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A º º, * ... *** * : * * ºf 4 º: º ** sº #: f º gº § Kºlº - º y º: ºk, º | " "...,' “. s #, { ...} : º º ... '" ºs. º. iſ *śr ," ºft $º *t, * s º lº 3. K. : 2" 24 /* •. A ev \lcº (2 -6-(o -%<--ó- f * A' . . * & & Cº. aſ 0 &c_-C (26. cy, C24 aſ gº __ ___. . . . . - - - - ---------- - - - - - • **** * * * -: *-*... --→-- - --- ~~~~...~...~~~~~~4 --~~~~~<---~~~~~~~~~~ * *-* - - º ABRAHAM LINCOLN Sixteenth President of the United States Nº * cº A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY FROM ITS ORGANIZATION TO THE PRESENT TIME TO WHICH IS ADDED A POLITICAL HISTORY OF MINNESOTA FROM A REPUBLICAN POINT OF VIEW AND BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF LEADING MINNESOTA REPUBLICANS, ST. PAUL, MINN. E. V. SMALLEY, PUBLISHER 1896 COPYRIGHT 1896 BY EUGENE V. SMALLEY. From Press of THE PIONEER PRESS COMPANY. Saint Paul, Minnesota. -º-º: º * ...º.º.º. º - . - ; ,- * ... ‘. . . y .* . . . ;- ~ * * •l 2 * ... *.*, * : * 2: & .. is.” & 9: .x. J.-: *-*...*-*. 2 - 33iº-º-º-º-º- $.”—“..”… 27 f k # {+ - 2--ºf-cº CONTENTS. PART I. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY IN THE UNITED STATES. CHA PTH) R. I. PAGE. EARLY PARTIES IN THE UNITED STATEs, CELA PTER II. THE BEGINNING OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY MOVEMENT, 5 CHAPTER III. 7 THE WHIG AND DEMOCRATIC PARTIES, CHA PTE R IV. REVIVAL OF THE SLAVERY AGITATION-THE LIBERTY PARTY, & § º * CHAPTER TV. THE WILMOT PROVISO–THE FREE SOIL PARTY--THE CAMPAIGN OF 1848, * • • C EIAPTER VI. THE COMPROMISE OF 1850 AND THE FUGITIVE SIAVE LAW, ~ CHAPTER VII. CAMPAIGN OF 1852–DEFEAT OF THE WHIG PARTY, CHAPTER VIII *- PARTY, - • ‘ CHAPTER IX. -- THE ANTI-SILAVERY SOCIETIES AND THEIR WORK, CHAPTER X. THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA STRUGGLE, RISE AND FALL OF THE KNOW-NOTHING OR AMERICAN CHAPTER XI. PAGE. THE OSTEND MANIFESTO, THE DRED SCOTT DECISION, & . 18 AND THE ATTACK ON CHARLES SUMNER, CHA PTE R XII. ORGANIZATION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY-CAMPAIGN * g g 20 9 10 14 15 16 17 & * of 1856, CHA PTER XI ſſ. JOHN BROWN’s RAID—HELPER’s “IMPENDING CRISIs”, 21 (JFIAPT'ſ) R. XI. V. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1860, CHA PT'ſ) ſº X V. 26 SECESSION.—REBELLION.—WAR, CHAPTE R XVI. 28 THE EMANCIPATION OF THE SLAVES, OHAPTER XVII. THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1864, CFIA PTE R XVIII. * * SECURING THE FRUITS OF THE WAR–THE STRUGGLE witH ANDREw JoHNSON, . © & O'HAPTE R Y IX. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1868, C FIAPT'ſ) R. XX. CONDITION OF THE SOUTH–CARPET-BAG GOVERNMENT— 'THE ICU-ICLUX ISILAN CONSPIRACY, 9 VI CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXI. º PAGE. DEFENDING THE NATIONAL HONOR AND THE PUBLIC CREDIT, & * º * e * & º . 37 CHAPTER XXII. THE LIBERAL DEFECTION AND THE CAMPAIGN OF 1872, 38 CHAPTER XXIII. PRESIDENT GRANT'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION — CAM- PAIGN OF 1876, tº * * * * * * . 39 CHAPTER YXIV. THE CONTROVERSX ABOUT THE ELECTORAL COUNT, .. 41 CHAPTER XXV. PRESIDENT HAYES’s ADMINISTRATION.—THE SOUTHERN QUESTION.—CIVIL SERVICE REFORM, . & G . 43 CHAPTER XXVI. RESUMPTION OF SPECIE PAYMENTS – THE EI.ECTION IAws—DEMOCRATIC ATTEMPT TO COERCE THE EX- CHAPTER XXX. PAGE. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1884–NOMINATION AND ELECTION OF CLEVELAND AND HENDRICKS BY THE DEMO- CRATS, . g & * * & & ve & , 56 CHAPTER XXXI. THE CLEVELAND ADMINISTRATION.—THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN POWER, tº tº tº & * * . 58 CHAPTER XXXII. THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1888, . ſe * > . 63 CHAPTE R XXXIII. ELECTION OF HARRIson AND MORTON.—THE HARRIson ADMINISTRATION, * & º & 49 * . 65 CHAPTER XXXIV. THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1892—NOMINATION OF HARRISON AND REID, . . º & * * . 68 CHAPTE R Y XXV. LLECTION OF CLEVELAND AND STEVENSON.—CAUSES OF ECUTIVE, º e º * * p º º . 46 (5 THE REPUBLICAN DEFEAT IN 1892—CLEVELAND’S - SI, St y * Ur r: tº CHA PTER XXVII. SECOND ADMINISTRATION, ( ) THE CAMPAIGN OF 1880—NOMINATION AND ELECTION OF CHAPTER XXXVI. JAMES A. GARFIELD, . {e g • * e , 49 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1896 — NOMINATION OF MCIXINLEY - AND HOBART, * * & g * & e . 79 CHAPTER XXVIII. ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT GARFIELD – HIS AS- CHAPTER XXXVII. SASSINATION — VICE PRESIDENT ARTHUR'S ADMIN- THE SILVER QUESTION.—TWENTY YEARS OF AGITATION ISTRATION, 52 AND LEGISLATION, º e g te * º . 88 CHAPTER XXIX. CHAPTER XXXVIII. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1884–NOMINATION OF BLAINE AND EARLY LEADERS OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY MOVEMENT AND LOGAN, . * * & & * s * * . 54 OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, * & gº wº . 90 APPENDIX. THE NATIONAL CAMPAIGN OF 1896, End Of Volume. PORTRAITS OF REPUBLICAN PRESIDENTS AND CANDIDATES FOR THE PRESIDENCY. ABRAHAM LINCOLN, Frontispiece PAGE. PAGE. JOHN C. FREMONT, * * * & sº º * . 11 CHESTER A. ARTHUR, g & tº & & & . 59 ULYSSES S. GRANT, . * & & e sº º . 23 JAMES G. BLAINE, $ * * tº sº * * . 71 RUTHERFORD B. HAYES, . * s & * & . 35 BENJAMIN EIARRISON, * & * * * * 82 JAMES A. GARFIELD, e sº *g * * * . 47 WILLIAM MCRINLEY, gº tº & & & º . 95 CONTENTS. Vii PLATFORMS OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY FROM ITS ORGANIZATION IN 1856. PAGE. FIRST REPUBLICAN NATIONAL PLATFORM. ADOPTED AT PIIILADELPHIA, JUNE 17, 1856, . º . 103 SECOND REPUBLICAN NATIONAL PLATFORM. ADOPTED AT CHICAGO, MAY 17, 1860, . - º . 104 THIRI) RE) PUBLICAN NATIONAI, PLATI'ORM. ADOPTED AT BALTIMORE, JUNE 7, 1864, º e ... 106 FOURTH RE PUBLICAN NATIONAL PLAT'H'ORM. - ADoPTED AT CHICAGO, MAY 21, 1868, • º e ... 108 FIFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL PLATF'ORM. ADOPTED AT PHILADELPIIIA, JUNE 6, 1872, . * . 109 SIXTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL PLAT'FOſęM. ADOPTED AT CINCINNATI, JUNE 15, 1876, & º . 111 PAGE. SEVENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAI, PLATF'ORM. ADOPTED AT CHICAGO, JUNE 5, 1880, º © º . 113 EIGHTH REPUB I, ICAN NATIONAL PLAT! FORM. ADOPTED AT CHICAGO, JUNE 5, 1884, - & e . 115 NINTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL, PLAT! FORM. ADOPTED AT CHICAGO, JUNE 20, 1888, . º º . 119 'I'ſ) NTH REPUB I, ICAN NATIONAL PLA.'ſ"I'OR M. ADOPTED AT MINNEAPOLIS, JUNE 9, 1892, . º . 121 ELEVENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAI, PLATFORM. ADOPTED AT ST. LOUIS, JUNE 18, 1896, e g . 123 THE POPULAR AND ELECTORAL VOTE AT EACH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION SINCE THE FORMATION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. * PAGE. PopULAR AND ELECTORAL VOTE OF 1856, . e . 129 PopULAR AND ELECTORAL VOTE OF 1860, . º . 130 POPULAR AND ELECTORAL VOTE OF 1864, . g . 131 POPULAR AND ELECTORAL VOTE OF 1868, . * . 132 POPULAR AND ELECTORAL VOTE OF 1872, . º . 133 PAGE. POPULAR AND ELECTORAL WOTE OF 1876, . g . 134 POPULAR AND ELECTORAL VOTE OF 1880, . e . 135 POPULAR AND ELECTORAI, VOTE OF 1884, . * . 136 POPULAR AND ELECTORAL VOTE OF 1888, . * . 137 POPULAR AND ELECTORAL WOTE OF 1892, . * . 138 Viji CONTENT'S. PART I I. A POLITICAL HISTORY OF MINNESOTA FROM A REPUBLICAN POINT OF VIEW. CHA PTER I. PAGE. EARLY POlıTICS IN MINNESOTA, sº & $ º . 145 CHA PTER II. THE FIRST REPUBLICAN CONVENTIONS, STATE AND NA- TIONAL, * * * º † & * te . 14S CHAPTER III. I'ORMATION OF THE STATE OF MINNESOTA—Two RIVAL 5 CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTIONs, * & g . 15 CHAPTER IV. ORGANIZING THE NEW STATE–THE FIRST AND ONLY DEMOCRATIC VICTORY IN THE STATE OF MINNESOTA, 161 CHAPTER 17, THE FIRST REPUBLICAN UNITED STATES SENATOR FROM MINNESOTA—THE ACTIVE CAMPAIGN OF 1859, 164 CHAPTER VI. THE I/INCOILN CAMIPAIGN OF 1860—WAR-TIME POLITICS IN MINNESOTA—THE ELECTIONS OF 1861 AND 1862, 166 CHAPTER VII. WAR-TIM ). POLITICS CONTINUED — GOVERNOR RAMSEY GOES TO THE SENATE–THE STATE ELECTION OF 1863, º gº © & s º & * º . 172 CHA PTER VIII. THE RETURN or TuF REGIMENTs — THE SOLDIER IN POLITICS – IELECTION OF GENERAL MARSHALL AS 7 GOVERNOR, . * & • * * • • * . 17 CHAPTER IX. THE STATE CAMPAIGNS OF 1866 AND 1867—RE-ELECTION OF GOVERNOR MARSHALL, º g & & . 180 CHA PTE R \. THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1868–AN EXCITING CONTEST IN THE SECOND CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT, 182 CHAPTER XI. PAGE. RAMSEY It E-ELECTED TO THE SENATE–HORACE AUSTIN ELECTED GOVERNOR IN 1869, . * & e . 186 CHAPTER XII. THE CONGRESSIONAL AND LEGISLATIVE CAMPAIGN OF 1870—IRE-ELECTION OF GOVERNOR AUST IN IN 1871– THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMIPAIGN OF 1872, . * . 190 CHA PTE R Y IIſ. TILE GRANGER MOVEMENT—NOMINATION AND ELECTION OF C. IX. I) AVIS AS GOVERNOR-TILE DAVIS AIDMIN- ISTRATION, * ſº º $ * * * * . 194 CHA PTE R _\ IV. TILE GREAT SENATORIAL FIGHT OF 1875–DEFEAT OF RAMSEY AND ELECTION OF MCMILLAN — JOHN S. PILLSBURY ELECTED GOVERNOR, * º & . 197 CHA PTE R A V. TIIE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1876—THE REI. UB- LICAN FACTIONS IN MINNESOTA MUTUALLY HOLD OUT THE OLIVE BRANCII – GOVERNOR PILLSBURY RE- ELECTED IN 1877 – CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS IN 1878, ë e & * * g & * e . 201 CHA PTE R \ } I. TIII; CONGRESSIONAL CANVASS OF 1878 – DEFEAT OF MAJOR STRAIT IN THE SECOND DISTRICT--THIRD ELECTION OF GOVERNOR PILLSBURY IN 1879, . . 204 CHAPTER A Jº II. THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1880 — MINNESOTA SUPPORTS WINDOM IN THE CHICAGO CONVENTION.— GUBERNATORIAL CANVAss OF 1881–ELECTION OF GEN. LUCIUS F. HuBBARD, se & & * . 210 CHAPTE R \ } III. CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS OF 1882—SENATORIAL CON- TEST OF 1883—IOEFEAT OF WIN DOM BY SABIN–SEC- OND ELECTION OF GOVERNOR HUBBARD, . g . 213 CONTENTS. ix ("H.A.P.T'ſ) R. W. T.V. PAGE. ('HA PT'ſ) R. Y.Y.III. PAGE. THE PRESIDENTIAL CAM PAIGN OF 1884—CONGRESSIONAL THE PRESIDENTIAL AND STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1892– CONTEST's IN MINNESOTA—C LOSE OF GOVERNOR FIU I:- RISE OF THE POPULIST PARTY ANI) I) ECLINE OF THE l; AR1) 's A DM 1N ISTRATION, 21S FARMERS’ ALLIANCE — ISNUTE NEILSON I.T,ECTED . . - - GOVERNOR, e. 2:36: ("H.4 PT'ſ) R Y \ . . TIME STATE CAM PA IGN OF 1886—IR Is E OF A NEW T’ARTY (! FIA PTE R Y Yſ V. MOVEMENT -- ANDREW R. MCG II, I, IELICCTED GOV- I'ROM 1893 TO 1805–RE-ELECTION OF SENATOR DAV Is— ERNOIR—"I"Iſ E REPUI: I, ICANs I, OSE THREE CONGRES- RAPID (; Row'r II OF POPULISM IN MINNESOTA—RF- SION A I, H) ISTRI("FS, 220 ELECTION OF (; OVERNOR N ELSON.—SENATOR WASII- ("HA PT'/') /( \,\ I. BURN I) EFEATED FOR RE-ELECTION BY NELSON, 242 CLOSE OF (; () V ERNOR FIU BIBA RD’s FIVE YEARs' TERM – ('HA PT'ſ) R. W. A. V. C. IV. I.) AV is ELECTED UNITED STATES SENATO R– THE CAM PAIGN OF 1896 IN MINNESOTA—RENOMINATION I’ſ ESI I) 12N'ſ IA I, ELECTION OF 1888—WM. R. MERRIAM OF GOVERNOR CLOUGIſ, 249 I. I. ECTEI) ( ; OVERNOR, 221 - - ('HAPT'ſ) ſº XXVI. (“HA J27'ſ, R. V.V. ſſ. A BRIEF REVIEW OF THE COURSE OF MINNESOTA Eſ. ECTION OF WM. I.). WASH BURN TO THE SENATE–THE Por, ITICs, 253 FARM EIRS' AI, LIANCE I)NTERS POLITICs—A TRIANG U- LA R RA (‘E FOR GOVERNOR, WON BY MER itſ AM ſº Y A APPENI) [X. NA 1: Row MAJORITY, 231 TiſP, STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1896, Jºn(l Of WOluj.ne. THE PRESIDENTIAL AND GUBERNATORIAL VOTE OF MINNESOTA AT EACH ELECTION SINCE THE ORGANIZATION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY IN 1856. PAGE. PRESIDENTIAL VOTE IN MINNESOTA, 2:59 PAGE. GUIRERNATO RIAL VOTE, PORTRAITS OF MINNESOTA'S REPUBLICAN GOVERNORS AND UNITED STATES BAG E. PAGE. A LExANDER RAMSEY, , * & g º § * 143 S. J. R. MCMI11, LAN, . t & * $ & 199 MORTON. S. WILKINSON. 28(; Joſſ N S. Piſ, LSBURY, 2()7 HENRY A. SWIFT, g & & º * 151 I, UCIU's F. Hu BBARD, 21:5 STEPHEN MILLER, 1.59 Dwig IIT M. SABIN, 221 DANIEI, S. NORTON, 364 ANDREW R. MCGILL, 227 WILLIAM R. MARSHA LL. 167 WILLIAM I). WASIſ BURN, 233 WILLIAM WIN DOM, 17:5 Wíſ, LIAM R. MERRIAM, 239, Ozo R.A. P. STEARNs, 34() KNUTE NELSON, 245 HORACE AUSTIN, 183 IDAVID M. CLOUG iſ, 251 CUSHMAN IX. J.) A VIS, 191 PART III. BIOGRAPHIES OF LEADING MINNESOTA REPUBLICANS. (See Index at End of Volume.) 263 SENATORS. PART I. & A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY IN THE UNITED STATES. A HISTORY OF THE RE PUBLIC AN PARTY IN THE UNITED STATES. CHAPTER I. EARLY PARTIES IN TEIE UNITED STATES. LL political parties that have exerted marked influence upon their times have had their beginnings far back of the period of their organization. Parties are somewhat like generations of men. The characteristics of any single generation cannot properly be studied without some knowledge of those that have gone before. It occasionally hap- pens that a party comes up suddenly on some tran- sient wave of popular excitement, growing out of events essentially temporary in their nature, Or springs from some fictitious issue, magnified into im- portance for the time being by the lack of any real fundamental question affecting the government and the interests of the people. The roots of such par- ties are never worth seeking, because the plant itself bears no seed and soon withers and disappears. The Republican party was the child of the con- Science of the North, aroused, at length, to asser- tion by the growth of the institution of slavery. its embryonic forms it existed almost from the be- ginning of the government. It did not gain strength and individuality, however, until more than half a century after the adoption of the Federal Constitu. tion. A brief examination of the history of the parties preceding it is essential to an understanding of the changes in public sentiment which at last developed this most important, most powerful, and most moral of all the political organizations that have thus far arisen in the United States. - During the Revolution there were but two par- In ties in the country: the Patriot party, supporting the effort for separate national life, and the Tory party, which opposed the severing of the colonies from the mother country. After the recognition of American independence parties soon divided on the question of forming a closer union between the states. One, known as the Federalist party, fa- vored the adoption of a constitution creating a strong, enduring national government, and the other, called the Anti-Federalist party, desired to uphold the rights of the states as separate and sov- ereign, and to continue the mere league between them formed by the Articles of Confederation. The feebleness of the old system became more and more apparent, and a convention, called in 1787, for the purpose of amending and strengthening the Ar- ticles of Confederation, adopted a constitution, after a four months’ session, and thus created a new gov- ernment, with independent and sovereign powers This new gov- ernment had no model in history. The Swiss re- public was, at that time, a league of cantons, closely resembling our own form of government prior to the adoption of the Constitution. found in antiquity for the experiment. It was there- fore only natural that the scheme of resting a cen- tral authority upon thirteen independent state gov- ernments should awake scepticism and resistance. The Anti-Federalist party opposed the ratification of the Constitution, and was successful in several states in delaying, for a time, their assent to it. within its own prescribed functions. NO model was The position of the Anti-Federalists was that a sin- gle executive head was dangerous. They feared, above all things, that the country would lapse back 4 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. into a monarchial condition and lose its liberties. The value and necessity of a national government was, however, so clear, that the Federalists were in a large majority in the country and held the ad- In 1788 they elected George Washington President and John Adams ministration for twelve years. Vice President. At that time the Constitution re- quired the electors to vote for two candidates for President. The one having the highest number of votes became President, and the one next highest, Vice President. This system continued until 1804, when the present plan was adopted. During Wash- ington’s first administration, a fresh cause for a division of parties was found in the French ques- The Anti-Federalists, led by Jefferson, were warm sympathizers with France, and desired that the new American Republic should, in some form, The Federalists tion. give assistance to its recent ally. favored a strict neutrality between Republican France and her enemies. Party feeling ran high at the second presidential election in 1792, but Washington again received the unanimous vote of the Electoral College. Adams was again chosen Vice President, receiving 77 votes against 55, of which 50 were cast for George Clinton, the candi- date of the Anti-Federalists. Anti-Federalists began to and to take the name of About this time the drop their party name Democrats. Thomas Jefferson, their great leader, objected, however, to the use of the word Democrat and sought to secure the adoption of the name Re- publican. Backed by his influence, this name strug- gled for a time for recognition and was used to some extent in a few states, but was not generally adopted. Most of the old Anti-Federalists preferred the term Democrat as implying more fully hostility to the assumption of governmental powers threat- ening the individual rights of citizens. In 1796 the Federalists elected John Adams President. He re- ceived 71 electoral votes and Jefferson, his oppo- ment, receiving 68, became Vice President. Trou- bles with France arose, and nearly resulted in War. During these troubles Congress passed two acts, known as the Alien and Sedition laws; One empow- ering the President to order aliens who were con- spiring against the peace of the United States to quit the country, and the other providing for the punishment of seditious libels upon the government. These laws created much party feeling and were denounced by the Democrats as tyrannical and un- constitutional. They contributed very largely to the overthrow of the Federal party at the presidential election of 1800, when Mr. Adams was a candidate reëlection. The Democrats voted for Jeffer- son and Burr, and gave them 73 votes each in the for Electoral College, while Adams received 65, Pinck- ney 64, and John Jay 1. The election was thrown into the House of Representatives by a tie between Jefferson and Burr. Jefferson was chosen Presi- dent and Burr Vice President. tered the executive office, his old views about dimin- After Jefferson en- ishing the powers of the general government were considerably modified. He gave the country a vig- orous and successful administration and was re- elected in 1804, by 162 electoral votes. The Fed- eralists voted for T’inckney of South Carolina and Rufus Ring of New York, and were able to control only 16 electoral votes. Jefferson declined to be a candidate for a third term, and the Democrats se- lected as their nominee his friend, James Madison, whose home near Charlottesville, Va., was almost in sight from Jefferson's house at Monticello. Dur- ing the last year of Jefferson’s administration the Federalists gained considerable fresh vitality through the popular opposition to what was known as the “Embargo,” an act of congress prohibiting American vessels from trading with foreign ports. It was adopted out of revenge for the insolent ac- tions of Great Britain and France, which arbitrarily searched American ships on the high seas, and often seized them and confiscated their cargoes. The embargo was fatal for a time to the commercial interests of the United States, and was repealed in 1809. At the election of 1808 the nanne Democrat was almost universally adopted by the party sup- porting Madison. Madison received 122 votes and George Clinton 113, while the Federal candidates, C. C. Pinckney and Rufus King, received 47 each. The war of 1812, which practically began in 1811 by British emissaries inciting the Indian tribes of the Northwest to hostile acts, nearly obliterated party lines for a time. Both of the parties sup- A HISTORY OF THI) PARTY. 5 RI) PUBLICAN The Fed- eralists continued their organization, however, and at the election of 1812 gave 89 votes for De Witt In 1816 the Dem- Ocrats nominated for President James Monroe, Mr. Madison's Secretary of State, Madison himself de- It is difficult at this distance to understand what were the issues of that contest, ported the war when it was fairly begun. Clinton, against 128 for Madison. Clining a third term. but it is plain that the old political parties had nearly exhausted their motives of controversy, and that the questions debated were rather the tradi- tions of old struggles than anything fresh and vital. Monroe received 183 votes, against 24 given to Ru- fus King by the States of Massachusetts, Connecti- Cut, and Delaware. Now began what is known in our political history as the “era of good feeling.” No one was disposed longer to question the utility of the Federal Government, and on the other hand, no one was disposed to assert for it any dangerous or monarchical pOWel's. T&oth the Democrats and the Federalists supported Monroe, and he was reëlected in 1820, by all of the electoral votes save ()Il G. CHAPTER II. THE BEGINNING OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY MOVEMENT. Up to 1820 the existence of slavery in the United States had been regarded as a misfortune by the people of all sections of the country. Indeed, among the causes of grievances brought against Great Britain was her action in forcing the slave With scarcely an exception, the early statesmen of the republic looked upon the institution of slavery as an evil which would gradually be gotten rid of by Looking to that end, trade upon the colonies against their will. wise eman cipation measures. the slave trade was prohibited and ranked with piracy, as a crime, as early as 1808. Mr. Jefferson, the head of the Democratic party, was one of the most enlightened opponents of slavery, and was far from foreseeing that the party which he had founded would in after-years become its chief defender. The first anti-slavery society in the country was formed by the Quakers of Pennsylvania, but there were, at an early period, organizations of emanci- pationists in the South who kept up some agitation in behalf of measures for getting rid of the insti- tution by the action of the state governments. One after another of the Northern States where slavery existed provided for its gradual abolition, and the sentiment in the North was so nearly unanimous in opposition to fastening slavery permanently upon the country that it insisted, that for every new Southern state which came in a Northern state should be admitted. Thus, Vermont, Ohio, and Indiana compensated for Kentucky, Tennessee, and Louisiana; and later, Maine counterbalanced Ala- bama. Thus far the number of free and slave states Was equal. Then the question arose in 1820 about admitting Missouri with a slave constitution. It gave rise to a vehement public discussion, which was rather sectional than political. The people of the Northern States insisted that a clause prohibit. ing slavery should be inserted in the Missouri con- stitution as a condition of the admission of that State. The struggle went on in congress for over two years. While it aroused the anti-slavery senti. ment of the North, which had been almost dormant, it also had the effect of inciting the South to a united and earnest defense of an institution which had before been regretted, even in that section, as A COm- promise, devised by Henry Clay, settled the strug. gle for the time being. undesirable and temporary in its nature. Missouri was admitted with slavery, but an act was passed prohibiting slavery in all the new territory lying north of lati- tude thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes, which was the southern boundary of Missouri. This set- tlement became known as the “Missouri Compro- mise.” The North gained nothing that did not be- long to it before, and the South secured the admis- sion of a new slave state north of the old line 6 A HISTORY OF THE REIPUBLICAN PARTY. separating freedom from slavery. This line was known as “Mason and Dixon’s Line,” from the names of two surveyors who, at an early day, ran the boundary between Maryland and Pennsylvania. The name was universally adopted in the politi- cal discussions of the time to designate the line between the North and the South—the free states and the slave states. The “Missouri Compromise” laid the foundation of the Republican party, by cre- ating in the mind of the North a distrust of the South, and by developing a political force in the country which received the significant designation Of the “Slave IPOWer.” time, suppressed all opposition to slavery in the South, and asserted the right to convert the whole unoccupied territory of the United States into slave states, and to carry its human chattels into the Northern States under the protection of the Federal Government, in defiance of the laws of those states. Resistance to the slave power and its demands for- mulated itself in the course of time into the Repub- This force, in the course of lican party. CHAPTER III. THE WHIG AND DEMOCRATIC PARTIES. Monroe's administration is chiefly famous in his- tory for its recognition of the Spanish-American republics and its declaration of what is known as the “Monroe Doctrine,” an assertion that any at- tempt on the part of European governments to ex- tend their systems to any portion of the American continent would be considered to be dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States. The de- struction of party lines under Monroe's administra- tion went so far that, in the election of 1824, no reorganization on the basis of old ideas was prac- ticable. There were four candidates for the presi- dency. Andrew Jackson received 99 votes, John Quincy Adams 84, William H. Crawford 41, and Henry Clay 37. The election was thrown into the House of Representatives, and Mr. Adams was chosen President. The administration of the new President, who was a son of the great Federalist, John Adams, might have been expected to restore the Federal party, but that party had outlived its use- fulness. It had witnessed a complete success of its ideas respecting the national government, and there was no occasion for its revival. The supporters of Mr. Adams called themselves National Republicans, Mr. Adams's policy did not differ much from that of Mr. Monroe. but the name did not long survive. The distinguishing event of his administration was the adoption of the protective tariff system, which was favored by the North and opposed by the South. Parties degenerated into factions, and the personal popularity of the political leaders had more to do with their success than any principles they pro- fessed. In 1828 Mr. Adams was a candidate for reëlection, but was defeated by Andrew Jackson, who had 178 votes to Adams's 83. Jackson was a narrow-minded man of limited education, strong prejudices, violent temper, and little schooling in Statesmanship, whose popularity grew out of his Success as a military commander. He introduced personal government at Washington to a far greater extent than any of his predecessors or successors. Fealty to him, personally, was the chief test of merit in his eyes. For a time the country was di- Vided into a Jackson party and an anti-Jackson party, all other names being lost sight of. Jackson brought into American politics the theory that “to the victors belong the spoils;” and was the first President who removed from office all persons not John Quincy Adams had made a few removals of officials in high posi- favorable to him politically. tion, but there was a great public clamor against him for these acts. Jackson swept the entire pub- lic service of everybody who had not favored his election, and filled the offices with his personal partisans. The corruption of American politics in more recent times is largely due to this high-tem- pered, bigoted, and egotistical man; but his glaring faults almost merit complete forgiveness in view A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 7 of his great service to the country in suppressing the nullification movement in South Carolina. Up to this time the South, and particularly the Democratic party in the South, had asserted the doctrine, that the Constitution is a federal compact between sovereign states, and that in such com- pacts between sovereigns who are equal there is no arbiter, each state being the rightful judge, as a party to the compact, of the constitutionality of any measure of the general government. This view was asserted by the legislatures of Virginia and Ken- tucky, in what are generally called the resolutions Of 1798. itself whether the laws or the action of the govern- The doctrine that each state can judge for ment is constitutional or not, became in time a part of the platform of principles of the Democratic party, and was held to with particular zeal by the people of the South. In 1832 South Carolina, un- der the lead of John C. Calhoun, endeavored to resist the enforcement of the new tariff law, by a process called nullification. ship and patriotism, perhaps, than from motives of personal hostility to Mr. Calhoun, President Jack- son threw himself with all the force of his resolute nature upon the other side, and declared his inten- tion to treat nullification as treason, and to hang the men who resisted the authority of the United States. ton, and thus put an end to the incipient movement He ordered a large armed force to Charles- for dissolving the Union. His vigorous conduct caused the total abandonment of the theory that a state can set aside the laws of the United States at its pleasure. The South shifted its policy, and soon began to rally on a new position, namely, that when a state does not like the conduct of the gen- eral government, it has a right to secede from the Union. The nullification question was not taken up as a party issue; and, indeed, Jackson gave it very little time to ferment in the public mind. He furnished the country with an issue, however, by assailing the Pank of the United States, an institution modeled somewhat after the Bank of England and having close relations to the government. It is said that Jackson's hostility to the bank arose from the re- Less from statesman- fusal of one of its branches in the South to cash his checks when he was carrying on the Florida War. In 1832 the President recommended the re- moval of the public funds from the bank. Congress refused to authorize the removal. Then Jackson, on his own responsibility, ordered the Secretary to withdraw the deposits and place them in certain state banks. That officer refusing, he was removed, and Mr. Taney appointed to his place. The bank was broken down, a great financial panic followed, and serious commercial distress afflicted the coun- try. The opponents of Jackson’s policy toward the bank organized themselves under the name of the Whig party, taking this name because the Whig party in England had resisted the arbitrary meas- ures of the king. Thus, by a curious change of the political situation, the leader of the Democrats, the party formed to resist strong government in this country, became the type and exemplar of the strong government idea, and the Whigs, the Suc- cessors of the Federalists, became, as they imag- ined, the defenders of the people against the en- In 1832, just be- fore the bank question came up, Jackson Was re- croachments of executive power. ëlected by 219 electoral votes, against a divided opposition, casting 49 votes for Henry Clay, 11 for John Floyd, and 7 for William Wirt. A short- lived popular excitement against Secret Societies, and especially against the Masons, had sprung up, and Wirt was the candidate of a new party called the Anti-Masonic party. He received the electoral Martin Van Buren was chosen In 1836 General Jackson put for- The bank Question, the tariff question, and opposition to the Vote Of Vermont. Vice President. ward Mr. Van Buren as his successor. personal government of Jackson were the chief is- sues. Jackson had made a powerful impression On the rather unorganized public sentiment of the country by his boldness and independence, and his influence was still sufficient to secure the election of Van Buren, who received 170 electoral votes. The Whig vote was divided between William Henry Harrison, 73; Hugh T. White, 26; Daniel Webster, 14; and Willie P. Mangum, 11. Up to 1832 na- tional nominating conventions were unknown. A 8 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Darty caucus of members of Congress selected the candidates for President and Vice President, and not unfrequently state legislatures put candidates in the field. ceedingly unpopular. Van Buren’s administration was ex- The commercial crisis of 1837 and the hard times which followed reacted power- fully against the dominant party. The administra- tion was charged with the dullness of trade, the stagnation of industry, the scarcity of good money, and the alarming number of business failures. More to the hard times than to any other cause was due the overwhelming success of the Whigs in 1840. The Whigs held a national convention at Harris- burg in December, 1839, and nominated Gen. Wil- liam Henry Harrison for President and John Tyler for Vice President. The Democrats held their con- Baltimore in May, 1840, and unani- The Vention at mously nominated Van Buren for reëlection. ('ampaign was the most exciting, demonstrative, and dramatic that had ever taken place in this country, and the result was that Harrison and Tyler received 234 electoral votes, and Van Buren 60. The Democratic vote for Vice President was di- vided. Harrison’s popular vote was 1,275,011, and that of Van Buren 1,128,702. majority of the popular vote was a very small one, Although Harrison’s his electoral majority was enormous, a discrepancy which strikingly illustrates the peculiarity of our electoral system. Harrison died a month after his inauguration— His successor, John Tyler, proved treacherous to the worried to death by office-seekers, it is said. Whig party, espoused the views of the Democrats, changed his cabinet, and finally went over to the Democratic side. CHAPTER H V. REVIVAL OF THE SILAVERY AGITATION.—THE LIBERTY PARTY. In 1844 the Democrats nominated James IX. I’olk for President, and the Whigs nominated Henry Clay. ritory entered largely into the canvass. The question of the extension of slave ter- A treaty had been negotiated for the annexation of Texas, then an independent republic, but still claimed by Mexico as a part of her dominions. The treaty Was rejected by the Senate, and the Democratic party throughout the country took it up, and declared in their conventions that it was a great American measure. The Whigs were unanimous in their op- position to the Texan scheme; in the North, be- cause of their unwillingness to give the slave power another state; in the South, on various grounds of expediency. The opposition of the Whigs was not sufficiently clear and earnest, however, to draw to their support all the voters hostile to the annexa- tion project. A party was organized which took broad grounds against the extension of slavery, and assumed for itself the name of the Liberty party. It was, in fact, an offshoot from the anti-slavery organizations throughout the North. A struggle arose in the American Anti-Slavery Society as to the duty of its members. One faction, headed by William Lloyd Garrison, abstained wholly from vot- ing, on the ground that the constitution was a cove- nant with the slave power to protect slavery. The other faction insisted that the way to fight slavery was to use the weapon of the ballot. This faction became the Liberty party, and nominated James G. I3irney for T’resident. It was a very small party, but an exceedingly earnest one, and although it never had a majority in any state, and probably not in any county, it frequently held the balance of power, and exerted considerable influence on the two great parties. Just before the election of 1844 Mr. Clay wrote a letter which dissatisfied the Lib- erty party and also the anti-slavery Whigs in the State of New York. in New York for Birney. and were mostly with- About 16,000 votes were cast drawn from the Whig ticket. This defection caused the loss of the state to Clay, defeated him for the Presidency, and changed the whole subsequent his- tory of the country. The result of the election was A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 9 174 votes for Polk and Dallas and 105 for Clay and Frelinghuysen, the vote of New York turning the scale. Under Polk’s administration Texas Was ad- mitted and war was waged with Mexico. The War was opposed by most of the Northern Whigs, who had begun to be considerably tinctured with anti- slavery sentiment, and still more strongly opposed by the Liberty party men and the Garrisonians, now called by the name of Abolitionists, who believed that the purpose of the conflict was to secure more territory to be made into slave states. The decline of the Whig party dates from this period. As a national organization it was obliged to cater to the South, where a large part of its strength lay, and no positive declaration against the extension of slavery could be gotten from its con ventions. At the same time a feeling of hatred to the slave power had obtained a firm lodgment in the mind of a large portion of its Northern mem- bers. The Whig party embraced in its membership a much larger portion of the intelligent and edu- cated classes of the country than its rival, the Democratic party. In the South these classes con- tented themselves with opposition to extreme pro- slavery measures threatening the perpetuity of the Union; but in the North they began more and more to demand such action as should stop the growth of the slave power and secure to freedom all the un- occupied territory of the United States, CHAPTER V. º * * THE WILMOT PROVISO–THE FREE SOIL PARTY-THE CAMPAIGN OF 1848, It became apparent before the end of the War that the defeat of Mexico would be followed by the cession of a large part of her territory to the United States, and the question began to be agitated in Congress as early as 1847, Of What should be the condition of this territory in reference to slavery? At a consultation of members of the House from the free states, who felt that the extreme limit of jus- tifiable concession to slavery had already been reached, David Wilmot of Pennsylvania presented the following proviso, to be offered to any bill for the organization of new territories: “That as an express and fundamental condition to the acquisi- tion of new territory from the republic of Mexico by the United States, by virtue of any treaty that may be negotiated between them, and to the use by the executive of any moneys herein appropriated, neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist in any part of said territory, except for crime whereof the party shall first be duly convicted.” This was the famous Wilmot Proviso, which played a large part in the political history of the succeed- ing years. It served to bring together many mem- bers of both the Whig and Democratic organiza- tions who were opposed to the extension of slavery. Its advocates were called in the political nomen- clature of the day, “Wilmot Proviso Men,” although they adhered for a time to their old party connec- tions. The proviso was offered to the bill for ne- gotiating a treaty with Mexico, but was defeated in the House. In 1848 the Democrats nominated for President Gen. Lewis Cass of Michigan. His principal com- petitors in the convention were James Buchanan and Levi Woodbury. The nominee for Vice Presi- dent was Gen. William O. Butler of Kentucky. The New York Democrats divided into two factions; one, called “Barnburners,” opposed the extension of slavery, and the other, styled “Hunkers,” sym- pathized fully with the South. The “Barnburners” bolted from the Democratic convention, and sent delegates to a national convention held at Buffalo, which organized a new party, called the Free Soil party. The Free Soil party was the legitimate suc- cessor of the Liberty party of 1844. The Ruffalo convention nominated Martin Van Buren for I’resi- dent and Charles Francis A dams for Vice I’resi- dent. Van Buren’s nomination weakened the moral force of the new movement, for while President he had been a tool of the slave power, and only since 10 - A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. his retirement to private life had he expressed him. self against the extension of slavery to the terri- tories. The motive of his nomination was to secure the votes of the “Barnburners” of New York and to defeat Cass. * The Whig national convention met in Philadel- phia and nominated Gen. Zachary Taylor of Lou- isiana for President. His chief competitors for the nomination were Henry Clay, General Scott, and IDaniel Webster. ingly popular in the country, on account of his bril- Taylor’s nomination was exceed- liant service in the Mexican War and his lack of any political record with which fault could be found. The Democrats, in their convention, refused to indorse the extreme Southern view—that slaves were property and could be carried into the terri- tories under the protection of the government. The Whigs dodged the slavery question altogether. The Free Soilers claimed that the Constitution was hos- tile to slavery, and intended to limit it to the states where it existed by virtue of local laws; and fur- ther, that the Federal Government should relieve itself from all responsibility for the existence of the institution. At the election, General Taylor carried fifteen states, with 163 electoral votes; and General Cass fifteen states, with 137 electoral votes. Van Buren carried no state, but had a large vote throughout the North. The entire popular vote stood: Taylor and Fillmore, 1,360,752; Cass and Rutler, 1,219,962; Van Buren and Adams, 291,342. The general effect of the canvass was to show that the Democrats were pretty thoroughly committed to the slave power and that the Whigs did not dare to antagonize it. The agitation produced by Van Buren’s candidacy served a good purpose in further arousing public sentiment in the North to the en- croachments of slavery. CHAPTER VI. THE COMPROMISE OF 1850 AND THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW. Soon after the peace with Mexico, which secured to the United States all the territory comprised in the present states of California and Nevada, and the territories of Utah, Arizona, and New Mexico, gold was discovered in California, and an immense rush of emigration occurred. In a short time there were people enough there to form a state govern- ment. They adopted a constitution prohibiting slavery, and applied for admission to the Union. At that time there were fifteen slave states and fifteen free states, and the admission of California. would place the free states in the majority of one. It was therefore vehemently opposed by the repre- sentatives of the slave power. Many slave states threatened secession if the new state should be ad- concessions to secure the They de- mitted without some equality of the South in the future. manded a recognition of their claim that slavery should not be prohibited in the territories or its existence be made an objection to the admission of State. {l. In 6W. They also demanded a guarantee against the abolition of slavery in the District of The contest in congress lasted nearly two years, and was finally settled by what was known as the “Com- Columbia, and a stringent fugitive-slave law. promise of 1850.” Zachary Taylor, who though a slaveholder did not sympathize with the extreme Southern view, had died before the controversy culminated, and Millard Fillmore, his successor, openly espoused the side of the pro-slavery leaders. The compromise was ad- vocated by Henry Clay, and received, also, the sup: port of the great Northern Whig leader, Daniel Webster, who abandoned his anti-slavery position, and went over, with his great intellect and influ- ence, to the side of the slaveholders. His action divided the Whig party in the North, and practi- cally gave it a death-blow. Wm. H. Seward be. came the leader of the anti-slavery Whigs. The compromise of 1850 admitted California with its free constitution, and left for future settlement the status of the rest of the conquered territory in re. --- № №： №. №. ： № №. |- -º-, JOHN C. FREMONT Republican Candidate for President in 1856 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 13 spect to slavery; rejected the Wilmot Proviso, and paid Texas $10,000,000 for a visionary claim to the Territory of New Mexico; prohibited slave auctions in the District of Columbia, and enacted the fugi- tive-slave law. This law shocked the moral sense of the more intelligent portion of the American people, and exerted a powerful influence in prepar- ing men’s minds for the advent of the Republican party. It provided for the return of alleged fugi- tives without trial by jury, allowing their captors to take them before a United States commissioner, who was empowered to remand them on the ea:- The com- missioners were paid ten dollars in case they di- parte depositions of the slave-catchers. rected the return of the alleged fugitive, and five dollars if, for any cause, they decided against the claimant. In effect, therefore, they were offered a bribe to order the return of the person claimed as a slave. Slave-catchers were authorized to summon bystanders to their aid, and all good citizens were commanded to assist in the arrest of alleged fugi- tive slaves. The law, in effect, ordered the people of the North to turn slave-catchers themselves, and threatened them with heavy penalties in case they harbored or assisted fugitives. Several cases of ex- treme brutality arose from the execution of this law. Professional slave-hunters invaded the North, and captured colored persons without much regard to whether they had run away from slavery or not. In some cases there was resistance on the part of the people, and trials occurred which served to in- crease the irritation in the public mind. The law was vehemently denounced by the anti-slavery Whigs, the anti-slavery Democrats, and the Free Soilers, and the Abolitionists found in it a new text for the crusade they preached with so much ear- nestness and self-denial against the “sum of all vil. lainies.” Some of the Northern States passed what were known as “Personal Liberty Bills,” practically nullifying the fugitive-slave law and punishing as kidnappers persons who sought to carry off alleged slaves without trial by jury. These personal lib- erty bills furnished a notable illustration of the powerlessness of theories of government when hu- man rights are involved. Hitherto the slave states had alone maintained extreme state rights doc- trines, but now the free states practically asserted such doctrines in their legislation hostile to the Fed- eral authority. The personal liberty bills set at naught the authority of the United States so far as it was sought to be exercised in the enforcement of the fugitive-slave law. They asserted the right of the state to protect the people within her borders from arrest and imprisonment without trial and They fell back upon the clause in the Constitution which says: from being carried off as slaves. “In any suits at common law, whereof the value of the controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved.” Fugitives were claimed to be property exceeding that Value, and it was asserted that they could not be deprived of their liberty without a jury trial. Public agita- tion against the fugitive-slave law increased from year to year, and it finally became impracticable in most parts of the North, save in the great cities, to reclaim fugitives. Not only was this the case, but associations were formed in many parts of the North for the purpose of aiding slaves to escape to Canada. The lines over which the fugitives were forwarded by day and by night, by the anti-slavery people, were known as the “Underground Railroad.” Many thousands of negroes escaped from the border states to Canada by the aid of this institution, and became industrious and valuable citizens of the British dominions. 14 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. CHAPTER VII. CAMPAIGN OF 1852–DEFEAT OF THE WHIG PARTY. The Whig and Democratic parties had been fully committed by the action of their representatives in Congress to the indorsement of the compromise measures of 1850, and it was evident before their national conventions met in 1852 that they would rival each other in professions of fidelity to those measures. Indeed, a public pledge had been signed by Henry Clay, Howell Cobb, and about fifty other members of Congress, of both parties, agreeing to abide by the compromise as a final adjustment of the controversy between the free and slave states. The Democratic convention surprised the country by dropping General Cass, James Buchanan, and Stephen A. Douglas, who were the leading candi- dates for the nomination, and taking up Franklin Pierce of New Hampshire, a man almost unknown Outside of his own state. On the fiftieth ballot I’ierce was nominated. Wim. R. King of Alabama. was nominated for Vice President on the second ballot. The convention declared that the compro- mise of 1850 was a finality, and that the Democratic party would resist all attempts at renewing the agi- tation of the slavery question. The Whig national convention nominated Gen. Winfield Scott for Pres- ident. The other candidates were Millard Fillmore and Daniel Webster. Scott was nominated on the fifty-second ballot, and Wm. O. Graham of North Carolina was put on the ticket for Vice President. The platform indorsed the compromise of 1850, in- cluding the fugitive-slave law, and declared that the system it established was essential to the nation- ality of the Whig party and the integrity of the Union. The Whigs Went into the canvass with a good deal of apparent vigor, but before the close it was evident that the poison of slavery had sapped the vitality of the party. The Free Soilers met at Pittsburg in August, and nominated John P. Hale of New Hampshire for President and Geo. W. Julian of Indiana for Vice President. Their platform was opposition to the extension of slavery, and their battle-cry was “Free soil, free speech, free labor, and free men.” In Some States the Supporters of Hale and Julian took the name of Free Democrats, in others they called themselves Free Soil Democrats, and in still others simply Free Soilers. They did not poll as large a vote as in 1848. Numbers of New York Democrats who then voted for Van Buren returned to their old allegiance. They had, however, a pretty effective organization in all of the Northern States, sustained a number of influential newspapers, and placed in the field many able stump speakers. Most of their vote was drawn from the Whigs. The result of the election was that the Democrats carried all the states in the Union, except Massachusetts, Vep- mont, Kentucky, and Tennessee, choosing 254 elect- ors. General Scott received only 42 electoral votes. The popular vote was, Pierce, 1,601,474; Scott, 1,386,578; Hale, 156,149. The disaster to the Whigs was so overwhelming that it killed their party. They kept up some form of an organization for four years more, but it was merely a shadow. The party had no longer an excuse for living. Its former principles of a protective tariff and a wise system of internal improvements had very little hold upon the public mind. The country was rapidly divid- ing on the slavery question, and as the Democratic party was generally recognized to be the principal ally of the slave power, there was no room for an. other organization not definitely opposed to that power. The dead party was sincerely mourned, particularly by a class of its adherents in the North, represented by Wm. H. Seward and Horace Gree- ley, who had hoped to lead it over to anti-slavery ground. It was also regretted by a considerable element of educated and conservative people in the South, sincerely attached to the Union and appre- hensive of great dangers to the peace of the country from the extreme ground taken on the slavery ques- tion by the Democrats. The disappearance of the Whigs as an organization from the field of politics opened the way for the formation of the Republican party; a new and formidable agency, which will be described in another chapter, coming in to com- plete the work. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. - 15 CHAPTER VIII. RISE AND FATAL OF THE KNOW-NOTHING OR AMERICAN PARTY. Between the years 1853 and 1855 there suddenly arose a party of phenomenal growth and extraor- dinary ideas. It took for itself the name of the American party, but its members were generally known by the popular slang term of “Know-Noth- ings,” which they did not themselves object to. They were organized into secret lodges, with pass- words and grips, and were sworn to vote for no one for a public office who was not a native. They pro- posed that citizenship should not be conferred, so far as the right of voting was concerned, until after twenty-one years' residence. They were peculiarly hostile to the Catholics, and claimed that the priests of that church controlled the votes of their parish- ioners. The growth of this new organization was marvelous. It spread like wild-fire over the coun- try, and before it was two years old managed to carry many important local and state elections. It must not be supposed, however, that it was abso- lutely without roots in the past. Native American- ism, as a sentiment, had existed since about the year 1830, and had in several localities in the East assumed at different periods the form of political organizations. It rested on a not unreasonable ap- prehension of the growing power of the foreign element in the large cities of the country. This element, in great part ignorant of our system of government, frequently banded together to carry municipal elections and praced objectionable per- sons in office. When the idea of nativism spread to the whole country and became the basis of a national party it was illogical and unpatriotic, be- cause the growth of the United States had been largely the result of foreign immigration, and a great part of its wealth had been produced by the labors of its foreign-born citizens. Many of these citizens were men of marked intellectual and moral worth, who had studied thoroughly the American system of free government, and had come to this country to escape the despotic limitations of life in the Old World. In seeking to exclude such men from voting and holding office in the land of their adoption, the Know-Nothing movement was evi- dently unjust. The rapid spread of the secret Know-Nothing lodges cannot be accounted for by the principles of ordinary political action. A study of the laws of mind which govern the propagation of intellectual delusions, and produce phenomenal movements in the world of religion as well as of politics, would be necessary for a philosophical treatment of the matter. Undoubtedly the decay of the Whig party had much to do with the rise of this new movement. Men were suddenly cut adrift from their old party associations. In this situation they easily became a prey to a movement which had the fascination of secrecy and laid claims to lofty motives of patriot ism. The Know-Nothing party culminated in 1855. It nominated Millard Fillmore for IPresident in 1856, but it was already on the wane at that time, and shortly afterwards the slavery question so com. pletely absorbed the public mind that Know-Noth- ingism subsided as rapidly as it had arisen, and in a single year disappeared from the field of politics. It played a part of some importance in the work of forming the Republican party, by making a sort of bridge upon which many old Whigs crossed over to that organization. 16 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. CHAPTER IX. THE ANTI-SILAVERY SOCIETIES AND THEIR WORK. I3efore proceeding with the chronological order of our narrative, it is time that we should pause for a moment to consider the work of the anti-slavery so- cieties in the North. Their members were few in number, and Were usually despised by the masses of the people as impractical theorists and negro-wor- shipers, who threatened the tranquility of the coun- try and the permanence of the Union; but they were men of earnest convictions and lofty moral purpose, who, by their tireless exertions, gradually wore into the Northern mind a conception of the atrocity of slavery. These societies were strongest in New England, on the Western Reserve of Ohio, and in the Quaker communities of Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana. They supported a number of eloquent pub- lic lecturers, who traversed the country and ad- dressed meetings in schoolhouses, churches, and in the open air. Often these orators were received with opprobrium and insult; sometimes they were bru- tally treated by angry mobs; but they kept on hero- ically with their noble task. The condition of public sentiment in the North on the slavery question prior to 1850 can scarcely be understood by the present generation. Even the church organizations were, as a rule, bitterly hostile to all forms of anti-slavery agitation. The Abolitionists, as the anti-slavery men were generally called, were looked upon as no better than criminals. A bigoted, unreasoning, and often brutal devoteeism to the slavery system had taken possession of the public mind, and whoever questioned the constitutionality or perpetuity of that system ran the risk of Ostracism in his social and business relations, and if he publicly advocated his ideas, actually took his life in his own hands. This sentiment caused the anti-slavery men to draw closely together for mutual encouragement and as- sistance. They believed in the sacred humanity of their work. Their lecturers were entertained like brethren at the homes of the members of the society wherever they went, and every anti-slavery man re- garded every other anti-slavery man in the light of a near personal friend. In some parts of the country they held annual conventions under tents or in groves. A number of newspapers advocated their ideas, chief among which was the Liberator, pub- lished in Boston by William Lloyd Garrison, who was generally recognized as the head of the move. ment. Horace Greeley, in his “American Conflict,” divided the opponents of slavery in the period pre- ceding the formation of the Republican party into four classes: ... " 1. The Garrisonians, who regarded the Federal Donstitution as “a covenant with death and an agree- ment with hell.” They pledged themselves to Wage against slavery an unrelenting War, to regard and proclaim the equal and inalienable rights of every innocent human being as inferior or subordinate to no other, and to repudiate all creeds, rituals, consti- tutions, governments, and parties that rejected these fundamental truths. They generally declined to vote, believing the government and all political par- ties so corrupted by slavery that no one could take any part in politics without moral defilement. 2. The members of the Liberty party, who, regard- ing the Federal Constitution as essentially anti- slavery, swore with good conscience to uphold it and to support only candidates who were distinctly, de- terminedly, and permanently champions of liberty for all. 3. Various small sects and parties which occu- pied a middle ground between the above positions, agreeing with the latter in interpreting and rever- ing the Constitution as consistently anti-slavery, While refusing with the former to vote. 4. A large and steadily increasing class who, though decidedly anti-slavery, refused either to with- hold their votes or to throw them away on candi- dates whose election was impossible, but persisted in voting at nearly every election so as to effect good and prevent evil to the extent of their power. The influence of all the various forms of anti- slavery agitation in opening the way for the advent of the Republican party and laying the foundation for that great organization can scarcely be over- stated. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. - 17 CHAPTER X. THE KANSAS-NEBRASPXA STRUGG LE. The result of the election of 1852 was to place the Democrats in complete control of the national gov- ernment. They had the President and a large ma- jority in both houses of Congress. now completely dominated by the pro-slavery ele- ment. Their party was Franklin Pierce had been nominated by Southern votes, and was wholly subservient to the slave power. In spite of the professions of the Dem- ocrats in their platform of 1852, in which they de- clared the compromise measures of 1850 to be a finality, settling forever the contest between the free and the slave states, congress had scarcely met in 1853 before the South began to agitate for the re- peal of the prohibition of slavery north of the line of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes. The vast plains lying beyond the States of Iowa and Missouri were known to be fertile and adapted for settlement. To remove the Indian tribes occupying them and make out of the region two new slave states, thus flanking the free states on the west and securing for slavery all of the vast region beyond the Missouri river, was the ambitious scheme of the Southern leaders. It mattered not that the faith of the South had been pledged, first by the compromise of 1820 and then by that of 1850, adopted as a final settlement of the slavery agitation. The pro-slavery leaders felt their power and determined to exercise it. After a tremendous struggle in both houses of Congress, they passed a bill repealing the prohibition of 1820, and Opening all of the new Northwest to slavery. The eXtreme pro-slavery Democrats asserted that the Missouri Compromise was unconstitutional, and that Congress had no power to prohibit slavery in the territory of the United States. They further as- Serted that the people of the new territory had no power themselves, by their own territorial statutes, to interfere with the holding of slave property. A more moderate wing of the party, headed by Stephen A. Douglas, broached what was known as the popu- lar sovereignty doctrine, which was that the people of the territories should themselves decide whether they would have free or slave states, and that Con- gress had no authority to interfere with them. Abraham Lincoln Once characterized this doctrine as, in effect, that one man had the right to enslave another, but a third man had no right to interfere. Mr. Douglas's position prevailed, and the act or- ganizing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, passed in 1854, permitted the introduction of slaves into those territories, and left the people free to regulate their domestic institutions in their own Way. p The passage of this act created intense public ex- citement in the North. It was regarded as a breach of faith on the part of the South, and as the fore- runner of measures designed to extend slavery over the whole country. In every Northern state large numbers of men of influence broke loose from the old political organizations, and were styled “Anti- Nebraska. Men.” Public meetings were held de- nouncing the measure, and a great popular move- ment hostile to the encroachment of slavery arose spontaneously on a wave of excitement which swept over the entire North. The Territory of Nebraska was too far away from the slave states to be occu- pied to any great extent by emigrants from the South, but a fierce struggle took place for the pos- session of the Territory of Kansas. Armed men from Missouri moved over the border at Once to OC- cupy the region and keep out Northern immigrants. The Indian titles were quickly extinguished by the Democratic administration and the public lands thrown open for settlement. The first party of im- migrants from the free states were visited by an armed mob and ordered to leave the territory. The Spirit of the North was fully aroused, however, and thousands of brave, intelligent men went to Kansas, (letermined to make it a free state. A contest en- Sued, which lasted for several years, and was gem- erally called at the time “the Border Ruffian War.” Reckless and lawless men from the Missouri border harassed the Northern settlers. Many free state men Were brutally murdered. The town of Law. rence was sacked and burned in part by an armed 18 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. force of pro-slavery men. A regiment of wild young men from the South was recruited in Alabama by Colonel Buford, and invaded the territory for the aVOWed purpose of subjugating the Northern set- tlers. The North supported her emigrants with fresh reënforcements and with consignments of rifles and ammunition. Numerous encounters oc- curred with more or less loss of life. At the village of Ossawatomie, a pitched battle was fought, where. in twenty-eight Free State men, led by John Brown, defeated, on the open prairie, fifty-six Border Ruf- fians led by Captain Pate of Virginia. - In the struggle for Kansas the South fought Very little of the ter- ritory was adapted for the raising of cotton, and slavery had been found profitable only in the cotton regions. Few emigrants from the South went with their negroes to the new territory, while resolute Northern farmers and mechanics poured in year after year in large numbers. against the laws of nature. The slave power then undertook to secure possession of Kansas by fraud. At the first election for a territorial legislature, thousands of Missourians crossed the Kansas bor. der and voted. The free state men disregarded this election, held another, and organized a legislature of their own, so that for a time there were two legis- latures in session. In the same manner, two state constitutions were formed, one at Lecompton, by a convention composed of members chosen in great part by fraudulent Missouri votes, and one at Law- rence, by a convention representing the anti-slavery settlers of the territory. The Washington endeavored to force the pro-slavery Great efforts were administration at constitution upon the people. made to this end through the agency of the Federal office-holders in the territory, supported by detach. ments of Federal troops, and these efforts were abandoned only when it became evident that the free state men were in an overwhelming majority and were determined to have their rights. The Kan- sas war finally degenerated into a series of plunder- ing raids by parties of Missourians, but these in time became too hazardous to be continued. Some Democrats in Congress opposed the course of the administration toward Kansas, and were called Anti-Lecompton Democrats, but the bulk of the party stood steadily on the side of the South. Ran- sas, with its free constitution, was refused admis- sion to the Union. Every incident of the long struggle in Kansas Was promptly reported in the Northern papers, and the anti-slavery element followed the conflict with in- tense interest, and looked upon the men who took their lives in their hands and went to the new terri- tory to secure it for freedom as heroes of a just and patriotic cause. It was the Kansas and Nebraska Bill and the struggle between freedom and slavery beyond the Missouri which finally crystallized the anti-slavery sentiment of the North into the organ- ization known as the Republican party. CHAPTER XI. THE OSTEND MANIFESTO, THE DRED SCOTT DECISION, AND THE ATTACK ON CHARLES SUMNER. Three events occurring in the period we are now describing contributed powerfully towards increas- ing the alarm in the North at the purposes and spirit of the slave power. In August, 1854, Secre- tary of State William L. Marcy secretly directed James Buchanan, John Y. Mason, and Pierre Soule, our ministers at London, Paris, and Madrid, respect- ively, to meet in some European city and confer about the best method of getting possession of Cuba. The conference took place at Ostend, and re- sulted in a dispatch to our government, known as the “Ostend Manifesto,” which recommended the immediate purchase of Cuba, and threatened Spain with a forcible seizure of the island in case she should refuse to sell it. The purpose of the Cuban annexation scheme thus developed was to prevent the island from ever becoming a free republic like San Domingo, and to make out of it one or more slave states to reënforce the slave power in Congress. Nothing came of the manifesto, save the A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 19 resulting anger of European nations and the in- creased determination created in the North to op- pose the schemes of the pro-slavery leaders. The supreme court of the United States at this time was thoroughly in sympathy with the projects The leaders of that party determined by a bold stroke to cut the Gor. of the pro-slavery Democracy. dian knot of controversy as to the power of the government over slavery in the territories, and for this purpose they procured from the court what was known as the Dred Scott decision. Dred Scott was a negro belonging to an army officer, who had taken him into a free state. This act entitled the slave to his liberty, and when he was afterward taken back to Missouri he sued for his freedom. The case was carried up to the Supreme court, and a majority of the judges decided that persons of African blood were never thought of or spoken of except as prop- erty when the Constitution was formed, and were not referred to by the Declaration of Independence, Which says that all men are created free and enti- tled to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Such persons, the court declared, had no status as citizens, could not sue in any court, and were so far inferior that they had no rights that a white man was bound to respect. Proceeding then to the question of slavery in the territories, the court, through its chief justice, Roger B. Taney, held that the clause of the Constitution which says that “Con- gress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States,” applied Only to territory that belonged to the United States when the Constitution was framed, and that in all other territory the slaveholder had the right to take his slaves, and Congress had no right to prevent him. This partisan decision was practically agreed to in 1855, but was held back until after the cam- paign of 1856, and made public early in 1857. It satisfaction. was designed to prohibit Congress from making any laws respecting slavery in the territories, and to exclude all of the inhabitants of the United States of African blood, or mixed blood, from all of the privileges of citizenship, so far as such privileges were guaranteed and protected by the Federal Gov- ernment. The decision shocked the humanity of the North, but was received in the South with great The slaveholders thought that they had at last secured from an authority that could not be disputed an absolute indorsement of their most extreme theories, and had thus thrown over the institution of slavery the protecting shield of the highest tribunal in the land. They little dreamed Of What the future had in Store for them. In May, 1856, a brutal attack was made upon Charles Sumner, a senator from Massachusetts, by Preston Brooks, a representative from South Caro- lina. Mr. Sumner had made a speech upon the Kansas question, in which he had sharply criticised the State of South Carolina, and had reflected some. what severely upon Butler, one of her senators. After the Senate had adjourned he was sitting at his desk engaged in writing, when Brooks ap- proached him from behind, felled him to the floor with a blow from a heavy cane, and continued to beat him about the head till he was unconscious. A South Carolina member named Keitt and a Vir. ginia member named Edmonson stood by at the time to prevent interference with the dastardly Out- Mr. Sumner was severely injured, and never A disease of the rage. fully recovered his former health. spine ensued, and he was obliged to resort to a pain- ful form of treatment which kept him for two years out of his seat in the Senate. The outrage produced great indignation throughout the North, which was intensified by the ovations paid to the ruffian Brooks when he returned home to South Carolina. - 20 - A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. CHAPTER XII. ORGANIZATION OF THE REPUBJ, ICAN PARTY-CAMPAIGN OF 1856. The necessity for the organization of a national party to resist the encroachments of slavery was felt throughout the North immediately after the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska. Pill. Events had already shaped the platform for such a party. It was in all men’s minds, and might have been formulated in a single sentence, “The freedom of the territories from the curse of slavery.” Interference with slavery in the states where it existed by virtue of state law had not been thought of, save by the Abolitionists, who did not count as a political force. were prepared to join a newſparty organization deter- The men who mined that slavery should be hedged in within the region where it already existed, and that no protec- tion should be given by Federal law to property in slaves in the states whose laws declared that no such property should exist. The elements prepared for crystallization into a new party were the late Free Soilers, the anti-slavery Whigs, and a small number of Democrats calling themselves anti-Ne- braska men. The question of when the Republican party first organized and who gave it its name, has been much disputed; but within recent years it has come to be pretty generally acknowledged that the Michigan state convention, held at Jackson early in June, 1854, was the first state representative body to take the name of Republican. The first local gather- ing to adopt the name was probably one held at Ripon, Wis., in the spring of 1854. The title was suggested in a letter from Horace Greeley to a dele. This letter was shown to the late Senator Howard and several other gate to the Jackson convention. influential men. The suggestion was deemed a good one, and the name was formally adopted in the reso- lutions of the convention. A few Weeks later it was adopted by state conventions in Maine, Ohio, Indi- ana, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Iowa. In most of the New England States, in Pennsylvania, and in the entire South, the Whig party still kept alive and ran tickets that year. The success of the Republicans in all the states where they ran straight tickets of their own gave a great impetus to the further exten- sion of the party. It won its first national triumph in the House of Representatives elected in 1854, which convened in December, 1855, when the Re- publican candidate for speaker, N. P. Banks of Mas- sachusetts, was elected after a long struggle. In a single year the Republican party had carried most of the Northern States and had secured a con- trolling influence in the lower house of Congress. Its leaders were mostly men of anti-slavery convic- tions from the old Whig party, like Fessenden, Sum- ner, Greeley, Seward, Chase, Wade, and Chandler, but there were among them several former Demo- crats. No account was made of old political affilia- tions, however, and the only test of membership was opposition to the encroachments of the slave power. In 1855 the Republicans strengthened their state organizations, and were successful in most of the Northern States. The Whig party gave some last feeble signs of life in Maine, New Hampshire, Massa- At the South the Whigs almost in a mass merged themselves into the Know-Nothing chusetts, and Ohio. or American organization. Conservative men in that section, opposed to reopening the slavery contro- versy, did not venture to ally themselves with the Republicans of the North, but took refuge in the American party, where they were able for a brief time to combat the ultra pro-slavery element. Thus far the Republicans had no national organiza- On the 22d of February, 1856, the first Repub- lican national convention was held in Pittsburg, Pa. Its purpose was to better organize the party, and to prepare the way for the presidential cam- paign. A second convention, to nominate a President and Vice President, met in Philadelphia on the 17th of June, and was presided over, by Henry S. Lane of Indiana. John C. Fremont, the intrepid Western explorer, was nominated for President on the first ballot, receiving 359 votes, to 196 for John McLean. William L. Dayton of New Jersey received 259 votes for Vice President, on an informal ballot, to 110 for Mr. Dayton The platform tion. Abraham Lincoln, and 180 scattering. Was then unanimously nominated. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 21 welcomed to the party all who were opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and the extension of slavery in the territories, and who favored the ad- mission of Kansas as a free state. It demanded the prohibition of slavery in all of the territories of the United States, and denied the authority of Congress or a territorial legislature to give legal existence to slavery in any territory, freedom being the public law of the national domain under the Constitution. It asserted the right and duty of Congress to pro- hibit in all territories those twin relics of barbar- ism, slavery and polygamy. The Democratic convention met in Cincinnati on the 2d of June, and nominated James I3 uchanan for President on the seventeenth ballot. The voting at first was close between Buchanan and Pierce, Doug- las having a small following. Toward the end, all the opposition to Buchanan centered on Douglas. The nominee for Vice President was John C. IBreckin- ridge of Kentucky. The platform denounced all at. tempts to prohibit slavery in the territories or the District of Columbia by legislation, and all ob- jection to the admission of a new state on the ground that it established slavery. It revived the Ken- tucky and Virginia resolutions of 1797 and 1798, which contained an rights doctrines. assertion of extreme states It also recognized the right to maintain slavery in any part of the public domain, and promised the faithful execution of the fugitive- slave law. . The Know-Nothings, now calling themselves Americans, met in Philadelphia on the 22d of Feb- ruary, and nominated for President Millard Fill- more of New York, and for Vice President Andrew Jackson Donelson of Tennessee. Their platform demanded that none but natives should hold Office, and that foreigners should not vote until they had lived twenty-one years in the country. On the 17th of September an insignificant remnant of the once powerful Whig party convened in Baltimore and ratified the nomination of Mr. Fillmore. meeting attracted very little public attention. The presidential contest of 1856 was exceedingly animated in all of the Northern States. Colonel Fremont, although without any record as a politi- cian, proved an exceedingly popular candidate. The Republicans carried every Northern state except Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Indiana, Illinois, and California, and gave to their ticket 114 electoral votes. The Americans carried but one state, Mary- I3uchanan’s electoral vote was 174. Of the popular vote, Buchanan received 1,838,169; Fre- mont, 1,341,264; Fillmore, 874,534. Buchanan had therefore a decided plurality, but he lacked 377,629 Votes of a majority over both of his competitors. In connection with the name Republican, as ap- plied to a party, it is worth recalling, that, in the State of New York, as late as 1852, it was used by both Whigs and Democrats, one ticket being headed “Whig Republican Nominations” and the other “Democratic Republican Nominations.” Their land. CHAPTER XIII. JOHN BROWN'S RAID–HELPER'S “IMPENDING CRISIS.” An event that had a powerful effect in exciting the South and in aggravating the growing sectional feeling in the North took place in 1859. John Brown, who had distinguished himself as a brave free state leader in the Kansas war, invaded Har- per’s Ferry, Va., on the 17th of October, with an armed force, consisting of seventeen white men and five negroes. The invaders tore up the railroad track, cut the telegraph wires, and took possession of the United States armory; doing this by the au- thority of God Almighty, they said. Brown issued a proclamation calling upon the slaves of the South to rise and demand their liberty. The frightened inhabitants of the place appealed to the state au- thorities to come to their aid, and the state called upon the general government. A force of United States marines was promptly despatched to Har- per's Ferry, and a large body of Virginia militia 22 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. was soon on the ground. Iłrown and his followers defended themselves in the armory building. A sharp conflict ensued. Hemmed in on all sides, Brown sent out a flag of truce, but the bearer, Stephens, was instantly shot down by the Virgin- ians. One of Brown’s men was captured by the Vir- ginia militia, dragged out upon the railroad bridge, and shot in cold blood. Four of Brown’s party at- tempted to escape by crossing the river, but three were mortally wounded. Brown made his last stand in an engine house, where he repulsed his as- sailants, who lost two killed and six wounded. The fight went on all day; at night Brown’s forces were reduced to three unwounded whites besides him- self. Eight of his men, including two of his sons, were already dead, another lay dying, and two were captives, mortally wounded. Next morning the marines charged the engine house, battered down the door, and captured Brown with his surviving followers. The purpose of the raid upon Harper's Ferry was to stimulate an insurrectionary move- ment throughout the South. Brown had drawn up a sketch for a provisional government, and had nominated several of his followers to the principal executive offices. IHe was held a prisoner for about six weeks, tried at Charlestown, Va., and hanged Ol] the second day of December, exhibiting to the last a heroic fortitude and an exalted frame of mind Which won for him the admiration of even his bitter ene- Imies, the Virginians, and excited deep sympathy throughout the North. The South was profoundly stirred by this invasion, insignificant as it was in its dimensions and its results. The Southern people, in their excited frame of mind, undoubtedly believed that the John Brown raid had the indorsement of the Republican party of the North and was the be- ginning of an effort to destroy slavery by inciting The horrible history of the San Domingo massacre had always the slaves to a general insurrection. been a terror to the Southern people, and a rumor Of a negro rising had on several occasion in the past sufficed to throw them into a convulsive state of anger and apprehension. It was not strange, there- fore, that an effort to organize an insurrection, led by courageous white men from the North, should provoke their fiercest animosity. John Brown had few apologists though a great many sympathizers in the North. His movement was his own secret, and was not abetted by any body of anti-slavery men. Just how great an influ- ence it exercised on the subsequent history of thf country it would, of course, be impossible to meas- ure, but the feelings it produced and the memories it ieft in the South were a principal agency in in- clining the Southern people to separate from the North and set up a government of their own. A book published about this time on the slavery question added to the irritation in the South. It was called “The Impending Crisis,” and its author was Hinton R. Helper, a North Carolinian, who had migrated to California. The book was addressed to the slaveholding whites of the South, and was a powerful argument, reënforced by statistics drawn from United States census reports, to prove that slavery cursed the industries of the Southern States. The poverty of those states in respect to accumu- lated wealth and agricultural products in compari- son with the states of the North, was forcibly set forth, and the nonslaveholding Southern whites were urged to throw off the control of the small minority of slaveholders and take the affairs of their states into their own hands. The circulation of this book was everywhere prohibited in the South. It was regarded as an incendiary document, although it contained nothing but calm reasoning and indisputable statistics. Several Republican members of the House signed a letter indorsing the volume, and their conduct was made the subject of an acrimonious discussion. At one time a resolu- tion came near passing, affirming that no man who recommended the book was fit to be speaker of the House. “The Impending Crisis” had an immense sale, and though its effect in the South was only to aggravate the pro-slavery feeling, it opened the eyes of many people in the North to the blighting effect of slavery upon industry, manufactures, and trade. ULYSSES S. GRANT Eighteenth President of the United States A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 25 CHAPTER XIV. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1860. The Republicans were not discouraged by their defeat in 1856. They saw that if they had carried the States of Pennsylvania and Indiana, they would have succeeded, and felt that they had formed what was destined to be the great party of the future, and that their principles would prevail in time. The promulgation of the Dred Scott decision imme- diately after the inauguration of Mr. Buchanan gave new vigor to the Republican cause, showing as it did that the pro-slavery party intended to fully subjugate the whole country and make of it a vast slave empire. The conduct of Buchanan in continu- ing the efforts of Pierce to force slavery upon the Territory of Kansas kept alive the discussion of the question of the freedom of the territories until the Buchanan was as sub- FIis ad- ministration was controlled by ultra pro-slavery next presidential election. servient to the South as Pierce had been. men, who directed its energies to carrying out the schemes of the slave power. In 1858 Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Doug- las contested the State of Illinois for the United States senatorship, and made a memorable canvass, which attracted great attention throughout the country. Douglas advocated what was known as his squatter sovereignty policy, which was that Con- gress should abstain from all legislation as to slav- ery in the territories and allow the people to settle the question for themselves. Mr. Lincoln advocated the right and duty of Congress to prohibit slavery in the territories. Although Lincoln had a majority of the popular vote, Douglas had a majority in the legislature and was elected. The South was not sat- isfied with the Douglas squatter sovereignty plan, the theory of the pro-slavery leaders being that slav- ery could not be prohibited in the territories by any This theory was repugnant to a great majority of the Democrats of the North, and the conflict between it and the Douglas theory led to a disruption of the Democratic party. The Dem- power whatever. ocratic national convention met at Charleston on the 23d of April, 1860, and immediately got into a heated controversy upon the subject of slavery. Finally, by a close vote, it was resolved, that, as differences had existed in the party as to the nature and extent of the powers of the territorial legisla- tures and as to the powers and duties of Congress under the Constitution over the institution of slay- ery within the territories, the Democratic party would abide by the decision of the supreme court on the question of constitutional law. This exceeding- ly guarded and neutral declaration angered the Southern delegates, and most of them withdrew from the convention. An adjournment was carried until the 18th of June, when the convention reas- sembled in Baltimore. The seceding delegates met and adopted an extreme pro-slavery platform, and adjourned to assemble in Richmond, June 11th. The regular convention reassembled in Baltimore and nominated Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois for President and Benjamin Fitzpatrick of Alabama for Vice President. Fitzpatrick subsequently de- clined, and Herschel V. Johnson of Georgia was substituted by the national committee. The Balti- more convention affirmed Douglas's squatter sover- eignty theory. The bolting convention met in Rich- mond and adjourned to meet again in Baltimore, June 23d, when it adopted the Charleston platform, and nominated John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky for President and Joseph Lane of Oregon for Vice President. A new party, composed mainly of former mem- bers of the now dead American party in the South and a few stubborn old Whigs in the North, was formed at Baltimore May 9th. It took the name of the Constitutional Union party, and nominated for President John Bell of Tennessee and for Vice President Edward Everett of Massachusetts. This party declared that it recognized no political prin- ciples other than the Constitution of the country, the union of the states, and the enforcement of the laws. This last phrase Was intended to refer to the 26 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. fugitive-slave law. The Republican national con- It was gen- erally supposed, prior to the meeting of the conven- tion, that William H. Seward would be nominated for President. He was recognized as the chief vention met in Chicago May 16, 1860. leader of the new party, and its greatest teacher on the political bearings of slavery. His principal com- petitor was Abraham Lincoln of Illinois. The other candidates were Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania, Salmon P. Chase of Ohio, Edward Bates of Missouri, William L. Dayton of New Jersey, John McLean of Ohio, and Jacob Collamer of Vermont. Mr. Seward led on the first and second ballots, but the argument that he would not be a popular candidate in the States of Pennsylvania, Indiana, and Illinois—the states lost by the Republicans in 1856—led to the nomination of Lincoln on the third ballot. Hanni- bal Hamlin of Maine was nominated for Vice Presi- dent. The platform was substantially that adopted in 1856. slavery in the territories. Its chief planks were those referring to It declared freedom to be the normal condition of the territories, and de- nounced the new dogma that the Constitution, with its own force, carried slavery there. In the campaign of 1860 the Republicans were united and confident, while the Democrats were divided into two factions, which fought each other about as vigorously as they did their common ene- my. These factions were known by the names of their leaders, one being called Douglas Democrats, There were few Douglas men in the South and few Breckin- ridge men in the North. and the other Breckinridge Democrats. The strength of the new Constitutional Union party was almost wholly con- fined to the South. Every free state but New Jersey was carried by the Republicans, and in New Jersey the refusal of a part of the Douglas men to support the fusion ticket allowed four of the Lincoln elect- The electoral Vote was divided as follows: Lincoln, 180, all from the North; Breckin- ridge, 72, all from the South; Bell, 39, from Vir- ginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee; and Douglas, 12, ors to slip in. from Missouri and New Jersey. The popular vote was: Lincoln, 1,857,610; Douglas, 1,291,574; Breck- inridge, 850,082; Bell, 646,124. The very large vote given to Mr. Douglas was due, in some part, to his personal popularity. He . was the idol of the Democratic party of the North, and had the South chosen to give him its support, instead of seceding from the convention and nom- inating Breckinridge, he would probably have been elected President. With his comparatively mod- erate views on the subject of slavery, which were becoming more and more modified in the right direc- tion as he saw the tendency of the pro-slavery lead- ers, it is not unlikely that he would have averted, Or at least postponed, the war. CHAPTER XV. SECESSION.—REBELLION.—WAR. As soon as the election of Lincoln and Hamlin was known to be beyond dispute, movements for seceding from the Union began in the South. The Southern leaders did not wait to learn what the policy of the new administration would be, but made haste to break the relations of their states with the Union and to form a separate government, under the title of the Confederate States Of Almer- ica. As early as December, 1860, South Carolina seceded; other states followed during the winter, and in February, 1861, a complete Rebel government Was Organized at Montgomery and a Rebel army put into the field. A considerable party in the South- ern States, composed mostly of old Whigs, opposed secession, but were overpowered by the more active, unscrupulous, and determined supporters of the movement. During the session of Congress, just prior to Mr. Lincoln's inauguration, great efforts were made in the way of conciliatory propositions to induce the Southern States not to renounce their allegiance to the Union. The Republicans were Willing to go to the farthest extent possible not in- A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 27 volving the vital principle of their party that the territories of the United States were free soil by virtue of the Constitution. The plan known as the Crittenden Compromise received a large vote in both houses, although opposed by most Republic- ans. Its principal provision was that all of the ter- ritory north of latitude thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes should forever be free, and that all of the territory south of that line should be given up to slavery. Senator Anthony, a Republican, was will- ing to admit New Mexico as a slave state, because slavery already existed there, but this was as far as he or any other Republican proposed to go con- cerning the disputed question of the condition of the territories. A series of resolutions, accompa- nied by a constitutional amendment, passed both houses, however, guaranteeing slavery in the states where it existed against any interference on the part of the Federal Government, and recommend- ing the Northern States which had passed laws ob- structing the recovery of fugitives to repeal them. A peace conference, invited by the legislature of Virginia, sat in Washington in February. Thirteen Northern States and seven Southern States were represented. Its propositions had no effect in stay- The Southern lead- ers had fully made up their minds to dissolve the ing the rising tide of rebellion. Union, and although many of them remained in Congress up to the time of Lincoln's inauguration, they did so avowedly for the purpose of resisting legislation which might be hostile to their section. It is not the purpose of this work to trace the history of the war for the preservation of the Union further than is necessary to show the action of the political parties concerning its prosecution. The Republican party was the war party from the be- ginning to the end of the struggle, holding the Union to be a perpetual bond, and not a league of States which could be dissolved at the pleasure of any of its members. It also held that the republic Was indestructible, and that the duty of the United States Government was to enforce obedience to its authority. The Democratic party of the North was in an ex- tremely awkward predicament when the storm of War burst upon the country. For a whole genera- tion it had maintained the theory of the Virginia and [entucky resolutions—that the states were sovereign and were themselves the judges of the Out of this theory grew logically another, that the gov- constitutionality of the Federal laws and acts. ernment had no right to coerce sovereign states. This was the theory upon which Mr. Buchanan's administration proceeded during the three months in which the Rebellion organized itself throughout the South. It continued to be held by a considera- ble portion of the Northern Democracy, but the patriotic feeling which followed the attack upon Fort Sumter caused it to be exceedingly unpopular for a while, and it was rarely avowed in public dur- ing the first year of the war. For a time there was but one political party in the North, and that was the party of the Union. As the war went on, how- ever, and it became evident that it was going to be a long struggle, and no holiday parade, as many had imagined, the Democrats took courage, and re- organized their party as an anti-administration party. They did not avowedly oppose the prosecu- tion of the war at that time; some of them, indeed, insisted that if they were in power they would push it more vigorously; but the spirit of their movement was one of dissatisfaction with the contest. In 1862, after the disaster to our armies on the Penin- sula and at the second battle of Bull Run, a feeling of discontent arose throughout the North, which took the form of hostility to the Republican party in the fall elections of that year. The Democrats carried the great central belt of states, beginning with New York and ending at the Mississippi river. Fortunately, in only one state was to be elected, the State of New York, where the Democrats there a governor This was in aid of mous election frauds committed in the City of New York. chose Horatio Seymour, by the (2110]'- The Republicans were barely able to secure a majority in the new House, and were for a time greatly discouraged by their reverses, and appre- hensive that the Democratic triumphs might lead to the ultimate success of the Rebellion. In 1863, however, the capture of Vicksburg by General Grant and the decisive victory at Gettysburg com- pletely turned the current of public sentiment. The 28 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Republicans recovered that year every state they had lost in 1862. Wherever the contest was the hot- test there their victory was the greatest. The great political battle of the year occurred in Ohio, where the Democrats nominated Clement T. Vallandig- ham for governor. He was an avowed opponent of the war and an open sympathizer with the South. The majority against him was the largest ever given at any election in the state, running up to nearly 100,000. In 1863 the Democratic party in most of the Northern States threw off all pretension of sympa- thy with the Union cause. On this account they were given by the Republicans the name of “Cop- perheads.” In some parts of the West they wore pins made of the butternut, to typify their sympa- thy with the South, the Southern soldiers being fre- quently clad in homespun dyed with the juice of that nut. A long and bloody riot occurred in the City of New York in 1863, in which thousands of Demo- crats resisted the draft and held possession of many parts of the city for several days, murdering a num- ber of people. state, Horatio Seymour, addressed the mob in front of the city hall, at the height of the riot, and styled Tho riot was finally suppressed by United States troops, In the State of Indi- ana a formidable conspiracy, under the title of the The Democratic governor of the the lawless persons composing it “my friends.” after considerable slaughter. “Sons of Liberty,” was organized by the Democratic sympathizers with the South, but was suppressed by the vigilance and courage of Oliver P. Morton, the Republican governor of the state. In several of the states the Republicans in 1863 dropped their party name and took that of the Union party, in order to save the feelings of the War IDemocrats who desired to coöperate with them. The voting force of these War Democrats was comparatively small, but among them were a number of men of undoubted patriotism and high position in the country. Most of them continued to coöperate with the Republican party during and after the War. CHAPTER XVI. THE EMANCIPATION OF THE SLAVES. The Republican party did not enter the war with the purpose of abolishing slavery. A few far-sighted men saw that the struggle must end either in the separation of the South or the freedom of the slaves, but the masses of the party did not look beyond the suppression of the Rebellion and the preservation of the Union. President Lincoln said that if he could save the Union with slavery he would save it, and that if he could save it without As the on the folly of recognizing and protecting an slavery he would save it. War Went institution which gave the Rebels a large force of laboring men to stay at home and raise food for their armies became plainly apparent, and there was a general demand for the aboli. tion of slavery as a war measure. It was not, however, till April, 1862, that slavery was abol- ished in the District of Columbia, nor till June, 1864, that the fugitive-slave laws were repealed. In the early military operations against the Rebellion great care was taken not to excite insurrections among the slaves, and the negroes who came into our lines were treated as contraband property, so as not to be restored to their masters. On Sept. 22, 1862, President Lincoln issued his first proclama- tion of emancipation, which was, in effect, a threat to the states then in rebellion that they would lose their slaves unless they returned to the Union. He declared that on January 1st following all persons held as slaves in any state which should be then in rebellion should be then and forever after free. On Jan. 1, 1863, no Rebel state having returned to the Union, he issued his second proclamation, desig. nating the states and parts of states in rebellion, and ordering and declaring that all persons held as slaves in such regions “are and shall be free,” A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 29 and pledging the government to maintain their freedom. “On this measure,” said Lincoln, “I in- voke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of God.” This celebrated proclama- tion professed to be a war measure, adopted by au- thority of the President as the commander-in-chief of the army and navy. The Thirteenth Amendment of the Constitution, prohibiting slavery in the United States, passed the Senate in April, 1864, and the House in January, 1865, but was not ratified by a sufficient number of states to make it valid until nearly a year after the end of the war. It was essentially a Republican measure, all of the Republicans in Congress voting for it, and nearly all of the Democrats voting against it. It will stand for all time as the noblest of the many monuments which mark the brilliant history of the Republican party. Public sentiment was slow to take shape in favor of the total abolition of the curse of slavery, but its progress was certain, and when the amendment was ratified, it was ap- For SOme time afterward the Democratic party continued to proved by the entire Republican party. denounce the Thirteenth Amendment, declaring it void and of no effect, but long ago even the most bigoted and stubborn Democrats came to acquiesce, not only in its validity but in its justice and wis- dom. CHAPTER XVII. * THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1864, Anxious to secure the coöperation of all men who favored the prosecution of the war, the Republic- ans, in 1864, called a Union National Convention to Imeet in Baltimore. The convention renominated Abraham Lincoln for President, and nominated Andrew Johnson of Tennessee for Vice President. The nomination of Lincoln was by acclamation, but there were a number of candidates for the Vice Presidency, prominent among whom were Hannibal Hamlin and Daniel S. Dickinson. Prior to the Bal- timore convention a small number of Republicans, dissatisfied with the administration, and especially With its leniency toward Rebels, met at Cleveland and nominated John C. Fremont for President and John Cochrane for Vice President. Their conven- tion demanded the suppression of the Rebellion Without compromise, and the confiscation of the lands of the Rebels, and their distribution among soldiers and actual settlers. General Fremont ac- cepted the nomination, but repudiated the confisca- tion plank of the platform. Subsequently both the candidates withdrew from the field, and the whole movement collapsed. The Democrats held their convention in Chicago, and manifested open hostil- ity to the continuance of the war. Bitter speeches were made, denouncing the administration. A plat. form was adopted declaring the war a failure, and attacking those who carried it on for disregarding the Constitution, treading upon public liberty, per- Verting right, and impairing justice, humanity, and material prosperity. The convention nominated for President Gen. George B. McClellan, whose half- hearted, dilatory course while in command of the army of the Potomac was largely responsible for whatever failure had characterized the war up to that time. George H. Pendleton of Ohio was nom- inated for Vice President. The platform crippled the Democratic party in the canvass, for scarcely had it been published when news came that Sher- man had taken Atlanta and that Farragut had car. ried the defenses of Mobile. In the face of such Victories as these the declaration that the war was a failure sounded absurd and treasonable. In the canvass of 1864 the Democrats attacked the administration for exceeding its constitutional powers in suspending the habeas corpius and impris- Oning Rebel sympathizers and agents in the North without trial. They did not openly avow their old theory, that the states could not be coerced; but they had a great deal to say about the “bloody and endless war, brought on by the anti-slavery agita- tors in the North.” They denounced the emancipa- 30 4 JTISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. tion proclamation, and appealed to the prejudice against the negroes, still very strong in the North, by asserting that the war was an Abolition war, carried on not to restore the Union but to free the slaves. The Republicans had practically but one argument to make, and that was, that it was the duty of every patriot to sustain the government in its efforts to crush the Rebellion and save the Union. The result of the election was the success of the Republicans by very large majorities. Mr. Lincoln had the electoral vote of every state not in rebellion, except Kentucky, Delaware, and New Jersey. He received 212 electoral votes against 21 cast for McClellan. His popular vote was 2,213,665 against 1,802,237. The success of the Republicans in this critical campaign assured the ultimate tri- umph of the Union arms in the field, confirmed the emancipation of the slaves, and opened the Way to the termination of the war. Had the Democrats prevailed, there is little reason to doubt that the war would have ended by a recognition of the inde. pendence of the Rebel states. CHAPTER XVIII. SECURING THE FRUITs of THE WAR–THE STRUGGLE WITH ANDREW JOHNSON. After the Republican party had carried the war through to a successful issue, destroying upon the battle-field the doctrine of secession and forcing the surrender of the Rebel armies, it was called upon to meet a new and very grave issue, involving the Se- curity of the results of its past efforts. Lincoln was assassinated on April 21, 1865, Very soon after his second inauguration, by J. Wilkes Booth, an actor, who was inspired to commit the crime by his sympathy with the cause of the Rebel- lion, which had come to utter ruin only a few days before by the surrender of the army of General Lee. The Vice President, Andrew Johnson, became Presi- dent. At first he was so radical and violent in his treatment of the conquered Rebels that it was feared that he intended to depart wholly from the policy of kindly firmness followed by Mr. Lincoln. Before many months, however, he changed his attitude completely, and undertook to defeat the will of his party in Congress in respect to the reorganization of the Rebel states. He had been bitterly opposed to the dominant element of the South all his life –– of ignorant, poor white stock, and repre- Senting in his early career the antagonism of the coming notislaveholding element in Tennessee towards the slaveholders; but all at once, when in possession of the reins of government, he manifested a stubborn purpose to carry out the wishes of the leading Southern men and to give them control of their lo- cal affairs. The problem of restoring the Southern states to their relations to the Union was a difficult one, and the Republicans were not at first wholly agreed as to its proper solution. After nearly two years of consideration of the question, the party, however, came with substantial unanimity to the ground that the Rebel states had forfeited their rights as States of the Union by the act of rebellion, and had become unorganized communities, held under the Constitu- tion by conquest, and to be dealt with as Congress might see fit. Their reëntry into the Union must, it was maintained, be under such conditions as Con- gress should prescribe. In the meantime they were kept under military government, and were divided, for the purpose, into military districts. The Demo- crats held, that, so soon as hostilities ceased, each Rebel state had a right to reorganize its own state government, and to enter into all of the privileges of a member of the national Union, without any in- terference or dictation on the part of Congress. This as the theory advocated by Andrew Johnson. Its purpose was to reinstate the white men of the South in full control of their local governments, leaving them to deal with the emancipated negro populations as they saw fit, under the solitary re- straint of the Thirteenth Amendment. After having emancipated the slaves, the Demo- crats held that Congress had nothing more to do With them. by the whites in several of the Southern States pro- The temporary governments organized A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 31 ceeded to pass codes of black laws, which reduced the negroes to a condition of serfdom, differing practically but very little from the old condition I’resident Johnson did not avowedly He kept Mr. Sew- ard and several other Republicans in his cabinet, of sia very. go over to the Democratic party. but his policy toward the South was essentially a Democratic policy, and was sustained by very few people in Congress or the country except the Dem- ocrats. A small body of officeholders stood by him in order to retain their places, and became popu- larly known as the “Bread and Butter Brigade.” In 1867 the Republicans passed a series of acts, known as the Reconstruction laws, providing for the estab- lishment of new state governments in the South. These laws allowed every man to vote, black or white, except such as had previously taken an oath to support the Constitution of the United States and had participated in the Rebellion. This limita- tion disfranchised a very large portion of the active and influential white men. President Johnson Ve- toed the Reconstruction acts, and they were passed over his veto, the Republicans having at that time and throughout his administration a two-thirds ma- jority in both houses. The conduct of Johnson created a good deal of irritation and bad feeling. He was regarded as a traitor to the Republican party, and the stubborn- ness with which he clung to his idea of the rights of the Southern States under the Constitution was generally believed among the Republicans to arise from a settled purpose on his part to betray his party and to destroy the substantial results of its victory over the Rebellion. The intense dislike and strong suspicion of Johnson which animated the greater portion of the Republican party resulted in the passage of articles of impeachment against him, on the 22d of February, 1868. The specifica- tions were based on the President’s illegal removal of Edwin M. Stanton from the office of Secretary of War, his expressions in various speeches of con- tempt of Congress, and his hindrance of the execu- tion of some of its acts. The trial began in the Sen- ate March 23d, and lasted nearly two months, at- tracting the closest attention of the whole country. Johnson was acquitted for lack of a two-thirds ma. jority against him, the vote on the several articles 19. of impeachment standing, guilty 35, and not guilty A few Republicans, led by Mr. Fessenden of Maine, not believing him guilty of an offense war- ranting his removal from office, voted with the Democrats for his acquittal. The general effect of his obstinate resistance to Congress was to strength- en the Republican party, and the men that deserted its ranks to follow him Were so few in number that they were scarcely missed. At one time Johnson appeared to contemplate the formation of a new party, of which he was to be the leader; but he ended, after his term of office closed, in joining the Democratic party, which sent him to the Senate from Tennessee. - The Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution was adopted in June, 1866, by Republican votes ex- clusively, in both houses of Congress. The amend- ment made the freed negroes citizens of the United States and of the states in which they lived, and prohibited any state from abridging or limiting It loft each state to regulate the right of voting, but if a the privileges or immunities of citizens. state excluded any of its citizens on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, it lost its representative and electoral strength propor- tionately. The amendment also provided that no person should hold office in the United States or any state who, not having taken the oath to support the Constitution of the United States, and had joined in the Rebellion; but Congress might remove this disability by a vote of two-thirds of each branch. It provided, further, that neither the United States nor any state should assume or pay any debt contracted in aid of the Rebellion, or for any of the losses from the emancipation of the slaves. The Democratic party vehemently opposed this amendment, and it was not fully ratified by the requisite number of states until July, 1868. Ilong after its ratification the Democrats were in the habit of condemning it as revolutionary, null, and void. Subsequent experience did not justify all of its provisions. The section creating a class of persons under disabilities in the South was after a time deemed unwise by a large majority of the Re- publicans, and was greatly modified by successive amnesty measures. 32 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. In 1866 the Civil Rights Act was passed, provid- ing severe penalties against any person who under color of any law or ordinance should attempt to de- prive the freedmen of equal rights or subject them to any penalty or prohibition different from those to which the whites were subjected. This act, as well as Amendment XIV., was vetoed by President Johnson, opposed by the Democrats, and passed by the Republicans over that veto and in spite of that Opposition. CHAPTER XIX. TEIE CAMPAIGN The presidential campaign of 1868 was fought upon the issues growing out of the reconstruction acts of Congress, the amendments to the Constitu- tion, and the suffrage and citizenship they conferred upon the colored race. The Republican national convention met in Chicago, May 20th, and nomi- nated Gen. Ulysses S. Grant for President by accla- mation. A sharp contest took place over the Vice Presidency. The first ballot resulted as follows: Schuyler Colfax of Indiana, 115; Benjamin F. Wade of Ohio, 147; Reuben E. Fenton of New York, 126; Henry Wilson of Massachusetts, 119; Andrew G. Curtin of Pennsylvania, 51; Hannibal Hamlin of Maine, 28; James M. Speed of Kentucky, 22; James Harlan of Iowa, 16; J. A. J. Creswell of Maryland, 14; W. D. Kelley of Pennsylvania, 4; S. C. Pome- roy of IXansas, 6. On the fifth ballot Schuyler Col- The Chief features of the platform were the indorsements of the constitutional amendments securing the poli- tical and civil equality of the blacks and of the re- construction acts of Congress. The Democratic national convention met in New York, July 4th, and nominated Horatio Seymour of New York for President and Francis P. Blair of Missouri for Vice President. fax was nominated, receiving 541 votes. An attempt was made to liberalize the party and induce it to cease its op- position to the results of the war by the nomination of Salmon P. Chase of Ohio, who stood a little aloof from the Republican party and held rather a Moderate ideas prevailed, however, in the platform, which neutral attitude. It was unsuccessful. was cautiously worded so as not to offend a con- siderable number of Democrats who were in favor of what Among the candidates for the Presidency before the was called “accepting the situation.” OR 1868. convention was Gen. W. S. Hancock, who received a large vote from men who desired to make use of his military reputation as an offset to that of Gen- eral Grant. not willing, however, to nominate any man whose record of hostility to all of the Republican meas- ures during the last ten years was in any way doubt. ful. - ure that before it closed the leading Democratic The majority of the convention were The Democratic campaign was so bad a fail- newspaper organ in New York demanded a change in the ticket as the only way of securing the possi- bility of success. General Grant was elected by a popular vote of 3,012,833 against 2,703,249. He carried all the states except Delaware, Georgia, Rentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, New Jersey, New York, and Oregon. Three states—Virginia, Mis: sissippi, and Texas—had not gone through with the process of reconstruction, and therefore had no vote. Of the electoral votes Grant received 214, and Seymour 80. After this overwhelming defeat a growing sentiment in favor of accepting the re- sults of the war and ceasing the hopeless contest against the inevitable took possession of the Demo: cratic party. The election portant in its influence upon the history of the country. Had the Republicans been defeated the whole policy of equal suffrage and citizenship would probably have been overturned. That policy was completed and firmly secured a year later by the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which provided that neither the United States nor any state should abridge the right of any citizen to vote on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. The ratification of this amendment by the requisite number of states was proclaimed March 20, 1870. was exceedingly im, A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 33 CHAPTER XX. CONIDITION OF THE SOUTFI-CAR PET-BAG GovIRNMENT—THE IKU-FILUX FT, AN CONSPIRACY. Encouraged by President Johnson’s opposition to the reconstruction acts to believe that those acts would in the end be set aside, the white people of the states which had joined the Rebellion very gen- erally refrained from taking part in the elections under them, and thus the newly enfranchised ne- groes became suddenly possessed of almost unlim- With them acted a few re- spectable white natives who had conscientiously opposed the war, a few enterprising Northern emi- ited political power. grants who went South to invest their means and better their fortunes, and a few adventurers at- tracted by the prospect of office. This was a poor foundation on which to rear a stable structure of local government. The mass of the white popula- tion looked upon the negroes as they would upon so many cattle or horses of which they had been robbed by the national government, and regarded them in their quality of voters and citizens with un- disguised hatred and contempt. The state govern- ments established under the new order of things were the subjects of constant insult in the Southern papers, and were despised and detested by the great mass of the native tax-paying people. The poor whites were fully as hostile as the better classes. To some extent the new governments merited the condemnation they received. Most of them. Were ignorant and rapacious, borrowing and Wasting large sums of money, raising heavy taxes, and Cre- ating numberless scandals. It made no difference, however, what was the character of the men Con- nected with these governments; they were all de- nounced as thieves. Northern white men who had settled in the South, whether they held office or not, were stigmatized as “carpet-baggers,” and every native white man who joined the Republican party was denounced as a “scallawag,” and cut off from all social relations with his neighbors. The carpet- bag governments, as they were called, could not have existed for a moment without the support of the national authority. Troops were stationed in every capital and principal city throughout the South, for the purpose of awing the disaffected peo- ple and compelling obedience to the local authori- ties. Even these means were not wholly effective, however. A secret organization sprang up as if by magic in all parts of the South, whose members were exclusively white men, hostile to the new order of things, and sworn to accomplish the destruction of negro rule. This organization was called the Ku-Klux Klan. Its Ostensible purpose at first Was to keep the blacks in order, and prevent them from committing small depredations upon the property of the whites, but its real motives were essentially political. The members met in secret conclaves, and rode about the country at night wearing long gowns of black or scarlet cloth, with hideous masks or hoods enveloping their heads. They murdered many of the negro leaders, and in pursuance of their scheme for overawing the colored population took thousands of poor blacks out of their cabins at night and brutally flogged them. In some neighborhoods scarcely a colored man escaped a visitation from these terrible midnight riders. The negroes were invariably required to promise not to vote the Re- publican ticket, and threatened with death if they broke their promises. In some places the Ku-Klux Klan assaulted Republican officials in their houses or offices or upon the public roads; in others they attacked the meetings of negroes and dispersed them. 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(IA II'ſ ‘pollinooo put[ ]oj. B help, saodu (Is Aoti (Liouſlnos ouſ) Kd no troAſſ; StºA || RUTHERFORD B. HAYES Nineteenth President of the United States S"/2 */cº A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 37 CHAPTER XXI. DEFENDING THE NATIONAL HONOR AND THE PUBLIC CREDIT, It is now time to refer to a portion of the career of the Republican party which reflected great honor upon it, and entitled it anew to the respect and At the end of the war the United States owed an enormous bonded debt. gratitude of the country. In addition it had outstanding a large volume of paper currency, issued with the understanding that it should be redeemed in coin as soon as the govern- In 1867, after the floating obligations remaining from the war had been gath- ment was able to do so. ered in and funded, the question of how to deal with the debt and the currency was taken up in earnest by the Republicans in Congress. Their plans met with vehement opposition from a large portion of the Democratic party. A new and preposterous theory was advanced, to the effect that the notes of the government, called greenbacks, were actual money, instead of promises to pay money, and that the bonded debt of the United States could be law- fully and honorably discharged with these notes. This theory started in the West, and was called at first “Pendletonism,” from the fact that Pendleton, the Democratic candidate for Vice President in 1864, was among its early and prominent advocates. It was claimed by the supporters of this theory that as greenbacks were real money the country ought to have a large supply of them. They favored an immediate issue of hundreds and even thousands of millions of dollars. All of the bonds that were not specifically made payable in coin they proposed to pay off at once in greenbacks, and thus stop the interest upon them. The paper money idea, soon developed into a great popular mania in the West. Many Republicans were carried away by it, but the majority of the party firmly resisted it. Not much headway was made by this dangerous and dishonest heresy east of the Alleghany mountains, but beyond that line, clear through to the Far West, the excite- ment raged for several years. It must be said, in credit of the Democrats of the East, that they gave no assistance to the greenback idea. As a party, however, the Democrats may truthfully be said to have advocated it, since the great bulk of the Demo- cratic representation in Congress came from the West and the South, where the mania was widely prevalent. However much praise the few Demo- crats who opposed the scheme are entitled to, it is certain that it could not have been defeated had not the Republican party as a national organiza- tion set its face firmly against it. Many of the advocates of inflation, having cut loose from the principles of common honesty, soon became repudiationists, and formed a party by themselves, called the Greenback party. They pro- posed to pay off the whole of the debt in greenbacks, and never redeem the greenbacks, but let them wear out and perish. They even went so far as to pass resolutions in their conventions declaring that all taxation should cease, and that the government should support itself by issuing paper money. A constant struggle against inflation schemes was kept up by the Republicans in Congress for more than a decade, and was only ended by the successful resumption of specie payments on the 1st of Janu- ary, 1879. In all of this time the Republican party was vigilant and firm in defending the national honor, and preventing its credit from suffering by the repeated assaults upon it which came from the Democratic and Greenback parties. The party which saved the Union and abolished slavery was called upon to save the credit and honor of the country, and prevent its currency from becoming worthless, and it nobly responded to the call. 38 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. CHAPTER XXII. THE LIBERAT, DEFECTION ANI) THE Considerable dissatisfaction was felt in the Re- publican party at the course of President Grant's administration. A small element of conscientious men, many of whom had aided in forming the party, believed that his policy toward the South was un- wise, and that it was time to inaugurate an era of peace, reconciliation, and good feeling. They also wanted to see a policy of civil service reform estab- lished, by which merit should be the test for public office, and government officials should stick to their legitimate business, and not devote their time to managing caucuses and conventions in the interest of party leaders who had secured them their ap- pointments. Grant’s project for annexing San Domingo cre- ated a good deal of opposition, and many of his ap- pointments to office were of a character not to com- mend themselves to the public judgment. An open breach occurred between him and several Repub- lican leaders in Congress, chief among whom were Senators Sumner, Schurz, and Trumbull. Long and acrimonious debates over the San Domingo matter and a sale of arms to the French government served to widen the breach. The opponents of General Grant believed that his control over all of the Fed- eral office-holders was so great, and their control over the machinery of the conventions so perfect, that his renomination would be brought about in spite of any amount of antagonistic feeling that might exist in the party, so they determined to to the country that they would not in any event support Grant for a second term. They took the name of “Liberal Republicans,” and held a national conven. tion in Cincinnati, in May, 1872. make a demonstration which would show Once assembled they were surprised at their own apparent strength and at the number of old-time Republicans who The plan of the leaders of the movement was to nominate Charles came to coöperate with them. Francis Adams for President. Some of them be- lieved that so excellent and fit a nomination would CAMIPAIGN OF 1872. so commend itself to the whole Republican party that General Grant would be dropped. Adams failed of a majority on the first ballot, and the con- Vention was stampeded by a movement in behalf of Horace Greeley, who received the nomination on the sixth ballot, having 482 votes to 187 for David Davis of Tllinois. Gov. P. Gratz Brown of Mis- souri was named for Vice President on the second ballot. The regular Republicans paid no attention to these nominations. They stigmatized the move- ment as One of soreheads and bolters, and in their own convention, held in Philadelphia in June, nominated President Grant for reëlection by accla- mation. A brisk contest over the Vice Presidency occurred between Schuyler Colfax, the incumbent of the office, and Henry Wilson, a senator from Mas- sachusetts, in which Wilson was successful, receiv- ing 364 votes to 32.1% for Colfax. The platform of the Liberal Republicans demanded that sectional issues should be buried, that good will should be cultivated between sections, that the constitutional amendments in all the settlements of the war should be regarded as finalities, that civil service reform should be undertaken, and that specie pay- ments should be immediately restored. The plat- form of the regular Republicans rehearsed the glo- rious history of the Republican party, and reaf- firmed its well-known distinctive principles of equal political and civil rights and a firm maintenance The Democrats If they nominated a ticket of their own there was not the If they indorsed the Iiberal Republican ticket they would have to aban- of the national credit and honor. found themselves in a painful dilemma. slightest chance of electing it. don all of the ideas for which they had been con- tending since 1860. Their convention met at Balti- more in July, and chose the latter horn of the In spite of the bald inconsistency of the proceeding, the party which had defended slavery dilemma. and opposed the suppression of the Rebellion nomi- nated as its candidate for President a most conspicu- A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 39 ous antagonist of slavery, a life-long opponent of the South, and a zealous advocate of all measures which had been adopted for crushing the Rebellion and giving freedom and citizenship to the blacks. This apparent conve rsion of a great party and this ac- knowledgment of the error of its ways would have been sublime if it had been sincere, but the object of most of the Democratic leaders was only to obtain office and political patronage. Horace Greeley made no pledges to them, and he avowed not the slightest alteration in his opinions on the issues of the time. They hoped, however, that if they succeeded in elect- ing him a sense of gratitude would induce him to give them place and power. The campaign Was a very animated one at first, but after the Republicans had carried North Carolina in August and Pennsyl- vania in October it became evident that the Greeley coalition could not win, and thenceforward the Democratic and Liberal canvass lost all vitality. A large number of Republicans left their party to fol- low their old anti-slavery leader, Horace Greeley, but their votes were more than counterbalanced by those of Democrats who refused to support him. This class had a candidate of their own in Charles O'Conor, Who was nominated by a convention held at Louis- Most anti-Greeley Democrats contented themselves with ville. He received but a small vote, however. staying at home on election day. Some of them voted for Grant, to show in a marked manner their hostility to the course of their party. Grant carried all the states except Georgia, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, Tennessee, and Texas. His popular vote was 3,597,070. O'Conor received 29,408 votes, and Black, the candi- date of the Prohibition Temperance men, 5,608. Horace Greeley died before the electoral college met. The vote for Greeley was 2,834,079. The electoral Vote as cast by the college was as fol- lows: Grant, 286; Hendricks, 42; Brown, 18; C. J. Jenkins, 2; David Davis, 1; uncounted because cast for Horace Greeley, 17. The Liberal defection seriously weakened the Re- publican party in the state campaigns of the three following years, but in 1876 the breach was fully healed, and With the exception of a few leaders who joined the Democrats the whole body of Liberals returned to their old party allegiance in the presi- dential campaign of that year. CHAPTER XXIII. PRESIDENT GRANT'S STECOND AIDMINISTRATION.—CAMPAIGN OF 1876. Republican divisions continued to a considerable extent during the second administration of President Grant. The dissatisfied members of the party did not, however, form any political organization, but contented themselves with holding aloof from the state campaigns. Several painful scandals affect- ing the appointees and personal friends of Presi- dent Grant added to the unpopularity of the ad- ministration. In 1874 the feeling of distrust and dislike culminated, and resulted in an astonishing series of Democratic Victories in the state and con- gressional elections. A large number of Northern States that had been steadfastly Republican were carried by the Democrats. Even Massachusetts, which had given heavy Republican majorities ever since the party was formed, elected a Democratic governor. In short, there was a reaction against the Republicans throughout the country of such magni- tude and importance that many would-be prophets predicted the speedy death of the party, asserting that its mission was fulfilled, its work done, and its career closed. The Democrats elected a majority of the members of the national House of Representa- tives, and thus in the following year came into pos- Session of one branch of Congress for the first time since 1860. It was not long before the Republicans who had deserted their party, and thus helped its enemy to a substantial victory, began to realize that they had made a grave mistake. They saw that to trust the party of slavery and rebellion with the power in the national government was to run the risk of seriously 40 - A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. The state elections of 1875 showed the result of this convic- compromising the results of the war. tion, for most of the old Republican states which had been lost in 1874 were regained. An exceed- ingly thorough and brilliant canvass was made in Ohio upon the financial question. The Democrats of that state fully indorsed what was known as the soft-money idea. They opposed the act for the re- sumption of specie payments, passed by Congress in January of that year, demanded the issue of more irredeemable greenbacks, and asserted that the inter- est on the public debt should be paid in paper money, and some of their orators and newspapers went so far as to demand the payment of the principal of the debt in the same kind of currency. The Democratic nominee for governor was William Allen, popularly lºnown as “Old Bill Allen,” who already held the place by virtue of the election of 1873. This vener- able politician personified for a time the soft-money delusion, which got the name of “the Ohio idea,” and was commonly ridiculed by its opponents as “the rag baby.” The Republican candidate was Rutherford B. Hayes, who had been governor for two terms, from 1868 to 1872. Taking ground in favor of honest money redeemable in coin, and an honest payment of the national debt, the Republicans carried the state by a small majority and turned the tide of inflation. The campaign attracted national attention to Mr. Hayes, and made him the candidate of his state for the presidential nomination in 1876. The Republicans held their national convention at Cincinnati on June 14, 1876. James G. Blaine of Maine was the leading candidate, and his nomina- tion was regarded as almost a certainty when the balloting began. The other prominent candidates were Oliver P. Morton of Indiana, Roscoe Conkling of New York, Benjamin F. Bristow of Kentucky, and John F. Hartranft of Pennsylvania. Bristow's following came, as a rule, from the element most dis- satisfied with President Grant's administration. He had been Secretary of the Treasury, and had differed with the President about the prosecution of certain persons in the West concerned in the frauds on the revenue. A personal quarrel arose, and Bristow re- signed his place in the cabinet. The supporters of Morton, Conkling, and Hartranft were, in the main, Those Of Mr. Blaine were drawn from both elements by his great warm friends of the administration. personal popularity and his reputation as a congres- A combination between the forces of Morton, Conkling, Hartranft, and Hayes, and a por. sional leader. tion Of those of T3ristow defeated Blaine and nomi- nated Hayes on the seventh ballot, the vote standing, Hayes, 384; Blaine, 351; Iłristow, 31. William A. Wheeler, an old and influential representative in Congress from the State of New York, was nomi- nated for Vice President with little opposition. Mr. Hayes's nomination proved to be a popular and for tunate one. He had an excellent military and civil record and no personal enemies, and he united all of the jarring elements of the Republican organization. The T)emocratic convention met in St. T.Ouis on the 27th of June, and on the second ballot nom- inated Samuel J. Tijden of New York for Presi- dent. His principal competitors were Thos. H. Hen- dricks of Indiana, Wm. Allen of Ohio, and Gen- Of the Tilden had served a term as governor of New York, and had eral Hancock army. just won considerable reputation as a reformer by his hostility to the canal ring and to the corrupt Tam- many organization in the City of New York. The Democrats ran their canvass almost exclusively on what they called the reform line. They claimed that the Republican party had grown corrupt with long lease of power. They vigorously attacked the administration of President Grant, made the most of all the scandals, true or false, which had grown out of it, and presented their candidate as a man who would sweep the public service clean of all abuses as With a new broom. The Republican canvass consisted mainly of an attack on the bad record of the Democratic party and a cry of alarm at the solidity of the section of the country lately in rebellion. A good deal was made out of the enormous Southern claims pre- sented in Congress for war damages, and an effect- ive attack was kept up against Mr. Tilden on ac- count of his failure to pay a large amount of money due from him to the government as income tax, and also on account of his sharp financial operations A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 41 in connection with certain Western railroads. Three insignificant minor organizations placed can- didates in the field for the campaign of 1876. The Greenback party, an organization of fantastic theo- rists and small demagogues, took up the so-called Ohio idea, which the Democrats had refused to in- dorse in their St. Louis platform, and endeavored to build upon it a great political organization. They nominated for I’resident the venerable New York philanthropist, Peter Cooper, and for Vice President Samuel F. Cary of Ohio, a popular orator who had belonged to nearly every political organi- The in Cleveland and nominated for President Green Clay Smith of ICentucky, and for Vice President Gideon T. Stew- art of Ohio, on a platform demanding a constitu- tional amendment prohibiting the liquor traffic. A I]18 SS held which zation which had existed in his lifetime. Prohibitionists held a convention meeting was in Pittsburg, attempted to start a new organization called the American National Party. James B. Walker of Illinois was nominated for President, and Donald IKirkpatrick of New York for Vice President. The platform favored the recognition of God and the Sabbath in the Constitution, demanded prohibitory all secret societies. The movement proved abortive, and nothing was heard of it during the canvass. liquor laws, and denounced The campaign of 1876 was exceedingly animated, and was closely contested in all parts of the Union, except the Southern States, where the T)emocrats had already gained control. The popular vote was as follows: Tilden, 4,284,757; Hayes, 4,033,- 950; Cooper, 81,740; Smith, 9,522. The electoral vote, as finally decided by a commission created to settle the dispute about the returns, was, Hayes, 185; Tilden, 184. CHAPTER XXIV. THE CONTROVERSY ABOUT THE EI, ECTORAL COUNT. Both parties claimed to have carried the Presi- dential election of 1876, and before the question . was decided the country was brought uncomforta- The result turned upon the votes of South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana, which were certified by the state au- thorities to have been cast for Hayes and Wheeler. In each of those states Democratic electors claimed to have been elected, and sent contesting returns to Washington. Great excitement prevailed throughout the country. Politicians of both par- ties hurried to the disputed states to witness the counts of the popular vote and supervise the action of the rival electoral colleges. bly near to the verge of civil war. In South Carolina, which the Republicans had previously carried by majorities averaging 30,000, the Democrats or- ganized rifle clubs during the campaign to sys- tematically intimidate colored voters. These rifle clubs moved about the country fully armed and uniformed in red shirts, broke up Republican meet- ings, and spread terror among the black popula- tion. The whole state seemed like an armed :amp. The effect produced by this military organi- zation on the minds of the timid colored people was greatly increased by the Ellenton and Ham. burg massacres, in which a large number of negroes were killed. An account of these occurrences would be foreign to the purpose of this work. It is enough to say that the white Democrats were the aggressors and the colored Republicans the vic- tims, and that the Republicans were convinced that both of the affairs grew out of the purpose of the Democrats to so terrify the blacks that a large pro- portion of them would be afraid to vote. As first returned there appeared to be a small majority for Tilden in South Carolina. The board of canvass- ers threw out the votes of two counties, acting in this matter by the plain authority of the laws of the state, and gave certificates to the Hayes electors. In Florida there was a little violence and a good deal of fraud, with the same result as in the case of South Carolina. In Louisiana the Republicans, 42 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. judging from elections of previous years, had a large and certain majority. The Democrats selected five of the heaviest of the Republican parishes for . It was practically the South Carolina rifle club system, a Species of campaigning known as bulldozing. which, it may be mentioned, originated in Missis- sippi in the state canvass of 1875, and was cur- rently known in the South as the “Mississippi IPlan.” modified from the old Ku-Klux Klan. In Louisiana, however, it was somewhat and combined with features borrowed The scheme of the Democrats was well conceived, for if they could by their acts of violence overcome the Republican ma- jorities in those five counties they could carry the state. The only alternative for the Republicans who controlled the state government would, they thought, be to throw out the returns of the five counties entirely, and in that event the Democrats would also win the election. The returning board, composed of Republicans, was authorized by law to count and tabulate the votes and reject those from the precincts where the election had been vitiated by fraud or violence, and by this authority the board threw out the five bulldozed parishes, which left the Democrats a majority; but it also threw out a number of precincts in other parishes, so that the Republicans had a majority on the final count. The action of the board was undoubtedly legal, but it was violently assailed as wicked and corrupt by the Democrats. In a moral point of view the defeat of the Democratic scheme for carrying the state by terrorizing the Republican voters in five of the strongest Republican parishes was cer- tainly justifiable. When the Democrats saw that they had lost South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana, and that Hayes would have a majority of one in the electoral count, they attempted to set up a bogus electoral college in Oregon. Five thousand dollars were sent out from New York to pay expenses, and more money was promised if the plot succeeded. Gov- ernor Grover, a Democrat, making himself the judge of the qualifications of the Oregon electors, decided that one of them was not competent, and commissioned the defeated Democratic candidate, named Cronin, in his place. Cronin held an elect- Oral college by himself, appointed two other Demo- crats to fill vacancies, and sent on a pretended re- turn to Washington. The Democrats had a majority in the House of Representatives and the Republicans in the Senate, and there was a deadlock for a time over the ques- tion of the powers of the two houses concerning The Democrats held that if One house should reject a return it could not be counted, while the Republicans took the ground the electoral count. that a concurrence of both houses was necessary for the disfranchisement of a state, or the rejection of any part of its vote. It was also maintained by many Republicans, though not by all, that the president of the Senate was empowered by the Con- stitution to count the returns, and that the two houses Were only present in joint convention as official witnesses. This opinion had the support of the authority of many of the framers of the Consti- tution, and it was beyond dispute that the returns of all the early presidential elections were counted in this Way. Fortunately, a compromise was reached and a bill was passed, providing that all returns objected to by either house should be re- ferred to a commission composed of five senators, five representatives, and five justices of the supreme court, and that the decisions of the commission should stand unless overturned by the concurrent vote of both houses. With few exceptions the lead- ing men of both parties united in this compromise. It was considered a patriotic thing to allay public excitement and avoid the growing danger of civil war by submitting the whole controversy to a judi- cial settlement. the representatives from the two houses of Congress In the organization of the tribunal were evenly divided between the two parties. Two of the supreme court justices selected had Repub- lican antecedents and two Democratic, and the choice of the fifth justice was left to these four. The Democrats supposed that their choice would fall upon Justice Davis of Illinois, but Davis was elected to the Senate by the legislature of his state, and having thus stepped down from the bench into party politics, was not available. Justice Bradley of New Jersey was therefore selected. tions before the tribunal were argued for weeks by The ques- A HISTORY OF THE REPUB I, TCAN PARTY. 43 some of the ablest lawyers in the country. On divisions the vote invariably stood eight to seven, the eight Republicans voting together, and the The Re- publicans took the ground that Congress had no seven Democrats showing equal solidity. right to go back of the regular formal returns of any state, to take up questions concerning frauds in elections or counts. The Democrats abandoned for a time, in their extreme party necessity, their old state rights doctrine, and contended that Con- gress could set aside the regular returns and inves- The adoption of this theory would have resulted in mak- tigate the facts on which they were based. ing presidential elections useless, because no dis- puted election could ever be settled in the interval between the meetings of the electoral colleges in December and the time for the inauguration of the new President on the 4th of March. Either party could prolong an investigation till after March 4th, and thus enable the Senate to place its presiding officer in the presidential chair. The decisions of the commission made Rutherford B. Hayes President of the United States, giving him a majority of one electoral vote over Samuel J. Til- den. There was much menacing talk among the Democrats for a time about inaugurating Tilden and supporting him with the militia of the states having Democratic governors. The House of Repre- sentatives passed resolutions declaring Tilden to be the lawfully elected President. An attempt was made by the Democrats of that body to fillibuster so as to consume the time till noon on the 4th of March, and thus prevent the completion count. of the This scheme would have been carried out had it not been for the opposition of many of the Southern Democrats, who showed much more mod- eration and patriotism at this juncture than did their brethron at the North. pleted just in time, and FIayes was duly inaugurated The count Was COIm- without opposition. For years afterward, however, indeed up to the present time, it has been the fashion of the Democrats to denounce the Electoral Commission for which their own party leaders were as much responsible as those of the Republican party, and to stigmatize Mr. Hayes as a fraudulent President. Mr. Hayes's title, legally and morally, was just as clear as that of any President who ever occupied the White House. He had a majority of the electoral votes legally returned and legally counted, and if a fair election had been permitted in the South by the rifle clubs and bulldozing or- ganizations he would have had a large majority of the popular vote. CHAPTER XXV. PRES II) ENT HAYES'S President Grant went out of office with a great many opponents in his own party and a great many devoted friends. His administration failed to keep the Republican party united, but perhaps it was too strong and its majorities too large for harmony to prevail. It seems to be a law of parties that when one greatly overtops the other for a series of If it has the binding force of principle, however, the disintegration only throws off some of the surface material, and ceases when it is brought down to about the size of the Opposing party. The mistakes President Grant made in regard to persons and policy will hardly years it begins to crumble. ADMINISTRATION – THE SOUTHERN QUESTION.—CIVII, SERVICE REFORM. be remembered in history, and need not be dwelt on here. Future generations will think of only two things in connection with his eight years in the White House, and both will be regarded as bright and enduring honors worthily added to his great military fame—that he held the country firmly up to the results of the war, and that he stood like a rock to stem the current of the paper money in- flation mania. To the title of victor over the Re- bellion which he won at Appomattox may truth- fully be added that of defender of the public credit and protector of the principle of equal rights for all citizens. 44 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. When Mr. Hayes entered upon the duties of the presidential office, rival state governments existed in South Carolina and Louisiana. The Florida im- broglio had been settled by the action of the state supreme court. In South Carolina the Republicans claimed to have elected Governor Chamberlain by the same vote which chose the presidential electors. The Democrats claimed that Wade Hampton Was lawfully elected. Each party had inaugurated its governor, and each had a legislature in session—the Republicans in the state house, protected by a force of United States troops, the Democrats in a building hired for the purpose. After a delay of over a month, which was unfortunate because irritating to the public mind both North and South, the Presi- dent ordered the troops to withdraw from the state house, and the Chamberlain government instantly ceased to exist. The Hampton government took possession of the state house without opposition, admitted a portion of the members of the Repub- lican legislature, and, professing an intention to forget the past and to treat all citizens fairly, as- sumed complete control of the state. In Ilouisiana the condition of things Was more complicated than in South Carolina. The Repub- licans, under Governor Packard, had a complete state government installed in the state house in New Orleans, but it could not make its authority. respected in the state, and was actually a close prisoner in the capitol building. The Democrats, under Governor Nichols, ran a government in Odd Fellows' Hall, and having a large force of well-dis- ciplined white militia at their command, were able to enforce their authority. With their troops and with the police of New Orleans they so overawed the Republican officials, legislators, and guards that they did not venture to cross an imaginary line drawn through the middle of the streets surround- ing the state house. state house a regiment of United States troops was In a building adjoining the quartered, and a passage was opened between the two structures so that the soldiers could go to the assistance of Governor Packard in case of an at- tack. Throughout the state the Democrats had displaced the Republican local officials chosen at the fall election, and thus controlled the judiciary and the county offices in all the parishes except those in the sugar-planting region, where the blacks were in an overwhelming majority. A few unprin- cipled colored men went back and forth between the two legislatures, making a quorum in whatever body they appeared. President Hayes sent a com- mission to New Orleans to effect a compromise if possible. Illinois, General Pławley of Connecticut, Wayne McVeagh of Pennsylvania, Judge Harlan of Ken- tucky, and ex-Governor Brown of Tennessee. It Its members were Judge Lawrence of was finally arranged that the Nichols government should be allowed to go on, that a legislature should be made up of the two conflicting organizations, that the troops should be withdrawn from protect- ing Packard, and that no prosecutions for political reasons should be commenced against Republicans. Governor Packard did not assent to these terms. Seeing that he could not sustain himself, he aban- doned the state house, and the Nichols government moved in. The Democrats soon broke faith by be. ginning criminal suits against members of the re- turning board, for the purpose, as was generally reported, of forcing the administration to give them control of the New Orleans custom house patronage. The state supreme court finally put a stop to these proceedings. The senate at Washington admitted Kellogg, the senator chosen by the Packard legis- lature, thus virtually recognizing the legality of the Packard government, but in the case of South Caro- lina, it seated Butler, whom the Democratic legis- lature had chosen, while still in a fragmentary and illegal condition. This was done as a compromise, but two years later the Democrats sought to unseat Kellogg, and were only prevented by three or four Southern senators breaking away from the party caucus and sustaining Kellogg on the ground that this case was res adjudicata. President Hayes's action in the South Carolina and Louisiana affairs gave rise to severe criticism and active opposition in the Republican party. A por- tion of the Republicans calling themselves “Stal- Warts” insisted that the titles of Chamberlain and Packard were just as good as that of Mr. Hayes, and should have been defended with the whole power of the government, if necessary. Another element be- A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 45 lieved that the experiment of sustaining Southern government with Federal bayonets had failed to pro- duce order, prosperity, and security of the civil rights of the negroes, and that the only course left was to let the Southern States alone to manage their own affairs. Whatever might be the legal and moral title of Packard and Chamberlain, this latter class argued, it was impolitic to sustain with armed force authority which could not make itself respected. This class hoped that the policy of noninterference Would soon lead to the division of the Southern whites, to the blotting out of the color line in South- ern politics, and to the growth of a new Republican organization, composed of both Whites and blacks. They were encouraged in this belief by the state- ments of many prominent Southern men, who said, “Give us home rule, and the feeling of intolerance toward the Republican party will cease.” Twenty years have passed since then, and the hope of a divi- sion in the “Solid South” has not been verified. No Southern state has been carried against the Demo- crats since 1876 at any presidential election. Oppo- sition to the Democratic party in that section is still regarded as in some sort treason to the interests of the South, as though the South were not a com- ponent part of the United States, but a political entity separate and apart. No opposition is now made to the negroes voting as they please, but the counting and return of the votes are in the hands of the Democratic officials, and public opinion, so far as it is shaped by the respectable white classes, justifies any fraud that is necessary to wipe out Republican majorities. Besides the Southern question there came up another issue upon which Republicans disagreed. An agitation began during President Grant's admin- Grant yielded to it so far as to create a commission which istration for a reform in the civil service. prescribed rules for the examination of candidates for office. The movement went beyond this, and de: manded that appointments should not be made as a reward for party service; that the public offices should not be dispensed by senators and congress- men to their followers and favorites, and that public officials should not employ their time in managing Caucuses and conventions, and in working for the success of candidates. The Cincinnati platform promised this sort of reform, and President Hayes believed in it. He attempted to carry it out by dis- regarding, When he saw fit, the recommendations of Senators and representatives concerning appoint- ments and removals in their states or districts, and by issuing an order commanding office-holders to refrain from taking part in caucuses, conventions, and other forms of party work. On the one side it Was held that this policy weakened the party organi- Zation and deprived the officials of their rights as citizens to take an active part in politics; on the Other it was maintained that the policy was a good One, tending to elevate politics and to release the party from the rule of cliques of office-holders, who organized “machines” to override the will of a large majority of the voters. The ideas of the civil service reformers were afterwards adopted during President Arthur's administration, so far as they were ap. plicable to the departments at Washington and the principal custom-houses and postoffices, and a law Was passed by the votes of a majority of both parties in Congress to give them effect. The dissensions above referred to so weakened the Republican party that in 1877 it lost several of the States it had carried in 1876. Soon healed them in a large measure, however. Time and good sense The Republican party recovered its compactness in 1878, in the defense of the Specie Payment Act against the assaults of the Democrats. It was powerfully aided, too, by an exposure made by the New York Tribune of a secret correspondence in cipher, carried On during the winter of 1876-77 between Mr. Tilden’s nephew Pelton and other confidential friends in New York and certain agents sent out to capture the electoral vote of the States of South Carolina, Flor- ida, Touisiana, and Oregon. The employment of corrupt means to bribe electors or returning authori- ties in those states was plainly shown by these dis- patches. The disposition of some Republicans to think Mr. Tilden might possibly have been fairly elected and unjustly kept out of the Presidency van- ished when the means adopted by his close friends to secure him the office were thus exposed. 'Allºſ Foſ NWOIT3ſſ) cIſIQI (IHI, IO A3IOI, SIFI F. 9% oùI, ‘pouloſ StºA enssy aul OS teleu Aasia su IIa. A St. ‘piou alo AA SUIOI hoafº) alouſ A\ soon?Id Ju ‘A.It'ssooou J| ULIt, A.It’lliſul out UlſAA ‘Abi O1 ootlopogo a.o.IOJuo Ol nuški ou] a. Ilnooxo aul IOJ UOpUIBQu ol posinjo.1 oh ‘sosodand Itzogliod to] saloo.In Jo osn ou. Suppºq.Ioj A tº JO suo Is AOId oIdult Aptºo.II tº oto.W. o.Ioul leu) 5up -AOUIS ‘auo snoylphotºſ tº st; onss oul posodyo out ‘sſiod où nt; Sãoo.I] Jo Ion) but oul IOJ SW to Aod olo A spuſ U] [A SAAgI UOI]ooto ouſ) puloſop O] po. IOso. So.Su H .IIV ‘UlſAA old du:15 on huoppsoid oul ATuo pull pun: “sasnouſ U100 poſ[O.I]UIO.) She 100ULOOI ou SSouffuo() AAou oun (II 'sso.15UOO JO (IOIssos tº.I]Xo UIt? poo.IOJ pub “[It] SIIIQ otl lo[ Aoû] ...S.Ioppi, osoul ULOpUIt?qb Utrul IoTIlbM slop.I ssa.Iddins to ootºod oul doox. On SUIOI) oolo hu soloo.I] Jo osn outl 5ughſquio.II (IOI)00s tº III:I UIOI) tºp.Ido. Idd V Attu IV oun uo pool?Id Osſu Koul, IIIQ (top) epidoiddu Ibiotto; tº uodn SAbi uophooto oth 5uſtodoi uomoos tº poxioul Slu.Loouto (I owlſ, ºtolob.Itºu Iſou) up [ation but on; heul suoſhooto on bindo.1 Ol Sso15 UOO Jo hujj.1 oun Jo old ſoulſ.Idi Itºu Oſln]]] suoo punos oul ULO post?q 0.19.A Xolil Osm tood put ‘suo Iloolo II by 5uſ.Indos Uſ Alpſ Ilm pollº.Insuoulop Iſoul JO 9Sntº.)00 S.W tº I oul popuoſop suboſ IQ ndo-I ou I, Al-Ibd op) tº.100(Ilo (I oth Jo qJouaq où.) IOJ S9SI Jo Spub.t] oul Jo Uſoſ plodo.1 ou] poluo.V -o.10 Aoû] ostlu.)00 VII tºo ſhould put ‘s) (tºp.I on tºls liloquº SAAoy." [buoy] ſpu.I] ... ſoul] [[]].W po) oppſ [109 Aoû] ostle.) -oq ATI boilo.10oul) “shu.I.) Oulo (I OUL). On old buoy)ooſqo SA tº WIB oto,w AoûJ, "SOSI Jo UOſlooto ou] ] tº XI.10 Å AoN Jo Alpſ) oul III pole.Ilodiod sput. J op) (Ibāſā out) Jo UOIn -užiſlso Auſ (It lo)) tº ‘01ST (Iſ possed o.I.O.W SAA tº osotſ.I. 'lúopſso.I.I all pub Olbuos ou.) TL100 Jo UOI) psoddo outl Jo Olids uſ swari (IOI) oolo It?.Lopo I ouſ.) Jo [bodo.1 out.) Us![duloool! O! 105mos Slu.tooutoCI ou I, albuos ouſ) suu -opſandowſ out) put osno H ou, pol{0,1]\too shu.IooutoCI où.) ‘61.8 L ‘f UIQ.It?IN poso [..) to UIAA Sso15uOO ot|] UI 'ulou) IOJ SXLobduoo.15 JO UIOInn]]]s -qūs oll) put solou-XIIIb (I JO |UIoulo.[I]o, OTL) 10 J pubtu -op tº 0) UAAOp out to Kolū ‘A).It?d op)lº.10OuloGI OUL) (II s]s [UIOI) tº IPUI Joul.IOJ out oxyT ‘Abū ol (1 JO [bodo.1 OUl suſ.IOJ) tº [d Iſoul III put utop Ol postoo ‘tutoli). Ágs[]t's Ol UIOIll?juſ putº UIOIntºſpndo.I. Jo UIOploo.IIp out] uſ [[5 notio "QAIJ,ſ}{}{IXSI (HHAL an: o33 houl plp Shu.LooutoCI eul osnuooq “so.AIOSUUIOUI). Ad Aliud is poul.Ioj OUAA “so.upuup.I]oop Kououl-ladud. [boy] ºut: out) UAAGI 'oud A.IoMo Koi poipol AAOUINot: StºA lov IIoIndulusoul out) Jo UIOps I,\ oul (100s put ‘pillºw -Ionju AT].IOus A.Iluluo.) out, Ol (I.In 10.1 Ol IIbāoq All-Iod -sold [tºp.toul UIO.) putt, Lupilstupu. I s] so.to luſ SSout -Istiq 0) outbol.IIllsºp It) [.)0 US SolūšHS OUL) lulouſ) IAA ‘Aul Kof polugoddu Kup ou) (10 pounso.I. o.o.W shutout -Audi opoods ‘osnqu putt tusſophy.I.) .Ioj loštú) [upoods tº st: A ‘ollºp auth Jo huoulouod) sod Vuu posoddo puſt? ‘uoyndunsa.I IOJ uoyle.It doid Injo.Itº opbut “A.Instro.IJ, ‘pol.) Ip -0.1d su.M. A.Ilunod oul Jo SSouſsnd out) Jo uſ n. Vpoods où) put: ‘Job OUI) JO 100LR) ou! O! [[]n OS pub SOAA oul uſ sso.Id op) b.190 (UloGI out) \ot podſ.Lost; su.W. O.In Iſtºg oul Jo A.It?]o.100S st: ‘OUAA ‘UIt?UULIOUS (IUOſ SSouſsnq Ato AGI postºo.Iouſ AuT OU) sugt:3t: IOUIt'Lo oùl ‘I tºolſ AO.Up (IOI) (ſtunsö..I IOJ poxg outſ.) Oul SV ‘pouloopol oſ On 10 Aoû O.I.O.A pub ."ope.I] JO slug AA Oul looul Oh, huogoljns sophylutºnb (Iſ ponssſ Oq 0) 0.10.W Solouſ Osotſ,I, suo Il tºugulouſop huo.19) -JIp Jo AoûOUI od Ol so.AIostuoul juſt bloop AIdul Is huq ‘soot] I ſoul U.0 Åud Ol osſulo.id out 5up.I tºod ‘solou Juouſ -U.I.O.A.05 JO pupi Aoû tº Aq pool?Ido. I put polylo.1 solou >[UIUCI [buoy, but aul puu SMouquoo.15 oul IIu polu.u.A. oftſood populop Oso (RI, ‘USHOOJ put: Injoystºw Sup -oq “..to)) og Ulon U osodiuld out) to AASUI, pIn OA jugulou O) mixoll soo (IOpuſ.W ‘Iodiud Uroll AA Kouo.I.Ino .10] slu) out oſquim [tº A osm ol : polit?Ioop Volſ) ‘tus.It:(l-In-Q Jo opio.I tº stºw Aoûout to Aus put plot) [uptonttu ssoon [tº IoTIlo Autº .10 Todud Jo 1 no ÁotLOUI oln[osquº oxſutul Ulº) leſſ s][ (q. Juoulu.Ia,\05 out, leiſ] 5up).loss tº ...You out |b|J., JO 'poſtºodo. At I ou ) po) Utt AA Toulo out) Jo Ssuuſ leo.13 UOI)0UL 0N) pool'.[QUIo slur.t.) Outo(I Autº IV. oul pub ‘ūgoo UI solouſ Moºdutoo 15 ot.) Jo trophoſutopo. oul polio Auj Khabd ouo Jo Ssºul ht:0.15 oth huq : ulou) osindo.1 podiouſ shb.190uloGI U.[a] stºl Aaj tº put “syſop11t; osoul III poupoſ SUBOIIqndo-I (I.Iolso AA Aaj V ship.I.) -OTIOCI OUI) Jo SMog1113 ou] suſtóð streopſandoy I oth Aq popuoſop StºA S.Ibo K Inoj IOJ put ‘o.Insuouſ trºopſ -qndo? I tº StºA ‘61SI ‘K.Ibnubſ Jo 1s I oth Uo squatu Ked opods Ol U.[n]o I tº Ioj župp.A.O.Id g|SI J0 19t, oùI, {{O}{GI ()0 OJ, Jol W. Giºſał/V OIALV310 OWGICI-SAAVI NOIALOGITIGI (HHVL—SINGIWXW CI (HIOGICIS WIO NOIJCIW ſlSGI? I IAXX &IJHJLCHVHC) JAMES A. GARFIELD Twentieth President of the United States A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 49 Democrats threatened to break down the govern- ment by leaving it without means to exist if the I’resident did not yield. Mr. Hayes stood firm, and answered them by a series of vetoes directed against their measures, which maintained, by arguments of remarkable force and clearness, the supremacy of the nation in all matters of national concern, and the independence of the executive from congressional dictation. Baffled at every point in the long strug- gle, the Democrats finally yielded and passed all the appropriations except the one providing for the pay- ment of the United States marshals. They declared, however, that they Would renew the contest at the next session, but the fall elections were against them, and they did not resume hostilities in the ses- sion which began December, 1879. Only a remnant of the controversy was preserved in a proviso, which they put upon an appropriation bill at the close of the session, prohibiting the payment of deputy mar- shals for services at elections. CHAPTER XXVII. THE GAMIPAIGN OF 1880–NOMINATION AND ELECTION OI!" The idea of electing General Grant in 1880 for a third term was in the minds of many prominent Re- publicans from the day he left the White House. Most of these men had favored his nomination in 1876, but considerable feeling arose in the country against a third term, and to assure the people that the party did not meditate conferring upon Grant greater honors than Washington had received, sev- eral Republican state conventions passed resolutions in 1875, declaring that they were opposed to the elec- tion of any President for more than two terms. Gen- eral Grant went abroad in 1877 and spent two years in foreign travel, making the circuit of the globe and visiting nearly all the great nations of the earth. He was received, wherever he went, with honors such as are only accorded to reigning monarchs. Re- garded as the representative of the great American republic and the most distinguished of military chief- tains, rulers and people everywhere made his journey a succession of brilliant official and popular demon- strations. These remarkable honors were almost as flattering to his countrymen as to himself, and served to keep his name and fame fresh in their minds. IBefore he returned to the United States, in the fall of 1879, it was plain that a strong movement would be made to secure his nomination. With character- istic reticence he neither assented nor objected to this movement, but remained perfectly passive. Most of the politicians who had held positions under his administration naturally desired his return to JAMES A. GARFIELI). power, and there was besides a considerable body of Republicans who had not been office-holders and did not expect to be, who believed he would be the most popular candidate the party could nominate, and urged his candidacy on the ground of expediency. Pſis most prominent supporters were the three influ- ential senators from New York, Pennsylvania, and Conkling, Cameron, and Dogan. The South- Illinois ern Republicans were almost unanimous in his favor. A considerable majority of the Northern Repub- licans opposed his nomination, however, because they believed it would be a violation of the tradition of two terms only, and a step toward personal government. Besides, they thought it would furnish the Dem- ocrats with a popular issue—opposition to a third term—on which the Republicans would be placed in the position of defending an innovation upon a safe, conservative, long-established custom. The discus- sion of the question of nominating Grant began in earnest in December, 1879, and lasted without inter- mission until the national convention met at Chicago on the 10th of June following. Most of the anti- third-term men supported Senator James G. Blaine of Maine, the most popular of the Republican leaders. A considerable number favored the Secretary of the Treasury, John Sherman of Ohio, making his excel- lent record as a Republican and his brilliant success in the resumption of specie payments the ground for thoir choico. Sonator Go O. F. F. (Imlinds of Vormont inad the backing of his own state and of Massa- 50 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. chusetts; Elihu B. Washburne, ex-minister to Paris, had a small Western following, and Senator William Windom of Minnesota, was supported by that state. Neither candidate had votes enough to nominate him. The first ballot in the convention stood: Grant, 304; Blaine, 284; Sherman, 93; Edmunds, 34; Wash- burn, 30; Windom, 10. On the second ballot one vote was given to General Garfield of Ohio, and on most of the subsequent ballots during the first day’s voting he had two. The above figures were pretty closely preserved for thirty-three ballots. The Grant men could have controlled the nomination if they had been willing to drop their candidate and take up a new man, but they stuck to the ex-President with absolute fidelity. Both the Blaine men and the Sherman men were equally devoted to their leaders. The deadlock was finally brought to an end by the Wisconsin delegation voting for Garfield on the thirty-fourth ballot, against his protest. As the leader of the Ohio delegation, Garfield was a sup- porter of Sherman, and he objected to being put in an apparent attitude of willingness to abandon the Ohio candidate. On the next ballot, however, Indi- ana followed Ohio, and on the thirty-sixth ballot nearly the whole body of anti-third term men swung into line for Garfield, giving him the nomination by the following vote: Garfield, 399; Grant, 306; Blaine, 42; Sherman, 3; Washburne, 5. The result was a fortunate one. General Garfield was acceptable to all the elements in the convention, and the Whole party dropped at once all former causes of difference and rallied to his support. Chester A. Arthur of New York, an earnest Grant man, was nominated for the Vice Presidency, with a view of making the ticket represent both wings of the party lately en- gaged in a contest over the question of Grant’s candi- dacy. The vote was: Arthur, 468; Washburne, 193; Jewell, 44; Maynard, 30; Bruce, 8. experience as chairman of the New York Republican General Arthur’s state committee made him peculiarly available, and his prominence as a Grant man rendered him spe- cially acceptable to the element which had before controlled Republican politics in New York. The ticket was instantly indorsed by the entire Repub- lican press and by men of all shades of Republican opinion. By a happy inspiration the convention selected, instead of the obscure man of only local fame who usually comes out of such close contests with the nomination, one of the best known, most trusted, and ablest of the national leaders of the Republican party. At the same time it secured a man with extraordinary elements of personal popularity in his career—a man who rose from the ranks of toil, who gained the means for his education at the carpenter's bench and on the tow-path of a canal, who served with distinguished bravery in the war, and who had won his way, by pure merit and honest effort, to the highest walks of statesmanship and scholarly culture. The Democratic national convention met at Cin- cinnati on the 22d of June. The party had been suffering from the standing candidacy of Samuel J. Tilden, who had a claim upon the nomination based On the assertion of the Democratic leaders and news- papers that he was elected in 1876 and defrauded of the office. He personified the “fraud issue,” and it Was manifestly impossible for the party to make that issue prominent Without making him its candidate. Mr. Tilden Wrote a letter just before the convention assembled, declining in terms the nomination. The letter presented, however, in a masterly manner, the arguments in favor of his candidacy, and was gener- ally regarded as intended to strengthen his chances for the nomination. On the first ballot the delegates scattered their votes as follows: Hancock, 171; Bayard, 1534; Field, 65; Morrison, 62; Hendricks, 494; Thurman, 684; Payne, 31; Tilden, 38; Ewing, 10; Seymour, 8; scattering, 28. After this ballot the convention adjourned until the next day, and during the night the opponents of Tilden managed to combine upon General Hancock, Who Was nominated next morning. The second bal- lot stood: Hancock, 319; Randall, 1294; Bayard, 113; Field, 65%; Thurman, 30; Hendricks, 31; Eng. lish, 19; Tilden, 6; scattering, 3. Changes were made before the vote was announced which nomi- nated Hancock, he having 705 votes to Hendricks 30, Bayard 2, and Tilden 1. Hancock had been the standing candidate, since 1868, of those Temocrats who wanted to repeat the McClellan experiment with a better soldier than Mc- Clellan. A HISTORY OF THE) REPUBLICAN PARTY. 51 A national Greenback convention met in Chicago, June 11th, and nominated J. P. Weaver of Iowa for President and E. J. Chambers of Texas for Vice President. The early part of the campaign was rather quiet. The Republicans talked most of the continued solid- ity of the states which had engaged in the Rebellion as a standing menace to the results of the war and also to the principles of free government, since in those states no opposition to the rule of the Demo- cratic party could get a foothold by reason of the intense hostility of the property-holding classes to all other forms of political organization. Much less impression was made on the public mind, however, by the Southern issue than by the tariff question, which did not get fairly into the canvass until after the Democrats, in alliance with the Greenbackers, carried Maine at the state election in August. Cer- tain letters of General Hancock, published about this time, showing a curious lack of knowledge of the tariff question, aided the Republicans to bring the issue of free trade or protection to American indus- tries prominently before the country. In the T)emo- cratic platform an explicit declaration in favor of a tariff for revenue only had been inserted to please the South. The Republicans boldly took up the ques- tion, and made effective use of it by showing just what the result of the abandonment of the protective policy would be to the manufacturing interests of the country. They did not rest content with a gen- eral discussion of the matter, but brought the issue straight home to the mechanics and operatives in every town, showing them by figures that could not be controverted what the effect of the Democratic policy would be on their own earnings. The Demo- crats had supposed that their tariff-for-revenue-only plank would strengthen them in the critical State of Indiana, which with Ohio voted for state officers in October, but the contrary proved to be the case, for the Republicans were enabled to organize a strong uniformed corps, called the ſnights of Labor, with detachments in every town, which made manifest its protest against the proposed blow to American in- dustry by torchlight parades and military exercises, and did excellent campaign work. The supporters of General Grant had felt a good deal chagrined at the defeat of their candidate at Chicago, and at one time it was feared they would not enter heartily into the work of the campaign, but their candidate set them an example which brought them out of their lethargy. In August Gen. eral Grant appeared on the stump in Ohio in support of General Garfield, and he afterwards delivered a number of short speeches at different places in both the East and the West. Roscoe Conkling of New York, Grant’s most con- At the same time Senator spicuous supporter, took the field. The canvass at once became active, and the Republicans rapidly gained ground. They carried Indiana and Ohio at the October election, though not without a strenuous effort, and by so doing practically settled the result in November. Just before the November election an unscrupulous effort to defeat General Garfield was made through the agency of a small daily newspaper in New York called Truth. This paper published a forged letter, engraved in imitation of Garfield's handwriting, in which he was made to take ground in favor of importation of Chinese cheap labor. The T)emocratic committee sent out electrotype plates of this false letter to large numbers of newspapers of their party, so as to secure its publication in all parts of the country. The rascality of the whole affair was promptly exposed by the Republicans, but the Democratic press professed to believe the letter genuine until after the eiection, and it undoubtedly took thousands of votes away from the Republicans. California and Nevada were lost to them by reason of it, there not being time enough before the election to give effect to the denials of the authenticity of the document at such a distance. The success of the Republicans on the national field was, however, de- cisive. General Garfield had a majority of 59 elect- oral votes, the result being, Garfield, 214; Hancock, 155. The popular vote was very close, owing to the want of organization of the Republican party in the South, where proscription combined with election frauds made the canvass a one-sided affair. Garfield had a plurality over Hancock of only 7,018. The vote stood, Garfield, 4,449,053; Hancock, 4,442,035; Weav- er, 307,306; scattering, 12,576, of which Neal Dow, the candidate of the Prohibitionists, received 10,305. To a considerable extent the result of the election was sectional in its character, since all the Southern States voted for FHancock and all the Northern States for Garfield except New Jersey, California, and Ne- Vada. 52 - A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. CHAPTER XXVIII. ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT GARIFIELD--HIS ASSASSINATION.—VICE PRESIDENT ARTHUR'S ADMINISTRATION. General Garfield was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1881. He followed to some extent, in the formation of his cabinet, the example of Abraham Ilincoln, inviting to it several prominent Repub- lican leaders who had been defeated by him as can- didates for the presidential nomination. Mr. Blaine, the leading candidate in the Chicago convention, as opposed to General Grant, was made Secretary of State, and the Treasury Department was assigned to William Windom of Minnesota, who had received a respectable vote in the convention. For the In- terior Department, the new President selected Sam- uel J. Kirkwood of Iowa, who had been governor of his state, and was, like Mr. Windom, a member of the Senate at the time of his appointment. For Postmaster General, Thomas L. James, who had managed with notable success the postoffice of the City of New York, was selected, and for Secretary of War, Robert T. Lincoln, son of the great Presi- dent of that name, but himself a new man in national politics. The Attorney General was Wayne MacVeagh of Pennsylvania, an ardent advocate of civil service reform, and the Secretary of the Navy was an eminent Louisiana Republican, Wm. H. Hunt. but the feud between the two elements in the party, which had healed during the canvass by the efforts of General Grant, broke out afresh over the ques- tion of the Federal appointments in the State of New York. The Republicans of that state had long been divided into two factions known as “Stal- warts” and “Half-breeds,” the former led by Senator Conkling, and the other without any definite leader. The Stalwarts believed in what was known as machine politics, which meant the close organization and strict discipline of the party, and the use of the public offices as patronage to reward party services and increase party efficiency. This faction had sup- The cabinet worked together harmoniously, ship, but with a very strong array of voters. ported General Grant for the presidential nomina- tion the year before, while the opposing faction had rallied upon Mr. Blaine. President Garfield early provoked the antagonism of Mr. Conkling and his followers, by refusing to accede to the doctrine that the principal Federal offices in a state should be disposed of according to the pleasure of the sen- ators representing that state without regard to the President’s own views and preferences. The desire of the new President was to heal the dissensions in the State of New York, but he was not willing that Senator Conkling should practically exercise the appointing power, and exclude from office all those who belonged to the element which succeeded in the Chicago convention. In other words, President Garfield was naturally averse to a course of action which would ostracise the Republicans who had preferred him to General Grant for that nomina- tion. An open rupture was caused by the appointment of W. H. Robertson, one of the principal leaders of the anti-machine, or Half-breed, element in New York, to Prior to making this appointment, Presi- the collectorship of the port of New York. dent Garfield had appointed to important positions in the state a number of Senator Conkling's friends. Mr. Conkling conceived that the appointment of Robertson was an act of hostility towards himself. He resigned his seat in the Senate, and was imi- tated by Mr. Platt, the other senator from New York. lature was in session, and sought a reëlection, in Both proceeded to Albany, where the legis- Order to obtain a vindication from their constitu- ency as a new weapon to use in their fight with the President. The legislature, however, refused to send them back to Washington, and filled their places with other men. Another cause of trouble to the Garfield adminis- tration came from the discovery of enormous frauds in carrying the mails in the new regions of the far West, on what were known as the “Star Routes.” This designation is applied to mail routes where the service is performed on horseback or in stage- A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 53 coaches. Iły connivance between the contractors and certain officials in the Postoffice Department in Washington, large sums of money were unlaw- fully drawn from the treasury in payment for serv- ices not rendered. Contracts let for mail service once a week were expedited by the department and made daily contracts, and the rate of pay greatly increased. On some of these expedited routes the old weekly service was continued, while the con- tractors drew pay for pretended daily service. A few politicians who had been prominent in national affairs were interested in these contracts, and a great outcry was made against President Garfield by these men and their friends because of his deter- mination to uncover the whole fraudulent business and bring to trial the guilty parties. Newspapers in Washington, owned by Star Route contractors and by a Postoffice Department official who had served their interest, were violent in their denun- ciations of the President and his cabinet. These two elements of opposition, namely, the Stalwart faction in New York, represented by Senator Conk- ling, and the Star Route contractors and their friends, made common cause against the President and his cabinet. I’resident Garfield pursued the straightforward course he had marked out for him- self with great determination, and without regard to the excitement and antagonism which raged around him. Thus the first four months of the new adminis- tration passed away. The feeling of the politicians Who had been disappointed in their expectations of controlling the patronage of the government grew more and more bitter, and their cause was Zeal- Ously espoused by the Star Route ring, which had been cut off by the new Postmaster General from its most profitable relations with the treasury, and was threatened by legal proceedings, already begun, with serious penalties. Into the Whirlpool of partisan strife and hatred at Washington there came a weak- minded, egotistical trifier, named Guiteau, who had led an adventurous and somewhat disreputable career, being by turns a small politician and a re- ligious enthusiast. This conceited semi-lunatic ap- plied for office, and being disappointed in his ab- Surd ambition, conceived a violent hatred for Presi- dent Garfield, which was fed to a flame by the arti- cles he read in a Washington newspaper and by the talk of the Stalwart opponents of the administra- tion. He bought a pistol, laid in wait in a railway depot, and when President Garfield was passing through to take the train for his summer resting- place, at Elberon, N. J., he fired at him and inflicted a deadly wound. The stricken President languished for weeks in the White House at Washington, the victim of the doctors as well as of his cruel wound. The assas- sin’s shot stilled at once the angry storm of partisan controversy, and the suffering President became the object of a sympathy which was world-wide; indeed, the history of mankind never before af. forded the spectacle of a single individual attract- ing day by day the close and sympathetic attention of the entire civilized globe. Week after week the bulletins of his condition were read in every part of the world reached by telegraph. His recovery was from the first extremely doubtful, but his strong constitution long resisted the deadly effects of the Wound. In September he was removed to Elberon, near Long Branch, in the desperate hope that the Sea air might give him strength. There he died, on the 19th of September, 1881. Vice President Arthur, who was called to the executive chair by this lamentable event, had been identified in his political career with the faction of New York Republicans led by Mr. Conkling. He Was naturally an object of distrust and dislike to the element represented by General Garfield, and serious apprehensions were entertained that his ad- ministration of the government would widen the breach among Republicans, and ultimately lead to the destruction of the party. Mr. Arthur appre- ciated the delicacy of his situation, however, and cautiously avoided any action which would further identify him with the enemies of the dead Presi. dent. He made very few changes at first in the public offices, but, after a few months, the mem. bers of the Garfield cabinet dropped out one by one, from the feeling that they were out of place, until but one remained, the Secretary of War. The state elections of 1881 were carried by the Repub- licans without much difficulty, on the strength of 54 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. the feeling of sorrow over the death of Garfield. In 1882, however, the party suffered severe reverses, The most significant result of the contest of that year was in the State of New York. Here President Arthur had influenced the nomination of a personal friend, Judge Folger, for governor. The feeling got abroad that the administration had interfered to control the nominating convention, and that the friends of the late President had, in consequence, been pushed to the Wall. The result was an over- whelming defeat of the Republican ticket; Judge Folger being beaten by 192,854 majority. After this rude experience President Arthur ceased to concern himself actively with state poli- tics, and by quiet, dignified, and conservative man- agement of the duties of his office, succeeded little by little in winning the respect of both parties and the regard of his own. He adopted as a rule of prac- tice the views of the Civil Service Reformers, that public offices should be held during the good behav- ior of the incumbent, and should not be dispensed by senators and representatives in Congress as political patronage. A Civil Service Commission was created by act of Congress, to recommend, after competitive losing most of the close states in the North. examination, candidates for positions in the depart- ments at Washington and in the principal post- offices and custom houses of the country. This sys- tem worked well, and quietly and with little agita- tion effected a revolution in the public service. President Arthur's appointments to the higher of. fices Which became vacant during his administra- tion Were, as a rule, notably sagacious, and his ad- ministration was characterized by an administrative and businesslike tendency. The old factional feuds Which distracted the party largely disappeared under the Wholesome influence of time. less and inactive The rather color- administration of Mr. Arthur proved to be Wise and salutary for the good of the country, producing an unusual degree of harmony and good feeling. I’resident Arthur retired from office with the re- Spect of his political opponents and the good will of all members of his own party. His administration happily disappointed those Republicans who feared that it would favor factional politics and a return to the Spoils system of apportioning public offices among personal adherents and in payment of par. tisan Service. CHAPTER XXIX. THE CAMPAIGN The Republican national convention for 1884 as- sembled on June 3d, in Chicago—a city Where the party had already chosen three successful candi- dates for the Presidency, Lincoln, Grant, and Gar- field. Public opinion in the party was unusually slow in manifesting decided preferences for candi- dates prior to the meeting of the convention. It was not until March and April that the question be- gan to be actively canvassed throughout the country. Then it was evident that James G. Blaine had lost nothing of the great popularity which in 1876 and again in 1880 had given him a strength among the Republican voters greater than that of any other candidate, and lacking but a few votes in the conven- tions of those years of the number necessary for a OF 1884–NOMINATION OF BLAINE AND LOG AN. nomination. Mr. Blaine had been wholly out of pub- lic life since he retired from the cabinet a few weeks after the death of President Garfield, and had been devoting his time to writing a history of Congress during the eventful twenty years of his service at the capital. His retirement had prevented him from taking part in the discussion of public meas. ures, and from appearing in his old position of a party leader, and Was therefore a crucial test of the strength and endurance of his hold on the re- Spect and affection of the Republican masses. No man Who had not deeply impressed himself Upon the Current of his times, and upon the hearts of the peo- ple, could go through an ordeal of three years' seclu- Sion Without a loss of prestige and popularity that A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 55 would be fatal to any chances he might have of a presidential nomination. The event proved that Mr. IBlaine had gained instead of lost political strength since he laid down the portfolio of the State Depart- ment. Without any effort in his own behalf he ob- tained the support of a very large majority of the delegates to the national convention from the Re- publican states, and he received 334 votes on the first ballot. Mr. Blaine's chief competitor for the nomination was I’resident Arthur, who obtained the almost Solid support of the Southern States, to which was added a considerable part of the vote of his own State of New York. The weakness of Mr. Arthur’s candidacy lay in the fact, that, outside of New York and of a few scattering votes from other Northern States, his delegates represented states which could render no aid in the election of the Republican nom- inee. The Southern States were still under the po- litical domination of the leaders of the late Rebel- lion, and with the exception of Virginia, where the Democrats had divided into two factions, not one of them could be placed in the list of probable Repub- lican states. Furthermore, Mr. Arthur's candidacy assumed an official rather than a popular phase, his conspicuous supporters being for the most part Federal officeholders, save in the City of New York, Where his prudent administration had won for him the indorsement of many prominent business men. Mr. Arthur's first and highest vote was 278. The third candidate in relative strength in the bal- loting was Senator Edmunds of Vermont, who at the start was supported by 93 delegates, chiefly from Massachusetts, Vermont, and New York. Sen- ator John A. Logan of Illinois was the candidate of his own state, receiving with some outside help 63% votes on the first ballot. Senator Hawley of Con- necticut had 13 votes; Senator Sherman of Ohio, 30; Robert T. Lincoln, Secretary of War, a son of Abra- ham Lincoln, who was much talked of by the press a few months before as a possible strong candidate, received 4, and the retired general of the army, W. T. Sherman, was given 2 votes, in spite of his re- peated refusals to allow his name to be used. It is an interesting fact that of the eight candidates voted for, only one, Mr. Blaine, held no official position at the time. One was President, four were United States senators, one was a cabinet minister, and One a general on the retired list. The result of the bal- loting is shown in the following table: First, Second Third FOUlrth CANDIDATES. Ballot. Ballot. Ballot. Ballot, Blaine............................... 334], $349 375 539 Arthur.............................. #% 276 274 207 Edmunds.......................... ë, ; ; § 33 T.Ogan.............................., | 63% 94 | 932 || “...: #y............. 13° 13 13 7 John Sherman.................. 30 28 25 15 Tincoln............................. 4. 4. -- 8 13 W. T. Sherman................ 2 .2 2 2 In the convention of 1876 Mr. Blaine was defeated by a combination of all the other candidates. In 1880 General Grant’s solid forces stood in the Way of his nomination, and he threw his own support to General Garfield, and thus won a victory in the person of his friend. In the convention of 1884 he was too strong to be beaten by any combination or to be compelled to retire in favor of any Weaker candidate. His nomination was a triumph of posi- tive, practical statesmanship in domestic affairs, and of a courageous, intelligent Americanism in the relations of the United States with other nations. The supporters of General Logan went over in a body to Mr. Blaine on the fourth ballot. After this it was only natural that the friendly feelings al- ways entertained by the Blaine men for the Illinois Senator should take the direction of a determination to place him on the ticket for Vice President. The convention took a recess until evening, after the nomination for President had been consummated, and when it reassembled the enthusiasm for Logan swept away all opposition. He was nominated on the first ballot, receiving 779 votes to 6 for Gresham of Indiana, 3 for Fairchild of Wisconsin, and 1 for Toraker of Ohio. General Logan's gallant war rec- ord, his strong hold on the affections of the former soldiers of the Union armies, and his long, conspicu- ous, and honorable career in both houses of Congress made his nomination a peculiarly fortunate one. The platform upon which the Republican party undertook its eighth national canvass was not made up of glittering generalities, but dealt explicitly With the living questions of the times. It reaffirmed the consistent policy of the party in regard to pro- 56 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. tection for American industry. It favored the regu- lation of railway corporations. It opposed Chinese immigration, and indorsed the eight-hour system for labor. It pledged the party to sustain and extend the civil service reform principles which it intro- duced. It demanded the reservation of the public lands for small holdings of actual settlers, and the forfeiture of lapsed land grants where there had been no attempt in good faith to comply with their conditions. It pledged the party to place all pen- sioners on an equal footing by repealing the limita- tion of the Arrears Act of 1879, so that all pensions might date back to the time of the disability or dis- It demanded the restoration of the navy It asserted that appointments to offices in the territories should be charge. to its old strength and efficiency. It de- Imanded the suppression of polygamy in Utah. It reaffirmed the cardinal Republican doctrine that the United States constitute a nation and not a mere confederacy of states, and that it is the duty of the nation to secure to all its citizens the full and com- Imade from boma fide citizens and residents. plete recognition, possession, and exercise of all civil and political rights. The convention met on Tuesday, June 3d, and ad- journed late on the evening of Friday, June 6th. It was harmonious and enthusiastic. Its ticket was probably the first choice of a larger number of Re- publican voters than any that had been put in the field since the first nomination of General Grant in 1868. CHAPTER XXX. THE CAMPAIGN OF 18S4—NOMINATION AND ELECTION OF CIVEVELAND AND HENDIRICKS IXY THE DEMOCRATS. Prior to the Republican convention the minor political parties of the country put their tickets in the field. On May 14th the Anti-Monopoly party held a convention at Chicago, and nominated Gen. Benjamin F. Butler of Massachusetts for President. On May 27th and 28th the National Greenback party met at Indianapolis, and nominated General But- ler for President and Absalom M. West of Missis- General Butler had been for several years prior to these nominations acting sippi for Vice President. with the Democratic party, and he continued to do so until after the national Democratic convention, which assembled at Chicago on July 8th. In that body he was a conspicuous delegate. A national convention of the Prohibition party, an organization With the single aim of stopping the manufacture and Sale of intoxicating beverages by State and Fed- eral legislation, was held at Pittsburg on July 23d and 24th, and nominated ex-Gov. John P. St. John of Kansas for President and William Daniel of Maryland for Vice President. An element of humor Was given to the campaign by the nomination Of a lady lawyer of Washington, Mrs. Belva. Lock- wood, for President by a convention of Woman Suf- fragists. On the 8th of July the Democratic national con- vention assembled at Chicago. It was in session four days. A strong sentiment existed in the party in favor of the nomination of the old ticket of 1876 —Tilden and Hendricks; but Mr. Tilden was already at an advanced age and in precarious health, and the active workers of the party were not disposed to take the risks of his early death in case of his elec- tion. In the convention all preferences and preju- dices finally gave way to the conviction that suc- cess at the election would not be possible without the vote of New York, and that the presidential nominee must be selected with the sole view to his Chances of carrying that state. Grover Cleveland Was at that time in the gubernatorial chair of New York, Where he had exhibited considerable inde- pendence of character and some disposition to favor It was believed that he could Command the votes of a small Republican faction that had already begun to show dissatisfaction with the nominations of Blaine and Logan. Only two bal- civil service reform. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 57 lots were had in the convention. The first resulted as follows: Grover Cleveland, 392; Thomas F. Bay- ard, 170; Joseph McDonald, 56; Samuel J. Randall, 78; Allen G. Thurman, 88; John G. Carlisle, 27; George Hoadly, 3; Thomas A. Hendricks, 1; Samuel J. Tilden, 1 ; Roswell P. Flower, 4. On the second ballot Cleveland was nominated by the following vote: Cleveland, 683; Bayard, 81%; Hendricks, 45%; Thurman, 4; Randall, 4; McDonald, 2. Hendricks was at once nominated for Vice Presi- Thomas A. dent by acclamation. A peculiar movement gathered force in the State of New York, always the hot-bed of factional poli- tics, the purpose of which was to defeat Blaine and Logan, and elect Cleveland and Hendricks by the aid of Republican votes. The persons concerned in this movement were men of intelligence, good social Standing, and unquestionable sincerity, who did not like the Republican ticket, and claimed that it did not come up to the standard they wished their party to set up. They called themselves Independent Republicans, but the public soon invented another name for them, and they speedily became known as Mugwumps. They held a conference in New York on June 16th, at which a resolution drawn by Carl Schurz was adopted opposing Blaine and Logan on the ground that those candidates “had been named in absolute disregard of the reform sentiment of the nation, and that they represented political methods and principles to which we are unalterably opposed.” On July 22d, a second conference of the Mugwamps was held in New York, which resulted in their pledg: ing themselves to the support of the Democratic ticket. The Mugwumps were few in number, but they were a thorn in the side of the great Republican party during the campaign, and unquestionably brought about its defeat at the election by diverting from its ticket several thousand votes in the State of New York. Three influential papers in New York Xity aided this movement, the Times, the Evening Post, and Harper’s Weekly. The campaign opened rather tamely, and ran along at first on a very low plane. The Democrats raised no issue of principle with their Opponents. Their platform was largely made up of sonorous but nonexplicit charges of extravagance and corruption, and of a demand for a change in the national ad- ministration. When it came to the assertion of any- thing positive in relation to national policy, it only reiterated ideas that the Republican party had been insisting on for many years, such as a “free ballot and a fair count,” the reduction of taxation and gov- ernment expenditures, the building up of American commerce, an American continental policy and a vigorous foreign policy, the latter two declarations being audaciously appropriated from Mr. Blaine him- self, having especially characterized his management of the State Department under President Garfield. The Democratic press and platform speakers de- voted most of their efforts to assaults upon Mr. Blaine personally, reviving charges made and met in 1876, that he had in the early part of his career in Congress received certain railroad bonds in return for services rendered by him to the road issuing On the other hand, the Republican news- papers and orators attacked Mr. Cleveland’s private them. character, producing evidence to show that he was the father of an illegitimate child, and that he had treated the mother harshly. In September Mr. Blaine himself lifted the canvass out of the mire of personal abuse by taking the stump in Ohio, Indiana, New York, Michigan, and West Virginia, and discussing the old Whig and Republican principle of protection to American la- bor by tariff laws. General Butler and Governor St. John also went upon the stump. The first of the state elections was that in Vermont, where the vote was light and the Republican victory not significant. Maine, a close state, was hotly contested and was handsomely won by the Republicans. Later in Oc- tober, Ohio became the national battle-ground, and There was no trace in the election returns of any Mugwump defection in that state. here, too, the Republicans were victorious. Both parties now concen- trated their efforts on New York. It was evident that the vote of that state would decide the presi- dential contest. The election was close and the re- sult was in doubt for some days afterward, until the returns from the country districts were all in. On the Official canvass of the vote it turned out that Cleveland had a plurality over Blaine of 1,047. The vote stood, Cleveland, 563,048; Blaine, 562,001; St. 58 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. John, 25,001; Rutler, 17,002. The St. John Prohibi- tion vote was nearly all drawn from the Republicall party; the Butler vote was probably taken in about equal proportion from the Republicans and Demo- crats. It was estimated that about 10,000 Repub- licans were influenced by the Mugwump newspapers to vote for Cleveland. A considerable Irish Catholic vote appeared at one time to be ready to detach itself from the Democratic party and go for Blaine on the ground of personal liking, but in the last days of the canvass the Democrats Were enabled to hold this vote by making the most of an unfortunate ut- terance by Rev. Dr. Burchard, at a reception of a delegation of Protestant ministers by Mr. Blaine. Mr. Burchard, the spokesman of the delegation, in a speech referred to the Democracy as the party of “Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion,” which greatly angered the Catholics. The result of the election in the country at large was to give Cleveland and Hendricks 219 electoral votes and I31aine and Logan 182; a majority for the I)emocratic ticket of 37 in the electoral college. The vote in detail was as follows: For Cleveland and Hendricks—Alabama, 10; Ar- kansas, 7; Connecticut, 6; Delaware, 3; Florida, 4; Georgia, 12; Indiana, 15; Kentucky, 13; Louisiana, 8; Maryland, 8; Mississippi, 9; Missouri, 16; New Jer- sey, 9; New York, 36; North Carolina, 11; South Carolina, 9; Tennessee, 12; Texas, 13; Virginia, 12; West Virginia, 6. wº For Plaine and Logan—California, 8; Colorado, 3; Illinois, 22; Iowa, 13; Kansas, 9; Maine, 6; Massachu- setts, 14; Michigan, 13; Minnesota, 7; Nebraska, 5; Nevada, 3; New Hampshire, 4; Ohio, 23; Oregon, 3; Pennsylvania, 30; Rhode Island, 4; Vermont, 4; Wisconsin, 11. - The popular vote was as close in proportion to its Imagnitude as was the vote in the State of New York. It stood: Cleveland and FHendricks. . . . . . . 4,911,017 Blaine and Logan. . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,848,334 Democratic plurality. . . . . . . . . 62,683 The vote for the Butler ticket was 133,825, and for the St. John ticket, 151,800. The Mugwump movement was hardly felt outside of the State of New York and adjacent districts in Connecticut and New Jersey. In New York it was mainly confined to the city, to Brooklyn, and to the Hudson river counties. An examination of the electoral vote will show that the whole strength of Cleveland and Hendricks came from the former slave states with the addition of four Northern States, New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, and In- diana. All the states which engaged in the Rebellion voted for the Democratic candidates, and also all the other slave states which did not by official action secede from the Union. All the states which voted for Blaine and Logan were Northen States, and among the Northern States were those which were most devoted to the Union cause. CHAPTER X X XI. * The term of President Cleveland’s administration was not an eventful period in American politics. The Democrats had a fair working majority in the House of Representatives, but the Republicans con- trolled the Senate. at the outset by the new President. No new policy was announced His party was restive at first under his lead, because he declined to make a clean sweep of the Republican office-holders. As governor of the State of New York he had been an advocate of civil service reform, and was fully THE CLEVELAND ADMINISTRATION – THE DIEMOCRATIC PARTY IN POWER. committed by his messages and other public utter- ances to the principle that experienced and meri- torious officials should not be removed to make places for politicians of the successful party. This principle was not accepted by the masses of the Democratic party, or by any great number of its leaders, and Mr. Cleveland was persuaded gradually to abandon his civil service ground. Finding he could not bring his party up to his position, he par- tially fell back to that of his party. He made one CHESTER A. ARTHUR Twenty-first President of the United States A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 61 notable advance, however, on the practice of all previous Democratic administrations, in allowing most of the holders of presidential appointments to serve out their four years' term before supplanting them with Democrats. If he had insisted on this rule for the officers under the control of the heads of the executive departments, a much greater progress would have been made towards the establishment of a good civil service system; but while he was re- fusing to remove officials without cause prior to the expiration of their terms, the members of his cabinet, and notably the Postmaster General, were engaged in making sweeping removals without check or re- proof. Changes in the higher offices went steadily forward with the evident purpose of leaving no Re- publicans in place at the close of the President's I3y the 1st of May, 1888, after the adminis- tration had been a little more than three years in term. power, out of 2,359 presidential postmasters in office March 4, 1885, over 2,000 had been replaced by Dem- ocrats, while the Postmaster General had changed more than 40,000 of the 52,000 employes of his de- partment. At this rate another year of administra- tion would complete the Work. The essence of the civil service idea, as advocated by President Cleve- land while governor of New York, was, that experi- enced and efficient men should be retained in the public service, without regard to their political Opin- ions or to the desire of the active adherents of a successful party to secure such places for themselves or their followers. This idea was persistently vio- lated during the whole course of the Cleveland ad- ministration, and the public service suffered accord- ingly. In the Postoffice Department, especially, Which comes in direct contact with all the people, there was a marked falling off in the standard of efficiency developed during the long period of Repub- lican management. Growing dissatisfaction was expressed all over the country at the increasing in- efficiency of this important branch of the public Service, which became more and more noticeable as experienced men were forced to give way to new ap- pointees, often of very limited intelligence. In the Western States and Territories much an- tagonism toward the administration was aroused by the action of the General Land Office at Washing- sion bills. ton, in harassing settlers on homestead and prečmp- tion claims, by withholding patents, cancelling claims for trivial reasons in an arbitrary manner, and sending special agents throughout the country to spy out alleged or real delinquencies on the part of bona fide settlers to comply with all the exacting rules of the Land Office. ministration of this branch of the government the After two years of malad- commissioner was forced to resign, and his successor adopted a more reasonable policy. In its foreign negotiations the administration was not successful. It made a treaty with Great Britain for the settlement of the Canadian Fisheries ques- tion, which was denounced as a surrender of the rights of American fishermen under the treaty of 1818, the maritime legislation of 1830, and the settled principles of the comity of nations, and which the Senate refused to confirm. Another cause of un- popularity was the attitude of the administration towards the ex-soldiers who fought to save the Union. During the first year of his term President Cleveland vetoed, often in rather flippant and con- temptuous language, a large number of special pen- The old soldiers were impressed with the idea that the President and his party had no particu- lar sympathy for them. This idea was strengthened When an order was issued from the War Department that all the flags in possession of the department captured from Rebel troops during the Rebellion by the Union armies should be presented to the states to which the regiments belonged which lost them. This order caused such an outcry of indignation from the posts of the powerful and nonpartisan order called the Grand Army of the Republic, composed. exclusively of former Union soldiers, that it was speedily disowned by the administration, and the responsibility for it sought to be fixed upon a sub- ordinate officer of the War IDepartment. The feeling aroused by this blundering order was kept alive to some extent by the continual displacement of old soldiers in the civil service by men who had opposed the cause of the Union during the war. Up to December, 1887, the administration had not settled upon any definite line of policy for the Demo- cratic party to form upon for the next national con- test. Civil service principles had been abandoned. 62 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. An effort to forfeit the land grants to Western rail- roads had come to nothing. There was a large sur- plus in the treasury, but nothing had been done towards stimulating American commerce, furnishing the country with an efficient navy, or defending the seaboard cities with modern fortifications. The gov- ernment drifted along comfortably in a time of gen- eral business prosperity, without much activity or any originality. Midway of his term, President Cleveland, who had been a bachelor, married a young and attractive girl, and made a tour of the South and West with his wife. His marriage seemed for a time to make him personally popular, or, at all events, to cause the public to feel some interest in his personal- ity. When Congress met in December, 1887, he sur- prised it and the country with a message that was an abrupt departure from all precedents. Instead of discussing the general Work of the administration and recommending legislation on Various subjects, Mr. Cleveland devoted the Whole document to an argument for an immediate and sweeping reduction of the tariff on foreign goods. This message was plainly designed to throw the question of a revenue tariff as against a protective tariff into the approach- ing presidential campaign, as the dominant issue be. tWeen the two great parties, and to commit the Democratic party to an attack on the long-estab- lished protective policy inherited by the Republicans from the old Whig party and never successfully as- sailed in Congress since 1861. It had precisely this effect. A bill was prepared by the Ways and Means Committee of the House, known as the Mills bill, from the name of the chairman of the committee, Mr. Mills of Texas, which made heavy reductions in the existing duties on wool, iron, lumber, and many other staples of American manufacture protected by the old tariff rates. In spite of the protests of the T)emocratic members from Pennsylvania, and other manufacturing states of the East, this bill was made a party measure. It was actively opposed by the Republicans, and the discussions over it occupied much of the long session of Congress during the fol- The Re- publicans took the ground that the treasury surplus should be reduced by the abolition of the internal revenue tax on tobacco and the reduction of tariff lowing winter, spring, and early summer. dues on foreign articles, not luxuries and not made in the United States; but that any considerable re- duction in the tariff on the chief products of Ameri- can labor would strike a severe blow at the wages of such labor, and tend to bring them down to the low European rates. The old question of a tariff for revenue or a tariff for protecting American labor, which divided the Democratic and Whig parties be: fore the Civil War, was thus raised afresh, and be- came, as President Cleveland wished to make it, the absorbing issue of the campaign of 1888. In the course of the long debates on the Mills bill, the Demo- crats argued that the tariff increased the cost of clothing, blankets, and other necessaries of life, to the great detriment of the farmers and other working classes, and the Republicans exhibited such articles, with the prices attached, comparing the prices with those prevailing in the period of low tariffs before the war and with prices now prevailing in Europe, to prove that the prices of protected manufactures are lower than ever before in this country, and as a rule, as low as goods of equal merit can be bought in Europe. The Democrats maintained that pro- tective tariffs increase prices for the sole benefit of manufacturers and other capitalists, and do not affect wages, while the Republicans insisted that such tariffs do not increase prices of common neces- saries, but do greatly benefit the working classes by increasing the compensation of labor. Thus the issue clearly joined in Congress before the presi- dential campaign opened. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 63 CHAPTER XXXII. THE I’RESIDENTIAL CAMIPAIGN OF 1888. There was no organized or open opposition in the Democratic party to the renomination of President Cleveland in 1888. Suggestions of other candidates by a few newspapers not friendly to him met with no favorable response from the masses of the party, and although he could not be said to be personally well liked by the leading politicians, who regarded him as too conservative, too stubborn, and not enough of a partisan, they were afraid to try the ex- periment of another candidate. Success seemed bet- ter assured, they thought, with him than with any other prominent Democrat who might have a chance Tho Democratic national convention was held at St. Louis June 5th, 6th, and 7th, and its delegates were elected with the universal understanding that no for the nomination if he should be set aside. name would be presented to the convention to head the ticket but that of Cleveland. The convention was an uninteresting affair. Cleveland was nominated by acclamation. For the Vice Presidency a num- ber of prominent men had been favorably mentioned in the newspapers. The current Democratic opinion was that this place should be filled by a candidate who could do something to help carry the election in the doubtful State of Indiana. With this view the Indiana delegation presented the name of Governor Gray; but a movement for ex-Senator Thurman of Ohio gained ground with great rapidity, and carried the convention by storm. Thurman was nominated on the first ballot by an overwhelming majority. He represented the traditions, ideas, and prejudices of the Democratic masses as Cleveland did not. Long a member of the United States Senate, during the years when the amendments to the Constitution to secure the fruits of the war were adopted, and the legislation enacted which reconstructed the rebel- lious states, gave to the colored people suffrage and civil rights, and restored the finances of the country to a sound, specie-paying basis, Judge Thurman had been a consistent reactionist and a typical Bourbon. A man of vigorous intellect, of remarkable powers as a debater, and of strong and attractive person- ality, he had been while in the Senate the recognized leader of his party. Retired for some years to pri. ºate life, and advanced in age, he was summoned by the St. Louis convention to take the vice presi- dential nomination because he was beloved by his party, and his party thought it could afford to gratify its predilections in his nomination for the inferior place on its ticket, if it dared not do so for the Presidency. No doubt four-fifths, at least, of the delegates would have preferred Thurman to Cleveland for President if they had believed him equally available. The St. Louis platform was significant only in one Of its planks—the anti-tariff resolution. The South and West shaped this plank to accord with Presi- dent Cleveland's free trade message, overriding the wishes of Eastern delegates representing constitu- encies having interests closely identified with the system of protection. Absolute free trade was not demanded, but the heavy reduction of duties advo- cated would amount practically to the same thing, for American manufactures in many important lines Would be driven by such a reduction from American markets and cheaper European goods imported to take their place. Indeed, the avowed object of the lower duties proposed by Cleveland in his message, and by the Democratic convention in its platform, was to force down the prices of goods made in the United States by encouraging importations from abroad of like goods. The raw material being as cheap in this country as in any other, it follows that a reduction in prices must be made by reduc- ing the wages of labor. The Republican national convention assembled at Chicago on Tuesday, June 19th. A few months be- fore it met the nomination of James G. Blaine to be again the standard-bearer of the party appeared certain. As in 1884, he was evidently the hearty choice of a large majority of the party, and the an- tagonism of a comparatively small minority seemed 64 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. to have diminished. Actuated by a belief that some other candidate less conspicuous and of less posi- tive character would be more available, Mr. Blaine, who was traveling in Europe, wrote a letter from Florence declining to be a candidate before the con- vention. Many of his ardent supporters refused to regard this letter as conclusive, and continued to advocate his nomination, asserting that if he should be nominated with a marked degree of unanimity he would not feel at liberty to disobey the behest of his party. On May 17th Mr. Blaine wrote a second letter, dated at Paris, in which he insisted that his former letter should be taken as an unconditional withdrawal of his name from the na- tional convention, and said that if he should then, by speech or silence, by commission or omission, permit his name, in any event, to come before the convention, he would incur the reproach of being uncandid with men who had always been candid with him, referring to the friends of other candi- dates who had brought them forward in the belief that he was entirely out of the field. Even after this explicit and manly letter the delegation from Dalifornia insisted on presenting Mr. Blaine's name to the convention. News of this action reached Mr. Scotland, and he sent two telegrams respect his IBlaine in earnestly requesting his friends to wishes and to refrain from Voting for him. A number of eminent and excellent candidates were brought forward as soon as Mr. Blaine's Flor- ence letter was published, but there was no strong drift of preference in favor of any one of them, and the action of the convention could not possibly be forecast. The nominations formally made to the convention were as follows: Senator John Sherman of Ohio, one of the most ominent survivors of the “old guard” that first formed the Republican party, who was supported unanimously by his own state and very largely by the delegates from the South; Gen. Russell A. Alger of Michigan, a former soldier and a conspicuous man in the business and public life of his state; Senator Wºm. B. Allison of Iowa, long prominent, first as a representative and later as a senator from that state; Chauncey M. Depew, president of the New York Central Railroad, and a brilliant popular ora- tor and able lawyer; Gen. Benjamin EIarrison of Indiana, a United States Senator, whose grand- father, Wm. Henry Harrison, was elected President of the United States by the Whigs in the remark. able contest of 1840, and whose great grandfather, Benjamin Harrison, was one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence; Walter Q. Gresham of Indiana, a judge of the Federal Circuit Court, and formerly a member of President Arthur's cabinet; Jeremiah M. Rusk, governor of Wisconsin; Edward H. Fitler, mayor of Philadelphia; and James G. Blaine of Maine, by the California delegation, in the face of his repeated refusal to be a candidate. Dur- ing the balloting several other names were voted for. The only one which seemed to have possible sig- nificance was that of William McKinley, a veteran congressman from Ohio. Mr. McKinley, who was supporting Sherman with the Ohio delegation, de- clined to assent to the use of his name. The ballot. ing began on Friday and did not reach a conclusion until Monday, when General Harrison of Indiana was nominated by a large majority. The following Was the result of the several ballots: 3 | E3 | – 3 | 53 || 3 || 3 | #3 | = 3 - s 5 || 8 º' | p 5 : 3 a 3 } = 5 ºf 3 || 33 CANIOIDATES. £: 3: | 3: E: E: | 3: | 3: 'sº #3 $g 33 || 3: #2; 33 || $3 || 3: |- ſo ºf ſo | H ſo ſº ſº ſº ºn iſ ſº | }, ſo ſº ºn Sherman......................... 229 || 249 244 || 235 | 224 244 || 231 1 : Harrison........................ 84 91. 95 217 213 || 231 278 544 Alger.............................., | 84 116 | 122 135 42 137 12() 100 Allison 72 75 87 88 99 73. 76 ......... Gresham......................... 109 108 123 98 87 91 91 59 Depew ............................ 9 99 91 ..................] .................l......... Blaine............................. 35 35 33 42 48 40 15 5 McKinley ....................... 3 8 11 14 12 16 4. Fitler.............................. 23 1.........l......... .... * * * * * * * * * * * : * * * * * * * * * * * * * g e º is e º J. & e º is a tº $ tº wº Foraker.......................... [.................. [......... 1 ......... 1. 1 [......... Haymond................................ tº º & tº º v i & © tº $ tº º º & tº § & © tº 8 º' tº tº ſº ſº | * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * 1 |........ Ingalls,........................... 28 16 l...........................l.........l.................. Phelps........................... 26 18 5 ........' ..................l.................. Rusk......... * * * * * * s m º ºs e ex & a e º sº a º 25 20 16 .........'.........i.......................... Hawley........................... 18 .........l..................l........................... [......... Lincoln .......................... 3 2 2 1 .........l......... 1. 1 Miller............................. [.......s.l......... 2 ............................................. Frederick D. Grant....... [.........l.........l..................]......... 1 |.........'......... The nomination of General Harrison was immedi- ately made unanimous with much enthusiasm, and the convention proceeded to vote for Vice Presi- dent. The nominations were William Walter Phelps of New Jersey, long an active member of Congress; Levi P. Morton of New York, late minister to France and an eminent banker; William O. Bradley of Ken- tucky, who in 1887 made a brilliant canvass for the governorship of that state; and ex-Senator Bruce of Mississippi. Only one ballot was taken, result- ing: Morton, 591; Phelps, 119; Bradley, 103; Bruce, 2; Walter J. Thomas, 1. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 65 The convention adjourned well satisfied with its work. It was singularly free from combinations prepared in advance, and from intrigues and bar- gains arranged during its proceedings. Its choice for both the places on its ticket was a matter of judgment, after sessions prolonged from Tuesday to the following Monday, which gave the delegates ample time for discussing the comparative strength and weakness of the numerous candidates presented for their votes. The strength of the ticket was at once recognized. Harrison’s historic name, his gal- lant record in the Civil War, where he rose from a lieutenant to a brigadier-general, his abilities as a lawyer, and his successful career in the Senate, gave him the best qualifications for a successful presi- dential candidate. Mr. Morton's popularity in New York, and his reputation as a diplomat and a finan- cier, made his nomination a peculiarly wise one. The convention made a platform that was out- spoken and explicit on all important national ques- tions. It condemned the suppression of the ballot in the South ; declared in favor of the American system of protection, and protested against its pro- posed destruction in the interest of Europe by the President and his party; opposed the introduction of alien contract labor and Chinese labor; declared in favor of reserving the public lands for home- steads; demanded the immediate admission of South Dakota and the passage of acts enabling the people of North Dakota, Washington, and Montana to form state governments; favored the use of both gold and silver as money and the reduction of letter-postage to one cent; recommended action by Congress to re- habilitate the American merchant marine, to build a navy, and construct coast defenses; condemned the administration for its weak and unpatriotic for- eign policy; demanded the continuance of civil serv- ice reform; favored liberal pension laws, and de- nounced President Cleveland for his numerous vetoes of pension bills; and finally invited the coöper- ation of all workingmen, whose prosperity was seriously threatened by the free trade policy of the administration. CHAPTER XXXIII. ELECTION OF HARRISON AND MORTON.—THE HARRISON ADMINISTRATION. The Republicans had the advantage in 1888 of making an aggressive campaign. They were the attacking party, and their opponents were put on the defensive throughout the canvass. The errors of the Democrats in administration and in legisla- tion and attempts at legislation furnished them They made the tariff question a dominant issue, and here they were fortunate in the open antagonism of Pres- ident Cleveland to the protective policy under which the country had grown great and prosperous. Cleve- land showed a degree of courage unusual with men in high public position, in taking positive grounds On a question upon which his party was by no means united. The Democrats of the West and South had always been for a revenue tariff looking to ultimate free trade, but the Democrats of the New England States, of Pennsylvania and Ohio, and of the nu- With abundant ammunition for their assault. merous manufacturing towns and villages in the great pivotal State of New York were almost as un- qualified protectionists as the Republicans them- selves. No doubt Cleveland carried the great bulk of his party with him in his frank expressions of hostility to the protective system, but he gravely alarmed many thousands of faithful Democrats in localities directly benefited by the old tariff duties. While the Republicans argued that protection was a great national issue, these Democrats did not need convincing that it was at least a local issue touch- ing their own pockets, and their votes helped to lose the fight for the national ticket of their party. A second cause of the defeat of the Democrats in 1888 was the accumulated disappointments and dislikes which form a load which every candidate for reëlection to the Presidency must carry. In Mr. Cleveland’s case this was not lightened by per- 66 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. sonal magnetism. He did not attach men to him by traits of good fellowship. He was a dignified chief executive, giving careful attention to public business, but the working politicians of his party found him cold and distant and not disposed to yield his own opinions as to appointments to their wishes. The result of the campaign was a rather easy victory for Harrison and Morton. All the states which went into the Rebellion and all others that formerly held slaves, voted for Cleveland and Thurman; in fact, there was nowhere in those states a healthful, free political contest, except in the old border states, whose proximity to the North has caused them to be somewhat permeated by North- ern ideas. In the rest of the so-called “Solid South” a free ballot and a fair count were nowhere ex- pected or obtained by the Republicans. In that re- gion the Republican party was, as always since the enfranchisement of the negroes, made up of colored men, with a sprinkling of whites; and the consoli- dated power of the wealth, intelligence, and politi- cal experience of the white population made it im- possible for these elements, no matter how numer- ous, to make themselves felt in affecting the result of elections. All Presidential campaigns since the Civil War have been conducted by the Democrats on the calculation that the entire electoral vote of the South is assured them in advance, no matter what ticket may be nominated, and that the contest must be so shaped as to add to this enormous mass of assured strength just sufficient Northern States to make a majority in the electoral college. These campaigns resemble a game of billiards in which forty-five points out of a hundred are set off in ad- vance for one of the players, leaving him only six Such is still the condition of the great national game of the Presi- dential election, and such it will probably continue to be until the generation which took part in the Rebellion for the maintenance of slavery shall have passed off the stage of action. The only Northern States carried by Cleveland and Thurman were Connecticut and New Jersey. They received 168 electoral votes and Harrison and Morton received 233. more to make to win the game. The 36 electoral votes of New York turned the scale against the Democrats, as they had turned it in their favor in 1884. Of the popular vote, Cleveland had 5,538,560, and Harri- son 5,441,902, so that Cleveland was 96,658 ahead. A free expression of preference at the polls through- out the South would have produced a very different result. Fisk, the Prohibition candidate, received 249,937 votes, and Streeter, the Labor Union candi- date, 147,521 votes. Cowdry, United Labor candi- date, got 2,808 votes, and 1,591 were cast for Curtis, the American candidate. An interesting compari- Thus Cleveland received in 1884 48.48 per cent of the total popular vote, and in 1888 48.63 per cent. In 1884 Blaine received 48.22 per cent of the popular vote, and in son of percentages might be made. 1888 Harrison received 48.83 per cent. President Harrison’s administration was in many respects an eventful one. It was vigorous, pure, and patriotic. James G. Blaine, the most popular statesman in the Republican party, was placed at the head of the State Department, and given an opportunity to carry out the plans for the extension of the influence and trade of the United States On the American continent which he formulated dur- ing the short time he occupied the same post under Dresident Garfield. representatives of all the American republics met At his invitation a congress of at Washington, and out of this notable gathering grew treaties and legislation which opened the markets of nearly all our sister republics to the chief products of our export trade under conditions of fair reciprocity. Similar reciprocity arrange- ments were made with the Spanish dependency of Cuba, and negotiations were opened with a commis- sion created by the Canadian parliament. Through the efforts of our ministers to France and Germany, restrictions on the sale in those countries of Amer- ican pork and lard were removed. Our foreign trade greatly increased as the result of these meas- ures. A civil war broke out in Chili, and the rebel or congressional party was victorious over the gov- ernment or presidential party. The diplomatic re- lations of our minister, Mr. Egan, had necessarily been with the established government, until it was overthrown by arms, and this circumstance led to a feeling of popular hostility toward the United States in the seaport City of Valparaiso, which A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 67 showed itself in a murderous and wholly unpro- voked attack by a mob on a party of sailors who had landed from our man-of-war, the Baltimore. Several men were killed and others were wounded by the mob. Our government promptly demanded apologies and proper money indemnification for this outrage from the newly triumphant government at Santiago. Finally, after evasions and delays, when the Chileans saw we were in earnest and all prepa- rations had been made for the dispatch of a strong naval force to Chilean waters, the required repara- tion was amply made. In this affair the adminis- tration had the patriotic support of Democrats as Well as Republicans in Congress. A dispute about the seal fisheries in Behring sea arose as a result of the fitting out in British Columbia of numerous small vessels to fish for seals in the open sea, inter- cepting the animals on their way to their breeding grounds on islands owned by the United States. The claim of the right of the United States to pro- tect the seals from extermination was strongly in- sisted upon by Secretary Blaine and was disputed by Great Britain. Our government dispatched war vessels to Behring Sea to protect the seals by ar- resting the Canadian crafts, and the British ordered war vessels to the same locality, apparently to take sides with their poaching fishermen. At one time hostilities were apprehended, but the good sense of both governments led to the reference of the dis- pute to arbitration. President Harrison’s first Secretary of the Treas. ury was William Windom of Minnesota, an emi- ment financier, who had held the same post in the Garfield administration. On his death in 1890 he was succeeded by ex-Gov. Charles Foster of Ohio, The financial measures of the administration Were of great importance. First, was a vigorous oppo- sition to the cheap silver movement in Congress, which originated with the Democrats, but swept into its vortex many Republicans from the far West- ern States where silver mines are worked. Silver had become so lowered in value in comparison with gold, and consequently in its purchasing power in the markets of the world, that the standard bullion COritained in the standard silver dollar was worth less than seventy cents. A clamor arose for free coinage; that is to say, for a law to compel the government to take silver bullion to any amount Offered, and deliver coined dollars in return on the basis of the weight of the present dollar. For sev- enty cents worth of silver the government was to give a coin with an enforced legal tender value of One dollar. outside of the silver-producing states, was strongest in the debtor communities of the South and West, where crops had been bad, times were hard, and The so-called free coinage movement, mortgages oppressive. The people of those commu- nities imagined that if the currency was inflated with cheap silver times would improve, and they could pay off their debts with money of less value than that current when they were contracted. The same arguments were advanced for depreciated sil. yer that were advanced for irredeemable green- backs in the years following the war, and by the same kinds of people. An organization known as the Farmers’ Alliance grew to formidable proportions both in the Southern and Western States, advocat- ing free silver, and the establishment of sub-treas- uries throughout the country, to loan government money to farmers at a low rate of interest on the collateral of wheat, corn, and other products de- posited in bonded warehouses, or on real estate mortgages. This fantastic scheme was very at- tractive to men of limited intelligence, and much use was made of it by demagogues. President Harri- son’s administration took positive grounds against the free silver movement, and was supported by the great bulk of the Republicans in Congress. Steps were taken to secure an international conference on the silver question, with a view to the adoption of measures by the great commercial countries of the world to establish a new ratio between gold and silver coinage, in accordance with the present rela- tive value of the two metals, and thus bring silver into general use as a standard of value and a basis for paper currency. The most important financial measure of the Har- rison administration was the codifying and simpli- fying of the whole body of tariff legislation by a single statute. This was undertaken by William McKinley, Jr., of Ohio, a veteran member of Con- gress and a leading protectionist. This bill became 68 A HISTORY OF THE REPUB LICAN PARTY. a law in October, 1890. logic into the tariff system. were, first, the admission free of articles not pro- duced in the United States which are not luxuries, but are needed as raw material for Our manufac- tures; and second, a duty on every article manu- factured in the United States equivalent to the ad- vantage the foreign manufacturer has by reason of cheap labor. It sought to put the American man- ufacturer on an equality with the foreigner without obliging him to cut down the earnings of his work- It brought method and Its guiding principles ing people. One feature of the new law was ve- hemently assailed by the Democrats—the increased duty on tin plate. This was adopted for the pur- pose of developing a tin industry in this country on the basis of the tin ore discoveries in California and South Dakota, and it has since had that effect. Unfortunately for the Republicans they were in the midst of the campaign of 1890 for the election of members of Congress at the time the McKinley bill was passed, and there was no time to see what its effects would be on the business of the country. Its provisions were much misrepresented and much misunderstood. The Farmers’ Alliance assailed the new law as well as the Democrats. In some dis- tricts the two parties combined to defeat the Repub- licans, and in others the defection of Republican farmers to the Alliance was large enough to give the Democrats the victory. The general result was that the Republicans lost the control of the House, the Democrats returning a very large majority of the members. Old and strong Republican states like Iowa, Nebraska, and Kansas broke away from their Republican moorings and drifted into the new current of cheap money and free trade agitation. A reaction set in, however, before the new Congress convened in December, 1891. Good crops in the West weakened the influence of the Alliance, and in some localities there was a split between the Alliance itself and a new organization called the People's party, which held a convention at Cincin- nati early in 1892. The unwieldy Democratic ma- jority in the House of Representatives did not ven- ture to pass a bill repealing the McKinley law, the benefits of which had by this time begun to be ap- parent, and blundered along with numerous propo- sitions but no positive achievements in the direc- tion of so-called tariff reform. CHAPTER XXXIV. THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN As the presidential campaign of 1892 drew near the thoughts of a large majority of the Republicans turned instinctively toward James G. Blaine as the candidate they most desired to put in the lead of their party in the approaching contest. His able ad- ministration of the State Department, his stalwart and wise Americanism and the success of the reci- procity provision which had been engrafted on the new tariff bill at his instance, had greatly strength- ened him with the people generally, while his old admirers still held him in that affectionate and en- thusiastic esteem which his original and magnetic personality had created in the earlier days of his career. In the Winter of 1891-92 his health became somewhat impaired and he felt unwilling to under- take the task of leadership. In February he wrote OR 1892–NOMINATION OF HARRISON AND REID. an explicit letter to Mr. Clarkson of Iowa, the chair- man of the Republican national committee, declin- ing to be a candidate for the nomination. The gen- eral thought of the party then turned to President Harrison, and for several weeks nobody else was talked of in connection with the nomination. Some of Mr. Blaine's most ardent friends refused to accept his refusal as final, and insisted that the Wise policy was to go ahead and nominate him, trusting that his sense of public duty would compel him to accept a nomination tendered him in the face of his letter. Many of the prominent party leaders, however, did not approve of this course, and took ground in favor of conducting the campaign on the basis of an appeal to the nation for an indorsement of the wise and patriotic administration of President Harrison by A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 69 reëlection to a second term of office. Against this course it was argued that it is always more difficult to reëlect a President, no matter how successful his administration may have been, than to elect a new man, for the reason that every President necessarily disappoints at least ten men for every one that he appoints to office, and the ten, having nothing more to expect from him, become lukewarm and cannot be persuaded to Work hard for his reëlection. In other Words, the offices being already filled with friends of the administration, those who have not been ben- efited by the former success of the incumbent of the White House have nothing to hope for. On the Other side, it was urged that the prudent, dignified, and conservative course of Harrison had made him a host of new friends, especially alm Ong the business classes, whose support would more than offset any defection from disappointed office-seekers. No new candidate Ventured to take the field against Harri- son, except General Alger of Michigan, whose state instructed its delegation to vote for him. A number of states instructed for Harrison, and he had a strong support in nearly all the important unin- Structed delegations. The convention met at Minneapolis on the 7th of June. As soon as the delegates began to arrive it Was manifest that there was going to be a formid- able movement to nominate Mr. Blaine without any authority from him to place his name before the con- Vention. The old Blaine enthusiasm, manifested at former conventions ever since 1876, broke out afresh, and for a time appeared strong enough to sweep a Way all opposition. Three days before the conven- tion assembled Mr. Blaine resigned his position as Secretary of State and left Washington for his sum- mer home at Bar Harbor, Me. His friends for the most part believed that their course in insisting on making him a candidate had strained the relations between him and the President so that he could no longer remain with comfort in the cabinet. His brief letter gave no ground for his unexpected course, nor did the President’s curt acceptance of his resignation throw any light on the situation. His Supporters at Minneapolis took his action as a tacit Consent for them to push his candidacy in opposition to that of Mr. Harrison. The convention met on Tuesday, but did not reach a ballot until Friday. On Wednesday the Harrison men held a caucus, and ascertained, that, in spite of the popular enthusiasm for Blaine, their candidate had a clear and undoubted majority of the delegates. They counted their forces carefully, and disciplined them so they felt sure of holding them firmly in hand for the final struggle. The Blaine leaders saw they were beaten, and when the momentous roll call of the states began late on Friday, they attempted a diversion in favor of Gov. William McKinley of Ohio, the president of the convention, whose ability and dignity in the chair and whose popularity as the foremost champion of a protective tariff made him exceedingly popular. The result was to divide the original Blaine strength pretty evenly between him and McKinley, without making any inroads on the forces of Harrison. A single ballot settled the con- test. The Michigan delegation retired for consulta- tion and abandoned their candidate. The vote stood as follows: Whole number of votes cast . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 004: 1-3 Necessary for a choice. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 453 Benjamin Harrison. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 535 1-6 James G. Blaine. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182 5-6 William McKinley, Jr. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182 Thomas B. Reed. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. Robert T. Lincoln. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 During the whole struggle no word was received from Mr. Blaine, either in approval or in disapproval of the course of his friends. The first message from him came the day after the nomination, in the form of a letter given to the public press, in which he urged all Republicans to give a hearty support to the nominees of the convention. The Vice President was conceded to New York by universal consent, and the Harrison men on the del- egation from that state selected Whitelaw Reid, editor of the New York Tribune and recently minis- ter to France. He was nominated on Friday evening Without opposition. - The platform, adopted without a division, as it came from the Committee on Resolutions, was long and comprehensive. It followed most Republican precedents in seeking to cover explicitly all impor- tant leading questions agitating the public mind. It was, in fact, too frank and too positive to meet the requirements of political expediency which formerly 70 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. controlled the utterances of national conventions. The Minneapolis platform evaded nothing and con- tained no ambiguous declarations. Its chief new feature was a positive indorsement of bimetallism, demanding “the use of both gold and silver as stand- ard money, with such restrictions and under such provisions, to be determined by legislation, as will Secure the maintenance of the parity of values of the two metals, so that the purchasing and debt paying power of the dollar, whether of silver, gold, or paper, shall be at all times equal.” This was followed by an indorsement of the “steps already taken by our government to secure an international conference to adopt such measures as will insure a parity of value between gold and silver for use as money through- Out the World.” 4. The tariff plank reaffirmed the American doctrine of protection, pointed to the success of the Repub- lican policy of reciprocity, and declared that “all articles which cannot be produced in the United States, except luxuries, should be admitted free of duty, and that on all imports coming into competi- tion with the products of American labor there should be levied duties equal to the difference be- tween Wages abroad and at home.” On the important question of a free ballot and a fair count the declaration was in these Words: “We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allowed to cast one free and unre- stricted ballot in all public elections, and that such ballot shall be counted and returned as cast; that such laws shall be enacted and enforced as Will se. cure to every citizen, be he rich or poor, native or for- eign born, white or black, his sovereign right guaran- teed by the Constitution. The free and honest bal- lot, the just and equal representation of all the peo- ple, as well as their just and equal protection under the laws, are the foundation of our republican insti- tutions, and the party will never relax its efforts until the integrity of the ballot and the purity of elections shall be fully guaranteed and protected in every state.” The platform contained declarations in favor of the restoration of our mercantile marine, and the creation of a navy for the protection of national in- terests; more stringent laws to restrict pauper, crim- inal, and contract immigration; legislation by Con- gress to better protect the lives of employes on rail- roads and in mines and factories; the extension of the free delivery branch of the postal system; the construction of the Nicaragua canal; civil service reform; the admission as states of the remaining ter- ritories; the cession to the states of the arid lands; the support of the World's Columbian Exposition; efforts to lessen the evils of intemperance; and the watchful care and recognition of the soldiers of the Union who saved the life of the nation. Other planks opposed any union between church and state, and censured the persecution of the Jews in Russia. The administration of President Harrison was heart- ily indorsed. The Democratic national convention met at Chi- cago On the 21st of June. Ex-President Grover Cleveland had long been the evident favorite of a large majority of the party, and was especially strong among the anti-protection Democrats of the West and South. He had many determined enemies in his party, however, among the active politicians who had not obtained satisfactory recognition and reward during his term in the White House. In the fall of 1891 Governor Hill of New York, then a United States senator-elect, began an active cam- paign against Cleveland, in which he was supported In the following winter Mr. Hill left the Senate, and made a tour of the South to forward his own candidacy for by the Tammany organization in that state. the presidential nomination. Having control of the party machinery in New York, he called the state convention in February, an unusually early date, and before the Cleveland men could make an effect- ive resistance he had secured a solid delegation of his friends to Chicago. Another convention, popu- larly called the anti-snap convention, was subse- Quently held, in which only Cleveland's friends par- ticipated, and a full contesting delegation was ap- pointed. In the meantime the controversy between the Cleveland and the anti-Cleveland elements spread over the entire country. candidate appeared—Governor Boies of Iowa, who had been elected governor of that strong Repub- In the West a new lican state through a breaking down of old party lines, caused by the Prohibition and Farmers' Alli- JAMES G. BLAINE Republican Candidate for President in 1884 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 73 ance movements. Other candidates With some show of popularity were Governor Gray of Indiana and Senator Gorman of Maryland. The long-established rule of the Democratic party is that a two-thirds vote shall be required to nom- inate in national conventions. Iłefore the delegates assembled at Chicago there was no question as to The lactics of the Tammany chiefs, who led the fight against him, Were, consequently, to scatter as many votes as pos- Cleveland having a strong majority. sible on local favorites and thus hold more than a If this could be a C- complished they hoped to tire out the Cleveland third of the body in opposition. forces and compel a compromise on Boies or SOme Other candidate. enough to carry out this scheme, and Cleveland Was The vote stood: They could not muster strength nominated on the first ballot. Cleveland of New York. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.16% Hill of New York. . . . . . . . * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * 114 Boies of IOWa. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 Gorman of Maryland. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36% Stevenson of Illinois. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16% Carlisle of Kentucky. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 Morrison of Illinois. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Campbell of Ohio. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Whitney of New York. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. Pattison of Pennsylvania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. Russell of Massachusetts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. The opposition to Cleveland, in so far as it came from the East, grew wholly out of reminiscences of his partial adherence to civil service theories when he was President. He left many Republicans to serve out their terms in the postoffices instead of turning them all out at once to make places for Democrats, but as fast as official terms expired he filled all positions with men of his own party. The political spoilsmen did not like his methods. In the West and the South his opponents were the cheap silver men, who favored unlimited free coinage of the standard silver dollar. An animated contest took place in the Chicago convention between the free traders and the quali- The latter, led by Vilas and Dickinson, who were members of President Cleve- fied protectionists. land’s cabinet, carried the committee on resolutions, and secured the reporting of a plank in the platform straddling the issue by denouncing the present tariff, declaring that all taxation should be for the needs of the government, and at the same time talk- ing vaguely about recognizing the difference be- ful of the labor and capital thus involved.” tween the wages of labor here and abroad, disclaim- ing any purpose to injure domestic industries and saying, finally, that “many industries have come to rely on legislation for successful continuance, so that any change of law must be at every step regard- Upon this resolution the free traders, led by Neal of Ohio and Watterson of Kentucky, made a sharp attack as soon as the platform was presented to the con- vention, and they succeeded on a roll call, by a vote of 564 to 342, in knocking out the objectionable plank and inserting in its place the Democratic tariff plank of 1876, which read as follows: “We denounce Republican protection as a fraud— a robbery of a great majority of the American people for the benefit of the few. We declare it a funda- mental principle of the Democratic party that the Federal Government has no constitutional power to enforce and collect tariff duties, except for the pur- pose of revenue only, and demand that the collection of such taxes shall be limited to the necessities of the government honestly and economically admin- istered.” This aggressive anti-protection resolution was fol- lowed in the platform by one antagonizing reciproc- ity, which is worth quoting in full as showing the difference on this important question between the position of the two parties. It read: “Trade interchanges on the basis of reciprocal ad- Vantages to the countries participating is a time- honored doctrine of the Democratic faith, but we denounce the sham reciprocity which juggles with the people's desire for enlarged foreign markets and freer exchanges by pretending to establish closer trade relations for a country whose articles of ex- port are almost exclusively agricultural products with other countries that are also agricultural, while erecting a custom-house barrier of prohibitive tariff taxes against the richest countries of the world that stand ready to take our entire surplus products and to exchange them for commodities which are neces- saries and comforts of life among our own people.” In other words, the Democratic national conven- tion declared itself opposed to reciprocity with Sugar-producing Cuba and coffee-producing Brazil unless accompanied with a like measure of free 74 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. trade with England and Germany, where all kinds of articles are manufactured by cheap labor in com- petition with our own industries. The free silver men were almost as badly beaten at Chicago as at Minneapolis, the Chicago platform declaring in favor of the use as money of both gold and silver, and adding that “the dollar unit of coin- age of both metals must be of equal intrinsic and exchangeable value, or be adjusted through interna- tional agreement or by such safeguards of legisla. tion as shall insure the maintenance of the parity of the two metals, and the equal power of every dollar at all times in the market and in the payment Of debts.” This unqualified condemnation of the cheap silver craze, accompanied by a declaration that all paper currency shall be kept at par with and redeemable in coin, if it stood alone, would be acceptable to every Republican and would be a square indorsement of old Republican doctrine on the money question; but unfortunately the Southern state rights men were allowed to insert a plank recommending the repeal of the prohibitory ten per cent tax on state bank issue. If carried into legislation this would flood the country with depreciated state bank bills and throw the business community back into the chaos of a paper circulation of varying and uncer- tain value in which it floundered before the adop- tion of the national banking system. On other questions the Chicago platform was in the main a series of echoes of the Republican plat- form adopted at Minneapolis. In fact, the two docu- ments were practically interchangeable on the ad- mission of the territories, on pensions, on protection to employes, on the World’s Fair, on the Nicaragua canal, on civil service reform, and on foreign pauper and criminal immigration. The concluding plank, It read: “We are op- posed to all sumptuary laws as an interference with the individual rights of the citizen.” however, Was an exception. The meaning of this language must be taken to be that the Dem. Ocracy opposed all laws restricting the liquor traffic. |For Vice President the convention nominated Adlai E. Stevenson of Illinois, formerly a member of Congress for one term and the first Assistant Postmaster-General under Cleveland. In the latter position Stevenson threw discredit on Cleveland’s civil service reform policy by removing without cause about 40,000 Republican country postmasters and appointing Democrats to their places. The ballot for Vice President resulted as follows: Ste- venson of Illinois, 910; Gray of Indiana, 343; Mitch- ell of Wisconsin, 45; Morse of Massachusetts, 86; Watterson of Kentucky, 26; Cockran of New York, 5; Lambert Tree, 1; and Boies, 1. Gray was the candidate of the Cleveland managers. The Prohibitionists held a national Convention at Cincinnati on June 20th, and nominated for Presi- dent, John Bidwell of California, and for Vice Presi- dent, J. B. Cranfill of Texas. laneous platform, seeking to cover pretty much They made a miscel- every question agitating the public mind, instead of sticking to the text of their single distinctive issue. Their prohibition plank demanded an entire suppression by both State and Federal legislation of the manufacture, sale, importation, exportation, and transportation of alcoholic liquors as a beverage. The convention was inharmonious, by reason of the attempt of its platform makers to cover the silver question, the tariff question, the railroad question, the labor question, and other issues on which Pro- hibitionists disagree. A national convention, arranged for by previous and St. Louis, met at Omaha on July 4th, and took the name of the Peo- ple's party. liance movements in the West and South, and of assemblies at Cincinnati It was the outgrowth of Farmers’ Al- various independent movements in different local- ities, all of which were more or less tinged with socialistic ideas. This convention was an enormous affair, being made up of nearly three thousand dele- gates. It nominated for President, James B. Weaver of Iowa, and for Vice President, J. G. Field of Vir- ginia. Its platform began with an attack on the public debt, because it is payable in gold, on the bondholders, on capitalists, corporations, national banks and railroads, and was in essence a complaint of the debtor and moneyless classes against the thrifty, saving, property-holding class. Its specific demands were for the free coinage of silver at the A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 75 ate of sixteen to one of gold; for an abundant cur- rency to be loaned to the people by the government through a multitude of sub-treasuries, and at a rate of not exceeding two per cent per annum; for gov- ernment railroads and telegraphs; for a graduated income tax; for postal savings banks; for the con- fiscation of all lands held by railroads and by aliens; for shorter hours of labor; for one term only for the President of the United States; and for the Aus. tralian ballot system. CHAPTER X X X V. ELECTION OF CIVEVELAND ANI) STEVENSON.—CAUSES OF THIS IRE PUIBILICAN IDEITEAT IN 1802–CI/IEVIELAND’S SECONT) ADMINISTRATION. The most experienced and sagacious politicians in the Republican party felt that the renomination of Harrison was a mistake, just as the renomination of Cleveland had proven a Democratic mistake four years before. Unless a President is a man of ex- ceptionally commanding personality, and possesses a peculiarly strong hold on the patriotic sentiment of the people on account of great services rendered the country, a man, in a word, like Washington, I, incoln, or Grant, he is always a weak candidate for reëlection. There are numerous reasons for this One is that a Pres- ident, in his appointments to office, must of neces- sity disappoint about ten men on an average for every one whom he satisfies, and that, in conse- feature of our national politics. quence, while gaining one devoted adherent he con- verts ten former friends into unfriendly critics, if not into open opponents. Another is, that among the prominent leaders in his own party, and es- pecially among those who by reason of holding seats in Congress claim the right to be consulted in mat- ters of appointments and of party policy, there are sure to be a number who feel that they have not received the consideration their importance merits. Still another may be found in the disposition of many unthinking people to blame the head of the government for the depressions and disasters which periodically afflict the world of business. The pe. riod of hard times, which followed the great era of national development, of speculation, and of in- flated values that characterized the decade of the eighties, and which culminated in the panic of 1893, had already begun in 1892 and produced widespread apprehension and discontent. The Democrats in their campaign efforts made the best use they could of the condition of dullness and stringency prevail- ing in business circles. They especially directed their attacks at the McKinley tariff law, which they ar- gued had built up a wall around the country, keep- ing out foreign goods, and thus restricting the Tho new duty on tin came in for their particular assault and derision. market for our own agricultural products. In many states their local commit- tees equipped marching clubs with tin cups and workingmen's dinner pails, which were borne aloft on the ends of poles, while a rub-a-dub was kept up at the head of the line on big tin milk pans. The purpose was to make the ignorant believe that the Republicans had placed an oppressive and odi- ous tax on these articles of common use among the poorer classes. The good effects of the tin plate tariff, in building up great manufactories and em- ploying thousands of workingmen, had not yet been demonstrated as they were in after years. President Harrison was not a man of much per- sonal popularity. He had shown excellent quali- ties in the White House. He was conscientious, fair-minded, industrious, and patriotic. His ap- pointments were good, and were not much con- He lacked What is called personal magnetism, however, that subtle element Of character trolled by his own personal preferences. which makes fast friends and draws adherents to a public man as the magnet does the flakes of steel. Impulsive men said that they felt as if they were in an icehouse when they called upon him. He was commonly spoken of as an icicle. Yet he was accessible to everybody who had any business to bring before him, and was simple and unostentatious in his tastes and habits. His “running mate,” Whitelaw 76 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Reid, gave no strength to the ticket, but was rather a load to carry. The trade union element made war upon him, because he had for many years em- ployed nonunion labor in the printing office of the New York Tribune. He made peace with the typo- graphical union in his district during the campaign, but this action was too evidently for political effect to cause the great organized labor element to relax its hostility. The campaign lacked spirit and force on both sides. Both the presidential candidates were thor- oughly known by the people; each had served a term in the White House; there was nothing new to be said about the personality or antecedents of either. Cleveland had made a prudent and con- servative administration, and had convinced even the most apprehensive Republicans that the gov- ernment could be in Democratic hands without the Country going to ruin. Harrison’s administration had been open to no attacks save those of ordinary partisanship. It had been businesslike, serious, and thoroughly patriotic. No mud-slinging was in or- der at either candidate. The usual forms of cam- paign activity were followed by both parties, but the contest was from the first a lethargic one. The Republicans were forced to take the defensive, be- cause the question at issue was whether they should be continued in power. They defended the protect. ive tariff system and the general high character of the Harrison administration, and attacked Cleve- land With some effect among the old soldier ele- ment on account of his hostility to pensions during his former term in the Presidency. One result of the campaign was to convince the Republicans of the unwisdom of nominating a candidate by the Votes of delegates in convention from states which can contribute no electoral votes. Harrison was nominated by the votes of the Southern delegations. All the Southern States went for Cleveland at the election. The South was just as solidly Democratic as it had been at every election since 1876, when the returning boards gave Louisiana, South Carolina, and Florida to Hayes. Harrison received in the electoral college 145 votes, Cleveland 277, and Weaver, the Populist, who was adopted by the free silver element as its leader, 22. Harrison carried the States of Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, Nebraska, Ohio, Oregon, Penn- sylvania, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Vermont, Washington, and Wyoming. He received one of the three electoral votes of North Dakota, one of the nine votes of California, and under a new law in Michigan which provided that electors should be chosen by congressional districts, he lost five votes in that state to Cleveland. Cleveland carried all the Southern States and in the North the States Of California, Connecticut, New Jersey, New York, Indiana, Wisconsin, and Illinois. He received one vote from North Dakota and five from Michigan, Weaver’s 22 electoral votes came from Colorado, Kansas, Idaho, Nevada, and North Dakota, and were purely the result of the free silver craze in those states. The veteran Greenbacker, who used to preach unlimited issues of irredeemable paper money, was in a gro- tesque attitude as the leader of the white metal movement, but his followers were as crazy as he was, and did not see the absurdity of his position. Of the total popular vote Cleveland had 5,554,226, and lost one of the California, votes. JHarrison 5,175,202, Weaver 1,041,577, and Bidwell, Prohibitionist, 262,904. Cleveland’s plurality was 379,025. The percentage of the popular vote re- ceived by the several candidates was as follows: Cleveland, 45.98; Harrison, 42.84; Weaver, 8.79; Bidwell, 2.19. The Democrats now came into full possession of the national government. The Senate, after March 4, 1893, was Democratic, and in the new House the Democrats had a large majority. Mr. Cleveland entered the White House for the second time, how- ever, under gloomy conditions. The causes which produced the defeat of Harrison made his adminis- tration unpopular. The gathering clouds of busi- ness depressions which had obscured the horizon in 1892, broke into a storm of disaster in 1893. Banks failed, factories closed, and thousands of business houses became insolvent. “You wanted a change,” said the Republicans to the men who had voted for Cleveland the previous November; “now you’ve got it, and how do you like it?” Tens of thousands of working people were thrown out of employment by the closing of shops and factories, and the Wages A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 77 of those who were so fortunate as to be kept at work were considerably reduced. Values of all sorts of property declined, money was locked up in Eastern banks, credits were curtailed, mortgages foreclosed and hard times settled down upon the land. Public opinion blamed the Democrats for this great and general calamity. That some de- gree of business depression and shrinkage was in- evitable was admitted by all thoughtful Repub- licans, but they held that the crisis was greatly ag- gravated by the threat of the destruction of the pro- tective tariff system involved in the success of the IDemocratic party. In spite of the gloomy condition of the business world the Democrats in the House began their prom- ised undertaking of destroying the Republican pro- tective tariff as soon as the session which opened in December, 1893, was fairly in shape for work. The task was chiefly in the hands of Mr. Wilson of West Virginia, the new chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, who undertook with zeal and sincerity to carry out the declaration of the national platform of his party that “the Federal Government has no constitutional power to impose and collect tariff du- ties except for the purpose of revenue only.” In this effort Wilson was heartily backed up by the influence of President Cleveland. The so-called Wil- son bill was pushed through the House against the vigorous opposition of the Republican minority led by ex-Speaker Reed of Maine. ical measure of tariff reduction ever passed through either house. It abolished about thirty-eight per cent of the duties previously paid, placed many im- portant articles on the free list, and reduced the duties on large classes of manufactures and farm - The bill went to the Senate on February 1st and was held in that body until July 4th. A combination of three Dem- ocratic senators, Gorman of Maryland, Brice of Ohio, and Hill of New York was formed to defeat the central purpose of the Wilson bill and to pre- serve the essential principle of protection in the tariff schedules. It was the most rad- products from fifty to sixty per cent. This was denounced by the Dem- ocratic free traders as the “unholy triumvirate.” Repeated held without avail. Cleveland wrote a letter to Wilson on July 20 de- Conferences were nouncing the Senate bill as “an abandonment of T}emocratic pledges,” and as meaning “party perfidy and party dishonor.” Nevertheless the Senate ad. hered to its bill, and forced the House to back down. Rather than see all tariff legislation defeated Mr. Wilson himself finally moved a concurrence in the amendments of the Senate. For the first time in thirty-four years the Democratic party succeeded in giving the country a tariff measure. tation alarmed capital and added grievously to the unsettled condition of industry and the distress of labor. As finally enacted into law, and known as the Gorman-Wilson tariff, this measure was an abandonment of the Democratic platform principle of a tariff for revenue only and was essentially a measure of protection, although to a much less ex- tent than the McKinley law. An essential feature of the Democratic financial scheme was a tax on incomes to make up for the deficiency in revenue sure to be caused by the re- duced tariff duties established by the Gorman-Wil- son bill, and an income tax bill was accordingly passed against the solid opposition of the Repub- licans and in face of the general unpopularity of The Cleve: land administration set in motion the machinery for collecting this tax, but before much progress had been made the supreme court decided that the law was unconstitutional. the measure in the country at large. It was then necessary to return all the money that had been paid into the collectors of internal revenue and to face the cer- tainty of a considerable deficit in the treasury. The income tax scheme was perhaps the most notable fiasco of Cleveland’s second term. President Cleveland's treatment of the new repub- lic of Hawaii caused a great deal of dissatisfaction in both parties. During the closing year of Harrison’s administration a revolution occurred in that archi- pelago, led by the American element in the popula- tion, which deposed without bloodshed the corrupt and semi-barbarous native dynasty. During the brief period of disturbed condition in Honolulu marines were landed from a United States man-of- war to protect American residents. The provi- sional government hoisted an American flag, and announced a desire for annexation to the United 78 A HISTORY OF THE PARTY. REPUBLICAN States. Cleveland recalled Minister Stevens at once, and dispatched a special commissioner, Mr. Blount, who ordered the American flag hauled down as soon as he reached Honolulu, and sent the Amer- ican marines back to their ship. All the influence of the Washington government was exercised in favor of a restoration of Queen Liliuokalani, but the Hawaiian republicans elected a president, Mr. Dole, who proved to be a capable and resolute man, and who held his ground so that Mr. Cleveland was reduced at last to the alternative of breaking up a new and friendly republic by force or recognizing its rights as a nation. The deposed queen sent her daughter to Washington to put forth her persuasive powers at the White House. Public sentiment had by this time, however, disturbed the stolidity of Mr. Cleveland, and he did not venture to use force to The general view was that Cleveland’s course in this undo the work of the Hawaiian republicans. important matter was the outcome of a hasty and ill-considered wish to antagonize what his prede- cessor had done in giving encouragement to the new government of the islands. A notable incident of the Cleveland administra- tion was the triumphant return to power of the Re- publicans in the House of Representatives as the re- sult of the elections in 1894. pressed the general dissatisfaction felt by the coun- try with the policy, or lack of policy, of the former Those elections ex- Democratic majority in Congress in its treatment of the tariff issue and With the course of the adminis- tration. which assembled in 1)ecember, 1895, was greater The Republican majority in the House than it had been at any time during their forty years of existence as a national party. Thomas B. Reed of Maine was reëlected to the speakership which he had vacated in 1891. His reëlection was a striking indorsement of the principle of parliamentary gov- ernment by majorities, which he had vindicated against great opposition during his former term. In the Congress which began in December, 1889, the Republicans had a small majority in the House. The Democrats attempted to defeat important legisla- tion proposed by the Republicans by resorting to fillibustering—a term long used to designate the practice of preventing a vote being taken by making repeated dilatory motions, and also by breaking up a quorum by refusing to answer to their names when a call of House was in progress. Fillibustering had long been regarded as a legitimate weapon of a minority to secure a fair amount of time to dis- cuss a measure which they opposed, but never before had a minority in any legislative body claimed it as their right to defeat the will of the majority by this method. which were evidently made to obstruct legislation, and when members refused to Vote whom he saw in the hall he directed that they should be counted to For this action he was denounced Speaker Reed refused to put motions make a quorum. as a tyrant, and given the nickname of “The Czar.” All the Democratic newspapers assailed him violent- ly, and some of the professedly independent organs joined in the clamor. The position of the Democrats at the time was in substance the revolutionary One that the minority and not the majority should con- trol the legislation of the House. In no single in- stance was there even an accusation that Speaker Reed refused to put any motion made in good faith. Every motion which he refused to put was one avow- edly made merely for dilatory purposes. Every man whom he refused to recognize was a man Who avow- edly desired to speak simply for the purpose of cre- ating delay and obstructing the action of the House. Those whom he counted as present actually Were present. Indeed the last point of absurdity was reached when many men, including, for instance, Congressman (afterwards Governor) Flower, were loudly denouncing the speaker for counting them present at the very moment when they were address- ing him at the tops of their voices and declaring themselves constructively absent. Later the Su- preme court of the United States decided that Mr. Reed was right in his position of counting a quorum, and the Democratic Fifty-third Congress adopted, in their substance, the rules which he had first pro- mulgated to prevent the employment of dilatory tac- tics and improper delay and obstruction generally. One act of Cleveland’s second which gave rise to a great deal of hostile criticism administration among Democrats as well as among Republicans was the contract made by the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Carlisle, for the sale of bonds to protect the gold A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 79 reserve. In January, 1895, gold was steadily drawn from the treasury at the rate of two, three, and even four millions a day for the redemption of green- backs, and a large part of the withdrawals were shipped to Europe. It became evident, that, if this process went on much longer, the government would be placed in the position of a bank that cannot re- deem its notes. Congress failed to provide any way to meet the crisis, and President Cleveland, acting under authority of a former statute, authorized a contract to be made with two New York banking firms, August Belmont & Co., representing the Rothschilds of London, and J. P. Morgan & Co., rep- resenting J. S. Morgan & Co. of London, by which those firms agreed to purchase $62,315,000 of four per cent bonds and pay for them at the rate of 104% in gold. These bankers at once put the bonds on the market in both New York and London at 1124, thus making an immediate profit of eight cents On the dollar. gregated $590,000,000 and the price ran up in the The subscriptions for the bonds ag- market to 120. It was very naturally held by the critics of the administration that the government should have placed the bonds upon the market and realized the enormous profits that were made by bankers and brokers. By the time Congress met in December, 1895, the gold reserve had again been seriously reduced below its required minimum of $100,000,000. The Repub- licans took the position, that, so long as the revenues of the government were not sufficient to meet its cur- rent expenses, as had been the case since the enact- ment of the Wilson tariff law, the treasury would at all times be liable to be raided for gold, and that the main feature of any true remedy for this dangerous situation was to increase the income of the govern- ment. This they proposed to do by an emergency tariff bill, to remain in force three years. The silver men, who controlled a number of votes in the Senate and held a balance of power in that body, seriously proposed that the greenbacks should be redeemed in silver, a proceeding which would at once have brought down the whole volume of the currency to a silver basis. Futile debates on various propositions to supply the deficiency in revenue and protect the gold reserve occupied many Weeks of the session. The emergency tariff bill was passed by the House, but the Senate substituted for it a bill for the free coinage of silver. The administration refused to make a second contract with the Morgan-Belmont syndicate to furnish gold to sustain the gold reserve, and advertised for a popular loan of $100,000,000, which was promptly taken by the banks at a figure Very much more favorable to the government than that paid by the syndicate for the previous issue. The net result of the whole financial muddle brought about by the reduction of tariff duties, the income tax fiasco, and the drain of gold from the treasury was to create a new debt of $262,000,000 to pay the difference between the receipts and expenses of the government during Cleveland’s second term. CHAPTER XXXVI. THE (JAMPAIGN OF The canvass for the Republican presidential nomi- nation opened unusually early, and by the time Con- gress met in December, 1895, a number of candidates were placed in the field and their merits were much discussed by the newspapers of the country. It looked at first as if the leading candidate would be Thomas B. Reed of Maine, the speaker of the House of Representatives. His strong and original per- Sonality, his long eminence as a party leader, his | S96 – NOMINATION OF MGIKINI, EY ANTO EIOP3ART. courage and good sense in putting down the old and vicious practice of fillibustering in the House to defeat the will of the majority and thus prevent legislation, and the prominent position he occupied, which kept him constantly in the public view, gave him great advantages Over other candidates. The Eastern and Southern States promised to be nearly solid for him, and he expected a strong reinforce- ment from the West. His chief competitor at the 80 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. beginning of the pre-convention canvass was Will- iam McKinley of Ohio, for fourteen years a member of Congress and four years governor of his state. Like Reed, Governor McKinley was a man of ex- ceptional national prominence. He had been the most consistent, eloquent, and determined advocate in Congress of the principle of protection by tariff laws of American labor and business, and the MC- Kinley bill had made his name a household word throughout the country. He had borne for a time the transient unpopularity of his tariff measure, con- fident of a reaction in public sentiment, and after the Republican defeat of 1892 he was the chief of a small group of Republican leaders who refused steadfastly to abandon the principle of ample tariff protection and to re-align the party on other issues. He saw clearly that the Wilson tariff law would bring disaster to the business interests of the coun- try. In the state and congressional campaigns of 1894 he developed immense power and popularity as a stump speaker, making the most remarkable canvass ever made by any public speaker in Ameri- can political history. During that campaign he made speeches in eighteen states. delivered a dozen short addresses from the platform On some days he of a car or from improvised stands at railroad sta- tions, besides delivering two or three formal ad- dresses. * necessity of a protective tariff for the wel- In all his speeches his theme was the fare of American workingmen and the pros- perity of American business enterprise. He was everywhere accepted as the great apostle of the pro- tective idea, and vast numbers of people flocked to hear him. presidential candidate, and gave him a large follow- As the winter ad- That canvass made him a prominent ing in every part of the country. vanced it became evident that a popular wave was running for McKinley. He was not a favorite with the managing politicians of the Republican party, and it was currently believed that a project was formed at Washington to bring out a number of candidates, each of Whom could at least control the delegation to the national convention from his own state, and then to unite these elements of opposition to McRinley at the convention. Whether such a combination Was formed or not, a number of so- called “favorite sons” were announced as candi- dates, and each appealed for support to his own State. The most formidable of these state candi- dates was Levi P. Morton of New York, on account Of the heavy vote of that state, and also because of his eminence as Vice President in the Harrison ad- and his enormous majority when elected governor of New York in 1894. Mr. Morton, ministration however, was not able to develop any considerable strength in other states as the canvass went on. Senator Matthew S. Quay of Pennsylvania, a polit- ical leader and organizer of great ability, secured the devoted following of his own state, but made a very small figure in the general canvass for dele- gates. Senator William B. peared at one time to have the elements of popu- Allison of Iowa ap- larity and availability that would secure for him a large following in all the Western States, but the event demonstrated that against McKinley he was powerless outside of his own state. Senator Shelby M. Cullom of Illinois announced himself as a candi- date, and counted on the indorsement of his state, but at the Illinois state convention the McKinley men were in large majority, and Mr. Cullom disappeared from the list of competitors for the nomination. The same result happened in Minnesota, where Senator Cushman K. Davis was announced as a candidate. Senator Manderson of Nebraska withdrew before bringing the question to a test in the convention of that state. of sufficient eminence as an experienced, able, and Each of these state candidates was popular Republican leader to have secured, under ordinary conditions, not only his own state delega. tion but a considerable following from other states. The force behind his wave was the determination of the The McKinley tidal wave swept them away. masses of Republican voters to emphasize their de- sire for a return to thorough scientific protective tariff legislation by nominating for President the most faithful, intelligent, and conspicuous cham. pion of the protection idea. Against this determina- tion the personal popularity of other candidates and the Ordinary methods of securing delegations were to a great degree futile. During the winter and early spring the political signs of the times pointed to an easy victory for the A., HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 81. Republicans on the dominant issue of restoring a protective tariff, but before the assembling of the Republican convention at St. Louis, on June 16th, it became evident that the free silver movement had gained a great and unlooked-for strength among the Democratic masses in the West and South. State after state declared in its Democratic conven- tion for the free coinage of silver at the ratio of six- teen to One. This singular currency delusion had its original seat in the Rocky Mountain States which produce silver, and whose people have a direct interest in the scheme for giving them a coined legal tender dollar for an amount of silver bullion now worth about fifty cents in the markets of the world, but it spread widely throughout the Western and Southern States as a hard-times idea, looking to the payment of debts in a cheaper kind of money than the standard money of the country, which since the resumption of specie payments, in 1879, has been based on gold. In fact, the silver movement had assumed the dangerous phase of fanaticism, and the free coinage advocates everywhere asserted that all that was necessary to increase wages and bring about general business prosperity was for the gov- ernment to start the mints at work coining the bul- lion of the silver mine owners into dollars as rapidly as possible. All the arguments used by the advo- cates of the greenback, or irredeemable paper money delusion, which raged in the seventies, Were repeated by the free coinage speakers and writers. They made their appeals to the debtor classes, to mortgaged farmers, to embarrassed business men and to poorly paid wage-earners, seeking to inflame their prejudices against banks and all money-lend- ers and against the creditor communities of the East which furnish the capital for the development Of the West. º The Republican party now realized that it would be forced in the coming campaign to contend with a new cheap money craze of serious proportions, and that the issue of a sound currency would have to go hand in hand with that of protection. As the party that had defended national solvency and honor against the fiat money movement of a quarter of a century ago, that had resumed specie payments and steadily maintained all the money of the coun- try on a par in Value with gold, there was no ques- tion as to what its attitude would be in this emer- gency. There were free silver men in its ranks still, but they were in a very small minority. The great mass of the party stood solid for sound money. The Democrats were divided on the question. Presi- dent Cleveland stood as immovable as a rock for the existing gold standard. So did his Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Carlisle, and a large number of other national party leaders; but in spite of the appeals of these leaders to stand by the ancient Democratic doctrine, that all money should have the intrinsic value stamped upon it or be redeemable in coin of such value, it was evident that the cheap silver idea had undermined the party in the West and South, and was gaining ground in the East, and that it would dominate the Democratic national conven- tion. The grand council of the Republican party as- sembled in St. Louis on June 16th, in a vast audi- torium constructed for the occasion, in which 15,000 people were comfortably seated. The convention was composed of 916 delegates. It closed its ses- sions on the evening of the 19th. A contest over the financial plank of the platform was led by Sen- ator Teller of Colorado, and resulted in the tabling of his substitute for the free coinage of silver at the ratio of sixteen to one and the adoption of the committee’s plank by a vote of yeas 812%, nays 110%. Thereupon Mr. Teller, who had spoken for half an hour in favor of his substitute, withdrew from the convention with twenty-two other delegates, all from silver-producing states. The names of the bolters were as follows: From Colorado—Henry M. Teller, F. C. Goudy, J. W. Rockafellow, J. M. Downing, A. M. Stevenson, J. F. Vivan, C. J. Hart, and C. H. Brickenstein. From Idaho-F. T. Du- bois, W. S. Sweet, Price Haley, A. M. Campbell, B. E. Rich, and Alexander Robinson. From Nevada— A. C. Cleveland, Enoch Strothers, J. B. Overton, and W. D. Phillips. From Utah—C. F. Cannon, A. B. Campbell, and Thomas Kerens. From Montana— Charles S. Hartman only. From South Dakota— R. F. Pettigrew. -- The platform was unusually long and explicit for the utterance of a national convention, and covered 82 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. frankly all leading topics of national interest. It will be found in full in another department of this work, and may be summarized as follows: 1. Tariff, not only to furnish adequate revenue for the necessary expenses of the government, but to protect American labor from degradation to the wage level of other lands. 2. Reciprocal agree- ments for open markets and discriminating duties in favor of the American merchant marine. 3. Maintenance of the existing gold standard, and Op- position to free coinage of silver except by interna- tional agreement with the leading commercial na- Pensions and preferences A firm, Vigor- tions of the World. 4. for veterans of the Union army. ous, and dignified foreign policy, “and all our inter- ests in the Western hemisphere carefully watched and guarded.” 6. The Hawaiian islands to be con- trolled by the United States; the Nicaraguan canal to be built; a naval station in the West Indies. 7. Protection of American citizens and property in Turkey. 8. Reassertion of the Monroe doctrine; eventual withdrawal of European powers from this hemisphere, and union of all English-speaking peo- ples on this continent. 9. The United States act- ively to use influence to restore peace and give in- dependence to Cuba. 10. navy; defense of harbors and sea coasts. 5. Enlargement of the 11. Ex- 12. 13. A free 14. Condemnation of 15. Approval of national arbitration. 16. Approval of a free homestead law. 17. Ad. mission of the remaining territories, representation for Alaska, and abolition of carpet-bag Federal officers. 18. Sympathy with legitimate efforts to lessen intemperance. 19. An inconclusive but sym- pathetic reference to “the rights and interests of Woman.” A single ballot settled the contest for the presi- dential nomination. The McKinley men, under the lead of Marcus A. Hanna of Cleveland, had claimed tWO or three weeks in advance of the convention that their candidate would have 650 votes, and the ballot showed that they knew their strength and were a little within the mark. The result of the bal. lot was: McKinley, 6614; Reed, 84%; Morton, 59; 2 clusion of illiterate and immoral immigrants. Reapproval of the civil service law. ballot and an honest count. lynching. Allison, 35%; Quay, 60%. J. Donald Cameron of Pennsylvania. Four delegates from Mon- tana cast blank ballots and there was one vote for , full by states and territories was as follows: The Vote in { P, Q * & STATES 73 & 5 g & *- & 3 Tº £ 3 º C) $ O F. p > £d : * * * | * * * * * *.*.* w e º e 26 ſ............ Kansas........................................... 20 i............l............l........................ Kentucky....................................... 26 ...........!............l............l.......... Louisiana...................................... 11 4. % % Maine..... - is º e º e º a º ºs 12 i............l............l............ Maryland. 15 1 |............ [............l............ Massachusetts.............................. 1. 29 ............l............l........ ... Michigan........................................ 28 l....................................l............ Minnesota..................................... 18 1....................................l............ Mississippi.................................... 17 l............ 1 ............l............ MissOuri....... 34 |............l............l.................. ..... Montana........................................ 1 ............l............l............!............ Nebraska.................* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * 16 -.............. “...............l............ Nevada.......................................... 8 ............l............l............l.......... tº s New Hampshire............................]............ 8 || “...l........................ New Jersey 19 1 ...“...l..... .................. §. York l 17 l............ 86 I............l............ Worth Carolina.................. ........... 19% 2% l'...........l........................ North Dakota................................ % 2% • * * * * * * * * * * * * | * * * * * * * * * * * e e s e º a a e s s e s e Ohio................................................ 46 |............l........................l............ Oregon................................... ....... 8 ............!------------|............l............ Pennsylvania................................ - 6 .................................... 58 Rhode Island............................... [............ 8 ............l...... .....] ........... South Carolina........... .................. 18 .......................l.................... ... South Dakota.................... - * * * * * * * * * * * 8 ....................................l..... ...... Tennessee........... • * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * - 24 |............ [...“...l............l........... Texas............................... .............. 21 5 1............ 3 |............ Utah............................................... 3 * * * * * * : * * * * * * * * * * * * 3 Vermont........................ ... ........... 8 ............l........................l............ Virginia..... 23 1 .................................... Washington.......... * g e º 'º e º e º $ e s is tº e º 'º e º 'º e º & 8 *.* tº gº tº i. e. g. s is tº a º s e º e ] e º is ºr tº e º e º a tº s 3 & 4 e º e < * * * * * * West Virginia............................... 12 ....................................i............ Wisconsin * * * * * 24 ........................l............l. • * > Wyoming................. .* * * * * * **, * s e º es e º e s sº a 6 -..........l.................. & e < * * * : * e º nº e º & tº dº sº º s District of Columbia....................!............ 1 l'........... 1 ........... Arizona “....................................... 6 |..... ......l............l............l............ New Mexico........................... * e º e º te ž 5 l............l............ 1 |............ Oklahoma ... ......................... e º e º 'º it * 4. 1 |............ 1 |............ Alaska........................................... 4 .......................l....... & & s = * : * > * > * * * * * * * Indian Territory........................... 6 -........ [............l........ ...!... ........ Totals..................................... 661% | 84% 59 || 35% 60% It was the evident desire of the convention to nom- imate Thomas B. Reed for Vice President, and if he had consented to accept the nomination would un- Questionably have been given him by an unanimous vote, but he repeatedly telegraphed his refusal to accept. Governor Morton of New York also de- clined to take the nomination. This left as the only consipcuous Eastern candidate Garret A. Hobart of New Jersey, a manufacturer of Paterson and a prominent politician, long a member of the National Republican Committee, and at one time the unsuc- cessful candidate of his party for governor. The only BENJAMIN HARRISON Twenty-third President of the United States S"/2 */cº A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 85 other candidate of more than local strength. Was Henry Clay Evans of Tennessee, who had a large Southern and Western following. One ballot set- tled the matter, the vote resulting as follows: Ho- bart of New Jersey, 533%; Evans of Tennessee, 280%; Bulkeley of Connecticut, 39; Walker of Virginia, 24; Lippitt of Rhode Island, 8; Grant of California, 2; Depew of New York, 3; Morton of New York, 1 ; Thurston of Nebraska, 2. The temporary chairman of the convention was N. W. Fairbanks of Indiana, and its president was John M. Thurston of Nebraska. silver bolters proceeded to caucus in a hotel, and The twenty-three determined to nominate Senator Henry M. Teller of Colorado, their leader, as an independent free silver candidate for President of the United States. The Democratic national convention met at Chi- cago on July 7th. Early in May the old party lead. ers began to take alarm at the rapid spread of the free silver movement in the Western and Southern States. which he besought his party associates to remain President Cleveland published a letter in true to the Old Democratic traditions of sound money. W. C. Whitney of New York, secretary of war in Cleveland’s first administration, made a vig- orous argument in the newspapers against the Scheme to lower the monetary standard of the coun- try and to thus repudiate in part all public and pri- vate debts. The Eastern Democratic press, rein- forced by many of the strongest newspapers of the party in the West and South, thundered against the State after state instructed its delegates to Chicago to vote for the unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. cheap silver craze. Tt was all in vain. The Southern States went off in a body, and in the West only Wisconsin, with a portion of Minnesota and Michigan and a few scattering delegates here and there, resisted the tidal wave. It now became evident that underlying the power- ful drift of Democratic opinion for silver there was another motive than the hard times sentiment which sought relief from debts and dull business conditions in a cheap form of money. There was also the motive of political expediency. It was plain that the Republicans would triumphantly sweep the country on the issue of a protective tariff, and a great many Democrats of the practical poli- tician type became suddenly willing to change their view on the money question for the chance of suc- cess on another line of battle. A fusion with the I?opulists, they argued, and a free silver campaign appealing to all the discontent and distress caused by the prevalent lethargy in business and the burden of debts would give fair promise of uniting with the solid South nearly all the states of the Missis- sippi valley and all the silver-producing states of Tho Eastern States could be abandoned to the Repub- the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific coast. licans and the fight concentrated in the West with fair promise of securing a majority in the electoral college. The rapid progress of the free silver de- lusion among the Democrats of the West can only be accounted for in this way. Py the time the Chicago convention assembled there was no doubt possible as to its complexion. The silver men were in a large majority. Their leader was Governor Altgeld of Illinois, who won na- tional fame in 1894 by his protest against the use of Federal troops to suppress the Chicago railroad riots. The anti-silver forces rallied to the leadership of Senator Hill and W. C. Whitney of New York and Governor Russell of Massachusetts. The silverites could not count on a two-thirds vote, and conse- quently could not see their way to nominating a can- didate for President under the old rules of the party This The fight began over the The established custom of national conventions of all parties is that without unseating some of the gold delegates. they determined to do. selection of a temporary chairman. the national committee shall name the chairman. Senator Hill was chosen by the committee, but the silver men put up Senator Daniels of Virginia against the gold leader and beat him by a heavy majority. Their next move was to unseat, without any decent pretext, a sufficient number of Michi- gan delegates to make the delegation from that state Solid for silver under the unit rule. In vain did the Eastern Democrats protest against this outrage. When the platform was reported it proved to be a T'opulistic affair from beginning to end, with hardly a trace in it of old Democratic doctrine. It declared for the free and unlimited coinage of silver 86 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. at the ratio of 16 to 1, without the coöperation of any nation; for a tariff for revenue only sufficient to pay the expenses of the government economically administered; for a constitutional amendment au- thorizing an income tax; against Federal interfer- ence in local affairs; against national bank currency and in favor of the issue of all paper money by the government, redeemable in coin; against the issue of bonds in time of peace; against a third presi- dential term ; against a Pacific railroad funding bill; it mildly indorsed the civil service law, and favored freedom for Cuba and pensions for soldiers. An effort to pass a resolution indorsing the admin- istration of President Cleveland was howled down with indignation and derision. The convention was frantic for free silver and cared for nothing else. The delegations from the East met to consider the question of leaving the convention in a body on the ground that it was a Populistic gathering. It was determined to follow the lead of New York, and New York decided to remain in the convention, but to refrain from voting. Apparently the nomination lay between ex-Gov- ernor Boies of Iowa and Richard T. Bland of Mis- souri, the original free silver champion in Congress, but an eloquent speech made on the resolutions by ex-Congressman Wm. J. Bryan of Nebraska, so won the fancy of the extreme silverites that an entirely new face was put upon the contest, and Bryan, who had hardly been thought of as a candidate be- fore the meeting of the convention, rose at once to formidable prominence. The bolting silver Repub- licans from the St. Louis convention hung upon the skirts of the convention urging the nomination of Teller, but they made hardly any visible impression on the sentiment of the body. The first ballot for President resulted as follows: Bland of Missouri, 235; Bryan of Nebraska, 137; Boies of Iowa, 67; Matthews of Indiana, 38; Mc- Ilean of Ohio, 54; Blackburn of Kentucky, 82; Pat- tison of Pennsylvania, 96; Stevenson of Illinois, 6; Teller of Colorado, 8; Pennoyer of Oregon, 8; Till. man of South Carolina, 17; Hill of New York, 1; Campbell of Ohio, 1. The delegates who refused to vote numbered 176. Russell of Massachusetts, 2; On the second ballot Pland’s vote ran up to 281, and Bryan’s to 197. On the third ballot Bland had 291 and Bryan 219. On the fourth ballot, Bland fell off to 241 and Bryan ran up to 276. Then a telegram was read from Bland withdrawing from the contest, and there was a wild rush to Bryan, who was nominated by a large majority. On the fifth Tho president held that two-thirds of those voting were Most of the Eastern dele- gates left for their homes without waiting for the nomination for Vice President, to be made next day. and last ballot 162 delegates declined to vote. sufficient to nominate. There was a general scramble of local favorites for the Vice Presidential nomination, and after a number of ballots the convention nominated Ar- thur J. Sewall of Maine, over Bland of Missouri, who was the leading candidate in the first balloting. William Jennings Bryan is a Nebraska lawyer and politician, who served two terms in Congress as a Democrat and distinguished himself by his gift of fluent oratory and by his strong opposition to a pro- tective tariff, his ultra free silver views, and his advocacy of government ownership of all the rail- He was defeated in an effort to get into the Senate by a combination of the Demo- ways in the country. crats of his state with the Populists. Mr. Sewall is a wealthy bank president and railroad manager. This singularly incongruous ticket and the radical Populistic platform upon which it was placed gave instant promise of disrupting the Democratic party. Many of the oldest and most influential Democratic newspapers at once repudiated it. Among these papers were the Chicago Chronicle, the Louisville Courier-Journal, the New York Sun, Times, and World, the Philadelphia Times, the strong German papers in Chicago, St. Louis, Cleveland, Cincinnati, and other cities, and a large list of other papers of positive influence that had steadily combated the new drift of the party towards cheap money. An urgent demand arose from all these old party organs for a new convention and a genuine Democratic ticket and platform. They declared that Bryan was in reality no Democrat, but only a Populist in thin disguise, and that as a young man of thirty-six whose only reputation had been gained as a West- ern stump agitator against Sound money, banks, and railroads, imbued with raw ideas of a socialistic A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 87 tendency, he had no fitness for the great office of President. The national convention of the People's party, commonly known as the Populists, met in St. Louis on July 21st, and on the same day there assembled in the same city a national convention of silver men, mainly made up of delegates from the silver-pro- ducing states. The latter body was small and of no particular importance. It indorsed the nomina- tions of Bryan and Sewall and passed the usual free silver resolutions. The Populist convention was large, inharmonious, and talkative. showed themselves at the outset. The fusionists Wanted to nominate Bryan and Sewall and make a full union with the silver Democracy on electoral Two factions tickets, so as to combine the two parties in a single Organization for the sake of possible success at the election. The chairman of the National Democratic Committee, Senator Jones of Arkansas, was on hand The Other faction received the popular designation of “Middle-of-the- Road” men, because they wanted to steer clear of all other party organizations and make a separate ticket and platform. Most of these men did not ob- ject to Bryan, whom they regarded as more of a Populist than a Democrat, but they were very hos- tile to Sewall, because he represented to their mind almost everything obnoxious to Populist opinion, to give aid to this fusion project. being a national banker, a corporation man, a rail- road director, and a man of large wealth acquired by the very means denounced by Populist platforms, On a struggle over the chairmanship the Middle-of- the-Road men were beaten, but they rallied and car- ried a motion to proceed with the nomination of Vice President before nominating the candidate for President. By a vote of nearly two to one they de- feated Sewall and nominated Thos. E. Watson of Georgia. Candidate Bryan wired that he would not accept a nomination from the convention unless Most Of the Middle-Of- the-Road delegates came from the Southern States, Sewall was also nominated. where the Populist party had been for years actively antagonizing the T)emocratic party in state and local campaigns. The fusionists were nearly all from the Northern States. Before proceeding to nominate a candidate for President the convention adopted the usual Populist platform, a little modified in some regards from what is known to the party as the Omaha platform. It declared for national money, against all banks of issue save the United States treasury, for free silver at 16 to 1, for a greater volume of the circulating medium; denounced bonds and demanded that no more bonds be issued except by Congress; demanded that the government shall use its option of paying gold or silver to holders of its obligations; denounced this and previous administrations for paying out gold; declared for an income tax; denounced the supreme court for declaring the late law unconstitu- tional; demanded postal savings banks, government ownership of railways and telegraphs; confiscation under form of law of lands held by land-grant rail- ways; direct legislation by means of the initiative and referendum; election of President, Vice Presi- dent, and United States Senators by direct vote of the people; sympathized with Cuba, and declared the time has come for recognition of the independ- ence of the island by this government; denounced “government by injunction” and punishment for in- direct contempt; denounced wrongs upon the suf- frage without naming the party that has been guilty of them, and finally declared the financial question to be paramount to all others and welcomed the co- operation of other parties and of all citizens in set- tling this question according to the teachings of the People's party. On the fifth and last day’s session of the conven- tion Wm. J. Bryan was nominated for President, receiving about four times as many votes as were cast for Norton, his only opponent, who was sup- ported by the radical Middle-of-the-Road men. During the last week in July representatives from seven states attended a conference in Chicago and issued a call for a regular Democratic convention to meet in Indianapolis on September 20, for the pur- pose of nominating a straight-out sound money T)emocratic ticket against Bryan and Sewall. OTir national record closes on August 1st. 88 A HISTORY OF THE REDUBLICAN PARTY. CHAPTER XXXVII. THE SILVER QUESTION.—TWENTY YEARS OF AGITATION AND I,EGISLATION, The silver question has played a conspicuous part in American politics for the past twenty years, and a brief statement of the main facts concerning it can appropriately be made the theme of a separate chapter of this work. The silver dollar of the United States consists of 371} grains of pure silver. The gold dollar consists of 23.22 grains of pure gold. These two numbers stand in the ratio to each other of about sixteen to one—more exactly 15.98 to one. For convenience sake the ratio is expressed in round numbers—six- teen to One. This ratio at no time corresponded exactly to the commercial ratio. As a matter of fact, silver at Over in Europe the Latin Union was coining it at a ratio this ratio was coined by the United States. of fifteen and a half to one. Silver would buy more gold in Europe than it would buy here, and our sil- ver dollars were, therefore, at a small premium over gold dollars—say two per cent. During the decade immediately preceding the Divil War very little silver of American coinage Was in circulation in this country, except dimes and five-cent pieces. Most of the small change was old, worn Spanish quarters, which contained a less Value of silver than their face value, owing to their abrasion. Silver dollars were practically unknown in the circulating medium. All metallic money dis- appeared from circulation shortly after the war broke out, and was seen no more until shortly be- fore the specie resumption act went into effect in 1879. ment issued what was known as fractional cur- ren cy, consisting of paper notes of the denomination of five, ten, twenty-five, and fifty cents. For the purposes of small change the govern- The opening of very productive silver mines in Colorado, Montana, Idaho, Nevada, and other re- gions caused a steady decline in the commercial Value of silver, so that the old ratio between the two metals was seriously disturbed, In 1871 Germany adopted the single gold stand- In 1873 the United States formally followed, dropping the silver dollar from the list of coins named in the new general coinage law. In 1874 France and the Latin Union ceased the free coinage of silver, and in 1893 the Indian mints were closed ard. to silver. Very soon after the coinage act of 1873 was passed, which made no provision for the further coinage of silver dollars, an agitation began in the West, without reference to party lines, for resum- At that time the commercial value of the metal composing it had de- ing the coinage of the old dollar. clined to about eighty-five cents. The coin was popularly called the “dollar of our daddies,” and the movement against resumption and in favor of the issue of more greenbacks gradually changed to a demand for the coinage of more silver. Five years after the dropping of the silver dollar by the United States, that is to say in 1878, the I3]and-Allison act was passed, authorizing the pur- chase of not less than two million dollars’ worth of silver bullion per month, nor more than four mil- lions, and the coinage of said bullion into silver Under this law of 1878 the government purchased in twelve years $308,279,260.71 worth of silver. - dollars. In 1890 the so-called Sherman act was passed, as a substitute for the Bland-Allison act. It directed the purchase of an aggregate amount of 4,500,000 ounces of silver per month, at the ruling market price, and the issue of a form of treasury note known as silver certificates in payment for the metal. The cost of the silver purchased under this act was $155,931,902.25. pealed in 1893. At that time the popular idea was The Sherman act was re- that its existence aggravated the financial crisis of that year by creating an apprehension in the finan- cial world that the United States was likely event. ually to abandon the gold standard and debase its A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 89 paper money and other obligations to the basis of silver. At that time the value of the silver in a dollar was about fifty cents. while the rest of the world was doing nothing to prevent the constant decline in the value of silver, the United States, from 1878 to 1893, spent the enor- mous sum of $464,210,262.96 in efforts to restore the old price. In 1878, when the purchases of the United States began, the commercial ratio was 17.94 to one. The 'atio fell off year after year, every year save 1884, when a slight advance was made, till 1889, when it stood at 22.10 to one. The next year the Sherman law was in force and the ratio again advanced, this year to 19.76 to one. But after the first effects of the law had been felt, the ratio again dropped, till at last it reached the figures of 32.56 to one. That was in 1894, and the bullion value of the silver dol- lar was 49.1 cents, and at its lowest point about 45 cents. It started in 1878 at 89.1 cents. We had experimented fifteen years, and the bullion value of our silver dollar had fallen forty cents exactly, and the bullion value of the dollar was less than half that of the gold dollar. We had spent nearly $500,000,000 to accomplish this! The present com- mercial ratio of silver to gold is about thirty-two to One. - The ultra silver men were at no time satisfied with either the Bland-Allison act or the Sherman act. They kept up an agitation for what they called the “free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ra- tio of sixteen to one,” which meant that the United States should coin into full legal tender dollars all the silver offered at its mints and deliver such dol. lars to the owners of the bullion. This agitation was naturally most active in the states producing silver, but it gradually spread to the entire Missis- sippi Valley, where it assumed the phase of a hard- times movement, the purpose of which was to se- cure currency for the payment of debts that would have a less intrinsic value than gold, and that would in effect scale down the principal of all obligations and reduce the burden of interest. came to attribute a magic quality to silver, main- The silver men taining that its coinage in vast quantities would make business active, and raise the prices of labor It thus appears, that, and commodities by giving the country a cheap and redundant currency. Silver, instead of being demonetized, as charged by the free silver agitators, is actually used as money in this country to a greater extent than ever before in our history, and has the same purchasing power as gold because it is maintained at par by the government as prescribed by two acts of Con- gress. The silver certificates pass current at their face value the same as the greenbacks. In 1879 the total of silver, including dollars and fractional silver coin, in circulation in the United States was $75,000,233. In 1889 the total had risen to $110,814,980. In 1890 the total was $113,508,777. Last year the total amount of silver in circulation was $116,556,070. sent what the country has done for silver. This, however, does not repre- In 1886 the total coinage of silver dollars was $244,433,386, but because the dollars were not wanted on account of the inconvenience caused by their weight, the total number in circulation was $61,502,155. In 1888 the coinage of silver dollars amounted to $300,- 750,890, but the circulation declined to $59,771,450. In 1890 the total coinage had arisen to $380,988,466, but there were in circulation only $65,709,564. In 1892 the total coinage of silver dollars was $416,- 412,835, but the circulation declined to $61,672,455. In 1894 the total coinage of silver dollars rose to $421,776,408, but the dollars in circulation were only $56,443,670. To-day the total in circulation is little more than $50,000,000. The attitude of the Republican party has been one of great friendliness towards silver. It has held tenaciously to the bimetallic theory—that it should be the object of legislation to secure the circulation of both silver and gold as money and as a basis for the paper currency of the country. It was respon- sible for the Bland-Allison act and the Sherman act. In its national platform of 1884 it urged “that an effort to be made to unite all commercial nations in the establishment of an international standard which shall fix for all the relative value of gold and silver coinage.” The Republican platform of 1888 favored “the use of both gold and silver as money,” and “condemned the policy of the Democratic ad- ministration in its efforts to demonetize silver.” 90 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. The platform of 1892 declared that “the American people, from tradition and interest, favor bimetal- lism, and the Republican party demands the use of both gold and silver as standard money, with such restrictions and under such provisions, to be deter- mined by legislation, as will secure the maintenance of the parity of values of the two metals, so that the purchasing and debt-paying power of the dollar, whether of silver, gold, or paper, shall be at all times equal.” The platform of 1896 shows that the progress of events and the development of opinion in the party has brought the great mass of the Republican Vot- ers of the country to the conclusion that nothing can be done by legislation in this country alone that Will make a quantity of silver which the commercial World buys and sells at fifty cents equal in value to a gold dollar. The platform condemns the free coinage of silver, and demands the maintenance of the existing gold standard. It, however, pledges the party to promote an international agreement with the leading commercial nations of the earth for the restoration of silver to its old place as a full unoney metal. It is not, therefore, a gold platform, but it holds to the old bimetallic traditions of the party. CHAPTER X X XVIII. EARLY LEADERS OF THE ANTI-SILAVERY MOVEMENT AND OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. The following chapter was contributed to the first edition of a little work entitled “A History of the Republican Party,” written by the author of this work and first published in 1880. The writer was the late Chas. T. Congdon, long one of the editors of the New York Tribune. It has a peculiar value from the fact that Mr. Congdon was the personal friend of Garrison, Tºhillips, Greeley, and many other men of prominence in the early anti-slavery movement: There is abundant evidence that slavery in Amer- ica was never germane to the sentiment and con- science of the American people. The plea sometimes adduced during the anti-slavery discussion, that the slaves were forced upon the colonies by the commer- cial cupidity of the mother country, was not without a modicum of truth. It is historically true that both Virginia and South Carolina, in the eighteenth cen- tury, sought to restrict the importation of slaves. Massachusetts and Pennsylvania pressed the adop- tion of similar measures, but in each instance the veto of the colonial governor was interposed. It must be understood, that, notwithstanding slave labor was in many of the colonies found profitable, there was always sturdy protest against it. The con- stant testimony of the Qualcers against it is of rec- ord. John Wesley had denounced it as the sum of all villainies; Whitefield had spoken to the planters of “the miseries of the poor negroes;” Dr. Hopkins, the eminent theologian, had fitly characterized the traffic in its very center, and to the faces of the New- port merchants engaged in it. The Continental Con- gress in 1774 had pledged the United Colonies to dis- continue altogether the slave trade. Several of the slave colonies themselves joined in the declaration against the trade. These facts are worth remember- ing, because they show that even at that time there was a strong and conscientious feeling against slav- ery and in favor of justice and humanity. The de- fense of slavery upon moral, theological, and polit- ical grounds came afterward. It is nearly a hundred years since the establishment of the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and There were other and similar societies in different states. Benjamin Franklin was made its president. The first anti-slavery convention was held in 1795. Perhaps the earliest Abolitionist intimately con- nected with the anti-slavery agitation which culmi- nated in such great results was Benjamin Lundy, a member of the Society of Friends, who, born in New Jersey in 1789, in 1815 had established an anti- slavery association called “The Union Humane So- ciety,” at St. Clairsville, Va. Dundy wrote, trav- A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 91 eled, lectured, and everywhere maintained his cru- sade against the institution. In 1821 he started the Genius of Universal Emancipation, the office of which he removed to Baltimore in 1824. Having made the acquaintance of William Lloyd Garrison, he en- gaged the assistance of that gentleman in the edito- rial management of the newspaper. Lundy was the first to establish anti-slavery periodicals and deliver anti-slavery lectures. It is stated that from 1820 to 1830 Lundy traveled 25,000 miles, 5,000 on foot, vis- ited nineteen states, made two voyages to Hayti, and delivered more than 200 addresses. The first number of Mr. Garrison's Liberator was published in Boston in January, 1831. The history of the agitation which was then begun has already been partially written and is familiar to many still living. From this time forth to the bloody issue, and the final triumph of right and justice, slavery began to be felt in the politics of the country. Un- doubtedly a vast majority of both the Whig and T)emocratic parties were upon its side. Upon the other there were two classes. There was that which would keep no terms with slavery, but at all times and seasons yielded not one jot or tittle, but de- manded its immediate abolition. There were others who took more moderate ground; who doubted the policy of instant abolition; who adhered to the par- ties with which they found themselves allied; but who nevertheless insisted upon the right of free dis- cussion and the right of petition. The great cham- pion of this right in the House of Representatives was John Quincy Adams. He had gone from the White House to the House of Representatives with no special feelings of kindness for the Southern States or for their political leaders. But he was always care- ful to declare that personally he was not in favor of the abolition of slavery in the District, while he deemed the right of petition “sacred and to be vindi- cated at all hazards.” His position must not be mis- understood. Asserting energetically the right of the petitioners to be heard, he had no sympathy with He did not regard the question of slavery in the District as of much consequence. He took no humanitarian ground. He fought the battle, and fought it nobly, but it was as a constitutional their opinions. lawyer, and not as an Abolitionist. He argued the matter as he argued the famous Amistad case, upon strictly legal principles. Fortunately, they happened to be upon the right side, and Mr. Adams's services at this time were unquestionably of great value to the cause of freedom. Among the few who took an entirely different ground, and who avowed their sympathy with the prayer of the petitioners, was Wiliam Slade of Ver. mont, who was in the House from 1831 to 1843, and afterward governor of Vermont. He said, with manly precision and courage: “The petitioners wish the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia; So do T. They wish to abolish the slave-trade in the District; so do I.” But protest at such a time was in vain, and the petitions were laid upon the table by a great majority. Agitation must at any cost be arrested. Tranquility must by any expedient be se. cured. In the Senate at the same time a similar controversy was going on. Singularly enough, the champion of the right of petition here was James Ruchanan, who spoke and voted for the reception of the petitions, though he also advocated the in- stant rejection of their prayer; and he actually suc- ceeded, to the great indignation of Mr. Calhoun, in carrying his point. Mr. Morris of Ohio vindicated the right, and declared that “no denial of it by Con- gress could prevent them from expressing it.” Sim- ilar ground was taken by Mr. Prentiss of Vermont. Mr. Webster, not then so regardless of the popular Opinion as he afterward became, advocated the ref. erence of the petitions to the proper committees. Among those who in those dark days of Northern subserviency nobly stood up for free speech and a free press, was Gov. Joseph Ritner of T'ennsylvania, * who in one of his messages said: “Above all, let us never yield up the right of free discussion of any evil which may arise in the land, or any part of it.” Thaddeus Stevens, then chairman of the judiciary Committee of the Pennsylvania house, took ground equally brave and independent. The Southern legis. latures had asked of the Northern States the enact. ment of laws for the suppression of free discussion. “No state,” said Mr. Stevens, “can claim from us such legislation. It would reduce us to a vassalage 92 A FTISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. but little less degrading than that of the slaves.” T3ut in no state can the progress of this great con- troversy be more satisfactorily observed than in Massachusetts. There the Abolitionists were most uncompromising and determined, and so respectable were they in numbers and character that those who were opposed to their opinions and proceedings were not long afterward glad enough to get their votes in seasons of particular emergency. JBut the Massa- chusetts respectability, taking its tone from Boston, as the tone of Boston was governed by its commer- cial interests, was then ready for almost uncondi- tional surrender to the slave power of all which it should have held most dear. Edward Everett was governor of the state, and went so far as to suggest that anti-slavery discussion “might be prosecuted as a misdemeanor at common law.” This part of Goy- Crnor Everett's message was referred to a committee Before this committee appeared in their own defense such Abolitionists as Ellis Gray Loring, William Lloyd Garrison, Dr. Charles Follen, Samuel J. May, and William Goodell. It is almost impossible now to con- of which Mr. George Lunt was chairman. ceive of the indignities as possible to which these gentlemen were subjected by the chairman, Mr. Lunt, Dr. Follen, one of the mildest and most amia- ble of men, was peremptorily silenced. “You are here,” said Mr. Lunt to Mr. May, “to exculpate your- selves if you can”—as if the remonstrants had been criminals at the bar of public justice. Such treatment excited great indignation among those who were Dr. William Ellery Channing—the story is still related in Boston— Walked across the room to offer Mr. Garrison his present merely as spectators. hand, and to speak to him words of sympathy and encouragement. From that day the progress of anti-slavery opinions in Massachusetts went on al- most without cessation. They colored and affected the action of political parties; they broke up and scattered an organization which had held the state in fee for more than a generation; they proved them- selves superior to all the reports and resolutions which such men as Mr. Lunt could bring forward; they won for their supporters all the distinction which place and popular confidence could confer, and reduced those who rejected them to the leanest of minorities. All things worked together for good. The murder of Lovejoy at Alton in 1837 was a tri- umph of slavery which proved in the end one of the most fatal of its misfortunes. It sent Dr. Channing to Faneuil Hall to protest against such an outrage It sent there Wendell IPhil- lips to make his first speech, which rendered him at upon law and justice. Once famous. It created a public sympathy in Boss ton and throughout the state which was never lost, Which the immense influence of Mr. Webster was unable to overcome, and which prepared the way, first for the Free Soil and then for the Republican party. Boston conservatism occasionally made a good deal of noise afterward, but it never carried “Politics,” said Mr. Pierce about that time in the Senate, “are beginning to mingle with that question.” And “he profoundly another election. Franklin regretted that individuals of both parties were sub. Imitting to the catechism of the Abolitionists.” Mr. l’ierce was right; but there was a good deal more to COIll 6*. The intense hostility of a portion of the Northern people to the measures and methods of the early Ab- Olitionists did not and could not prevent a gradual change in the temper and the opinions of vast num- |bers of reflecting and conscientious men, who saw The audac- ity of the slave power, never for a moment satisfied, the sole remedy only in political action. gave its friends at the North no opportunity of ap- The most imprudent of mankind were always doing pealing successfully to Northern interests. something which fanned the slumbering embers again into a blaze. They would not let well enough alone. They would not temporize even when to do so would have been greatly to their advantage. South Carolina, for instance, had been for years in the habit of imprisoning colored seamen during their detention at Charleston. Massachusetts appointed Samuel Hoar of Concord the agent of the state to prosecute suits to test the legality of these imprison- ments. Mr. Hoar was not only a gentleman of great personal worth, but he belonged to one of the oldest families in the state, and for many years had been respected as a jurist of great ability and integrity. A EIIST'ORY OF THE) REPUBLICAN PARTY. 93 To what indignities he was subjected, and how he was expelled from the state, the history of those times will never fail to tell. One result of this was to make Abolitionists of a great number of highly respectable people who otherwise might never have been moved from the path of the strictist conserva- tism. The admission of Texas as a slave state brought into the anti-slavery ranks, ill-defined as they were, great numbers of persons who otherwise might have kept silence forever. It caused a meet- ing of protest at Faneuil Hall, over which Charles Francis Adams presided. The resolutions were drawn up by Charles Sumner. They were presented by John G. Palfrey. Garrison and Phillips were there, and for once the anti-slavery men of the non- political and the political schools worked together. The matter was discussed in the colleges and the law schools, in the factories and workshops; it was then that the great political revolution in so many states began. Above all, it sharply defined the line between those Whigs and Democrats who, after a political wrong had been accomplished, were willing quietly to submit, and those who thought that the Wrong Would be a fair warning against others of a similar character. If the motive of annexation was the preservation of slavery, then there was all the more reason for watching slavery closely. The case of Mr. Giddings is an excellent illustra- tion of the folly by which the Whig party alienated many of its best friends. If he was anything, Mr. Giddings was every inch a Whig. He clung to his political organization when many another man would have left it in disgust. He was, while Mr. John Quincy Adams survived, the steady and able ally of that statesman in the House of Representa- tives. But neither this nor his strong anti-slavery sentiments prevented him from being a warm friend and supporter of Henry Clay. He clung to his party until his party nominated General Taylor. This was a supposed submission to the slave power (though it did not turn out to be afterward) which sent Mr. Giddings into the Free Soil ranks in 1848. What men went with him, and what came of that movement, even after it had to all appearance ut- terly failed, is well enough known. No wonder Mr. Giddings felt that the North should have different men in the public councils, when with a large ma- jority it could not shield him from outrages in the House to which the lowest of men would hardly have submitted outside of it. . The Democratic party often exhibited as little wisdom. It had not, for instance, a stronger and more able soldier than Mr. John P. Eſale of New Hampshire. Personally very popular, he was an excellent debater, never found wanting in an ener- gency, and one who was alike equal to attack or de- fense. He was, however, foremost in his denuncia- tion of the plan for the annexation of Texas—a measure which he characterized as “eminently cal- culated to provoke the scorn of earth and the judg- ment of heaven.” He had already been nominated for the next Congress by the Democrats of his dis- trict, but another convention was called, and the name of Mr. Hale was taken from the ticket. It is to tell the whole historical story to say that this day’s absurd action made Mr. Hale a Senator of the United States. This is the story everywhere. The Whig national convention which treated with such utter contempt the protests of anti-slavery Whigs was the last which met with any prospect of good fortune before it. The day was pregnant with great events, and great political changes were at hand. The Barnburner revolt in New York as- sisted in forwarding the great reform. There were yet to be defeats, and men's minds were not en- tirely fixed; but both great parties in 1848 sealed their political doom with suicidal hands. Mr. Al- len of Massachusetts had said in the Whig national convention: “It is evident the terms of union be- tween the Whigs of the North and the Whigs of the South are the perpetual surrender by the former of the high offices and powers of the government to their Southern confederates. To these terms, I think, sir, the free states will no longer submit.” Mr. Wilson declared that he would “not be bound by the proceedings of the convention;” and Mr. Stanley of North Carolina, with far-seeing sagacity, retorted that he was “injuring no one but himself” —a declaration which in the light of Subsequent events seems sufficiently amusing. Before the dissatisfied delegates went home the Buffalo convention was decided upon. The first 94 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. state convention of the new party in Massachusetts was held in Worcester, and was attended by men who have since been often enough heard of—by Henry Wilson, Charles Francis Adams, Charles Sumner, E. Rockwood Hoar, to mention no others. The action of the Buffalo convention in nominating Mr. Van Buren for I’resident brought a great por- tion of the Democratic party to the new organiza- tion, especially in Massachusetts, and in that state the party has never fairly recovered from the The Charles Francis Adams for Vice President was deemed a sufficient concession to the bolting Whigs. events of that campaign. nomination of It was a ticket for an honest man to support, al- The campaign started with great spirit in Ohio, being led by Chase, Giddings, Root, and other distin- The new party went through a cam- though no prospect of success was before it. guished men. paign which resulted in entire defeat and—in vic- tory! But it had cast 249,000 votes for freedom; it had defeated a candidate the avowed supporter of slavery; and it had secured the election of an- other who, although a slaveholder, was at least not a trimmer or a doughface. Here as well as anywhere may be considered the distinctive character of those who early engaged in this war against slavery extension. It need not be said that coalition was necessary, and coalition always implies the coöperation of those who find each other useful, but who may be governed by widely different motives. Those who had consci- entiously entertained a hatred of slavery found an opportunity of alliance with others, whose hostility was at least recent, and who had managed to get along with the South so long as that section con- The Democratic wing of the Free Soil party made great ceded to them a fair share in the government. pretensions to anti-slavery sentiment. Among those who were loudest Was John Van Buren of New York. He went so far as to say at Utica, in the Barnburners’ convention: “We expect to make the Democratic party of this state the great anti-slavery party of this state, and through it to make the Democratic party of the United States the great anti-slavery party of the United States.” Subse- quent events showed that this meant very little save the desire for revenge on the part of a son who was irritated by what he regarded as the personal wrongs of a father. Not many years elapsed be- fore John Van Buren was again in the Democratic party, when it was even more thoroughly than be- fore the servant of slavery, with the immoral as- pects of the institution more fully developed. With him returned to their allegiance many thousands of Democrats. He was supple, clever, and adroit. As a platform speaker he had few equals; but that he was altogether sincere perhaps it would be too much to say. No man has a closer historical identification with the Republican party than Henry Wilson. He had great virtues and great faults of character. His natural impulses were warm and generous. He had absolute physical courage, and when his passions were aroused he was a formidable enemy. He could put a personal injury in abeyance if he thought it for his advantage to do so; but he had a long memory, and although he might forgive he never forgot. He had great skill in party man- euver, and a perfect faith in party management. It was perhaps his real misfortune that his first political successes of any importance were secured by coalitions. It is true that many of these were originated by himself, but he was not, it must be said in his defense, the originator of the opportu- nity. He was perfectly frank in his avowal of what he thought to be not only the expediency but the Virtue of joining in any political movement which Would advance his own political opinions, without much regard for appearances. Others acquiesced in such bargains; Mr. Wilson went further, for he believed in them. There was no nicety, no moral scrupulosity in his constitution. This made it easy for him to act with anybody or everybody; and to this easy political virtue he owed his first election to the United States Senate. He joined the Know- Nothing party without in the least accepting its particular tenets. He did not hesitate to receive In Massachusetts the Whig party was in his way, and in the way of the anti- slavery views which he undoubtedly entertained, and he determined upon its destruction. He never apologized for aliances which others thought to be Democratic Votes. WILLIAM MCKINLEY Republican Candidate for President in 1896 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 97 immoral. He was a leader of those who regarded slavery as sinful and impolitic; he himself un- doubtedly shared in their opinions; but he did not hesitate in an emergency to act with those whose views were widely different. After his success was definitely assured he became more independent, and, it must be added, more consistent. His ca- pacity for public affairs was of a first-rate order, and he had entirely risen above the defects of his early education. He was a born political soldier, and did quite as much as any man to bring the Re- publican party to compactness and coherence. Mr. Charles Sumner was of a character widely different from that of his colleague. The latter, with all his merits, was in grain a politician; Mr. Sumner was perhaps the worst politician in the United States. While the struggle which resulted in making him a Senator of the United States was going on in the Massachusetts legislature, he kept resolutely aloof from the contest, and neither by word nor by deed indicated his approval or disap- proval of the coalition. Even when the prolonged contest resulted in his election, he left the city of Boston that he might avoid the congratulations of his supporters of either sort. He followed what he called “a line of reserve.” In a letter to Mr. Wil- son he thanked that gentleman for “the energy, determination, and fidelity” with which he had fought the battle, and said, “For weal or Woe, you must take the responsibility of having placed me in the Senate of the United States.” It is doubtful whether Mr. Sumner did entirely approve the means which were used to make him in the first instance a Senator; but, like other anti-slavery Whigs and Democrats, he acquiesced. So sturdy a man as Robert Rantoul, Jr., accepted a seat in the Senate under precisely the same conditions, and he was elected to the EIouse of Representatives in the same Way. Even Horace Mann defended the coalition. Mr. Sumner's career in the Senate was never in the least influenced by the necessity of conciliating Democrats at home; and long before his reëlection anything like coalition had, by the march of events, been made unnecessary. Ultimately Mr. Sumner's hold upon the hearts of the people of Massachu- setts became so strong that the efforts of a petty clique to unseat him could not under any circum- stances probably have been successful. He was regarded, especially after the felonious assault upon him in the Senate chamber, as a martyr to the cause. He was a great man for great occasions, and by long familiarity with the business of the Senate he became much more practically useful than he was at first; but he could not be consid- ered a popular member, and there were those who thought him somewhat arrogant. He never worked well in the traces of party, and there was something of the virtuoso in his character which his less re- fined associates did not relish. His speeches were very carefully prepared, but they were often loaded with learning, and the more elaborate portions of them smelt of the lamp. His name, however, is inseparably and most honorably connected with the greatest of events, and he will doubtless be remem- bered long after he ceases to be read. Charles Francis Adams had been among the ear- liest of the Conscience Whigs of Massachusetts. EHis distrust of the South and of the slaveholder was natural, for he had received a large inherit- ance of family grievances, real or supposed. None of them, however, prevented him from permitting his name to be used with that of Mr. Van Buren, and he accepted the nomination for the Vice Pres- idency from the Buffalo convention with perfect complacency. But if his passions were strong, his political tastes were occasionally fastidious, and probably he never thoroughly relished the Massa- chusetts coalition. He exhibited on many occasions the same remarkable mixture of ardor and conserva- tism which characterized his illustrious father. He could lead sometimes with special ability, but he could not be easily or often led. Party harness sat Very easily upon his shoulders, and he could throw it off whenever he pleased. But of the new party he was an invaluable member, for his train- ing for public affairs had been first-rate; the his- torical associations of his name were interesting and attractive; he was very wealthy; and he was a master of political science. Opposed as he was to the coalition which elected Mr. Sumner, he shared that opposition with Richard H. Dana, Jr., Samuel Hoar, John G. Palfrey, and some other eminent 9 8 - A. HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Free Soilers. Ultimately, of course, these differ- but Mr. Adams has shown, with other members of the party, that the same freedom of judgment which had led to its formation still guided many of its choicest spirits. Of the brilliant career of Mr. Adams subsequent to these events, it is unnecessary here to speak. The present time finds him a member of that Demo- cratic party which he has so often and so bitterly denounced. The fact is to be most plesantly re- garded as evidence of the perfect independence of his character. All the temptations which led several prominent Whigs to repudiate the nomination of General Tay- lor in 1848 had no effect upon Mr. William H. Sew. ard. His time had not yet come, but it was well known that his political opinions were of an anti- slavery color, and that he was particularly sensi- tive upon the point of surrendering fugitives from slavery. These views began to develop more def. initely after his election to the United States Sen- ate in 1849. In the debate upon the admission of California, into the Union in 1850 he used the phrase “higher law than the Constitution,” a part of which has become proverbial. ences of opinion subsided; He fought the compromises In his speech at Rochester in 1858 he had alluded to the “irrepressible conflict,” and this phrase also has become famous, as well as the dec- laration that “the United States must and Will be. come either entirely a slaveholding nation or en- tirely a free labor nation.” In 1860 in the Senate he avowed that his vote should never be given to sanction slavery in the common territories of the United States, “or anywhere else in the world.” His services as Secretary of State during the Rebellion Were of the first order, and especially his manage- ment of our foreign relations. Undoubtedly his Wisdom and forethought saved us upon more than one occasion from a foreign war. to the last. E[is adherence to office under President Johnson did much to injure his popularity, and perhaps he was not sorry def. initely to retire from public life in 1869, and to find a new and rational pleasure in prolonged foreign travel. Mr. Seward was a man of fine literary tastes and of no mean literary skill; he had the faculty of acquiring and of keeping friends; and in the so- cial circle he was devoted and affectionate. The disappointment of his public life, which considered altogether was eminently successful, was his failure to secure the Presidency; but it must have been an alleviation to know that he shared this with so many eminent men. His public career was pecu- liarly consistent, and perhaps of all public char- acters of his time he was oftenest found upon the side of the oppressed and the unfortunate, even in cases which had no political significance. The man who even before 1846, and in that year, argued that slavery was local and dependent upon state law, was Salmon P. Chase of Ohio, and noth- ing could be more astonishing than the changes which ultimately placed such a lawyer upon the bench of the supreme court, and in the place just before occupied by Chief Justice Taney. He was one of the few remarkable men to whom the Old Liberty party was indebted for an existence and to whom the Republican party also owes something. He was the first or among the first to propose the Free Soil movement and the Buffalo convention in 1848, and over this body he presided. He, too, was sent to the United States Senate by a coalition of Free Soil members and Democrats of the Ohio legis- lature in 1849; but the Ohio Democrats in their state convention had already declared slavery to be a national evil, which rendered the coalition at least not absurd and contradictory. Mr. Chase made haste to disavow all connection with the Democrats after the nomination of Mr. Pierce in 1852, upon a pro-slavery platform. With his record and strong opinions upon the subject of slavery he came natu- rally into the Republican party, and into the cabinet of President Lincoln as Secretary of the Treasury in 1861. As Chief Justice of the United States, his great learning, his sense of equity, and his liberal views of important public questions won him a per- manent reputation as a lawyer. He did not always agree with the policy of the Republican party, and he was even talked of as a candidate of the Demo- crats for the Presidency—a nomination which was not accorded him, but which it was understood that he was willing to accept under certain condi- A HISTORY OF THI} REPUB I, ICAN PARTY. 99 tions. He is an excellent instance of what the reader of this chapter must have observed—the tendency, during stormy political seasons, of really able men to cut loose the bonds of party and to seek in new affiliations the accomplishment of cherished pur- poses and the vindication of profound convictions. Judge Chase, in his own state, was a man of un- bounded popularity. This was never shaken by any course which he thought fit to pursue; and to the last no man ever doubted his integrity. Not as President, but as one of the leaders who made the Republican party possible, the career of Abraham Lincoln before he was elected to the office in which he died a martyr to his principles, ought here to be alluded to. In Congress, which he en- tered in 1848, he doubted the constitutionality of slavery in the District of Columbia; he suggested the expediency of abolishing the slave trade there; and he warmly advocated the Wilmot Proviso. When the project for the repeal of the Missouri Compro- mise was brought forward, he found his place in the great contest at once. His platform duels with Douglas in Illinois will never be forgotten, and his speech at Springfield utterly demolished the sophis- try of the “great principle” which asserted that a man in Nebraska might not only govern himself but also govern other persons without their consent. He, too, declared that no government could endure per- manently which was “half slave and half free.” How well he demeaned himself in his high office it is un- necessary to say. He grew larger and larger under the pressure of the terrible situation; he was as ten- der as a woman, and as stern as a Roman; he thought, planned, acted, always with perfect caution, With native sagacity, with a perfect appreciation of the situation. It was no accident, it was the impulse of character and the prompting of the heart which led Abraham Lincoln into the Republican party, of which he was a defender and ornament. In the most doubtful days, if there be a party which is on the side of justice and humanity, a man with a heart is sure to find it; and if there be another, its exact op- posite, pledged to oppression, to selfishness, and to corruption, the man without a heart is sure to drift into it. In this chapter many honored names have been necessarily omitted. The object has been to refer to only a few of the most prominent as examples of fidelity to great principles and to ideas worthy of the support of the American people. After all, more have been omitted than mentioned. We might have spoken of Horace Mann, the uncompromising phi- lanthropist, the profound scholar, and the life-long advocate of popular education; of John G. Palfrey, who was among the first of Massachusetts Whigs to risk all save the reward of a good conscience for the sake of the slave; of the young and eloquent Burlin- game, first known as a popular speaker, but who afterward developed into a most able diplomatist; and we might have added something of the magnetic influence which drew the young men of the North about the banner of freedom, and awakened an en- thusiasm which made the strict lines and the self- seeking policy of the old parties distasteful to their Happy will the nation be should any such great emergency again arise if once more the old honesty shall be awakened and the old enthu. siasm stimulated | generous natures. § PLATFORMS OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY FROM ITS ORGANIZATION IN 1856. § PLATF ORMS OF THE RE PUBLIC AN PARTY FROM ITS ORGANIZATION IN 1856. FIRST REPUBLICAN NATIONAL PLATFORM. ADOPTED AT PEIILADELPHIA, JUNE 17, 1856. This convention of delegates, assembled in pur- suance of a call addressed to the people of the United States, without regard to past political dif- ferences or divisions, who are opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, to the policy of the present administration, to the extension of slavery into free territory; in favor of admitting Kansas as a free state, of restoring the action of the Fed- eral Government to the principles of Washington and Jefferson, and who purpose to unite in present- ing candidates for the offices of President and Vice President, do resolve as follows: Resolved, That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence and embodied in the Federal Constitution is essen- tial to the preservation of our republican institu- tions, and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the States, shall be preserved. Resolved, That with our republican fathers we hold it to be a self-evident truth that all men are endowed with the inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and that the primary object and ulterior designs of our Federal Govern- ment were to secure these rights to all persons within its exclusive jurisdiction; that as our re- publican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all of our national territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or prop- erty without due process of law, it becomes our duty to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate, for the purpose of establishing slavery in any territory of the United States, by positive legislation, prohibiting its ex- istence or extension therein. That we deny the authori ty of Congress, or of a territorial legislature, of any individual or association of individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States, while the present Constitution shall be maintained. Resolved, That the Constitution confers upon con gress sovereign power over the territories of the United States for their government, and that in the exercise of this power it is both the right and the duty of Congress to prohibit in the territories those twin relics of barbarism—polygamy and slavery. Resolved, That while the Constitution of the United States was ordained and established by the people in order to form a more perfect union, estab- lish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, and secure the blessings of liberty, and contains ample provisions for the pro- tection of the life, liberty, and property of every citizen, the dearest constitutional rights of the peo- ple of Kansas have been fraudulently and violently taken from them; their territory has been invaded by an armed force; spurious and pretended legis- lative, judicial, and executive officers have been set 104 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. over them, by whose usurped authority, sustained by the military power of the government, tyran- nical and unconstitutional laws have been enacted and enforced; the rights of the people to keep and bear arms have been infringed; test oaths of an extraordinary and entangling nature have been im- posed as a condition of exercising the right of suf- frage and holding office; the right of an accused person to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury has been denied; the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures has been violated; they have been deprived of life, liberty, and property without due process of law; the freedom of speech and of the press has been abridged; the right to choose their repre- sentatives has been made of no effect; murders, rob- beries, and arsons have been instigated and en- couraged, and the offenders have been allowed to go unpunished;—that all of these things have been done with the knowledge, sanction, and procure- ment of the present administration, and that for this high crime against the Constitution, the Union, and humanity, we arraign the administration, the Presi- dent, his advisers, agents, supporters, apologists, and accessories, either before or after the facts, before the country and before the world, and that it is our fixed purpose to bring the actual perpetra- tors of these atrocious outrages and their accom- plices to a sure and condign punishment hereafter. Resolved, That Kansas should be immediately ad- mitted as a state of the Union, with her present free constitution, as at Once the most effectual way of securing to her citizens the enjoyment of the rights and privileges to which they are entitled, and of ending the civil strife now raging in her territory. Resolved, That the highwayman’s plea, that “might makes right,” embodied in the Ostend circu- lar, was in every respect unworthy of American diplomacy, and would bring shame and dishonor upon any government or people that gave it sanction. Resolved, That a railroad to the Pacific ocean, by the most central and practicable route, is impera- tively demanded by the interests of the whole coun- try, and that the Federal Government ought to ren- der immediate and efficient aid in its construction, and as an auxiliary thereto, the immediate con- struction of an emigrant route on the line of the railroad. Resolved, That appropriations by Congress for the improvement of rivers and harbors, of a national character, required for the accommodation and se- curity of our existing commerce, are authorized by the Constitution, and justified by the obligation of the government to protect the lives and property of its citizens. SECOND REPUBLICAN NATIONAL PLATFORM. ADOPTED AT CHICAGO, MAY 17, 1860. Resolved, That we, the delegated representatives of the Republican electors of the United States, in convention assembled, in discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following declarations: 1. That the history of the nation during the last four years has fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and perpetuation of the Republican party, and that the causes which called it into existence are permanent in their na- ture, and now, more than ever before, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph. 2. That the maintenance of the principles pro- mulgated in the Declaration of Independence and embodied in the Federal Constitution, “that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their just pow- With , certain A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 105 ers from the consent of the governed,” is essential to the preservation of our republican institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the states, and the union of the states must and shall be preserved. 3. That to the union of the states this nation owes its unprecedented increase in population, its surprising development of material resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its happiness at home, and its honor abroad; and we hold in ab- horrence all schemes for disunion, come from what- ever source they may; and we congratulate the country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or countenanced the threats of disunion so often made by Democratic members without re- buke and with applause from their political asso- ciates; and we denounce those threats of disunion in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendancy as denying the vital principles of a free govern- ment, and as an avowal of contemplated treason which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke and forever silence. 4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially the rights of each state to Order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is es- sential to that balance of powers on which the per- fection and endurance of our political fabric de- pends; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any state or territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the grav- est of crimes. 5. That the present Democratic administration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions, in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sec- tional interest, as especially evinced in its desper- ate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Con- stitution upon the protesting people of Kansas; in construing the personal relation between master and servant to involve an unqualified property in persons; in its attempted enforcement, everywhere, On land and sea, through the intervention of con- gress and of the Federal courts, and of the extreme pretensions of a purely local interest; and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power intrusted to it by a confiding people, 6. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades every de- partment of the Federal Government; that a re- turn to rigid economy and accountability is indis- pensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the public treasury by favored partisans; while the re- cent startling developments of fraud and corruption at the Federal metropolis show that an entire change of administration is imperatively demanded. 7. That the new dogma that the Constitution of its own force carries slavery into any or all of the territories of the United States is a dangerous po- litical heresy, at variance with the explicit provi- sions of that instrument itself, with contempora- neous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and harmony of the coun- try. 8. That the normal condition of all of the terri- tory of the United States is that of freedom; that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all of our national territory, ordained that “no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law,” it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Con- stitution against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial leg- islature, or of any individuals, to give legal exist- ence to slavery in any territory of the United States. 9. That we brand the recent reopening of the African slave trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity and a burning shame to our country and age; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic. 10. That in the recent vetoes, by their Federal governors, of the acts of the legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska prohibiting slavery in those territo- ries, We find a practical illustration of the boasted Democratic principle of non-intervention and popu- lar sovereignty embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration of the deception and fraud involved therein, 106 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 11. That Kansas should, of right, be immediately admitted as a state under the constitution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the house of representatives. 12. That, while providing revenue for the support of the general government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imports as to encourage the development of the industrial interests of the whole country; and we commend that policy of national exchanges which secures to the workingmen liberal wages, to agri- culture remunerating prices, to mechanics and man- ufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the nation commercial pros- perity and independence. 13. That we protest against any sale or aliena- tion to others of the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the free home- stead policy which regards the settlers as paupers or suppliants for public bounty; and we demand the passage by Congress of the complete and satis- factory homestead measure which has already passed the house. 14. That the Republican party is opposed to any change in Our naturalization laws, to any state leg- islation by which the rights of citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired, and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad. 15. That appropriations by Congress for river and harbor improvements of a national character re- quired for the accommodation and security of an existing commerce, are authorized by the Consti- tution, and justified by the obligation of the govern- ment to protect the lives and property of its citi- Z62]].S. 16. That a railroad to the Pacific ocean is im- peratively demanded by the interests of the whole country; that the Federal Government ought to render immediate and efficient aid in its construc- tion; and that as preliminary thereto a daily over- land mail should be promptly established. 17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and views, we invite the coöperation of all citizens, however differing on other questions, who substantially agree with us in their affirmance and support. THIRD REPUBLICAN NATIONAL PLATFORM. ADOPTED AT BALTIMORE, JUNE 7, 1864. Resolved, That it is the highest duty of every American citizen to maintain against all their ene- mies the integrity of the Union and the paramount authority of the Constitution and laws of the United States; ences of political opinion, we pledge ourselves as and that, laying aside all differ- Union men, animated by a common sentiment and aiming at a common object, to do everything in our power to aid the government in quelling by force of arms the rebellion now raging against its au- thority, and in bringing to the punishment due to their crimes the rebels and traitors arrayed against it. Resolved, That we approve the determination of the government of the United States not to com- promise with rebels, nor to offer any terms of peace except such as may be based upon an “unconditional surrender” of their hostility and a return to their just allegiance to the Constitution and laws of the United States, and that we call upon the govern- ment to maintain this position and to prosecute the war with the utmost possible vigor to the complete suppression of the Rebellion, thus rewarding the patriotism, the heroic valor, and the undying devo- tion of the American people to their country and its free institutions. Resolved, That, as slavery was the cause, and now constitutes the strength, of this Rebellion, and as it must be always and everywhere hostile to the principles of republican government, justice and 'A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 107 the national safety demand its utter and complete extirpation from the soil of the republic, and that we uphold and maintain the acts and proclama- tions by which the government, in its own defense, We are in favor, furthermore, of such an amendment has aimed a death-blow at this gigantic evil. to the Constitution, to be made by the people in conformity with its provisions, as shall terminate and forever prohibit the existence of slavery with- in the limits of the jurisdiction of the United States. Resolved, That the thanks of the American people are due to the soldiers and sailors of the army and navy, who have periled their lives in defense of their country, and in vindication of the honor of the flag; that the nation owes to them some permanent recognition of their patriotism and valor, and am- ple and permanent provision for those of their sur- vivors who have received disabling and honorable wounds in the service of the country; and that the memories of those who have fallen in its defense shall be held in grateful and everlasting remem- brance. Resolved, That we approve and applaud the prac- tical wisdom, the unselfish patriotism and unswerV. ing fidelity to the Constitution and the principles of American liberty with which Abraham Lincoln has discharged, under circumstances of unparal- leled difficulty, the great duties and responsibilities of the presidential office; that we approve and in- dorse, as demanded by the emergency and essential to the preservation of the nation, and as within the Constitution, the measures and acts which he has adopted to defend the nation against its open and secret foes; that we approve especially the procla- mation of emancipation, and the employment as Union soldiers of men heretofore held in slavery; and that we have full confidence in his determina- tion to carry these and all other constitutional measures essential to the salvation of the Country into full and complete effect. Resolved, That we deem it essential to the general welfare that harmony should prevail in the national councils, and we regard as worthy of public confi- dence and official trust those only who cordially in- dorse the principles proclaimed in these resolutions, and which should characterize the administration of the government. - Resolved, That the government owes to all men employed in its armies, without regard to distinc- tion of color, the full protection of the laws of war, and that any violation of these laws of the usages of civilized nations in the time of war by the rebels now in arms, should be made the subject of full and prompt redress. Resolved, That the foreign immigration, which in the past has added so much to the wealth and de- velopment of resources and increase of power to this nation, the asylum of the oppressed of all na- tions, should be fostered and encouraged by a lib- eral and just policy. Resolved, That we are in favor of the speedy con- struction of a railroad to the Pacific. - Resolved, That the national faith, pledged for the redemption of the public debt, must be kept invio- late; and that for this purpose we recommend econ- omy and rigid responsibility in the public expendi- tures, and a vigorous and a just system of taxation; and it is the duty of every loyal state to sustain the credit and promote the use of the national currency. Resolved, That we approve the position taken by the government that the people of the United States never regarded with indifference the attempt of any European power to overthrow by force, or to sup- plant by fraud, the institutions of any republican government on the Western Continent, and that they view with extreme jealousy, as menacing to the peace and independence of this our country, the ef. forts of any such power to obtain new footholds for monarchial governments, sustained by a foreign mili- tary force, in near proximity to the United States. 108 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. FOURTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL PLATFORM. ADOPTED AT CHICAGO, MAY 21, 1868. The National Republican party of the United States, assembled in national convention in the city of Chicago, on the twenty-first day of May, 1868, make the following declaration of principles: 1. We congratulate the country on the assured success of the reconstruction policy of Congress, as evidenced by the adoption, in the majority of the states lately in rebellion, of constitutions securing equal civil and political rights to all; and it is the duty of the government to sustain those constitu- tions and to prevent the people of such states from being remitted to a state of anarchy. 2. The guarantee by Congress of equal suffrage to all loyal men at the South was demanded by every consideration of public safety, of gratitude, and of justice, and must be maintained; while the question of suffrage in all of the loyal states properly be: longs to the people of those states. 3. We denounce all forms of repudiation as a national crime; and the national honor requires the payment of the public indebtedness in the uttermost good faith to all creditors at home and abroad, not only according to the letter but the spirit of the laws under which it was contracted. 4. It is due to the labor of the nation that taxation should be equalized and reduced as rapidly as the national faith will permit. 5. The national debt, contracted as it has been for the preservation of the Union for all time to come, should be extended over a fair period of redemption; and it is the duty of Congress to reduce the rate of interest thereon whenever it can be honestly done. 6. That the best policy to diminish our burden of debt is to so improve our credit that capitalists will seek to loan us money at lower rates of interest than We now pay and must continue to pay so long as repudiation, partial or total, open or covert, is threatened or suspected. 7. The government of the United States should be administered with the strictest economy; and the corruptions which have been so shamefully nursed and fostered by Andrew Johnson call loudly for radi- cal reform. 8. We profoundly deplore the untimely and tragic death of Abraham Lincoln, and regret the accession to the presidency of Andrew Johnson, who has acted treacherously to the people who elected him and the cause he was pledged to support; who has usurped high legislative and judicial functions; who has re- fused to execute the laws; who has used his high office to induce other officers to ignore and violate the laws; who has employed his executive powers to render insecure the property, the peace, liberty, and life of the citizen; who has abused the pardon- ing power; who has denounced the national legisla- ture as unconstitutional; who has persistently and corruptly resisted, by every means in his power, every proper attempt at the reconstruction of the states lately in rebellion; who has perverted the pub- lic patronage into an engine of wholesale corruption; and who has been justly impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors, and properly denounced guilty thereof by the vote of thirty-five senators. 9. The doctrine of Great Britain and other Euro- pean powers, that because a man is once a subject he is always so, must be resisted at every hazard by the United States, as a relic of feudal times not author- ized by the laws of nations, and at war with our national honor and independence. Naturalized citi- zens are entitled to protection in all of their rights of citizenship, as though they were native born; and no citizen of the United States, native or naturalized, must be liable to arrest and imprisonment by any foreign power for acts done or words spoken in this country; and if so arrested and imprisoned, it is the duty of the government to interfere in his behalf. 10. Of all who were faithful in the trials of the late War, there were none entitled to more especial honor than the brave soldiers and seamen who endured the hardships of campaign and cruise, and imperiled their lives in the service of the country; the bounties and pensions provided by the laws for these brave A HISTORY OF THE 109 REPUBLICAN PARTY. defenders of the nation are obligations never to be forgotten; the widows and orphans of the gallant dead are the wards of the people—a sacred legacy bequeathed to the nation’s protecting care. 11. Foreign immigration, which in the past has added so much to the wealth, development, and re- sources, and increase of power to this republic, the asylum of the oppressed of all nations, should be fos- tered and encouraged by a liberal and just policy. 12. This convention declares itself in sympathy with all oppressed peoples struggling for their rights. 13. That we highly commend the spirit of mag- nanimity and forbearance with which men who have served in the Rebellion, but who now frankly and honestly coöperate with us in restoring the peace of the country and reconstructing the Southern state governments upon the basis of impartial justice and equal rights, are received back into the communion of the loyal people; and we favor the removal of the disqualifications and restrictions imposed upon the late rebels in the same measure as the spirit of dis- loyalty will die out, and as may be consistent with the safety of the loyal people. 14. That we recognize the great principles laid down in the immortal Declaration of Independence as the true foundation of democratic government, and we hail with gladness every effort toward mak- ing these principles a living reality on every inch of American soil. FIFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL PLATFORM. ADOPTED AT PHILADELPHIA, JUNE 6, 1872. The Republican party of the United States, as- sembled in national convention in the City of Phila- delphia, on the fifth and sixth days of June, 1872, again declares its faith, appeals to its history, and announces its position upon the questions before the country: 1. During eleven years of Supremacy it has ac- cepted with grand courage the solemn duties of the time. It suppressed a gigantic rebellion, emanci- pated four millions of slaves, decreed the equal citi- zenship of all, and established universal suffrage. Exhibiting unparalleled magnanimity, it criminally punished no man for political offenses, and warmly Welcomed all who proved loyalty by obeying the laws and dealing justly with their neighbors. It has Steadily decreased with firm hand the resultant dis- Orders of a great war, and initiated a wise and hu- mane policy toward the Indians. The Pacific rail- road and similar vast enterprises have been gener- ously aided and successfully conducted, the public lands freely given to actual settlers, immigration protected and encouraged, and a full acknowledg- ment of the naturalized citizen’s rights secured from European powers. A uniform national currency has been provided, repudiation frowned down, the national credit sustained under the most extraor- dinary burdens, and new bonds negotiated at low rates. The revenues have been carefully collected and honestly applied. Despite annual large reduc- tions of the rates of taxation, the public debt has been reduced during General Grant’s Presidency at the rate of a hundred millions a year, great financial crises have been avoided, and peace and plenty pre- Vail throughout the land. Menacing foreign difficul- ties have been peacefully and honorably composed, and the honor and power of the nation kept in high. respect throughout the world. This glorious record of the past is the party's best pledge for the future. We believe the people will not intrust the govern- ment to any party or combination of men composed chiefly of those who have resisted every step of this beneficent progress. - .." 2. The recent amendments to the National Consti- tution should be cordially sustained because they are right, not merely tolerated because they are law, and should be carried out according to their spirit by appropriate legislation, the enforcement of which can safely be intrusted only to the party that se- cured those amendments. 3. Complete liberty and exact equality in the en- joyment of all civil, political, and public rights should be established and effectually maintained 110 A HISTORY OF THE REPUB LICAN PARTY. throughout the Union by efficient and appropriate State and Federal legislation. Neither the law nor its administration should admit any discrimination in respect of citizens by reason of race, creed, color, or previous condition of servitude. 4. The national government should seek to main- tain honorable peace with all nations, protecting its citizens everywhere, and sympathizing with all peo- ples who strive for greater liberty. 5. Any system of the civil service under which the positions of the government are considered rewards for mere party zeal is fatally demoralizing, and we therefore favor a reform of the system by laws which shall abolish the evils of patronage and make hon- esty, efficiency, and fidelity the essential qualifica- tions for public positions, without practically creat- ing a life tenure of office. 6. We are opposed to further grants of public lands to corporations and monopolies, and demand that the national domain be set apart for free homes for the people. 7. The annual revenue, after paying current ex- penditures, pensions, and the interest on the public debt, should furnish a moderate balance for the re- duction of the principal, and that revenue, except so much as may be derived from a tax upon tobacco and liquors, should be raised by duties upon importa- tions, the details of which should be so adjusted as to aid in securing remunerative wages to labor, and promote the industries, prosperity, and growth of the Whole country. S. We hold in undying honor the soldiers and sail- ors whose valor saved the Union. Their pensions are a sacred debt of the nation, and the widows and Orphans of those who died for their country are en- titled to the care of a generous and grateful people. We favor such additional legislation as will extend the bounty of the government to all of our soldiers and sailors who were honorably discharged, and who in the line of duty became disabled, without re- gard to the length of service or the cause of such discharge. 9. The doctrine of Great Britain and other Euro- pean powers concerning allegiance—“once a sub- ject always a subject”—having at last, through efforts of the Republican party, been abandoned, --- and the American idea of the individual’s right to transfer allegiance having been accepted by Euro- pean nations, it is the duty of our government to guard with jealous care the right of adopted citi- zens against the assumption of unauthorized claims by their former governments, and we urge contin- ued, careful encouragement and protection of volun- tary immigration. 10. The franking privilege ought to be abolished and the way prepared for a speedy reduction in the rates of postage. 11. Among the questions which press for atten. tion is that which concerns the relations of capital and labor, and the Republican party recognizes the duty of so shaping legislation as to secure full pro- tection and the amplest field for capital, and for labor, the creator of capital, the largest opportuni- ties, and a just share of the mutual profits of these two great servants of civilization. 12. We hold that congress and the President have only fulfilled an imperative duty in their measures for the suppression of violent and treasonable or- ganizations in certain lately rebellious regions and for the protection of the ballot-box; and, therefore, they are entitled to the thanks of the nation. 13. in any form or disguise, as a national crime. We denounce repudiation of the public debt, We witness with pride the reduction of the principal of the debt, and of the rates of interest upon the balance, and confidently expect that our excellent national currency will be perfected by a speedy re sumption of specie payment. 14. The Republican party is mindful of its obli- gations to the loyal Women of America for their Their ad- mission to the wider fields of usefulness is viewed noble devotion to the cause of freedom. with satisfaction; and the honest demand of any class of citizens for additional rights should be treated with respectful consideration. 15. We heartily approve the action of congress in extending amnesty to those lately in rebellion, and rejoice in the growth of peace and fraternal feeling throughout the land. 16. The Republican party proposes to respect the rights reserved by the people to themselves and the powers delegated by them to the state and to the A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 111. IFederal Government. It disapproves of the resort to unconstitutional laws for the purpose of remov- ing evils, by interference with rights not surren- dered by the people to either the state or national government. 17. It is the duty of the general government to adopt such measures as may tend to encourage and restore American commerce and ship-building. 18. We believe that the modest patriotism, the earnest purpose, the sound judgment, the practical wisdom, the incorruptible integrity, and the illus- trious services of Ulysses S. Grant have commended him to the heart of the American people, and with him at Our head we start to-day upon a new march to victory. 19. Henry Wilson, nominated for the Vice Presi- dency, known to the whole land from the early days of the great struggle for liberty as an indefatigable laborer in all campaigns, an incorruptible legisla- tor and representative man of American institutions, is worthy to associate with our great leader and share the honors which we pledge our best efforts to bestow upon them. SIXTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL PLATFORM. ADOPTED AT CINCINNATI, JUNE 15, 1876. When, in the economy of Providence, this land was to be purged of human slavery, and When the strength of government of the people, by the people, and for the people was to be demonstrated, the Re- publican party came into power. Its deeds have passed into history, and we look back to them with pride. Incited by their memories to high aims for the good of our country and mankind, and looking to the future with unfaltering courage, hope, and purpose, we, the representatives of the party in national convention assembled, make the following declarations of principles: 1. The United States of America is a nation, not a league. By the combined workings of the na- tional and state governments, under their respect- ive constitutions, the rights of every citizen are se. cured, at home and abroad, and the common Wel- fare promoted. 2. The Republican party has preserved these gov- ernments to the hundredth anniversary of the na- tion’s birth, and they are now embodiments of the great truths spoken at its cradle—“that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Cre- ator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that for the attainment of these ends governments have been instituted among men, deriving their just pow- ers from the consent of the governed.” Until these truths are cheerfully obeyed, or if need be vigor- ously enforced, the work of the Republican party is unfinished. 3. The permanent pacification of the southern sec. tion of the Union and the complete protection of all of its citizens in the free enjoyment of all their rights is a duty to which the Republican party stands sacredly pledged. The power to provide for the enforcement of the principles embodied in the recent constitutional amendments is vested by those amendments in the Congress of the United States, and we declare it to be the solemn obligation of the legislative and executive departments of the gov. ernment to put into immediate and vigorous ex. Grcise all their constitutional powers for removing any just causes of discontent on the part of any class, and for securing to every American citizen complete liberty and exact equality in the exercise of all civil, political, and public rights. To this end We imperatively demand a congress and a chief ex- ecutive whose courage and fidelity to those duties shall not falter until these results are placed beyond (iispute or recall. 4. In the first act of Congress signed by Presi. dent Grant, the national government assumed to re- move any doubts of its purpose to discharge all 112 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. just obligations to the public creditors, and “sol- emnly pledged its faith to make provision at the earliest practicable period for the redemption of the United States notes in coin.” perity, public morals, and national credit demand that this promise be fulfilled by a continuous and steady progress to specie payment. 5. Under the Constitution the President and heads of departments are to make nominations for office; the senate is to advise and consent to appointments, and the House of Representatives is to accuse and prosecute faithless officers. The best interest of the public service demands. that these distinctions be respected; that senators and representatives who may be judges and accusers should not dictate ap- pointments to office. The invariable rule in appoint- ments should have reference to the honesty, fidelity, and capacity of the appointees, giving to the party in power those places where harmony and vigor of Commercial pros- administration require its policy to be represented, but permitting all others to be filled by persons selected with sole reference to efficiency of the pub- lic service, and the right of all citizens to share in the honor of rendering faithful service to the coun- try. 6. We rejoice in the quickened conscience of the people concerning political affairs, and will hold all public officers to a rigid responsibility, and engage that the prosecution and punishment of all who betray official trusts shall be swift, thorough, and unsparing. 7. The public school system of the several states is the bulwark of the American Republic, and with a view to its security and permanence we recom- mend an amendment to the Constitution of the United States forbidding the application of any pub- lic funds or property for the benefit of any schools or institutions under sectarian control. 8. The revenue necessary for current expenditures and the obligations of the public debt must be largely derived from duties upon importations, which, so far as possible, should be adjusted to pro- mote the interests of American labor and advance the prosperity of the whole country. 9. We reaffirm our opposition to further grants of the public lands to corporations and monopolies, and demand that the national domain be devoted to free homes for the people. 10. It is the imperative duty of the government so to modify existing treaties with European govern- ments that the same protection shall be afforded to the adopted American citizen that is given to the native born; and that all necessary laws should be passed to protect emigrants in the absence of power in the states for that purpose. 11. It is the immediate duty of Congress to fully investigate the effect of the immigration and im- portation of Mongolians upon the moral and mate- rial interests of the country. 12. The Republican party recognizes with ap- proval the substantial advances recently made to- Ward the establishment of equal rights for women by the many important amendments effected by Re- publican legislatures in the laws which concern the personal and property relations of wives, mothers, and Widows, and by the appointment and election of women to the superintendence of education, char- ities, and other public trusts. The honest demands of this class of citizens for additional rights, priv- ileges, and immunities should be treated with re- spectful consideration. 13. The Constitution confers upon congress sov- ereign power over the territories of the United States for their government, and in the exercise of this power it is the right and duty of Congress to prohibit and extirpate, in the territories, that relic of barbarism—polygamy; and we demand such legislation as shall secure this end and the Suprem- acy of American institutions in all of the territories. 14. The pledges which the nation has given to her soldiers and sailors must be fulfilled, and a grateful people will always hold those who imperiled their lives for the country’s preservation in the kindest remembrance. 15. We sincerely deprecate all sectional feeling and tendencies. We therefore note with deep solic- itude that the Democratic party counts, as its chief hope of success, upon the electoral vote of a united South, secured through the efforts of those who were recently arrayed against the nation, and we invoke the earnest attention of the country to the grave truth that a success thus achieved would re- A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 113 Open sectional strife and imperil national honor and human rights. 16. We charge the Democratic party with being the same in character and spirit as when it sympa- thized with treason; with making its control of the House of Representatives the triumph and opportu- nity of the nation’s recent foes; with reasserting and applauding in the national capitol the senti. ments of unrepentant rebellion; with sending Union soldiers to the rear, and promoting Confederate sol- diers to the front; with deliberately proposing to repudiate the plighted faith of the government; With being equally false and imbecile upon the over- shadowing financial questions; with thwarting the ends of justice by its partisan mismanagement and obstruction of investigation; with proving itself, through the period of its ascendency in the lower house of Congress, utterly incompetent to adminis- ter the government; and we warn the country against trusting a party thus alike unworthy, recre- ant and incapable. 17. The national administration merits commend- ation for its honorable Work in the management of domestic and foreign affairs, and President Grant deserves the continued hearty gratitude of the American people for his patriotism and his eminent services, in War and in peace. Upon the reading of the resolutions, Edward L. Pierce of Massachusetts moved to strike out the eleventh resolution; which, after debate, was disa- yeas 215, nays 532. Edmund J. Davis moved to strike out the fourth resolution and substitute for it the following: greed to Resolved, That it is the duty of Congress to provide for carrying out the act known as the Resurnption Act of Congress, to the end that the resumption of specie payments may not be longer delayed. Which, after a brief debate, was disagreed to on a viva voce vote. SEVENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL PLATFORM. ADOPTED AT CHICAGO, JUNE 5, 1880. The Republican party, in national convention as- sembled, at the end of twenty years since the Fed- eral Government was first committed to its charge, submits to the people of the United States this brief report of its administration: It suppressed a rebel. lion which had armed nearly a million of men to It reconstructed the Union of the states, with freedom instead of subvert the national authority. slavery as its corner-stone. It transformed 4,000,000 human beings from the likeness of things to the rank of citizens. It relieved Congress from the infa. mous work of hunting fugitive slaves, and charged It has raised the value of our paper currency from thirty-eight it to see that slavery does not exist. per cent to the par value of gold. It has restored upon a solid basis payment in coin for all the na- tional obligations, and has given us a currency ab- solutely good and equal in every part of our ex- tensive country. It has lifted the credit of the na- tion from the point where six per cent bonds sold at eighty-six to that where four per cent bonds are eagerly sought at a premium. Under its administra- tion railways have increased from 31,000 miles in 1860 to more than 80,000 miles in 1879. Our for- eign trade has increased from $700,000,000 to $1,150,000,000 in the same time; and our exports, which were $20,000,000 less than our imports in 1860, were $264,000,000 more than our imports in 1879. Without resorting to loans, it has, since the war closed, defrayed the ordinary expenses of gov- ernment besides the accruing interest on the public debt, and disbursed annually more than $30,000,000 It has paid $888,000,000 of the public debt, and by refunding the balance at a for soldiers' pensions. lower rate, has reduced the annual interest charge from nearly $151,000,000 to less than $89,000,000. All the industries of the country have revived, labor is in demand, wages have increased, and throughout the entire country there is evidence of a coming prosperity greater than we have ever enjoyed. Upon 114 REPUBLICAN PARTY. A HISTORY OF THE this record the Republican party asks for the con- tinued confidence and support of the people, and this convention submits for their approval the fol- lowing statement of the principles and purposes which will continue to guide and inspire its efforts: 1. We affirm that the work of the last twenty- one years has been such as to commend itself to the favor of the nation, and that the fruits of costly victories which we have achieved through immense difficulties should be preserved; that the peace SO gained should be cherished; that the dissevered Union, now happily restored, should be perpetuated, and that the liberties secured to this generation should be transmitted undiminished to future gen- erations; that the order established and the credit acquired should never be impaired; that the pension promises should be paid; that the debt so much reduced should be extinguished by the full payment of every dollar thereof; that the reviving industries should be further promoted, and that the commerce already so great should be steadily encouraged. 2. The Constitution of the United States is a su- preme law, and not a mere contract. Out of con- federated states it made a sovereign nation. Some powers are denied the nation, while others are de- nied the states. But the boundary between powers delegated and those reserved is to be determined by the national and not the state tribunals. 3. The work of popular education is one left to the care of the several states, but it is the duty of the national government to aid that work to the extent of its constitutional ability. The intelligence of the nation is but the aggregate intelligence of the sev- eral States, and the destiny of the nation must be guided, not by the genius of any one state but by the average genius of all. 4. The Constitution wisely forbids Congress to make any law respecting an establishment of relig- ion, but it is idle to hope that the nation can be pro- tected against the influence of sectarianism while each State is exposed to its domination. We therefore recommend that the Constitution be so amended as to lay the same prohibition on the legislature of each state, and to forbid the appropriation of public funds to the support of sectarian schools. 5. We reaffirm the belief avowed in 1876, that the duties levied for the purpose of revenue should so discriminate as to favor American labor; that no further grant of the public domain should be made to any railroad or other corporation; that slavery having perished in the states, its twin barbarity, polygamy, must die in the territories; that every- where the protection accorded to a citizen of Ameri- can birth must be secured to citizens of American adoption; that we esteem it the duty of Congress to develop and improve our water-courses and har- bors, but insist that further subsidies to private persons or corporations must cease; that the obliga- tions of the Republic to the men who preserved its integrity in the day of battle are undiminished by the lapse of fifteen years since their final victory, and their perpetual honor is and shall forever be the grateful privilege and sacred duty of the Ameri- can people. 6. Since the authority for regulating immigra- tion and intercourse between the United States and foreign nations rests with the Congress of the United States and its treaty-making powers, the Republican party, regarding the unrestricted immigration of the Chinese as an evil of great magnitude, invoke the ex- ercise of that power to restrain and limit that immi- gration by the enactment of such just, humane, and reasonable provisions as will produce that result. 7. That the purity and patriotism which charac- terized the earlier career of R. B. Hayes, in peace and War, and which guided the thought of our im- mediate predecessors to him for a presidential candi- date, have continued to inspire him in his career as chief executive, and that history will accord to his administration the honors which are due to an effi- cient, just, and courteous discharge of the public business, and will honor his interpositions between the people and proposed partisan laws. 8. We charge upon the Democratic party the habitual sacrifice of patriotism and justice to a su- preme and insatiable lust of office and patronage; that to obtain possession of the national government and state governments, and the control of place, they have obstructed all efforts to promote the pu- rity and to conserve the freedom of suffrage; have A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 115 labored to unseat lawfully-elected members of Con- gress to secure at all hazards the majority of the seats in the House of Representatives; have endeav- ored to occupy by force and fraud the places of trust given to others by the people of Maine, and rescued by the courage and action of Maine's patriotic sons; have, by methods vicious in principle and tyrannical in practice, attached partisan legislation to appro- priations, upon whose passage the very movements of the government depend; have crushed the rights of the individual; have advocated the principles and sought the favor of rebellion against the nation, and have endeavored to obliterate the sacred memories of the war and to overcome its inestimably good re- Sults of nationality, personal freedom, and individual equality. The equal, steady, and complete enforce- ment of the laws and the protection of all our citi- Zens in the enjoyment of all privileges and immuni- ties guaranteed by the Constitution, is the first duty of the nation. The dangers of a Solid South can only be averted by a faithful performance of every promise which the nation has made to its citizens. The execution of the laws and the punishment of all those who violate them are the only safe methods by Which an enduring peace can be secured and genuine prosperity established throughout the South. What- ever promises the nation makes the nation must per- form, and the nation cannot with safety relegate this duty to the states. The Solid South must be divided by the peaceful agencies of the ballot, and all Opinions must there find free expression; and to this end the honest voter must be protected against ter- rorism, Violence, or fraud. And we affirm it to be the duty and purpose of the Republican party to use all legitimate means to restore all states of this Union to the most perfect harmony which may be possible. And we submit to the practical, sensible people of the United States to say whether it would not be dangerous to the dearest interests of our country at this time to surrender the administration of the national government to a party which seeks to overthrow the existing policy, under which we are so prosperous, and thus bring distrust and confusion where there is now order, confidence, and hope. The Republican party, adhering to the principle affirmed by its last national convention, of respect for the constitutional rules governing appointments to office, adopts the declaration of President Hayes, that the reform of the civil service should be thor- ough, radical, and complete. To this end it demands the coöperation of the legislative with the executive department of the government, and that Congress shall so legislate that fitness, ascertained by proper practical tests, shall admit to the public service. EIGHTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL PLATFORM. ADOPTED AT CEIICAGO, JUNE 5, 1884. The Republicans of the United States in national convention assembled renew their allegiance to the principles upon which they have triumphed in six successive presidential elections, and congratulate the American people on the attainment of so many results in legislation and administration by which the Republican party has, after saving the Union, done so much to render its institutions just, equal, and beneficent—the safeguard of liberty and the em- bodiment of the best thought and highest purposes of our citizens. The Republican party has gained its strength by quick and faithful response to the de- mands of the people for the freedom and the equality of all men; for a united nation, assuring the rights of all citizens; for the elevation of labor; for an hon- est currency; for purity in legislation, and for in- tegrity and accountability in all departments of the government; and it accepts anew the duty of lead- ing in the work of progress and reform. We lament the death of President Garfield, whose Sound statesmanship, long conspicuous in Congress, gaye promise of a strong and successful administra- tion, a promise fully realized during the short period of his office as President of the United States. His distinguished success in war and in peace has en- deared him to the hearts of the American people. 116 REPUBLICAN PARTY. A HISTORY OF THE In the administration of President Arthur We rec- ognize a wise, conservative, and patriotic policy, un- der which the country has been blessed with remark- able prosperity, and we believe his eminent services are entitled to and will receive the hearty approval of every citizen. - It is the first duty of a good government to pro- tect the rights and promote the interests of its own people. The largest diversity of industry is most productive of general prosperity and of the comfort and independence of the people. We therefore de- mand that the imposition of duties on foreign im- ports shall be made, not for revenue only, but that in raising the requisite revenues for the government such duties shall be so levied as to afford security to our diversified industries and protection to the rights and wages of the laborer, to the end that act- ive and intelligent labor, as well as capital, may have its just reward, and the laboring man his full share in the national prosperity. Against the so-called economic system of the Democratic party, which would degrade our labor to the foreign standard, we enter our earnest protest. The Democratic party has failed completely to re- lieve the people of the burden of unnecessary taxa- tion by a wise reduction of the surplus. The Republican party pledges itself to correct the inequalities of the tariff, and to reduce the surplus, not by the vicious and indiscriminate process of hori- Zontal reduction, but by such methods as will relieve the taxpayer without injuring the laborer or the great productive interests of the country. We recognize the importance of sheep husbandry in the United States, the serious depression which it is now experiencing, and the danger threatening its future prosperity; and we therefore respect the demands of the representatives of this important agricultural interest for a readjustment of duty upon foreign wool, in order that such industry shall have full and adequate protection. We have always recommended the best money known to the civilized World, and we urge that an effort be made to unite all commercial nations in the establishment of an international standard, which shall fix for all the relative value of gold and silver coinage. * The regulation of commerce with foreign nations and between the states is one of the most important prerogatives of the general govervnment, and the Republican party distinctly announces its purpose to support such legislation as will fully and effi- ciently carry out the constitutional power of Con- gress Over inter-state commerce. The principle of the public regulation of railway corporations is a wise and salutary one for the pro- tection of all classes of the people, and we favor legislation that shall prevent unjust discrimination and excessive charges for transportation, and that shall secure to the people and to the railways alike the fair and equal protection of the laws. We favor the establishment of a national bureau of labor, the enforcement of the eight-hour law, and a wise and judicious system of general education by adequate appropriation from the national revenues wherever the same is needed. We believe that every- where the protection given to a citizen of American birth must be secured to citizens of American adop- tion, and we favor the settlement of national differ- ences by international arbitration. The Republican party having its birth in a hatred of slave labor, and in a desire that all men may be free and equal, is unalterably opposed to placing Our workingmen in competition with any form of servile labor, whether at home or abroad. denounce the importation of contract labor, whether from Europe or Asia, as an offense against the spirit of American institutions, and we pledge ourselves to sustain the present law restricting Chinese immi- gration, and to provide such further legislation as is In this spirit we necessary to carry out its purposes. The reform of the civil service, auspiciously begun under Republican administration, should be completed by the further extension of the reformed system, already established by law, to all the grades of the service to which it is applicable. The spirit and purpose of the reform should be observed in all executive appointments, and all laws at variance with the objects of existing reformed legislation should be repealed, to the end that the danger to free institutions which lurks in the power of official patronage may be wisely and effectively avoided. The public lands are a heritage of the people of A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 117 the United States, and should be reserved, as far as possible, for small holdings by actual settlers. We are opposed to the acquisition of large tracts of these lands by corporations or individuals, especially where such holdings are in the hands of nonresident aliens, and we will endeavor to obtain such legisla- tion as will tend to correct this evil. We demand of Congress the speedy forfeiture of all land grants which have lapsed by reason of noncompliance with acts of incorporation, in all cases where there has been no attempt in good faith to perform the condi- tions of such grants. * The grateful thanks of the American people are due to the Union soldiers and sailors of the late war, and the Republican party stands pledged to suitable pensions for all who were disabled and for the widows and orphans of those who died in the war. The Republican party also pledges itself to the re- peal of the limitation contained in the Arrears Act of 1879, so that all invalid soldiers shall share alike, and their pensions shall begin with the date of dis- ability or discharge, and not with the date of their application. The Republican party favors a policy which shall keep us from entangling alliances with foreign na- tions, and which shall give the right to expect that foreign nations shall refrain from meddling in Amer- ican affairs—the policy which seeks peace and can trade with all powers, but especially with those of the Western Hemisphere. We demand the restoration of our navy to its old- time strength and efficiency, that it may, in any sea, protect the rights of American citizens and the inter- ests of American commerce, and we call upon Con- gress to remove the burdens under which American shipping has been depressed, so that it may again be true that we have a commerce which leaves no sea unexplored and a navy which takes no law from su- perior force. Resolved, That appointments by the President to Offices in the territories should be made from the bond, fide citizens and residents of the territories wherein they are to serve. Resolved, That it is the duty of Congress to enact such laws as shall promptly and effectually suppress the system of polygamy within our territory, and divorce the political from the ecclesiastical power of the so-called Mormon Church, and that the law so enacted should be rigidly enforced by the civil au. thorities, if possible, and by the military if need be. The people of the United States, in their organized capacity, constitute a nation and not a mere confed- eracy of states. The national government is su- preme within the sphere of its national duty, but the states have reserved rights which should be faith- fully maintained; each should be guarded with jeal- ous care so that the harmony of our system of gov. ernment may be preserved and the Union be kept in- violate. The perpetuity of our institutions rests upon the maintenance of a free ballot, an honest count, and correct returns. - We denounce the fraud and violence practiced by the T)emocracy in the Southern States, by which the will of the voter is defeated, as dangerous to the preservation of free institutions, and we solemnly arraign the Democratic party as being the guilty recipient of the fruits of such fraud and violence. We extend to the Republicans of the South, regard. less of their former party affiliations, our cordial sympathy, and pledge to them our utmost earnest efforts to promote the passage of such legislation as will secure to every citizen, of whatever race and color, the full and complete recognition, possession, and exercise of all civil and political rights. 118 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. NINTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL PLATFORM. ADOPTED AT CHICAGO, JUNE 20, 1888. The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their delegates in national convention, pause on the threshold of their proceedings to honor the memory of their first great leader, the immortal champion of liberty and the rights of the people, Abraham Lincoln, and to cover also with wreaths of imperishable remembrance and gratitude the heroic names of our later leaders who have more recently been called away from our councils—Grant, Garfield, Arthur, Logan, Conkling. May their mem- ories be faithfuly cherished. We also recall, with our greetings, and with prayer for his recovery, the name of one of our living heroes, whose memory will be treasured in the history both of Republicans and of the republic, the name of that noble soldier and favorite child of Victory, Philip H. Sheridan. In the spirit of those great leaders, and of our own devotion to human liberty, and with that hos- tility to all forms of despotism and oppression which is the fundamental idea of the Republican party, we send fraternal congratulation to our fellow-Ameri- cans of Brazil upon their great act of emancipation, which completed the abolition of slavery throughout the two American continents. We earnestly hope that we may soon congratulate our fellow-citizens of Irish birth upon the peaceful recovery of home- rule for Ireland. We reaffirm our unswerving devotion to the Na- tional Constitution and to the indissoluble union of the states; to the autonomy reserved to the states under the Constitution, to the personal rights and liberties of citizens in all the states and territories in the Union, and especially to the supreme and sovereign right of every lawful citizen, rich or poor, native or foreign-born, white or black, to cast one free ballot in public elections, and to have that bal- lot duly counted. We hold the free and honest popular ballot and the just and equal representation of all the people to be the foundation of our repub- lican government, and demand effective legislation to secure the integrity and purity of elections, which We charge that the present administration and the Dem- are the fountains of all public authority. ocratic majority in Congress owe their existence to the suppression of the ballot by a criminal nullifi- cation of the Constitution and laws of the United States. We are uncompromisingly in favor of the Ameri- can system of protection. We protest against its destruction as proposed by the President and his They serve the interests of Europe; we will We accept the party, support the interests of America. issue, and confidently appeal to the people for their judgment. The protective system must be main- tained. Its abandonment has always been followed by general disaster to all interests except those of the usurer and the sheriff. We denounce the Mills bill as destructive to the general business, the labor and the farming interests of the country, and We heartily indorse the consistent and patriotic action of the Republican representatives in Congress in opposing its passage. We condemn the proposition of the Democratic party to place wool on the free list, and we insist that the duties thereon shall be adjusted and main- tained so as to furnish full and adequate protection to that industry. The Republican party would effect all needed reduction of the national revenue by repealing the taxes upon tobacco, which are an annoyance and burden to agriculture, and the tax upon spirits used in the arts and for mechanical purposes, and by such revision of the tariff laws as will tend to check imports of such articles as are produced by our people, the production of which gives employment to our labor; and release from import duties those articles of foreign production (except luxuries) the like of which cannot be produced at home. If there shall still remain a larger revenue than is requisite for the wants of the government, we favor the entire repeal of internal taxes rather than the surrender of any part of our protective system at A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 119 the joint behest of the whisky trusts and the agents of foreign manufacturers. We declare our hostility to the introduction into this country of foreign contract labor, and of Chi- nese labor, alien to our civilization and our Consti- tution; and we demand the rigid enforcement of the existing laws against it, and favor such imme- diate legislation as will exclude such labor from our shores. We declare our opposition to all combinations of capital, organized in trusts or otherwise, to control arbitrarily the condition of trade among our citi- Zens; and we recommend to Congress and the state legislatures, in their respective jurisdictions, such legislation as will prevent the execution of all schemes to oppress the people by undue charges on their supplies, or by unjust rates for the transporta- tion of their products to market. We approve the legislation by Congress to prevent alike unjust bur. dens and unfair discriminations between the states. We reaffirm the policy of appropriating the public lands of the United States to be homesteads for American citizens and settlers, not aliens, which the Republican party established in 1862, against the persistent opposition of the Democrats in Congress, and which has brought our great Western domain into such magnificent development. The restora- tion of unearned railroad land-grants to the public domain, for the use of actual settlers, which was begun under the administration of President Ar- thur, should be continued. We deny that the Demo- cratic party has ever restored one acre to the people, but declare that by the joint action of the Repub- licans and Democrats about 28,000,000 of acres of unearned lands, originally granted for the construc- tion of railroads, have been restored to the public domain, in pursuance of the conditions inserted by We charge the Democratic administration with failure the Republican party in the original grants. to execute the laws securing to settlers title to their homesteads, and with using appropriations made for that purpose to harass innocent settlers with spies and prosecutions, under the false pretense of ex- posing frauds and vindicating the law. The government by Congress of the territories is based upon necessity only, to the end that they may become states in the Union; therefore, whenever the conditions of population, material resources, public intelligence, and morality are such as to in- sure a stable local government therein, the people of such territories should be permitted—as a right inherent in them—the right to form for themselves Constitutions and state governments, and be ad- mitted into the Union. Pending the preparation for statehood, all officers thereof should be selected from the boma fide residents and citizens of the ter- ritory wherein they are to serve. South Dakota should of right be immediately ad- mitted as a state in the Union, under the constitu- tion framed and adopted by her people, and we heartily indorse the action of the Republican Senate The re- fusal of the Democratic House of Representatives, for partisan purposes, to favorably consider these in twice passing bills for her admission. bills, is a willful violation of the sacred American principle of local self-government, and merits the condemnation of all just men, The pending bills in the Senate for acts to enable the people of Wash- ington, North Dakota, and Montana territories to form constitutions and establish state governments, should be passed without unnecessary delay. The Republican party pledges itself to do all in its power to facilitate the admission of the territories of New Mexico, Wyoming, Idaho, and Arizona to the enjoy- ment of self-government as states; such of them as are now qualified, as soon as possible, and the others as soon as they become SO. The political power of the Mormon Church in the territories, as exercised in the past, is a menace to free institutions—a danger no longer to be suffered. Therefore, we pledge the Republican party to ap- propriate legislation asserting the sovereignty of the nation in all territories where the same is ques- tioned, and in furtherance of that end to place upon the statute-books legislation stringent enough to divorce the political from the ecclesiastical power, and thus stamp out the attendant wickedness of polygamy. The Republican party is in favor of the use of both gold and silver as money, and condemns the policy of the Democratic administration in its ef. forts to demonetize silver. 120 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. We demand the reduction of letter postage to one cent per ounce. In a republic like ours, where the citizen is the sovereign and the official the servant, where no power is exercised except by the will of the people, it is important that the sovereign—the people— The free school is the promoter of that intelligence which is to preserve us a free nation; therefore the state or nation, or both combined, should support free institutions of learn- ing, sufficient to afford to every child growing up in the land the opportunity of a good common-school education. should possess intelligence. We earnestly recommend that prompt action be taken by Congress in the enactment of such legisla- tion as will best secure the rehabilitation of Our American merchant marine, and we protest against the passage by Congress of a free-ship bill, as calcu- lated to work injustice to labor by lessening the Wages of those engaged in preparing materials as well as those directly employed in our ship-yards. We demand appropriations for the early rebuild. ing of our navy; for the construction of coast forti- fications and modern ordnance, and other approved modern means of defense, for the protection of our defenseless harbors and cities; for the payment of just pensions to our soldiers; for necessary works of national importance in the improvement of har- bors and the channels of internal, coastwise, and foreign commerce; for the encouragement of the shipping interests of the Atlantic, Gulf, and Pacific States, as well as for the payment of the maturing debt. labor, activity to our various industries, increase This policy will give employment to our the Security of our country, promote trade, open new and direct markets for our produce, and We affirm this to be far better for our country than the Demo- cratic policy of loaning the government’s money without interest to “pet banks.” The conduct of foreign affairs by the present ad- ministration has been distinguished by its inef- and cheapen the cost of transportation. withdrawn from the Senate all pending treaties effected by Re- publican administration for the removal of foreign ficiency its cowardice. Having burdens and restrictions upon our commerce, and for its extension into better markets, it has neither effected nor proposed any others in their stead. Professing adherence to the Monroe doctrine, it has seen with idle complacency the extension of foreign influence in Central America and of foreign trade It has refused to charter, sanction, or encourage any American everywhere among our neighbors. organization for constructing the Nicaragua canal, a work of vital importance to the maintenance of the Monroe doctrine and of our national influence in Central and South America, and necessary for the development of trade with our Pacific territory, with South America, and with the islands and fur. ther coasts of the Pacific Ocean. We arraign the present Democratic administra- tion for its weak and unpatriotic treatment of the fisheries question, and its pusillanimous surrender of the essential privileges to which our fishing ves- sels are entitled in Canadian ports, under the treaty of 1818, the reciprocal maritime legislation of 1830, and the comity of nations; and which Canadian fishing vessels receive in the ports of the United States. ministration and the Democratic majority in Con- We condemn the policy of the present ad- gress toward our fisheries, as unfriendly and con- spicuously unpatriotic, and as tending to destroy a valuable national industry, and an indispensable resource of defense against a foreign enemy. The name of American applies alike to all citizens of the republic, and imposes upon all alike the same obligation of obedience to the laws. At the same time, that citizenship is and must be the panoply and safeguard of him who wears it, and protect him, whether high or low, rich or poor, in all his civil rights. It should and must afford him protection at home, and follow and protect him abroad, in what- ever land he may be on a lawful errand. The men who abandoned the Republican party in 1884, and continue to adhere to the Democratic party, have deserted not only the cause of honest government, of sound finance, of freedom and pu- rity of the ballot, but especially have deserted the We will not fail to keep our pledges because they have broken theirs, or because their candidate has broken his. We therefore repeat our declaration of 1884, to-wit: cause of reform in the civil service. A HISTORY OF THE} REPUBLICAN PARTY. 121 “The reform of the civil service, auspiciously be- gun under the Republican administration, should be completed by the further extension of the reform system already established by law to all the grades of the service to which it is applicable. The spirit and purpose of the reform should be observed in all executive appointments, and all laws at variance with the object of existing reform legislation should be repealed, to the end that the dangers to free in- stitutions which lurk in the power of official patron- age may be wisely and effectively avoided.” The gratitude of the nation to the defenders of the Union cannot be measured by laws. The legis- lation of Congress should conform to the pledge Imade by a loyal people, and be so enlarged and ex- tended as to provide against the possibility that any man who honorably wore the Federal uniform shall become an inmate of an almshouse or depend- ent upon private charity. In the presence of an overflowing treasury, it would be a public scandal to do less for those whose valorous service preserved the government. We denounce the hostile spirit shown by President Cleveland in his numerous Ve- toes of measures for pension relief, and the action of the Democratic House of Representatives in refus- ing even a consideration of general pension legis- lation. In support of the principles here with enunciated, we invite the coöperation of patriotic men of all par- ties, and especially of all workingmen, whose pros- perity is seriously threatened by the free trade policy of the present administration. The following resolution, under a suspension of the rules, was adopted as an addition to the plat- form, immediately before final adjournment: “The first concern of good government is the Vir- tue and sobriety of the people and the purity of the home. . The Republican party cordially sympathizes with all wise and well-directed efforts for the pro- motion of temperance and morality.” TENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. ADOPTED AT MINNEAPOLIS, JUNE 9, 1892. The representatives of the Republicans of the United States assembled in general convention on the shores of the Mississippi river, the everlasting bond of an indestructible republic, whose most glorious chapter of its history is the record of the Republican party, congratulate their countrymen On the majestic march of the nation under the ban- ners inscribed with the principles of our platform of 1888, vindicated by victory at the polls and pros- perity in our fields, workshops, and mines, and make the following declaration of principles: We reaffirm the American doctrine of protection. We call attention to its growth abroad. We main- tain that the prosperous condition of our country is largely due to the wise revenue legislation of the Republican Congress. We believe that all articles which cannot be pro- duced in the United States, except luxuries, should be admitted free of duty, and that on all imports coming in competition with the products of Ameri- can labor there should be levied duties equal to the difference between wages abroad and at home. We assert that the prices of manufactured ar- ticles of general consumption have been reduced under the operations of the tariff act of 1890. We denounce the efforts of the Democratic ma- jority of the House of Representatives to destroy our tariff laws by piecemeal, as is manifested by their attacks upon wool, lead, and lead ores, the chief products of a number of states, and we ask the people for their judgment thereon. : We point to the success of the Republican policy of reciprocity, under which our export trade has vastly increased, and new and enlarged markets have been opened for the products of our farms and workshops. We remind the people of the bitter op- position of the Democratic party to this practical business measure, and claim that, executed by a Republican administration, our present laws will eventually give us control of the trade of the world. The American people, from tradition and interest, favor bimetallism, and the Republican party de- mands the use of both gold and silver as standard money, with such restrictions and under such pro- 122 REPUBLICAN PARTY. A HISTORY OF THE visions, to be determined by legislation, as will se- cure the maintenance of the parity of Value of the two metals, so that the purchasing and debt-paying power of the dollar, whether of silver, gold, or paper, shall be at all times equal. The interest of the producers of the country, its farmers and its work- ingmen, demand that every dollar, paper, or coin, issued by the government shall be as good as any Other. We commend the wise and patriotic steps already taken by our government to secure an international conference to adopt such measures as will insure a parity of value between gold and silver for use as money throughout the world. We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allowed to cast one free and unre- stricted ballot in all public elections, and that such ballot shall be counted and returned as cast; that such laws shall be enacted and enforced as will se- cure to every citizen, be he rich or poor, native or foreign born, white or black, this sovereign right guaranteed by the constitution. The free and hon- est popular ballot, the just and equal representation of all the people as well as their just and equal pro- tection under the laws, are the foundation of our republican institutions, and the party will never re. lax its efforts until the integrity of the ballot and the purity of elections shall be fully guaranteed and protected in every state. We denounce the continued inhuman outrages per- petrated upon American citizens for political rea- sons in certain Southern States of the Union. We favor the extension of our foreign commerce, the restoration of our merchant marine by home- built ships, and the creation of a navy for the protec- tion of our national interests and the honor of our flag; the maintenance of the most friendly relations with all foreign powers, entangling alliances with none, and the protection of the rights of the fisher. TúGI]. We reaffirm our approval of the Monroe doctrine, and believe in the achievement of the manifest des- tiny of the republic in its broadest sense. - We favor the enactment of more stringent laws and regulations for the restriction of criminal, pau- per, and contract immigration. We favor efficient legislation by Congress to pro- tect the life and limb of employes of transportation Companies engaged in carrying on an inter-state commerce, and recommend legislation by the re. spective states that will protect employes engaged in state commerce, in mining, and in manufacturing. The Republican party has always been the cham. pion of the oppressed, and recognizes the dignity of manhood, irrespective of faith, color, or nationality; it sympathizes with the cause of home rule in Ireland, and protests against the persecution of the Jews in Russia. The ultimate reliance of free popular government is the intelligence of the people and the maintenance of freedom among men. We therefore declare anew our devotion to liberty of thought and conscience, of speech and press, and approve all agencies and instrumentalities which contribute to the education of the children of the land; but while insisting upon the fullest measure of religious liberty we are op- posed to any union of church and state. We reaffirm our opposition declared in the Repub- lican platform of 1888 to all combinations of capital, organized in trusts or otherwise, to control arbitra- rily the condition of trade among our citizens. We heartily indorse the action already taken upon this subject, and ask for such further legislation as may be required to remedy any defects in existing laws, and to render their enforcement more complete and effective. We approve the policy of extending to towns, vil- lages, and rural communities the advantage of the free delivery service now enjoyed by the larger cities of the country, and reaffirm the declaration con- tained in the Republican platform of 1888, pledging the reduction of letter postage to one cent at the earliest possible moment consistent with the main- tenance of the postoffice department and the high- est class of postal service. We commend the spirit and evidence of reform in the civil service and the wise and consistent enforce- ment by the Republican party of the laws regulat- ing the same. t The construction of the Nicaragua canal is of the highest importance to the American people, but as a measure of national defense, and to build up and maintain American commerce, it should ho con- trolled by the United States government. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 123 ELEVENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL PLATFORM. ADOPTED AT ST. LOUIS, JUNE 18, 1896. The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their representatives in national convention, ap- pealing for the popular and historical justification of their claims to the matchless achievements of thirty years of Republican rule, earnestly and confi- dently address themselves to the awakened intelli- gence, experience, and conscience of their country- men in the following declaration of facts and princi- ples: For the first time since the Civil War the Ameri- can people have witnessed the calamitous conse- Quences of full and unrestricted Democratic control It has been a record of un- In ad- ministrative management it has ruthlessly sacri- of the government. paralleled incapacity, dishonor, and disaster. ficed indispensable revenue, entailed an unceasing deficit, eked out ordinary current expenses with bor- rowed money, piled up the public debt by $260,000,- 000 in a time of peace, forced an adverse balance of trade, kept a perpetual menace hanging over the re- demption fund, pawned American credit to alien syn. dicates, and reversed all the measures and results In the broad effect of its policy it has precipitated panic, blighted indus. try and trade with prolonged depression, closed fac- tories, reduced work and wages, halted enterprise and crippled American production, while stimulat- ing foreign production for the American market. Every consideration of public safety and individual interest demands that the government shall be res. cued from the hands of those who have shown them. selves incapable of conducting it without disaster at home and dishonor abroad, and that it shall be re- stored to the party which for thirty years adminis. of successful Republican rule. tered it with unequaled success and prosperity. And in this connection we heartily indorse the wis. dom, patriotism, and the success of the administra- tion of Benjamin FHarrison. We renew and emphasize our allegiance to the policy of protection as the bulwark of American in- dustrial independence and the foundation of Ameri- can development and prosperity. This true Ameri- can policy taxes foreign products and encourages home industry. It puts the burden of revenue on It secures the American market for It upholds the American standard of wages for the American workingman; it puts the factory by the side of the farm, and makes the American farmer less dependent on for- eign demand and prices; it diffuses general thrift and founds the strength of all on the strength of each. In its reasonable application it is just, fair, foreign goods. the American producer. and impartial, equally opposed to foreign control and domestic monopoly, to sectional discrimination and individual favoritism. We denounce the present tariff as sectional, in- jurious to the public credit, and destructive to busi- ness enterprise. We demand such an equitable tariff on foreign imports which come into competition with American products as will not only furnish ade- guate revenue for the necessary expenses of the gov- ernment, but will protect American labor from deg- radation and the wage level of other lands. We are not pledged to any particular schedule. The ques- tion of rates is a practical question, to be governed by the conditions of the times and of production. The ruling and uncompromising principle is the pro- tection and development of American labor and in- dustry. The country demands a right settlement, and then it wants rest. We believe the repeal of the reciprocity arrange- ments negotiated by the last Republican administra- tion was a national calamity, and demand their re- newal and extension on such terms as will equalize our trade with other nations, remove the restrictions which now obstruct the sale of American products in the ports of other countries, and secure and en- large markets for the products of our farms, forests, and factories. - Protection and reciprocity are twin measures of Tepublican policy and go hand in hand. Democratic rule has recklessly struck down both, and both must be reëstablished. Trotection for what we produce, free admission for the necessaries of life which we 124 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. do not produce, reciprocal agreements of mutual in- terest which gain open markets for us in return for our open markets to others. Protection builds up domestic industry and trade and secures our own market for ourselves. Reciprocity builds up foreign trade and finds an outlet for our surplus. We condemn the present administration for not keeping faith with the sugar producers of this coun- try. The Republican party favors such protection as will lead to the production on American soil of all the sugar which the American people use, and for which they pay other countries more than $100,- 000,000 annually. To all of our products, and those of the mine and the field, as well as to those of the shop and the fac- tory, to hemp and wool, the product of the great in- dustry, the sheep husbandry, as well as to the foun- dry, as well as to the mill, we promise the most alm- ple protection. We favor the early American policy of discrimi- nating duties for the upbuilding of our merchant ma- rine, to the protection of our shipping in the foreign- carrying trade, so that American ships, the product of American labor employed in American ship yards, sailing under the Stars and Stripes, and manned, officered and owned by Americans, may regain the carrying of our foreign commerce. The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. It caused the enactment of the law provid- ing for the resumption of specie payments in 1879. Since then every dollar has been as good as gold. We are unalterably opposed to every measure calcu- lated to debase our currency or impair the credit of our country. We are therefore opposed to the free coinage of silver, except by an international agree- ment with the leading commercial nations of the earth, which agreement we pledge ourselves to pro- mote, and until such agreement can be obtained, the existing gold standard must be maintained. All of our silver and paper currency must be maintained at parity with gold, and we favor all measures de- signed to maintain inviolably the obligations of the United States, of all our money, whether coin or paper, at the present standard, the standard of the most enlightened nations of the earth. The veterans of the Union armies deserve and should receive fair treatment and generous recog- Whenever practicable, they should be given the preference in the matter of employment. And they are entitled to the enactment of such laws as are best calculated to secure the fulfillment of the pledges made to them in the dark days of the coun- try’s peril. We denounce the practice in the pension bureau so recklessly and unjustly carried on by the present administration of reducing pensions and arbitrarily nition. dropping names from the rolls as deserving the se. verest condemnation of the American people. Our foreign policy should be at all times firm, wig- orous, and dignified, and all our interests in the the Western hemisphere should be carefully watched and guarded. t The Hawaiian islands should be controlled by the United States, and no foreign power should be per- mitted to interfere with them. The Nicaraguan canal should be built, owned, and operated by the United States, and by the purchase of the Danish island we should secure a much-needed naval sta- tion in the West Indies. The massacres in Armenia have aroused the deep sympathy and just indignation of the American peo- ple, and we believe that the United States should exercise all the influence it can properly exert to bring these atrocities to an end. In Turkey Ameri- can residents have been exposed to grievous dangers and American property destroyed. There and every- where else American citizens and American prop- erty must be absolutely protected at all hazards and at any cost. We reassert the Monroe doctrine in its full extent, and we reaffirm the right of the United States to give the doctrine effect by responding to the appeals of any American state for friendly intervention in case of European encroachment. We have not in- terfered and shall not interfere with the existing possessions of any European power in this hemi- sphere, but those possessions must not on any pre- text be extended. We hopefully look forward to the eventual withdrawal of the European powers from this hemisphere, and to the ultimate union of all the A HISTORY OF THE 125 REPUBLICAN PARTY. English-speaking part of the continent by the free consent of its inhabitants. From the hour of achieving their own independ- ence the people of the United States have regarded with sympathy the struggles of other American peo- ples to free themselves from European domination. We watch with deep and abiding interest the heroic battles of the Cuban patriots against cruelty and oppression, and our best hopes go out for the full success of their determined contest for liberty. The government of Spain having lost control of Cuba, and being unable to protect the property or lives of resident American citizens, or to comply with its treaty obligations, we believe that the government of the United States should actively use its influence and good offices to restore peace and give independ- ence to the island. The peace and security of the republic and the maintenance of its rightful influence among the na- tions of the earth demand a naval power commen- surate with its position and responsibilities. We therefore favor the continued enlargement of the navy and a complete system of harbor and sea coast defenses. For the protection of the quality of our American citizenship and of the wages of our workingmen against the fatal competition of low-priced labor, we demand that the immigration laws be thoroughly enforced and so extended as to exclude from en- trance to the United States those who can neither read nor Write. The civil service law was placed on the statute book by the Republican party, which has always sus- tained it, and we renew our repeated declarations that it shall be thoroughly and heartily and honestly enforced and extended wherever practicable. We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allowed to cast one free and unrestricted ballot, and that such ballot shall be counted and re- turned as Cast. We proclaim our unqualified condemnation of the uncivilized and preposterous practice well known as lynching, and the killing of human beings suspected or charged with crime without process of law. We favor the creation of a national board of al- bitration to settle and adjust differences which may arise between employers and employed engaged in inter-state commerce. We believe in an immediate return to the free homestead policy of the Republican party, and urge the passage by Congress of the satisfactory free homestead measure which has already passed the House and is now pending in the Senate. We favor the admission of the remaining terri- tories at the earliest practicable date, having due regard to the interests of the people of the territo- ries and the United States. - All the Federal officers appointed for the territo- ries should be selected from the boma fide residents thereof, and the right of self-government should be accorded as far as practicable. We believe that the citizens of Alaska should have representation in the Congress of the United States, to the end that needful legislation may be intelli- gently enacted. We sympathize fully with all legitimate efforts to lessen and prevent the evils of intemperance and promote morality. The Republican party is mindful of the rights and interests of women, and believe that they should be accorded equal opportunities, equal pay for equal Work, and protection to the home. We favor the ad- mission of women to wider spheres of usefulness and Welcome their coöperation in rescuing the coun- try from T}emocratic and Populist mismanagement and misrule. Such are the principles and policies of the Repub- lican party. We rely on the faithful and consider- ate judgment of the American people, confident alike of the history of our great party and in the justice of our cause, and we present our platform and our candidates in the full assurance that their selection will bring victory to the Republican party and pros- perity to the people of the United States. § THE POPULAR AND ELECTORAL VOTE AT EACH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION SINCE THE FORM- ATION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. § A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 129 POPULAR AND ELECTORAL VOTE OF 1856. POPULAR VOTE. ELECTORAT, VOTE. James Buchanan, John C. Fremont, M. Fillmore. gº STATES. gi * 9 Democrat. Republican. American. Total : 3 £ Vote. # à à º VOte. Maj. VOte. Maj Vote. Maj ă É ; É Alabama. . . . . . . . . 46,739 18,187 | . . . . . . . . . . . . tº e g º ºs e º º 28,552 | . . . . . . . 75,291 9 |. . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Arkansas . . . . . . . 21,910 | 11,123 | . . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . . . . 10,787 |......... 32,697 4 4 California. . . . . . . 53,365 | *17,200 20,691 . . . . . . . . 36,165 | . . . . . . . 110,221 4 ë y tº 4. Connecticut . . . . . 34,995 . . . . . . . . . 42,715 5,105 2,615 . . . . . . . 80,325 | . . . . . . . . 6 . . . . . . 6 Delaware . . . . . . . 8,004 1,521 808 . . . . . . . . 6,175 . . . . . .... 14,487 8 . . . . . . . 3 Florida. . . . . . . . . . 6,358 1,525 | . . . . . . . . . . . tº e º g g º e º a 4,833 . . . . . 11,191 8 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 . Georgia. . . . . . . . . . 56,578 14,350 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42,228 . . . . . . . 98,806 10 | . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Illinois . . . . . . . . . . 105,348 #9,159 96,189 . . . . . . . . 37,444 | . . . . . . . 238,981 11 | . . . . . . . . . 11 Indiana . . . . . . . . . 118,670 1,909 94,375 © g º º de 22,386 . . . . . . . . 235,431 13 * & © e i & 13 IOWa. . . . . . . . . . . . 36,170 | . . . . . . . . 43,954 £7,784 91so '......... 89,804 | . . . . . . . . 4 . 4. ICentucky . . . . . . . 74,642 6,912 314 | . . . . . . . . 67,416 | . . . . . . . 142,372 12 | . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Louisiana. . . . . . . . 22,164 1,455 s & e º e g g g : * c e º e º & 20,709 | . . . . . . . 42,873 6 • * * * : * g g g tº tº 6 Maine. . . . . . . . . . . 39,080 | . . . . . . . . 67,379 24,974 3,325 . . . . . . . . 109,784 | . . . . . . . . S . . . . . . 8 Maryland . . . . . . . 39,115 . . . . . . . . 281 . . . . . . . . 47,460 | 8,064 86,856 | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 8 Massachusetts . . . 39,240 . . . . . . . . . 108,190 49,324 19,626 | . . . . . . . 167,056 . . . . . . . . 13 . 13 Michigan . . . . . . . . 52,136 | . . . . . . . . 71,762 17,966 1,660 | . . . . . . . 125,558 . . . . . . . . 6 . . . . . . 6 Mississippi . . . . . . 35,446 11,251 | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24,195 59,641 7 l. . . . . . . 7 MissOuri . . . . . . . . 58,164 9,640 | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48,524 106,688 9 |. . . . . . . . . . 9 New Hampshire. 32,789 . . . . . . . . . 38,345 5,134 422 |. . . . . . . . 71,556 is º ſº 5 . . . . . . 5 New Jersey. . . . . . 46,943 | *18,605 28,338 . . . . . . . . 24,115 . . . . . . . 99,396 7 | . . . . . . . 7 New York. . . . . . . 195,878 . . . . . . . . . 276,007 | #80,129 124,604 |. . . . . . . . 596,487 . . . . . . . . 35 35 NOrth Carolina. . . 48,246 11,360 | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36,886 . . . . . . . 85,132 10 | . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Ohio . . . . . . . . . . . . 170,874 . . . . . . . . . 187,497 £16,623 28,126 | . . . . . . . 386,497 | . . . . . . . . 23 |. . . . . . 23 Pennsylvania. . . . . 230,710 1,025 147,510 |, . . . . . . . . 82,175 . . . . . . . 360,395 27 | . . . . . . . . . . 27 Rhode Island. . . . 6,680 . . . . . . . . . 11,467 3,112 1,675 . . . . . . . . 19,822 | . . . . . . . . 4 | . . . . . 4 South Carolina. . .] Electors | Chosen by the Legis- lature. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Tennessee . . . . . . . 73,638 7,460 | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66,178 . . . . . . . 139,816 12 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Texas . . . . . . . . . . . 31,169 15,530 | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15,639 46,808 4 s & e s ] & s e º 8 ° 4 Vermont . . . . . . . . 10,569 |. . . . . . . . . 39,561 28,447 545 50,675 | . . . . . . . . 5 |. . . . . . 5 Virginia. . . . . . . . . . 89,706 || 29,105 291 | . . . . . . . . 60,310 | . . . . . . . 150,307 15 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 Wisconsin . . . . . . 52,843 . . . . . . . . 66,090 | 12,668 579 . . . . . . . . 119,512 | . . . . . . . . 5 5 Total. . . . . . . . . 1,838,169 || 142,353 1,341,264 || 146,730 874,534 || 8,064 |4,053,967 174: 114 8 296 Buchanan’s plural lity. . . . . . . . j496,905 *Plurality over Fillmore. #Plurality over Fremont. £Plurality over Buchanan. 130 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. POPULAR AND ELECTORAL VOTE OF 1860. POPULAR VOTE. ELECTORAL VOTE. § A. Lincoln, S. A. Douglas. J. C. Breckinridge. John Bell. ## | 3 || 3 STATES. ..., | # # | #3 Republican. Ind. Dem, Democrat. COnSt. Union. Total 55 | 3: # ; # sº ºš | 3: ºf É: Vote. 35 | #3 fiš 53 . & * e #5 |#: ºf E a VOte. Majority. VOte. Maj VOte Maj. VOte. Maj C | O S 5 5 | < 5 5 . § — #5 ää §§ * # # § #: # § gº É : j § # É § É É Alabama. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56,178 90,687 4,642 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34,509 || 151,507 | . . . . . . . . 10 10 Arkansas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41,661 60,489 4,079| . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18,82S 106,229 e º is 6 6 California. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80,348 || 80,426 3,392 | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78 164,166 1. 5 6 Colorado . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27,450 24,647 1,435 | . . . . . . . . 2,803 | . . . . . . . . 53,532 8 . . . . . . . . . 3 Connecticut . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67,073 64,417 868 412 2,656 | . . . . . . . . 132,770 6 . . . . . . . . 6 Delaware . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14,150 15,183 | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,033 || 29,333 | . . . . . . . . 3 3 Florida. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23,654 27,964 | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,310 51,618 . . . . . . . . 4. 4. Georgia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52,648 102,522 481 | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49,874 155,651 |, . . . . . . . . 11 11 Illinois . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 318,037 277,321 26,358 596 40,716 . . . . . . . . . 622,312 21 . . . . . . . . 21 Indiana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223,164 225,528 12,986 . . . . . . . . 6,636 470,678 15 . . . . . . . . . 15 IOWa. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183,904 || 105,845 32,327 630 || 79,059 . . . . . . . . . 322,706 11 |. . . . . . . . 11 Išansas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121,520 59,789 19,710 | . . . . . . . . 61,731 | . . . . . . . . 201,019 5 |. . . . . . . . . 5 ICentucky . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104,550 147,999 11,498 257 | . . . . . . . . 43,449 264,304 | . . . . . . . . 12 12 I/Ouisiana. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37,994 65,310 439 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27,316 || 97,201 . . . . . . . . S 8 Maine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74,039 65,171 4,408 235 8,868. . . . . . . . . . .143,853 7 l. . . . . . . . . 7 Maryland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78,515 93,706 818] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15,191 173,039 & © tº s S 8 Massachusetts . . . . . . . . . . 165,205 || 111,960 4,548 799 53,245 . . . . . . . . . 282,512 18 . . . . . . . . . 13 Michigan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185,190 | 131,300 34,795 1,156 || 53,890 | . . . . . . . . 352,441 11 | . . . . . . . . 11. Minnesota . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93,903 53,315 3,267 286 40,588 . . . . . . . . 150,771 5 . . . . . . . . . 5 Mississippi . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34,854 || 75,750 5,797 677 | . . . . . . . . 40,896 || 117,078 S S Missouri . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153,567 208,609 35,045 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55,042 397,221 & Cº º 15 15 Nebraska. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54,979 28,523 3,853 26,456 | . . . . . . . . 87,355 3 | . . . . . . . . 3 Nevada. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8,732 9,611 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 879 18,343 . . . . . . . . 3 3 New Hampshire. . . . . . . . . 44,852 40,794 528 189 4,058 | . . . . . . . . 86,363 5 | . . . . . . . . 5 New Jersey. . . . . . . . . . . . . 120,555 | 122,565 2,617 191 |. . . . . . . . 2,010 || 245,928 . . . . . . . . 9 9 New York. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 555,544 534,511 12,373 2,177 21,033 | . . . . . . . . 1,104,605 35 tº & & 35 North Carolina. . . . . . . . . . 115,878 124,204 1,136. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8,326 241,218 . . . . . . . . 10 10 Ohio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 375,048 340,821 6,456| 2,642 34,227 . . . . . . . . . 724,967 22 . . . . . . . . 22 Oregon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20,619 19,948 249 . . . . . . . . . 671 | . . . . . . . . 40,816 8 . . . . . . . . 3 Pennsylvania. . . . . . . . . . . . 444,704 || 407,428 20,668 1,983 || 37,276 . . . . . . . . 874,783 29 |. . . . . . . . 29 Rhode Island. . . . . . . . . . . 18,195 || 10,779 236 25 7,416 | . . . . . . . . 29,235 4 . . . . . . . . 4 South Carolina. . . . . . . . . . . 58,071 112,312 566 7 | . . . . . . . . . 54,241 170,956 . . . . . . . . 7 7 Tennessee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107,677 | 128,191 5,916 43 |. . . . . . . . . 20,514 241,827 | . . . . . . . . 12 12 Texas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . à7,815 156,228 27,405 | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98,383 241,478 | . . . . . . . . 8 8 Vermont . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45,090 18,181 1,212 110 26,909 | . . . . . . . . 64,593 5 (. . . . . . . . 5 Virginia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84,020 | 127,976 139| . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43,956 212,135 . . . . . . . . . 11 11 West Virginia. . . . . . . . . . . . 46,243 57,391 9,079 . . . . . . . . * g º $ & 11,148 112,713 | . . . . . . . . 5 5 Wisconsin . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144,397 || 114,634 7,080 161 29,763 . . . . . . . . 267,172 10 l. . . . . . . . 10 Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,449,053 |4,442,035 307,306| *12,576 537,001 || 529,983 |9,204,428 214 155 369 Plurality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7,018 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7,018 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Per cent. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48.26 48.25 3.33 .13 | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58.00 42.00 | . . . . . . . . *Of the scattering votes, 10,305 were cast for Neal Dow, “Prohibition” candidate for President, and 707 votes for John W. Phelps, “American” or Anti-Secret-Society candidate. 136 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. POPULAR AND ELECTORAL VOTE OF 1884. POPULAR VOTE. ELECTORAL VOTE. STATES. ; .# % § P. .90 p-, º #. 3 : § Hä 2.É E; g q : $3 g; 33 † : * : - d; º: º 5 § * E & © SS 3 E SP E 7. 3. GD 'º 33 # #5 Tá, ºf, 35. 5 º # 5 ſº O CO Ú) ſº C H Q O H Alabama. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59,144 92,973 762 610 | . . . . . . . . 33,829 153,489 . . . . . . . 10 10 Arkansas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50,895 72,927 1,847 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22,033 125,580 | . . . . . . . 7 7 California. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102,416 89,288 2,017| 2,910 13,128 . . . . . . . . 193,738 8 . . . . . . . . S Colorado . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36,166 27,603 1,961 762 8,563 | . . . . . . . . 66,492 3 | . . . . . . . 3 Connecticut . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65,898 67,182 1,685 2,494 | . . . . . . . . 1,284 137,233 . . . . . . . 6 6 Delaware . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13,053 16,976 10 64 . . . . . . . . 3,923 30,103 | . . . . . . . 3 3 Florida. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28,031 31,769 * : * * 72 . . . . . . . . 3,73S 59,872 | . . . . . . . 4 4 Georgia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47,692 94,053 135 168 46,961 143,543 | . . . . . . . 12 12 Illinois . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337,411 || 312,584 10,849 12,005 24,827 | . . . . . . . . 672,849 22 . . . . . . . 22 Indiana ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 238,480 | 244,992 S,293 3,028 . . . . . . . . 6,512 494,793 . . . . . . . 15 15 IOWa. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197,089 177,316 . . . . . . . . 1,472 19,773 | . . . . . . . . 375,969 13 13 IXansas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154,406 90,132 16,341 || 4,954 64,274 . . . . . . . . 265,843 9 . . . . . . . 9 ICentucky . . . . 118,122 | 152,961 1,693 3,139 . . . . . . . . 34,839 275,915 12 . . . . . . . 13 Louisiana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46,347 62,546 120 33S . . . . . . ; 16,199 109,234 S . . . . . . . S Maine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71,716 51,656 3,994 || 2,143 20,000 * * * * * * * * 129,509 6 • * * 6 Maryland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85,748 96.866 578 2,827 . . . . . . . . 11,118 186,019 | . . . . . . . 8 8 Massachusetts . . . . . . . . . . . . 146,724 122,352 24,382 9,925 24,372 | . . . . . . . . 303,383 14 | . . . . . . . 14 Michigan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192,669 189,361 753 18,403 3,308 | . . . . . . . . 401,186 13 T3 Minnesota . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111,685 70,065 3,583 || 4,684 41,620 | . . . . . . . . 190,017 7 | . . . . . . Mississippi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43,509 76,510 | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33,001 120,019 . . . . . . . 9 Missouri . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202,929 || 235,988 |. . . . . . . . 2,153 | . . . . . . . . 33,059 441,070 . . . . . . . 16 1 Nebraska . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76,903 54,391 | . . . . . . . . 2,899 22,512 | . . . . . . . . 134,204 5 | . . . . . . . Nevada. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7,193 5,578 26 . . . . . . . . 1,615 . . . . . . . . 12,797 3 . . . . . . . New Hampshire. . . . . . . . . . . . 43,250 39,187 552 1,571 4,063 . . . . . . . . S4,566 4 * * * * New Jersey. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123,366 127,778 3,456 6,153 | . . . . . . . . 4,412 261,537 . . . . . . . 9 New York. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 562,001 || 563,048 17,002 || 25,001 | . . . . . . . . 1,047 | 1,171,312 | . . . . . . . 36 3 North Carolina. . . . . . . . .. . . . . 125,068 || 142,952 | . . . . . . . . 454 . . . . . . . . 17,884 268,474 | . . . . . . . 11 1. Ohio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 400,082 368,286 5,170 | 11,269 31,796 | . . . . . . . . 784,807 23 2 Oregon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26,860 24,604 726 492 2,256 | . . . . . . . . 52,682 3 | . . . . . . . Pennsylvania. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 473,804 || 392,785 17,002 || 15,737 81,019 . . . . . . . . 899,328 30 | . . . . . . . 30 Rhode Island. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19,030 12,391 422 928 6,639 . . . . . . . . 32,771 4 | . . . . . . . 4 South Carolina. . . . . . . . . . . . 21,733 69,764 |. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48,031 91,578 . . . . . . . 9 9 Tennessee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124,090 133,270 957 1,151 | . . . . . . . . 9,180 259,46S . . . . . . . 12 12 Texas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91,701 || 223,679 3,321 3,508 . . . . . . . . 131,978 322,209 | . . . . . . . 13 13 Vermont . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39,514 17,331 785 1,752 22,183 . . . . . . . . 59,382 4 • * * 4 Virginia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139,356 145,497 |. . . . . . . . 138 | . . . . . . . . 6,141 284,991 | . . . . . . . 12 12 West Virginia. . . . . . . . . . . . . 63,096 67,317 805 939 . . . . . . . . 4,221 132,157 | . . . . . . . (3 6 Wisconsin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161,157 146,459 4,598 || 7,656 || 14,698 | . . . . . . . . 319,942 11 . . . . . . . 11 Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,848,334 || 4,911,017 | 133,825 | 151,809 || 406,706| 469,389 |10,048,061 182 219 401 Plurality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62,688 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62,683 | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Per cent. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48.25 48.87 1.33 1.51 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 137 POPULAR AND ELECTORAL VOTE OF I.888. POPULAR WOTE. Bºat. +3 ;: § § - º e +3 g STATES. ÉÉ # # ..i # # % # # §§ pſ§ ; Q2 £ as #5 #: - *- $–4 º' § P- Q2 ; : ga º #" #P gº #º É ãº # Alabama. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117,320 56,197 583 | . . . . . . . . 61,123| . . . . . . . . 174,100 10 | . . . . . . . Arkansas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85,962 58,752 641 10,613 27,210} . . . . . . . . 155,968 7 | . . . . . . . California. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117,729 124,816 5,761. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7,087 251,339 |. . . . . . . 8 Colorado . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37,567 50,774 2,191 1,266 | . . . . . . . . 13,207 91,798 } . . . . . . . 3 Connecticut . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74,920 74,584 4,234 240 336| . . . . . . . 153,978 6 Delaware . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16,414 12,973 400 | . . . . . . . . 3,441 . . . . . . . . . 29,787 3 Florida. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39,561 26,657 423 . . . . . . . . 12,904 . . . . . . . . 66,641 4 . . . . . . . Georgia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100,499 40,496 1,808 136 60,003 • * e g 142,939 12 - * g e Illinois . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 348,278 370,473 21,695 7,090 . . . . . . . . 22,195 747,686 . . . . . . . 22 Indiana ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261,013 || 263,361 9,881 2,694 | . . . . . . . . 2,348 536,949 . . . . . . . 15 IOWa. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179,877 211,598 3,550 || 9,105 | . . . . . . . . 31,721 404,130 . . . . . 13 Kansas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102,745 182,904 6,779| 37,778 . . . . . . . . 80,159 334,035 | . . . . . . . 9 ICentucky . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183,800 155,134 5,225 622 28,666|. . . . . . . . 344,781 13 | . . . . . . . Louisiana. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . | 85,032 30,484 160 39 54,548|. . . . . . . . 115,744 8 . . . . . . . . Maine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50,481 73,734 2,691 1,344 . . . . . . . . 23,253 128,250 | . . . . . . . 6 Maryland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106,168 99,986 4,767 . . . . . . . . 6,182|. . . . . . . . 210,921 8 . . . . . . . . Massachusetts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . | 151,855 | 183,892 8,701] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32,037 344,448 . . . . . . . 14 Michigan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . | 213,469 236,387 | 20,942. 4,555 |........ 22,918 476,273 . . . . . . . 13 Minnesota. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104,385 142,492 15,311| 1,094 | . . . . . . . . 38,107 263,306 | . . . . . . . 7 Mississippi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85,471 30,096 218 22 55,375}. . . . . . . . 115,807 9 . . . . . . . Missouri . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261,974 236,257 4,539 18,632 25,717. . . . . . . . . 523,198 16 | . . . . . . . Nebraska. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80,552 108,425 9,429 4,226 . . . . . 27,873 202,653 . . . . . . . 5 Nevada . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5,326 7,229 41 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,903 12,596 |. . . . . . . 3 New Hampshire. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . | 43,382 45,724 1,566 13 | . . . . . . . . 2,342 90,730 . . . . . . . 4 New Jersey. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151,493 144,344 7,904 . . . . . . . . 7,149| . . . . . . . 303,741 9 | . . . . . . . New York. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 635,757 648,759 30,231 626 . . . . . . . . 13,002 | 1,320,109 . . . . . . . 36 North Carolina. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147,902 || 134,784 2,789 47 13,118. . . . . . . . . 285,512 11 | . . . . . . . Ohio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 396,455 416,054 24,356|| 3,496 | . . . . . . . . 19,599 841,941 |. . . . . . . . 23 Oregon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26,522 33,291 1,677 363 | . . . . . . . . 6,769 61,911 | . . . . . . . 3 Pennsylvania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 446,633 526,091 20,947 3,873 . . . . . . . . . 79,458 997,568 |.. . . . . . 30 Rhode Island. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17,530 21,968 1,250 18 . . . . . . . . 4,438 40,766 |. . . . . . . 4 South Carolina. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65,825 13,736 | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52,089. . . . . . . . . 79,941 9 . . . . . . . Tennessee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158,779 || 138,988 5,969 48 19,791 | . . . . . . 303,736 2 . . . . . . . Texas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234,883 88,422 4,749| 29,459 || 146,461} . . . . . . . . 357,513 13 tº e º Vermont . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16,788 45,192 1,460. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28,404 63,440 ". . . . . . . 4 Virginia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151,977 150,438 1,678| . . . . . . . . 1,539| . . . . . . . . 304,093 12 . . . . . . . West Virginia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78,677 78,171 1,084 1,508 506 . . . . . . . . 159,440 6 • . . . Wisconsin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155,232 176,553 14,277 8,552 | . . . . . . . . 21,321 354,614 | . . . . . . . 11 *Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5,538,233 5,440,216 249,807 || 148,105 576,158||478,141 11,392,382 168 233 Pluralities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98,017 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98,017|. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . © º e *Cowdry, United Labor, received 2,808; and Curtis, American, received 1,591 votes. 138 A HISTORY OF THE REPUB I/ICAN PARTY. POPULAR AND ELECTORAL VOTE OF 1892. POPULAR VOTE. ELECTORAL VOTE. 43 : se # § sº +5 : STATES. § É aš ..? 3 º § Total Vote # § Hé & C C Cº †- rº, Fº H : & C C.C. is § #ā. § 5. #5 866 ". "º 3 #ā. §§ §§ šš # 5% É §§ | 3: 3 {I} 5: § : ſh- O ;I, Alabama. . . . . . . . . 138,138 9,197 85,181 239 . . . . . . . . 52,957 C 232,755 11 | . . . . . . . Arkansas . . . . . . . 87,834 46,884 11,831 113 . . . . . . . . . 40,950 C 146,662 8 . . . . . . . . California. . . . . 118,293 118,149 25,352 8,129 . . . . . . . . . 144 C 269,923 S 1 |, Colorado . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38,620 53,584 1,638 . . . . . 14,964 W 93,842 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Connecticut . . . . . 82,395 77,025 806 4,025 329 5,370 C 164,580 6 | . . . . . . . Delaware . . . . . . . . 18,581 18,083 13 565 . . . . . . . . . 498 C 37,242 3 . . . . . . . Florida. . . . . . . . . . 30,143 . . . . . . . . . . 4,843 475 | . . . . . . . . 25,300 C 35,461 4 . . . . . . . Georgia. . . . . . . . . . 129,361 48,305 42,937 988 81,056 C 221,591 13 . . . . . . . Idaho . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8,599 10,520 288 1,921 W. 19,407 | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Illinois . . . . . . . . . . 426,281 | 399,288 22,207 || 25,870 . . . . . . . . . 26,993 C 873,646 24 |. . . . . . . Indiana ... . . . . . . . 262,740 || 255,615 22,208 || 13,050 7,125 C 553,613 15 . . . . . . . IOWa. . . . . . . . . . . . . 196,367 219,795 20,595 6,402 . . . . . . . . . 22,965 H 443,159 |. . . . . . . . . 13 Kansas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157,237 | 163,111 4,539 5,874 W 324,887 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kentucky .... . . . . .175,461 135,441 23,500 6,442 . . . . . . . . . 40,020 C 340,844 13 | . . . . . . . Louisiana. . . . . . . . S7,922 13,282 13,281 | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61,359 C 114,485 S . . . . . . . Maine . . . . . . . . . . . 48,044 62,923 2,381 3,062 14,979 H 116,410 | . . . . . . . . . 6 Maryland . . . . . . . , 113,866 92,736 796 || 5,877 . . . . . . . . . 21,130 C 213,275 S . . . . . . . Massachusetts ... 176,813 202,814 3,210 7,539 649 26,001 H 391,025 * * * 15 Michigan . . . . . . . . 202,296 222,708 19,892 14,069 | . . . . . . . . 20,412 H 45S,965 j 9 Minnesota. . . . . . . . 100,920 | 122,823 29,313 | 12,182 | . . . . . . . . 21,903 H% 265,238 . . . . . . . . . 9 Mississippi . . . . . . 40,237 1,406 10,256 910 . . . . . . . . . 29,981 C 52,809 9 . . . . . . . MissOuri . . . . . . . . . 268,398 226,918 41,213 4,331 41,480 C 540,860 17 | . . . . . . . MOntana. . . . . . 17,581 1S,851 7,334 549 | . . . . . . . . 1,270 H 44,315 . . . . . . . . . 3 Nebraska. . . . . . . . . 24,943 S7,227 83,134 4,902 . . . . . . . . . 4,093 H 200,206 S Nevada. . . . . . . . . . 714. 2,811 7,264 89 4,453 W 10,878 . . . . . . . . & tº sº e New Hampshire. . 42,081 45,658 292 1,297 | . . . . . . . . 3,547 H. S9,328 |. . . . . . . . . 4 New Jersey. . . . . . . 171,042 156,068 969 8,131 1,337 14,974 C 337,547 10 i. . . . . . . New York. . . . . . . . 654,868 609,350 16,429 || 38,190 17,956 || 45,518 C 1,336,793 36 | . . . . . . . North Carolina. . . 132,951 | 100,342 44,736 2,636 tº e 32,609 C 280,665 11 | . . . . . . . North Dakota. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17,519 17,700 899 181 WT 36,118 1. 1. Ohio . . . . . . . . . . . . 404,115 405,187 14,850 26,012 . . . . . . . . 1,072 H S50,164 1. 22 Oregon . . . . . . . . . . 14,243 35,002 | #26,965 2,281 tº º ſº sº 811 F# 78,491 3 Pennsylvania . . . . 452,264 516,011 S,714 || 25,123 S98 || 63,767 H | 1,003,010 32 Rhode Island. . . . . 24,335 26,972 228 1,654 . . . . . . . . 2,637 H 58,189 |. . . . . . . . . 4 South Carolina. . 54,692 13,345 2,407 | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41,347 C 70,444. 9 | . . . . . . . South Dakota. . . . . 9,081 34,888 26,544 | . . . . . . . . 8,344 H. 70,513 |. . . . . . . . . 4 Tennessee . . . . . . . 138,874 100,331 23,447 4,851 | . . . . . . . . 38,543 C 267,503 12 . . . . . . . Texas . . . . . . . . . . . 239,148 81,444 99.6SS 2,165 . 139,460 C 422,445 15 . . . . . . . Vermont . . . . . . . . . 16,325 37,992 43 1,415 . . . . . . . . . 21,667 H. 55,775 |. . . . . . . . . 4. Virginia. . . . . . . . . . 163,977 | 113,262 12,275 2,738 50,715 C 292.252 12 | . . . . . . . Washington . . . . . 29,802 36,460 19,165 2,542 j . . . . . . . . 6,658 H S7,969 |. . . . . . . . . 4 West Virginia. . . . S4,467 80,293 4,166 2,145 4,174 C 171,071 6 Wisconsin . . . . . . . 177,335 | 170,791 9,909 || 13,132 . . . . . . . . . 6,544 C 371,167 12 . . . . . . . Wyoming . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8,454 7,722 530 732 H 16,706 | . . . . . . . . . 3 Total . . . . . . . . 5,556,918 5,176,108 |1,041,028 264,133 21,169 |. . . . . . . . . . 12,059,356 277 145 - i : * & e º º tº tº g º & * g e º ºs $ tº º gº tº * * * * * gº tº e º 'º , º 'º s e : e e s - Total. 15 3 : * * * * * • * * * 4 tº $ s & s 44----- 41. Cleveland's plurality, 3S0,810, *Harrison over Fusion vote, 14,1S2. - iIn Oregon the highest vote for an elector was that cast for the one candidate who was on both the Democratic and Populist The next highest vote was for a Republican candidate for elector, 35,002. . This gave the Fusion candidate (Who afterward voted for Weaver) a plurality of S11, and it so appears in the column of pluralities above. ticketS. He received 35,813 votes. PART II. A POLITICAL HISTORY OF MINNESOTA FROM A REPUBLICAN POINT OF VIEW. º --- - º: º-º: ---- - - - - §§ ~ ---- ） |- |- |- （~~~~ §§ º --- --- º º |- ---- |- |- | ---- |- ſ. º --- -- ºº: - - ALEXANDER RAMSEY innesota–United States Senator. Mi overnor of [From an engraving made soon after his arrival in the Territory. ………….… --~~ ~~~~ （… -- （~~~~<！！！！ |- -|- ---------|-|-|- -----|-- - - - - - ：:：：：--：-， -- -----------------|---- |-|- ….….-…………. First Territorial and Second State G A POLITICAL HISTORY OF MINNESOTA FROM A REPUBLIC AN POINT OF VIEW. CHAPTER I. EARLY POLITICS IN MINNESOTA. HE political history of Minnesota begins with the admission of the State of Wisconsinto the Union in 1848. Wisconsin Territory embraced all of the country between Lake Michigan and the Missouri river, but when the state was admitted its western boundary line was fixed on the Mississippi and St.Croix rivers. This left a little strip of country between the St. Croix and Mississippi, in which there were at that time a few settlers, without any form of government. There was a small sawmill at Stillwater in 1848, and a few lumbermen worked for the mill, cutting logs, near the Dalles of St. Croix. About a dozen farmers had established themselves On the fine plateau which forms a peninsula be- St Paul was a frontier village of about two hundred people, and at St. Anthony a sawmill had been built and there were perhaps a hundred and fifty inhabitants. All of the country west of the Mississippi belonged to the Indians — the Sioux and the Chippewas. tween the St. Croix and the Mississippi. These two tribes were usually at war with each Other. The foremost men in what is now Minnesota were Henry H. Sibley, who carried on a trading post at Mendota for the American Fur Company, and Henry M. Rice, who lived at St. Paul and traded with the Chippewas in the upper country. They were both men of strong character, of unusual in- tellectual force, and of very attractive personality. General Sibley was over six feet high, of muscular build, and of commanding presence. He had Strongly marked features, an aquiline nose, and piercing dark eyes. Nature evidently modeled him for a leader of men, and he exercised a dominating influence over the traders, trappers, missionaries, and half-breed Indians with whom he came in con- tact. Mr. Rice was a man of a milder type of char- acter, exceedingly courteous and amiable and very sagacious in his business dealings. Eſe accom- plished his ends more by persuasion than by evi- dent forcible efforts. and rather slender build, but in hardships on the frontier he equaled in endurance his muscular con- temporary, General Sibley. Both Sibley and Rice were Democrats, and they were personal friends, but each was a man of too strong character to will- ingly serve under the leadership of the other, and the consequence was that each was the head of a faction in the Democratic party. Most of the drift- ing adventurous class which formed the only white He was of medium stature population on the upper Mississippi and the St. Croix at that time belonged to the Democratic par- ty. That party was very strong all along the west- ern frontier and in the new states of the Mississippi valley. It was made up of the ruder elements in country life and the foreign elements in the West- ern States. The Whig party prided itself on be. ing the party of gentlemen. Its strength was chiefly with the educated classes—the mercantile and pro- fessional men of the towns, and many of the well-to- do farmers of the North and the large planters of the South, were as a rule Whigs. When news reached the little settlements at Still- water, St. Paul, and St. Anthony that Wisconsin had been made a state, and that the country west of 146 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. the St. Croix was practically left out in the cold, they took counsel together in a meeting held at Still- water. There were one or two lawyers present who maintained that the Territory of Wisconsin was still in existence, and embraced all the country not in- cluded in the State of Wisconsin. Sibley and Rice were both present at the meeting. It was agreed that Sibley should then and there be elected dele- gate to Congress for what was left of the Territory of Wisconsin, and should proceed to Washington, obtain a seat in the House if possible, and urge upon Congress the formation of a new territory to be called Minnesota, and to embrace all that part of the former Territory of Wisconsin not included in the new state. Among the men who took a prominent part in the Stillwater convention, besides Sibley and Rice, were Franklin Steele and W. R. Marshall, who then lived at St. Anthony, and W. D. Fields, A. Larpenteur and J. W. Bass of St. Paul. A letter was read from John Catlin, Secretary of the Terri- tory of Wisconsin. Governor Dodge had been elected One of the United States Senators from the new state. Mr. Catlin encouraged the view that the Territory of Wisconsin was still in existence and included all the country which was not embraced in the new State of Wisconsin. In October of the Same year, Mr. Catlin came to Stillwater, and, as- Suming to be acting governor because of the va- cany caused by Governor Dodge's election to the Senate, issued a proclamation for an election on October 30th to choose a delegate to Congress. The Only polling place was Stillwater, and Sibley was chosen without opposition. Sibley agreed to pay his own expenses to Washington, and reached the capital the following December at the opening of the session of Congress. Stephen A. Douglas was at that time chairman of the Committee on Territories in the Senate. For- tunately, he knew a good deal about Minnesota. A few years before he had come up the Mississippi in a Steamboat on a Visit to Fort Snelling, and had been the guest of Sibley at Mendota. He took an inter- est in the project for establishing the Territory of Minnesota, but he insisted that the proper place for the capital was Mendota, at the junction of the Mis- sissippi and Minnesota rivers. During his stay there he had gone upon the hill, then called Pilot Knob, just west of the present village of Mendota, and viewing the glorious prospect from that eleva- tion, he had predicted that the capitol of a new State would some day rise upon that particular spot. Now there had been an agreement entered into at the Stillwater meeting that the capitol of the Ter- ritory should be at St. Paul, the penitentiary at Stillwater, and the future university at St. Anthony. Sibley finally succeeded in convincing Douglas that inasmuch as all the population was on the east bank of the Mississippi and all the country west of that river belonged to the Indians, it would not be Wise to establish the capital at Mendota, where there was nothing but the fur company’s trading store and the stone house which Sibley had built for his own oc- cupancy. The bill establishing the Territory of Minnesota passed both houses without much oppo- sition. It covered all the country between the western boundary of Wisconsin and the Missouri river, and it provided that the capital should be temporarily at St. Paul, until such time as the legis. lature might determine upon its permanent location. Sibley was admitted to the House as delegate from the new territory. The news of the action of Con- gress was received with great joy in the little fron- tier hamlets on the St. Croix and Mississippi. The presidential election of 1848 had resulted in the triumph of the Whigs. Gen. Zachary Taylor was elected President, and was inaugurated March 4, 1849, and one of his first duties was to appoint a FOr governor he selected an active and successful young governor and judicial officers for Minnesota. Whig politician of Pennsylvania, who had managed the Whig campaign in that state the preceding year, He lived at Harrisburg, and had served two terms in as chairman of the state central committee. Congress, although he was only thirty-four years old. He was a man of fine presence and address, of good oratorical powers, and was in all respects an ideal sort of a man to go out into a new community in the West, to make friends with all sorts of people and to wisely lay the foundation of a new state. His name was Alexander Ramsey, and he was des- A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 147 tined to exercise a very great influence in Minne- sota for an entire generation. Governor Ramsey, accompanied by his wife, reached St. Paul in May, 1849, after a journey from Harrisburg which occu- pied nearly a month. He found a straggling little village, consisting of small structures built of logs and boards and inhabited by about two hundred and fifty people. Not finding any house where he could comfortably settle his wife and himself, he accepted an invitation from General Sibley to go over to Mendota and stay for awhile in the big stone house which is still standing in that village. An anecdote is related of Ramsey, that, while visiting Fort Snell- ing soon after his arrival, he was told by the com- manding officer that he was entitled as governor to a salute of seventeen guns. Ramsey replied that he hoped no such demonstration would be made on his account. “Very well,” said the commandant; “shall I call out the guard in your honor?” “Don’t do it,” replied Ramsey. “I don’t want any fuss made about my being here.” The commandant was evidently disappointed, and said: “As you wish, governor, but I want to do something to show proper respect to the chief executive of this territory. Is there anything that you would suggest or desire?” “Yes,” said Ramsey; “if you have a little good whisky in the house, I’ll take a glass.” The existence of the Whig party in Minnesota When it came to the election of a delegate the popularity of Sibley was so great that the new Whig governor decided that it was not worth while to organize a movement against him, and the great fur trader was unani- mously returned to Congress. In spite of the fact that the Federal appointments in the territory were now in possession of the Whigs, including the governor, secretary, chief dated from Ramsey’s arrival. justice, two associate justices of the supreme court, the marshal, the attorney, and the Indian agents, that party made very little headway in combating the Democracy under the able leadership of Sibley and Rice. In fact, the name Whig does not appear On any of the tickets for members of the terri- torial legislature or for state or county elections until 1853. In the earlier elections the tickets against the regular Democratic nominations were labeled “Opposition Ticket,” or “People's Ticket.” In 1853 the Democrats nominated Henry M. Rice for reëlection as delegate to Congress, and the Whigs put up against him Capt. Alexander Wil- kin, who had served with credit in the Mexican War and was an active and popular man in the af- fairs of the new territory. He lived in St. Paul, and was a brother of the late Judge Wilkin. The relative strength of the two parties in Minnesota at that time is shown by the election returns. Rice received 2,149 votes, and Wilkin only 696. The Whigs of that day commonly spoke of the Demo- crats as the “Moccasin Democracy of Indian Trad- ers,” from the fact that all the prominent traders and frontiersmen were ardent supporters of either Sibley or Rice. The Whigs remained in possession of the Federal offices in Minnesota for four years, but never, as we have seen, succeeded in making a really effective party Organization. In 1853 Franklin Pierce was inaugurated President, and he proceeded at once to make a clean sweep of the Whig office-holders throughout the country. He appointed as governor of Minnesota, an Indiana politician and ex-member of Congress, Willis A. Gorman—a man of positive and peculiar character, a thorough partisan, and an active and adroit politician. slavery Democrat. Gorman was a pro- Born in Kentucky, he felt all the prejudice common to people of that section to Wards every one who sought to interfere with the institution of slavery or to prevent its extension into the new territories of the West. He had fought through the Mexican War, coming out with the rank of colonel, and had served two terms in Congress from Indiana. Governor Gorman is described in Major Newson’s “Pen Pictures” as “a very decided, emphatic man of undaunted courage, a good law. yer, an excellent stump speaker, and an honest executive officer.” He was impulsive, and was fond of display and noise. His stump oratory is remem. bered as of the old-fashioned Western school, abounding in flights of extravagant rhetoric. It is said that when he warmed up with his subject he Would first take off his necktie and collar and then 148 REPUBLICAN PARTY. A HISTORY OF THE his coat. He was a well proportioned man, straight and commanding, of good appearance, and a natural leader. He soon antagonized the two great local Democratic chiefs, Sibley and Rice, and in the con- vention of 1855 he laid aside his old pro-slavery sentiments and joined the faction known as the Anti-Nebraska Democrats, who were opposing Henry M. Rice for delegate to Congress. Gorman was principally instrumental in bringing out David Olmsted as an independent candidate. Among the new men who came into Minnesota. with Governor Gorman and held Federal offices, and who subsequently became conspicuous in the poli- tics of the state, was Robert A. Smith of Indiana, a brother-in-law of Gorman, who held the position of private secretary and territorial librarian in the new administration, and who soon became a leader of the St. Paul Democracy; Moses Sherburne, one of the associate justices, after whom Sherburne county was named; Wm. H. Welsh, chief justice, who settled in Red Wing, and died there; and A. G. Chatfield, who made his home in Belle Plaine after his term on the bench expired. Governor Gorman secured a large interest in the town site of St. Peter, and instigated a movement to remove the capital to that town. He entered the volunteer service as a colonel when the Civil War broke out, attained the rank of brigadier general, returned to St. Paul after the close of the war, and practiced law, and died in this city. His son, Richard L. Gorman, has for many years been one of the most prominent leaders of the local Democracy. The election of James Buchanan to the Presidency in 1856 made another change in the Federal offices In 1857 Samuel Medary of Ohio ar- rived in St. Paul with a commission as governor. His term of office was short, however, for Congress passed an enabling act that year, providing for the organization of the state, and in 1858 all the terri- torial officers were supplanted by the new state officials. Medary returned to Ohio as soon as he was out of office, and left no durable impress upon the affairs of Minnesota. The new secretary of state was Col. Wm. F. Wheeler, who was after- wards appointed United States Marshal of Montana, and was one of the most conspicuous men in that territory and state until his death about two years ago. in Minnesota. CHAPTER II. THE FIRST REPUBLICAN CONVENTIONS, STATE AND NATIONAL. The sentiment in favor of organizing a new party to oppose the extension of slavery into the terri- tories did not make quite as rapid progress in Min- nesota as in the older states of the North. The territory was rapidly filling up with new settlers, who came up the river by steamboat to occupy the fertile prairie lands, and who were too busy estab- lishing their new homes to give much time to poli- tics. It was estimated in 1855 that as many as One thousand new settlers reached Minnesota every day of the summer season. An examination of the files of the newspapers published in the territory in 1854 and 1855 does not give much indication that any new political movement was in progress. The pa- pers had but little space for reading matter, and this was mainly filled with local news, accounts of the arrival of steamboat loads of immigrants, the agitation for railroads, and movements to push the Indians still further westward. Most of the new settlers were, however, diligent readers of news- papers published in their old homes, and the New York Weekly Tribune had a very large circulation among them. The Tribune, under Horace Greeley, was at that time the foremost antagonist of slavery in the field of journalism. The first considerable gathering in Minnesota that took the name of Republican was a mass convention held at St. Anthony, now the eastern part of Minne- apolis, on March 29 and 30, 1855. The call for this convention seems to have originated with a number A HISTORY OF THE} REPUBLICAN PARTY. 149 of active anti-slavery men near St. Anthony, fore- most among whom were William R. Marshall and John W. North. A newspaper called the Repub- lican had just been established. The name Repub- lican had been used the previous year, at conven- tions held in Michigan, Illinois, and other states, to designate the rapidly forming political movement which the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill had called into being throughout the North. About two hun- dred persons attended the St. Anthony gathering. It was called to order by J. W. North, and Asa Keith was made chairman. The praying, which was then customary in all public meetings, was done by the Rev. Mr. Secombe and the Rev. C. G. Ames, and the enthusiasm of the audience was stimulated by the singing of the “Marsellaise” by B. E. Messer. In forming a permanent organization, William R. Marshall was made president, and the vice presi- dents were Nathaniel McLean, Asa Keith, A. P. Lane, Porter Nutting, Eli Pettijohn, and R. P. Up- ton, and the secretaries were H. P. Pratt and J. F. Bradley. A long list of resolutions were reported by a committee consisting of B. F. Hoyt, H. P. Pratt, J. W. North, Eli Pettijohn, G. A. Nourse, W. B. Babbitt, and Mr. Bigelow. The resolutions de- manded the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and the territories, and the repeal of the fugitive slave law, as unconstitutional, oppressive, unjust, and dangerous to domestic tranquility. They declared it to be the right and duty of Congress to prohibit forever slavery in all new states in their acts of admission to the Union. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise was condemned as a violation of the plighted faith of the South, for the sole purpose of extending slavery over the fertile regions of the Northwest and strengthening the power of slaveholders in the government. The resolutions strongly favored a prohibitory liquor law, demanded free lands for settlers, and favored a reduction of postage rates. mendable sentiment: “In administering the gov- ernment, man and morals first; interests of prop- erty afterwards.” The convention deputized Rev. C. G. Ames to pre- pare an address to the people of Minnesota. This They closed with the following com- address was published on April 11, 1855, and was headed “Circular Address of the Territorial Repub- lican Convention to the People of Minnesota.” It set forth in a column and a half, in small type, the political situation of the day. It spoke of the Kan- sas-Nebraska Act as throwing open to slavery the immense region long consecrated to freedom by the solemn act of the government. It dwelt upon the Corruption of state and national politics; declared that elections were carried by shrewd practices, and that all departments of the government were per- Verted and made the mere machinery of selfish par. tisan and greedy office-seekers. It favored coöpera. tion between the anti-slavery sentiment and the tem. perance Sentiment, and said there was a natural affinity between the friends of prohibitory law, the friends of civil liberty, and the friends of political re- form. The address went on to speak of making free. dom and temperance the most prominent living issues of the times, and wound up as follows: “Prompted by these convictions, and appealing to heaven for the rectitude of our intentions, we this day Organize the Republican party of Minnesota. In every town and county from the parallel of forty- nine degrees to the Iowa boundary, let the banner of Republicanism be unfurled to the free breezes of heaven, and let the people rally around it with manly hands and bear it onward to victory—the vic- tory of liberty and temperance.” Immediately after the adjournment of the St. An. thony convention the Daily Minnesotian, the Whig organ published at St. Paul, printed in full the great speech of William H. Seward, delivered in the Senate Feb. 23, 1855, against the extension of slavery and the execution of the fugitive slave law. This speech was accepted as the political gospel of News Of the struggle for the possession of Kansas between the Free State settlers and the “BOrder Ruffians” from Missouri reached the people of Minnesota from the new Republican party in Minnesota. time to time during the early summer of 1855, and fanned into constant heat the growing sentiment that it was the duty of every lover of freedom to rally to the new party and to vigorously oppose the efforts of the slave power. The active movers in the St. Anthony meeting determined to call a dele- 150 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. gate convention, in which the whole territory could be represented, and on May 22d the call was issued, signed by W. R. Marshall, Richard Chute, A. P. Lane, M. McLean, Warren Bristol, and John S. Mann. The day fixed was July 28th, and the place of meeting was the Hall of Representatives in St. Paul. The purpose of the convention was announced to be the nomination of a candidate for delegate to Congress, and to perfect the organization of the Republican party in Minnesota. There were then thirty-five counties in Minnesota. Each was en- titled to one delegate and one additional delegate for every three hundred of its population, as shown by the census to be taken on the 1st of July. Gov. Alexander Ramsey was at that time beyond question the most influential man in Minnesota, but he was slow in declaring himself in favor of the new party movement. He was sincerely attached to the old Whig party, and he reached the conclu- sion very slowly, and hesitatingly that the political organization with which he had been identified all his life, which he had represented in Congress from Pennsylvania, and which through President Zachary Taylor had made him the first territorial governor of Minnesota, was actually in the throes of dissolu- tion. He still hoped that it might be revived, and might regain its old prestige. His newspaper organ was the Minnesotian, edited by John P. Owens. Major Newson says in his “Pen Pictures,” that, after the Whig party was dead and buried, “Owens held on to the corpse.” Governor Ramsey’s friends were eager to nominate him for delegate to Congress, but he published a letter on the day the convention met positively declining to accept such a nomination. In spite of this letter he received 36 votes, W. R. Marshall received 52, David Olmsted 4, and G. A. Nourse 1. The roll of the convention contained names of a number of men who were very prominent in Repub- lican polities in Minnesota in after years. H. L. Moss of St. Paul called the meeting to order, War. ren Bristol of Goodhue county was president, and the vice presidents were D. C. Smith of Le Sueur county and H. Fletcher of Hennepin county, and the secretary was Daniel Rohrer of St. Paul. The following were the members of the committee on resolutions: C. G. Ames of Hennepin county, J. C. Parks of Wright county, W. D. Chillson of Goodhue county, G. A. Nourse of St. Anthony, Thos. Foster of Dakota county, T. L. Bolcomb of Winona county, Levi Nutting of Rice county, Benj. F. Davis of Scott county, Judge Jones of Nicollet county, J. A. Turrill of Le Sueur county, T. B. Twiford of Olmsted county, R. T. Nichols of Fillmore county, P. P. Furber of St. Paul. The platform was very short, and is here given in full . 1. Resolved, That we reaffirm our purpose to array the moral and political powers of Minnesota, whether as a territory or state, on the side of free- dom; and to aid in wielding the whole constitu- tional force of the Federal Government, whenever we can, and wherever we can, against the existence of slavery. 2. Resolved, That wherever slavery may constitu- tionally be abolished by the general government, there its continuance is a national curse, for which every citizen is responsible so far as he refuses to exert his influence for its removal. 3. Resolved, That the perfidious repudiation by the Senate of a solemn compact with the North, whereby the territories of Nebraska and Kansas were forever consecrated to freedom, has absolved us from all compacts and compromises in relation to slavery outside of the Constitution. We now demand the restoration of Ixansas, Nebraska, and all our other territories to freedom, and solemnly declare that we never will consent to the acquisition of another foot of slave territory, nor the admission of another slave state into the Union. 4. Resolved, That we are in favor of river and harbor improvements, whenever they are clearly of national importance, whether in the East or West, On salt or fresh water. . 5. Resolved, That, as representatives of the Re- publican party of Minnesota, we regard it as the mission of that party, not only to speak and act against slavery, but to take possession of our terri- torial government, so far as Congress has left it in our power, and administer it according to the Re- HENRY A. SWIFT Third Governor of Minnesota. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 153 publican principles of practical democracy, by fill- ing all the places of trust with men of personal merit, in perfect disregard of the wishes of political aspirants and self-constituted leaders. 6. Resolved, That we invite our fellow citizens throughout the territory—sharing as they do in a regard to whatever concerns the interests of our infant commonwealth, whatever may be their views on other questions—to unite with us in carrying out the principles and measures here set forth, and urge the importance of immediate and universal organi- zation of all the friends of the Republican move- ment in their respective precincts and counties, that they who think alike may act effectually together. 7. Resolved, That we believe the fugitive slave law to be unconstitutional, and that we demand its unconditional repeal. 8. Resolved, That we regard the traffic in intoxi- cating beverages as a public evil without admixture of good; and that at our approaching fall election, we will do what we can to secure the choice of a legislature which shall enact a constitutional law suppressing it, and to fill the county and precinct offices with men who will enforce such a law. The convention repeated the serious political mis- takes made by the spring convention in St. Anthony, in adopting a resolution in favor of a prohibitory liquor law. A large number of Germans had al- ready settled in the territory at various points along the Mississippi and Minnesota rivers. These peo- ple were then, as now, strongly opposed to any legis- lation prohibiting the manufacture and sale of beer. They were anti-slavery in sentiment, and their sym- pathies were strongly with the new Republican movement, but they refused to support any party that proposed to cut off their beer. The Democrats held a convention in St. Paul on the same day that the Republicans met, and nominated Henry M. Rice for reëlection to Congress. Mr. Rice was a friend of the pro-slavery leaders in Congress, and was a supporter of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill. A consider- able element among the Democrats of Minnesota opposed him on the score of his pro-slavery views and affiliations. Among these Democrats was David Olmsted, the first mayor of St. Paul, who soon an- nounced himself as an independent candidate for Congress, and succeeded in rallying to his support nearly all the German Republican element and also such Democratic voters as were opposed to the fur- ther extension of slavery. Olmsted had been an Indian trader, first in Iowa and then in Minnesota, and he had edited in St. Paul a newspaper, called the Minnesota Democrat, in 1853 and 1854. He was a man of considerable talent and popularity. In his speeches he opposed the extension of slavery, attacked the Maine liquor law, and accused Mr. Rice of sympathizing with the Know-Nothing sentiment. The Know-Nothing, or American, party cut but a Small figure in the campaign. It had a candidate, D. B. Loomis, but he polled only 230 votes. The election occurred on October 9th, and the returns gave Rice 3,215, Marshall 2,434, and Olmsted 1,785. If the Republicans had left out their prohibition plank, and had consolidated upon Marshall all the voters opposed to the pro-slavery Democratic party, they would have won the election. Among the active organizers and leaders of the Republican party in Minnesota, mention should be made of John W. North, for whom the town of Northfield was named, who took a prominent part in all the early conventions and campaigns, and also of George A. Nourse of St. Anthony, a zealous Mr. North is dead, but Mr. Nourse One of the most and able man. is now (1895) living in Fresno, Cal. effective orators of the young party was Rev. Chas. G. Ames, who preached in a Unitarian church at St. Anthony, and who is now one of the most eminent ministers of Boston. The first Republican national convention was held in Pittsburg in February, 1856. 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II; pun: ‘s.iotſ]o put: ‘āuſ XI UOlso.I.I ‘IſèI&I J J ‘Āoloo.19 oobioH ‘silippº) *I BI (ISOſ II), A āuſ lootii Sytſ Jo ‘Soulſ, Ints, I S oup) ‘Ioded spli O1 KIIBoI)seſsmuluo ono.IA of 'dpi) uſinjo.I A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 155 CHAPTER III. FORMATION OF THE STATE OF MINNESOTA—TWO RIVAL CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTIONS. The following chapter was contributed to this work by the late H. H. Young of St. Paul: At the time of the formation of the State of Minne- sota the antagonism between the two great political parties of the country had become intensified to such a degree that many of the adherents of both organizations regarded the individual members of the opposition as enemies. Personal encounters were not infrequent, and offensive accusations, when party creeds or conduct were under discussion, Were generally prevalent, even among those whose intel- ligence and the honorable positions they held made such conduct appear wholly inconsistent with the usual tenor of their lives. The Organization of a new state, no matter in what portion of the terri- tory, stimulated both parties to increased activity. It animated the Republicans with renewed deter- mination to prevent the admission into its Organic law of any concessions to the wishes of slavehold- ers; and stimulated the Democrats, equally, to greater zeal in shaping its construction, so that it should contain nothing calculated to militate against the interests of the South. It was under such conditions that the bill ena- bling certain portions of the Territory of Minnesota, which in its entirety at that time extended to the Missouri river, to organize a state government, was introduced and passed by Congress. Hence, it is not to be wondered at that leading men of both parties labored energetically to gain control of the convention which was to form the constitution of the new state. The election for delegates was hotly contested in every precinct, and there is, perhaps, good reason for supposing that neither party Was scrupulously honest in conducting it. : The general government was, it will be remem- bered, in the control of Democrats, and all the ter- ritorial officers and Indian bureau employes Were, of course, members of that party. This circum- stance gave them opportunities for fraudulent prac- tices beyond any that their opponents possessed, and it were folly to intimate that they were too con- Scientious to neglect improving them, both in this election and in that for state officers and the con- gressional delegation, which took place in the Octo- ber following. Neither does any necessity exist for striving to deceive the reader into the belief that Republicans were altogether honest in their conduct in that election. Both parties wanted all the votes they could get, and, no doubt, both put forth their best efforts to obtain them, without being very par. ticular concerning the legality of every vote cast. Such were the circumstances under which the proposed new state was about to be ushered into existence, and it is not surprising that the election for delegates to the constitutional convention, held On the first Monday of June, 1857, resulted unsatis. factorily to all parties. Neither gained such a ma- jority of the delegates as to assure control of the convention, and each was consequently afraid that its opponents, by resort to some variety of ledger- demain, believed to be always at the command of politicians, might seize upon the power which con- trol of the organization would afford, and thereby bar them out. The Republicans claimed, and were, no doubt, entitled to, a majority representation, for it was generally admitted that more of the voters of the territory Within the boundaries named in the ena- bling act belonged to that than to the Democratic party, but among them were Imany Who were disin clined to active participation in political con- tests, When it was, as in this case, probable that lawlessness would be resorted to. They were, as an olden-time writer expresses it, “An unco quiet folk; not given to bickerings and quarrelsomeness.” That many of them had staid away from the polls was evident from the meagerness of the vote cast, and of those elected as delegates, not a few hesi- tated to become involved in strife, the outcome of which could not be foreseen. Fortunately, however, there were enough aggres. sive spirits to resist attempted encroachments upon their rights, and as these came at once to the front, 156 A HISTORY OF TH}} REPUBLICAN PARTY. the Democrats accordingly perceived that they would not be allowed to have their own way in everything connected with the formation of the con- stitution. The accredited delegates of the two par- ties were very nearly equal in numbers, and it there- fore became a question of first moment with each side to get control of the organization of the con- vention, that they might have the appointment of the committees and hold the lead in many other respects. This, it was feared, could only be accom- plished by being first to occupy the hall. The Re- publicans had proposed that both parties should pledge themselves not to attempt an organization until the hour of twelve on Monday, July 13th. In answer to this, the Democrats consented to bind themselves not to meet until the usual hour on the day named for the assembling of such bodies. This appeared to the Republicans too indefinite, when they took into consideration that the Democrats had the advantage, in that their party would be able to control the opening of the hall, by reason of the Democratic territorial officers being its custodians. They concluded, that, in the absence of a positive pledge from the opposition delegates, it would not do to depend upon any such inconclusive under- standing. The Republicans had gained admittance to the hall on Saturday evening, July 11th, for the pur- pose of holding a caucus, and deeming it the wisest course to secure themselves against trickery, de termined upon holding it constantly from that time until the arrival of the hour they had fixed upon for the meeting. By dividing their force into relays of a few members each, this might be done without drawing too severely upon their physical strength, and it was accordingly the course pursued. With commendable self-abnegation and untiring patience, they devoted themselves to this object, amusing themselves as best they could during the weary hours. But the time appointed finally arrived, and the entire body of delegates gathered in the hall. John W. North of Rice county mounted the rostrum, and calling the convention to order, moved that Thomas J. Galbraith be elected president pro tem- pore. Almost at the same moment C. L. Chase, the territorial secretary, who was in the lead of the Democratic contingent, proceeded to make a call to order, but realizing that the Democrats were too late, he desisted, and the delegates of that party retired. They did not give up the fight, but wished to confer as to what course should be pursued. The Republican delegates having announced that all persons who had proper certificates of election would be admitted to seats and allowed to partici- pate in the deliberations of the body, proceeded to the transaction of the legitimate business of the con- vention. Without further interruptions, they spent the day in perfecting their organization and con- sidering some material questions which would come before them. The most important of these was whether they should abide by the boundary lines described in the enabling act, or adopt instead an east and west line of division of the territory. The line indicated in the enabling act for the western boundary of the state was that still existing, in lieu of which there was a strong party in favor of divid- ing the territory by an east and west line, extending from the Western boundary of Wisconsin to the Mis- souri river, in latitude of about forty-five. The advocates of this east and west division claimed to be actuated by an apprehension, that, if the boundary designated was fixed upon, the poli- ticians of St. Paul would dominate the future state to the exclusion of the people in the southern coun- ties. Some of them held that there was, and would always be, a corrupt clique in St. Paul, who would thus control the politics of the state. They ad- Vanced some curious reasons for entertaining this idea, One of which was that the Democrats could hold the Indian vote. Civilized Indians were per- mitted to vote, and the only evidence of civilization they were required to give was that they should con- form to the white man’s custom in the matter of If they came to the polls with shirt and trousers on they were welcomed as lawful voters; provided, always, that they would vote the right ticket—which was usually the Democratic. dress. A ludicrous scene arising out of the desire of the respective parties to get control of the organization of the convention took place at noon on the second The Republicans were hard at work with sub- jects demanding their close attention when Secre- day. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 157 tary Chase, backed by the entire Democratic dele- gation, came to the door of the hall and demanded possession of the room for the “Constitutional Con- vention of Minnesota.” The president informed him that body was already in possession of the room. “Then you will not give up the hall?” demanded Mr. Chase. “Certainly not,” was the prompt reply of Presi- dent St. A. D. Balcombe, who had previously been elected permanent presiding officer. Mr. Chase retired, and told the delegates of his party that the hall was occupied by a meeting of the citizens of the territory, who refused to surren- der it. Thereupon ex-Governor Gorman moved that the convention (meaning the Democratic contin- gent) adjourn to the council chamber. This motion was carried, and they at once proceeded to that room and Organized themselves into a second con- stitutional convention. Many of the more sensible members of that party regarded this movement as a piece of folly. It may be as well to remark, that Mr. Chase claimed to act in the premises as cus- todian of the hall, by virtue of the authority vested in him as secretary of the territory. The Democrats evidently expected that public sympathy would be with them, and were, no doubt, surprised to hear the very general condemnation of their conduct. The debate on the question of the boundary line continued with increasing animation, and it looked for a time as though the advocates of the east and west division would defeat the purpose of the con- vention, and delay the admission of the state for at least another year. Congress was committed to such admission by the language of the enabling act, but if the convention should refuse to abide by its terms, other congressional legislation would become necessary; and as there was a strong party in Con- gress who were opposed to the admission of any more free states, it was doubtful whether favorable action could be secured to ratify such change of boundary lines. Congress held that the territories belonged to the Federal Government, and it was not likely it would yield to the demands of this assem- blage, in which the territory west of the boundary described had not a single representative. In fact, except near the mouths of the Sioux and James rivers, and at one or two points on the Missouri, there were no white settlers in that western dis- trict. Thomas Wilson of Winona was the leading op- ponent of the north and south line, and his efforts were seconded by Coggswell of Steele, King of Olm- sted, Anderson and Coe of Houston, Cedarstrom of Chisago, Davis of Nicollet, Gerrish of Winona, Hud- son of Goodhue, Mantor of Dodge, McCann of Eſous- ton, Robbins of Olmsted, McClure of Goodhue, Thompson of Houston, Billings of Fillmore, Colburn of Fillmore, and Dooley of Winona. An amend- ment which was favorable to the east and west line received only sixteen votes to thirty-eight opposed, indicating that the large majority were disposed to abide by the boundary prescribed in the enabling act. After this for a time the advocates of an east and West division seemed to have given up the con- test, but the fight was resumed in some new shape every few days until near the close of the conven- tion, and caused no little bitterness of feeling. I/OOking back from this distance of time, one can. not but wonder that intelligent gentlemen should have advocated that east and west boundary; but We must remember that the delegates knew but little about the geography of the country, and far less concerning its industrial resources. The north- ern half of the inchoate state was believed to be practically worthless for agriculture, and only suit- able for lumbering, hunting, and trapping. The iron and other metallic ore deposits, recently shown to be vast sources of wealth, were then unknown; the wonderful fertility of Red River Valley, which has since excited interest almost throughout the world, was then wholly unsuspected, and accounts of it would not have been believed had they been announced in the convention; and the grand nav- igable waterway through the great lakes was not, and perhaps could not have been, appreciated by that generation. Indeed, it was a subject of jest with congressmen several years later, when public attention was called to the importance of the harbor of Duluth. On the other hand, Southern Dakota. was understood to be a boundless expanse of re- 158 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTy. markably fertile prairie, with a genial climate, and having a navigable waterway coursing along the entire extent of its southern and western borders. Those delegates who advocated the east and west division of the territory believed that they would What they proposed to surrender to the general govern- ment could, they thought, never be other than a thereby gain immensely for the future state. home for Indians and scarcely less savage lumber. men, hunters, and trappers. They were not so un- reasonable as lapse of time and the wonderful devel- opment of the country which has so completely changed the conditions makes them appear. Committees having been appointed for the consid- eration of every topic proposed to be included in the constitution, the reports of each of these were thoroughly digested as they were presented to the body, and only after mature consideration were they adopted or rejected as the convention deemed ad- visable. Meanwhile, the Democratic branch of the convention was similarly engaged in the council chamber, and the two bodies kept up communica. tions with each other, although no official recogni- tion of the respective bodies was had. Members of each consulted together mutually concerning the subject of the constitution, and numbers in both or- ganizations were disposed to so shape the work that it might meet the sanction of both conventions, and thus save the necessity of submitting two distinct constitutions to the people. As the time for adjournment drew near, commit- tees of conference were appointed, and although their consultations were not wholly harmonious, they ultimately agreed on a single document, and both conventions wisely adopted it. It had been regarded as unfortunate that two separate conven- tions should be held; but from this date, When we look back at the events and the circumstances Which then existed, We have to conclude that it was wisely ordered. Had the delegates of both parties met together, at a time when partisan spirit was so bitter, it is more than probable that the contentions would have been carried to such extent that the results of their labors would have been much less satisfactory. The Republican members certainly conducted their proceedings with commendable dignity, and throughout the long and wearisome days during the hot weather of July and August, the discussions, though occasionally exciting, were unmarred with anything reprehensible. This was the case to such eminent degree that no history of the event would do complete justice which did not hand down the names of the participants in this arduous labor so ably accomplished. The following list of the Re- publican members is therefore appended: Benjamin C. Baldwin, Joseph Peckham, D. M. Hall, Robert Lyle, S. A. Kemp, William F. Russell, N. B. Robbins, Jr., Simeon Harding, W. H. C. Folsom, Wentworth Hayden, D. T. King, T. D. Smith, Edwin Page Davis, Thomas Wilson, JE. N. Bates, John H. Murphy, Thomas Bolles, I). D. Dickerson, Thomas I'oster, Tewis McKune, W. J. Dooley, R. L. Bartholomew, N. P. Colburn, H. A. Billings, Aaron G. Hudson, Charles Gerrish, Frank Mantor, Amos Coggs well, Charles McClure, Boyd Phelps, 3e01'ge Watson, Charles F. Iowe, P. A. Cedarstrom, Charles B. Sheldon, David Morgan, James A. McCann, John A. Anderson, A. H. Butler, Charles Hanson, Charles A. Coe, David A. Secombe, John Cleghorn, Alanson B. Vaughn, Henry Eschlie, Cyrus Aldrich, I'. Ayer, Albert W. Coombs, Thomas J. Galbraith, H. W. Holley, B. E. Messer, W. H. Mills, John W. North, Oscar F. Perkins, Samuel W. Putnam, II. R. Stannard, C. W. Thompson, L. C. Walker, Philip Winell, President, St. A. D. Balcombe, Secretary, I. A. Babcock. The constitution was accepted by the people (tak. ing the canvassers' returns) by a vote of 30,055 for and 571 against, and by the precinct returns of 36,240 for and 700 against. From that day to this it has been held in high esteem by all the people as an admirable instrument, and one which meets all the exigencies of public needs. STEPHEN MILLER Fourth Governor of Minnesota. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 161 CHAPTER IV. ORGANIZING THE NIGW STATE THE FIRST AND ONLY I) EMOCRATIC VICTORY IN THE STATE OF MINNESOTA. A final agreement of the two rival constitutional conventions and a harmonious adoption of a consti- tution for the new state led the people of Minnesota to expect prompt admission into the Union, and both political parties made preparations for an active campaign in the fall of 1857 for the election of state officers and for the control of the state legislature, which would have the choosing of two United States Senators. The Republican convention was called by C. T). Gilſillan, chairman of the central committee, and met in St. Paul on Sept. 9, 1857. The temporary chairman was J. W. Furber of Washington county, then one of the most active of the new party lead- ers, and the secretary was Ignatius Donnelly, who had recently settled upon a farm in Dakota county, and whose peculiar gift of oratory had already given him a reputation. In the permanent organization Mr. Furber was made president, and the vice presi. dents were A. P. Lane of Anoka county, Dominick Troyer of Ramsey, George S. Ruble of Freeborn, James T. Williams of Blue Earth, J. T. Blackwell of Wabasha, and John MacDonald of Wright. Thirty- tWO counties were represented in the convention. J. P. Owens, the aggressive editor of the IIinnesotian, offered a resolution, which was adopted, that the convention should nominate a territorial delegate and also candidates for all the executive, judicial, and congressional officers provided for by the consti. tutional convention. The territorial delegate was to take his seat in the House at Washington and represent the territory until the final act of admis- sion should be passed. The convention nominated Alexander Ramsey for governor with practical unanimity, giving him 122 votes, to 5 for W. R. Mar- shall, and 4 scattering. For lieutenant governor, John C. Ide of Waseca county was nominated; for chief justice, Horace R. Bigelow of St. Paul; for as- sociate justices, John M. Berry of Rice county and H. A. Billings of Fillmore county; for secretary of state, Tucas K. Stanard of Chisago county; for au- ditor, A. P. Lane of Anoka county; for treasurer, Frank Mantor of Dodge county; for attorney gen- eral, George A. Nourse of Hennepin county, and for clerk of the supreme court, A. B. Russell of Scott county. The nominee for territorial delegate was Charles McClure of Goodhue county. tion nominated three candidates for members of The conven- Congress, although it was well known that the popu- lation of Minnesota would not, under the previous practice, entitle the new state to more than two members. There was just a chance that three mem- bers might get in, and it was thought wise to nomi- nate and elect three. The candidates chosen were Morton S. Wilkinson of Houston county, Henry A. Swift of Nicollet county, and Cyrus Aldrich of Hen- nepin county. Wilkinson subsequently became a United States Senator, Aldrich a member of Con- In the list of names above given in connection with the work of gress, and Swift governor of the state. this first Republican state convention will be found those of a number of other men who, in after years, took a leading part in the affairs of the state. A Very long platform was adopted, concluding with the following grandiloquent resolution, which is There quoted as an example of a style of political literature now long out of date: “Resolved, That we stand upon soil which, on the 13th day of July, 1787, was consecrated to Freedom by the wisdom of our fathers; that the din of con- flict is now heard in the distance; that our enemies, the enemies of constitutional freedom, are in the field; that they fight for and give aid and comfort to those who would repeal the sacred ordinance of 1787 and desecrate with slavery territory now free; that our brethren in the states are anxiously looking for such tidings from the North as shall prove that every man in our party has done his duty; that on the 13th of October, next, a shout of victory shall arise, causing every son and daughter of Freedom throughout our infant state, from the plains of Iowa on the south to Prince Rupert's Tand on the north, to rejoice; that the eagle of victory has perched 162 REPUBLICAN PARTY. A HISTORY OF THE upon our banner, upon whose folds liberty is in- scribed; that the blood of our brothers in Kansas, like that of Abel, cries to us from the ground, to fight the good fight—that we stand on Freedom's soil and never will surrender.” The Democrats nominated their favorite leader, Henry H. Sibley, for governor. The campaign was actively contested in all the newly settled agricul- tural counties of the state and in all the towns and villages, but at the Indian agencies, the fur trading posts, and other remote settlements, the Democrats had practically no opposition. The drifting ad- venturers and frontier element were on their side almost to a man. The first tabulated returns gave Ramsey 14,357 votes and Sibley 13,646. A few days later another table was published, giving Ramsey 15,343 and Sibley 14,682. This included all the coun- ties except Pembina, Renville, and Mille Lacs. Again the list was made up, giving Ramsey 17,185 and Sib- ley 16,555. This did not include, however, the vote of Pembina, Cass, and Todd counties, where the Re- publicans claimed that great frauds had been perpe- trated. Much excitement prevailed in St. Paul. A secret conference of Democratic politicians was held at the American House to consider the condition of the returns, and to devise means of overcoming an apparent majority of about 600 for Ramsey. The Republicans charged that at that meeting returns from St. Vincent were forged, giving 205 votes, all for Sibley, which they stated was far in excess of the total white population of all that region of country. The board of state canvassers was composed exclu- sively of Democrats, and it sat for a long time in se- cret meetings in St. Paul, going over returns. Finally, sometime in January, the board announced that Sibley had received 17,790 votes and Ramsey 17,550, and that the whole Democratic state ticket was elected. This result was reached by throwing out the unorganized counties on the north shore of Lake Superior, where Ramsey had 169 majority, and counting what the Republicans denounced as the bogus returns from Cass, Pembina, and Mille Lacs counties, which gave Sibley 544 majority. Meantime the legislature had met, and had been organized by the Democrats with a majority in both houses. The legislature recognized Territorial Gov. ernor Medary as the governor of the state until his successor should be duly inaugurated. The control of the legislature gave to the Democrats the great prizes of the two United States senatorships. An agreement had been previously reached between the two prominent Democratic leaders, Sibley and Rice, that Sibley should be governor and Rice should go to the Senate, and the story was current at the time that When the result of the state election was in doubt Sibley notified Rice that in case the returns did not result in his election he should feel at liberty to disregard this agreement and run for the Senate himself. In the Democratic legislative caucus Henry M. Rice received 56 votes, James Shields 25, Frank Steele 17, W. A. Gorman 15, and J. R. Brown 8. Rice and nominated and elected. Gen. James Shields, who drew the short Shields were subsequently term, was one of the most picturesque characters An Irish- man by birth, he had fought in the Mexican War connected with early Minnesota history. With considerable credit; had been sent to the Sen- ate from Illinois, and when his political career was ended in that state he migrated to Minnesota in search of further political fortune. He located a land warrant in the Minnesota Valley, and in his speeches was fond of referring to the piece of land thus obtained as his “blood-bought farm,” because he had received the Warrant for his services in the He founded the town of Shieldsville, and soon gained popularity by his fervid Hibernian style of eloquence on the stump. Mexican War. After the expira- tion of his short term he was thoroughly played out politically in Minnesota, and never resumed his resi- dence in the state. His next migration was to Cali- fornia, where he figured prominently in public af. fairs. In the Civil War he was a brigadier general on the Union side, and after the war he entered poli- tics in Missouri, and was again elected to the Senate in 1879, but died the same year. No other man in American history has been chosen United States Senator by three states. There Was a long delay in the admission of Min- nesota to the Union, caused principally by the frauds in the first election. The Republicans in the House of Representatives at Washington, under the lead of John Sherman, sharply criticised the poli. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 163 tical methods of the Democrats in the new state, and delayed a final vote on the bill of admission until May, 1858. Minnesota then came into the Union as the thirty-second state. Henry H. Sibley was in: augurated governor, and took his seat on June 4th. The Republican papers spoke of him as “governor by forgery.” In his first message to the legislature he denied all knowledge of frauds in the election and said: “God knows that I am not so wedded to Of- fice as to accept any position at the expense of the purity of the ballot box.” He invited the fullest judicial investigation, and declared that if not legally elected governor of the State of Minnesota, he would scorn to fill that station for a single hour. Two of the three Democrats elected to Congress were admitted to seats. They were J. M. Cava- naugh and W. W. Phelps. Judge Flandrau furnishes the following entertain- ing reminiscence of the way the Democrats made sure that the returns from Pembina should not fall into the hands of the Republicans: After the election of 1857, the first state election, had been held, and all the returns were in except Pembina, it Was supposed generally that the result was in doubt; but Pembina was still to be heard from, and as the days passed the excitement increased. There was an Old Indian trader among the Sioux named Madison Sweelzer, who was a strong Democrat. One night about two o'clock he came to Ime at the Old American House, and said: “Judge, Nat Tyson has just started for the north with a buggy and a fine team, and I am convinced that his errand is to make for the frontier and capture Joe Rolette, who will have the Pembina returns, get him drunk, and get them away from him.” I took in the situation in an instant, and we decided that this move Of the enemy must be defeated at all hazards. No one knew better than ourselves that, on entering the precincts of civilization, Joe was very liable to fall a victim to its allurements. But how to do it was the question. We decided to take Henry M. Rice into Our Councils, and im- mediately aroused him for advice. What he did not know about frontier strategy there was no use in finding out. He Was strongly impressed With the necessity of immediate action, and, with that characteristic decision which only results from long familiarity with the dangers of frontier life and Indian surroundings, he said: § “Go at once to Kittson; he has trading posts all the Way from Gull Lake to Pembina. He has no end of reliable half-breeds who can ride 300 miles without eating Or sleep- ing, and has horses which can Carry them like the Willſl from post to post. Write a letter to some one you know in the upper country, and tell him to find Joe Rolette, or whoever has the returns, and get them from him, and bring them to St. Paul Without fail.” I knew a gentleman from Alabama, who was a United States land Officer at the most northern land Office in the territory, by the name of Maj. George B. Clitheral, who could be relied upon for any work that called for activity, Courage, Or Sagacity, and was in the Cause Of Democracy. So I wrote him a letter, giving him the facts, and telling him to get those returns or die in the attempt. Charged with the instructions from Mr. Rice, we routed Out Mr. ICittson (who was then an active and energetic young man) and put him in possession of the situation. It Was but a short time before he had a mounted half-breed at the door ready to do or die for his chief. He gave him the letter and full instructions to get a hundred miles ahead of Tyson, and keep that distance between them until the letter Was delivered to the major and he had secured the returns. “GO. Ikill all the horses necessary to accomplish your Orders, but let nothing prevent you from carrying them OUIt.” ; The young fellow seemed to delight in the adventure, and I felt sure of success. With a commanding wave of the hand and a last injunction, “Wa, va, Vite, et ne tº arrete pas, meme DOur Sauver la vie!” off he fiew, and we went Quietly to bed to await results. The result was that he delivered the letter to the major at Some point above Crow Wing, and the major secured the returns. He put them in a belt about his person and immediately started for St. Paul. When he got near the City he Was in doubt as to how much was known about the affair, and deemed it prudent not to bring the precious documents into the city until he was sure of his ground, so he Went to Fort Snelling and deposited them with some officer friend of his, and rode into St. Paul as tranquilly as if he did not hold the key to the first state election. In a day or two, when he found the proper time had arrived, he asked a lady to take a ride to the fort. She did SO and became the innocent and unconscious bearer of the important papers from the fort to St. Paul, where they Were safely deposited in the hands of the proper officer, and Were duly COUnted. 16 || A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. CHAPTER V. THIS FIRST REPUBLICAN UNITED STATES SENATOR FROM MINNESOTA—THE ACTIVE CAMPAJGN OF 1859. An election was held on Oct. 12, 1858, for county officers and members of the legislature. not a very active campaign that year. exceedingly Minnesota, as the result of the financial crash of 1857 and the gen- eral depression in business which followed. The Republicans felt that they had a strong grievance in the election frauds of the previous year, and this There was Times were hard in sentiment spurred them on to activity without much effort in the way of campaign organization or stump oratory. One of the effects of the hard times was to force a consolidation of some Of the numerous news- papers that had been started during the flush period of rapid immigration to the state. Major Newson's St. Paul Times was absorbed by the older Mimme- sotiam, and the two Democratic papers published at the capital, the Pioneer and the Democrat, were merged into one concern which took both the old names. The election resulted in large gains for the Republicans throughout the state, and in their con- trol of both branches of the legislature. In the caucus held to select a candidate for United States Senator the leading candidates were Morton S. Wilkinson, who received most of the votes from the southern part of the state, and David Cooper of St. Paul. When it became evident that Cooper could not be elected, his supporters brought out John B. Sanborn, under an agreement with the Hennepin county delegation, that, in case Sanborn developed strength enough to nominate him with the aid of their votes, they would go over to him in a body. This agreement was not carried out, and in the final ballot Wilkinson received 45 votes and Sanborn 30. In the election by the joint convention of the two and the Democrats gave 33 votes for Shields and 1 for Gor. I}}{l}]. houses "Wilkinson received 79 votes, Wilkinson was for many years a prominent He founded the town of Hokah in Houston county, and afterwards lived figure in Minnesota politics. for a time at Mankato. He was a tall, spare man, With a long, thin face of what is known as the lan- tern-jawed type. As a stump orator he had few equals in the Northwest. His manner was earnest and impressive. Many of the readers of this book will remember his gaunt figure as it appeared be- hind the judge’s desk in county courthouses, where public meetings were generally held in the early days, the room dimly lighted by candles or kerosene lamps, and the orator towering up in the semi-ob- scurity to what appeared almost a supernatural height; his dark eyes flashing, his long arms gesticu- lating vigorously, and his fists now and then pound- ing the desk to emphasize his denunciations of the John B. Sanborn, his competitor for the Senate, was at that time a young villainy of human slavery. He was a man of handsome personal appearance, of very cor- attorney in active practice in St. Paul. dial manners, and of an excellent gift for persuasive political oratory. The first Republican legislature of Minnesota was a remarkable body for its earnestness, honesty, and economy. It overhauled thoroughly the entire sys- tem of expenditures for the state government and for the administration of county business, upon which many extravagances and abuses had been fas- tened during the rule of the Democratic party. At that time the party so long in power was naturally blamed for this condition of things, but it is proba- ble that any party in possession of all governmental functions during the period of wild speculation which preceded the panic of 1857 would have been To the credit of the Repub- licans, however, they did not hesitate to apply the equally censurable. pruning knife vigorously as soon as they obtained a majority in the legislature. Another election took place in 1859, and in prepa- ration for the great presidential fight of 1860 the National Republican Committee determined to aid the Republicans of Minnesota in making a vigorous contest to secure possession of the state government. A convention was called for the 20th of July by Jared T3enson, chairman of the state committee. There was no question at all as to the nomination of Alexander Ramsey for governor. All the Repub- A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 165 licans believed that he had been cheated out of the election two years before, and there was no opposi- tion whatever to his nomination in the convention. For lieutenant governor, the young Philadelphia lawyer and orator, Ignatius Donnelly, who had Only arrived in the state two years before, was nominated by 77 votes to 48 cast for Henry M. Swift of St. Pe- ter. The nominee for secretary of state was J. H. Baker of Blue Earth; for treasurer, Chas. Schoeffer of Washington, and for attorney general, Gordon E. Cole of Rice. The convention nominated candidates for Congress for both the congressional districts of the state; the nominees being Cyrus Aldrich of Hen- nepin and William Windom of Winona. The Minnesotian on the day after the nomination spoke of Donnelly as “a young man of thorough edu- cation and strong mind, an orator and Writer, and One of the most able young men in Minnesota.” Don- nelly, who was at that time only twenty-eight years of age, referred in his speech before the convention to the fact that objection had been made to him be- cause he was not well known through the state, and promised that if he could learn of a community which would like to hear Republican principles ex- pounded it would give him pleasure to be with them. Of J. H. Baker, who became a conspicuous party leader that year, the Minnesotian said: “He is a young man of about the same age as Donnelly, of decided talent, fine address, and prompt business habits, and is a forcible and impressive speaker.” Ramsey, Donnelly, and Baker immediately went upon the stump, and visited nearly all the counties in the state. The National Republican Committee sent into Min- nesota a number of the most famous speakers in the party. Schuyler Colfax of Indiana, afterward speaker of the House and Vice President of the United States, made twenty speeches in the state. Carl Schurz, who then lived in Wisconsin, and who had already won a great reputation for Oratory both in the German and English languages, held numer- ous meetings. Galusha A. Grow of Pennsylvania, the author of the Homestead Bill, then recently en- acted into a law, was a popular orator to talk to the new settlers of the West. Other prominent Repub- lican speakers were Frank P. Blair, Jr., of Missouri, Subsequently a United States Senator and a corps commander in the Civil War; John P. Hale of New Hampshire, the candidate of the Free Soil party for President in 1852; Stewart L. Woodford of New York, and John L. Farnsworth of Illinois. To meet this remarkable array of Republican ora- tors of national fame the Democrats could do but little. Governor Willard of Indiana came into the state the last week of the campaign, and de. fended the Dred Scott decision, the Kansas infamy, and the righteousness of slavery. He succeeded in driving a good many votes away from the T)emo- cratic party. Emil Roth of Wisconsin was sent around to the German settlements to reply to Carl Schurz. The Democratic candidate for governor, Geo. L. Becker, made an active campaign, assisted by James M. Cavanaugh, who was nominated for Congress, Christopher Graham, the other congres- sional nominee, and by the Irish orator, Senator Shields. The Republicans had the best of it through- out the contest, both in argument and organization. The factional fight in the Democracy, between the adherents of President Buchanan and those of Ste- phen A. Douglas of Illinois, which caused the defeat of that party in 1860, had extended to Minnesota, and caused a good deal of demoralization in the hitherto solid Democratic ranks. A large majority of the Minnesota Democrats supported Douglas and his “Squatter Sovereignty” doctrine, and condemned Buchanan for his efforts to force upon the people of IKansas the fraudulent pro-slavery Lecompton con- stitution. Still, the Federal office-holders in the state were all Buchanan’s appointees, and they felt bound to show their loyalty to their master by antag- onizing the Douglas men. One of the interesting features of this canvass was the letters and addresses of Jane G. Swisshelm of St. Cloud, whose printing press and types had been thrown into the Mississippi river the year before by a Democratic mob. Mrs. Swisshelm was a woman of decided talent for political controversy. She was a vigorous Writer, and an earnest and logical public speaker. The election resulted in a majority for Governor Ramsey of 3,353, and the Republican as- cendency thus secured in Minnesota has never since been broken. Ramsey received 21,335 votes, and his Democratic opponent, Geo. L. Becker, received I7,582. * 166 A. HISTORY OF THE REPUB LICAN PA RTY. CHAPTER VI. THE LINCOLN CAMPAIGN OF 1860—WAR-TIME POLITICS IN MINNESOTA —THE EI.ECTIONs of 1861 AND 1862. The Minnesota delegation went down to the Chi- cago convention in May, 1860, under the lead of Governor Ramsey. At that time the direct route to the East was by steamboat to La Crosse and thence by rail to Chicago. Judge Aaron Goodrich, Sena- tor Wilkinson, and William Windom were members of the delegation. Ramsey was an earnest Sup- porter of Seward for the Presidency, and it was agreed that the delegation should vote for him as a unit as long as there was any prospect of his nomination. A few weeks before Governor Ramsey had received a letter from his old Pennsylvania friend and party associate, Simon Cameron, which predicted pretty closely the result at Chicago. Cam- eron wrote that Seward would not be successful, and that the nomination would go to the West. He referred to Lincoln as the most probable nominee, and added that, in case the nomination got past Illinois and went still further west, Ramsey would be a very available candidate. was flattering to the Minnesota leader, but it did not shake his fealty to the great New York states- man. When the break came on the second day of the balloting the Minnesota delegation swung into line for the “rail-splitter of Illinois.” Governor Ramsey was appointed a member of the committee to go to Springfield and apprise Lincoln of his nomi- nation in a formal and official manner, according to the old custom in such cases. On his return to Minnesota he addressed a ratification meeting held in St. Paul, and told how much pleased he had been With Lincoln—his plain manners, his earnest views On the great question of the extension of slavery, and What was heard in Springfield of his character and influence. A state convention was called by C. D. Gilfillan, chairman of the central committee, to meet in St. Paul on August 15th, for the purpose of nominating presidential electors, two members of Congress, and candidates for the offices of state auditor and clerk Of the supreme court. Congressmen had been This information elected the year before, but their terms would expire the ensuing 4th of March. Henry Acker of Ram- sey county was the temporary chairman of the coln- vention, and David Heaton of Hennepin its presi- dent. Windom and Aldrich were renominated for Congress without opposition. For electors the ticket was as follows: Stephen Miller of Stearns county, Wm. Pfaender of Benson, Clark W. Thomp- son of Houston, and Charles McClure of Goodhue. Charles McElrath of Nicollet was nominated for auditor, and A. J. Van Voris of Washington for clerk of the supreme court. The campaign that followed was not nearly so active as had been the one of the previous year. The National Republican Committee now regarded Min- nesota as a sure Republican state, and the Demo- cratic committee took the same view. Neither com- mittee sent to the state any Orators for work on the stump. The pivotal states were then Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana, which held state elections in October, a month prior to the presidential election, and thus set the drift of the political current, and the chief efforts of both parties were put forth in those states. In Minnesota there was not much of a speaking campaign. The two candidates for Con- gress, Mr. Windom and Mr. Aldrich, took the field against their old antagonists, Cavanaugh and Phelps, whom they had beaten the year before. Other Republican orators who did good service were John W. North, William S. King, Stephen Miller, and Charles McClure. The Republicans organized “Wide-Awake” clubs in St. Paul, St. Anthony, Minne- apolis, Stillwater, Mankato, St. Cloud, and Winona. These clubs were uniformed with water-proof capes and military caps, and each man carried a torch, composed of a tin kerosene lamp fastened to the end of a long pole. The Democratic candidates for Congress that year were John M. Gilman of St. Paul and James George of Dodge county. When the returns came in from the election the forecast of the Republican WILLIAM R. MARSHALL Fifth Governor of Minnesota, A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 169 politicians that no special effort would be necessary to carry Minnesota that year was amply justified. Lincoln received 22,069 votes, Douglas 11,920, and Breckinridge the very meager total of 748. Thus the attempt of President Buchanan to force slavery upon Kansas against the will of her people was re- pudiated in Minnesota by a majority of about fif- teen to one among the Democrats themselves, and the Southern scheme for carving slave states out of territory forever dedicated to freedom by the Missouri Compromise was condemned by the heavy vote cast for Lincoln and Hamlin. The election of 1860 confirmed in their position among the leaders of the young Republican party in Minnesota two men of widely different types, Aldrich and Windom. Cyrus Aldrich, who lived at Minneapolis, was a plain, rough, and hearty style of a man, who won his influence largely by good fellowship. He was nothing of an orator, but he could talk briefly and in a sensible way at public meetings. His favorite form of convivial invitation was, “Will you take a little peppermint with me?” He served in the House from the Second district from 1859 to 1863, and was afterwards postmaster of Minneapolis. In 1861 a controversy arose be- tween Aldrich and Gen. John B. Sanborn about the equipping of the First Minnesota Regiment, which reached such a degree of acrimony and personality that it was currently reported that a duel was to be fought. When the regiment was raised it was Wanted immediately at Washington, and as there Were no uniforms to be had in St. Paul, General Sanborn, who was adjutant general, purchased of a firm of Indian traders an outfit, consisting of a dark pair of trousers, a lumberman’s red shirt and a blanket for each man, with the understanding that the regular uniforms should be furnished at Washington. The regiment went to the field, and took part in the battle of Bull Run in this strange garb, and Without any change of shirts, Sanborn hastened to Washington after the battle to learn Why the men had not been uniformed, and finding them in camp, ragged and dirty, he complained in the home papers of the Senators and members from Minnesota for not looking after their wants, and this led to the quarrel with Aldrich. William Windom of Winona was a young lawyer, Only thirty-two years of age when he first appeared in Congress. He was well educated, was a persua. sive public speaker, and possessed an amiable and courteous manner which won him many friends. He accomplished by suavity and persistence what most men in politics seek to achieve by emergetic effort. With the exception of Governor Ramsey, no man connected with the political history of Minnesota enjoyed so long, successful, and eminent a career. He was ten years in the House, two terms in the Senate, and was twice appointed Secretary of the Treasury. On Jan. 1, 1861, a new daily newspaper appeared in St. Paul to take the place of the Minnesotian as the organ of the Republican party. Its owner was Wm. R. Marshall, and he announced in the first number that he had engaged the services of J. A. Wheelock as editor. Mr. Wheelock had previously been en- gaged in the publication of a real estate and finan- cial weekly, and had not before entered the field of political Writing. He soon demonstrated his excep- tional talent for vigorous political controversy and for excellent general editorial work, and from that day to this he has always been the leading Repub- lican editor in Minnesota. The legislature which as: sembled in January, 1861, Was Republican in both Lieutenant Governor Donnelly presided over the Senate, and Jared Benson was elected branches. speaker of the House. The state conventions were held at an unusually late date that year. Public in- terest was entirely absorbed in the news that came from the seat of war in Virginia, where Minnesota was represented by her First Regiment at the Battle of Bull Run. After the call for the Republican state convention was issued in August, a few active politicians, the most prominent of whom was Chas. D. Gilfillan, started a movement for a new party, to be composed of all men who favored the suppression of the Rebel- lion and the support of the national government, without regard to their previous party connections. A similar movement was going on at the same time in Ohio and in New York, but in those states it was in charge of the old Republican organization, which invited all other loyal men to join, and in order to 170 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. open the way determined to drop for a time at least the name Republican and assume that of the Union party. It was currently reported in Minnesota that Henry M. Rice, a prominent Democratic leader, was back of the Union movement in this state, and most Republicans were suspicious of it, believing it to be a scheme to weaken their organization, and thus make possible a Democratic victory. The Repub- lican convention met at St. Paul on the 4th of Sep- tember, and was presided over by David Cooper. Among the delegates were three men who afterward became governors of Minnesota—John S. Pillsbury, L. F. Hubbard, and Horace Austin. renominated by a single resolution all of the state The convention officers—Governor Ramsey, Lieutenant Governor Donnelly, J. H. Baker, Charles Schoeffer, and Gordon E. Cole. fer, and Daniel Rohrer was continued as chairman of Speeches were made by IBaker and Schoef. the state central committee. The platform called for a vigorous prosecution of the war to suppress the Rebellion, and for a united support of the national government by all loyal citizens. The next day the “People’s Union Convention,” which had been called by Chas. D. Gilfillan, met and invited all men to join the new movement who were in favor of the union of all parties without regard to former party ties, and who would support the Federal Government in suppressing the Rebellion. The attendance was meager, a number of the most populous counties in the state not being represented at all. and Henry Acker of St. Paul was made president. Most of the delegates were former Democrats. John H. R. Bigelow called the convention to order, M. Gilman spoke in favor of abandoning the old par- ties and forming a new one to carry on the war. The convention nominated for governor Wm. H. Dike of Faribault county, and for lieutenant gov- ernor C. C. Andrews of Ramsey county. Candidates were also nominated for the other state offices. The Press next day denounced the movement as “The Great Farce,” exposed the weakness of the conven- tion in numbers and personnel, and declared that the resolutions were simply a restatement of the old Bell-Everett platform. The fathers of the “No Party” convention, according to the Press, were Earle S. Goodrich and Henry M. Rice. The Pioneer and D. Gilfillan. Democrat put up the ticket next day under the head- ing of the “People's Union Ticket,” and continued to support it until it was formally withdrawn on September 20th, in a two-column letter signed by C. Previous to that time the nominees for governor and lieutenant governor had refused to I’UII], On September 12th the regular Democratic con- vention met in St. Paul, with W. P. Murray as tem- porary chairman and Henry H. Sibley as president. It nominated a full state ticket, headed by Edwin (). Hamlin of Benton county for governor, and Thomas Cowen of Nicollet county for lieutenant governor. The platform, reported by John B. Drisbin, showed that the Democrats far up in the Northwest, and still remote from rail communication with the East, had already caught pretty accurately the spirit with which their party in the older states had determined to embarrass the Lincoln administration in its con- duct of the war. The platform started out with a declaration that there was an organic and irrecon- cilable antagonism between the Democratic and the so-called Republican parties, and that it was the sa- cred duty of the Democratic party to maintain a dis- tinct political organization. It then went on to pledge support to the national government in all con- stitutional means to bring to a speedy and honorable close the War between the states. As most of the Democratic leaders claimed at the time that the War itself was unconstitutional, this was a very diplo- matic declaration. The platform then proceeded to hedge by opposing, “except in case of Supreme ur- gency and strictly within the lines of military opera- tions, the sacrifice of those safeguards with which the Constitution has surrounded the persons and property of citizens.” This meant that, in the opinion of the Democrats, the government could do nothing to suppress the traitorous tongues of the Rebel sym- pathizers in the Northern States, who soon became as dangerous to the cause of the Union as were the Rebels in arms in the South. The platform ended with a piece of advice to President Lincoln. It stated that it was his duty “to assure the nation that the war was not a sectional War and not an anti- slavery war.” So it seems that the Democrats of Minnesota, continued their devotion to the institu- A HISTORY OF THE 171 REPUBLICAN PARTY. tion of slavery long after the slave-holders had begun firing upon the flag of their country and upon its defenders. After the People's Union ticket was withdrawn the Pioneer and Democrat refused to hoist the regul- lar Democratic ticket, and the Democratic commit- tee was forced to publish, it in the Press as an adver- tisement for a few days previous to the election. During that month of September, 1861, when every day’s papers brought war news from Virginia, Ken- tucky, and Missouri, when politics in Minnesota began to grow exciting, an event of first-rate im- portance to the future of this state was quietly chronicled in a few lines in the St. Paul papers. It was that the first train of cars on a Minnesota rail- road had made a trial trip. On September 19th, the locomotive “Wm. Crooks” started from a point near the foot of Jackson street in the city of St. Paul, With Governor Ramsey, Senator Wilkinson, and Other prominent men seated on the tender, and ran Out as far as the first crossing of Trout Brook and back again. The steamboat “War Eagle,” on its trip down the Mississippi, saluted the first locomotive With blasts from its whistle. It is probable that neither the men on the locomotive nor the men on the steamboat realized the full importance of the event, or foresaw that this was the beginning of a Ile W era of North Western development. The result of the election of 1861 was that Alex- ander Ramsey had 16,274 votes for governor and E. O. Hamblin 10,448, a falling off of over 12,000 from the total vote of 1859. The dismal year of 1862—the year of the great Sioux massacre, which devastated with fire and mur- der all the frontier settlements of Minnesota, and the year of reverses for the Union arms in Virginia— made very little political history in Minnesota. The legislature was convened in extra session to pro- The Indians were finally subdued, and thirty-eight of them, found guilty of murder by a court-martial, were hanged upon one scaffold at Mankato. After their sentence a strong pressure was brought to bear vide means for conquering the brutal savages. upon President Lincoln by the Quakers of Pennsyl- 'ania for their pardon, but Senator Wilkinson and the two Minnesota congressmen, Wºndom and Aldrich, addressed a vigorous protest to the Presi- dent, in which they said that if these men were par- doned all the Indians would become more insolent and cruel, and that “if the President does not per- mit their execution under the forms of law the peo- ple of Minnesota will dispose of these wretches with- Out law.” No state ticket was voted for that year, but there were two congressmen to elect, and the nominations were now made for the first time in district conven- tions instead of in a state convention. William Windom was reëlected in the First district OVer Chatfield, Democrat, and in the Second district the young Orator, Ignatius Donnelly, succeeded in crowding Cyrus Aldrich out of a renomination, and was easily successful at the polls over William J. Cullen, Democrat. At the previous legislative ses- sion the date for the state election had been changed from the second Tuesday in October to the first Tues- day in November. Some changes were made this year in the party newspapers at the capital. The Pioneer and Democrat dropped the word Democrat from its headline and became so patriotic in its support of the War that the pro-slavery element in the Democratic party re- fused to longer recognize its right to speak for them. Frederick Driscoll came to the city and launched a new Republican daily called the Union, assigning as one reason for his enterprise the opposition of one of the existing papers to Governor Ramsey and of the other to the two Republican congressmen. It ran only a few months. A number of the active Gen- eral Sanborn took the Fourth Regiment to the field, young Republican leaders went to the war. and about the time the election returns were coming in he sent home a report of its heroic conduct in the battle of Corinth. Lucius F. Hubbard Was colonel of the Fifth Regiment; John T. Averill was lieuten- ant colonel of the Sixth; Stephen Miller and Will- iam R. Marshall, who both subsequently filled the gubernatorial chair, were in the Seventh, as colonel and lieutenant colonel; James H. Baker resigned as secretary of state to take the Tenth Regiment into service as its colonel, and with him as lieuten. ant colonel went Samuel P. Jennison of Red Wing, who afterwards became one of the leading Repub- 172 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Iican journalists of Minnesota. The scattered fron- tier community which polled only 26,722 votes in 1861 had already sent over ten thousand fighting men to the field to defend the life of the nation. A noteworthy act of Governor Ramsey's second administration, and one that had important conse- quences on the future of the public schools of the state, was his veto of a bill for selling the school lands at the price of government lands, which was $1.25 per acre for lands lying outside of railroad grant limits and $2.50 for lands inside such limits. As the Sections adjacent to the selected school sec- tions became settled there was a natural desire on the part of both settlers and speculators to get hold of the school lands at low prices, and this desire found expression in a legislative act. Governor Ramsey's Veto resulted in fixing a minimum price of seven dollars an acre for the school lands, and in thus building up a great permanent fund for the support of the common schools. In this matter Min- nesota, took warning from the example of the neigh- boring State of Wisconsin, where the school lands had been frittered away by unwise legislation, the state schools having received very little permanent advantage from their sale. CHAPTER VII. WAR-TIME The year 1863 was the great battle year-—the year of Vicksburg, Gettysburg, and Chattanooga, when the fortunes of war turned in favor of the Union side. Public interest was intensely centered on the movements of the great armies which struggled in the entire territory between the Atlantic ocean and the wild plains of Kansas, and very little attention Was paid to the ambitions and schemes of the stay- A state election had to be held in Minnesota that year, however, and what was of at-home politicians. more general interest in the new state, there was a United States Senator to be elected by the legis- lature which met in the early winter of 1863, to take the place of Henry M. Rice, whose term would ex- The Repub- licans had a large majority in both branches of the pire on the following 4th of March. legislature, and an active contest arose between the different aspirants for Rice's seat. A caucus was held which lasted two days before a decision was reached. On the first day there were twenty-four ballots. sey and Cyrus Aldrich, with a third candidate, David Cooper, holding the balance of power. On the first ballot Ramsey received twenty votes, Al- The struggle was between Governor Ram- drich fourteen, Cooper seven, and there were five scattering. Other men voted for during the day POLITICS CONTINUED–GovKRNOR RAMSEY GOES TO THE SENATE–THE STATE ELECTION OF 1863. were James Smith, Jr., Wm. R. Marshall, Stephen Miller, Jared Benson, and Charles McClure. An effort was made over night to concentrate all the opposition to Ramsey upon James Smith, Jr., but Ramsey was nominated next day by twenty-six votes to Smith’s twenty. James Smith, Jr., had been president of the St. Paul & Duluth Railroad and was at that time its attorney. He had served in the State Senate three terms and was an active and popular politician. He was born in Ohio, in 1815, and came to St. Paul in 1856. his “Pen Pictures,” described him as “tall, slender, hair all awry, full whiskers, very polite and gentle- manly, and this has greatly assisted him in getting through the world.” The election of Ramsey to the Senate would have Major Newson, in made Ignatius Donnelly governor, had not Donnelly preferred to take the seat in Congress to which he had been elected the previous autumn. In order to provide for the coming vacancy, Donnelly resigned the lieutenant-governorship, to take effect March 3d, and the Senate elected in his place Henry A. Swift Of St. Peter. go to Washington until the meeting of the extra Governor Ramsey determined not to session of Congress in July, and he retained the office of governor until the last week in June. In the A HISTORY OF THE 173 REPUBLICAN PARTY. midst of the stirring events of the siege of Vicks- burg and the movement of the Rebel army into Penn- sylvania preceding the battle of Gettysburg, so lit- tle attention was paid to his resignation that neither of the St. Paul daily papers chronicled the fact until one week after he had filed the formal letter with the secretary of state. Then the Press, edited by Mr. Wheelock, and at that time the accepted Re- publican organ, published a column editorial on Ramsey's administration, complimenting him for the economies practiced; for voluntarily reducing his own salary from $2,500 to $1,500 a year; for the land legislation, largely due to him, which gave the state an organized land department to administer the school lands, the swamp lands, and the railroad lands; and for his judicious selection of officers to command the regiments sent out to the field of War. The remarkable fact was pointed out that three of the colonels he had appointed had already become major generals and three brigadier generals. The active manager of the anti-Ramsey movement in the legislature was Wm. S. King of Minneapolis, who was at that time postmaster of the House of Repre- sentatives at Washington, and who returned to or- After the senatorial election was over the Pioneer, which was ganize the campaign of Cyrus Aldrich. then Democratic in a half-hearted way, made some fun at Colonel King's expense, and proposed that Governor Ramsey should pay the costs of his trip from Washington and his stay in St. Paul. The Pioneer gravely itemized King’s expenses as follows: “Travel, $137.50; board and rooms, 19 days at $11 a day, $209; whisky and cigars, $314.70.” At the election in joint convention of the two houses Ram- sey received 45 votes, and the Democrats cast their 17 votes for Andrew Chatfield, who had run against Windom for Congress the previous year. Henry A. Swift, the new governor, was a lawyer, born in Ravenna, Ohio, who migrated to Minnesota during the territorial days. He was not a man of very positive character, although he had excellent personal qualities, and he failed to make any last- ing mark upon the politics of Minnesota. The Republican state convention was held on August 20th in St. Paul, and its president was W. H. Yale of Winona, Governor Swift was not a candi- •date for nomination. Stephen Miller of St. Cloud, colonel of the Seventh Regiment, was nominated for governor by acclamation. The rest of the ticket was as follows: Lieutenant governor, Chas. D. Sherwood of Fillmore county; secretary of state, David Blakeley of Olmsted county; state auditor, Charles McIlrath of Nicollet; state treasurer, Charles Schoeffer of Washington; attorney general, Gordon E. Cole of Rice; clerk of supreme court, Geo. F. Potter Of Houston. The Democratic candidate for governor was Henry T. Wells, who was kept pretty busy during the cam- paign explaining why the Democratic convention had voted down a resolution to indorse the War and commit the party to its support. At the election Miller received 19,552 votes and Wells 12,- 766, Miller's majority being 6,821, which was about the average majority of the other candidates on the Republican ticket. This was a gain of 2,722 over the Republican majority of the year before, but in that year the soldiers had not voted, as they did in 1863, under the law which authorized them to hold elec- tions in their regimental camps. A comparison of the vote of 1863 with that of the two previous years showed that the war had exerted very little influence on the Democratic party in Minnesota. In spite of the patriotic feeling of the time, and of the evident necessity of supporting President Lincoln if the Rebellion was to be suppressed at all, the Demo- cratic vote in Minnesota held together as tenaciously as it did before the war. That vote in 1860 was 11,- 033; in 1862, 10,776; and in 1863, 12,756. The Re- publican vote, which declined from 20,467 in 1860 to 14,375 in 1862, on account of the number of Re. publicans who had gone into the Minnesota regi- ments, ran up to 19,552 in 1863 by the aid of the sol- dier Vote. In the legislature which met in January, 1864, there were forty-four Republicans, three members classified as Union men, fifteen Democrats, and one Independent. These figures show how complete had been the political revolution in Minnesota since the time when the Democrats had full control of the state. In the Senate of that year were John S. 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Tºul Teodde lou Soop +I ‘OSTOH 'Ib.w att) Jo (top) noosoid oul uſ 1031A quopog spun on poſſuoloq “sso.15uo) Jo Stoquiou outbooq spapadalju ou A ‘Inted 1S J0 JoJoſyſ I V put oo!XI punupg| 'osno H on 1 Jo Josipods poloolo upbāb StºA tºxiou y Jo Itosuogſ poteſ ‘olutioS oil) Jo Joquiouſ tº Stº Inu, I ns on pou.Inno.1 iſ buo SºtoutoAoi otſ) qJoI AI]ttoo -oil putſ ou A ‘tolo, I ns Jo JIAS ‘V AIIIoH 101* -tſos solels politiſh tº spreadonjº stºw ou.A. “BuouſAA WILLIAM WINDOM United States Senator from Minnesota. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 177 CHAPTER VIII. THE RETURN OF THE REGIMENTS–THE SOLDIER IN POLITICS.–ELECTION OF GENERAL MARSHALL AS GOVERNOR. The year 1865 was one of the most remarkable in the political history of Minnesota. The war ended in the spring, and the Minnesota troops returned to their homes during the early summer, covered with the laurels of victory. Here was a large number of energetic and intelligent young men, who had gained fame by three or four years of fighting, and who were welcomed with great honors by the people of the state. The soldier now appeared in politics in Minnesota, as well as in every other state of the Union, North and South, and for many years no political party constructed a county or state ticket without giving prominent places upon it to the he- roes of the war. In the early summer of 1865 it looked as if there would be but one candidate for governor voted for the ensuing fall. The Democratic party was every- where demoralized and discredited by the success of the Union arms in the face of its repeated predic- tions that the war would be a failure. The Repub- lican party still continued to use the name Union, and to invite to its ranks all men who approved of In Minnesota the situation was somewhat peculiar. Senator Henry M. Rice, the eminent Democratic leader, had given a hearty support in Washington to the Lincoln ad- ministration, and had approved of the emancipation There was for a time a general dis- the suppression of the Rebellion. proclamation. position among the Republicans of the state to for- get old conflicts and nominate Mr. Rice for gov- ernor by the coöperation of all the political elements in the state. stead of a reign of peace and harmony, an exceed- As events turned out, however, in- ingly bitter campaign was fought in the fall, ac- companied by violent personal attacks upon the candidates of both parties, and a fight upon an issue which had never before been presented, namely, The legislature of the pre- vious winter had provided for submitting an amend- that of equal suffrage. ment to the constitution to the voters at the next election, striking out the word “white” from the qualification for suffrage. In this action the Re- publicans of the Minnesota legislature stood in line with those of a number of other states. They took the ground that, as the negro had fought to save the Unión, the ballot could not justly be denied him. So deep-seated was race prejudice, however, —a legacy of the accursed institution of slavery, that the Republicans were not able to bring their own party with a solid front upon this plain ground of justice and common sense. As to the Democrats, they were almost to a man intensely hostile to the proposition that the colored men should be permit- ted to vote, and throughout the campaign their newspapers and orators kept up a howl about “nig- ger worshippers” and “nigger equality.” Looking back upon that period from our present advanced standpoint of political thought, it seems incredible that rational men should have believed it both right and politic to deny to any class of citizens the pro- tection of the ballot because their skins were not entirely white. The political situation that year was rendered more uncertain by the doubtful atti- tude of President Andrew Johnson, who had suc- ceeded to the executive chair on the assassination of Lincoln. Although Johnson had not at that time created any open rupture with his party, his attitude had become suspiciously friendly to the leaders of the late Rebellion, and the Republicans throughout the country had already begun to feel considerable alarm lest he should attempt to give away the substantial fruits of the war. The Democrats led Off in Minnesota in the cam- paign of 1865 by holding their state convention first. They met on August 16th under the presi- dency of W. W. Phelps of Goodhue county, but after a day’s session and the adoption of resolutions, they concluded to adjourn until after the Repub- lican convention had met in September. In their resolutions they sustained Andrew Johnson, con- demned the Republicans for opposing his policy of reconstruction, accepted with satisfaction the ex- 178 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. tinction of slavery, but vehemently opposed confer- They spoke of the colored people as an “enervated and ring upon the negroes the elective franchise. ignorant race, who would introduce into our system an element of disaffection, danger, and corruption.” They declared that suffrage “would be productive of injury to the blacks themselves, would disturb our system of labor and our social organizations, and make the State of Minnesota a place of refuge for the scum of Southern slavery.” How absurd this sounds now, when read after a lapse of thirty years. The Republicans held their convention on the 6th of September, under a call for a “Union Conven- tion,” and as in the previous year, they gave the name of “Union” to their ticket. The president was Mark H. Dunnell of Winona county, a young and active politician and an effective stump orator, who The secretaries were C. D. Davidson of Hennepin, D. Sinclair, the Winona editor, and A. R. Kiefer of St. Taul, now a member of Congress. now began to make his mark in state politics. An exceedingly Close and animated contest arose over the nomina- tion for governor. There were three candidates in the field with about equal strength—Gen. Wm. R. Marshall, who had taken one of the Minnesota regi- ments to the war and won the stars by gallant con- duct; Gen. J. T. Averill, who had been the success- ful and popular provost marshal for Minnesota; and Chas. D. Gilfillan, an able and experienced St. Paul political organizer and leader. On the first ballot Averill received 44 votes, Marshall 40, and Gilfillan 39. . The voting continued all day without any re- sult, and when the convention adjourned On the twenty-first ballot Averill received 53, Marshall 52, Gilfillan 15. Next morning, on the twenty-second ballot, Marshall was nominated by 68 votes, to 50 for Averill and 4 for Gilfillan. pleted as follows: The ticket was com- Lieutenant governor, Thos. H. Armstrong of Olmsted county, by acclamation; secretary of state, Lieut. Col. H. C. Rogers of Mower county; treasurer, Charles Schoeffer of Ramsey county; attorney general, Wm. Colville of Goodhue county, who beat Gordon E. Cole by a vote of 62 to 45. The platform consisted mainly of a denuncia- tion of the Democratic party for sympathy with the Rebellion, for denying the right of the Federal Gov. ernment to coerce a sovereign state, for organizing secret societies for traitorous purposes, and for de- claring in the crisis of the late struggle that the War was a failure. The Democrats were further charged with working on race prejudice to preserve the cause of the Rebellion, by retaining the black man of the South in a condition of peonage and serfdom. The platform took the high ground that the “spirit of our institutions requires that the measure of a man’s political rights shall be neither his religion, his birthplace, his race, his color, nor any merely physical characteristic.” This platform was significant, from the fact that no national con- vention had been held by the Republican party since the previous year to define the position of the party On the new questions that had arisen. The Democratic convention reconvened on Sep. tember 7th, and nominated Henry M. Rice for gov. ernor by acclamation. Soldiers were nominated for three places on the ticket. These were Capt. Chas. W. Nash, of Dakota county, for lieutenant governor; William Lochren of Hennepin county, who had car. ried a musket in the ranks for three years, for at- torney general; and Maj. John B. Jones of Fillmore county for secretary of state. Resolutions were adopted appealing to the voters for a union on the Democratic ticket of “all who desired to support Presi. dent Johnson in his patriotic efforts to reorganize the South without insulting their manhood by plac. ing them on an equality with an ignorant and in- ferior race.” The resolution spoke of the “nigger equalizing ticket” headed by General Marshall, and said that the ticket would be supported “by those Who believe a negro to be as good as a white man, and are Willing to go to the ballot with him as an equal, and sit at his table as his guest.” Further, it was declared “the elector who believes God meant something when he made a negro black and in- Wested him with inferior attributes, and who be. lieves With the officers of the government that it Was created for and should be administered by &l, superior race, who inhabit the land, will vote for Henry M. Rice.” The entire campaign was fought on the question of negro suffrage. A joint stumping canvass was arranged by the two candidates for governor. They A HISTORY OF THE 179 REPUBLICAN PARTY. started in at Hastings to hold meetings in all the Neither of them had any great ability as a platform towns in the southern part of the state. orator, and it was with considerable reluctance on the part of both that they undertook this stumping tour. Old-timers whose memory goes back to that campaign, say that at their first meeting they had said all they could say and finished their speeches by nine o'clock in the evening, but as they pro- gressed they warmed up to the work, and improved considerably both in the length and quality of their oratory. Rice was compelled by business affairs to withdraw from the canvass before it was half con- cluded. The Republican papers naturally took the position that he had been driven from the field, but General Marshall generously exonerated his antag- onist from the charge of being unwilling to go on with the canvass. The principal Republican speakers beside Mar- shall in that campaign, were Ignatius Donnelly, Governor Miller, Senator Wilkinson, Governor Ramsey, Mark H. Dunnell, Gordon E. Cole, T. H. Armstrong, Albert Edgerton, Charles Schoeffer, and Gen. C. C. Andrews. General Andrews had been a Democrat before the war, and his action in joining the Republican party in this canvass brought upon him a great deal of criticism and ridicule from the Democratic newspapers, and especially from the St. Paul Pioneer. One of the amusing charges made against him by the Pioneer was that he wore a green coat and posed as a literary man. The Pioneer was at that time edited by Earle S. Goodrich, one of the most caustic and able political writers ever con- nected with Minnesota journalism. A personal at- tack was made by the Press, the principal Repub- lican organ, on the motives of Senator Rice in defeat- ing the original railway land grant bill in Congress, nearly ten years before. These attacks probably strengthened Rice, for he was popular throughout the state, and few men were willing to believe that he had acted in the Senate from any other than honorable motives. At the election Marshall re- ceived 17,344 votes and Rice 13,854. The azhend- ment to strike the word “white” Out Of the constitu- tion was lost by 14,807 negative votes against 12,- 194 affirmative. Nearly 5,000 voters who supported General Marshall refused to give colored men the right of suffrage in the State of Minnesota. Let us now turn back to the winter of 1865, when the legislature elected a United States Senator to Succeed Morton S. Wilkinson. candidates in the field. There were four Senator Wilkinson natu- rally wanted a reëlection. He was opposed by Will- iam Windom, a member of Congress from the First district, by Daniel S. Norton of Winona, a member of the State Senate, and by ex-Gov. Henry S. Swift of St. Peter. Windom and Norton had studied law together in Mount Vernon, Ohio, and had come out to Minnesota in the territorial days as fast personal friends, to make for themselves a career at the bar and in politics in the Far West. It was their inten- tion to open a law office together, but Norton stopped for a time in St. Paul while Windom went to Winona. Subsequently Norton removed to Wi- nona, and the two former friends became rivals in the practice of law and in the political life of the new state. They were able and ambitious men, and they could not pull together. Their personal am. bitions clashed, and besides they differed in temper- ament and in their views of national politics. In the joint legislative caucus thirty-two ballots were had before the contest was concluded. On the first ballot Wilkinson had 16 votes, Norton 12, Win- dom 10, and Swift 11. The final ballot stood, Nor- ton 27, Wilkinson 21, Windom 1. The friends of INorton had very little hope of nominating him when the contest began, and were surprised at their own success. Norton at the time did not have the full confidence of the aggressive Republican element in the state. He had opposed the bill for giving the soldiers the right to vote in their camps during the war, and his general attitude was that of a Repub- lican of a very conservative type. Prior to the caucus the St. Paul Press supported Wilkinson, op- posing Norton’s candidacy on the ground that he was not a reliable Republican. It was not long be- fore Norton's actions justified the apprehensions He took his seat in Congress at the session which began in Decem- ber, 1865, and soon identified himself with the very of many of his party associates. 180 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. small body of Republicans who sustained Andrew Johnson in his efforts to bring back the Southern States into the Union without any restrictions as These men were stigmatized as the “Bread and Butter to how they should treat the former slaves. Brigade.” Senator Norton was undoubtedly sin- cere in his views. He was a man of rather cold temperament and judicial frame of mind, and his tendency was always to look on both sides of a ques- It was impossible for him to be a thorough He was one of the senators who voted tion. partisan. against the conviction of President Johnson in the impeachment proceedings. For this, and for his general course in opposition to the party which elected him, he was severely criticised by the peo- ple and press of Minnesota. He died in July, 1870, eight months before the expiration of his term of Office. CHAPTER IX. THE STATE CAMPAIGNS OF 1866 AND 1867—RE-ELECTION OF GOVERNOR MARSHALL. The election in Minnesota in November, 1866, was for two members of Congress, and for state auditor and clerk of the supreme court. It was an off year in politics, and the contest was not an active one on either side. Donnelly and Windom were renomi- nated for Congress without opposition. Windom's majority over his Democratic opponent; D. C. Jones, Was over 6,000, and Donnelly’s majority over Wil- liam Colville was about 4,000. The Republicans reélected Auditor Charles McIlrath and Sherwood Hough, the clerk of the supreme court. A popular movement which attracted more atten- tion than politics in 1866 was the Anti-Monopoly Transportation Convention, which assembled in St. Paul to protest against the high rates on the river steamboats and on the railroads with which the boats connected at La Crosse, Prairie du Chien, and This was the largest delegate convention which up to that time had ever been held in the state. It was presided over by Thomas H. Armstrong, the lieutenant governor. other river points. Commodore Davidson, who then controlled the steamboats run- ning down the river, came before the convention, and apologized for his monopoly. Alarmed by the projects brought forward for putting on a rival line of boats, he promised a reduction of freight rates. Immigration was then pouring into the state, and the high rates for freight and passengers were a serious obstacle to the prosperity and development of Minnesota. There was nothing very notable in the Republican state convention of that year, which was presided over by F. R. E. Cornell of Hennepin county. H. P. Hall of St. Paul appeared in it for the first time in a prominent public capacity, as One of its secretaries. Early in the summer of 1867, the Democrats, en- couraged by the small Republican majority of the previous year, made preparations for vigorously con- testing the state at the ensuing fall election. Their convention met in August, and nominated for gov- ernor Chas. E. Flandrau. who then lived in Minne- apolis, and who had been chief justice of the supreme court under the territorial government. Flandrau was the most conspicuous hero of the Indian War of 1862, and he enjoyed great personal popularity throughout the state. The remainder of the Demo- cratic ticket was as follows: Lieutenant governor, A. K. Maynard of Le Sueur; secretary of state, Amos Coggswell of Scott; treasurer, John Fredericks of Goodhue. The platform, reported by John B. Bris- bin, opposed the Republican plan of reconstruction, maintaining that the Rebel States had no constitu- tional right to secede, and were consequently never out of the Union, and had preserved all their po- litical rights to return and participate in the gov- ernment. The platform also opposed striking the word “white” out of the state constitution, a propo- sition which the legislature of the previous winter had provided for again submitting to the popular vote. It also opposed prohibition and the protective A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 181 tariff. Geo. H. Pendleton of Ohio, a candidate for the next Democratic nomination for the Presidency, came up to Minnesota and attended the convention, and afterwards set the key-note for the Democratic campaign in a speech at a ratification meeting in St. Paul. Another honored guest at the convention was Brick Pomeroy, editor of the La Crosse Demo- crat, who had obtained a great circulation for his paper among the Northern sympathizers with the Rebellion by his violent and abusive attacks upon President Lincoln during the war period. The Republican convention met on September 11th, in St. Paul. It was the general feeling of the Republicans throughout the state that Governor Marshall should be reëlected. Chas. D. Gilfillan of St. Paul took the field against him, however, and traveled through the state organizing an opposition movement. Another active candidate was Ignatius Donnelly. One of the arguments used against Mar- shall was his veto of the Normal School Bill, which appropriated $150,000 for schools at Winona, Man- kato, and St. Cloud, and which he regarded as in advance of the needs of the state. His attitude in favor of adjusting the state railroad debt was also urged against him. The opposition made but a poor Mr. Gilfillan did not appear on the surface as a candidate, and Mar- show in the convention, however. shall was nominated on the first ballot by 119 votes to 24 cast for W. H. C. Folsom of Chisago county. Lieutenant Governor Armstrong was renominated, receiving 78 votes to 41 cast for M. F. Teft of Waba- sha county. The nominee for state treasurer was Emil Munch of Pine county; for secretary of state, Henry C. Rogers of Mower county; for attorney general, F. R. E. Cornell of Hennepin county. The president of the convention was E. S. Youmans of Winona, and the secretaries were C. B. Cooley of Dodge, and W. B. Mitchell of Stearns. The platform was reported by D. Sinclair, editor of the Winona Republicam. The resolutions made a square issue against the position of President Johnson, in his opposition to the reconstruction measures of Con- gress and his efforts to delay the establishment of civil government in the Rebel States—“rewarding traitors for their treason by restoring every right they formerly possessed, and giving them additional power.” Johnson was denounced as “an enemy to the peace and welfare of the country, and an im- pediment to the final execution of the laws.” The convention made a new departure on the ques- tion of prohibitory laws against the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors. This question had been passed by in the previous years, but now the Republicans determined to cut loose from all appar- One Of the resolutions declared that “We favor all move- ments likely to improve public morals, but are con- Vinced that the habits and customs of the people cannot be abridged by prohibitory or sumptuary laws, and that the legislature cannot interfere with ent sympathy with the Prohibition movement. such habits and customs without transcending the legitimate sphere of legislative action.” This reso- lution, together with the nomination of a prominent German upon the ticket, was evidently designed as an effort to win back the German Vote which had been early driven out of the ſtepublican party in Minnesota, by its indorsement of the views of the Prohibitionists. t A very active stumping campaign was organized by the Democrats, in the hope that they could carry the state by the aid of the few Republican sympa- thizers with the course of President Johnson. Among the Democratic Orators who went upon the stump were Judge Flandrau, ex-Governor Gorman, A. G. Chatfield, Amos Coggs well, A. K. Maynard, Geo. L. Becker, W. W. Phelps, Seagrave Smith, J. J. Egan, Dillon O'Brien, M. J. Severance, and E. St. Julien Cox. The Republicans were forced to meet this campaign of political Oratory, and they put into the field Governor Marshall, H. L. Gordon, Henry A. Castle, M. S. Wilkinson, Gen. S. P. Jennison, F. R. E. Cornell, W. D. Bartlett, Ignatius Donnelly, D. A. Secombe, Jared Benson, and others. The equal suf- frage amendment was again lost, 2,184 Republicans who voted for Governor Marshall failing to Vote at all upon the amendment, and the result was: For the amendment 27,498, against the amendment 28,- 746. There was, however, some gain in public senti- ment in the right direction since 1865. The ma- jority against suffrage that year was 2,670, and in 1867 it fell to 1,248. The vote on governor was as follows: Wm. R. Marshall, 34,874; Chas. E. Flan- drau, 29,502; Marshall’s majority, 5,372. 182 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. CHAPTER X. THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1868—AN EXCITING CONTEST IN THE SECOND CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT, The year 1868 was the Presidential election year, and Gen. U. S. Grant was carried into the chief magistracy on a great Wave of popular foeling evoked by the general hostility felt throughout the North against the policy pursued by Andrew John- son. The Republican state convention was held in Minnesota on May 18th, for the purpose of selecting delegates to the national convention at Chicago, and for nominating presidential electors. It was called to order by Levi Nutting, chairman of the state cen- tral committee, and Morton S. Wilkinson presided. The delegates chosen to go to Chicago were J. B. Wakefield, C. C. Andrews, H. H. Butler, John Van Cleve, J. C. Rudolphs, H. B. Ames, John McLaren, and Thomas Simpson. The electoral ticket was com- posed of W. G. Rambusch of Freeborn county, Oscar Malmros of Ramsey, C. T. Brown of Nicollet, and T. G. Jones of Anoka. The resolutions sustained the impeachment proceedings then in progress before the Senate at Washington, declared for Grant for President, and expressed a preference for Benjamin F. Wade for Vice President. A motion to strike out the name of Wade and insert that of Schuyler Colfax was lost. On the same day a large convention of soldiers and sailors was held in St. Paul, which passed resolutions that President Johnson ought to be removed and that U. S. Grant should be the next President. In this convention a large number of men who had taken a prominent part in the recent war were present, among them being Generals Hub- bard, Van Cleve, Andrews, Marshall, and Averill, Captain Kiefer, and Colonel Liggett. The National Republican Convention was lield on the 20th of May. From the record of the proceed- ings it appears that John Van Cleve was one of the vice presidents, R. McLaren a member of the com- mittee on resolutions, H. H. Butler of the committee on order of business, and John T. Averill of the national executive committee. The nomination of Grant was unanimous, but there Was an active con- test for the Vice Presidency. Seven of the eight votes in Minnesota were given for Benj. F. Wade and the other vote for Henry Wilson. In the campaign which followed in Minnesota the national issues were somewhat obscured by an in- tensely bitter faction fight for congressman in the Second district, which then comprised all of the central and southern counties of the state. In the First district William Windom found that he was going to be pressed so hard for the nomination by Morton S. Wilkinson and Mark H. Dunnell, that he thought it best not to enter the contest, but to with- draw for a time from public life and concentrate his efforts on securing the next vacancy in the United States Senate. Eventually three candidates con- tested the district, Wilkinson, Dunnell, and O. P. Stearns, and this three-sided struggle was so evenly balanced that thirty-eight ballots were had in the nominating convention before a result was reached. On the thirty-seventh ballot Wilkinson had 37, Dun. nell 22, Stearns 29, and on the thirty-eighth the Dunnell men went over to Wilkinson, nominating him by 48 votes to Stearns's 31. The result of this COntest Was to give Wilkinson a new but short lease of political life, to put Dunnell in line to succeed him, and to strengthen Windom's prospects for the Senatorship. * * * In the Second district there was a still sharper struggle for the congressional prize, with the un- fortunate ending of a temporary disruption of the Republican party. Underlying this Struggle, as in that in the First district, were rival schemes for Securing the coveted senatorial place. The contest Was greatly embittered by the peculiar personality of Ignatius Donnelly. This remarkable man had quar. reled with nearly all of the leaders of his party in the state, but his extraordinary gift of effective po- litical Oratory gave him a strong hold upon a large element of the rank and file. He had his eye on the Senatorship, and knew that he must secure a re- nomination for the House in order to hold a fighting chance in the approaching contest for that great HORACE AUSTIN Sixth Governor of Minnesota. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 185 honor. Party leaders in the Second district were very tired of Mr. Donnelly. They regarded him as a dis- turbing element—a man of masterful disposition, of enormous ambition, regardless of the ordinary amenities and ethics of politics; one, in short, whose room was always more desirable than his company in political conventions and conferences. It was quietly determined to down Mr. Donnelly, and W. D. Washburn was agreed upon in St. Paul and Minne. apolis as the man most available for the nomination. In the southern part of the district Gen. L. F. Hub. bard was a strong candidate, and in the northern part Gen. C. C. Andrews, who then lived in St. Cloud, The result of the county conventions held to select delegates was in the field with a good following. to the congressional convention was disastrous to Mr. Donnelly. A considerable majority of the regu- larly elected delegates were known to be hostile to him. Mr. Donnelly attempted to pack the congres- sional convention with partisans of his own, who had no credentials entitling them to a seat in the body. This scheme was frustrated by the action of the Congressional committee, who issued tickets to the duly accredited delegates and stationed their secre- tary at the door of Ingersoll Hall with a posse of policemen to keep out Donnelly's mob. Donnelly then led his adherents to another hall, where they went through the formality of asserting that they constituted the regular Republican convention, and placed Mr. Donnelly in nomination. In the regular convention an informal ballot resulted as follows: W. D. Washburn, 31; L. F. Hubbard, 15; C. C. An- drews, 13. Mr. Washburn wisely declined to accept the nomination, and General Hubbard was nomi- nated by 34 votes to 25 for Andrews. The district committee, the chairman of which was A. B. Stick- ney, issued an address to the voters, setting forth the condition of affairs, and stating that, of the 81 uncontested delegates, 49 were present in the Hub- bard convention and only 32 in the bolting conven- tion. The Democrats, seeing their opportunity in this quarrel, nominated Eugene M. Wilson of Minne- apolis, a young and popular lawyer. Efforts were made to heal the breach in the Republican ranks before the election. General Hubbard offered to submit the question of whether he or Donnelly was the regular candidate to a committee selected from impartial men of the First district. Donnelly re- fused this proposition, and also the second propo- sition that the question should be referred for arbi- tration to either Galusha A. Grow of Pennsylvania or Schuyler Colfax of Indiana. Finally, after a great deal of dickering between representatives named by the two rival candidates, a conference committee was constituted, to meet at Winona. Be- fore its decision was announced General Hubbard came up to St. Paul and peremptorily withdrew from the canvass. He was severely criticised at the time for this action by Mr. Wheelock's paper, the St. Paul Press, and by a number of other Republican newspapers, but he was wiser than his critics. The real motive for his action was the attitude of the Re- publican committee for the district, the members of which held that he was wrong in the whole arbitra- tion proceedings, and that he should at that late day decline to recognize the Winona conference. General Hubbard was fully pledged to that confer- ence. He had named a friend of his own as one of the conferees, Donnelly had selected his man, and the two had agreed upon a Winona man as the third member. Hubbard could not honorably withdraw from an arbitration to which he had assented. The Republican district committee were apprehensive that Donnelly might win, and might thus claim the stamp of regularity for his candidacy, and there was no way out of this situation for Hubbard but to decline to run, and thus allow the nomination of another candidate in his place. The district con- vention was reconvened on October 8th, and nomi- nated Gen. C. C. Andrews by acclamation. Donnelly made a vehement campaign upon the stump through- out the district, and s” ceeeded in polling more Re- publican votes than Andrews. The election resulted in the success of the Democratic candidate, Wilson, who received 13,549 votes against 11,207 for Don. nelly, and 8,580 for Andrews. While Mr. Donnelly thus demonstrated that he was stronger with the masses of Republican voters than was the regular nominee, his campaign as a bolter cut him off from any further fellowship with the influential leaders of the Republican party in Minnesota. He made an 186 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. attempt the ensuing year to get back into the party, but was unsuccessful. His subsequent career led him first to the Democratic ranks, through the door of the Greeley movement of 1872, and afterwards to the leadership of a variety of third-party move- ments. In Minnesota General Grant received 43,744 votes, and Horatio Seymour 28,204. The equal suffrage amendment to the state constitution was voted on for the third time, and this time it carried, the re- Sult being that 39,094 votes were cast for the amend- ment, and 29,970 against it. The very large in- crease in the vote of Minnesota this year was the result of the heavy immigration to the state, which began to come in immediately after the war. Many of the new settlers were Norwegians and Swedes, and this class promptly allied themselves, with the Republican party, and have continued to act with it ever since, except for a temporary defection in some counties to the Populist movement. CHAPTER XI. RAMSEY RE-E LECTED TO THE SENATE–HORACE AUSTIN ELECTED GOVERNOR IN 1869, AND RE-ELECTED IN 1871. The real underlying motive in the factional fight for representative in Congress from the Second dis- trict, which disrupted the Republican party in that district in 1868, was the desire to secure the United States senatorship. Senator Ramsey's term would expire on the following 4th of March, and he was a candidate for reëlection. His friends believed that if Mr. Donnelly should succeed in getting back to the House, he would be a formidable and probably successful competitor of Ramsey for the Senate. Had Donnelly been content with his seat in the House he might have remained there indefinitely, but he had fixed his ambitious eye on the Senate, and had thus antagonized all the supporters of Ram- sey, many of whom were in prominent Federal offices in Minnesota, and were in a position to do effective political Work. I)onnelly had demonstrated by his large vote in November, 1868, that he had then more Republican followers than could be mustered for the regular candidate of the party, General Andrews. He maintained that he had been tricked out of the nomination against the will of the people by the sharp practices of the Ramsey faction, and he as- sumed the attitude of an injured man who had a grievance which could only be remedied by his reim- statement in some important public office. When the legislature assembled in January, 1869, Mr. Donnelly soon saw that it would be impossible for him to obtain the votes of all the members op- posed to Senator Ramsey. He therefore formed an alliance with Morton S. Wilkinson, and rallied all his followers to Wilkinson’s camp. For nearly two weeks a very energetic canvass was prosecuted. The Ramsey party had their headquarters at the old In- ternational Hotel, and the Donnelly and Wilkinson men had rooms at the Merchants. It was evident that a majority of the members were going to vote for Ramsey, on the first ballot, at least. The plan of the Wilkinson men was to make that ballot an in- formal one, if possible, in the hope that they could gain votes on the subsequent ballots. Each faction around the A political had scouts out to Watch movements headquarters of their phrase was coined in this controversy that had cur- antagonists. rency in the state for many years afterward. One of the Wilkinson men was seen coming out of the headquarters of the Ramsey committee in the International Hotel. He was called to account, and asked what he had been doing in the enemy's camp. His reply Was that he had just dropped in to see about getting some seed wheat. H. P. Hall, who had recently started the St. Paul Dispatch, caught up this phrase, and rang the changes upon it from day to day in his lively afternoon paper. The phrase “seed Wheat” soon came to be used as an euphemism for many years for political corruption. If a candi- date was suspected of making use of money to for- Ward his nomination or election, he was said to be A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 187 “distributing seed wheat,” and when a politician was supposed to be looking after illegitimate gains, it was popularly remarked that he wanted some “seed wheat.” The Republican caucus was held on the 14th of January, and it turned out that Ramsey had a safe majority. He was nominated on the first ballot by the following vote: Ramsey, 28; Wilkin- son, 22; S. R. J. McMillan, 1; William Windom, 1; W. H. C. Folsom, 1. The approach of the fall campaign of 1869, When a governor and full state ticket Were to be elected, brought Ignatius Donnelly again into the field. He proposed, as the only way of harmonizing the recent breach in the Republican party, that both sides should agree to nominate him for governor. This proposition was not at all acceptable to the Ramsey men, whose leader Mr. Donnelly had attempted the preceding winter to defeat for reëlection to the Sen- ate. Nor was it acceptable to a large number of Other Republicans, who had come to look upon the talented young orator from Dakota county as a bolter and general disturber of the peace of the Re- publican party. The Democratic organ, the St. Paul Pioneer, expressed the fear that Donnelly would not be nominated, and said that “all the radical dema- gogues, bolters, and bushwhackers are laboring for his nomination, and to that happy result we try to look, regarding it as the entering wedge by which the infernal radical party of the state will be split in twain, and its defeat secured.” To the general sul- prise of the public the leading Republican organ, the St. Paul Press, published an editorial a few days before the Republican convention assembled favor. ing Donnelly's nomination for governor, on the ground that the majority of the Republicans in his district had shown that they regarded him as an ill- used and persecuted man, a martyr to political com- binations and chicanery. The Minneapolis Tribune, which by this time had become a prominent Repub- lican newspaper, made vigorous opposition to this suggestion of the older organ at the state capital, and an animated controversy raged for a time between these two prominent journals. The Republican convention, which met in Septem- ber, was called to order by F. Driscoll, chairman of the state committee, and was presided over by Dana All the opposition to Donnelly's nomination was easily rallied upon Judge Horace Austin of St. Peter, who was thus brought His judicial district covered all of the southwestern part A. King of Meeker county. to the front as a new man in state politics. of the state, and his six years' work on the bench had given him a large acquaintance in that region. He had besides won a state reputation as a fearless, energetic judge, by his efforts to secure the indict- ment and conviction of the ringleaders of a mob which took two men from the jail in the Village of New Ulm in 1856 and lynched them. These men had killed a German in a drunken row in a Saloon, and the lynching was the result of the excitement which prevailed among the Germans of New Ulm. The frozen bodies of the two young men were chopped up and thrown into the river under the ice. So strong was the feeling which prevailed among the Germans in that region that it was impossible to get indictments for the leading criminals in Brown county, and Judge Austin, With the aid of Attorney General Cornell, secured the passage of a special act by the legislature, under which the indictments were obtained and a trial had in Nicollet county. The contest for governor was settled by a single ballot in the convention. Horace Austin received 147 votes, Ignatius Donnelly 64, and John McKusick of Stillwater 17. There was a lively contest over the lieutenant governorship, resulting in a nomina- tion on the third ballot by the following vote: W. H. Yale of Winona, 139; H. L. Gordon of Stearns, 57; Jared Benson of Anoka, 29. The ticket was com- pleted by the following nominations: Secretary of state, Hans Mattson of Meeker county; auditor, Charles McIlrath of Nicollet county; treasurer, Emil Munch of Pine county; chief justice, C. G. Ripley of Fillmore county; attorney general, F. R. E. Cornell of Hennepin county; clerk of the supreme court, Sherwood Hough of Ramsey county. The platform indorsed the Fifteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution, which provided for equal suffrage. A resolution offered by W. D. Washburn of Minneapo- lis, in favor of setting apart the 500,000 acres of land which the state had recently received from the gen- 188 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. eral government for the liquidation of the Minne. sota state railroad bonds, was rejected by a vote of 79 to 47. The Democrats thought they saw in Donnelly's disaffection, which the Republican state convention refused to take any steps to heal, an opportunity for them to carry the state. Their nomi- nated for governor Geo. I. Otis of St. Paul, who re- ceived 83 votes to 79 for Edmund Rice of St. Paul. For lieutenant governor, J. A. Wiswell defeated Dr. A. A. Ames of Minneapolis, who subsequently be- came mayor of that city and a candidate for gov- Convention For chief justice the nominee was Chas. E. A very colorless platform was adopted, €I’ll Ol”. Flandrau. purposely devised so that it would not repel any Re- publican votes. It announced no principles, and merely affirmed the desirability of a change in the administration of the state government. Mr. Otis was at that time one of the most successful prac- ticing attorneys in St. Paul. He was a prominent member of the Masonic order, and enjoyed a high degree of popularity. No stronger candidate could have been named by his party. For the first time in the history of the state, the Prohibitionists entered the field of politics this year, holding a convention and nominating for governor Rev. Daniel Cobb of Olmsted county, for lieuten- ant governor Col. John H. Stevens, one of the pio- neers of Minneapolis, and a full state ticket. That was the beginning of the temperance movement as a separate political factor in Minnesota, and it has been kept up from that year to this. A feeble effort was made to organize a fourth party, and a People's state convention was called to meet in St. Paul and nominate a ticket, “by the election of which the peo- ple might rebuke the abuse of party management and reform the administration of the state offices.” No names were signed to the call, and the conven- tion was so complete a fizzle that the newspapers Were not able to obtain the names of any of the delegates who attended. During the latter part of the canvass an effort Was made to bring about a joint discussion between Austin and Otis, and after some newspaper chaffing On both sides, the chairman of the Republican com- sentences correctly. mittee issued a formal challenge in the name of Aus. tin, inviting his opponent to meet him upon the stump. The chairman of the Democratic committee, John M. Gilman, published a half-column letter in reply, in which he stated that Mr. Otis was too busy looking after the interests of his clients in court to go upon the stump for the purpose of meeting such an insignificant opponent as Judge Austin, and that he (Gilman) was entirely content to have Austin go on with his canvass, believing that the more speeches he made the fewer votes he would get. The truth was that Mr. Otis had mo desire to measure himself in political argument with his antagonist. It is also probable that he did not care to sacrifice any of his profitable business. He did not want the nomina- tion for governor; had accepted it with a great deal of reluctance, and confidently hoped that he would not be elected. The bitterness of political contro- versy in that day may be understood from an extract from an editorial which appeared in the St. Paul Pioneer just before the election. The Pioneer said of Judge Austin: “He is a man of small and dense intellect. His education is defective, although he was a school teacher. He cannot spell rightly the simplest words. He cannot write two consecutive His Weakness, awkwardness, dull and diminutive understanding and bad manners are conspicuous.” This attack was wholly unwar- ranted by the character and attainments of Judge Austin. He was, in fact, one of the most intel- lectual men who ever filled the governor’s chair in Minnesota. He had a judicial temperament, and a statesmanlike cast of mind, and he made so accepta- ble a governor that he was renominated without op- position, and reëlected by a majority about eight times as large as that given for him at his first elec. tion. In fact, he narrowly escaped defeat at that first election, owing to the large number of partisans of Ignatius Donnelly who refused to vote for him. The result was in doubt for nearly two weeks, until the returns from the counties not reached by tele- graph came in. The Republican disaffection was most severely felt in the counties of Ramsey and Dakota, where Donnelly's acquaintance and influ- ence were largest. It is said that during those two A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 189 weeks of doubt Mr. Otis, the Democratic candidate for governor, was in the habit of going to the Dis- patch office every day in the hope that the news would indicate his own defeat. He enjoyed a large practice, worth about $10,000 a year, and was reluc- tant to surrender it for any political honors. It turned out finally that Austin was elected by the fol- lowing vote: Austin, 27,348; Otis, 25,401; Cobb, 1,764. There was a falling off of about 10,000 votes from the previous year. The general Republican ticket received a majority of about 5,000. The Don- nelly men who did not stay away from the polls alto- gether contented themselves with cutting Austin. Governor Austin, who was inaugurated in Janu- ary, 1870, was born in Maine, received a common school education, and worked as a journeyman mechanic while a boy. He was one of the early settlers on the Minnesota river, studied and prac- ticed law, was captain of cavalry in the Sioux In- dian War, and served six years as a judge upon the district bench. He was thirty-eight years old at the time he took the governor's chair. In person he was of medium height and slender build, with black eyes and hair, a thin, nervous face, a full black beard, and a swarthy His address showed that he had a firm grasp on the affairs of complexion. inaugural the state, and that he was a man of courage and con- Viction. He strongly advocated the very measure Which his party in convention had voted down—the Setting apart of 500,000 acres of land to pay the re- pudiated railroad bond debt of the state. This debt had been contracted soon after the admission of the state. State bonds at the rate of $100,000 for every ten miles of railroad graded and ready for ties, and $100,000 more for every ten miles of completed road with cars running, had been authorized by the legis- lature. Under this act 239 miles of railroad were graded, and $2,275,000 of state bonds were issued, for the payment of which the faith and credit of the State of Minnesota were pledged upon their face. In the great panic of 1857 the railroad companies became bankrupt, but instead of foreclosing its lien upon the roadbeds and upon 614,000 acres of land which had been granted to them, the legislature gave all of this property to new companies which under- Thus the state was left without any security for its $2,275,000 of railroad aid bonds. Subsequently the legislature refused to make any provision for paying the interest on these bonds. Thus Minnesota was classed with Mississippi as a re- pudiating state. Targely through Governor Austin’s influence an act was passed by the legislature of 1870, authorizing the exchange of these railroad bonds for land, and setting apart for that purpose the 500,000 acres, known as internal improvement lands, which the state had received from the general government. Strenuous opposition was made to this measure by a large combination of interests in different parts Of the state, which desired to secure these lands as a subsidy for new railroad projects. took to complete the roads. The act was submitted to the popular vote at a special election, which took place in May, 1870, and was carried by a good majority, but by a very small vote. It failed of its purpose, however, for the reason that it re. quired that 2,000 of the outstanding bonds should be deposited for exchange. The actual number de- posited Was Only about 1,000. At the next session of the legislature a constitutional amendment was passed, providing that the 500,000 acres of land should be set apart and disposed of in the same manner as School lands, and that the proceeds should constitute a fund which could not be appropriated by any legislature without the indorsement of a ma- jority of the Voters of the state. This measure was One of the Special features of Governor Austin’s ad- ministration. 190 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. CHAPTER XII. THE CONGRESSIONAL AND LEGISLATIVE CAMPAIGN OF 1870–RE-ELECTION OF GOVERNOR AUSTIN IN 1871—THE IPRES- II) ENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1872. Senator Norton died in July, 1870. His term of office would have expired on the fourth day of the succeeding March. Governor Austin appointed William Windom to fill the vacancy until the legis- lature could elect in January, 1871. The political campaign of 1870, in Minnesota, was for members In the First congressional district the Republicans renom- inated Mark H. Dunnell of Owatonna, and the Dem- ocrats ran against him C. T. Buck of Winona. Dun- nell received 19,606 votes, and Buck 14,904, making the Republican majority 4,702. In the Second dis- trict the Republicans nominated Gen. John T. Aver- ill of St. Paul by acclamation. made an effort to secure a footing in the Republican convention, and stated that he had a list of 3,500 Republicans in the district who had signed letters The Republican newspapers challenged him in vain to produce the list. After the nomination of Averill, Mr. Donnelly announced The Demo- of Congress and members of the legislature. Ignatius Donnelly asking him to run. himself as an independent candidate. cratic convention made no nomination, but recom- mended all Democrats to vote for Donnelly. The result of the election showed that Donnelly had lost a large part of the Republican vote which supported his independent candidacy two years before. Gen- eral Averill received 17,133 votes, and Donnelly 14,491, Averill's majority being 2,642. In the canvass for members of the legislature the senatorial question was the only one at issue. Mor- ton S. Wilkinson entered the field against Windom, but was not able to muster any formidable showing of strength throughout the state. It was already suspected that his purpose was to effect a coalition with the Democrats, and thus defeat Windom. In Olmsted county the friends of Wilkinson organ- ized a bolting movement, and succeeded in defeat- ing C. P. Stearns for the State Senate. The secret alliance between Wilkinson and Donnelly of two years before showed its effects throughout this can- vass and in the fight that was made upon Windom after the meeting of the legislature. Just before the legislative caucus was held the St. Paul Press said: “From the first day when the members of the legislature assembled it has been manifest that Mr. Windom was the decided, spontaneous, first and last choice of over three-fourths of the Republican members.” In order to make a popular demonstra- tion, if possible, in favor of an independent move- ment in the legislature, a “Reform convention” was called to meet in St. Paul the day before the date fixed for the caucus to make the senatorial nomina- tion. Active in this movement were Mr. Donnelly, Winthrop Young, Dr. Mayo, and Samuel Mayall. It was announced that the meeting would expose the evils of railway administration, and advocate The Press Wanted to know Only about fifty people attended the convention, and an adjourn- civil service reform. who would reform the reformers. ment was had until evening to drum up a large audience. Ex-Governor Gorman and Morton S. Wil- kinson made speeches in the evening, and an exec- utive committee was named, among the members of which were Ignatius Donnelly and Thomas Wilson. Clark W. Thompson, president of the Southern Min- nesota Railroad, and E. W. Drake, president of the St. Paul & Sioux City Railroad, appeared before the convention, and answered the charges of unfair and excessive freight rates. The attempt to get up a coalition between the anti-Windom Republicans and the Democrats in support of Wilkinson was an utter failure. Six Republicans stayed away from the caucus. Windom was nominated on the first ballot, receiv- ing 34 votes to 3 cast for Thomas Wilson, one for Horace Austin, and 1 blank. It had been the gen- eral expectation before the meeting of the caucus that Windom would be elected to fill the Vacancy for the short term which ended on the 4th of March, as well as for the regular term beginning on that CUSHMAN K. DAVIS Seventh Governor of Minnesota–United States Senator. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 193 day; but the Windom men concluded to show their appreciation of O. P. Stearns of Rochester, who had been thrown out of the State Senate by the action of the Wilkinson bolters in Olmsted county, and they therefore determined to send him to Washing- ton for three months to take Mr. Norton’s seat. For the short term O. P. Stearns received 27 votes, J. H. Baker 9, Thomas Wilson 2, and William Win- dom. 1. When the election came up in the joint con- vention of the two houses, there were only two men who bolted the caucus nominations. In the House, J. H. Hubbell voted for Wilkinson, and J. Q. A. Vale voted for Thomas Wilson, in opposition to Windom. For the short term, Hubbell voted for Ignatius Donnelly. No opposition showed itself in the Republican convention of 1871 to the renomination of Gov. Hor- ace Austin. This was the more remarkable from the fact that he had antagonized a large number of his party friends by his independent course in veto- ing a bill for distributing the 500,000 acres of in- ternal improvement land among different railroad corporations. Great pressure was brought upon him to sign this bill, but he was determined that the land should be preserved to form a fund for the ultimate payment of the old railroad debt of the state. Lieutenant Governor Yale was renominated without opposition, and so was Attorney General COrnell. follows: The remainder of the state ticket was as Secretary of state, Gen. S. P. Jennison of Red Wing; state treasurer, William Seeger; jus- tices of the supreme court, S. J. R. McMillan and J. M. Barry. The convention took advanced ground in relation to state control of railroads, indorsing in this respect the position Governor Austin took in his inaugural message of 1870. The tariff issue was artfully evaded by meaningless resolutions. In the Democratic state convention there was a very animated scramble for the nomination for gov- Seven candidates entered the field. On the second ballot, Winthrop Young, a wealthy business €I’IlOI’. man of Minneapolis, was nominated, receiving 107 votes against 49 for Edmund Rice of St. Paul. The nominee for lieutenant governor was D. L. Buell of Houston county. The platform denounced the na- tional and state administrations, demanded a re- form of the tariff which should give low duties on all staple articles, such as coal, iron, salt, lumber, cotton and woolen goods, and favored legislation to control railroad rates. The vote at the election Was 46,950 for Austin, 30,376 for Young, and 846 for Samuel Mayall, the Prohibition candidate. Austin gained 19,612 over his vote of 1869, and Young gained 4,975 over Otis's vote of that year. The Liberal Republican defection of 1872, which resulted in the nomination of Horace Greeley at the Cincinnati convention and in his acceptance by the Democratic convention held in Baltimore, did not produce much effect in Minnesota in the way of alienating votes from the regular Republican organ- ization. While it had for its national leaders such eminent men as Lyman Trumbull, Carl Schurz, Charles Sumner, Charles Francis Adams, and Hor- ace Greeley, and received the support of four of the most prominent Republican journals in the country, the New York Tribune, the Chicago Tribune, the Cincinnati Commercial, and the Springfield Repub- lican, it lacked in Minnesota, as in most other states, prominent leaders who were evidently moved by principle to take this new departure in politics. Its only conspicuous advocates in Minnesota in the spring of 1872 were Morton S. Wilkinson and Igna- tius Donnelly, both of whom belonged to the class known in politics as “sore-heads,” and had failed in their efforts to be continued in office by the regu- The Cincinnati con- vention met on the 2d of May, and the delegates from Minnesota were C. D. Sherwood, W. W. Mayo, Samuel Mayall, F. Willius, Thomas H. Wilson, James B. Hubbell, J. X. Davidson, M. S. Wilkinson, Thomas Heilsden, and Aaron Goodrich. Mr. Good- rich, who had formerly been secretary of the lega- tion at Brussels, was made the Minnesota vice pres- ident. The Minnesota delegation did not favor the nomination of Horace Greeley, but cast nine votes for Lyman Trumbull and one for David Davis. The St. Paul Dispatch, edited by H. P. Hall, was the only prominent Republican newspaper to espouse the Liberal Republican cause in Minnesota, and the lar Republican organization. action of the Cincinnati convention failed in any 194 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. way to break the force of Republican sentiment in the state, which favored the renomination of Presi- dent Grant. The Republican state convention met in Minne. apolis on May 8th, under the presidency of Lieuten- ant Governor Yale, and nominated O. P. Whitcomb of Stearns county for state auditor, and Sherwood Hough of Ramsey county for clerk of the supreme court. The convention selected as delegates to the National Republican Convention J. T. Williams, T. S. Buckham, Adam Buck, W. E. Hicks, W. S. King, C. T. Benedict, A. E. Rice, D. M. Sabin, and Otto Wiemark. The electoral ticket nominated WaS COm- posed of W. R. Marshall, Charles Kittelson, E. A. Coe, M. Scheindler, and Theodore Sander. Over two hundred and fifty delegates attended this con- vention. Great enthusiasm prevailed, and the pro- ceedings were enlivened by the singing of a song by Asa D. Hutchinson, one of the old Hutchinson fam- ily of singers, entitled “General Grant, the People's Choice.” The national convention met at Philadelphia on June 5th, and nominated General Grant for reelec. tion by acclamation. The Minnesota delegation had been instructed to vote for Grant and also to sup- port Schuyler Colfax for the Vice Presidency. The delegation accordingly cast its ten votes for Colfax, who was beaten by Henry Wilson by a very small majority. General Averill was selected as national committeeman from Minnesota. Under the Federal census of 1870, Minnesota hoped to get four mem- bers of Congress; but when the new apportionment bill was passed at Washington, the basis of repre- sentation was raised so that the state was accorded only three members. The new districts were formed by the legislature of 1872. In the First district, which continued to comprise the southern part of the state, the Republicans renominated Mark H. Dunnell, and the Democrats and Liberal Repub- licans ran Morton S. Wilkinson against him. In the Second district, comprising the western part of the state, Maj. H. B. Strait of Shakopee received the nomination, and his antagonist was Charles Gra- ham of Goodhue county. In the Third district, comprising St. Paul and Minneapolis, and much of the northern part of the state, Gen. John T. Averill was renominated, his opponent being George L. Becker of St. Paul. The Republicans carried all three districts by large majorities. Dunnell's ma- jority was 9,767; Strait's majority was 4,148; and Averill’s majority was 7,323. In that campaign the name of Democrat disappeared entirely from the state and congressional tickets, and the word “Lib- eral” was substituted for it. judged from the result, the number of Republicans So far as could be who left their party to join the new Liberal move- ment was insignificant. It probably did not elm- brace 1,000 voters in the entire state. General Grant's vote in Minnesota was 55,708, and Horace Mºs’ Greeley's 35,211. Both parties contested the can- vass of 1872 with considerable activity. Among the Republican orators who went upon the stump were Ramsey, Austin, Baker, Jennison, Miller, Dun- nell, Windom, Cole, Cornell, Nutting, and Edgerton. The Liberal candidate for state auditor Was Albert Scheffer of St. I’aul. CHAPTER XIII. THE GIRANGER MOVEMENT—NOMINATION AND ELECTION OF C. K. DAVIS AS GOVERNOR-THE DAVIS ADMINISTRATION. The year 1873 was marked by very general po- litical disorganization in Minnesota, and in a num- ber of other Western States. The old questions growing out of the Civil War seemed to have been fought out and settled, and a new movement ap- peared in the field of politics based upon a general restlessness under existing industrial conditions. An organization known as the “Grange,” composed of farmers and mechanics, spread with great rapid- ity throughout the West. Its ostensible aim was to bring the farmers and mechanics of the small towns in nearer social relations in local clubs or lodges, where they could discuss means for advancing their material interests. Women were admitted to the A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 195 Granges as well as men. The movement soon took a political turn, and was directed against the rail- roads. There was at that time a widespread belief among the farmers that the railroads were charging unnecessarily high rates, and that they were un- justly discriminating in favor of certain classes of shippers and of certain localities in which the man- agers of the roads had business interests. The con- tention of the Grangers was that the state had the right to regulate railway affairs and freight rates, and also the general transportation policy of the roads. On the other hand, the railroads maintained that they were authorized in their charters to fix rates, and that this constituted a contract between them and the state, in which they had a yested right which could not be disturbed by any subsequent legislative action. The most prominent Republican in Minnesota who adopted the main line of argument of the Granger movement in relation to railroads was Cushman R. Davis, then a successful young lawyer in St. Paul. He was at that time thirty- five years of age, was born in New York and reared in Wisconsin, in one of whose regiments he served during the Civil War, and came to Minnesota after the close of the war to take advantage of the Oppor- tunities for building up a law practice afforded by the rapid growth of the city of St. Paul. Mr. Davis had a marked oratorical gift, and being a man of university education, of scholarly attainments, and high ambition, he soon took a prominent place in the public life of Minnesota. In his speeches he never attempted to get down to the level of an audi- ence, but always assumed that they would be inter- ested in the topics and illustrations which inter- ested him. By following this line he soon attained, by his addresses and lectures on public occasions in many parts of the state, a position of leadership among the young intellectual element in the Repub- lican party. Prior to the campaign of 1873 he had delivered a lecture entitled “Modern Feudalism,” in which he pointed out in a very striking manner the dangers to the liberties and prosperity of the people which might come from the powers granted to cor- porations, unless the corporations were speedily placed under vigilant state control. So conspicuous was Mr. Davis in his advocacy of state jurisdiction over railway companies, that, after he was nomi- nated for governor on July 16th, there was consider- able talk in the newspapers of a general acceptance of his candidacy by men of all parties who sympa- thized with what was known as the “Anti-Monopoly Movement.” Mr. Davis's candidacy before the state convention of 1873 was the result, not only of his attitude towards corporations, but also of a general feeling among the younger men of the Republican party that they had not been given a fair showing in the management of party affairs. They claimed that the leading men, especially those in St. Paul and Minneapolis, formed combinations which controlled the elective offices of the state and the Federal ap- pointments, and they determined to revolt against this condition of affairs. A prominent candidate for the governorship was Wm. D. Washburn of Minne- apolis, a member of one of the most conspicuous and influential political families which has ever fig- ured in our national history. From this family :ame a governor of Maine, Israel Washburn; a gov. ernor and a United States Senator in Wisconsin, Cadwallader C. Washburn; the great Illinois leader, Elihu B. Washburn, long the foremost Republican in the House, and afterwards Secretary of State and Minister to France; and finally Wm. D. Washburn of Minnesota, who became a member of Congress and a United States Senator. Up to 1873 W. D. Washburn had held no public offices save that of surveyor general of the state and member of the legislature. He had the talent of his family for poli- tics and public affairs, and the Republicans of Min- neapolis earnestly desired to place him in the gov- ernor’s chair. - The convention opened with a sharp struggle over the temporary chairmanship, which ended in an ap- parent victory for the Washburn element. W. H. Yale of Winona was chosen by 166 votes against 138 for J. Q. Farmer of Fillmore. A letter was read from Governor Austin, stating in positive terms that he would not be a candidate for renomination, but in spite of this letter he was placed in nomina- tion by J. E. Child of Waseca. Governor Marshall nominated C. K. Davis, and F. R. E. Cornell nomi- nated W. D. Washburn, and a fourth candidate, Thos. H. Armstrong of Mower, was nominated by. C. F. Benedict. An informal ballot resulted: Wash- I96 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. burn 119, Davis 77, Austin 77, Armstrong 33. On the fourth ballot Davis was nominated by 155 votes against 152 for Washburn. Davis had therefore one vote more than was necessary for a choice. The Washburn men were greatly chagrined, but they made the nomination unanimous, and called out the successful candidate, who made a speech about the necessity of checking the evils growing out of cor- porate monopolies. For lieutenant governor there was also a very animated contest between six can- didates. On the third ballot A. Barto of Stearns county was nominated, by 170 votes against 136 cast for N. P. Colburn of Fillmore. For secretary of state, Gen. S. P. Jennison was renominated on the first ballot over Col. W. Pfaender of Brown county. For state treasurer the nominee was a prominent Scandinavian of Freeborn county, Mons Grinager. For attorney general, Geo. P. Wilson of Winona received 158 votes against 153 cast for W. W. Bill- son of Duluth. The platform took pretty positive ground on the railroad question, declaring that no rights should be vested in railroad companies be- yond the control of future legislation, and that laws should be passed to limit to just and reasonable rates all tolls and charges; and further, that the legislature should attach such provisions to new franchises and amendments to old charters as would place the rights of legislative control over such cor- porations beyond all question. It would seem that this should have been sufficiently radical ground to satisfy anybody who believed in state control over the roads, but the Grangers were not content, and they called a “Farmers' and Mechanics' Convention” at Owatonna on September 1st, and there organized a separate party which they called the “People's Anti-Monopoly Party.” Ignatius Donnelly was in the front of this movement, and was chairman of the convention. The resolutions demanded a reduction of the tariff, the control of railroads, and the asser- tion by the state of the doctrine, that to prescribe tolls and charges was the attribute of the people. A full ticket was nominated as follows: A. Barton; of Washington; secretary of state, John H. Stearns of Hennepin; attorney general, W. P. Clough of Ramsey. Governor, lieutenant governor, Ebenezer Ayers ber 24th, and made no nominations. The Democratic state convention met on Septem- A resolution Was adopted recommending all Democrats and Lib- eral Republicans to yield a cordial support to the nominees of the Owatonna convention. On the rail- road question the Democrats took substantially the ground already occupied by both the Republican convention and the so-called Granger convention. They declared that they were opposed to the doc- trine that the people had forfeited the right to con- trol the rates of travel and transportation on the railroads of the state, and they denounced such doc- trine as “pernicious in theory and ruinous in prac- tice.” They said that they were opposed to the con- centration of wealth under unjust laws in the hands of powerful corporations which threatened the ex- istence of free institutions. J. N. Castle of Still- water presided over their convention. The Demo- crats confidently expected to beat Davis by their alliance with the Granger movement. They knew that thousands of Republican voters belonged to ‘the Granges, and they expected the solid support of these voters for the Owatonna ticket. They failed, however, to give full weight to the position of Mr. Davis, who had in his speeches, and more notably still in a letter which he printed on July 20th, taken the most advanced ground in favor of legislative control of railway rates and of general railway management. In that letter he held that the Dartmouth College case, generally relied upon by the railroads to support their contention of Vested rights, applied only to private corporations, and had no bearing upon the relations of the state to public corporations created by it. Mr. Davis also favored the acquirement by condemnation of two trunk lines from the seaboard to the West, which should be kept in repair by the government, and on Which anyone who had a locomotive and cars could run them under such regulations as would insure Safety. The result of the election was that Davis received 40,741 votes, a falling off of over 6,000 from the vote for Austin in 1871; while Barton, the Granger and Democratic candidate received 35,245 Votes, a gain of about 5,000 over the vote for Young, the Democratic candidate in 1871. The Prohibition- ists ran Samuel Mayall, who received 1,036 votes. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 197 Governor Davis’ administration was cotempora- neous with the general business depression which followed the financial panic of 1873, and with the great plague of grasshoppers in the southwestern part of the state, which devastated all the country south of the Minnesota river and West of Blue Earth county. During his administration the supreme court at Washington confirmed the main points of his position in relation to the railroads by its de- cision in the Granger cases, one of which was taken up from Minnesota by Col. W. P. Clough. In this decision the power to control and regulate railroad rates was held to reside in state legislatures. The legislature of 1874 affirmed the position which all parties had taken in the campaign of 1873, by passing an act creating a state railway commission, and Governor Davis named as members of this body John A. Randall, A. J. Edgerton, and ex-Governor Marshall. During the Davis administration amend- ments to the state constitution were voted on and carried authorizing Women to vote at school elec- tions, providing for the investment of the school funds, and dividing the state into judicial districts. At the election of 1874 Chief Justice S. R. J. Mc- Millan was reëlected over Westcott Wilkin, and F. R. E. Cornell was elected associate justice over William Lochren. In the congressional districts two of the old members were returned. The First district elected Dunnell over Waite, Democrat. The Second district elected Major Strait over Cox, Demo- crat. In the Third district, comprising the Twin Cities, Col. Wm. S. King of Minneapolis was elected over Eugene M. Wilson. CHAPTER XIV. THE GREAT SENATORIAL FIGHT OF 1875–I) EFEAT OF RAMSEY AND ELECTION OF MCMIT,LAN–JOHN S. PII, LSBURY ELECTED GOVERNOR. Senator Ramsey's second term expired on March 4, 1875, and the contest for the position began when Davis had been only a year in the gubernatorial office. Ramsey was personally popular with all the Republicans of the state, but his continuance in the Senate was strongly objected to by a large element of the party, on the ground that he was the center of a very compact political organization which dis- tributed the honors and patronage of the Federal Government in Minnesota to themselves only. At that day the Federal patronage was of much more importance in the state than it is at present, owing to the large expenditures for supplies for Indian agencies, the contracts for transportation to the agencies and military posts, and the opportunities for profit connected with the survey of pine lands. The anti-Ramsey element, which nominated Davis the previous year, felt that they had nothing to gain by the continuance of Ramsey in the Senate, because the same men who held the Federal offices or en- joyed the various other kinds of Federal patronage would be continued at the public crib. Their move- ment against Ramsey had nothing in it of personal hostility, but was simply an effort to break the com- bination which excluded them from all the profits of politics. In the legislature which met in Jan- uary, 1875, the Republicans had 21 majority on joint ballot over all opposition, including Democrats, In- dependents, and Anti-Monopolists. Wm. R. Kinyon of Steele was speaker of the House. In the Republican senatorial caucus an informal ballot gave Ramsey 36 votes, Governor Davis 21, Wm. D. Washburn 15, and ex-Governor Austin 11. On the third regular ballot Ramsey ran up to 40, and it was pretty plain that he would be nominated that day if the balloting continued. A recess was taken for twenty-four hours, which gave the anti- Ramsey men time for organizing what proved to be a formidable and persistent bolting movement. When the caucus reassembled on the evening of the 15th of July, thirteen Davis and two Washburn men absented themselves, thus giving plain notice that they did not intend to vote for Ramsey in case he was nominated. On the second ballot that evening Ramsey was nominated by 42 votes to 12 for Wash- burn. The Democratic caucus nominated Ignatius 198 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Donnelly. In the joint convention next day for the election of senator, Ramsey received 61 votes, