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Thousands who, in the IDaily Struggle - , -º for Labor’s Rights, do Battle for the True Freedom of º the Human Race. By DYER D. LUM. r f PPICE = = = = = 10 CENTS. PUBLISHED BY THE .." IBAIKERS’ JOURNAL, as East Fourth street, NEvºr YoFK cITY. ~~~-- JULY 1, 1892 Philosºphy Oi Tale Unions. I. Philosophy! Lord bless us! Håve we not enough to do to make both ends meet, and scant time enough to read the papers, without bothering ourheads about hilosophy? Such time as we may {. for reading, we want mental rest, recreation, rather than ab- stract thought—! Yes, so say or think thousands and, like their fathers before them, keep on in the narrow rut trod for them. Yet, and it is a hopeful sign, hundreds are beginning to think. Both over the bench and in hours of rest, the active mind will ask it- self questions, and seeks to under- stand the reason of the relations in which it finds itself. We have had philosophies of religion—by the ton, but they no longer concern us. We feel that they are “back numbers”—past year's almanacs—in this world of active relations. The questions they propound do not touch us; they seem suited for another at- mosphere than that of the shop. Our Hereafter is undoubtedly as important as the Here—when we get there; but the prosaic fact of “bread and butter” concerns us mainly just at present. “Christ and a crust” may involve hap- iness, but—we don't hanker after it. We put all such studies back on the top shelves where they stand dust-covered—their day seems past. *. Philosophies of government have no charm, unless they touch our won't do we know. vital interests. It may be grossly materialistic, but still our vitals dominate in shop-life. The Church having passed from our lives as an active force, will its successor —the State—serve us? There we are more interested and our vitals warm up somewhat and we dream theoretical dreams! Yet still we are not satisfied. Abstract theories about suffrage, constitutions, re- presentation, limits of executive and legislative powers, do not seem to fit in with Trade-Union work. In fact as Unions grow, these fade. What the Church What the State might do is a vexed puzzle. What we can do is more vital. And herein lies the philosophy of |Unionism. - The philosophy of any state of action is its reason, an answer to the ever-recurring Why? ... But in industrial relations it need not be a “dismal science,” as Carlyle called Political Economy, nor need its terms be located in trans- cendental space; it is but common sense views of life in the broader phase of it presented by history; the connecting link between the individual effort and social pro- greSS. A. Looking at this Greater Life we see why Winwood Reade calls his history of human efforts “The Martyrdom of Man!” History is but the biography of the national individual—the Race Self; and in this biography we find the steps of growth marked by three great — 4 e- Z human relations which have suc- ceeded each other, the Religious, the Political, and the Industrial. As each "has in turn arisen to agitate thought, the preceding one has waned in public interest. These three successive phases of thought took to themselves form and substance in Protestantism, Democracy, and Socialism. By Protestantism I mean the struggle for liberty of conscience, which the Catholic to-day values as highly as the loudest shouting Methodist. That battle has been won and both Catholic and Protest- ant became more humanized. By Democracy I mean the next extension of protest to control over actions. As the former protest left the conscience free to follow its beliefs, so this demanded freedom from interference by king and noble. With the American and French Revolutions there be- gan to rise in importance the status of industrial relations, and * whether they were equit- 8, Ole. To say that trade unions have a philosophy is but to say that it has a Why as well as a form. It shapes us more than we it. It, too, is a larger Self, embodyin our hopes, our aspirations, an unconsiously leading us on to wider views. What these are will do us no harm to examine; it may even clear our thoughts a little and animate us with new zeal. Let us then, by easy stages, study this new Ideal, and see wherein Trade-unionism plays a leading part. - II. INDUSTRIALISM. We have seen that the dominant spirit of the age is no longer religious creeds, nor forms of government, but the industrial relations of social life. Where the former are not in touch with these, they cease calling out our enthusi- asm. Although the younger brother of these, it begins to feel its own independence and resents their interference. It feels that it is of age, and would enter upon its in- heritance. To understand this new spirit which now dominates thought, let us briefly follow its modern growth. In the dark midnight of Feudal Ages. Industry seemed slumbering in Europe. The slave had, it is true, given way to the serf, who was sold with the earth on which he saw the first and the last ray of light. The absence of diversified industry left warlike activities to ravage the country. Baron against baron, º limited to the estate, abor fought for its owner in return for protection; rights and duties were co-related: the many served the one whose strong arm protect- ed. But a change came, and singularly it was to religious fanaticism that Industrialism was indebted. The wild cry of the Cru- saders to rescue the tomb of a dead Savior, was the lullaby over the cradle of the new one. For in that upheaval of provincial lines, in its extension of the bounds of the horizon, in freeing the serf who donned the Crusader's cross and who lived to return with widened experience, came the new thought which surged in the veins of youthful and sickly Industry. Rnowledge of the Orient, its arts and crafts, gave a new impetus to human wants. In the walled cities the returned pilgrim became a free artisan. But hearts as well as walls constitute defence, and stout hearts were there beneath brawny breasts. . The old Roman guilds were revived. Against marauding baron and thieving ecclesiastic stout hearts strengthened city walls. In Germany through the Hanseatic League, and in France through alliance with the crown, the power of militant feudalism was weakened and Industry ac- — 5 — quired a foothold. With increasing luxury rose fresh supply, and the trades began to assume form and organization. i Silently, like a subterranean river, it flowed on gathering strength. From Italy to Britain, from Holland to Spain sturdy artisans were uniting. Beneath the térrible wars which followed Luther's rebellion, backed as it was by the old Feudal spirit; beneath the subsequent upheavals attending the formation of ruling nationalities, the river flowed on. When the Great French Revolu- ‘tion swept away the accumulated rubbish of centuries, when the banks of established Custom grew weakened over its increasing tor- rent, the dikes broke and the deluge came. Since then the waters have flown above ground. Here, in wider current; there, in narrow and rocky gorge and more tumultuuusly. Luther, Calvin, Puritans, had dinned the ears of men with conun- drums on “divine grace” and “predestination and election”. Still Industry toiled on silent and un- moved. Roundheads and Cavaliers, Tories and Patriots, Jacobins and Iłoyalists took their turn, and Paine, Rousseau, Junius filled the thoughts of men in both hemi- spheres with man's political rights. Still the artisan made his anvil resound and spoke no word. Put when these old dikes went, how great the change. Cabinets, Parliaments, Congresses no longer debate creeds nor draft constitu- tions. What have been their labors? Tariffs, Factory acts, Emancipation, Labor Bureaus, Protection to, or control of great enterprises—all alike testify to the change. Even the war between North and South in this country was an economic issue: dear labor and cheap labor confronted cach other and over the victory for cheap labor patriots still exult, display their wounds and draw their pensions with patriotic ardor. * Another feature is prominent which must be noted. The old Civilization was warlike; activity sought militant paths. The citizen was of worth in proportion to his strength and endurance. The same priestly hand that blessed the in- fant consecrated the sword which was to brain it. As Industry rose, it became discernible that peace was a necessary condition to its rowth. Thus wars of conquest insensibly changed into wars of defence. At the present day wars are but desperate efforts to secure control of markets . labor may not flag nor privilege lose its power and lease over it. ` Thus in the biography, of the Race we see the one struggle as- sume various forms. With suc- ceeding generations old foes reap- pear in new uniforms. Militancy undermined in Church, being undermined in the State, is seek- ing support in Industry. No longer wearing a crown, it seeks foothold in the shop. Industrialism, steadily toiling on, feels quickened pulse and new