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OR,
THE LAST PRESIDENT
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* - BY
i INGERSOLL LOCKWOOD,
Of the New York Bar.
The Trade Supplied by
THE AMERICAN NEws company,
New York.
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A 1900 –
OR,
THE LAST PRESIDENT
BY
INGERSOLL LOCKWOOD,
Of the New York Bar. *
Copyright, 1896, by INGERSoLL Lockwood.
The Trade Supplied by
THE AMERICAN NEWS COMPANY.,
New York.
The Chicago Platform assumes, in fact, the
form of a revolutionary propaganda. It em-
bodies a menace of national disintegration
and destruction. GARRET A. HoBART.
CHAPTER I.
THAT was a terrible night for the great City of
New York—the night of Tuesday, November 3rd,
1896. The city staggered under the blow like a huge
ocean liner which plunges, full speed, with terrific
crash into a mighty iceberg, and recoils shattered
and trembling like an aspen.
The people were gathered, light-hearted and con-
fident, at the evening meal, when the news burst
upon them. It was like a thunder bolt out of an
azure sky: “Altgeld holds Illinois hard and fast in
the Democratic line. This elects Bryan President of
the United States '''
Strange to say, the people in the upper portion of
the city made no movement to rush out of their
houses and collect in the public squares, although the
night was clear and beautiful. They sat as if paral-
yzed with a nameless dread, and when they con-
versed it was with bated breath and throbbing
hearts. -
In less than half an hour, mounted policemen
dashed through the streets calling out: “Reep
within your houses; close your doors and barricade
them. The entire East side is in a state of uproar.
Mobs of vast size are organizing under the lead of
Anarchists and Socialists, and threaten to plunder
and despoil the houses of the rich who have wronged
and oppressed them for so many years. Keep within
doors. Extinguish all lights.”
3
4.
Happily, Governor Morton was in town, and al-
though a deeper palor overcame the ashen hue of
age as he spoke, yet there was no tremorin his voice:
“Let the Seventh, Twenty-second. and Seventy-first
regiments be ordered under arms.” In a few mo-
ments hundreds of messengers could be heard racing
through the silent streets, summoning the members
of these regiments to their Armories.
Slowly, but with astonishing nerve and steadiness,
the mobs pushed the police northward, and although
the force stood the onslaught with magnificent cour-
age, yet beaten back, the dark masses of infuriated
beings surged up again with renewed fury and
strength. Will the troops be in time to save the
city ? was the whispered inquiry among the knots of
police officials who were directing the movements of
their men.
About nine o'clock, with deafening outcries, the
mob, like a four-headed monster breathing fire and
flame, raced, tore, burst, raged into Union Square.
The police force was exhausted, but their front was
still like a wall of stone, save that it was movable.
The mob crowded it steadily to the north, while the
air quivered and was rent with mad vociferations of
the victors: “Bryan is elected Bryan is elected
Our day has come at last. Down with our oppress-
ors! Death to the rich man Death to the gold
bugs Death to the capitalists! Give us back the
money you have ground out of us. Give us back the
marrow of our bones which you have used to grease
the wheels of your chariots.”
The police force was now almost helpless. The
men still used their sticks, but the blows were inef-
fectual, and only served to increase the rage of the
vast hordes now advancing upon Madison Square.
5
The Fifth Avenue Hotel will be the first to feel
the fury of the mob. Would the troops be in time to
save it?
A half cheer, a half cry of joy goes up. It is inar-
ticulate. Men draw a long breath; women drop.
upon their knees and strain their eyes; they can hear
Something, but they cannot see as yet, for the gas
houses and electric plants had been destroyed by the
mob early in the evening. They preferred to fight
in the dark, or by the flames of rich men's abodes.
Again a cheer goes up, louder and clearer this
time, followed by cries of “They're coming, they're
coming.”
Yes, they were coming—the Twenty-second down
Broadway, the Seventh down Madison avenue, both
on the double quick.
In a moment or so there were a few bugle calls,
and a few spoken commands rang out clear and
sharp; and then the two regiments stretched across
the entire square, literally from wall to wall, in line
of battle. The mob was upon them. Would this
slender line of troops, could it hold such a mighty
mass of men in check?
The answer was a deafening discharge of firearms,
a terrific crack, such as some thunder bolts make
when they explode. A wall of fire blazed across the
Square. Again and again it blazed forth. The mob
Halted, stood fast, wavered, fell back, advanced again.
At that moment there came a rattle as of huge
knives in the distance. It was the gallant Seventy-
first charging up Twenty-third street, and taking the
mob on the flank. They came on like a wall of iron,
pristling with blades of steel.
There were no outcries, no cheers from the regi-
ment. It dealt out death in silence, save when two
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bayonets crossed and clashed in bearing down
Some doubly-vigorous foe.
As the bells rang out midnight, the last remnants
of the mob were driven to cover, but the wheels of
the dead wagons rattled till daybreak.
And then the aged Governor, in response to the
Mayor's “Thank God, we've saved the city 1" made
anSWer :
“Aye, but the Republic —.”
CHAPTER II.
GREAT as has been the world's wonder at the up-
rising of Mr. Bryan's “struggling masses” in the city
ty the sea, and the narrow escape of its magnificent
homes from fire and brand, yet greater still was the
wonderment when the news was flashed across the
land that Chicago did not stand in need of a single
Federal Soldier. º,
“Chicago is mad, but it is the madness of joy.
Chicago is in the hands of a mob, but it is a mob
made up of her own people—noisy, rude and
boisterous, the natural exultation of a suddenly en-
franchised class; but bent on no other mischief than
glorying over the villainous and self-seeking Souls
who have ground the faces of the poor and turned
the pitiless screw of social and political power into
the hearts of the ‘common people' until its last
thread had been reached, and despair pressed its
lupine visage hard against the door of the laboring
man.”
And yet, at this moment when the night air quiv-
ered with the mad vociferations of the “common
people,” that the Lord had been good to them; that
the wicked money-changers had been driven from
the temple, that the stony-hearted usurers were
beaten at last, that the “People's William ” was at
the helm now, that peace and plenty would in a few
moons come back to the poor man's cottage, that
Silver was King, aye, King at last, the world still went
7
S
wondering why red-eyed anarchy, as she stood in
Haymarket Square, with thin arms aloft, with wild
mien and wilder gesticulation, drew no bomb of
dynamite from her bosom, to hurl at the hated
minions of the law who were silent spectators of this
delirium of popular joy.
Why was it thus? Look and you shall know why
white robed peace kept step with this turbulent band
and turned its thought from red handed pillage. He
was there. The master spirit to hold them in leash.
