſt
the truth of my Prophecies, would hardly have ſpa-
And here I muſt take occaſion to reprove the
above-mention'd writer of the relation of Mr. Par-
tridge's death, in a Letter to a Lord; who was
plealed to tax me with a miſtake of four whole
Hours in my Calculation of that Event. I muſt
confeſs,
upon it.
red me.
Ifaac Bickerſtaff, Eſq;' 197
confeſs, this Cenſure pronounced with an Air of
certainty, in a matter that ſo nearly concerned me,
and by a grave judicious Author, moved me not
a little. But tho' I was at that time out of Town,
yet ſeveral of my Friends, whoſe curioſity had
led them to be exactly informed (for as to my
own part, having no Doubt at all in the matter,
I never once thought of it) aſſured me, I compli-
ted to ſomething under half an Hour; which (I
ſpeak my private Opinion) is an Error of no very
great magnitude, that men fhould raiſe a Clamour
about it. I fall only ſay, it would not be amiſs,
if that author would henceforth be more tender of
other mens Reputations as well as his own. It is
well there were no more miſtakes of that kind ; if
there had, I preſume he would have told me of
them with as little Ceremony,
There is one Objection againſt Mr. Partridge's
death, which I have ſometimes met with, though
indeed very ſlightly offered, That he ſtill continues
to write Almanacks. But this is no more than what
is common to all of that Profeſſion"; Gadbury, Poor
Robin, Dove, Wing, and ſeveral others, do yearly
publiſh their Almanacks, though ſeveral of them have
been dead ſince before the Revolution. Now the
natural reaſon of this I take to be, that whereas
it is the privilege of other authors to live after
their Deaths ; Almanack-makers are alone excluded,
becauſe their differtations treating only upon the
minutes as they paſs, become uſeleſs as thoſe go
off. In confideration of which, Time, whoſe Re-
gillars they are, gives them a Leaſe in Reverſion, to
continue their works after their death.
I ſhould not have given the Publick or myſelf
the trouble of this Vindication, if my name had
O 3
not
198
A Vindication of, &c.
not been made uſe of by ſeveral perſons, to whom
I never lent it, one of which, a few days ago,
was pleaſed to father on me a new Sett of Pre-
dictions. But I think thoſe are things too ſerious
to be trifled with. It grieved me to the heart,
when I ſaw my labours, which had coſt me ſo
much thought and watching, bawl'd about by com-
mon hawkers, which I only intended for the weighty
conſideration of the graveſt perſons. This prejudi-
ced the world ſo much at firſt, that ſeveral of iny
friends had the aſſurance to aſk me whether I were
in jeft? To which I only anſwer'd coldly, that
the Event would bew. But it is the talent of our
age and nation, to turn things of the greateſt im-
portance into ridicule. When the end of the Year
had verified all my Predi&tions, out comes Mr. Par-
tridge's Almanack, diſputing the point of his death;
ſo that I am employed, like the General who
was forced to kill his Enemies twice over ,
whom
a Necromancer had raiſed to life. If Mr. Partridge
has practiſed the fame experiment upon himſelf, and
be again alive, long may he continue ſo; that does
not in the leaſt contradict my veracity : But I think
I have clearly proved, by invincible Demonſtration,
that he died at fartheſt within half an hour of the time
I foretold, and not four hours ſooner, as the above-
mentioned author, in his letter to a Lord, hath mali-
ciouſly ſuggeſted, with deſign to blaſt my credit, by
charging me with ſo groſs a miſtake.
ovat a poor BA Fa-
C
[ 199 ]
.
et see on parem
A
.
Famous PREDICTION
OF
MERLIN,
The Britiſh WIZARD. *
Written above a Thouſand Years ago,
and relating to the Year 1709.
con
2314 With Explanatory NOTES . *
L
AST year was publiſh'd a Paper of Predic-
tions, pretended to be written by one Iſaac
Bickerſtaff
, Eſq; but the true deſign of it was
to ridicule the art of Aftrology, and expoſe its profel-
ſors as ignorant or Impoſtors. Againſt this imputa-
tion, Dr. Partridge hath vindicated himſelf in his Al-
manack for that year.
For
O4
200
MERLIN'S Prophecy.
Hawkins in the year 1530, Page 39. I ſet it down
For a farther vindication of this famous art, I have
thought fit to preſent the world with the following
Prophecy. The original is faid to be of the famous
Merlin, who lived about a thouſand years ago ;
and the following Tranſlation is two hundred years
old, for it ſeems to be written near the end of Henry
the Seventh's reign. I found it in an old edition of
Merlin's Prophecies, imprinted at London by John
:
word for word in the old Orthography, and fhall
take leave to ſubjoin a few Explanatory Notes.
Sevent and Ten addud to Pine,
DE Fraunce hir WW oe this is the pgne,
Tamus Rivere twys y-frozen,
Walke fang wetpng Shoes ne vozen.
Chen compth foorthe, Ich underttonde,
From Touue of Stoffe to fattpn Londe,
an herdie Chiftan, wae the Marne
To Fraunce, that evere he was born.
Than fhall the sfolye beweple his Bolle ;
Nor ſhall guin Werris make up the Lode.
Ponge Spmnele thall again miſcarrpe :
ånd Norwaps Dipdagapne thall mazzepe+
and from the Tree where WBlofumes fele,
Ripe Fruit thall come, and all is wele,
Reaums fhall daunce Bonde in bande
And it ſhall
be merpe in olde Inglonde,
Then alde Inglonde ſhall be noe moje,
And no man ihall be fajie therefore
Gerpan fall have three Hedes agapne,
Till bapsburge makpth thembut twayne.
Explanatory
MERLIN's Prophecy.
201
the loſs of ho
HA
I
Explanatory NOTES.
Seven and Cen: This Line deſcribes
the year when theſe Events ſhall happen. Seven
and Ten makes Seventeen, which I explain Seven-
teen Hundred, and this number added to nine, makes
the year we are now in; for it muſt be underſtood
of the natural year, which begins the firſt of Janu-
ary.
Camps Rivere twus, &c. The River
Thames frozen twice in one year, ſo as men to walk
on it, is a very ſignal accident, which perhaps hath
not fallen out for ſeveral hundred years before, and is
the reaſon why fome Aſtrologers have thought that
this Prophecy could never be fulfilled, becaule they
imagined ſuch a thing would never happen in our
climate.
Front Coune of Stofte, &c. This is
a plain Deſignation of the Duke of Marlborough
One kind of Stuff uſed to fatten Land is called Marle,
and every body knows that Borough is a name for
a Town; and this way of expreſſion is after the
uſual dark manner of old Aſtrological Predictions.
Than fhall the Futhe, &c. By the Fiſh,
is underſtood the Dolphin of France, as their Kings
eldeſt Sons are called : 'Tis here ſaid, he ſhall lament
which is an old Engliſh word for - Hump-boulder,
or Crook- Back, as that Duke is known to be ; and
the Prophecy ſeems to mean, that he ſhould be
overcome or Slain. By the Grin Berris, in the next
line,
:
,
202 MERLIN's Prophecy.
line, is meant the young Duke of Berry, the Dau-
phin's third ſon, who ſhall not have valour or for-
tune enough to ſupply the loſs of his eldeſt brother.
Pange Spinele, &c. By Symnele is
meant the pretended Prince of Wales, who, if he
offers to attempt any thing againſt England, ſhall
miſcarry as he did before. Lambert Symnele is the
name of a young man, noted in our hiſtories for
perſonating the Son (as I remember) of Edward the
fourth.
And Norway's Pryd, &c. I cannot
gueſs who is meant by Norway's Pride, perhaps
the Reader may, as well as the ſenſe of the two fol-
lowing lines.
* Reaums thall, &c. Reaums, or, as the
words is now, Realms, is the old name for Kingdoms :
And this is a very plain Prediction of our happy
Union, with the Felicities that ſhall attend it. It is
added that Old England ſhall be no more, and yet no
man ſhall be ſorry for it. And indeed, properly
ſpeaking, England is now no inore, for the whole
Iland is one Kingdom, under the name of Britain.
6
fomewhat obſcure, is wonderfully adapt. Gergon is
ſaid to have been a King of Spain, whom Hercules
New. It was a Fiction of the Poets, that he had
three heads, which the Author ſays he ſhall have
again : That is, Spain ſhall have three Kings; which
is now wonderfully verify'd; for beſides the King of
Portugal, which properly is part of Spain, there are
now two Rivals for Spain, Charles and Philip: But
Charles
>
MERLIN'S Prophecy. 203
Cbarles being deſcended from the Count of Haps:
burgh, Founder of the Auſtrian Family, ſhall ſoon.
make thoſe heads but two; by overcoming Philip,
and driving him out of Spain.
Some of theſe Predictions are already fulfilled
and it is highly probable the reſt may be in due
time; and, I think, I have not forced the words, by
my Explication, into any other ſenſe than what they
will naturally bear. If this be granted, I am ſure it
muſt be alſo allow'd, that the Author (whoever he
were) was a perſon of extraordinary Sagacity; and
that Aſtrology brought to ſuch perfection as this, is by
no means an art to be deſpiſed, whatever Mr. Bicker-
ftaff, or other merry gentlemen are pleaſed to think.
As to the tradition of theſe lines having been writ in
the original by Merlin, I confeſs I lay not much
weight upon it: But it is enough to juſtify their au-
thority, that the Book from whence I have tranſcribd
them, was printed 170 years ago, as appears by the
Title-page
For the ſatisfaction of any gentleman,
who may be either doubtful of the Truth, or curious
to be inform'd; I ſhall give order to have the very
book ſent to the Printer of this paper, with directions
to let any body fee it that pleaſes, becauſe I believe
it is pretty ſcarce.
con la
Se
DIR
o A
[ 204 ]
BRO O M-STICK.
a
A
MEDITATION Ν :
UPON A
According to
The Style and Manner of the Honble
RORERT BOYLE'S Meditations.
HIS ſingle Stick, which you now behold
inglorioufiy lying in that neglected Corner,
reſt: It was full of Sap, full of Leaves, and full of
Boughs: But now, in vain docs the buſy Art of
Man pretend to vye with Nature, by tying that wi-
ther'd bundle of Twigs to its fapleſs Trunk : 'Tis
now at beſt but the reverſe of what it was, a Tree
turned upſide down, the Branches on the Earth, and
the Root in the Air ; Tis now handled by every
dirty Wench, condemn'd to do her Drudgery, and, by
a
capricious kind of fate, deſtin'd to make other
things clean, and be nafty itſelf: At length worn to
the ſtumps in the ſervice of the Maids, 'tis either
thrown out of doors, or condemn'd to its laſt uſe, of
kindling a Fire. When I beheld this, I figh’d, and
faid within myſelf, Surely mostal wan is
a B700m-
T
Meditation upon a BROOM-STICK, 205
a 130am-tick! Nature ſent him into the
world ſtrong and luſty, in a thriving Condition, wear-
ing his own Hair on his Head, the proper Branches
of this Reaſoning Vegetable, till the Axe of Intem-
perance has lopp'd off his green Boughs, and left him
a wither'd Trunk: He then flies to Art, and puts on
a Perriwig, valuing himſelf upon an unnatural Bundle
of Hairs, all cover'd with Powder, that never grew
on his Head ; but now ſhould this our Broom-flick
pretend to enter the ſcene, proud of thoſe Bircben
ſpoils it never bore, and all cover'd with Duft,
though the ſweepings of the fineft Lady's Chamber,
we ſhould be apt to ridicule and deſpiſe its vanity.
Partial judges that we are of our own excellencies,
and other men's defaults!
But a Broom-ſick, perhaps you will ſay, is an Em-
blem of a Tree ſtanding on its Head ; and pray
what is man, but a topſy-turvy creature, his animal
Faculties perpetually mounted on his rational, his
Head where his Heels ſhould be, groveling on the
Earth! and yet, with all his faults, he ſets up to be
an univerſal Reformer and Corrector of abuſes, a
Remover of Grievances, rakes into every Slut's
Corner of Nature, bringing hidden Corruptions to
the light, and raiſes a mighty duft where there
was none before, ſharing deeply all the while in the
very fame Pollutions he pretends to ſweep away :
His laſt days are ſpent in ſlavery to Women, and
generally the leaſt deſerving; till worn to the Atumps,
like his brother Befom, he is either kick'd out of doors,
or made uſe of to kindle Flames, for others to warm
themſelves by.
APRO.
Miss
?
wo [ 206
)
PROPOSAL
Engliſh TONGUE:
2:
VV fation, was not a new thought, juft then
А
For Correcting, Improving, and Afcertaining the
I N A
LETTER to the Moſt Honourable
ROBERT Earl of Oxford and Mortimer,
Lord High Treaſurer of Great Britain.
do 10. 10
To the Moſt Honourable ROBERT
and Earl of OxFORD, &c.
My LORD,
HAT I had the honour of mentioning to
your time in
ftarted by accident or occaſion, but the Reſult of
long Reflection, and I have been confirmed in my
Sentiments by the Opinion of ſome very judicious
perſons, with whom I conſulted. They all agreed,
That
A Letter to the, &c. 207
That nothing would be of greater uſe towards the
Improvement of Knowledge and Politeneſs, than
fome effectual Method for Correcting, Enlarging, and
Aftertaining our Language ; and they think it a
work very poſſible to be compaffed, under the pro-
tection of a Prince, the countenance and encourage-
ment of a Miniſtry, and the care of proper perſons
choſen for ſuch an undertaking. I was glad to find
your Lordfhip's anſwer in ſo different a Stile, from
what hath been commonly made uſe of on the like
occafions, for ſome years paſt, That all fucb Thoughts
muſt be deferred to a Time of Peace : A Topick which
fome have carried fo far, that they would not have
us by any means think of preſerving our Civil or
Religious Conſtitution, becauſe we were engaged in
a War abroad. It will be among the diſtinguiſhing
marks of your Miniſtry, my Lord, that you have a
Genius above all ſuch Regards, and that no reaſona-
ble Propoſal for the Honour, the Advantage, or the
Ornament of your Country, however foreign to your
more immediate Office, was ever neglected by you.
