CONSERVATISMS, LIBERALISMS AND RADICALISMS &f THE NEW PSYCHOLOGY BY THEODORE SCHROEDER "S - ſºc. 22.3.7,..., |z2 FRINTED MATTER *49) If undelivered, return postage guaranteed Theodore Schroeder COSCO B, CON N. U. S. A. NEXT CENTURY PAM PHL ETS : No. 5 CONSERVATISMS, LIBERALISMS AND RADICALISMS &f THE NEW PSYCHOLOGY BY THEoDoRE Schroeder T H E N EXT CENTURY PRESS (THEoDoRE schroeDER) COS COB, CONN. - R. 1, Box 13 6 - U. S. A. 1942 A N EXPLA NATION THIS is one, of a group of my essays, which points the way to a new conception of social psychology. In that, we almost ignore the creedal Professions and social conduct, but try to understand the underlying impulses and intellectual methods. Then we may attempt to make psychologic classifications of these, and of the professing personalities. In its original form, this essay appeared in the Psychoanalytic Review, for Oct., 1920. It needed some revision, and therefore was chosen for this pamphlet publication, and in spite of its technical character. Perhaps such an essay as this one made Lincoln Steffens say that I should be imprisoned as an aris- tocrat, because I wrote greek essays that no one could un- derstand and had them published in magazines that no democrat could afford to buy. Attached hereto is a list of other essays of mine, which be- long to this same group. Most of these are much easier read- ing for the uninitiated. It is hoped that these essays will some day be published in book form; perhaps under the title: TOWARD SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY. T. S. CONSERVATISMS, LIBERALISMS AND RADICALISMS* IN the Freeman for March 31, 1920, the editor states his opinion of the difference between a liberal and a radical. With that statement so far as it covers the situation, I have no fault to find. However, I consider it very inadequate, because it speaks only in terms of the objective factors of liberalism and radicalism and ignores wholly the diversity of mental types among liberals as well as among radicals and conservatives. Liberal conduct does not necessarily imply the prior exist- ence of a well unified liberal-minded personality. I think 1 This article was written for another Journal. I count the editor among those of my friends who are unusually intelligent. He sent the manuscript back with a spicy, yet surprising letter. Even allowing for its exaggeration this letter illustrates how very difficult it is to impress the psychologicap- proach to social problems upon those who have spent a life time thinking only in terms of objectives. Here is his letter. “I have been stewing like a tea kettle over your article and the more times I read it, the less I get of what you are driving at. I have not a grain of science in my soul. I have been passing the paper around to other people with no better luck. I do not believe that I could venture it on our readers unless we printed it with an editorial note saying that we did not have the faintest idea what it was about but we knew the author and knew that he was absolutely all right. This would hardly do would it? That is what I should like to do, but somehow it doesn't seem practicable. I just could not presume that the general reader is well enough equipped to get it, so there seemed to be nothing else to do but send it back.” Profiting by this letter, I was im- pelled to make some slight elaboration of my original communication. 7 there is very great need of clarifying our thinking upon this subjective or psychologic aspect of the different kinds of con- servatives, of liberals and of radicals. This psychologic understanding is important for those who can tolerate the natural progress of democratization by peaceable (that is edu- cational and evolutionary) methods, which can only develop and accelerate the potentialities of a normal psycho-social evolution. Those who are sufficiently intelligent and healthy minded to do this, will not be afraid, even of the most radical result that is within the potentialities of a normal social evo- lution. It is equally important for the most conservative of persons, if they have sufficient sense to be willing to sub- ordinate their feelings (their longing for relative omnipotence) to the reign of “natural law” in the psycho-social realm. Let me be more specific. The immediate importance of pressing this psychologic approach to the understanding of social problems