He, and he alone, had lifted Bryan to his great emi-
nence. Without these twenty-four electoral votes,
Bryan had been doomed, hopelessly doomed. He,
and he alone, held the great Commonwealth of the
West hard and fast in the Democratic line ; hence he
came as conqueror, as King-maker, and the very walls
of the sky-touching edifices trembled as he was
dragged through the crowded streets by this orderly
mob, and ten times ten thousand of his creatüres
loellowed his name and shook their hats aloft in mad
exultation :
“You're our Saviour, you've cleaned the Temple
of Liberty of its foul horde of usurers. We salute
you. We call you King-maker. Bryan shall call
you Master too. You shall have your reward. You
shall stand behind the throne. Your wisdom shall
make us whole. You shall purge the land of this un-
lawful crowd of money lenders. You shall save the
Republic. You are greater than Washington. You're
a better friend of ours than Lincoln. You'll do more
for us than Grant. We're your slaves. We salute
you. We thank you. We bless you. Hurrah
Hurrah Hurrah l’’
But yet this vast throng of tamed monsters, this
mighty mob of momentarily good-natured haters of
9
established order, broke away from the master's con-
trol for a few brief moments, and dipped their hands
in the enemy's blood. The deed was swift as it was
terrible. There were but four of them, unarmed, on
pleasure bent. At sight of these men, a thousand
throats belched out a deep and awful growl of hatred.
They were brave men, and backed against the wall
to die like brave men, stricken down, beaten, torn,
trampled, dragged, it was quick work. They had
faced howling savages in the far West, painted mon-
sters in human form, but never had they heard such
yells leave the throats of men; and so they died, four
brave men, clad in the blue livery of the Republic,
whose only crime was that some months back, against
the solemn protest of the Master, their comrades had
set foot on the soil of the commonwealth, and saved
the Metropolis of the West from the hands of this
same mob.
And so Chicago celebrated the election of the new
President who was to free the land from the grasp of
the money-lenders, and undo the bad business of
years of unholy union between barterers and sellers
of human toil and the law makers of the land.
Throughout the length and breadth of the South,
and beyond the Great Divide, the news struck hamlet
and village like the glad tidings of a new evangel,
almost as potent for human happiness as the heavenly
message of two thousand years ago. Bells rang out
in joyful acclaim, and the very stars trembled at the
telling, and the telling over and over of what had
been done for the poor man by his brethren of the
North, and around the blazing pine knots of the
Southern cabin and in front of the mining camp fires
of the Far West, the cry went up : “Silver is King !
Silver is King !” Black palms and white were
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clasped in this strange love-feast, and the dark
skinned grand child no longer felt the sting of the
lash on his sire's shoulder. All was peace and good
will, for the people were at last victorious over their
enemies who had taxed and tithed them into a very
living death. Now the laborer would not only be
worthy of his hire, but it would be paid to him in a
people's dollar, for the people's good, and now the
rich man's coffers would be made to yield up their
ill-gotten gain, and the sun would look upon this
broad and fair land, and find no man without a mar-
ket for the product of his labors. Henceforth, the
rich man should, as was right and proper, pay a royal
sum for the privilege of his happiness, and take the
nation's taxes on his broad shoulders, where they
telong.
CHAPTER III.
THE pens of many writers would not suffice to
describe with anything like historical fullness and
precision, the wild scenes of excitement which, on
the morning after election day, burst forth on the
floors of the various exchanges throughout the Union.
The larger and more important the money centre,
the deeper, blacker and heavier the despair which
sank upon them after the violent ebullitions of pro-
test, defiance and execration had subsided. With
some, it seemed that visions of their swift but sure
impoverishment only served to transform the dark
and dismal drama of revolution and disintegration
into a side-splitting farce, and they greeted the pro-
spective loss. of their millions with loud guffaws and
indescribable antics of horseplay and unseemly mirth.
As the day wore on, the news became worse and
worse. It was only too apparent that the House of
Representatives of the Fifty-fifth Congress would be
controlled by the combined vote of the Populists and
Free Silver men, while the wild joy with which the
entire South welcomed the election of Bryan and
Sewall left little doubt in the minds of the Northern
people that the Southern Senators would, to a man,
range themselves on the Administration side of the
great conflict into which the Republic was soon to be
precipitated. Add to these the twenty Senators of
the Free Silver States of the North, and the new
President would have the Congress of the Republic
I I
I 2
at his back. There would be nothing to stand be-
tween him and the realization of those schemes which
an exhuberant fancy, untamed by the hand of ex-
perience, and scornful of the leadingstrings of
wisdom, can conjure up.
Did we say nothing 2 Nay, not so ; for the
Supreme Court was still there. And yet Justice Field
had come fully up to the eightieth milestone in the
journey of life and Justice Gray was nearly seventy,
while one or two other members of this High Court
of Judicature held to their lives with feeble grasp.
Even in due and orderly course of events, why might
there not come vacancies and then 2 i. tº
In spite of the nameless dread that rested upon so
many of our people, and chilled the very blood of the
country's industries, the new year'97 came hopefully,
erenely, almost defiantly in. There was an indes-
cribable something in the air, a spirit of political
devil-me-care, a feeling that the old order had passed
away and that the Republic had entered into the
womb of Time and been born again. This senti-
ment began to give outward and visible signs of its
existence and growth in the remote agricultural dis-
tricts of the South and Far West. They threw aside
their working inplements, loitered about, gathered
in groups and the words Washington, White House,
Silver, Bryan, Offices, Two for One, the South's Day,
Reign of the Common People, Taxes, Incomes, Year
of Jubilee, Free Coinage, Wall Street, Altgeld, Till-
man, Peffer, Coxey, were whispered in a mysterious
way with head noddings and pursing up of mouths.
As January wore away and February, slipping by,
brought Bryan's Inauguration nearer and nearer, the
groups melted into groups, and it was only too ap-
parent that from a dozen different points in the South
I3
and North West “Coxey Armies” were forming for
an advance on Washington. In some instances they
were well clad and well provisioned; in others, they
were little better than great bands of hungry and
restless men, demoralized by idleness and wrought
up to a strange degree of mental excitement by the
extravagant harangues of their leaders, who were
animated with but one thought, namely, to make use
of these vast crowds of Silver Pilgrims, as they
called themselves, to back up their claims for public
office.
These crowds of deluded people were well named
“Silver Pilgrims,” for hundreds of them carried in
hempen bags, pieces of silverware, in ninety-nine
cases of a hundred. plated stuff of little value, which
unscrupulous dealers and peddlers had palmed off
upon them as sterling, with the promises that once in
Washington, the United States Mint would coin their
metal into “Bryan Dollars” giving “two for one”
in payment for it.
While these motley “armies” marched upon the
capitol of the Republic, the railway trains night and
day brought vast crowds of “new men,” politicians
of low degree, men out of employment, drunken and
disgruntled mechanics, farmer's sons, to seek their
fortunes under the Reign of the People, heelers and
hangers-on of ward bosses, old men who had not
tasted office for thirty years and more, all inspired by
Mr. Bryan's declaration that “The American people
are not in favor of life tenure in the Civil Service,
that a permanent office holding class is not in harmony
with our institutions, that a fixed term in appointive
offices would open the public service to a larger
number of citizens, without impairing its efficiency,”
all bearing new besoms in their hands or across their
I4
shoulders, each and every one of them supremely
confident that in the distribution of the spoils some-
thing would surely fall to his share, since they were
the “Common People” who were so dear to Mr.