hopes. Logically the antagonist of Militancy, it demands peace, yet is driven by untoward circum- stances to unite for self defence. lt is ushering in a new civilization. While priests are praying for us, and politicians “orating” to us Industrialism is silently building its outposts and pushing its videttes further beyond the old lines. III. TRADE UNIONS A PROTEST. In the palmy days of Rome and Greece, when even the wise Aristofle declared slavery to be a “natural” condition, the trade union was an important factor. In the inscriptions of the ancient Roman Republic they are recognized, and in both lands they had their altars — 6 — and gods. As Tome extended her conquests, slaves increased in num- ber and the free artisans grew more and firmer allied. Though the current religiongave it its consecration, necessity was the spur which prompted its action. In a militant society, where impe- rial methods were continually limit- ing the sphere of individual activ- ity, where lordly pride contemned humble worth and trod ruthlessly over unprotected weakness, trade union lines were closer drawn. But the power of Militancy resided in authority and was wielded by the sword; while Industrialism was a child as yet learning to walk. All through the Middle Ages the trade union survived. The barbarian invasions, the wreck of the empire, the contest of rival nationalities never completely swamped it be neath its deluging floods. In holiday processions ancient prints still show us the red banner of the trades. carried by their members at festi- vals. But because of this ceaseless warlike activity around them trade affiliation became still more a necessity. As deeper grew strife, harder became the peaceful condi- tions under which alone Industr thrives and blooms best. Animated, as it were, by the same instinct with which, though side by side, the horse turns his heels, and the ox his horns, against rain and storm, so the artisansflocked together in self defence feeling that in union alone was strength. In England, “Merrie England”, the lot of the workers was most often a hard one. His clothing prescribed for him by act of parlia- ment, his absence from his town a subject for magisterial inquiry, refusal to work for regulated sche- dule of wages an offence for which pillory and cropped ears, or a brand of infamy, must atone—how could he survive if even union organiza- tion became “conspiracy” against the laws of God animal While the church hurled damnation and sulphur, and the State cell and gallows, for such unlawful agitation, still the unions grew. Whether as clubs or mutual aid societies the artisans rallied around them as their only centre of strength. Even into our own century many of these barbaric statutes stood unrepealed. But its animating spirit could not be trampled out and in the present day we find them recogniz. ed and granted official status. Why then, still continue the struggle. Because the downfall of the heredit- ary crown, and baron, and privil- edged gentry was but the shedding of outer garments. The power once incarnate in the pontiff, then divided among crowned heads, and finally spread out to parliamentary legislation, was still militant. The conflict is but transferred to other fields. The religious and political battle fields are to-day flowerin meadows, but the spirit which tro them with warring hoofs, now benignly smiles over the ledgers of the counting-room. In the economic struggle of the ages, lords and nobles have lost but their gold lace and velvet; they survive as economic lords of the means of life and the trade union cannot yet draw in its advance guard of pickets. Only where militant measures restrict the peaceful flow of Industry a tangible or intangible Something blocks the path, does protest arise. Whether the toll collected be by the baronial armed troops, without word of apology, or by indirect means, the protest comes out. How- ever free a country may boast it- self, how eloquent its orators may become on patriotic occasions and stated days, yet where unions of toilers are increasing there protest is rising. Its rise and fall can be as accurately measured as that of º, under atmospheric pres- sure. Presidents and secretaries are but its mouth pieces through which the protest seeks utterance. — 7 — The very fact that Trade Unions exist and are manifesting increased activity, is evidence that inequitable economic conditions exist. Whether conscious or unconscious this is the natural channel where such protest is first heard and the baronietrical indicator of its strength. It is a business, matter-of-fact, institution, responding to personal ineeds, living in the present for the present and not concerned about its status in the Millennium. Born of the New, it instinctively opposes the Old, civilization. Growing to stature when ecclesiastical and hereditary lords disputed its rights, it still survives when their heirs don the modern costume to cover their economic lordships. It feels, rather than reasons, but its intuition is that of instinct. The Old was founded on compulsion; the New tends to voluntary co-operation. One looks backward for its title deeds; the other forward to grow- ing solidarity of interests. The Old, rooted in militancy, blossoms in enforced direction; the New, rooted in peace, buds in mutual concert of aid and action. In its waking moments it stands arrayed for defence ; in its dreams it sees co-operative solidarity, and cries with Bobby Burns: “A fig for those by law protected Liberty's a glorious feast ! Courts for cowards were erected, Churches built to please the priest.” IV. ITS CONSCIOUS AND UNCONSCIOUS GROWTH. So far we have mainly considered its outward form and actions, but the spirit of Trade Unionism, like that of all institutions, is a livin Soul. Embodying the hopes .# aspirations of long, centuries of struggle, ever adapting itself anew to changed surroundings, it has in its varied existence become endow- & ed with a purpose which no caucus of “leaders” can dispel, nor errors of the moment divert. Its conscious growth may be read in its annals: its victories and defeats, its resolutions and concerted acts, all tell the story of determined opposition to regulative interfer- ence. The peasants that gathered in the great uprisings of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries felt its inspiration stirring their hearts, and formulated their griev- ances in concise form. - But its unconscious life has had by far the widest influence upon social life. Protests never fall as idle winds without leaving effects. The cry of the New against the Old, the protest of cramped activity, ever takes moral form. The legitimate outgrowth of Industrial- ism fretting under militant direc- tion, drawn as if by an invisible cord to stand shoulder to shoulder in defence of common needs against a common foe, it must need foster desires and hopes unknown under old conditions. In its members arose a sturdier manhood, a more self-reliant activity. The artisan of the middle ages, who at any moment might be called upon to doff his apron and seize his weapon to rally with his comrades at the city walls to repel invasion, grew more independent. Inch by inch they contested the ground and won from reluctant privilege by present- ing a solid front. In that age the union was more than a perfunctory due collector, it was a living reality, because the need of mutual concert of action was imperative. '. In the battles waged by it in this century, abroad and at home, from the vantage point of its last decade we can see growing out of its deeds effects rippling over, the social surface of life on all sides. It has transformed the patient and sodden drudge into a manly and honest worker. In the increased hours of leisure it has secured for him, in f \\ the East. — 8 — the greater comfort thereby arising from greater wants, in the broaden- ing of his mental horizon and wider sympathies, we can behold an advance that has been won by action, not prayers, by determina- tion, not supplications. Even in the last century trade union lines were closely drawn, and rivalry and jealousy between trades of constant occurénée. A feelin of class pervaded each union, an it manifested itself against those of another craft. That same narrow- ness which leads us to despise those of another nationality in the name of patriotism was too often shown between unions. But that day has forever-past. Another evidence of growth in Self-reliance can be seen in our own generation. When our civil war was over and thousands returned to their customary occupations, a change was perceptibly felt. War, in centralizing power, ever tends to centralization in all other func- tions. The growing wealth of a few, the rise of monopolies, the #. extinction of smaller in- ustries, the concentration of in- dustrial direction in fewer hands,- all told upon the worker. Unions began to increase their activity, bastard organizations claiming the shield of #. came into existence, agitation began, and organization followed for