comes largely from two facts. (1) All social institutions and creeds are the expression of human urges and desires, which are psychologic facts operating under their own necessary “laws” and compulsions. (2) Especially in its genetic and evolutionary aspects, psychologic science is still in its beginnings and is little known outside a small group of specialists. My aim is to present my psychologic view- point as applied to conservatives, liberals and radicals. I will begin by quoting the salient paragraph from the editor- ial above referred to and then I will elaborate and supple- ment that statement, by putting emphasis upon the psycho- logic viewpoint, and the modifications which that imposes. The editorial says: “The liberal appears to recognize but two factors in the production of wealth, namely, labor and capital; he occupies himself incessantly with all kinds of devices to adjust relations between them. The radical recognizes a third factor, namely natural resources, and is absolutely convinced that as long as monopoly-interest in 8 natural resources continue to exist, no adjustment of the re- lations between capital and labor can possibly be made, and that, therefore, the excellent devotion of the liberal goes, in the long run, for nothing.” A psychologist may well insist that to abolish monopoly- interest in natural resources will leave all the evil psycho- logic imperatives intact, to create new modes of satisfaction. It will therefore be just as futile for the elimination of aris- tocratic ambition, and its satisfaction through other forms of exploitation, as was the abolition of feudalism, without our outgrowing feudal-mindedness. That feudal-mindedness perpetuated slavery under new forms. On the other hand, by a psychologic maturing, the infantile interest in parasitic living would be developed into a desire for the democratiza- tion of welfare. Thus we can outgrow the desire for parasitic and aristocratic privileges, without any change of political forms or legal rights. Thus some psychologists suspect that such a maturing education is more important than a changed control of industry or of our natural resources. Heretofore such maturing education has been left to blind chance and indirection. When we are intellectually a little more mature we will make the democratization of human desires a con- scious part of our educational purpose, and so promote the orderly democratization of work and welfare. To impress this psychologic viewpoint it becomes desir- able that we cease all the misleading talk in such dehuman- ized and depersonalized terms as capital and labor, and try to express our thought in terms of the desires and mental attitude of particular capitalists and laborers. Then we may discover various attitudes of mind toward the laborer as a human personality which are effectively concealed under the dehumanized and generalized abstraction, “labor.” Then, 2 The Freeman Vol. I, No. 3, p. 52, March 21, 1920. 9 too, let us forget the conservative, liberal and radical as be- ing merely creeds and conduct, to think of them in terms of those human psychologic qualities and imperatives which predispose different individuals toward one of various such creeds, and actions. In doing this we will also find the same creeds made acceptable to different individuals, at very dif. ferent evolutionary levels of desire and of understanding. That is only another way ofsaying that even the same so- cial creeds symbolize a great variety of mental content. Now we may begin with thinking of feudalism, not mere- ly as a property regulation, but in the psychological import of feudal-mindedness. Under feudalism, the serf was theo- retically attached to the soil, like the growing crops and trees. The ownership of the serfpassed with the ownership of the land. That was the legalistic view. The mental attitude that is here unconsciously expressed is that the laborer is not quite a human being. The worker is obviously felt to belong among the insensate life of the feudal estate. In recent years this very same feudal-mindedness, this unwillingness to accord the workers full human consideration, has expressed itself by referring to the unskilled laborer as "merely animated machinery,”3 and by legally treating all labor power, his use muscle and brain, as a “commodity.” Again, we abstract of some of his essential human attributes