Bryan, and who had made him President in the very
face of the prodigous opposition of the rich men,
whose coffers had been thrown wide open all to no
purpose, and in spite too of the satanic and truly
devilish power of that hell upon earth known as Wall
Street, which had sweated gold in vain in its des-
perate efforts to fasten the chains of trusts and the
claws of soulless monsters known as corporations
upon these very “Common People,” soon to march
in triumph before the silver chariot of the young
Conqueror from the West.
CHAPTER IV.
THERE had been a strange prophecy put forth by
some one, and it had made its way into the daily jour-
nals, and had been laughingly or seriously com-
mented upon, according to the political tone of the
paper, or the passing humor of the writer, that the
4th of March, 1897, would never dawn upon the
American people. There was something very curi- .
ous and uncanny about the prediction, and what ac-
tually happened was not qualified to loosen the fear-
ful tension of public anxiety, for the day literally and
truly never dawned upon the City of Washington,
and well deserves its historical name, the “Dawnless
Day.” At six o'clock, the hour of daybreak, such an
impenetrable pall of clouds overhung the city that
there came no signs of day. The gathering crowds
could plainly hear the plaintive cries and lamenta-
tions put up in the negro quarters of the city. Not
until nearly nine o'clock did the light cease to “shine
in darkness” and the darkness begin to comprehend
it.
But although it was a cheerless gray day, even at
high noon, its heaviness set no weight upon the spir-
its of the jubilant tens of thousands which completely
filled the city and its public parks, and ran over into
camps and hastily improvised shelters outside the
city limits.
Not until the day previous had the President an-
nounced the names of those selected for his Cabinet.
I5
I6
The South and Far West were fairly beside them-
selves with joy, for there had been from their stand-
point ugly rumors abroad for several days. It had
even been hinted that Bryan had surrendered to the
“money changers,” and that the selection of his con-
stitutional advisers would prove him recreant to the
glorious cause of popular government, and that the
Reign of the Common People would remain but a
dream of the “struggling masses.”
But these apprehensions were short lived. The
young President stood firm and fast on the platform
of the parties which had raised him to his proud emi-
nence. And what better proof of his thorough be-
lief in himself and in his mission could he have given
than the following:
Secretary of State—William M. Stewart, of Nevada.
Secretaty of Treasury—Richard P. Bland, of Mis-
souri.
Secretary of War—John P. Altgeld, of Illinois.
Attorney General—Roger Q. Mills, of Texas.
Postmaster General—Henry George, of New
York.
Secretary Navy—John Gary Evans, of South
Carolina.
Secretary Interior—William A. Peffer, of Kansas.
Secretary Agriculture—Lafe Pence, of Colorado.
The first thing that flashed across the minds of
many upon glancing over this list of names was the
omission therefrom of Tillman's. What did it mean P
Could the young President have quarreled with his
lbest friend, his most powerful coadjutor? But the
wiser ones only shook their heads and made answer
that it was Tillman's hand that filled the blank for
Secretary of the Navy, left there by the new ruler
after the people's own heart. Evans was but a crea-
17
tion of this great Commoner of the South, an image
graven with his hands.
The inaugural address was not a disappointment
to those who had come to hear it. It was like the
man who delivered it—bold, outspoken, unmistakable
in its terms, promising much, impatient of precedent,
reckless of result; a double confirmation that this
was to be the Reign of the Common People, that
much should be unmade and much made over, and
no matter how the rich man might cry out in anger
or amazement, the nation must march on to the ful-
fillment of a higher and nobler mission than the im-
poverishment and degradation of the millions for the
enrichment and elevation of the few.
Scarcely had the young President—his large eyes
filled with a strange light, and his smooth, hairless
visage radiant as a cloudless sky, his wife's arm
twined around his, and their hands linked in those of
their children—passed within the lofty portal of the
White House, than he threw himself into a chair,
and seizing a sheet of official paper penned the fol-
lowing order, and directed its immediate promulga-
tion :
Executive MANSION, WASHINGTON, D.C., \
March 4th, 1897.
Executive Order No. 1.
In order that there may be immediate relief in the
terrible financial depression now weighing upon our
beloved country, consequent upon and resulting
from the unlawful combination of capitalists and
money-lenders both in this Republic and in Eng-
land, and that the ruinous and inevitable progress
toward a universal gold standard may be stayed, the
President orders and directs the immediate abandon-
ment of the so-called “gold reserve,” and that on
I8
and after the promulgation of this order, the gold
and silver standard of the Constitution be resumed
and strictly maintained in all the business transac-
tions of the Government.
It was two o'clock in the afternoon when news of
this now world-famous Executive Order was flashed
into the great banking centres of the country. Its
effect in Wall street beggars description. On the
floor of the Stock Exchange men yelled and shrieked
like painted savages, and, in their mad struggles,
tore and trampled each other. Many dropped in
fainting fits, or fell exhausted from their wild and
senseless efforts to say what none would listen to.
Ashen pallor crept over the faces of some, while the
blood threatened to burst the swollen arteries that
spread in purple network over the brows of others.
When silence came at last, it was a silence broken
py sobs and groans. Some wept, while others stood
dumb-stricken as if it was all a bad dream, and they
were awaiting the return of their poor distraught
senses to set them right again. Ambulances were
hastily summoned and fainting and exhausted forms
were borne through hushed and whispering masses
wedged into Wall street, to be whirled away uptown
to their residences, there to come into full possession
of their senses only to cry out in their anguish that
ruin, black ruin, stared them in the face if this news
from Washington should prove true.
CHAPTER V.
By proclamation bearing date the 5th day of March
1897, the President summoned both houses of Con-
gress to convene in extraordinary session “for the
consideration of the general welfare of the United
States, and to take such action as might seem neces-
sary and expedient to them on certain measures
which he should recommend to their consideration,
measures of vital import to the welfare and happiness
of the people, if not to the very existence of the
Union and the continuance of their enjoyment of the
liberties achieved by the fathers of the Republic.”
While awaiting the day set for the coming together
of the Congress, the “Great Friend of the Common
People” came suddenly face to face with the first
serious business of his Administration. Tifty thou-
sand people tramped the streets of Washington
without bread or shelter. Many had come in quest
of office, lured on by the solemn pronouncement of
their candidate that there should be at once a clean
sweep of these barnacles of the ship of State and so
complete had been their confidence in their glorious
young captain, that they had literally failed to pro-
...vide themselves with either “purse or script or shoes,”
and now stood hungry and footsore at his gate, beg-
ging for a crust of bread. But most of those making
up this vast multitude were “the unarmed warriors
of peaceful armies” like the one once led by the re-
doubtable Coxey, decoyed from farm and hamlet and
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plantation by some nameless longing to “go forth"
to stand in the presence of this new Savior of Society,
whose advent to power was to bring them “double
pay” for all their toil. While on the march all had
gone well, for their brethren had opened their hearts
and their houses as these “unarmed warriors” had
marched with flying banners and loud huzzas through
the various towns on the route.