political action. The writer, looking back over more than a quarter of a century of identification with the Labor Move- ment, can note several distinctrings of growth during that period. Immediately after the war of the rebellion a Short Hour Movement was organized in Massachusetts and With the eloquence of Wendell Phillips to arouse enthusiasm a determined effort was made to affect legislation. A ticket was annually placed in the field; the State-house besieged by delega- tions of workingmen; and, with | every crumb ained, the loafseemed nearer. Alas! “distance lends enchantment to the view ſ” Zeal did not diminish among the active few, but soon the fight was trans- ferred from the State-house to the National Capitol. The National Eight Hour Law became the object of desire and petitions were secured from all over the country. In 1880, after several failures, a national conference appointed a “National Eight Hour Committee”, consisting of R. F. Trevellick, Chairman; John G. Mills, Secretary; Chas. Litchman, Alb. R. Parsons, and myself, to interview the entire House. Mr. Trevellick had speeches to make elsewhere. Litchman had “fences to fix,” or other business— also elsewhere. Albert R. Parsons had not the means to stay, but said if one of us could take him in, he would stay and fightit out. He did 80. Mr. Mills and myself were then residing there. Time passed and the Eight Hour bill is just where it was. But unions no longer bother themselves about it. Grown more self-reliant, they are seeking it through mutual co- | operation. This is but a single instance of un- conscious growth, yet how pregnant with meaning for the future! The new cry is not for “more legis- lation,” but more unity and self. help ! Even those who still hold to the past methods are unconsciously drawn in with the current. Instead of depending upon a politician, he is becoming to the Unionist as un- necessary a factor, in his work, as the priest. It is an indication of yet further self-reliance, of still greater possibilities; when with one accord the federated solidarity of toilers will sing with Tenny- SOIl: “Ring in the valiant man and free, The larger heart, the kindlier hand; Ring out the darkness of the land, Ring in the Christ that is to be.” —9 — V. FEDERATION AND SOLIDARITY. We are now beginning to obtain a glimpse of the philosophy of Trade-unionism. Eminent writers, like Herbert Spencer and Auguste Comte, have laid down the broad Pºpº that modern civilization as consisted in the distinction between Militancy and Industrial- ism; between past “compulsory co- operation” and growing “voluntary co-operation.” Accepting their conclusions, we have tried to apply their reasoning to the Trade union, and have seen that its unconscious growth is in that direction. The Trade-union being the only mouth- piece of concerted industrial effort it must be in accord with the un- conscious tendency of Industrial- ism, if it is to effect lasting results. The body must conform to the requirements of the soul if it is to influence the future. The tendency toward self. reliance mentioned is borne out in the federated action of the trades. Having outgrown the petty jeal- ousies and rivalries of the past they now seek in Federation conscious action in “voluntary co-operation.” The generous support extended by other trades to the Carpenters in their conflict for a shorter day of labor was a magnificent illustration of the growing Inutuality of inter- ests felt by the toilers. When callings so different, as carpenters, bakers, cigar-makers, miners, street- railway employees, etc., etc., rely upon their own efforts to assist fellow-workers of another craft, we can see that the true spirit of In- dustrialism has taken deep root in organized effort. * The moral aspect of such grow- ing mutualism is not to be over- looked. While each trade preserves its own autonomy with jealous care, the broader spirit is one of fraternity. So in social life the broader spirit of Industrialism, t while tending to make each in- dividual more self-reliant, also teaches that true individualism is based on mutualism, on the voluntary co-operation of each to the common end. This broadened sympathy in men's natures, this heartier interest in others’ welfare, this identification of self in the common weal, is the moral result of free relations. As compulsory co-operation has relaxed, as in- dividual initiative has been given greater scope of action, our emo- tional natures are affected and mutual accord follows as naturally as water gravitates to a level. This moral growth we see re- flected all around us. The habits of “gentlemen” a century ago would be deemed intolerable in any self-respecting workman's home. With this growing solidarity of interest common decency has taken on a far higher meaning. Courtesy has extended her bound. aries, and the old prejudices are melting away. The bigotry and hatred of our fathers shown in “know-nothingism”, is now only seen in public by the untamed “small boy” stoning a Chinaman, or a “dago”. This higher ethical standard is seen in the various beneficial orders among us, as well as in the trade- unions, where fraternal love over. leaps the tomb to relieve the widow. This solidarity of interest is not a prayer-meeting enthusiasm, not a political party fellowship, but inclusive of all religions and politics. More, it is fast breaking down boundary lines as absolute barriers between - fellow-workers, and patriotism—which old Dr. . Johnson defined as “the last refuge of a scoundrel”—is reserved for ºtion Day and the Fourth of uly. º Haitialism, as the Gospel of Peace, brings with it international fraternity, and in this lies the goal of Solidarity. To this end the sº . . . . **. . . . . . . . . . ~" . . . . . . f . . . . . . . . .”!' . . . ." . . . . . . .”. s ; : r º * g : - - 2’ . . " • M \- 's - . -*.* . . . . - --- “, . ... " * ! . ‘’’ . - : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ) ‘. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • ‘ ; , , sº - 2' gºt \ × . . . - : 2. . -" **. • . ; • , * - - .." "… º . . . . . ". . . . — 10 - * . . . . . . . . . . . : *** " . . . . .\ . . " x . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ; logicals development of . Trade- | whence their militant character ? . . . . º -- º † - $. s * ' ' - -- * . . , , , - , r s, , continents-friendly hands are al- `... ', ready outstretched with invitation .." sº º' ' ' ' to fraternal grasp. The Trade- union, more than other institutions, . . . . . must need and feel this new breath, - and its federated history already $ marks how willingly it is accepted. ... . . .Step by step is the advance made, . . . . . . . but surely is the march continued . ° toward this broader view of social 2: relations, this constant growth of . - - * - A.'s ," I - * * * -- sº • ‘’ * ... - # * * * interests. For the first necessarily *** * * involves the second in a free " * : * > . . society, and the tendency indicates ... . . . . growth toward that culmination. . . . . . The Trade-union movement, . . . . . therefore, need not worry over the barking of the camp curs hanging ºils around . it, or the acts of . . . . . . . stragglers who fall out-of line. In ... . . . . their course they are evidencing # * * *. * . . . . * * * ..., , , and moral progréss, placing them- º selves on record as worthy standard . . . . . . . . bearers' in the Industrial Crusade, ºw' . . . . and forecasting conditions in which º ºr Solidarity will be hope realized. * . . . . . Whether the foe appear in open ... ". . field, or as a “hired Hessian” 1: . . ; masquerading in Liberty's name, the result of the struggle need not sº (colors, Federation and Solidarity! Nº ºf . Already the hill. º are ruddy - ºr with their dawning li * . . . ." sombre scenes may’lead to it. . . . . . . .” “Freedom we call it, for holier * * * . " . . . f T', f : . . * ; º * *. . . ." Name of the soul's there is none; w r 2 *2 ºf . Surelier it labors, if slowlier, * ...'...'… Slowlier than life into breath, ‘. . . . . . . . . : * ~ * * ; : - s: . . . .” Surelier than time into death, .* . . . . . . . It moves till its labor be doné.” * - , . . . * ... sºmºmºmº - . | .# • * - ... * * • * . . . . . . " .* * 3. * = … " . . . ... - ar ! § * , , i. *. * *. * d sº ºw ... . . . . It is time to note an objection; : , . . . . a chargé of inconsistency is raised. * : * * . . . If Trades Unions represent In- . . . . . . . . unionism tends, and across seas and . individual self-reliance and mutual ; : … . . . . an alignment with both industrial ... . . . be doubtful while the workers' º; . . . themselves remain, true to their ht; though ... . . . . . Than the metres of star or of sun; ...º “... ITS MILITANT CHARACTER, , º, dustrialism, whose ends are peace, On every hand we hear economic '': - ...” ". lords, and their editorial hirelings, . . . . . . . bewailing_the “tyranny of trade. unions.” Is the life of the institu- " . . .