and deal with these as with an insensate thing, a vegetable or a machine. Chattel slavery was but a different expression of this same feudal-mindedness, but it sometimes expressed a little later stage in the psychologic evolution from feudal-minded- ness. Here the laborer is no longer treated as being insen- sate. He ranks as any other domestic animal, and so is 3 See Prof. John J. Stevenson (of N. Y. Univ.) in “Capital and Labor” published in Øopular Science, quoted in Report of the Commission on Industrial Relations, vol. 9, p. 8635, during the examination of John D. Rockefeller, Jr. 10 treated as a living chattel rather than as a potato. This im- plies that some exploiters had gotten more sympathetic than those who can talk of laborers as "merely animated machin- ery;” or treat his personal human attributes as a "mere com- modity.” The more intelligent and progressive slaveholders of the southern states, like the more intelligent farmers of our day, saw that it pays to give careful attention to the wel- fare of domestic animals. In accord with this state of mind, in some southern states laws were passed to compell the more ignorant and sadistic among slave owners to supply some of the more important of the animal comforts to the slaves. They were accorded animal rights, but not the human right of acquiring education, for it was made a crime to teach a slave to read or write. Education was a human right that promoted emancipation, and democratization. Animals have In O right to become emancipated from dependence upon the will of their legal owners. This attitude of mind is still por- trayed by some hostile attitudes toward trade union organ- izers, and toward the education of the negro. In short, the Benevolent feudal-mindedness of our slavery days was the exact psychologic counterpart of those who now penalize cruelty to animals; and those others who talk of a “living wage” and "a fall dinner pail” for the producers of all wealth. It is an “unconscious” feudal-mindedness which prevents the democratization of education. Domestic animals must Be fed or the owners may be prosecuted for cruelty. Those who feel and think in terms of equal human rights, talk of the democratization of welfare instead of merely a full stomach. Recently a banker unconsciously classified himself as be- longing in the same psychologic class as the most backward and infantile feudal lordlings. He did this by characterizing laborers as “human lice.”4 The psychoanalysts who under- 4 *@he Arbitrator, 2 (No. 12): Io, May, 1920. 11 stand the psychology of the “split-personality” can guess why a banker should passionately denounce the toilers as parasitic. These are some of the differences between feudal- mindedness and a truly democratic mental attitude. With no fundamental change of attitude but with some culturined diplomacy our banker might have used Prof. Stevenson's softer phrase, "merely animated machinery.” That differ- ence in phraseology shows us the failure of our present edu- cational system to inculcate democracy. We are really "un- conscious” snobs and aristocrats. Like all other labels, liberalism means much or little of sentimentalism or of understanding, according to the mental content of those who use that label. In other words, liberal- ism, like all other word-symbols, is a relative term. In many cases it means only feudal-mindedness tempered by a little of morbid sentimentalism, or of calculating prudence. At its Best there is considerable instinctive appreciation of the ex- istence ofgrave wrongs. Often that instinctive insight is ac- companied by an emotional aversion to these wrongs, as great as the aversion to the thorough elimination of those wrongs, by means of the total abolition of the legalized and artificial privileges by which the wrongs are perpetuated. These inconsistent emotional tendencies find an equilibrium in a passionate adherence to legislative amelioration and to such ineffective reforms as make no fundamental economic change, nor seriously disturb any fixed habits of behavior in our existing social relations. Such liberalism is usually the product of a compromise between conflicting impulses. Such almost inconsistent attitudes are very often the outward manifestation of internal emotional conflicts.When they are such, its liberal or radical victims somtimes surprise us by a seemingly easy reversal of their policy, or of their social, political, or economic affiliation. The evolutionary psychologist will classify conservatives, liberals and radicals 12 alike, according to their relative degrees of healthy-minded- ness, and the relative maturity of their impulses and intel- lectual methods. With opportunity the morbid radicals will often join the privileged class and thus become equally passionate defend- ers of things as they are. Probably such radicals are only disappointed aristocrats. Thus it is possible that the most militant persons on both sides of every social revolution come from the educated part of the middle class. Here the disappointments are the keenest and the emotional conflict is the most intense; the resentment most passionate. Such contestants merely justify and fight for one of their conflict- ing emotional impulses, the different symptoms of their com- mon affliction. The zest of their fight depends upon the de- gree of their morbidity. These same conflicting impulses within the individual can be seen at work among all classes including the most conservative and the most radical. Often the liberal only presents these internal conflicts in their milder forms. It is always important to remember that from the psychologic viewpoint we do not primarily classify individuals according to what they do or profess to believe, but according to the Psy- chogenetic why and the psycho-evolutionary how of their say- ing or doing it. In other words, these judgments of classifi- cation can be accurately made only on the basis of a Psy- chological study of the individual to be classified. So we come to think of each person as being relatively childish or mature, conservative, liberal or radical, or as relatively mor- bid or healthy-minded. With so much by way of explanation I may perhaps be permitted to say that there are neurotic and Psychotic radi- cals just as there are neurotic and psychotic liberals and conservatives. There are psychopathic revolutionaries just as there are pathologic lovers of law and order. Unfortun- 13 ately the latter are not so readily recognized as being really morbid. The pathologic or immature type always exhibits more or less intense love of dominance by and for relatively infantile desires, which are intellectualized by immature men- tal processes, and occasionally justified by clever or even learned special pleas. Under such disguises most of our political and industrial disputes, are contests between neo- maniacs and neo-phobiacs. This concept I cannot now take the space to justify. Our creeds, reforms and institutions, and our justifications and condemnations of these, are but a part of the symptoms by which the evolutionary psychol- ogist makes his classification of individuals. So then, there are feudal-minded radicals just as there are feudal-minded conservatives. Their very different politi- cal or economic creeds are but different symptoms for the same mental states in the borderland of morbidity. By their extravagant emotionalisms such Persons show themselves to be near the vestibule of the mad house. When morbidity includes a near-pathologic devotion to things as they are, or a morbid love of law and order, it is seldom recognized as to its pathologic character. This is so because the symptoms are not so obviously at variance with the dominant healthy ignorance, as to make them conspicuous or easily distin- guished by the untrained observer. Even our frequent law- lessness in the name of law and order, seldom arouses suspicion of deranged mentality. The corresponding type of morbid radical is more easily suspected, because the conspic- uous variation of his creed and action invites hostile attention. Many such radicals are but passionately disappointed aris- tocrats. They accept a radical creed chiefly because, for the moment, it satisfies an emotional need, perhaps a resentment for having been thwarted. At such times a person can easily find an equal satisfaction, for the other aspect of his emo. tional conflict, merely by being accepted as an equally devoted 14 and passionate defender of conservatism. As morbid con- servatives, such persons will find an emotional compensation for social and financial disappointment, through aphantasmal association and emotional identification with the more suc- cessful aspirants for aristocratic distinction. This also con- stitutes the slave virtues. This emotional conflict behind some radicalism, makes for the kind of radical (or conservative for that matter) who conducts a rule or ruin policy in his political, industrial or social organizations. They exhibit the same autocratic feudal- mindedness as do many of our “captains of industry.” These feudal-minded ones, whether radicals or conservative by pro- fession, all seek dominance on the emotional level, and rely mainly on their instinctive insight for enlightenment. Further- more, they are quite as willing to spend their time and zeal in combating their fellow radicals with different theories, as they are willing to expend in fighting the “common enemy.” Team- work is so very difficult for them. Perhaps such conspicuous figures in the 1920 literary world of radical-conservatism, as Marie Gans, John Spargo, William E.Walling and Harold L. Varney could be psychologically explained by this con- cept of the emotional conflict and fendal-mindedness among radicals. In the set up of 1938 it is exemplified by the con- flict between the American Federation of Labor, and the Committee for Industrial Organization. All this long preachment was thought necessary as a means of illustrating, howsoever inadequately, what is meant by the psychologic viewpoint, as applied to social problems. The next step is to portray contrasting mental attitudes, let us say, contrasting these with a more healthy-minded or maturer sort of conservatism or radicalism. This again is to be done in terms of the psychological factors, in contrast with its creedal manifestations and the related objectives. Here will be used an evolutionary view of the mental life. A radi- 15 calism or conservatism that is psychologically more mature, may or may not express itself in the same creeds as the feudal-minded or infantile kind of radicalism or of conser- vatism. As was indicated in the beginning, its maturity is to be determined and rated by the psychologic how and why behind the creedal declaration, not by our emotional ap- proval or disapproval of the symptomatic result. Here these different mental conditions can be indicated only in the brief. est and most general manner. First of all, the more healthy-minded and the psycholog- ically more mature conservatives or radicals will be relatively free from the emotional conflict and its intensities. This will have been accomplished by a development of the habit of seeking objective data to be used as a corrective for the in- stinctive perceptions, and a check upon the relatively infantile urge to imitate onnipotence. Upon closer observation, from the viewpoint of an evolutionary psychology, such an urge will be seen to dominate the feudal-minded ones of all pro- fessions. Instead of dominance by means of emotionalism or economic or physical might, the Psychologically more mature ones make the effort to seek preeminence by service which is void of the Philanthropic spirit and especially de- voted to character-maturing. Such service can be rendered only on the basis of a larger understanding of the relations and behavior of things and humans. But again, this service if really mature is not that of masochistic joyous emotional submergence of the self, which is sometimes manifested by an ostentatious humility, but is the relatively impersonal, calm and Persistent service in the democratizing process of “levelling upward.” Thus it must be grounded in the larger understanding, not of things so much as of the relations and Behavior of the human animal. Now the effort always is to enlarge and equalize our human understanding of the relation and behavior among 16 things and humans, and with these ends consciously in view: (I) of maturing the desires and mental processes, for out- growing feudal-mindedness among all classes, from conserv- atives to those radicals who most frantically shout for “de- mocracy;” (II) for democratizing education in fact, rather than by mere legalistic or dialectic equality of opportunity; (the noisiest defenders of "democracy” are never the most democratic-minded among us;) (III) for education consci- ously so conditioned as to accelerate the democratization of our mental attitude toward other humans, and toward our use of political institutions, economic might, and legal for- malities. Now the democratization of education may auto- matically lead to an accelerated democratization of welfare. Those who have borne in mind that all the time I was writing about human mental attitudes toward human prob- lems, or, toward remedial theories, and not about the ob- jective factors of those problems, will have gotten some pic- ture of the kind of society that could be produced in two generations if we but became intelligent and earnest in the pursuit of the ideal which I have portrayed, or rather sug- gested, all too briefly. If you have gotten even approximately such a mental picture as that which my words symbolized for my imagination, then the next statement is already su- perfluous. When we approximate the democratic education of hu- man desires and of mental processes, so as to have made feudal-mindedness impossible or ineffective, because out- grown by the great mass of our people, and when we have developed our desire to serve human development, up to a very high level of freedom from emotional determinants, then the democratization of welfare will come about peacefully, under and in spite of any and every political form, and with- out the help of economic, industrial or even moral creeds. From such a viewpoint all moral or social creeds are the 17 merely varied formulation of personal desires, and in them- selves are of no value. Because they are the embodiment of immature human desire, they may be used as the focal points of human interests on which to hang the messages concern- ing the behavior of humanity’s “natural laws.” Thus the evolutionary psychologist may use the human interests ex- pressed in moral and social creeds, as a means of helping Humanity to outgrow those creeds and to substitute therefore a knowledge of the behavior of the psyche, such as will en- able us to understand the lure and seeming potency of these creeds. Past revolutions, produced by disappointed aristocrats who had not outgrown their feudal-mindedness, have pro- duced only changes in the legal forms and fictions that sur- round the exploiting process, and a change in its individual beneficiaries, without making any real changes in human feudal-mindedness; that is, in their aristocratic predisposi- tions. What emotionalism has revolutionized it has also perpetuated under new disguises. The democratized develop- ment of mature desires and mature intellectual methods, such as I have in mind, will produce a democratic psychologic im- perative which insures by peaceable means, the permanent democratization of welfare, rather than of mere propaganda for any special moral, religious, economic or political Pro- gram, and yet with and through a sympathetic understand- ing of all such propagandists, their impulses and creeds. For a condensed statement of what may be meant by psychologic maturity see: Really New Education for Social Living. Psychoanalytic Review, v. 28, pp. 363-371; July, 1941. Also: A NEW CONCEPT OF LIBERTY, 1940. 18 BIBLIO GRAPHICAL LEADS ‘ſ “One hundred and sixty periodicals in six languages have published THE O Do RE SCHROEDER'S Psychological, Philosophical, Religious, Medical, Sociological and Legal Essays... At the very least, he is one of the most interesting figures in America today.” - Maynard Shipley, Pres. Science League of America, in: The New Humaniæ, v. 6, ’33. * Theodore Schroeder's essays, illustrating the psychologic approach to various problems, have appeared in the following publications: ALBANY LAW JOURNAL, Albany N. Y. ALIENIST AND NEUROLOGIST, St. Louis, Mo. AMERICAN JOURNAL OF EUGENICS, Chicago, Ill. AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY, Worcester, Mass. AMERICAN JOURNAL OF RELIGIOUS PSYCHOLOGY, Worcester, Mass. AMERICAN JOURNAL OF UROLOGY AND SEXOLOGY, New York, N. Y. AMERICAN MEDICINE, New York, N. Y. ARCHIVES OF DERMATOLOGY AND SYPHILOLOGY, Chicago, Ill. ARENA, Boston, Mass. AZOTH, New York, N. Y. CALIFORNLA LAW REVIEW, Berkeley, Calif. CENTRAL LAW JOURNAL, St. Louis, Mo. CRITIC AND GUIDE, (Medical) New York, N. Y. CURRENT PSYCHOLOGY AND PSYCHOANALYSIS, New York, N. Y. EVERYMAN, Los Angeles, Calif. FORUM, New York, N. Y. FREEDOM AND UNITY, San Francisco, Calif. FREETHINKER, London, England. IMAGO, Vienna and Leipzig. INDIA JOURNAL OF VENEREAL DISEASES AND DERMATOLOGY, Bombay, India. INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF PSYCHOANALYSIS, London, England. Journal of ABNORMAL PSYCHOLOGY, Boston (then Albany, N. Y. and Hanover, N.H.) Journal OF NERVOUS AND MENTAL DISEASE, New York, N. Y. JOURNAL OF RELIGIOUS PSYCHOLOGY AND ANTHROPOLOGY, Worcester, Mass. JOURNAL OF SExOLOGY AND PSYCHOANALYSIS, New York, N. Y. LABOR AGE, New N. Y. LIBERAL REVIEW, Chicago, Ill. MEDICAL COUNCIL, Philadelphia, Pa. MEDICAL Journal AND RECORD, New York, N. Y. MEDICO-LEGAL JOURNAL, New York, N. Y. MEDICAL REVIEW OF REVIEws, New York, N. Y. MICHIGAN LAW REVIEW, Ann Arbor, Mich. MODERN PSYCHOLOGIST, New York, N. Y. MODERN THINKER, New York, N.Y. MONIST, Chicago, Ill. NATIONAL PICTORIAL MONTHLY, New York, N. Y. NEW YORK DAILY CALL, New York, N. Y. NEW YORK MEDICAL JOURNAL, New York, N. Y. NEW YORKER VOLKSZEITUNG, New York, N. Y. NUDIST, Oakland, N. J. OPEN COURT, Chicago, Ill. OPEN ROAD, Mays Landing, N. J. PACIFIC MEDICAL JOURNAL, San Francisco, Calif. PIONEER ILLUSTRIERTER volks KALENDER, New York, N. Y. PROCEEDINGS: XV CONGRE INTERNATIONAL DE MEDICINE, Lisbonne, Portugal. PSYCHE, London, England. PSYCHE AND EROS, New York, N. Y. PSYCHOANALYTIC REVIEW, Washington, D. C. SEVEN ARTS, New York, N. Y. SEXUELLE PROBLEME, Frankfurt a. M., Germany. SOCIAL SCIENCE, Winfield, Kan. SOUND VIEW, Ollala, Wash. SUNSHINE AND HEALTH, Mays Landing, N. J. TRUTH SEEKER, New York, N. Y. UNITY, Chicago, Ill. ZEITSCHRIFT FUER RELIGIONS-PSYCHOLOGIE, Leipzig, Germany. ZENTRALBLATT FUER PSYCHOANALYSE UND PSYCHOTHERAPIE, Wiesbaden, Germany. TOWARD SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY BY THEOD ORE SCHROEDER +: SOME materials and ideas for such a book could be gathered from the following essays. To serve as Chapters in this book, many of these essays need to be wholly rewritten; more need to be revised and given new titles. A few new essays must be added. An "angel” is needed to finance this job. I. Introdućtion. Yet to be written. II. Political and medical quacks. Open Road, v.41:7-9; Jan., '41. III. About the calling of names. Labor Age, v. 13:20-1; Aug., '24. IV. Are all radicals insane? Psyche and Eros, v. 2: 358-369; Nov.- Dec.,’21. V. Anarchism and “The Lord's Farm.” Open Court, v. 32:589- 607; Oót.,’19. VI. A Psychologist looks at social creeds. Medical Review of Re- views, v. 39: 450-5; Oót., '33. VII. Two ways of looking at things. El Tempo, v.46: 5-7; May 12, '30. Also West End News, Jan. 20-21, ’30. This portrays the Psycho-neurotic ways. VIII. The scientific way. Yet to be written. IX. Concerning “sociology.” Labor age, v. 15 (no. 8): 20-1; Aug.; (no. 9): 21-2; Sept., 26. X. A Psychologist looks at ſeconomic] recovery. Current Psychol- ogy and Psychoanalysis, v. 6: 16-18, 42; Nov., '37. XI. Psychologist looks at birth control. Medico Legal Journal, v. 38:16-21; Jan.-Feb., 22. XII. Criminology and social psychology. Medico Legal Journal, v. 34: 1-9; April, '17. XIII. Psychology, democracy and free speech. Medico Legal Journal, v. 34:1-16; July,’37. XIV. Social justice and the courts. Yale Law Review, v. 22:19-29; Nov., "12. XV. Concerning compulsory arbitration. The Arena, v. 39: 532-38; May, '08. This presents the author's pre-psychologic view. XVI. Psychologist looks at wage arbitration. Social Science. To ap- pear in 1942. Here is a psychologic analysis of the immature intelle&ual methods that are customarily used. XVII. Psychic aspects of social evolution. Liberal Review, v. 2: 9–13; June; 16-21; July, '17. XVIII. Emotional conflićt, liberty and authority. Psyche and Eros, v. 12: 2-24; Jan.-Feb., 21. XIX. Herd impulse, democratization and evolutionary psychology. Psyche and Eros, v. 2: 263-81; Sept.-Očt., 21. XX. Conservatisms, liberalisms and radicalisms. Psychoanalytic Review, v. 7: 376-84; O&., '20. XXI. Really new education for social living. Psychoanalytic Review v. 28: 363-71; July, '41. XXII. A new philosophy of life. Modern Thinker, v. 7: 39-45; Oćt., "35. XXIII. Intelle&ual prostitution. Call Magazine, v. 9; July 25, 20. XXIV. Whose might is right. Call Magazine, March 13, 21. Our leading “Democrats” once claimed that might is the only ar- biter of right. Psychogenetics of androcratic evolution. Psycho- analytic Review. (New York City.) 2 (no. 3): 277- 285; July 1915. Ascribes male dominance to a feeling of inferiority on the part of women due to organic inferiority and to Sexual emotions of dependence. Incidentally gives an account of the supposed erotic origin of religion in racial adolescnce somewhat revised from: Erotogenesis of re- ligion: Alienist and Neurologist. Aug. 1907.