But now the holiday was over, they were far from
their homes, they were in danger of perishing from
hunger. What was to be done “They are our
people, "said the President, “their love of country
has undone them; the nation must not let them suf-
fer, for they are its hope and its shield in the hour of
war, and its glory and its refuge in times of peace.
They are the common people for whose benefit this
Republic was established. The Kings of the earth
may desert them ; I never shall.” The Secretary of
War was directed to establish camps in the parks and
suburbs of the city and to issue rations and blankets
to these luckless wanderers until the Government
could provide for their transportation back to their
homes.
On Monday, March 15th, the President received
the usual notification from both houses of Congress,
that they had organized and were ready for the con-
sideration of such measures as he might choose to
recommend for their action.
The first act to pass both houses and receive the
signature of the President, was an Act repealing the
Act of 1873, and opening the mints of the United
States to the free coinage of silver at the ratio of six-
teen to one, with gold, and establishing branch mints
in the cities of Denver, Omaha, Chicago, Kansas City,
Spokane, Los Angeles, Charleston and Mobile.
2 I
The announcement that reparation had thus been
made to the people for the “Crime of 1873" was re-
ceived with loud cheering on the floors and in the
galleries of both houses.
And the Great North heard these cheers and
trembled. -
The next measure of great public import brought
before the House was an act to provide additional
revenue by levying a tax upon the incomes, sub-
stantially on the lines laid down by the legislation of
1894. The Republican Senators strove to make some
show of resistance to this measure, but so solid were
the administration ranks, that they only succeeded in
delaying it for a few weeks. This first skirmish with
the enemy, however, brought the President and his
followers to a realizing sense that not only must the
Senate be shorn of its power to block the “new
movement of regeneration and reform" by the adop-
tion of rules cutting off prolonged debate, but that
the “new dispensation ” must at once proceed to in-
crease its senatorial representation, for who could
tell what moment some one of the Northern Silver
States might not slip away from its allegiance to the
“Friend of the Common People.” --
The introduction of a bill repealing the various
Civil Service acts passed for the alleged purpose of
“regulating and improving the Civil Service of the
United States,” and of another repealing the various
acts establishing National Banks, and substituting
United States notes for all national bank notes based
upon interest bearing bonds, opened the eyes of the
Republican opposition to the fact that the President
and his party were possessed of the courage of their
convictions, and were determined, come good report
or evil report, to wipe all conflicting legislation from
22
the statute books. The battle in the Senate now
took on a spirit of extreme acrimony; scenes not
witnessed since the days of Slavery, were of daily
occurrence on the floors of both the House and the
Senate. Threats of secession came openly from the
North only to be met with the jeers and laughter of
the silver and populist members. “We're in the sad-
dle at last,” exclaimed a Southern member, “and we
intend to ride on to victory !”
The introduction of bills for the admission of New
Mexico and Arizona, and for the division of Texas
into two States to be called East Texas and West
Texas, although each of these measures was strictly
within the letter of the Constitution, fell among the
members of the Republican opposition like a torch
in a house of tinder. There was fire at once, and the
blaze of party spirit leapt to such dangerous heights
that the whole nation looked on in consternation.
Was the Union about to go up in a great conflagra-
tion and leave behind it but the ashes and charred
pedestals of its greatness?
“We are the people” wrote the President in lines
of dignity and calmness. “We are the people and
what we do, we do under the holy sanction of law,
and there is no one so powerful or so bold as to dare
to say we do not do well in lifting off the nation's
shoulders the grievous and unlawful burdens which
preceding Congresses have placed upon them.”
And so the “Long Session” of the fifty-fifth Con-
gress was entered upon, fated to last through summer
heat and autumn chill, and until winter came again
and the Constitution itself set limits to its lasting.
And when that day came, and its speaker, amid a
wild tumult of cheers, arose to declare it ended not
loy their will, but by the law of the land, he said:
23
“The glorious revolution is in its brightest bud.
Since the President called upon us to convene in last
March, we have with the strong blade of public in-
dignation, and with a full sense of our responsibility,
erased from the statute books the marks of our coun-
try's shame and our people's subjugation. Liberty
can not die. There remains much to be done in the
way of building up. Let us take heart and push on.
On Monday, the regular session of this Congress will
begin. We must greet our loved ones from the dis-
tance. We have no time to go home and embrace
them.”
CHAPTER VI.
WHEN a Republican member of the House arose
to move the usual adjournment for the holidays,
there was a storm of hisses and cries of “No, no l''
Said the leader of the House, amid deafening
plaudits: “We are the servants of the people. Our
work is not yet complete. There must be no play
for us while coal barons stand with their feet on the
ashes of the poor man's hearthstone, and weeds and
thorns cumber the fields of the farmer for lack of
money to buy seed and implements. There must be
no play for us while railway magnates press from the
pockets of the laboring man six and eight per cent.
return on thrice watered stocks, and rapacious land-
lords, enriched by inheritance, grind the faces of the
poor. There must be no play for us while enemies
of the human kind are, by means of trust and com-
bination and ‘corners,’ engaged in drawing their un-
boly millions from the very life-blood of the nation,
paralyzing its best efforts and setting the blight of
intemperance and indifference upon it, by making
life but one long struggle for existence, without a
gleam of rest and comfort in old age. No, Mr.
Speaker, we must not adjourn, but by our efforts in
these halls of legislation let the nation know that we
are at work for its emancipation, and by these means
let the monopolists and money-changers be brought
to a realizing sense that the Reign of the Common
People has really been entered upon, and then the
24
25
bells will ring out a happier, gladder New Year than
has ever dawned upon this Republic.”