\º tion, like that of the individual, a . . . contradiction?...Are there stronger . . . . . . . . inbºrn impulses to evil than efforts, , , ºf for good? ". " . . . . Let us be honest with our- . . . . . selves,and with “our friends the en- - , , " . emy.” The very fact that the . . . . . . . Trades Union is a protest, that it 2 is called into being for defensive . . . . . purposes, that it has to constantly . . . . . . . . . withstand the open attacks of its . . . enemies, and the more insidious , . . . . . opposition of those who prate . . . . . loudest of individual liberty--- ' ' ' '. stamps it with a militant char- " ' ". . acter. As soldiers of the Revo-f lution they stand in line, shoulder. . . . " to shoulder, to defend every point . . . . . .'; Wom, and to advance their posi-. . . . . . . tion, The Unionist is no Quaker, . . . . . . . thankful for the right to exist, but unwilling to defend it." ... To imagine that emotion could º-, in any way aid the astronomer, in . . . . / his investigations, would at once. strike every intelligent person as . . . . absurd. In fact, the perfection of . " the Science is constituted in its”. elimination of the emotional fact- . . . . '; ors, as well as any form of intel- , lectual bias. But in economic problems, the emotional nature is, º generally assumed to be an indis." , " , pensable factor. The reason for . . . . . …; * 2- . . , * . this error is not difficult to under- s. stand. The world's, thought is "... . . . | now centred on social relations,' ' ' ' . . ." and it has been facetiously said: . . . . “There is a good deal of human' ... . . . nature in man.” As actors, in a . . . . . . . .* .#. in which our interests are:... . . . . directly involved, our judgment should be the more impartial; -we’. . must exclude bias, substract the , º, . . . . . “personal equation” of feeling, and, 2 . . . study social relations as we would...,’ ‘ those of the animal or the inorganic." - tº-ºs- world. The fundamental idea un-º: derlyingthe industrial protest is * . . . \ . ." . . . * , * A \, : * 3: " . k . . * * * * x k '. - Z. r * * * * * * - s a * * * - A. # . . .”. -- | - - * , * k -. + r º: * * , - - - "...' ' ', ' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . f . . . . . r f -* * * - , , - -- * - - ... * A , , § - g * * f - * . , ' ' - * … • * . . . - --- * * - - - * 7 ºf . . . . . . . , ' '... . . . . . . . . . . . . . .” , , * . . . \ , that equity may be attained. . . º. º. : - + . . . ... " .*' - - , , , that equity may be attained. . . . . .”. Sº...º.º. ~ ; i .# * x .* , - * # A , , “ . . " . . . . * - I . .” - - - , ‘. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - *. - ". . - * - - iſ i. -- : . - * : . . , , , "A * . . . . . - - * l f • * , º ~ * * , . . '. * , * * 4. * * . . . . . . . . . . ". * ... 's * . *, *, *, * • . * { . . . . . . . . ... " . " . . . . . . . . . . º, . . . . is * ~ * - . . . . * . . . . . - . . i * , ". . , # . . . , , . . . . . . . * , ; } . . . . ~. - r * - . ... ' ' ' . . . . . . . . . . * - J - . . . . . ... * - * - * g * . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . * .* . . " • * * * * * '). r * } - *. , f concede. Our rights being equal, n -, * * * *. *, * f º * * * . s injustice must have for its cause some deviation from this principle whereby some are granted special privileges, which ever carries with it corresponding restrictions from , which results the social inequity of which we complain. If the fun- damental truth of an equitable, System of relations as the in- * . dustrial goal of progress be equal freedom, it resolves itself into the Öpportunity of gratifying self-in- terest. * • Trades Unions are not system- builders. With them, “sufficient unto the day in the evil thereof.” and to-morrow will find a new re- lief for picket-duty. Self-interest . . , is not only a fundamental law of our being, but is the incentive +++ - * * * * 's judgment sitting over and ruling: the lower side of our natures. All which has lifted man from the animal into the sphere of the human. Because suffering exists, poverty degrades, and immorality results, there is the greater need * , for cold judgment rather than emotional hysterics. Schemes for . . . . . abolishing individuality have their source: in the emotional nature, while human progress consists in "... ." life is a contest between the judg- “ . v ment of the intellect and the im- pulse of emotion,and this primarily is the distinction between man and , the animal. z The present struggle for shorter' days of toiſ is not based on any sentimental desire for “the other. : ... fellows,” but for self alone. We * ‘. . . ' - * -r t wº - tº - º: . . . . economic struggle upon self-inter- want a higher standard of living, . . . and to secure that self-interest ; : V becomes mutual interest, to wring ; : from privilege a greater opportun- * : *, ity. While, therefore, basing our lations; the soldier in the line need but defend his position.Thus, while sympathy has enlarged with the greater increase of freedom, it is but as a result, never as a cause. We no longer view scenes of tor-º- ture with the dulled composure of : * our ancestors, but, while this more sympathetic nature is but an effect, it has been dominated by judg- ment. In other words, our selfish- ness has broadened into mutualism" and such scenes are no longer of interest to self. . . . . The Trades Union line is, there- fore, a defensive one, and in the bitter fight forced upon us we want all we can get, and pathetic narra-. . . tives of the sufferings of a “scab.” . . . . in case he runs against a missile. . . . will not trouble our tender hearts. In such a warfare we do not keep , * * , , * our emotions on tap, and the sen- timentalists who propose to “rush the can” for sympathy will receive 2 - ), ºr no more attention than the in- . . . equitable system that their weak natures- lead them, however un- consciously, to bolster-, up and " ' " maintain. SIFor both “scab” and, sentimentalist in the hour of con- - - flict -we have-but contempt, and , turn from each alike when the word is passed to “fall in.” Our '' duty is in the ranks, not playing. , “coffee cooler” to the, captain in, \, f the hour of danger | . . . . . * - - . * '- w *- * -- - * * * ** * * . . . ) * . . . . . . . . . * - - " . . - * - - * ITs LoGICAL Positios. - The point just discussed is so vital that it should be made still clearer. # \ The pompous, big-paunched mono-, polist, after having satisfied his mind. that his “trust” arrangements are . . working all right, unburdens his conscience in bewailing the fact that men will so far forget the inherent. . . * …” ** * * * . . . . Sº 'est, we are not unaware that what- dignity of human nature and inălien-º. `... ever tends to enlarge the scope of able right as to kick for themselves. . . . ...?...º. opportunities ' by establishing ' Their sympathies, in such cases only, 2. º … . ..., º ... - *. •. - . * , s ..' . . .# : - , * * . . - • . v’.” & - : , , , ... ; ...'...' . # t ". . ‘. . . . . . 1, º .. s 4 * * º . . 1. . . . . º ... • - . ‘. . §.’ ‘‘ſº..." . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ; , , , , , , , , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . *. “. . \ * . . ! - N 2 º' -, . . . . . . . . " * . ... º & “… - ..". . . . ..., . . . . . . . . . . N. . . . . . . . . . . . ‘. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . r , “ . %. . . . g . # - • * s & i - - # * * - * : * , ". * , • - º - " ... * 3. - . . !, . . . . º,' ' ' ' 's - - . . – 11 — . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .” Nº . . . In basing our demands upon flºº, at the same time - * . . ...what Herbert Spencer has called leads to a wider field for the ‘. . . f º, '' tº - - { - }} |. : ; - i. * : * * . . . . ". . “the law of equal freedom,” we higher display of emotion. In- . . . . . . ... ask no more than we are willing to creased sensibility follows free re- . . . . . . . . * * * * , - & : ... i. º '' ! Jº . ' * * * A ’. . # " . . *. !, . . ; * . . f ... "...' . . . , - , & , tºº 12 — $ * * l ... * }. * . ...' \ *. | ". • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . º are freely on tap and his indignation The warfare of industrial life is . . . . , ſº is aroused. To hear him orate, one not between rich, and poor, but for . . / “ ... … . . might think the welfare of the worker | position for all to acquire from the ". . ." & " ", , lay nearest his heart, and that his inexhaustible store house of unex= '. ... . . . . . . . woes often embittered even , the ploited wealth.” The reason that all . . . . . § - ". . . . . . champagne with which our , kind | do not possess comfort is found in . . . . ." ‘. . . . . . . . and tender-hearted philanthropist the fact that artificial restrictions . . . . . * . . . . . . tries to drown his regret at such ill- have been created. How shall the * . . . . . . advised persistency in wrong doing. struggle.be conducted? Singly, the . . . ; : . . . . Nor would we for a moment bring restricted can form no army, and ºv : . ". . . the railing charge of conscious hy- º, º sº pocrisy against such profession of .." . . . surprise. His own independent . . . . . . . course of life, his position as one of i:. . . . / the belted and epauletted generals . . . . . . . in the warfare for a living, with a . \,...; full, commissariat for his own sub- º' " . . , sistence, and able to dictate the line ... . . . . . . of advance and battle, renders him º, . ". . . blind rather than indifferent to the ... . . . . . . feelings of the humble private in the ** *** ranks. Independence in submission ... "… ', ... ... is his idea of the private's whole duty. ~...” . But, by the too often meagrecamp- tº fire by which the private reflectingly * . . . sits, other thoughts arise, and other . . . . . . . . thoughts than his adaptedness to . . . . . . . . carry out pre-arranged Šchemes, of * * + - - - ſº º 1. tº . . . . . . . . . . which he knows nothing, take form. , º, ...", Let us try and express what these . . . . . . . . . . , often-unuttered thoughts are as “. . . . . . . . . translated by his, actions. Nor, is ‘. . . . . . . . . our simile of warfare a mere me- ‘. . . . . . . taphor. . There is such a warfare, º . ... " .. like all warfare cruel and relentless, . . . . . .:”, but not the warfare our epauletted *...*.' . . . generals imagine, of a warfare upon ... º.º. ' ' nature under their guidance and . . . . . . control. On the contrary it is the º, , , , , same warfare that occurred in the ". . . . . . Black Hole of Calcutta among the . . . . . . " 'doomed prisoners', who trampled º' is . . . . . . .each other to death in order to get . . . . . . . . . . near the sole opening for air—a ‘. . . . . . warfare for position. Our generals . ', are those who have succeeded in . . . . . . . . . monopolizing the air, the means of " . . . . . * * * . , , " . ** - - r - - * ' ... : :"... | life! Nor have, they succeeded, as tºº. . . . . . they in their self-esteem assert, by 4 . . . . . . . their superior ability alone, but by º,' ' ". . . . .legalization of each successive mo- ..', . . . . . . . . " ' ". . . - * , f' + ° . e. " +. g - tº - . . .';* . . . .nopoly, wherein might makes right . . . . . . and the weak is not merely left to *...*.*.*.*, succumb, but even punished for his' conjointly they would be but a mob. . . . . In union alone lies strength, and ' '. before, an entrenched enemy union . . .”. becomes an imperative nécessity for - self preservation. It is a civil war . . . . . in which our armor-clad foes, march . . . under the black flag, and even when. * -' they return a portion of the wealth . . . . . extorted, they dignify it with the '' . . high-sounding name of Charity! . . . .". Organized labor makes no war- . . . . . fare upon property; on the contrary, ". . . . it would have each and, all possess A. , property. Property, is that which R. is proper to man as its creator, and, because denied this, the producers . . . combine. The day has passed when . . . . it can be asserted as an economic.' . . . truism that the laws governing pro- " " " . * t duction and distribution are inva- ". . . riable natural laws. From the pages of standard economists the fallacy. . . . . . may be shown. Thornton and Walker . . . . . ." have given abundant testimony that ". . . . organization has directly affected: ". . . " Wages. In fact, this is being gene- . . . . rally, conceded. . . . . . . . . . * * * * The necessity, for united, action a needs no special argument, it is apº, ; ; parent. The beneficial effect has. * * * been over and again demonstrated . . . . . from the guilds of past centuries to º, . . . the present day. The justification, ". of such organized resistance lies in . . . . . the very nature of the contest.” Adam: ; ; ; Smith said: “We have no Acts of , Parliament against 'combining...to , º, ... sº . -- * * * º - '. {. • . . . ; raise profits.” Anda century interven- . . ." ing does not alter the fact save in de- º gree. He also said: “Masters are: . . . . . always and everywhere in a sort of . º ’’. ‘’. tãcit, but constant' and uniform, ſº combination not to raise the wages. : : - ... * . . . . . . . struggles if the might of monopoly. To-day this combination is more ºf . . . . . . . . * : ". . . ; * * * • * * , s • . d . . . " # * * * tº * . e i < * -- * * * > . . . . . . , - . º - , º, . . º be assailed. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . than, a tacit, one, it , is open and, .* .* * , , , , , t . . . . . . . . . . * , , , , "... ', } r *; , , . z \, | & º * d i - - * * ,--- " ------, g • I . . J. ::, ‘.. ºf ...' ... • s', t º •. w * , Á j \. . Y- . ºr ? ºr —a . . . ,' A - . . . .." r" ºr * * , . . . . . . ... ." l ºr '...'. - \, ºv: º * * . . . . . . • , , { | * . ... . . . …: ; '... ; 3. . ; º | r , * º .# f . , .# f : -: , º *. * A. I , # * : º . * . "; , * . * – 18 – .” l A - --- k * * , ‘avowed, and necessity demands | prevent just such contingencies is * * counter combination. the mission of the Union. One who . Experience has determined that, is forced to the necessity of wage- as social beings, as civilization is | labor and refuses to share the com- ,” “. . . based on interdependence, we de- || mon danger, but either openly or . . . . fend our own selves better in accord stealthily goes over to the enemy to S. than when acting separately. . The accept his terms, is a deserter. By . . . . . . . resistance, of a mob is self-suicide; his act he has sundered the social , . . . accord is essential. In this case, bonds of mutual interest which . . . . . . drill, discipline, alignment in ranks, united him to us, has served notice . . . . .” becomes as much self, as mutual, that he asks no aid, expects no . . . interest. We are social beings, our | sympathy, seeks no quarter. 4t his very individualities are determined acted word we take him. , . . . . by both social inheritance and en- The time has passed for circum-, * . . . . vironments. * locution in handling this subject. . . As a human being the Czar of | If Trade-unionism has a logical " ...” Russia has an equal right to life; ground for existence, if organized " ' but when the denial of equal free- resistance is preferable to slavish ... º. dom finds its incarnation in the Czar, submission, if the socialties which º he becomes a social enemy, in other | unite us in mutual alliance are of . . . words, an invader. To attack Czar- higher validity than the selfish . . . . .” dom, and not the Czar, its concrete | cravings of an unsocial nature, the . . . . . . materialization, is to draw a meta- || relation between the Trade-union, ... . . physical distinction between form and its sycophantic enemy—the * . . . .” and essence. All we know of “sys- “scab”, is that existing between the - . ‘. . . . . tems” against which we are so often patriot and the paid informer. No Nº '.' advised to confine our attacks, is in sentimentalism will attenuate, no . . . .” their incarnate form as human olive branch will be extended; no , , , , beings, woven into organization. tears will be shed over whatever . . . . . . . . * , - : misfortune befalls him, nor aught . . . . . * ... VIII } but utter loathing be felt for him, , . - - * * * He stands forths by his own act - ". ...’’’ ITS RELATION TO THE SCAB. recreant to duty. Bankrupt in honor, . . . . . . .' The non-unionist is but an indirect infidel to faith, destitute of social ' ' ' '. . . . enemy; in withholding his aid he sympathy, and a self-elected target. . . . . . . . . by so much weakens the common | We here but express clearly what ". . . . . . . line of defense. Though often his workingmen feelin every industrial ` s', . acts may directly, without conscious crisis, and we deliberately express J . effort, aid the enemy, he need not be it that at all times such men be '... ." . . . . . .”. a traitor to his fellow-toilers.” Every | regarded as possible, “informers”. . . . . . great movement has some object of and traitors. - . . . . . . . . , superlative loathing; its Judas But let us hear his defence. We . ." . . . . ~~ Iscariots, its Benedict Arnolds, its are told that Trade-unionism is an . . . . . . Pigotts, its paid spies and informers, encroachment upon individual right, . . . . . .” ": its Pinkerton thugs—men deaf to all that the toiler, whether union or \ . . . A ſº honor, blind to mutual interest, non-union, has the privilege to sell . . . . . .” dead to all but the miserable crav- his labor as best suits himself. To . . . . . . . . . ; sings of their shriveled souls. In this we reply: 1. The toiler, does . . . . . . . . the industrial conflict the instinct not enter the market under equal . . . . . . ; of workers has significantly termed conditions. 2. Monopoly over land, . .”. . . . . its type of this species—“scab!” the source of wealth, and, over ex- . . . . . . . . . . . . . Loud have been the appeals for change, its medium of distribution, - … . . . . . . . . . sympathy with the workman who gives to the capitalist an economic , , , , ... º.º. falls out from the line to better his advantage in the struggle." -3. The . . . . . . . . condition, or relieve the distress of legalization of privilege forces upon is a starving wife and family. But to the unprivileged the necessity, of , º, ø, * - * . . ; * . - = * * * ** 3 : * * . , ; ; º, # W * * f, , . . . * , * f # , - * \ § { i <- - * * .*. * * * • * * , , \, , +. * † * \ y - “. •, - . . ºv f *. ** . . . .” # | s' - - A - --- . . . • ł. | rº t . . . s: * . * * * * * , , * , ,” -- " * W . • . - * - - k s - - .* * - . . . . - - -- J. - - r g - $ * , , I a - * * .* . . . . . . . . - - - * , - - l ; - i." & * . º: - - I { t f - - - j' * "a . | * r 4 – * , ** “y • º A", P * * r t *. # * … } # ). º: * i - - € - 3. - t * - - - . . . . . * * * , * . - • , - r . . . . . combination in order to sustain w themselves. 4. The logic of events , , has settled the line of action; it lies . . . . . . , neither in the prayer-meeting nor . . . . . . . the polling-booth, but in mutual º - accord of , action and determined ‘. . . . self-help. . . . . Industrial combination, under . . . . such circumstances, is as necessary “. . . . . . . . . for 'the exploited toiler, as military ". . . . organization for an invaded people. . . v . . We are in a state of industrial war. Every appeal to legislation to do \ . . . . . ' 'aught but undo is as futile as send- ... . . . . . . ing a flag of truce to the enemy for munitions of war. The growth of . . . . . . solidarity evidenced in wider federa- …'. . . . . . .tion, in leading to broader views of the issue, , and deeper sense of . . . . . . . . . . mutual interrelations, can but . . . . . . . . intensify this feeling toward the “scab". . . . . . . . . Unions. having already demon- ‘. . . . . . . strated their power to rise above the º' subsistence level, where, otherwise . . . . . . . they would be, it is our duty, not . . . . . . . . . only to ourselyes, but to our families, ***, *... . . to enlarge the scope of union among ; : . . . . . our fellow craftsmen. Our task is ... . . . . . to be true to the need of the hour, st ... . . . . in order to be the better fitted for ... . . . . . . . . . the unknown needs of the struggle . . . . . . . . . to-morrow. The lines are being }: º, closer drawn, and the exigencies of . . . . .” ...the situation demand iconcert ... . . . . of action, both against the combined ... . . . . . . enemy and the traitor who would . . . . betray our cause by a shot from the ... º. … rear. In such a struggle for a …, , , , , higher civilization—a struggle jº, , , forced upon us—the industrial re- . . . . . . . . . . . creant is a social traitor. ſº ...” ". . . . . . Out of, conflict all progress has :::::: . . . . . . come. The history of the Labor. jº, . . . . Movement, its , increasing self- ... ::, , , , reliancé, , its growing indifference to ‘. . . . . . .” “labor, politicians,” its development º, . . . . of sturdy independence and man- . . .” --, -, ... hood, all alike indicate change in its ... º. . . . . methods, among future possibilities. ſº But with all this, and its accompan- . . . . .ing wider sympathy and extension ... - . . of mutual ties; the feeling of loath- A. " * . ing toward the “scab”. has intensi- - • * * .** *' * ... + . . . . . . . . . .' sees in this not only the issue of . . . . against mutual interests is unsocial and hence a denial of the mutual basis upon which equitable relation; alone can exist. . Thus the “scab'. . . . is not merely unsocial, but by his *, acted word virtually places himself ... with the industrial invaders, and becomes, an enemy. Equal freedom | | || cannot be strained to mean a denial of mutual interests. Social evolution. is not a mere theory, but a record . . . of facts, and no fact is more strongly . . . . brought out than that progress has resulted only in so far as mutual interests have been recognized. We. do not institute them, they compelus. . . . Therefore, primarily as human ' beings, become so by Social evolu- tion, and by the social environment in which the present struggle is conditioned, and recognizing. as the goal of industrial advance the mutuality' of interésts involved in the assertion of equal freedom, in strict accord with all sociological * * deductions, and with the utmost submission to the higher law per- meating social growth, we reverently '' ) raise our hats to say prayerfully: ' ', “To hell with the 'scab!’” . . . IX. . . . . . ITs ATTITUDE To NoN-Usionists, . . . One of the chief objects of the " . enemy in attacking Unionism is to . . . . seek to array sympathy on the side', '', '' of the non-unionist. How shall he . . . . . be treated? I admit that this is one . . . of the most troublesome questions . . . . trade-unions have to meet; trouble- . . . . . some only because not squarely met. . . . . . 'Ilet us try to face it frankly. The “ . . trade-union is fully conscious that its 2 °. * . | * * l very existence depends, upon its ,” ability to enforce the rule—“no " - * * f r - a * * * * *. } * - .* working with non-unionists.”. It : * ~ * self-protection and continued useful- . . ness, but ideal aims. For this it in- . . . . tº tº - . tº * , - ** * . . . . . . . . . . sists with more pertinacity. than . . . . . ought else, and if need be is willing. . . .”.” Below the surface of what appears ... : to prejudiced observers to be an un- - \ f - - * - * * * * , , , - * * ** * * • . . . . . . . . + - \ , . . ' ' ' '. • * . . © ‘. . 23. * , , . * * : . . . , # - * f : , t 2 * F -- + x - ~ * * - * - * , * , ; 2. r * x ... " ; : e r , 4 - - - “ . . . ... -- . 12 * … * ... º. . . . . . To sum up, to assert, egoism +. t - - * * # . . . * - º - - - * : ‘. , - . ( . . . . . º: - ~". ". * * & , ! r ; , , ... : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ; , - . . ". . . . , \ * * : just, and tyrannical practice is, ten # ‘. - * * . | * ‘. . ~ ; - f * § *. #. - -- ,- - i. ... 1 ...' º 1. i. * : * 'º','º' * , º 2. - ". i * . .* ... x * º, . . / . . . . º º . ... ...",". - •' .. * . . . " * ...', . . . . . - * * * + Y.” \ . . - * * * f * f ". . ... . . . * | t * ' '. § . . ; ". . * . . . . . . ºr . . } , , t * H i * - .. , — 15 — . . . ! * economic foundation. It is, the ex- our ranks. Flections come and go . perience of all the great Trade- and we are unaffected by hopes rest- ,' ' unions of this and other countries ingº on, pledges unredeemed, or that success never perched upon their banners until they insisted that the position taken by their own ad- vance lines for mutual interests . . . should not be encroached upon by individual bushwhackers. . There is no denying the abstract right of a ' ' workman to join, or to decline to join, a union, just as there can be no de- nial' of the abstract right of the , unionist to work with, or to decline - to work with, the non-unionist. But ( ' ' when an attempt is made by social --\ . pressure, or otherwise, to compel non-unionists to join the union many ... good people deprecate it, and pious pulpits and pews are scandalized ". . .The nature of the internecine conflict demands discipline. First, . . . . every union must be not only a \ . f # tr t camp, but a recruiting station. As only in union lies strength, so no pains should be spared to increase ... solidarity. I'very non-union man should be besought to enroll, its ad- vantages shown, and inducements. offered. Speakers, tracts, papers should be generously used. A union . . . that sits...down supinely to mere routine work is recreant to its duty. ... The propaganda of its principles is as imperative a duty as scanning its books for the delinquents its own in- action has rendered indifferent. The struggle is ever on. The exactions of rent, interest, and profits are con- . . . . tinually competing to reduce wages; * , , , and at any moment the blow may. t *s * * - * | ." -: * *, - a-r - -- * r - : ... '" S, º, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ; ; ; ; : . k . . . , , , , "k - "A .# ... *, * * † . . . . * - *. * , ; ; - * * * , ... " g i . . . . . . " . . . . " # " * , , , , , -r . . " * ..."; * - * * | -- *, # ... " - * * * t - - r tº ' ". . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . * . M '? .* * * * . . . . . . . . - - - - - * * * * * * * -- • * - ... * * . * † - * - " " + \ . . g- . - come, and the presence of a host of stragglers, who have been left un- - heeded to gather on the outskirts, tº máy bring it the sooner. , Second, necessity demands fede- rative unity. The warfare has pass-, ed out of the political phase; it is 'liow an economic struggle for po- sition between employer and em- º, ... ployed, and the latter, relying solely ... " " "on their own strength, cannot turn a . . . . deaf ear to the cries of those engag- ... ed on: the skirmish line. The old, siren song of political aid from par- tisan prostitutes no longer divides’ *. us, is against us.” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . i. Fourth, our action toward such is . . . . . . dictated more by sorrow than hatred. . . . . ." ‘We may even respect the man, who, , , , ; ; stands aloof from conscientious mo- , . .” 'tives, and alike refuses sympathy to . . . . . . either side, however much: we may, ' ' ,º deplore what we consider his short- . . . . . . sightedness. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Not only self-interest prompts, us, ... º. but we claim the sympathy of 'all, . . . .”. not directly interested in our degra-; ' '... . . . dation, by the proven fact that union . . . labor is the most intelligent and the . . . . . . best labor. Higher wages bring-in-... . . . . . creased wants, and the ability to º didates defeated. . . . Third, discipline demands the os- . . . . . . tracism of the camp follower, ever. ready to accept the wages organized action has won, yet shrinking from assisting in the effort. On the field of action non-combatants have no place; there is no third line. . In the fierce struggle for position the skulker not merely weakens the ' - ' ' '. lines of fellow wage-worker, but :, . H also directly, or indirectly aids and . . . abets the enemy. He is the curse of the Labor Movement, false to his . . . comrades, false to mutual interests, , and a drag to progress. Both before . . . . and during a strike union doors. E. “ should always swing inward to all applicants whom reason or self-in- terest may convince. But, whoever w deliberately refuses alliance with . . . organized labor, who from cowardice or selfishness stays without to skulk : . . . back over the field, like a ghoul for . . . . . personal gain, by his or her act be- . . . comes an enemy. Your duty toward . . . . them will be determined by the tº . . . . exigencies of the situation. As in our civil war the timid Union man . * in the South, and the blatant Cop- ºr perhead in the North, received but '.. little respect from either side, so in . . . . . the industrial conflict - they are " . . . sº despised by those who urge them on, and disowned, by their more re- solute fellows. “He who is .' saddened and demoralized by 'can- . . . . . t not with . . . . . * * r - - A' *- s - - g * , k f r - - - - r - A wº - - - - Y t \ [. t * - r º mº- - - - * t - - - *. - | W * * t - gratify these greater “intelligence. Those who flippantly, assume that increased wages augment cost cor- respondingly, unconsciously assume that ignorant, and skilled labor pro- duce the same results; they assume , that solidarity does not heighten productive capacity; they assume that union rules have no effect in acquiring a trade efficiently; they +.” assume that the amount to be pro- that victorious here he will be the . . . . . duct could be accumulated and duced is a fixed quantity, a fallacy akin to the wage-fund theory; they assume that the distribution of re- -f f , ' , ward under increased production and higher wants must still leave. wages at the level of lower wants, a contradiction in itself. Every interest save that of ex- ploiting greed, and time-serving and short-sighted cowardice, is thus on the side of the Unionist. And with ' ' the intelligence of skilled artisans, " . , the conviction of economic pos- sibility, and the strength and fellow- ship of organization, he approaches the skirmish line of to-day, knowing better able to meet the, as yet, theoretical requirements of the day after to-morrow. f .* * - | X. - * - w ITS INDUSTRIAL IDEAL. . . . . In this section we must put on our thinking caps, for the whole , philosophy of the Labor Movement, its growth, , and its ultimate goal * , , will tax our attention. For this purpose, we will take a bird's-eye view of human progress, and try to '', offset its dryness by its brevity. In such a rapid glance at social pro- 3. gress: we will distinguish three - leading phases from which a fourth ... is not only foreshadowed, but also seen to be the transition to that S which determines the issues of the day as progressive or reactionary. ' ' ... 1. The initial phase is that of the , savage, where each labors for him- self. The division of labor, by , - . . which alone exchange of products could be furthered, finds here its ... starting point by which surplus pro- Iſl&Il . * + } - * * * * - - - " * , , , F -* . . . . • * * . • - - - t !...” *... - Z.". slavery, passed into serfdom, the required the electric shock of the French Revolution, to end the tram- . . . . capital. Henceforth capital assumed lifted above the necessity of relying " . upon a mere' hand-to-mouth exist- : ence. All experience teaches, us that among those savage or lowly- developed tribes where the fruitful- ness of nature calls out no incentives famines most abound. The “free state of nature” is accompanied with, high death rates, destitution of ca- pital, and absence of motive. 2. The second phase is that of slavery where, by conquest or other- wise, some are subordinated to the personal rule of others. Here only could division of labor have its rise, out of which alone civilization be-, came possible. Whatever may have been the motive, whether a humane - feeling or a purely selfish one, it remains true that when a tribe be- gan to save captives rather than butchering them, not only did eco- nomic progress become possible but scope was given for the development of the softer feelings; the human’ was henceforth to slowly evolve and . assume mastery over the brute in man. Seen through the prospective of the ages this progress is brought out in all the clearer relief. Excess in products became possible' and ca- pital was born. - Though, during the Middle Ages,' economic condition of the thrall was not essentially changed. The ad- vantage accruing still remained with . the master. National wealth was augmented, but the essential cha-, * racteristic of this age, personal rule," - . ‘still dominated: 3. The third phase is that where- . in capital supplants personal rule. For centuries the contest waged between the old and the new, and it sitional agony and definitely install i - a more mobile character. No longer restricted to territorial area it flow- ed to demand, production increased, and in the furtherance of exchange.” the benefits slowly percolatéd down- ward through the mass. came organized by capital, as we - - “ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . …” . . . '. # • * f * - - - r - - • - J. . . . . . . .” * , r Labor be-, *, * r \ , * - >. * * * * I wº * *- $ x ** . . . production, and in turn leading to * f ar * * - - r- - * ...” - - r As i * - f - # sºmº- sºmº - ... ºf * # * - .* - * -- - . * + - .# .# - . • see it to-day (hence the strife), but % - in such organization of productive capacity there lay the danger of what is called over-production, and to-day we are facing the problem of f # a phase of society in which capital rules, and a large and increasing quota of labor becomes superfluous. Labor, like its products, follows the laws of price, supply and demand, and we are thus presented with the anomaly of increased wealth leading to increased destitution. The bene- fit received by the laborer has been largely indirect, resulting not so much from his own exertion prima- rily, as from the sharp competition between the holders of capital. This has lowered prices by calling out improved appliances for greater t the inevitable doom all countries are now trying to forestall by colo- nization, or new foreign markets, to avert danger arising from an in- creasing superfluous class of non- possessors of capital. But in seeking Africa for markets, grave doubts have arisen at home. Not only the blind gropings of the “superfluous”, but the increased re- , liance upon militant measures to suppress industrial demands, have fastened attention upon the Labor - Question. It also indicates that we are in another transition period; the issue being less to doctor up a mori- bundsystem than to more clearly dis- cern the phase toward which it leads, and for which it is preparing the ground for future development. Slavery and capital, as phases of productive agencies, through in- creased, division of labor, and there- by economy of effort, have raised the workman to an ever higher plane. Instead of being the simple drudge, he mow thinks, and in this we see new evidence of the coming change. , 4. The changes, in Church, in State, and in Industry all indicate the fourth and last phase to be free association as 'contra-distinguished from privileged capital, as the latter was from slavery. It is not by attacks upon capital, nor guiding it by fash- { a : - x * - . . . . . -, *. ; -- * * A . . . * * * * * , - * 4 * 8, * * - *. - ... * * * , - * . . . . . ... activities. f 3 * *, ioning for it a new harness under N collective control, but in freeing it that safety lies, and to this all progress points. m One deduction may be ~ briefly stated. In the transition from slavery to capital, it is seen that " . States have undergone revolutions: Precisely as baronial sovereignty ‘weakened have States changed in character to correspond with inew v . demands. fenders of personal rule, so to-day they have logically become the guardians and protectors of the rule of capital. Its institution is rooted in legalization by the State. . . . Thus in our wider survey of the field we again reach the same con- clusions as when studying the mo- dern development of trade-union The trade-unions build. no system, yet in their growth they must involve a systematic thought. How far this is apparent we have" partly seen in their departure from past methods to greater self-reliance and trust in the power of free as-, . . . . sociation. With these fundamental As once they were de- \ , principles, to guide us let us attempt sº to obtain a glimpse of the possibili- ties yet awaiting the further deve- lopment of trade-unionism. . . . . ITS PossIBILITIES. . . . . . With rare judgment, in my opin- . . . . . ion, the American Federation of Labor has persistently refused to hamper itself and restrict its; in-, . . fluence by “system building.” As the vine unconsciously creeps along the ground and up a stone wall to some aperture through which it may growintôfuller light and life,it has at- tended to the duties of the movement and left its development to the un-, ... . conscious guidance of the industrial. ideal. , member could, on occasion, suggest Brobably. every. delegated xt,’ . 