I confeſs the merit of this Candour and Condeſcenſion
is very much leſſened, becauſe your Lordſhip hardly
leaves us room to offer our good wiſhes ! removing
all our difficulties, and ſupplying our wants, faſter
than the moſt viſionary Projector can adjuſt his
ſchemes. And therefore, my Lord, the deſign of
this Paper is not ſo much to offer you Ways and
Means, as to complain of a Grievance, the redreſſing
of which is to be your own work as much as that of
paying the Nation's Debts, or opening a Trade into
the South-Sea, and tho' not of ſuch immediate Be-
nefit
, as either of theſe, or any other of your glorious
actions, yet perhaps in future ages not leſs to your
Honour.
My
208
A LETTER to the
were
mar.
variations in
My Lord, I do here, in the name of all the learn-
ed and polite perſons of the Nation, complain to your
Lord) ip as Firſt Miniſter, that our Language is ex-
tremely imperfect; that its daily Improvements are
by no means in proportion to lis daily Corruptions ;
that the pretenders to poliſh and refine it, have chiefly
multiplied abuſes and abſurditics; and, that in ma-
ny inſtances, it offends againſt every part of Gram-
But leſt your Lordſhip ſhould think my Cen-
ſure too ſevere, I ſhall take leave to be more parti-
cular.
I believe your Lordſhip will agree with ine in
the
reaſon why our language is leſs refined than
thoſe of Italy, Spain, or France. 'Tis plain, that
the Latin Tongue, in its purity, was never in this
iſland ; towards the conqueſt of which, few or no
attempts were made till the time of Claudius ; nei-
ther was that language ever ſo vulgar in Britain, as
it is known to have been in Gaul and Spain. Further,
all recalled to help their country againſt the Goths,
and other barbarous Invaders. Mean time, the
Britains left to ſhift for themſelves, and daily har-
raſſed by cruel inroads from the Piels, were forced
to call in the Saxons for their defence; who conſe-
quently reduced the greateſt part of the iſland to their
own power, drove the Britains into the moſt remote
and mountainous parts, and the reſt of the Country
in Cuftoms, Religion, and Language, became wholly
Saxon. This I take to be the realcn why there are
more Latin words remaining in the Britiſh Tongue
than in the old Saxon; which, excepting ſome few
original words with our preſent Englifs, as well as
with the German and other Northern Dialects.
Edward
Lord High Treaſurer. 209
Edward the Confeſor having lived long in France,
appears to be the firſt who introduced any mixture
of the French Tongue with the Saxon; the Court
affecting what the Prince was fond of, and others
taking it up for a faſhion, as it is now with us.
William the Conqueror proceeded much further ;
bringing over with him vaſt numbers of that Nation,
ſcattering them in every Monaſtery, giving them great
quantities of land, directing all Pleadings to be in
that language, and endeavouring to make it univer-
fal in the kingdom. This, at leaſt, is the Opinion
generally received : But your Lordſhip hath fully
convinced me, that the French Tongue made yet a
greater progreſs here under Harry the Second, who
had large Territories on that Continent, both from
his father and his wife, made frequent journeys and
expeditions thither, and was always attended with a
number of his Countrymen, Retainers at his Court.
For ſome Centuries after, there was a conſtant inter-
courſe between France and England, by the dominions
we poffeffed there, and the conquefts we made ; fo
that our language, between two and three hundred
years ago, ſeems to have had a greater mixture with
French than at preſent; many words having been
afterwards rejected, and ſome firce the time of
Spencer ; although we have ſtill retained not a few,
which have been long antiquated in France. I could
produce ſeveral inſtances of both kinds, if it were
of any uſe or entertainment.
To examine into the ſeveral circumſtances by
which the language of a Country nay be altered,
would force me to enter into a wide Field. I Thall
only obſerve, that the Latin, the French, and the
Englifb, ſeem to have undergone the ſame fortune.
The firſt, from the days of Romulus to thoſe of Jun
VOL. I.
P
lius
210
A LETTER to the
lius Cæfar, ſuffered perpetual changes; and by what
we meet in thoſe Authors who occaſionally ſpeak on
that ſubject, as well as from certain fragments of old
laws, it is manifeſt that the Latin, three hundred
years before Tully, was as unintelligible in his time,
as the Engliſh and French of the ſame period are now ;
and theſe two have changed as much fince William
the Conqueror, (which is but little leſs than ſeven hun-
dred years) as the Latin appears to have done in the
like term.
Whether our language or the French will
decline as faſt as the Roman did, is a queſtion that
would perhaps admit more debate than it is worth.
There were many reaſons for the Corruptions of the
laft: As, the change of their Government, to a Ty-
ranny, which ruined the ftudy of Eloquence, there
being no further uſe or encouragement for popular
Orators: Their giving not only the Freedom of the
City, but Capacity for Employments, to ſeveral
Towns in Gaul, Spain, and Germany, and other di-
Stant parts, as far as Afia; which brought a great
number of foreign Pretenders into Rome : The Naviſh
difpofition of the Senate and People, by which the
Wit and Eloquence of the age were wholly turned
into Panegyrick, the moſt barren of all ſubjects; the
great Corruption of Manners, and Introduction
of foreign Luxury, with foreign terms to expreſs it, ,
with ſeveral others that might be aſſigned ; not to
mention thoſe invaſions from the Garbs and Vandals,
which are too obvious to inſiſt on.
The Roman language arrived at great perfection
before it began to decay : And the French for theſe
laſt fifty years hath been poliſhing as much as it will
bear, and appears to be declining by the natural in-
conſtancy of that people, and the affectation of ſome
late Authors, to introduce and multiply Cant words,
which
Lord High Treafurer.
211
which is the moſt ruinous corruption in any language.
La Bruyere, a late celebrated writer among them,
Inakes uſe of many new terms which are not to be
found in any of the common Dictionaries before his
time. But the Engliſh Tongue is not arrived to fuch
a degree of perfection, as to make us apprehend any
thoughts of its decay; and if it were once refined to
a certain ſtandard, perhaps there might be ways found
out to fix it for ever, or at leaſt till we are invaded
and made a Conqueſt by ſome other State ; and even
then our beſt writings might probably be preſerved
with care, and grow into eſteem, and the authors
have a chance for immortality.
But without ſuch great Revolutions as theſe, (to
which we are, I think, leſs ſubject than Kingdoms
upon the continent) I ſee no abſolute neceſſity why
any language ſhould be perpetually changing for we
find many examples to the contrary. From Homer
to Plutarch, are above a thouſand years ; ſo long ac
leaſt the purity of the Greek Tongue may be allowed
to laſt, and we know not how far before. The Gre-
cians ſpread their colonies round all the coaſts of
Aſia Minor, even to the Northern parts, lying to-
wards the Euxine ; in every iſland of the Ægaan
Sea, and ſeveral others in the Mediterranean; where
the language was preſerved entire for many ages,
after they themſelves became Colonies to Rome, and
till they were over-run by the barbarous Nations, up-
on the fall of that Empire. The Chineſe have books
in their language above two thouſand years old,
neither have the frequent Conqueſts of the Tartars
been able to alter it. The German, Spaniſh, and
Italian, have admitted few or no changes for ſome
ages paft. The other languages of Europe I know
nothing
P 2
212
A LETTER to the
tind for that accompliſhment ; and ſo will remain,
nothing of, neither is there any occaſion to conſider
them.
Having taken this compaſs, I return to thoſe con-
fiderations upon our own language, which I would
humbly offer your Lordſhip. The period wherein
the Englife Tongue received moſt improvement, I
take to commence with the beginning of Queen Eli-
zabeth's reign, and to conclude with the great Re-
bellion in forty-two. 'Tis true, there was a very ill
taſte both of ſtyle and wit, which prevailed under
King James the firſt, but that ſeems to have been
corrected in the firſt years of his ſucceſſor, who, a-
mong many other qualifications of an excellent Prince,
was a great pattern of learning. From the Civil War
to this preſent time, I am ape to doubt whether the
corruptions in our language have not at leaſt equalled
the Refinements of it; and theſe corruptions very
few of the beſt Authors in our age have wholly el-
caped. During the Uſurpation, ſuch an infuſion of
enthuſiaſtic jargon prevailed in every writing,
writing, as was
not ſhaken off in many years after. To this ſuc-
ceeded that licentiouſneſs which enter'd with the Re-
floration, and from infecting our Religion and Mo-
rals, fell to corrupt our language, which laſt was not
like to be much improved by thoſe who at that time
made up the Court of King Charles the Second; ei-
ther ſuch who had followed him in his Baniſhment;
or who had been altogether converſant in the Dialect
of thoſe Fanatick Times ; or young men, who had
been educated in the fame company ; ſo that the
Court, which uſed to be the ſtandard of Propriety,
and correctneſs of Speech, was then, and I, think,
hath ever fince continued the worft School in Eng-
all better care be taken in the education of our young
Nobil ty,
Lord High Treaſurer. 213
.....
Nobility, that they may ſet out into the world
with ſome Foundation of Literature, in order to qua-
lify them for patterns of politeneſs
. The conſe-
quence of this defect upon our language, may ap-
pear from the Plays, and other Compoſitions, writ-
ten for Entertainment within fifty years paſt ; filled
with a Succeſſion of affected phraſes, and new con-
ceited words, either borrowed from the current Style
of the Court, or from thoſe, who under the cha-
racter of Men of Wit and Pleaſure, pretended to give
the law. Many of theſe Refinements have already
been long antiquated, and are now hardly intelligi-
ble; which is no wonder, when they were the pro-
duct only of Ignorance and Caprice.
I have never known this great Town without
one or more Dunces of Figure, who had Credit
enough to give riſe to ſome new word, and pro-
pagate it in moſt Converſations, tho' it had neither
Humour nor Significancy. If it ſtruck the preſent
Talte, it was ſoon transferred into the Plays and
current Scribblers of the week, and became an ad-
dition to our language ; while the Men of Wit and
Learning, inſtead of early obviating fuch Corrup
tions, were too often feduced to imitate and comply
with them."
There is another Sett of Men who have contri-
buted very much to the ſpoiling of the Engliſh
Tongue; I mean the Poets, from the time of the
Reſtoration. Theſe Gentlemen, although they could
not be inſenſible how much our language was al-
ready overſtocked with Monofyllables, yet to ſave
time and pains, introduced that barbarous cuſtom
of abbreviating words, to fit them to the meaſure
of their verſes ; and this they have frequently done,
ſo very injudiciouſly, as to form ſuch harſh unhar-
P 3
monious
214
A LETTER to the
is to
monious ſounds, that none but a Northern Ear could
endure: They have joined the moſt obdurate Confo-
nants without one intervening Vowel, only to ſhorten a
Syllable: And their Tafe in Time became ſo depraved,
that what was at firſt a poetical Licenſe, not to be ju-
ftifed, they made their choice, alledging, that the words
pronounced at length, founded faint and languid.
This was a pretence to take up the ſame cuſtom
in proſe : ſo that moſt of the books we ſee now-
a-days, are full of thoſe manglings and abbrevia-
tions. Inſtances of this abuſe are innumerable
What does your Lordſhip think of the words,
Drudgd, Diffurbid, Rebuk'd, Fledg'd, and a thouſand
others, every where to be met with in proſe as well
as verſe? Where, by leaving out a vowel to ſave
a Syllable, wę form ſo jarring a found, and ſo dif-
ficult to utter, that I have often wonder'd how it
could ever obtain.
Another cauſe (and perhaps borrowed from the
former) which hath contributed not a little to the
maiming of our language, is a fooliſh opinion, ad-
vanced of late years, that we ought to ſpell exactly
as we ſpeak; which beſide the obvious inconveni-
ence of utterly deſtroying our Etymology, would
be a thing we ſhould never ſee an end of. Not
only the ſeveral towns and counties of England, have
a different way of pronouncing, but even here in
Landon, they clip their words after one manner a-
bout the Court, another in the City, and a third
in the Suburbs: and in a few years, it is proba-
ble, will all differ from themſelves, as fancy or fa.
fhion ſhall direct : All which reduced to writing,
would entirely confound Orthography. Yet many
times a difficult matter to read modern books, and
pamphlets
Lord High Treaſurer: 215
pamphlets; where the words are ſo curtailed, and
varied from their original ſpelling, that whoever
hath been uſed to plain Engliſl, will hardly know
thein by fight.
Several young men at the Univerſities, terribly
poffeffed with the fear of pedantry, run into a worſe
extream, and think all politeneſs to confift in reading
the daily Traſh ſent down to them from hence: This
they call knowing the World, and reading Men and
Manners. Thus furniſhed they come up to Town,
reckon all their Errors for accompliſhments, borrow
the neweſt Sett of Phraſes; and if they take a
pen into their hands, all the odd words they have
picked up in a Coffee-houſe, or a Gaming ordinary,
are produced as Flowers of Style; and the Ortho-
graphy refined to the utmoſt. To this we owe
thoſe monſtrous productions, which under the name
of Trips, Spies, Amuſements, and other conceited ap-
pellations, have over-run us for ſome years paft.
To this we owe that ſtrange Race of Wits, who
tell us, they write to the Humour of the Age. And
I wiſh I could ſay, theſe quaint fopperies were
wholly abſent from graver Tubjects. In fhort, I
would undertake to Thew your Lordfhip ſeveral
Pieces, where the beauties of this kind are ſo
predominant, that with all your ſkill in Langua-
ges, you could never be able to read or underſtand
them.
But I am very much miſtaken, if many of theſe
falſe refinemencs among us do not ariſe from a prin-
ciple which would quite deſtroy their Credit, if it
were well underſtood and conſider'd. For I am
afraid, my Lord, that with all the real good qua-
lities of our Country, we are naturally not very
polite. This perpetual difpofition to ſhorten our
P
4
words,
216
A LETTER to the
words, by retrenching the Vowels, is nothing elſe
but a Tendency to lapſe into the Barbarity of thoſe
Northern nations from whom we are deſcended, and
whoſe languages labour all under the ſame defect. For
it is worthy our obſervation, that the Spaniards,
the French, and the Italians, although derived from
the ſame Northern anceſtors with ourſelves, are,
with the utmoſt difficulty, taught to pronounce our
words, which the Swedes and Danes, as well as the
Germans and the Dutch, attain to with Eaſe, be-
cauſe our Syllables reſemble theirs in the rough-
neſs and frequency of Conſonants. Now, as we
ſtruggle with an ill Climate to improve the nobler
kinds of fruits, are at the expence of walls to re-
ceive and reverberate the faint Rays of the Sun,
and fence againſt the Northern blafts, we ſometimes
by the help of a good Soil equal the production
of warmer countries, who have no need to be at
ſo much coſt and care. It is the ſame thing with
reſpect to the politer Arts among us ; and the fame
defect of heat which gives a fierceneſs to our na-
tures, may contribute to that roughneſs of our lan-
guage, which bears fome Analogy to the harſh fruit
of colder countries. For I do not reckon that we
want a Genius more than the reſt of our Neigh-
bours : But your Lordſhip will be of my opinion,
that we ought to ſtruggle with theſe natural diſad-
vantages as much as we can, and be careful whom
we employ, whenever we deſign to correct them,
which is a Work that has hitherto been aſſumed by
the leaſt qualified Hands. So that if the Choice
had been left to me, I would rather have truſted
the refinement of our language, as far as it relates
to ſound, to the judgment of the women, than of
illiterate Court-Fops, half-witted Poets, and Univer-
ſity-Boys.
Lord High Treaſurer. 217
fity-Boys. For it is plain, that women in their
manner of corrupting words, do naturally diſcard
the conſonants, as we do the vowels. What I am
going to tell your Lordſhip, appears very trifling;
that inore than once, where fome of both Sexes
were in company, I have perſuaded two or three
of each to take a pen, and write down a number
of letters joined together, juſt as it came into their
heads; and upon reading this Gibberiſh, we have
found, That which the men had wrote, by the fre-
quent encountering of rough conſonants, to found
like High-Dutch; and the other, by the women,
like Italian, abounding in vowels and liquids.
Now, though I would by no means give Ladies
the trouble of adviſing us in the reformation of our
language, yet I cannot help thinking, that ſince
they have been left out of all Meetings, except
Parties at play, or where worſe deſigns are
ried on, our Converſation hath very much degene.
rated.
In order to reform our language, I conceve, my
Lord, that a free judicious choice ſhould be made
of ſuch perſons as are generally allowed to be beſt
qualified for ſuch a work, without any regard to
Quality, Party, or Profeſſion. Theſe, to a certain
number at leaſt, ſhould aſſemble at ſome appointed
time and place, and fix on Rules by which they
deſign to proceed. What methods they will take
is not for me to preſcribe. Your Lordſhip, and
other perſons in great employment, might pleaſe to
be of the Number; and I am afraid ſuch a fociety
would want your inſtruction and example as much
as your protection for I have, not without a lit-
tle Envy, obſerved of late, the Style of ſome great
Miniſters
car-
218
A LETTER to the
Minifters very much to exceed that of any other
productions.
The perſons who are to undertake this work
will have the example of the French before them,
to imitate where theſe have proceeded right, and to
avoid their miſtakes. Beſide the Grammar-part,
wherein we are allowed to be very defective, they
will obſerve many groſs improprieties, which how-
ever authoriſed by practice, and grown familiar,
ought to be diſcarded. They will find many words
that deſerve to be utterly thrown out of our lan-
guage, many more to be corrected, and perhaps
not a few, long ſince antiquated, which ought
to be reſtored, on account of their Energy and
Sound.
But what I have moft at heart, is, that ſome method
ſhould be thought on for afcertaining and fixing our
language for ever, after ſuch alterations are made in
it as ſhall be thought requiſite. For I am of opinion,
that it is better a language ſhould not be wholly
perfect, than that it ſhould be perpetually changing;
and we muſt give over at one time, or at length
infallibly change for the worſe: As the Romans did,
witen they began to quit their Simplicity of Style
for affected Refinements ; ſuch as we meet in Tari-
tus and other authors, which ended by degrees in
many Barbarities, even before the Goths had invaded
Italy.
The fame of our Writers is uſually confined to thele
two Ilands, and it is hard it ſhould be limited in
Time as much as Place, by the perpetual variations
of our ſpeech: It is your Lordſhip's obſervation,
that if it were not for the Bible and Common Prayer
Book in the Vulgar Tongue, we ſhould hardly be
able to underſtand any thing that was written among
us
Lord High Treaſurer. 219
us an hundred years ago ; which is certainly true :
For thoſe books being perpetually read in Churches,
have proved a kind of ſtandard for language, eſpe-
ci ally to the common people. And I doubt whether
the alterations fince introduced, have added much to
the beauty or ſtrength of the Engliſh Tongue, tho
they have taken off a great deal from that Simpli-
city, which is one of the greateſt perfections in any
language. You, my Lord, who are lo converſant
in the ſacred writings, and ſo great a judge of them
in their originals, will agree, that no Tranſlation
our Country ever yet produced, hath come up to
that of the Old and New Teſtament : And by the
many beautiful paſſages which I have often had the
honour to hear your Lordſhip cite from thence, I
am perſuaded that the Tranſlators of the Bible were
Maſters of an Engliſh Style much fitter for that
Work, than any we ſee in our preſent Writings,
which I take to be owing to the Simplicily that runs
through the whole. Then, as to the greateſt part
of our Liturgy, compiled long before the Tranſlation
of the Bible now in uſe, and little altered ſince
there ſeem to be in it as great ſtrains of true ſub-
lime eloquence, as are any where to be found in
our language, which every man of good Taſte will
obſerve in the Communion Service, that of Burial,
and other parts.
But when I ſay, that I would have our language,
after it is duly correct, always to laſt, I do not
mean that it ſhould never be enlarged : Provided,
that no word, which a fociety ſhall give a ſanction
to, be afterwards antiquated and exploded, they may
have liberty to receive whatever new ones they ſhall
find occaſion for; becauſe then the old books will
yet
be always valuable, according to their intrin-
fick
:
220
A LETTER to the
fick worth, and not thrown aſide on account of un-
intelligible words and phraſes, which appear harſh
and uncouth, only becauſe they are out of faſhion.
Had the Roman Tongue continued vulgar in that
City till this time, it would have been abſolutely
neceſſary, from the mighty changes that have been
made in Law and Religion, from the many terms of
art required in trade and in war, from the new in-
ventions that have happened in the world, from the
valt ſpreading of navigation and commerce, with
many other obvious circumſtances, to have made
great additions to that language ; yet the ancients
would ſtill have been read, and underſtood with plea-
fure and eaſe. The Greek Tongue received many en-
largements between the time of Homer, and that of
Plutareb, yet the former author was probably as well
underſtood in Trajan's time as the latter. What Horace
fays of Words going off and periping like Leades,
and new ones coming in their place, is a misfortune
he laments, rather than a thing he approves ; but I
cannot ſee why this ſhould be abſolutely neceſſary,
or if it were, what would have become of his Monu-
Dentum ære perennius.
Writing by memory only, as I do at preſent, I
would gladly keep within my depth ; and therefore
Thall not enter into further particulars. Neither do
I pretend more than to fhew the uſefulneſs of this
defign, and to make ſome general obſervations, leav-
ing the reſt to that Society, which I hope will owe
its inftitution and patronage to your Lordſhip. Be.
fides, I would willingly avoid repetition, having a-
bout a year ago communicated to the publick much
of what I had to offer upon this ſubjet, by the
hands of an ingenious gentleman, who for a long
uime did thrice a week divert or inſtruct the king.
dom
Lord High Treaſurer. 221
dom by his papers ; and is ſuppoſed to purſue the
fame deſign at preſent, under the title of Speelator.
This author, who hath tried the force and compaſs
of our language with ſo much ſucceſs, agrees entirely
with me in moſt of my ſentiments relating to it; fo do
the greateſt part of the Men of Wit and Learning,
whom I have had the happineſs to converſe with;
and therefore I imagine that ſuch a fociety would be
pretty unanimous in the main points.
Your Lordſhip muſt allow, that ſuch a work as
this, brought to perfection, would very much contri-
bute to the glory of her Majeſty's Reign ; which
ought to be recorded in words more durable than
braſs, and ſuch as our pofterity may read a thouſand
years hence with pleaſure as well as admiration. I
always diſapproved that falſe compliment to Princes,
that the molt laſting monument they can have, is
the hearts of their ſubjects. It is indeed, their greateſt
preſent felicity to reign in their ſubjects hearts ; but
theſe are too periſhable to preſerve their memories,
which can only be done by the pens of able and
faithful hiſtorians. And I take it to be your Lord-
fhip's duty, as Prime Miniſter, to give order for in-
ſpecting our language, and rendering it fit to record
the hiſtory of ſo great and good a Princeis. Beſides,
my Lord, as diſintereſted as you appear to the world,
I am convinced, that no man is more in the power
of a prevailing favourite paſſion than yourſelf ; I
mean that deſire of true and laſting honour, which
you have borne along with you through every ſtage
of your life. To this you have often facrificed your in-
tereft, your eaſe, and your health : For preſerving
and increaſing this, you have expoſed your perſon to
ſecret treachery and open violence. There is not
perhaps an example in Hiſtory of any Miniſter, who
in
VO
222 A LETTER to the
in fo ſhort a time hath performed fo many great
things, and overcome ſo many difficulties. Now,
though I am fully convinced, that you fear God,
honour your Queen, and love your Country, as
much as any of your fellow-ſubjects, yet I muſt be-
lieve, that the deſire of Fame hath been no incon-
fiderable motive to quicken you in the purſuit of
thoſe actions which will beſt deſerve it. But at the
ſame time, I muſt be ſo plain as to tell your Lord-
ſhip, that if you will not take ſome care to ſettle
our language, and put it into a ſtate of continuance,
I cannot promiſe that your memory ſhall be pre-
ſerved above an hundred years further than by im-
perfect tradition.
As barbarous and ignorant as we were in former
centuries, there was more effectuał care taken by
our anceſtors, to preſerve the memory of times and
perfons, than we find in this age of learning and
politeneſs, as we are pleaſed to call it. The rude
Latin of the Monks is ſtill very intelligible; where-
as, had their records been delivered down only in
the vulgar tongue, ſo barren and ſo barbarous, ſo
ſubject to continual ſucceeding changes, they could
not now be underſtood, unlels by antiquaries, who
make it their ſtudy to expound them. And we muſt
at this day have been content with ſuch poor ab-
ſtracts of our Engliſh ſtory, as laborious men of low
genius would think fit to give us : And even theſe
in the next age would be likewiſe ſwallowed up in
fucceeding collections. If things go on at this rate,
all I can promiſe your Lordſhip, is, that about two
hnndred years hence fome painful compiler, who
will be at the trouble of Atudying old language, may
inform the world, that in the Reign of Queen Anne,
Robert Earl of Oxford, a very wiſe and excellent
man,
Lord High Treaſurer.
223
man, was made High Treaſurer, and ſaved his coun
try, which in thoſe days was almoſt ruined by a
Foreign War, and a Domeſtick Fa&tion. Thus much
he may be able to pick out, and willing to transfer
into his new hiſtory ; but the reſt of your Character,
which I or any other writer may now value our
felves by drawing, and the particular account of the
great things done under your Miniſtry, for which you
are already ſo celebrated in moſt parts of Europe, will
probably be dropped, on account of the antiquated
ſtyle and manner they are delivered in.
How then ſhall any man who hath a genius for
hiſtory, equal to the beſt of the Antients, be able to
undertake ſuch a work with ſpirit and chearfulneſs,
when he conſiders that he will be read with pleaſure but
a very few years, and in an age or two ſhall hardly
be underſtood without an interpreter ? This is like
employing an excellent Statuary to work upon moul-
dring ſtone. Thoſe who apply their ſtudies to pre-
ſerve the memory of others, will always have ſome
concern for their own. And I believe it is for this
reaſon that ſo few writers among us, of any difting
ction, have turned their thoughts to ſuch a diſcou-
raging employment : For the beſt Engliſh hiftorian
mult lie under this mortification, that when his Style
grows antiquated, he will be only conſidered as a
tedious relator of facts ; and perhaps conſulted in his
turn among other neglected Authors, to furniſh ma-
terials for ſome future Collector.
I doubt your Lordſhip is but ill entertained with
a few ſcattered thoughts, upon a ſubject that deſerves
to be treated with Ability and Care: However, I
mult beg leave to add a few words more, perhaps
not altogether foreign to the ſame matter. I know
not whether that which I am going to ſay may país
for
224
A LETTER to the
for Caution, Advice, or Reproach, any of which
will be juftly thought very improper from one in
my ſtation to one in yours. However, I muſt ven-
ture to affirm, that if Genius and Learning be not
encouraged under your Lordſhip's Adminiſtration,
you are the moſt inexcuſable perſon alive. All your
other Virtues, my Lord, will be defective without
this; your Affability, Candor, and good Nature;
that perpetual Agreeableneſs of Converſation, ſo dif-
engaged in the midſt of ſuch a weight of Buſineſs and
Oppoſition; even your Juſtice, Prudence, and Mag-
nanimity, will ſhine leſs bright without it. Your
Lordſhip is univerſally allowed to poſſeſs a very large
portion in moſt parts of Literature, and to this you
owe the cultivating thoſe many Virtues which other-
wiſe would have been leſs adorned, or in lower per-
fection. Neither can you acquit yourſelf of theſe
obligations, without letting the Arts, in their turn,
ſhare your influence and protection : Beſides, who
knows but ſome true Genius may happen to ariſe
under your Miniſtry, exortus ut ætherius Sol. Every
age might perhaps produce one or two of theſe to
adorn it, if they were not ſunk under the cenſure
and obloquy of plodding, ſervile, imitating Pedants :
I do not mean by a true Genius, any bold writer,
who breaks through the rules of decency to diſtinguiſh
himſelf by the Singularity of Opinions : but one,
who upon a deſerving ſubject is able to open new
Scenes, and diſcover a Vein of true and noble Think-
ing, which never entered into any imagination be-
fore: Every ſtroke of whoſe pen is worth all the
paper blotted by hundreds of others in the compaſs
of their lives. I know, my Lord, your friends will
offer in your defence, that in your private capacity
you never refus'd your purſe and credit to the ſervice
and
Lord High Treaſurer. 225.
and ſupport of learned or ingenious Men : and that
ever ſince you have been in publick employment,
you have conſtantly beſtowed your favours to the
moft deſerving perlons. But I deſire your Lordſhip
not to be deceived: We never will admit of theſe
excuſes, nor will allow your private liberality, as
great as it is, to attone for your exceſſive publick
thrift. But here again, I am afraid moſt good fub-
jects will interpoſe in your defence, by alledging the
deſperate condition you found the Nation in, and the
neceſſity there was for ſo able and faithful a Steward
to retrieve it, if poſſible, by the utmoſt frugality.
We grant all this, my Lord; but then, it ought like-
wile to be conſidered, that you have already ſaved
ſeveral millions to the publick, and that what we aſk
is too inconſiderable to break into any rules of the
ſtricteſt good huſbandry. The French King beſtows
about half a dozen Penſions to learned men in ſeveral
parts of Europe, and perhaps a dozen in his own
Kingdom ; which, in the whole, do probably not
amount to half the income of many a private Com-
moner in England, yet have more contributed to the
glory of that Prince, than any million he hath other
wile employed. For Learning, like all true Merit,
is eaſily ſatisfied, whilſt the falle and counterfeit is per-
petually craving, and never thinks it hath enough. The
Imalleſt Favour given by a great Prince, as a mark of
eſteem, to reward the endowments of the mind, never
fails to be returned with praiſe and gratiude, and loudly
celebrated to the world. I have known ſome years ago,
feveral penſions given to particular perſons, (how de-
fervedly I ſhall not enquire) any one of which, if di-
vided into ſmaller parcels, and diſtributed by the
Crown to thoſe who might, upon occaſion, diſtinguiſh
themſelves by ſome extraordinary production of wit
Vol. I.
Q
226 A LETTER to the, &c.
or learning, would be amply fufficient to anſwer the
end. Or if any ſuch perfons were above Money,
(as every great Genius eertainly is, with very mode-
rate conveniencies of life) a Medal, or fome mark of
diſtinction, would do full as well.
But I forget my Province, and find myſelf turn-
ing Projector before I am aware; although it be one
of the laft Characters ander which I ſhould deſire to
appear before your Lordfhip, eſpecially when I have
the ambition of aſpiring to that of being, with the
greateſt Reſpect and Truth,
My LORD,
YOUR LORDSHIP'S
molt Obedient, mop Obliged,
and of Humble Servant
1711-12.
SOME
j
24
:.
We
SOM E
FREE THOUGHTS
UP ON THE
PRESENT STATE
OF
AFFAIRS.
Written in the Year 1714.
Q2
.
15:
:::::: * * * */ ps:
.
2..….… ::
ADVERTISEMENT to the READER.
AB
BOUT a Month before the Demiſe of
Queen Anne, the Author retired to a
Friend's Houſe in Berkſhire, upon the Miniſtry
quarrelling among themſelves, whom he endea-
voured to reconcile to each other ; but finding
his Endeavours fruitleſs, he wrote the
following
Pamphlet in his Retirement, and ſent it to
London to be printed : But before it was ready
for Publication, that Princeſs died, which pre-
vented its Appearance in the World, and in all
Probability would have been loft for ever, bad
not the Printer hereof been in London ſome
Time ago, and got the original Manuſcript from
Alderman John Barber, formerly City-Printer,
who had moſt carefully preſerved it, in order to
oblige the Publick fome Time or other ; which
we here do in the moſt correct Manner, not
doubting, but it will be agreeable to all our
Readers.
Dublin, May,
1741.
23
.:： ..༌
ཚེ $$ རྒྱུ རྒྱུ རྒྱུ
་་
3
| 1:|:
ཧཱུཾ
[ 231 ]
SOME
FREE THOUGHTS
UPON THE
PRESENT STATE
OF
A F FA I R S.
Written in the Year 1714.
W:
HATEVER may be thought or pra-
etiſed by profound politicians, they will
hardly be able to convince the reaſonable
part of mankind, that the moſt plain, thort, eaſy, ſafe,
and lawful way to any good end, is not more
eligible, than one directly contrary in fome or all of
theſe qualities. I have been frequently aſſured by
great Miniſters, that politicks were nothing but com-
mon ſenſe; which, as it was the only true thing
they ſpoke, ſo it was the only thing they could
have wiſhed I ſhould not believe. God hath given
the bulk of mankind a capacity to underſtand Reaſon
when
Q4
232 Some free THOUGHTS upon
3
5.
when it is fairly offered ; and by Reaſon they
would eaſily be governed, if it were left to their
choice. Thoſe Princes in all ages, who were moſt
diſtinguiſhed for their myſterious ſkill in Government,
found by the event, that they had ill conſulted their
own quiet, or the eaſe and happineſs of their people;
nor hath poſterity remembered them with honour:
Such as Lyfander and Philip among the Greeks, Ti-
berius in Rome, Pope Alexander the ſixth and his
Son Cafar Borgia, Queen Catherine de Medicis,
Philip the ſecond of Spain, with many others. Nor
are examples leſs frequent of Miniſters famed for men
of deep intrigue, whoſe politicks have produced little
more than Murmurings, Factions, and Diſcontents,
which uſually terminated in the diſgrace and ruin of
the Authors.
I can recollect but three Occaſions in a State, where
the Talents of ſuch men may be thought neceſſary;
I mean in a State where the Prince is obeyed and
loved by his ſubjects. Firſt, in the Negociation of
a Peace ; fecondly, in adjuſting the intereſts of our
own Country with thoſe of the Nations round us,
watching the ſeveral Motions of our Neighbours and
Allies, and preſerving a due Balance among them :
Lally, in the Management of Parties and Factions at
home. In the firſt of theſe caſes, I have often heard
it obſerved, that plain good ſenſe and a firm adherence
to the point, have proved more effectual than all thoſe
arts, which I remember a great foreign Miniſter uſed
in contempt to call the Spirit of Negociating. In
the ſecond caſe, much Wiſdom and a thorough know
ledge in Affairs both foreign and domeſtick are cer-
tainly required: After which I know no Talents
ne-
ceſſary beſides Method and Skill in the common forms
of buſineſs. In the laſt caſe, which is that of manag-
ing
the Preſent State of AFFAIRS. 233
;
ing Parties, there ſeems indeed to be more occaſion
for employing this gift of the lower Politicks, when-
ever the Tide runs high againſt the Court and Mini-
ftry, which ſeldom happens under any tolerable Ad-
miniſtration, while the true intereſt of the Nation
is purſued. But, here in England (for I do not pre-
tend to eſtabliſh Maxims of Government in general)
while the Prince and Miniſtry, the Clergy, the Ma-
jority of Landed-men, and bulk of the people appear
to have the ſame views, and the ſame principles, it is
not obvious to me, how thoſe at the helm can have
many opportunities of fhewing their ſkill in Myfte-
ry and Refinement, beſides what themſelves think fit
to create.
I have been aſſured by men long practiſed in Buſi-
neſs, that the Secrets of Court are much fewer than we
generally fuppofe; and I hold it for the greateſt Secret
of Court that they are fo: Becauſe the firſt Springs
of great Events, like thoſe of great Rivers, are often
ſo mean and ſo little, that in decency they ought to
be hid: And therefore Miniſters are fo wiſe to leave
their proceedings to be accounted for by reaioners at
a diſtance, who often mould them into ſyſtems, that
do not only go down very well in the Coffee-houſe,
but are ſupplies for Pamphlets in the preſent age,
and may probably furniſh Materials for Memoirs and
Hiſtories in the next.
It is true indeed, that even thoſe who are very near
the Court, and are ſuppoſed to have a large ſhare in
the management of publick matters, are apt to deduct
wrong conſequences, by reaſoning upon the cauſes and
motives of thoſe Actions wherein themſelves are em-
ployed. A great. Miniſter puts you a Cale, and
alks your Opinion, but conceals an eſſential circum-
fance, upon which the whole weight of the matter
turns ;
i
234 Some free THOUGHTS upon
turns; then he deſpiſeth your underſtanding for
counſelling him no better, and concludes he ought
to truſt entirely to his own wiſdom. Thus he grows
to abound in Secrets and Reſerves, even towards thoſe
with whom he ought to act in the greateſt confidence
and concert; and thus the world is brought to judge,
that whatever be the iſſue and event, it was all fore
feen, contrived, and brought to paſs by foine maſter,
ftroke of his Politicks.
I could produce innumerable inſtances from my
own memory and obſervation, of events imputed to
the profound fkill and addreſs of a Miniſter, which
in reality were either the meer effects of Negligence,
Weaknels, Humour, Paſſion, or Pride, or at beſt,
but the natural courſe of things left to themſelves.
During this very Seſſion of Parliament, a moft
ingenious gentleman, who hath much credit with
thoſe in Power, would needs have it, that in the
late Diffentions at Court, which grew too high to
be any longer a ſecret, the whole matter was carried
with the utmoſt dexterity on one fide, and with ma-
nifeft ill conduct on the other. To prove this, he
made uſe of the moft plauſible Topicks, drawn from
the nature and diſpoſition of the feveral perſons con-
cerned, as well as of her Majeſty; all which he
knows as much of as any man : And gave me a de
tail of the whole with ſuch an appearance of proba-
bility, as committed to writing would paſs for an
admirable piece of ſecret hiſtory. Yet I am at the
ſame time convinced by the ftrongeſt Reaſons, that
the iſſue of thoſe Diſſentions, as to the part they had
in the Court and Houſe of Lords was partly owing
to very different Cauſes, and partly to the Situation
of Affairs, from whence in that conjuncture they
could not eaſily terminate otherwiſe than they did,
what-
the Prefent State of AFFAIRS. 235
whatever unhappy Conſequences they may have for
the future.
In like manner I have heard a Phyſician pronounce
with great gravity, that he had cured ſo many Patients
of malignant Fevers, and as many more of the
Small-pox; whereas in truth nine parts in ten of
thoſe who recovered, owed their lives to the ſtrength
of Nature, and a good Conftitution, while ſuch a one
happened to be their Doctor.
But, while it is ſo difficult to learn the ſprings and
motives of fome facts, and ſo eaſy to forget the cir-
cumſtances of others, it is no wonder they ſhould
be fo grofly miſrepreſeted to the publick by curious
inquiſitive heads who proceed altogether upon Con-
jectures, and in reaſoning upon Affairs of State are
ſure to be miſtaken by ſearching too deep. And
as I have known this to be the frequent error of
many others, ſo I am fure it hath been perpetually
mine, whenever I have attempted to diſcover the
cauſes of political events by Refinement and Conje-
&ture; which I muſt acknowledge hath very much
abated my veneration for what they call Arcana Im-
perii ; whereof I dare pronounce, that the fewer
there are in any Adminiſtration, it is juſt ſo much
the better.
What I have hitherto ſaid, hath by no means
been intended to detract from the qualities requiſite
in thoſe who are truſted with the Adminiſtration of
Publick Affairs ; on the contrary, I know no ſtation
of life where great abilities and virtues of all kinds
are ſo highly neceſſary, and where the want of any is
fo quickly or univerſally felt. A great Miniſter hath
no Virtue for which the publick may not be the
better, nor any defect by which the publick is not
certainly a ſufferer. I have known more than once or
twice
236 Some free THOUGHTS upon
.
twice within four years paft, an omiſſion, in appeara
ance very ſmall, prove almoſt fatal to a whole ſcheme,
and very hardly retrieved. It is not always fufficient
for the perſon at the Helm, that he is intrepid in his
Nature, free from any tincture of Avarice or Cor.
ruption, and that he hath great natural and acquired
Abilities.
I never thought the reputation of much Secrecy
was a Character of any advantage to a Miniſter, be-
cauſe it put all other men upon their guard to be as
Secret as he, and was conſequently the occaſion that
perſons and things were always miſrepreſented to
him: Becauſe likewiſe too great an affectation of
Secrecy is uſually thought to be attended with thoſe
little intrigues and Refinements, which among the
vulgar denominate a man a great Politician; but a-
mong others is apt, whether deſervedly or no, to ac
quire the opinion of Cunning: A Talent which dif-
fers as much from the true knowledge of Govern-
inent, as that of an Attorney from an able Lawyer.
Neither indeed am I altogether convinced, that this
habit of multiplying Secrets may not be carried on
fo far as to ſtop that Communication, which is ne-
ceffarv in ſame degree among all who have any con-
fiderable part in the management of Publick Affairs :
Becauſe I have obſerved the inconveniencies ariſing
from a want of love between thoſe who were to
give directions, to have been of as ill conſequence,
as any that could happen from the diſcovery of Se-
crets. I ſuppoſe, when a building is to be erected,
the model max be the contrivance only of one head ;
and it is ſufficient that the under-workmen be ordered
to cut ſtones into certain ſhapes, and place them in
certain poſitions : But the ſeveral maſter-builders
mull have ſome general knowledge of the deſign,
with-
the Preſent State of AFFAIRS.
237
without which they can give no orders at all. And,
indeed, I do not know a greater mark of an able
Minifter, than that of rightly adapting the ſeveral
faculties of men; nor is any thing more to be
lamented than the impracticableneſs of doing this in
any great degree under our preſent circumſtances,
while ſo many fhut themſelves out by adhering to
a faction, and while the Court is enſlaved to the im-
parience of others, who defire, to ſell their Vote, or
their Intereſt, as dear as they can. But whether this
hath not been ſubmitted to more than was neceffary,
whether it hath not been dangerous in the example,
and pernicious in the practice, I will leave "to the
enquiry of thoſe who can better determine.
It may be matter of no little admiration to confider
in fome lights the State of Affairs among us for
four years paſt. The Queen finding herſelf and the
majority of her kingdom grown weary of the Ava-
rice and Infolence, the miſtaken Politicks, and de-
ſtructive Principles of her former Miniſters ; calls to
the ſervice of the Publick another ſett of men, who
by confeffion of their enemies had equal abilities at
leaſt with their predeceſſors: Whoſe intereſt made it
neceſſary for them (although their inclinations had
been otherwiſe) to act upon thoſe maxims which
were moſt agreeable to the Conſtitution in Church
and State; whoſe Birth and Patrimonies gave them
weight in the Nation; and who (I ſpeak of thoſe
who were to have the chief part in Affairs) had long
lived under the fricteft bonds of friendſhip: With
all theſe advantages ſupported by a vaſt majority of
the landed intereſt, and the inferior Clergy almoſt
to a man, we have ſeveral times ſeen the preſent
Adminiſtration in the greateſt diſtreſs, and very near
the brink of Ruin, together with the Cauſe of the
Church
:
2016
238 Some free THOUGHTS upon
Church and Monarchy committed to their charge
neither doth it appear to me at the minute I am
now writing, that their power or duration are upon
any tolerable foot of Security : Which I do not fo
much impute to the addreſs and induſtry of their
enemies, as to fome failures among themſelves, which
I think have been full as vifible in their Cauſes as their
Effects.
Nothing hath given me greater indignation than
to behold a Miniſtry, who came with the advantages
I have repreſented, acting ever ſince upon the Defen-
five in the Houſe of Lords with a majority on their
úde, and inſtead of calling others to account, as it was
reaſonably expected, mifpending their time and loſing
many opportunities of doing good, becauſe a ſtrug-
ling Faction kept them continually in play. This
Courage among the Adverſaries of the Court, was
inſpired into them by various incidents, for every one
of which I think the Miniſters, (or, if that was the
caſe) the Miniſter alone is to anſwer.
For, firſt, that race of Politicians, who in the
cant phraſe are called the Whimſicals, was never fo
numerous, or at leaft fo active, as it hath been fince
the great Change at Court = many of thoſe who pre
tended wholly to be in with the Principles upon
which her Majeſty and her new ſervants proceeded,
either abſenting themſelves with the utmoft indiffe-
rence, in thoſe Conjunctures whereon the whole
Cauſe depended, or ſiding dire&tly with the Enemy.
I very well remember, when this Miniftry was
not above a year old, there was a little murmuring a-
mong ſuch as are called the higher Tories or Church-
men, that quicker progreſs was not made in removing
thoſe of the diſcontented Party out of Employments.
I remember likewiſe, the reaſonings upon this matter
were
*
the Preſent State of AFFAIRS. 239
were various, even among many who were allowed
to know a good deal of the inſide of the Court;
fome fuppoſed the was at firſt prevailed on to
make that great change with no other view than that
of acting for the future upon a moderating Scbeme,
in order to reconcile both parties; and I believe
there might poflibly have been fome grounds for this
ſuppoſition. Others conceived the employments were
left undiſpoſed of, in order to keep alive the hopes of
many more impatient candidates than ever could be
gratified. This hath fince been looked on as a very
high ftrain of politicks, and to have ſucceeded accord
ingly; becauſe it is the opinion of many, that the
numerous pretenders to places would never have been
kept in order, if all expectation had been cut off.
Others were yet more refined ; and thought it neither
wiſe nor fafe wholly to extinguiſh all oppoſition froin
the other ſide ; becauſe in the nature of things it was
abſolutely neceſſary that there ſhould be Parties in
an Engliſh Parliament, and a faction already odious
to the people, might be ſuffered to continue with leſs
danger, than any new one that could ariſe. To con-
firm this, it was ſaid that the Majority in the Houſe
of Commons was too great on the ſide of the High-
Church, and began to form themſelves into a Body
(by the Name of the O&ober-Club) in order to put
the Miniſtry under ſubjection. Laſtly, the danger of
introducing too great a number of unexperienced men
at once into office, was urged as an irrefragable rea-
fon for making changes by flow degrees. To diſcard
an able officer from an Employment, or part of a
Commiſſion, where the revenue or trade were con
cerned, for no other reaſon but differing in ſome
principles of Government, might be of terrible con-
Sequence.
However,
3
.
240 Some free Thoughts upon
However, it is certain, that none of theſe excuſes
were able to paſs among men, who argued only froin
the principles of general reaſon. For firſt, they
louked upon all Schemes of Comprehenſion to be as vi-
fionary and impoſſible in the State, as in the Church.
Secondly, while the fpirit raiſed by the Tryal of
Dr. Sacbeverell continued in motion, men were not
fo keen upon coming in themſelves, as to ſee their
Enemies out, and deprived of all aſliſtance to do mil-
chief: And it is urged further, that this general am-
bition of hunting after Places, grew chiefly from fee-
ing them ſo long undiſpoſed of, and from too general
an encouragement by promiſes, to all, who were
thought capable of doing either good or hurt. Thirdly,
the fear of creating another Party in caſe the preſent
Fa&tion were wholly ſubdued, was in the opinion of
plain men, and in regard to the ſituatinn of our af-
fairs, too great a Sacrifce of the Nation's ſafety to
the Genius of Politicks; conſidering how much was
to be done, and how little time might probably be
allowed. Bclides, the diviſion of a Houſe of Com-
mops into Court and Country Parties, which was the
Evil they ſeemed to apprehend, could never be dan-
gerous to a good Miniltry, who had the true intereſt
and conſtitution of their country at heart : As for
the apprehenſion of too great a Majority in the Houſe
of Commons, it appeared to be lo vain, that upon
ſome points of importance the Court was hardly able
to procure onc. And the O&tober-Club, which ap-
peared fo formidable at first to fome Politicians,
proved in the Sequel to be the chief fupport of thoſe
who ſuſpected them. It was likewile very well
known that the greateſt part of thoſe men, whom
the former Miniſtry left in Pofleſſion of Employ-
ments, were loudly charged with inſufficiency or cor-
ruption,
:
the Preſent State of AFFAIRS. 241
ruption, over and above their obnoxious tenets in re-
ligion and government; ſo that it would have been a
matter of ſome difficulty to make a worſe choice: Be-
fides, that Plea for keeping men of factious princi.
ples in employment, upon the ſcore of their abi-
lities, was thought to be extended a little too far,
and conſtrued to take in all employments whatſoever,
altho' many of them required no more ablities than
would ſerve to qualify a Gentleman-Uſher, at Court":
So that this laſt excuſe for the very ſlow ſteps made
in dilarming the adverſaries of the Crown, was al-
lowed indeed to have more plauſibility, but leſs truth,
than any of the former.
I do not here pretend to condemn the counſels
or actions of the preſent Miniſtry: Their ſafety and
intereſt are viſibly united with thoſe of the publick,
they are perſons of unqueſtionable abilities, altoge-
ther unſuſpected of avarice or corruption, and have
the advantage to be further recommended by the
dread and hatred of the oppoſite faction. However,
it is manifest that the zeal of their friends hath been
cooling towards them for above two years paſt :
They have been frequently deſerted or diſtreſſed upon
the moſt preſſing occaſions, and very néar giving up
in deſpair: Their characters have been often treated
with the utinoſt barbarity and injuſtice in both
Houſes, by fcurrilous and enraged Orators; while
their neareſt friends, and even thoſe who muſt have a
ſhare in their diſgrace, never offered a word in their
vindication.
When I examine with myſelf what occaſions the
Miniſtry may have given for this coldneſs, incon-
Itancy and diſcontent among their friends, I at the
fame time recollect the various Conjectures, Reaſon-
ings and Suſpicions, which have run fo freely for
VOL. I.
R
thrco
242 Some free THOUGHTS upon
.
three years paſt, concerning the deſigns of the Court:
I do not only mean ſuch conjectures, as are born in
a Coffee-houſe, or invented by the malice of a party ;
but alſo the conclufions (however miſtaken) of wiſe
and good men, whoſe quality and ſtation fitted them
to underſtand the reaſon of publick proceedings, and
in whoſe power it lay to recommend or diſgrace an
adminiftration to the people. I muſt therefore take
the boldnels to aſkert, that all theſe diſcontents, how
ruinous foever they may prove in the conſequences,
hive moſt unneceſſarily ariſen from the want of a
due Communication and Concert. Every man mult
have a light fufficient for the length of the way he
is appointed to go: There is a degree of confidence
due to all ſtations ; and a petty conſtable will nei-
ther act chearfully or wiſely without that ſhare of
it which properly belongs to him ; Although the
main ſpring in a watch be out of fight, there is
an intermediate communication between it and the
ſmalleſt wheel, or elſe no uſeful motion could be per-
formed. This reſerved myſterious way of acting,
upon points, where there appeared not the leaft oc-
talion for it, and towards perfons, who ac lait, in
right of their poſts, expected a more open treat-
Inent, was imputed to fome hidden deſign, which
every man conjectured to be the very thing he was
woff afraid of. Thoſe who profeſſed the height of
what is called the church principle, fuſpected, that
a Comprehenſion was intended, wherein the moderate
Men on both ſides might be equally employed
Others went farther, and dreaded lucha correſpon-
dence, as directly tended to bring the old exploded
principles and perſons, once more into play. Again,
tome affected to be uneaſy about the Succeſſion, and
fecined to think there was a view of introducing
that
*
.."
Or
the Preſent State of AFFAIRS. 243
that perſon, whatever he is, who pretends to claim
the Crown by inheritance. Others, eſpecially of late,
furmiſed on the contrary, that the demands of the
Houſe of Hanover were induſtriouſly fomented by
fome in Power, without the privity of the
Now, although theſe accuſations were too in-
conſiſtent to be all of them true, yet they were ma-
liciouſly ſuffered to paſs, and thereby took off much
of that popularity which thoſe at the Helm ftood in
need of, to ſupport them under the difficulties of a
long perplexing Negociation, a daily addition of pub-
lick Debts, and an exhauſted Treaſury.
But the effects of this myſtical manner of proceed-
ing did not end here : For, the late Diffentions be-
tween the great Men at Court (which have been, for
fome time paſt, the publick entertainment of every
Coffee houſe) are ſaid, to have ariſen from the ſame
fountain ; while on one ſide very great Referve, and cer-
tainly very great Reſentment on the other, if we may
believe general report (for I pretend to know no far
ther) have enflamed animofities to ſuch a height, as
to make all reconcilement impracticable. Suppofing
this to be true, it may ſerve for a great lefion of hu-
miliation to mankind, to behold the habits and par-
fions of men otherwiſe highly accompliſhed, triumph-
ing over intereſt, friendſhip, honour, and their own
perſonal ſafety, as well as that of their country, and
probably of a moſt gracious Princeſs who hath en-
truſted it to them. A Ship's Crew quarrelling in a
Storm, or while their Enemies are within Gun-thot,
is but a faint idea of this fatal infatuation : Of which,
although it be hard to ſay enough, ſome people may
think perhaps I have already ſaid too much.
Since this unhappy incident, the deſertion of
friends, and loſs of reputation have been ſo great,
thar
R2
244
Some free THOUGHTS upon
->
that I do not ſee how the Miniſters could have conti-
nued many weeks in their ſtations, if their oppoſers
of all kinds had agreed about the methods by which
they ſhould be ruined: And, their prelervation hi-
therto ſeems to reſemble his, who had two poiſons
given him together of contrary operations.
It may ſeem very impertinent in one of my level
to point out to thoſe, who ſit at the Helm, what
Courſe they ought to ſteer. I know enough of
Courts to be ſenſible, how mean an opinion great
Miniſters have of moſt men's underſtanding; to a
degree, that in any other ſcience would be called the
groſſelt pedantry. However, unleſs I offer my ſen-
timents in this point, all I have hitherto ſaid, will be
to no purpoſe.
The general wiſhes and deſires of a people are per-
haps more obvious to other men, than to Miniſters of
State. There are two points of the higheſt impor-
tance, wherein a very great Majority of the Kingdom
appear perfectly hearty and unanimous. Firſt, that
the Church of England ſhould be preſerved entire in
all her Rights, Powers and Priviledges ; all doctrines
relating to government diſcouraged, which the con-
demns; all ſchiſms, fects and hereſies diſcountenan-
ced and kept under due ſubjection, as far as conſiſts
with the Lenity of our Conititution. Her open ene-
mies (among whoin I include at leaſt diſſenters of all
denominations) not truited with the ſmallelt degree
Cof Civil or Military Power; and her ſecret adverſa-
ries under the names of Whigs, Low-Church, Re-
publicans, Moderation-Men and the like, receive no
marks of favour from the Crown, but what they
ſhould deſerve by a ſincere Reformation.
Had this point been ſteadily purſued in all its
parts, for three years paſt, and a flerted as the avowed
refolution
the Preſent State of AFFAIRS. 245
reſolution of the Court, there muſt probably have
been an end of Faction, which hath been able ever
fince with ſo much vigour to diſturb and inſult the
Adminiſtration. I know very well that ſome refi-
bers pretend to argue for the uſefulneſs of parties in
ſuch a government as ours: I have ſaid ſomething
of this already, and have heard a great many idle
wiſe topicks upon the ſubject. But I ſhall not ar-
gue that matter at preſent: I ſuppoſe, if a man
thinks it neceſary to play with a Serpent, he will
chuſe one of a kind that is leaſt miſchievous; other-
wiſe, although it appears to be cruſhed, it may have
life enough to fting him to death. So, I think it is
not ſafe tampering with the preſent Faction, at leaſt
in this juncture : Firt, becauſe their principles and
practices have been already very dangerous to the con-
Ititution in Church and State: Secondly, becauſe they
are highly irritated with the loſs of their power, full
of venom and vengeance, and prepared to execute
every thing that rage or malice can ſuggeſt. But
principally, becauſe they have prevailed by miſre-
preſentations and other artifices, to make the Succef-
for look upon them as the only perſons he can trust :
Upon which account they cannot be too ſoon, or
too much diſabled : neither will England ever be ſafe
from the attempts of this wicked confederacy, until
their {trength and intereſt ſhall be ſo far reduced,
that for the future it ſhall not be in the power of the
Crown, although in conjunétion with any rich and
factious body of men, to chuſe an ill Majority in the
Houſe of Commons.
One ſtep very neceſſary to this great Work will be
to regulate the Army, and chiefly thoſe Troops which
in their turns' have the care of her Majeſty's perſon ;
who are inoft of them fitter to guard a prince under
R3
an enraged faction would be highly please!
246 Some free THOUGHTS upon
an High Court of Juſtice, than feated on the Throne
The peculiar hand of providence hath hitherto pre-
ſerved her Majeſty, encompaſied, whether ſleeping or
travelling, by her Enemies : But fince Religion teach.
eth us, that providence ought not to be tempted, it
is ill venturing to truſt that precious life any longer
to thoſe who by their publick behaviour and dif-
coarſe diſcover their impatience to ſee it at an end ;
that they may have liberty to be the inſtruments of
glutting at once the revenge of their patrons and
their own.
It ſhould be well remembered, what a
fatisfaction theſe gentlemen (after the example of
their betters) were ſo fanguine to expreſs upon the
Queen's laſt illneſs at Windfor, and what threatnings
they uſed of refuſing to obey their general, in caſe
that illneſs had proved fatal. Nor do I think it a
want of charity to ſuſpect, that in ſuch an evil da
day,
power
of the ſword, and with great connivance leave
it ſo long unſhcathed, until they were got rid of
their molt formidable adverſaries. In the mean time,
it must be a very melancholy proſpect, that whenever
it ſhall pleaſe God to viſit us with this calamity,
thoſe who are paid to be defenders of the Civil power,
will ftand ready for any acts of violence, that a Junta
compoſed of the greateſt enemies to the conftitution,
Shall think fit to enjoin them.
The other point of great importance, is the fecu-
rity of the Proteſtant Succeffion in the Houſe of Han-
Not from any partiality to that illuſtrious
Houſe, further than as it hath had the honour to
mingle with the Blood Royal of England, and is the
neareſt branch of our regal line reformed from
pos
pery. This point hath one advantage over the for-
mer, that both parties profeſs to deſire the fame bler--
fing
:
the Preſent State of AFFAIRS. 247
tent.
ſing for poſterity, but differ about the means of ſe-
curing it. From whence it hath come to paſs, that
the Proteſtant Succeſſion, in appearance the deſire
of the whole Nation, hath proved the greateſt To
pick of Slander, Jealouſy, Suſpicion and diſcon-
I have been ſo curious to aſk ſeveral acquaintance
among the oppoſite party, whether they, or their
leaders, did really ſuſpect there had been ever any
deſign in the Miniſtry to weaken the Succeffion in
favour of the Pretender, or of any other perſon
whatſoever. Some of them freely anſwered in the
Negative : Others were of the fame opinion, but ad-
ded, they did not know what might be done in time,
and upon farther provocations : Others again ſeemed
to believe the affirmative, but could never produce
any plauſible grounds for their belief. I have like-
wiſe been aſſured by a perſon of ſome conſequence,
that during a very near and conſtant familiarity with
the great men at Court for four years paſt, he never
could obſerve, even in thoſe hours of converſation
where there is uſually leaſt reſtraint, that one word ever
paſſed among them to thew a diſlike to the preſent Set-
Element ; although they would ſometimes lament that
the falſe repreſentations of their's and the Kingdom's
Enemies had made ſome impreſſions in the mind of
the Succeffor. As to my own circle of acquaintance,
I can ſafely affirm, that excepting thoſe who are Non-
jurors by profeſſion, I have not inet with above two
perſons who appeared to have any ſcruples concern-
ing the preſent limitation of the Crown. I there-
fore think it may very impartially be pronounced,
that the number of thoſe who wiſh to ſee the Son
of the abdicated Prince upon the Throne, is altoge-
ther inconſiderable. And further, I believe it will
R 4
be
248 Some free THOUGHTS upon
;
be found, that there are none who ſo much dread
any attempt he ſhall make for the recovery of his
imagined rights, as the Roman-Catholicks of Eng-
land; who love their freedom and properties too
well to deſire his entrance by a French Army, and a
field of blood ; who muſt continue upon the ſame
foot if he changeth his Religion, and muſt expect to
be the firſt and greateſt ſufferers if he ſhould happen
to fail.
As to the perſon of this nominal Prince, he lies
under all manner of diſadvantages : The vulgar ima
gine him to have been a child impoſed upon the Na-
tion by the fraudulent Zeal of his parents and their
bigotted counſellors; who took ſpecial care againſt
all the rules of common policy, to educate him in
their hateful fuperftition, fuck'd in with his milk and
confirmed in his manhood, too ſtrong to be now
ſhaken by Mr. Leſley; and a counterfeit converſation
will be too grofs to paſs upon the Kingdom, after
what we have ſeen and ſuffered from the like practice
in his father. He is likewiſe ſaid to be of weak intel-
lcctuals, and an unfound conſtitution : He was treated
contemptibly enough by the young Princes of France,
even during the War ; is now wholly neglected by
that Crown, and driven to live in Exile upon a ſmall
Exhibition: He is utterly unknown in England,
which he left in the cradle : His father's friends are
moſt of them dead, the reſt antiquated or poor.
Six and twenty years have almoft paft ſince the Re-
volution, and the bulk of thoſe who are now moſt
in action either at Court, in Parliament, or Publick
Offices, were then boys at School or the Univerſi-
ties, and look upon that great change to have happen-
ed during a period of time for which they are not ac.
countable. The Logick of the highelt Tories iš now,
that
the Preſent State of AFFAIRS. 249
that this was the eſtabliſhment they found, as ſoon
as they arrived to a capacity of judging; that they
had no hand in turning out the late King, and
therefore have no crime to anſwer for, if it were
any: That the inheritance to the Crown is in pur-
fuance of laws made ever ſince their remembrance,
by which all Papiſts are excluded, and they have no
other Rule to go by : That they will no more dif-
pute King William the Thrid's Title, than King
William the Firſt's ; fince they muſt have recourſe
to hiſtory for both : That they have been inſtructed
in the Doctrines of Paſſive-Obedience, Non-Refilt-
ance, and Hereditary Right, and find them all necel-
ſary for preſerving the preſent Etabliſhment in
Church and State, and for continuing the Succeſſion
in the Houſe of Hanover, and muſt in their own
opinion renounce all thoſe doctrines, by ſetting up
any other Title to the Crown. This I lay, ſeems to
be the political creed of all the high-principled men
I have for ſome tiine met with of forty years old
and under ; which although I do not pretend to
juſtify in every part, yet I am ſure it lets the
Proteſtant Succeſſion upon a much firmer founda-
tion, than all the indigeſted ſchemes of thoſe who
profeſs to act upon what they call Revolution-Prin-
ciples.
Neither ſhould it perhaps be foon forgot, that
during the greateſt Licentiouſneſs of the Preſs, while
the Sacred Character of the Queen was every day
inſulted in factious papers and ballads, not the
leaſt reflecting inſinuation ever appeared againſt the
Hanover Family, whatever occaſion was offered to
intemperate pens, by the 'raſhneſs or indiſcretion of
one or two Miniſters from thence.
From
250 Some free THOUGHTS uport
and that certain Titles ſhould be conferred upon the
upon it
From all theſe Confiderations, I muſt therefore lay
it down as an unconteftible truth, that the Succer
in to thele Kingdoms in the illuſtrious Houle of
Hanover is as firmly ſecured as the nature of the
thing can poſlibly admit ; by the Oaths of all thoſe
who are entruſted with any office, by the very prin-
ciples of thoſe who are termed the High-Church, by
the general inclinations of the people, by the inlig-
nificancy of that perſon who claims it from inheri-
tance, and the little affiftance he can expect either from
Princes abroad, or Adherents at home.
However, ſince the virulent oppoſers of the Queen
and her Adminiſtration have ſo far prevailed by their
Emiſiaries at the Court of Hanover, and by their
practices upon one or two ignorant, unmannerly
Meſſengers from thence, as to make the Elector de-
fire fome farther ſecurity, and ſend over a Mema-
rial here to that end : The great queſtion is how
to give reaſonable ſatisfaction to his Highneſs, and
(what is infinitely of greater conſequence) at the
lame time conſult the honour and ſafety of the
Queen, whoſe quiet Poffeffion is of much more
Conſequence to us of the preſent age, than his
Reportion. The ſubſtance of his Memorial, if I
Tetain ir right, is to deſire that ſome one of his
family might live in England, with ſuch a main-
tenance as is uſual to thoſe of the Royal Blood,
reit, according to antient cuftom. The Memorial
doth not fpecify which of the family ſhould be
invited to reſide here ; and if it had, I believe,
as a Circumſtance left to her own Choice.
But,
the Preſent State of AFFAIR 8. 251
But, as all this is moſt manifeſtly unneceſary in
it felf,, and only in compliance with the miſtaken
doubts of a prelumptive heir ; ſo the Nation would
(to ſpeak in the language of Mr. Steele) EXPECT, that
her Majeity ſhould be made perfe&tly caly from that
ſide for the future; no more to be alarmed with Ap-
prehenſions of Viats, or Demands of Writs, where
She hath not thought fit to give any Invitation.
The Nation would likewiſe expect, that there ſhould
be an end of all private Commerce between that
Court and the Leaders of a Party here; and that
his Electoral Highneſs ſhould declare himſelf entirely
ſatisfied with all her Majelly's proceedings, her Trea-
ties of Peace and Commerce, her Alliances abroad,
her Choice of Miniſters at home, and particularly in
her moſt gracious Condeſcenſions to his Requeſt :
That he would upon all proper occaſions, and in
the moſt publick manner, diſcover his utter diſlike
of factious Perſons and Principles, but eſpecially of
that Party, which under the pretence or ſhelter of
his Protection, hath ſo long diſquieted the Kingdom :
And laſtly, that he would acknowledge the goodneſs
of the Queen, and juſtice of the Nation, in fo fully
ſecuring the Succeffion to his family,
It is indeed a Problem which I could never com-
prehend, why the Court of Hanover, who have all
along thought themſelves ſo perfectly ſecure in the
Affections, the Principles and the Profeſſions of the
Low-Church Party, ihould not have endeavoured,
according to the uſual Politicks of Princes, to gain
over thoſe who were repreſented as their Enemies
ſince theſe ſuppoſed Enemies had made ſo many Ad-
vances, were in Poffeſfion of all the Power, had fra -
med the very Settlement to which that illuſtrious Fa-
mily owes its Claim; had all of them abjured the
Pretender;
:
:
:
252 Some free THOUGHTS upon
Pretender
were now employed in the great Offices
of State, and compoſed a Majority in both Houſes of
Parliament. Not to mention, that the Queen her-
felf, with the bulk of the Landed Gentry and Com-
monalty throughout the Kingdom, were of the
number. This one would think might be a Strength
fufficicnt not only to obftrućt but to beſtow a Succel-
fion : And ſince the preſumed Heir could not but be
perfe&tly ſecure of the other Party, whoſe greateſt
avowed grievance was the pretended danger of his
future Rights: It might, therefore, ſurely have been
worth his while to have made at leaſt one ſtep towards.
cultivating a fair Correſpondence with the Power in
poffeffion. Neither could thole, who are called his
Friends have blamed him, or with the leaſt decency
enter into any engagements for defeating his Title.
But why may not the reaſons of this proceeding
in the Eleftor be directly contrary to what is com
monly imagined ? Methinks I could endeavour to be-
lieve that his Highneſs is thoroughly acquainted with
both Parties; is convinced, that no true Member of
the Church of England can eaſily be ſhaken in his
Principles of Loyalty, or forget the obligation of an
Oath, by any provo ation. That Theſe are therefore
the people he intends to rely upon, and keeps only
fair with the Otbers, from a true Notion he hath of
their Doctrines, which prompt them to forget their
duty upon every motive of Intereſt or Ambition.