The opposition fairly quailed before the vigor and
earnestness of the “new dispensation.” There were
soon before the House and pressed well on toward
final passage a number of important measures calcu-
lated to awaken an intense feeling of enthusiasm
among the working classes. Among these was an
Act establishing a Loan Commission for the loaning
of certain moneys of the United States to Farmers
and Planters without interest; an Act for the estab-
lishment of a permanent Department of Public
Works, its head to be styled Secretary of Public
Works, rank as a cabinet officer, and supervise the
expenditure of all public moneys for the construction
of public buildings and the improvement of rivers
and harbors; an Act making it a felony, punishable
with imprisonment for life, for any citizen or com-
bination of citizens to enter into any trust or agree-
ment to stifle, suppress or in any way interfere with
full, open and fair competition in trade and manu-
facture among the States, or to make use of any
inter-State railroads, waterways or canals for the
transportation of any food products or goods, wares
or merchandise which may have been “cornered,”
stored or withheld with a view to enhance the value
thereof; and, most important of all, a preliminary
Act having for its object the appointment of Com-
missioners for the purchase by the Federal Govern-
ment of all inter-State railway and telegraph lines,
and in the meantime the strict regulation of all fares
and charges by a Government Commission, from
whose established schedules there shall be no
appeal. -
On Washington's Birthday the President issued an
26
Address of Congratulation to the People of the
United States, from which the following is extracted:
“The malicious prognostications of our political
opponents have proven themselves to be but empty
sound and fury. Although not quite one year has
elapsed since I, agreeable to your mandate, restored
to you the money of the Constitution, yet from every
section of our Union comes the glad tidings of re-
newed activity and prosperity. The workingman no
longer sits cold and hungry beside a cheerless
hearthstone; the farmer has taken heart and re-
sumed work; the wheels of the factory are in motion
again; the shops and stores of the legitimate dealer
and trader are full of bustle and action. There is
content everywhere, save in the counting-room of the
money-changer, for which thank God and the com-
mon people of this Republic. The free coinage of
that metal which the Creator, in His wisdom, stored
with so lavish a hand in the subterranean vaults of
our glorious mountain ranges, has proven a rich and
manifold blessing for our people. It is in every
sense of the word the “people's money,' and already
the envious world looks on in amazement that we
have shown our ability to do without ‘foreign co-
operation.” The Congress of our Republic has been
in almost continuous session since I took my oath of
office, and the administration members deserve your
deepest and most heartfelt gratitude. They are
rearing for themselves a monument more lasting
than chiseled bronze or polished monolith. They
knew no rest, they asked for no respite from their
labors until, at my earnest request, they adjourned
over to join their fellow citizens in the observance of
this sacred anniversary.
“Fellow citizens, remember the bonds which a
27
wicked and selfish class of usurers and speculators
fastened upon you, and on this anniversary of the
birth of the Father of our Country, let us renew our
pledges to undo completely and absolutely their in-
famous work, and in public assembly and family
circle, let us by new vows confirm our love of right
and justice, so that the great gain may not slip away
from us, but go on increasing so long as the statute
lbooks contain a single trace of the record of our en-
slavement. As for me, I have but one ambition, and
that is to deserve so well of you that when you come
to write my epitaph, you set beneath my name the
single line:
“Here lies a Friend of the Common People.”
CHAPTER VII.
This first year of the Silver Administration was
scarcely rounded up, ere there began to be ugly
rumors that the Government was no longer able to
hold the white metal at a parity with gold. “It is
the work of Wall Street,” cried the friends of the
President, but wiser heads were shaken in contra-
diction, for they had watched the sowing of the wind
of unreason, and knew only too well that the whirl-
wind of folly must be reaped in due season.
The country had been literally submerged by a
silver flood which had poured its argent waves into
every nook and cranny of the Republic, stimulating
human endeavor to most unnatural and harmful
vigor. Mad speculation stalked over the land. People
sold what they should have clung to, and bought
what they did not need. Manufacturers heaped up
goods for which there was no demand, and farmers
ploughed where they had not drained and drained,
where they were never fated to plough. The small
dealer enlarged his business with more haste than
judgment, and the widow drew her mite from the
bank of savings to buy land on which she was des-
tined never to set foot. The spirit of greed and gain
lodged in every mind, and the “Common People”
with a mad eagerness loosened the strings of their
1éather purses to cast their hard-earned savings into
wild schemes of profit. Every scrap and bit of the
white metal that they could lay their hands upon,
28
29
spoons hallowed by the touch of lips long since closed
in death, and cups and tankards from which grand
sires had drunken were bundled away to the mints
to be coined into “people's dollars.”
At the very first rumor of the slipping away of
this trusted coin from its parity with gold, there was
a fearful awakening, like the start and the gasp of
the miser who sees his horded treasure melting away
from before his eyes, and he not able to reach out
and stay its going.
Protest and expostulation first, then came groans
and prayers, from which there was an easy road to
curses. The working man threw off his cap and
apron to rush upon the public square, and demand
his rights. Mobs ran together, processions formed,
deputations hurried off to Washington, not on foot
like the Coxey Army, but on the swift wings of the
Limited Express.
The “common people” were admitted to the bar
of the house, their plaints patiently listened to, and
reparation promised. Bills for increased revenue
were hurridly introduced, and new taxes were loaded
upon the broad shoulders of the millionaires of the
nation ;-taxes on checks, taxes on certificates of in-
corporation, taxes on deeds and mortgages, taxes
on pleasure yachts, taxes on private parks and
plaisances, taxes on wills of all property above
$5,000 in value, taxes on all gifts of realty for and
in consideration of natural love and affection, taxes
on all passage tickets to foreign lands, and double
taxes on the estates of all absentees on and after the
lapse of six months.
There was a doubling up too of the tariff on all im-
portant luxuries, for as was said on the floor of Con-
gress, “if the silks and satins of American looms and
3o
the wines and tobacco of native growth, are not good
enough for “my Lord of Wall Street,' let him pay the
difference and thank heaven that he can get them at
that price.”
To quiet the murmurs of the good people of the
land, additional millions were placed to the credit of
the Department of Public Works, and harbors were
dredged out in one month only to fill up in the next,
and new systems of improvement of interstate water-
ways were entered upon on a scale of magnitude
Hitherto undreamt of. The Commissioners for the
distribution of public moneys to farmers so impover-
ished as to be unable to work their lands, were kept
busy in placing “Peffer Loans.” where the need of
them seemed to be the greatest, and to put a stop to
the “nefarious doings of money changers and trad-
ers in the misfortunes of the people, a statute was
enacted making it a felony punishable with imprison-
ment for life, for any person or corporate body to
buy and sell government bonds or public funds, or
deal in them with a view to draw gain or profit from
their rise and fall in value.
But try never so hard, the Government found itself
powerless to check the slow but steady decline in
value of the people's dollar. By midsummer, it had
fallen to forty-three cents, and ere the fair North-
land had wrapped itself, like a scornful beauty, in its
Autumn mantle of gold, the fondly trusted coin had
sunk to exactly one-third of the value of a standard
gold dollar. People carried baskets in their arms,
filled with the now discredited coin, when they went
abroad to pay a debt or make purchase of the neces-
saries of life. Hugh sacks of the white metal were
flung at the door of the mortgagee when discharge
was sought for a few thousand dollars. Men ser-
3 I
vants accompanied their mistresses upon shopping
tours to carry the necessary funds, and leather pockets
took the place of the old time muslin ones in male
habiliments, least the weight of the fifteen coins re-
quired to make up a five dollar gold piece should
tear the thin stuff and spill a dollar at every step.