3. & S a “scheme,” but in their steady re- . . . . . * s a •. . ' . . . , \ . . . . . . º fusal to do so their gaining strength.”, º, . . . and influence lies.”:Social growth is" . as natural as that of the vine, but ... ." . . . . . the branches of the human vine are -/... . . . ..., " . . . . . . where. . . . - . . . . . . . is unceasingly progressing. Based , *, * " ; ‘.… . . . . . upon free association, and without a 'lengthy preamble of contradictory . . . . . . . demands, they have more fully . . . . . shown the trend of industrial , thought than has been shown else- º: . . . . . . . The basis of legislation is stated * . . . in the general rule to be the promo- *... ' ' , tion of the general welfare and the ºf . . . . maintenance of civil order. Here . . . . . . . . 'monarchies, aristocracies, and re- ‘. . . . publics differ widely; but all agree . . . . . that legislative, tinkering is an im- * , . . . perative want, and that some men, º, ls, even waiving the exploded claim of . . . . . . . . “divine right,” are born, to direct . . . . . . . , others, as in monarchies; are best º . . . . . . . fitted by virtue of blood and wealth . . . . . to govern their fellow-mortals, as in ''', '' . . . . . aristocracies; or may be selected by ... ". . . . . . . political lottery for the task, and, × 45 “t. \\ * . - f n f , , , . . .” through the alchemy of an appeal '; . . .” to general ignorance, become en- * . . . . . . . free association, - { % , - ſº ſº - tº * * 3. ‘. . . . . . . . . . . dowed with wisdom, as with us. The . . . . . * * , { ‘. . . . . . * * s • . * industrial ideal, even on the limited - scale in which trade unionism rep- resents voluntary co-operation, or illustrates the possibility of a social administration ...º. as a matter of mutual arrangement, . . . “. . . father than of collective interference. But the change of attitude, al- * * * . . * * , # ‘. # , ſº ... ". . \ - 3. * “ . . . . * ready alluded to, on the question of º’ s,securing a reduction of the hours of ...' . . . . . . . labor, is a case of deep significance. ; : . . .” - cut, no figure. The workers rely ": ..., more \upon themselves, and all they - - + - r < * r & * * * :: . . . . . have to ask of the State is “hands 2... . . . . indications seem to denote. The Zºº "lesson of this struggle may be brief- * , "... . . . s.ly summarized in the , following - * r i - . . . . . . . A * \ ; : 's, própositions, each of which is . . . . º. capable of demonstration. . . . . . . 1. The essential difference between * . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . the present struggle for eight hours i. ... " . . . and previous, ones lies in the fact. ". . . . . . . . . that the workers are more self- . . . . . . . . reliant, and dependent only on their sº... ." . . own resources to control supply. : y : . $. . *- : * º * y - . . ,, . r • * ‘S’ “ ; : º i. * * . . . . . . . . . . . . , , , , ºr r’ * , s’ A. g s { - / * # of ultimate aims. . . . . . In the present conflict, politics has ... . . . . . . . . off.” . This means more than surface … . . . . . apt to think themselves peculiarly . . .2. This difference is still further il- . : . . . . . . qualified to prescribe both the nature lustrated by the fact that, as recently: " . º:... . . . . . . . and direction of its growth, unaware as 1886, the movement was charac-. * that, while they are planning, growth | terized by the enthusiasm of raw recruits, while to-day it is under the guidance of drilled and disciplined forces. . The noise and excitement / of the past has given place to cool and calm determination, and moves -.' are not inconsiderately made, but are under the guidance of judgment rather than of sentiment. . . . 3. This state of affairs carries with it the fact that the logic of unionism. is not only to solidify trades, but to promote solidarity by affiliated . , federation, thus promoting identity ls. That is, trade-\ . . unions are no longer isolated bodies without mutual interests, but con-... . . jointly interdependent and rallying ' ' ' ' ' ' around a common standard with deeper conviction of mutual interests. , 4. This evident fact also shows ... that under the spirit of unionism; . . . and rising to conscious, perceptions, , * not only is solidarity being attained, “ . . . but there is arising the nucleus of an industrial force which will even- tually contest with the militant … . . . organization of capitalism, the direc- . . . . tion of industrial activity. Further, * * it proves that this increasing mutu- alism is in the line of resistance to § invasion, that is, an assertion. of . . . . . equal freedom, a grim determina- tion that militant “bossism” shall not manipulate supply and demand , . . . for private gain at others” expense. 's '' . 5. Facts justify usin asserting that . . . . . . uuionism is developing manly self-, -, reliance; a conviction that the , , alleged “iron law of wages” cannot - . . . . maintain itself against united action; r that relief lies only in self-help. . 6. This growing spirit of indepen-' ' ' ' ', dence presages the near future, in which organized labor will no. ". . longer contest on the old grounds, ,- but step into the market and contract tº, for itself, and under its own . guidance furnish the required labor . . . . supply without asking the aid of . . . . . . . an intermediate “boss.” . One of the . . . . . building trades, for instance, may * * , yet settle a “ strike ” in this manner; ' ". . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ." * ..." f z º. | * A. \ , . ...'s ". . . j | f * . - º * * * * r Z “. . . . . . . * , ' . . . . . . . . . %. *3. , . . . . . . * ..., . . . . § 2. - ... - w - . . . F . . . . . . . through their central council making work out the problem of labor's ... . . . their own contracts; and thus, in- emancipation. However militant in . . . . . ‘. . . . stead of leaving industry at a stand- | present organization, by thus cripp- . . . . . . . , , still, be instrumental in placing it ling their foes by capitalizing their 'º'; . . . . . on a free co-operative basis. own resources, the industrial system . . . . . . . . .'; '. 7. This step, by no means a remote will swing into operation, and peace ***, *. possibility, will have far wider effect be attained in victory. . . . .” than many may now imagine. The The lesson of the hour, therefore, ". . . . unions, in undertaking to contract, is, build up your unions, and the . . . . . . . cannot rest content with eliminating growing spirit of mutualism and in- . . . . . ; ; the “master”; they must necessarily terdependence for self-interest will. feel the need of capitalizing their directly tend to encourage self-re- . . . ‘. . . . own resources and capacities; of liance and individuality. , In, the . . . . . . . . . . . supplying, by their own exertions, trade-union and its legitimate out- ' ' ' ' ' ' ". . the intangible force by which labor growth, lies not only the hope of the . . . . s. , alone is rendered truly produc- future, but the key to the emancipa-' . * : ; tive. . . ,” tion of labor. To sum up, the ". . . . . º “ tº * i. * { . *. r * " | , , # “This means that under the grow- | security for wages lies in increased ". . . . . . . .” H ing mutualism of the industrial capital and the enlargement of . . . . .” forces now going on, the inevitable enterprise, to both of which desir- " - . . .'s # result of increased leisure and in- able ends the logic of events is forc- . . . . . . s telligence will bring into operation ing the trade unions of to-morrow. ... i. i. an industrial army capable of com- Such Ibelieve to be the philosophy. . . . . . . . ; bining capital and labor, and thus of trade-unions. . . . . . . . *. a . - k I' § * - - *. - . * * , - . . º & - & º' ' ' ' * . . y * * ..., . ...A . . . . . * / \ , " , ; * *....' ... t t - ‘. . . ‘. . ... s" .*. k ... “ * , º º , º *w- f . º ** * , º, . . ." . , , --- i • *. ". . . . . . . - º f •, . . . . . . . . . . “, \ ' - i. . . . . . . . . ‘. . . i \ - º, -º . . . | º . º º . -: s' - - * ..., f ... 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