If this Conjecture be right, his Highneſs cannot ſure
but entertain a very high eſteem of ſuch Miniſters,
who continue to act under the dread and appearance
of a Succeflor's utmoft diſpleaſure, and the threats
of an enraged Faction, whom he is fuppcfed alone
to favour, and to be guided entirely in his judg-
ment
the Preſent State of AFFAIRS. 253
ment of Britiſe Affairs and Perſons by their Opi-
nions.
But to return from this digreffion : The Preſence
of that Infant Prince among us could not, I think,
in any fort be inconſiſtent with the ſafety of the
Queen; he would be in no danger of being corrupt-
ed in his principles, or expoſed in his perſon by vi-
cious Companions ; he could be at the head of no
factious Clubs and Cabals, nor be attended by a hired
Rabble, which his Flatterers might repreſent as Po-
pularity. He would have none of that Impatience
which the frailty of human nature gives to expecting
Heirs. There would be no pretence for men to
make their court by affecting German Modes and Re-
finements in Dreſs or Behaviour : Nor would there
be an occaſion of inſinuating to him, how much
more his Levee was frequented, than the Anti-Cham-
bers of St. James's. Add to all this, the advantages
of being educated in our Religion, Laws, Language,
Manners, Nature of the Government, each ſo very
different from those he would leave behind. By
which likewiſe he might be highly ufeful to his
Father, if that Prince ſhould happen to ſurvive her
Majeſty
The late King William, who after his Marriage
with the Lady Mary of England, could have do
probable expectation of the Crown, and very little
even of being a Queen's huſband the Duke of York
having a young wife) was no ftranger to our Lan-
guage or Manners, and went often to the Chapel of
his Princeſs; which I obſerve the rather, becauſe I
could heartily with the like diſpoſition were in an-
other Court, and becauſe it may be diſagreeable to a
Prince to take up new Doctrines on a ſudden, or
(peak to his Subjects by an interpreter.
An
254
:.
Some free THOUGHT$ upon
,
An ill natured or inquiſitive man may ſtill, per-
haps, deſire to preſs the queſtion further, by aſking
what is to be done, in caſe it ſhould ſo happen, that
this malevolent working Party at home, hath credit
enough with the Court of Hanover, to continue the
Sulpicion, Jealouſy, and Uneaſineſs there against the
Queen and her Miniſtry; to make ſuch demands be
fill inlifted on, as are by no means thought proper to
be complied with ; and in the mean time to ſtand at
ation with thoſe who oppoſe her.
I take the Anſwer to be eaſy: In all Conteſts the
fafeit way is to put thoſe we diſpute with, as much
in the Wrong as we can. When her Majefty ſhall
have offered ſuch or the like Conceflions as I have
above mentioned, in order to remove thoſe Scruples
artihcially raiſed in the mind of the expectant Heir,
and to divide him from that faction by which he
is ſuppoſed to have been miſled ; the hath done as
much as any Prince can do, and more than any other
would probably do in her caſe; and will be jufti-
fied before God and Man, whatever be the event.
The equitable part of thoſe who now fide againſt
the Court, will probably be more temperate ; and,
if a due diſpatch be made in placing the Civil and
Military Power in the hands of such as wiſh well
to the Conftitution, it cannot be any way for the
quiet or intereſt of a Succeſſor to gratify to ſmall a
Faction as will probably then remain, at the expence
of a much more numerous and conſiderable part of
his Subjects. Neither do I ſee how the principles of
ſuch a Party, either in Religion or Government,
will
prove very agreeabie, becauſe I think Lurber
and Caluin ſeem to have differed as much as any two
among the Reformers :
Reformers: And becauſe a German
Prince
3
the Preſent State of AFFAIRS. 255
Prince will probably be ſuſpicious of thoſe, who think
they can never depreſs the Prerogative enough.
But ſuppoſing, once for all, as far as pollible, that
the Eleftor ſhould utterly refuſe to be upon any Terms
of Confidence with the preſent Miniſtry, and all
others of their Principles, as enemies to him and the
Succeflion; nor eaſy with the Queen her ſelf, but
upon ſuch Conditjons as will not be thought conſiſtent
with her Safety and Honour ; and continue to place
all his hopes and truſt in the diſcontented Party. I
think it were humbly to be wiſhed, that whenever
the Succeſſion ſhall take place, the alterations intend-
ed by the new Prince ſhould be made, by himſelf, and
not by his Deputies: Becauſe I am of opinion, that
the Clauſe empowering the Succeffor to appoint a
latent, unlimited number, additional to the ſeven Re-
gents named in the Ati, went upon a ſuppoſition,
that the Secret Committee would be of ſuch, whole
Enmity and contrary principles diſpoſed them to con-
found the reſt. King William, whoſe title was much
more controverted than that of her Majeſty's Succef-
for can ever probably be, did for ſeveral years leave
the Adminiſtration of the Kingdom in the hands of
Lords Juſtices, during the height of a war, and while
the abdicated Prince himſelf was frequently attempt-
ing an Invaſion : Froin whence one might imagine,
that the Regents appointed by Parliament upon the
demiſe of the Crown would be able to keep the peace
during an abſence of a few weeks, without any
Colleagues. However, I am pretty confident that the
only reaſon why a power was given of chafing dor-
mant Viceroys, was to take away all pretence of a
neceflity to invite over any of the Family, here, du-
ring her Majeſty's lite. So that I do not well ap-
Prehead
.
256 Some free Thoughts upon, &c.
prehend what Arguments the Eleilor can uſe to infift
upon both.
To conclude; the only way of ſecuring the Con-
ftitution in Church and Stare, and conſequently this
very Proteſtant Succellion it ſelf, will be by leflening
the Power of our domeſtick Adverſaries as much as
can poſſibly conſiſt with the Lenity of our Govern-
ment; and, if this be not ſpeedily done, it will be
erly to point where the Nation is to fix the
blame: For, we are well aſſured, that ſince the ac-
count her Majeſty received of the Cabals, the Tri-
uinphs, the intolent Behaviour of the whole Faction
during her late illneſs at Windſor, ſhe hath been as
willing to ſee them deprived of all Power to do miſ-
chief, as any of her molt zealous and loyal Subjects
can deſire.
THOUGHTS
[ 257 )
THOUGHTS
ON
VARIOUS SUBJECTS.
W
E have juſt enough Religion to make us
hate, but not enough to make us love
one-another.
Reflect on things paſt, as Wars, Negociations,
Factions, &c. We enter ſo little into thoſe intereſts,
that we wonder how men could poſſibly be ſo buſy
and concerned for things fo tranſitory: Look on the
preſent times, we find the ſame humour, yet wonder
not at all.
A wiſe man endeavours, by conſidering all Cir-
cumſtances, to make Conjectures, and form Conclu-
fions ; but the ſmalleſt Accident intervening (and in
the courſe of Affairs it is impoſſible to foreſee all)
docs often produce ſuch Turns and Changes, that at
laſt he is juſt as much in doubt of Events as the moſt
ignorant and unexperienced perſon.
Vol. I.
S
Pofi-
258 Thoughts on Various Subjects.
Poſitiveneſs is a good quality for Preachers and
Orators, becauſe he that would obtrude his Thoughts
and Reaſons upon a Multitude, will convince others
the more, as he appears convinced himſelf.
How is it poſible to expect that mankind will
take Advice, when they will not ſo much as take
Warning
I forget whether Advice be among the loft Things
which Arifto fays are to be found in the Moon; That
and Time ought to have been there.
No Preacher is liſtened to but Time, which gives
us the ſame train and turn of Thought that elder
people have tried in vain to put into our heads be-
fore.
When we deſire or follicit any thing, our minds
run wholly on the good ſide or circumitances of it ;
when 'tis obtained, our minds run wholly on the bad
i
ones.
1
In a Glafs-Houſe the workmen often fling in a ſmall
quantity of freſh Coals, which ſeems to disturb the
Fire, but very much enlivens it. This ſeems to al-
lude to a gentle ſtirring of the Paſſions, that the Mind
may not languiſh.
Religion ſeems to have grown an infant with age,
and requires miracles to nurſe it, as it had in its in-
fancy
All Fits of Pleaſure are balanced by an equal de-
gree of Pain or Languor ; 'cis like ſpending this year
part of the next year's Revenue.
The latter part of a wife man's life is
taken up in
curing the Follies, Prejudices, and falfe Opinions he
had contracted in the foriner.
Would a Writer know how to behave himſelf
with relation to Pofterity, let him conſider in old
books
.
Thoughts on Various Subje£ts. 259
books what he finds that he is glad to know, and
What Omiſſions he moſt laments.
Whatever the Poets pretend, 'cis plain they give
Immortality to none but themſelves : 'Tis 'Homer
and Virgil we reverence and admire, not Achilles or
Æneas. With Hiſtorians it is quite the contrary;
our Thoughts are taken up with the Actions, Perſons,
and Events we read, and we little regard the Au.
thors.
When a true Genius appears in the world you
may know him by this Sign, that the Dances are all
in Confederacy againft him.
Men who poſſeſs all the advantages of life, are in
a State where there are many Accidents to diſorder
and diſcompoſe, but few to pleaſe them.
'Tis unwiſe to puniſh Cowards with Ignominy ;
for if they had regarded that, they would not have
been Cowards : Death is their proper puniſhment,
becauſe they fear it moſt.
The greateſt inventions were produced in the times
of Ignorance; as the uſe of the Compaſs, Gunpowder,
and Printing ; and by the dulleft Nation, as the
Germans.
One Argument to prove that the common relations
of Ghoſts and Spectres are generally falſe, may be
drawn from the opinion held, that Spirits are never
feen by more than one perſon at a time; that is to
fay, it feldom happens to above one perſon in a
company to be poſſeſſed with any high degree of
Spleen or Melancholly
any
I am apt to think, that in the day of Judgment
there will be ſmall allowance given to the Wiſe
for their want of Morals, nor to the Ignorant for
their want of Faith, becauſe both are without ex-
cuſe. This renders the advantages equal of Ignorance
and
S 2
.
*
260 Thoughts on Various Subjects.
and Knowledge. But ſome Scruples in the Wiſe,
and fome Vices in the Ignorant, will perhaps be
forgiven upon the ſtrength of Temptation to each.
The value of ſeveral circumſtances in ſtory leſſens
very much by diſtance of time, though ſome minute
circumſtances are very valuable; and it requires great
judgment in a writer to diſtinguiſh.
'Tis grown a word of courſe for Writers to ſay,
This critical age, as Divines fay, This finful age.
'Tis pleaſant to obſerve how free the preſent age
is in laying Taxes on the next: Future Ages ſoall talk
of this: this ball be famous to all Pofterity: Where-
as their Time and Thoughts will be taken up about
preſent things, as ours are now.
The Camelion, who is ſaid to feed upon nothing
but Air, hath of all Animals the nimbleft Tongue.
When a man is made a Spiritual Peer he loſes his
Sir-name; when a Temporal, his Chriſtian-name. .
It is in Diſputes as in Armies, where the weaker
Gde fets up falle lights, and makes a great noiſe, to
make the Enemy believe them more numerous and
Atrong than they really are.
Some men, under the notions of weeding out Pro-
judices, eradicate Virtue, Honeſty, and Religion.
In all well-inſtituted Commonwealths, Care has
been taken to limit Mens Poffeffions; which is done
for many reaſons, and among the relt, for one which
perhaps is not often conſidered, That when bounds
are ſet to mens deſires, after they have acquired as
much as the laws will permit them, their private
intereſt is at an end, and they have nothing to do
but to take care of the publick.
There are but three ways for a man to revenge
himſelf of the cenſure of the world; to deſpiſe it,
Thoughts on Various Subje&ts. 261
wi
to return the like, or to endeavour to live ſo as to
avoid it: The firſt of theſe is uſually pretended, the
laſt is almoſt impoflible, the univerſal practice is for
the ſecond.
Herodotus tells us, that in cold countries beaſts very
ſeldom have horns, but in hot they have very large
ones. This might bear a pleaſant Application.
I never heard a finer piece of Satire againſt Law-
yers, than that of Aſtrologers, when they pretend by
Rules of Art to tell when a Suit will end, and whether
to the advantage of the Plaintiff or Defendant; thus
making the matter depend entirely upon the influence
of the Stars, without the leaſt regard to the Merits
of the Cauſe.
The Expreſſion in Apocrypha about Tobit and his
Dog following him, I have often heard ridiculed,
yet Homer has the ſame words of Telemachus more
than once; and Virgil ſays ſomething like it of
Evander. And I take the book of Tobit to be partly
poetical.
I have known fome men poſſeſſed of good quali-
ties, which were very ſerviceable to others, but uſe-
leſs to themſelves; like a Sun-dial on the front of a
houſe, to inform the Neighbours and Paſſengers, but
not the Owner within.
If a man would regiſter all his opinions upon
Love, Politicks, Religion, Learning, &c. beginning
from his youth and fo go on to old age, what a bun.
dle of Inconſiſtencies and Contradi&tions would ap-
pear at laſt
What they do in Heaven we are ignorant of;
what they do not we are told exprefly, That they
neither marry, nor are given in Marriage.
$ 3
When
262 Thoughts on Various Subje&is:
When a Man obſerves the choice of Ladies now-
a-days, in the diſpenſing of their Favours, can he
forbear paying ſome veneration to the Memory of
thoſe Mares mentioned by Xenophon *, who, while
their Manes were on, that is, while they were in
their Beauty, would never admit the Embraces of
an Aſs.
'Tis a miſerable thing to live in Suſpence ; it is
the life of a Spider.
Viøe quidem, pende tamen, improba, dixit.
Ovid Metam
The Stoical Scheme of ſupplying our wants, by
lopping off our deſires, is like cutting off our Feet
when we want Shoes.
Phyſicians ought not to give their judgment of
Religion, for the ſame reaſon that Butchers are not
admitted to be Jurors upon Life and Death.
The Reaſon why fo few Marriages are happy, is,
becauſe young Ladies ſpend their time in making
Nets, not in making Cages.
If a man will obſerve as he walks the Streets,
I believe he will find the merrieſt Countenances in
Mourning-Coaches.
Nothing more unqualifies a man to act with Pru-
dence, than a misfortune that is attended with Shame
and Guilt.
The power of Fortune is confeſſed only by the
miſerable; for the happy impute all their Succeſs to
Prudence or Merit.
* De Re Equeftri,
Ambition
Thoughts on Various Subjects. 263
.
Ambition often puts men upon doing the meaneſt
offices ; fo climbing is performed in the ſame poſture
with creeping.
Ill Company is like a Dog, who dirts thoſe moſt
whom he loves beſt.
Cenſure is the Tax a man pays to the publick
for being eminent.
Although men are accuſed for not knowing their
own Weakneſs, yet perhaps as few know their own
Strength. It is in Men as in Soils, where ſometimes
there is a Vein of Gold which the Owner knows
not of.
Satire is reckoned the eaſieſt of all wit; but I take
it to be otherwiſe in very bad times : For it is as
hard to ſatirize well a man of diſtinguiſhed Vices, as
to praife well a man of diſtinguiſhed Virtues. It is
çaly enough to do either to people of moderate Cha-
racters.
Invention is the Talent of Youth, and Judgment
of Age ; ſo that our judgment grows harder to
pleaſe, when we have fewer things to offer it: This
goes through the whole Commerce of life. When
we are old, our Friends find it difficult to pleaſe us,
and are leſs concerned whether we be pleaſed or no.
No wiſe man ever wiſhed to be younger.
An idle Reaſon leffens the weight of the good ones
you gave before.
The Motives of the beſt Actions will not bear
too ſtrict an enquiry. It is allowed, that the cauſe
of moſt actions, good or bad, may be reſolved into
the love of our ſelves ; but the Self-love of ſome men
inclines them to pleaſe others; and the Self-love of
others is wholly employed in pleaſing themſelves,
This makes the great diſtinction between Virtue and
Vice,
SA
2
264 Thoughts on Various Subjects.
Vice. Religion is the beſt Motive of all Actions,
yet Religion is allowed to be the higheſt inſtance of
Self-love.
When the World has once begun to uſe us ill, it
afterwards continues the ſame treatment with leſs
Scruple or Ceremony, as Men do to a Whore.
Old Men view beſt at a diſtance with the Eyes of
their Underſtanding as well as with thoſe of Nature.
Some people take more care to hide their Wiſdom
than their Folly.
Arbitrary Power is the natural object of Tempta-
tion to a Prince, as Wine or Women to a young Fel-
low, or a Bribe to a Judge, or Avarice to old Age,
or Vanity to a Woman.
Antbony Henly's Farmer dying of an Afbma,
faid, Well, if I can get this Breath once out, I'll take
care it ſhall never get in again.
The humour of exploding many things under the
name of Trifles, Fopperies, and only imaginary
Goods, is a very falſe proof either of Wiſdom or
Magnanimity, and a great check to virtuous Actions.
For inſtance, with regard to Fame: There is in moſt
people a reluctance and unwillingneſs to be forgotten.
We obſerve even among the vulgar, how fond they
are to have an inſcription over their grave. It requires
but little Philoſophy to diſcover and obſerve that there
is no intrinſick value in all this; however, if it be
founded in our Nature, as an incitement to Virtue,
it ought not to be ridiculed.
Complaint is the largeſt Tribute Heaven receives,
and the ſincereſt part of our Devotion.
The common fluency of Speech in many Men, and
moft Women, is owing to a ſcarcity of Matter, and
a ſcarcity of Words ; for whoever is a Maſter of
Language,
Thoughts on Various Subjeéts. 265
Language, and hath a mind full of Ideas, will be
apt, in fpeaking, to heſitate upon the choice of both;
whereas common ſpeakers have only one ſett of Ideas,
and one fett of Words to cloath them in; and theſe
are always ready at the mouth : So people come
fafter out of a Church when it is almoſt empty, than
when a crowd is at the door.
Few are qualified to foine in Company; but it is
in moft Men's power to be agreeable. The Reaſon
therefore why converſation runs ſo low at preſent,
is not the defect of Underſtanding, but Pride, Va-
nity, Ill-nature, Affectation, Singularity, Poſitive-
neſs, or ſome other Vice, the effect of a wrong Edu-
cation.
To be vain is rather a mark of Humility than
Pride. Vain men delight in telling what honours
have been done them, what great company they have
kept, and the like, by which they plainly confefs,
that theſe honours were more than their due, and
ſuch as their friends would not believe if they had not
been told: Whereas a man truly proud thinks the
greateſt honours below his merit, and conſequently
ſcorns to boaſt. I therefore deliver it as a Maxim,
that whoeyer deſires the Character of a proud man,
ought to conceal his Vanity.
Law, in a free Country, is, or ought to be, the
Determination of the Majority of thoſe who have
property in land.
One argument uſed to the diſadvantage of Provi.
dence, I take to be a very ſtrong one in its defence.
It is objected, that Storms and Tempeſts, unfruitful
Seaſons, Serpents, Spiders, Flies, and other noxious
or troubleſome Animals, with many more inftances
of the like kind, diſcover an imperfection in Nature,
becauſe human life would be much eaſier without
then:
C
Thoughts on Various Subjeas.
266
Whole Syſtem of the
them : But the deſign of Providence may clearly be
perceived in this proceeding. The motions of the
Univerſe, as far as Philoſophers have been able to
diſcover and obſerve, are in the utmoſt degree of Re-
gularity and Perfection ; but wherever God hath left
to Man the power of interpoſing a Remedy by
Thought or Labour, there he hath placed things in
a State of Imperfection, on purpoſe to ftir up hu.
man Induſtry, without which life would ſtagnate,
or indeed rather could not ſubliſt at all: Curis accuunt
mortalia corda.
Praiſe is the Daughter of preſent Power.
How inconſiſtent is Man with himſelf!
I have known ſeveral perfons of great fame for
Wiſdom in publick Affairs and Councels, governed
by fooliſh Servants.
I have known great Miniſters, diftinguiſhed for
Wit and Learning, who preferred none but Dunces.
I have known Men of great Valour Cowards to
their Wives.
I have known Men of the greateſt Cunning per-
petually cheated.
I knew three great Miniſters, who could exactly
compute and ſettle the Accompts of a Kingdom, but
were wholly ignorant of their own Oeconomy.
The preaching of Divines helps to preſerve well-
inclined men in the courſe of Virtue, but ſeldom or
nerer reclaims the vicious.
Princes uſually make wiſer choices than the Ser-
vants whom they truſt for the diſpoſal of places : I
have known a Prince, more than once, chuſe an able
Miniſter ; but I never obſerved that Miniſter to uſe
his Credit in the diſpoſal of an employment to
perſon whom he thought the fitteſt for it. One of
the
Thoughts on Various Subje&ts. 267
the greateſt in this age owned and excuſed the matter
from the violence of Parties, and the unreaſonable-
neſs of Friends.
Small Cauſes are ſufficient to make a man uneaſy,
when great ones are not in the way: For want of
Block he will ſtumble at a Straw.
Dignity, high Station, or great Riches, are in forne
fort neceſſary to old men, in order to keep the younger
at a diſtance, who are otherwiſe too apt to inſult
them upon the ſcore of their age.
Every man deſires to live long ; but no man would
be old.
Love of Flattery in moſt men proceeds from the
mean opinion they have of themſelves; in Women
from the contrary,
If Books and Laws continue to increaſe as they
have done for fifty years paſt, I am in fome concern
for future ages, how any man will be Learned, or any
man a Lawyer.
Kings are commonly ſaid to have long Hands; I
wiſh they had as long Ears.
Princes in their infancy, childhood, and youth,
are ſaid to diſcover prodigious parts and wit, to ſpeak
things that ſurprize and aſtoniſh: Strange, fo many
hopeful Princes, and ſo many ſhameful Kings ! if
they happen to die young, they would have been
Prodigies of Wiſdom and Virtue: If they live, they
are often Prodigies indeed, but of another Sort
Politicks, as the word is commonly underſtood,
are nothing but Corruptions, and confequently of no
uſe to a good King, or a good Miniſtry; for which
reaſon Courts are ſo over-run with Politicks.
Silenus, the Foſter-father of Bacchus, is always
carried by an Afs, and has horns on his head. The
Moral
268 Thoughts on Various SubjeEts.
܊
Moral is, that Drunkards are led by Fools, and
have a great chance to be Cuckolds.
Venus, a beautiful good-natur'd Lady, was the
Goddeſs of Love ; Juno, a terrible Shrew, the
Goddeſs of Marriage : and they were always mortal
Enemies.
Thoſe who are againſt Religion, muſt needs be
Fools; and therefore we read that, of all Animals,
God refuſed the Fir A-born of an Aſs.
A very little wit is valued in a Woman, as we
are pleaſed with a few words ſpoken plain by a
Parrot.
A nice man, is a man of nafty Ideas.
Apollo was held the God of Phyfick, and Sender
of Difeaſes. Both were originally the ſame trade,
and ſtill continue.
Old Men and Comets have been reverenced for
the ſame realon ; their long Beards and Pretences to
foretel Events.
A Perſon was aſked at Court, what he thought
of an Ambaſſador and his Train, who were. all em-
broidery and lace, full of bows, cringes and geſtures ;
he faid, it was Solomon's Importation, Gold and
Apes.
There is a ſtory in Pauſanias, of a Plot for be
traying of a City, diſcovered by the braying of an
Ajs: The cackling of Geeſe ſaved the Capitol, and
Catiline's Conſpiracy was diſcovered by a Whore.
Theſe are the only three Animals, as far as I re-
member, famous in hiſtory for Evidences and In-
formers,
Moſt forts of Diverſion in Men, Children, and
other Animals, is an imitation of Fighting.
Auguſtus
**:
,
Thoughts on Various Subjects.
Auguſtus meeting an Aſs with a lucky Name-fore-
told himſelf good fortune. I meet many Afles, but
none of them have lucky Names.
If a man makes me keep my diſtance, the Com-
fort is, he keeps his at the ſame time.
Who can deny that all men are violent lovers of
Truth, when we ſee them ſo poſitive in their Errors,
although they contradict themſelves every day of their
lives
That was excellently obſerved, ſay I, when I read a
paſſage in an Author, where his opinion agrecs with
mine. When we differ, there I pronounce him to
be miſtaken.
Very few men, properly ſpeaking, live at preſent,
but are providing to live another time.
As univerſal a practice as Lying is, and as eaſy a one
as it ſeems, I do not remember to have heard three
good Lies in all my Converſation, even from thote
who were moft celebrated in that faculty,
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Church, Oxon. Now firſt printed from the Author's
MANUSCRIPTS, with the chief Heads of the Sermons
prefix'd to each Volume, and a General Index of the
principal Matters.
An Enquiry into the Foundation of the ENGLISH
CONSTITUTION; or an Hiſtorical Eflay upon the
Anglo-Saxon Government both in Germany and Eng-
land. By SAMUEL SQUIRE, M. A. Archdeacon of
Bath, 8vo.
The Office and Authority of a JUSTICE of Peace:
Collected out of all the Books, whether of Common
or Statute Law, hitherto written on that ſubject.
Shewing alſo the Duty of Conitables, Commillioners
of
Books printed for Charles Bathurſt.
of Sewers, Coroners, Overſeers of the Poor, Sur-
veyors of the Highways, Church-wardens, and other
Pariſh Officers: Digeſted under Alphabetical Titles;
to which are added Engliſh Precedents, of Indictments,
Warrants, &c. very uſeful for Juſtices of the Peace,
Coroners, Sheriffs, Clerks of the Aſfizes, and of the
Peace, and of all others concern'd in ſuch Matters.
The Twelfth Edition, corrected, amended, and conti-
nued down to this preſent Year; by adding all the
Statutes and adjudgd Caſes, many of which were
never before printed, with an Introduction, ſhewing
the Antiquity and Authority of Juſtices of the Peace,
by the Common and Statute Laws; alſo a large Ap-
pendix and two Tables, one of the General Heads, and
the other of the Precedents under each Head. By W.
Nelſon, of the Middle Temple, Eſq; in 2 Vols. 800.
The preſent Practice of CONVEYANCING: Or ſe
lect Precedents of CONVEYANCES, choſen from great
Variety of Original Draughts, drawn and ſettled or ap-
proved by ſeveral of the moſt eminent CONVEYAN-
cers, never before publiſhed, with a Table of the
principal Matters. By Job Mill, Gent. one of the
Attornies of his Majeſty's Court of Common Pleas.
Folio.
Reports or Cases Argued and Adjudged in the
Courts of King's Bench, Common Pleas and Exche-
quer, to which are added ſome ſpecial Caſes in the
Court of Chancery, and before the Delegates ; in the
Reigns of King William, Queen Anne, King George
the Firſt, and his preſent Majeſty. By the Rt. Hon.
Sir Jobr Comyns, Kt. late Lord Chief Baron of his
Majelty's Court of Exchequer, with two Tables, one
of the Names of the Caſes, the other of the principal
Matters.
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