All day long in the large cities, huge trucks loaded
with sacks of the coin rolled and rumbled over the
pavement in the adjustment of the business balances
of the day. The tradesman who called for his bill
was met at the door with a coal scuttle or a nail keg
filled with the needful amount, and on pay day, the
working man took his eldest boy with him to “tote
the stuff home” while he carried the usual bundle of
firewood. And strange to say, this dollar, once so
Theloved by the “common people,” parted with its
very nature of riches and lay in heaps unnoticed and
unheeded on shelf or table, until occasion arose to pay
it out which was done with a careless and contempt-
uous toss as if it were the iron money of the ancient
Spartans, and Holy Writ for once at least, was dis-
proven and discredited for the thief showed not the
slightest inclination to “break in and steal” where
these treasures had been laid up on earth, although
the discs of white metal might lie in full view on the
table, like so many pewter platters or pieces of tin-
ware. Men let debts run, rather than call for them,
and barter and exchange came into vogue again, the
good housewife calling on her neighbor for a loan
of flour or meal, promising to return the same in
sugar or dried fruit whenever the need might arise.
And still the once magic discs of silver slipped
slowly and silently downward, and ever downward in
value and good name, until it almost seemed as if
the people hated the very name of silver.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE “Fateful year of '99" upon its coming in,
found the Republic of Washington in dire and dan-
gerous straits. The commercial and industrial boom
had spent its force, and now the frightful evils of a
debased currency, coupled with demoralizing effects
of rampant paternalism, were gradually strangling
the land to death. Capital, ever timid and distrust-
ful in such times, hid itself in safe deposit vaults, or
fled to Europe. Labor, although really hard pressed
and lacking the very necessities of life, was loud-
mouthed and defiant. Socialism and Anarchism
found willing ears into which to pour their burning
words of hatred and malevolence, and the conse-
quence was that serious rioting broke out in the
larger cities of the North, often taxing the capacities
of the local authorities to the utmost.
It was bruited abroad that violent dissensions had
arisen in the Cabinet, the young President giving
signs of a marked change of mind, and like many a
man who has appealed to the darker passions of the
human heart, he seemed almost ready to exclaim :
“I stand alone. The spirits I have called up are no
longer obedient to me. My country, oh, my country,
how willingly would I give my life for thee, if by
such a sacrifice I could restore thee to thy old time
prosperity.”
For the first he began to realize what an intense
spirit of sectionalism had entered into this “revolu-
32
33
tionary propaganda.” He spoke of his fears to none
save to his wise and prudent helpmate.
“I trust you, beloved,” she whispered, as she
pressed the broad, strong hands that held her en-
clasped.
“Ay, dear one, but does my country P" came in
almost a groan from the lips of the youthful ruler.
Most evident was it, that thus far the South had
been the great gainer in this struggle for power.
She had increased her strength in the Senate by six
votes; she had regained her old time prestige in the
House; one of her most trusted sons was in the
Speaker's chair, while another brilliant Southron led
the administration forces on the floor. Born as she
was for the brilliant exercise of intellectual vigor,
the South was of that strain of blood which knows
how to wear the kingly graces of power so as best to
impress the “common people.” Many of the men of
the North had been charmed and fascinated by this
natural pomp and inborn demeanor of greatness and
had yielded to it.
Not a month had gone by that this now dominant
section had not made some new demand upon the
country at large. Early in the session, at its request,
the internal revenue tax which had rested so long
upon the tobacco crop of the South, and poured so
many millions of revenue into the national treasury,
was wiped from the statute books with but a feeble
protest from the North.
But now the country was thrown into a state bor-
dering upon frenzy by a new demand, which, although
couched in calm and decorous terms, nay, almost in
the guise of a petition for long-delayed justice to
hard-pressed and suffering brethren, had about it a
suppressed, yet unmistakable tone of conscious power
34
and imperiousness which well became the leader who
spoke for “that glorious Southland to which this
Union owes so much of its greatness and its prestige.”
Said he “Mr. Speaker, for nearly thirty years our
people, although left impoverished by the conflict of
the states, have given of their substance to salve the
wounds and make green the old age of the men who
conquered us. We have paid this heavy tax, this
fearful blood money unmurmuringly. You have for-
given us for our bold strike for liberty that God
willed should not succeed. You have given us back
our rights, opened the doors of these sacred halls to
us, called us your brothers, but unlike noble Germany
who was content to exact a lump sum from “la belle
France,” and then bid her go in peace and freedom
from all further exactions, you have for nearly thirty
years laid this humiliating war tax upon us, and thus
forced us year in and year out to kiss the very hand
that smote us. Are we human that we now cry out
against it? Are we men that we feel notingle in our
veins after these long years of punishment for no
greater crime than that we loved liberty better than the
loonds of a confederation laid upon us by our fathers?
We appeal to you as our brothers and our country-
men. Lift this infamous tax from our land, than
which your great North is ten thousand times richer.
Do one of two things: Either take our aged and de-
crepit soldiers by the hand and bless their last days
with pensions from the treasury of our common
country, for they were only wrong in that their cause
failed, or remove this hated tax and make such resti-
tution of this blood money as shall seem just and
equitable to your soberer and better judgment.”
To say that this speech, of which the foregoing is
but a brief extract, threw both Houses of Congress
35
into most violent disorder, but faintly describes its
effect. Cries of treason treason I went up; blows
were exchanged and hand to hand struggles took
place in the galleries, followed by the flash of the
dread bowie and the crack of the ready pistol. The
Republic was shaken to its very foundations.
Throughout the North there was but a repetition of
the scenes that followed the firing upon Sumter.
Public meetings were held, and resolutions passed
calling upon the Government to concentrate troops
in and about Washington, and prepare for the sup-
pression of a second Rebellion.
But gradually this outbreak of popular indignation
lost some of its strength and virulence, for it was easy
to comprehend that nothing would be gained at this
stage of the matter by meeting a violent and unlaw-
ful demand with violence and unwise counsels. Be-
sides, what was it any way but the idle threat of a
certain clique of unscrupulous politicians?
The Republic stood upon too firm a foundation to
be shaken by mere appeals to the passions of the
nour. To commit treason against our country called
for an overt act. What had it to dread from the mere
oratorical flash of a passing storm of feeling 2
It is hard to say what the young President thought
of these scenes in Congress. So pale had he grown
of late that a little more of pallor would pass un-
noted, but those who were wont to look upon his face
in these troublous times report that in the short
space of a few days the lines in his countenance
deepened perceptibly, and that a firmer and stronger
expression of will-power lurked in the corners of his
wide mouth, overhung his square and massive chin,
and accentuated the vibrations of his wide-opened
nostrils. He was under a terrible strain. When he
36
had caught up the sceptre of power, it seemed a mere
bauble in his strong grasp, but now it had grown
strangely heavy, and there was a mysterious prick-
ing at his brow, as if that crown of thorns which he
had not willed should be set upon the heads of oth-
ers, were being pressed down with cruel hands upon
His own.
CHAPTER IX.
WHEN the last embers of the great conflagration of
the Rebellion had been smothered out with tears for
the Lost Cause, a prophecy had gone up that the
mighty North, rich with a hundred great cities, and
strong in the conscious power of its wide empire,
would be the next to raise the standard of rebellion
against the Federal Government. But that prophet
was without honor in his own land, and none had
paid heed to his seemingly wild words.
Yet now, this same mighty North sat there in her
grief and anxiety, with her face turned Southward,
and her ear strained to catch the whispers that were
in the air. Had not the sceptre of power passed from
her hand forever? Was not the Revolution com-
plete? Were not the Populists and their allies firmly
seated in the Halls of Congress? Had not the Su-
preme Court been rendered powerless for good by
packing it with the most uncompromising adherents
of the new political faith? Had not the very nature
of the Federal Government undergone a change:
Was not Paternalism rampant? Was not Socialism
on the increase? Were there not everywhere evi-
dences of an intense hatred of the North and a firm
determination to throw the whole burden of taxation
upon the shoulders of the rich man, in order that the
surplus revenues of the Government might be dis-
tributed among those who constitute the “common
people?” How could this section of the Union ever
37
38
hope to make head against the South, united, as it
now was, with the rapidly growing States of the
Northwest? Could the magnificent cities of the
North content themselves to march at the tail of
Tillman's and Peffer's chariots P Had not the South
a firm hold of the Senate? Where was there a ray of
hope that the North could ever again regain its lost
power, and could it for a single moment think of en-
trusting its vast interests to the hands of a people
differing with them on every important question of
statecraft, pledged to a policy that could not be oth-
erwise than ruinous to the welfare of the grand com-
monwealths of the Middle and Eastern sections of
the Union and their sister States this side of the Mis-
sissippi: It were madness to think of it. The
plunge must be taken, the declaration must be made.
There was no other alternative, save abject submis-
sion to the chieftains of the new dispensation, and
the complete transformation of that vast social and
political system vaguely called the North.
But this revolution within a revolution would be a
bloodless one, for there could be no thought of coer-
cion, no serious notion of checking such a mighty
movement. It would be in reality the true Republic
purging itself of a dangerous malady, sloughing off
a diseased and gangrened member; no more, no less.
Already this mighty movement of withdrawals
from the Witenagemote of the Union was in the air.
People spoke of it in a whisper, or with bated breath;
but as they turned it over and over in their minds, it
took on shape and form and force, till at last it burst
into life and action like Minerva from Jupiter's
brain—full-fledged, full-armed, full-voiced and full-
hearted.
Really, why would it not be all for the best that
39
this mighty empire, rapidly growing so vast and un-
wieldy as to be only with the greatest difficulty gov-
ernable from a single centre, should be split into
three parts, Eastern, Southern and Western, now
that it may be done without dangerous jar or friction ?
The three republics could be federated for purposes
offensive and defensive, and until these great and
radical changes could be brought about there would
be no great difficulty in devising “living terms,” for
immediately upon the Declaration of Dissolution,
each State would become repossessed of the sover-
eign powers which it had delegated to the Federal
Government.
Meanwhile the “Fateful year '99" went onward
toward its close. The whole land seemed stricken
with paralysis, so far as the various industries were
concerned, but, as it is wont to be in such times,
men's minds were supernaturally active. The days
were passed in the reading of public prints, or in
passing in review the weighty events of the hour.
The North was only waiting for an opportunity to act.
But the question that perplexed the wisest heads
was: How and when shall the Declaration of Dis-
solution be made, and how soon thereafter shall the
North and the States in sympathy with her with-
draw from the Union, and declare to the world their
intention to set up a republic of their own, with the
mighty metropolis of New York as its social, politi-
cal and commercial centre and capital?
As it came to pass, the North had not long to wait.
The Fifty-sixth Congress soon to convene in regular
session in the city of Washington, was even more
Populistic and Socialistic than its famous predeces-
sor, which had wrought such wonderful changes in
the law of the land, showing no respect for precedent,
4O
no reverence for the old order of things. Hence all
eyes were fixed upon the capital of the nation, all
roads were untrodden, save those which led to Wash-
ington.
CHAPTER X.
AGAIN Congress had refused to adjourn over for
the holidays. The leaders of the Administration
forces were unwilling to close their eyes, even for
needful sleep, and went about pale and haggard,
startled at every word and gesture of the opposition,
like true conspirators, as they were, for the Federal
troops had been almost to a man quietly removed
from the Capital and its vicinage, lest the President
in a moment of weakness, might do or suffer to be
done some act unfriendly to the Reign of the Com-
mon People.
Strange as it may seem, there had been very little
note taken by the country at large of the introduc-
tion at the opening of the session of an Act to extend
the Pension System of the United States to the
Soldiers of the Confederate Armies, and for covering
|back into the various treasuries of certain States of
the Union, such portions of internal revenue taxes
collected since the readmission of said states to the
Federal Congress, as may be determined by Com-
missioners duly appointed under said Act.
Was it the calm of despair, the stolidity of despera-
tion, or the cool and restrained energy of a noble and
refined courage 2
The introduction of the Act, however, had one
effect; it set in motion toward the National capital,
mighty streams of humanity—not of wild-eyed
fanatics or unshaven and unkempt politicasters and
4. I
42
bezonians—but of soberly-clad citizens with a busi-
ness-like air about them, evidently men who knew
how to earn more than enough for a living, men who
paid their taxes and had a right to take a look at the
public servants, if desire so moved them. But very
plain was it that the mightier stream flowed in from
the South, and those who remembered the Capital in
antebellum days, smiled at the old familiar sight, the
clean-shaven faces, the long hair thrown carelessly
tack under the broad brim felts, the half unbuttoned
waistcoats and turn down collars, the small feet and
neatly fitting boots, the springy loping pace, the soft
negroese intonation, the long fragrant cheroot.
It was easy to pick out the man from the North-
land, well-clad and well-groomed, as careful of his
linen as a woman, prim and trim, disdainful of the
picturesque felts, ever crowned with the ceremonious
derby, the man of affairs, taking a business-like view
of life, but wearing for the nonce a worried look and
drawing ever and anon a deep breath.
The black man, ever at the heels of his white
lorother, set to rule over him by an inscrutable decree
of nature, came forth too in thousands, chatting and
laughing gayly, careless of the why or wherefore of
his white brother's deep concern, and powerless to
comprehend it had he so desired. Every hour now
added to the throng. The broad avenues were none
too broad. The excitement increased. Men talked
louder and louder, women and children disappeared
almost completely from the streets. The “Southern
element” drew more and more apart in knots and
groups by itself. Men threw themselves upon their
beds to catch a few hours sleep, but without undress-
ing, as if they were expecting the happening of some
portentous event at any moment, the event of their
43
lives, and dreaded the thought of being a moment
late.
If all went well, the bill would come up for final
passage on Saturday, the 3oth day of the month, but
So fierce was the battle raged against it, and so fre-
quent the interruptions by the contumacy both of
members and of the various cliques crowding the
galleries to suffocation, that little or no progress
could be made.
The leaders of the administration forces saw mid-
night drawing near with no prospect of attaining
their object before the coming in of Sunday on which
the House had never been known to sit. An adjourn-
ment over to Monday of the New Year might be
fatal, for who could tell what unforseen force might
not break up their solid ranks and throw them into
confusion. They must rise equal to the occasion.
A motion was made to suspend the rules, and to re-
main in continuous session until the business before
the House was completed. Cries of “Unprece-
dented 1" “Revolutionary 1” “Monstrous !” came
from the opposition, but all to no purpose; the House
settled down to its work with such a grim determina-
tion to conquer that the Republican minority fairly
quailed before it. Food and drink were brought to
the members in their seats; they ate, drank and
slept at their posts, like soldiers determined not to be
ambushed or stampeded.
It was a strange sight, and yet an impressive one
withal—a great party struggling for long deferred
rights—freemen jealous of their liberties, bound to-
gether with the steel hooks of determination that
only death might break asunder. ºf
Sunday came in at last, and still the struggle went
on. “The people know no days when their liberties
44
are at stake,” cried the leader of the House. “The
Sabbath was made for man and not man for the
Sabbath.”
Many of the speeches delivered on that famous
Sunday sounded more like the lamentations of a
Jeremiah, the earnest and burning utterances of a
Paul, or the scholarly and well-rounded periods of
an Apollos. The weary hours were lightened by
the singing of hymns by the Southern members,
most of them good methodists, in which their friends
and sympathizers in the galleries joined full throated
and fuller hearted; while at times, clear, resonant
and in perfect unison, the voices of the staunch men
of the North broke in and drowned out the religious
song with the majestic and soul-stirring measures of
“John Brown's Body,” the “Glory, Glory Halleluiah”
of which seemed to hush the tumult of the Chamber
like a weird chant of some invisible chorus breaking
in upon the fierce rioting of a Belshazzar's feast.
Somewhat after eleven o'clock, an ominous silence
sank upon the opposing camps, the Republican
1eaders could be seen conferring together nervously.
It was a sacred hour of night, thrice sacred for the
great Republic. Not only a New Year, but a New
Century was about to break upon the world. A
strange hush crept over the turbulent House, and its
still more turbulent galleries.
The Republican leader rose to his feet. His voice
sounded cold and hollow. Strong men shivered as
they listened. “Mr Speaker: We have done our
duty to our country; we have nothing more to say,
no more blows to strike. We cannot stand here with-
in the sacred precincts of this Chamber, and see our
rights as freemen trampled beneath the feet of the
majority. We have striven to prevent the downfall
45
of the Republic, like men sworn to battle against
wrong and tyranny, but there comes a time when
blank despair seizes upon the hearts of those who
struggle against overwhelming odds. That hour has
sounded for us We believe our people, the great
and generous people of the North, will cry unto us:
Well done, good and faithful servants. If we do
wrong, let them condemn us. We, every man of us,
Mr. Speaker, have but this moment sworn not to
stand within this Chamber and witness the passage
of this act. Therefore we go—”
“Not so, my countrymen,” cried a clear metallic
far-reaching voice that sounded through the Chamber
with an almost supernatural ring in it. In an instant,
every head was turned and a thousand voices burst
out with suppressed force :
“The President The President l”
In truth, it was he, standing at the bar of the House,
wearing the visage of death rather than of life. The
next instant the House and galleries burst into a
deafening clamor which rolled up and back in mighty
waves that shook the very walls. There was no still-
ing it. Again and again it burst forth, the mingl-
ing of ten thousand words, howling, rumbling and
groaning like the warring elements of nature. Sev-
eral times the President stretched forth his great
white hands appealing for silence, while the dew of
mingled dread and anguish beaded on his brow and
trickled down his cheeks in liquid supplication that
his people might either slay him or listen to him.
The tumult stilled its fury for a moment, and he
could be heard saying brokenly :
“My countrymen, oh, my countrymen—”
But the quick sharp sound of the gavel cut him
short.
46
“The President must withdraw,” said the Speaker,
calmly and coldly, “his presence here is a menace to
our free deliberation.”
Again the tumult set up its deafening roar, while
a look of almost horror overspread the countenance
of the Chief Magistrate.
Once more his great white hands went heavenward,
pleading for silence with such a mute majesty of sup-
plication, that silence fell upon the immense assem-
blage, and his lips moved not in vain.
“Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, I
stand here upon my just and lawful right as Presi-
dent of the Republic, to give you ‘information of the
state of the Union.' I have summoned the Honor-
able the Senate, to meet me in this Chamber.
I call upon you to calm your passions, and give ear
to me as your oath of office sets the sacred obliga-
tion upon you.”
There was a tone of godlike authority in these few
words, almost divine enough to make the winds obey
and still the tempestuous sea. In deepest silence,
and with a certain show of rude and native grandeur
of bearing, the Senators made their entrance into the
Chamber, the members of the House rising, and the
Speaker advancing to meet the Vice-President.
The spectacle was grand and moving. Tears
gathered in eyes long unused to them, and at an
almost imperceptible nod of the President's head,
the Chaplain raised his voice in prayer. He prayed
in accents that were so gentle and so persuasive, they
must have turned the hardest heart to blessed
thoughts of peace and love and fraternity and union.
And then again all eyes were fixed with intensest
strain upon the face of the President.
“Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, this
measure upon which you are now deliberating"—
47
With a sudden blow that startled every living soul
within its hearing, the Speaker's gavel fell. “The
President,” said he with a superb dignity that called
‘down from the galleries a burst of deafening applause,
“must not make reference to pending legislation.
The Constitution guarantees him the right ‘from
time to time to give to the Congress information of
the Union.” He must keep himself strictly within
the lines of this Constitutional limit, or withdraw
from the bar of the House.”
A deadly pallor overspread the face of the Chief
Magistrate till it seemed he must sink then and there
into that sleep which knows no awakening, but he
gasped, he leaned forward, he raised his hand again
imploringly, and as he did so, the bells of the city
began to toll the hour of midnight.
The New Year, the New Century was born, but
with the last stroke, a fearful and thunderous dis-
charge as of a thousand monster pieces of artillery,
shook the Capitol to its very foundations, making the
stoutest hearts stand still, and blanching cheeks that
had never known the coward color. The dome of
the Capitol had been destroyed by dynamite.
In a few moments, when it was seen that the
Chamber had suffered no harm, the leader of the
House moved the final passage of the Act. The
President was led away, and the Republican Senators
and Representatives passed slowly out of the dis-
figured Capitol, while the tellers prepared to take
the vote of the House. The bells were ringing a
glad welcome to the New Century, but a solemn toll-
ing would have been a fitter thing, for the Republic
of Washington was no more. It had died so peace-
fully, that the world could not believe the tidings of
its passing away. As the dawn broke cold and gray,
48
and its first dim light fell upon that shattered dome,
glorious even in its ruins, a single human eye, filled
with a gleam of devilish joy, looked up at it long and
steadily, and then its owner was caught up and lost
in the surging mass of humanity that held the Capitol
girt round and round.
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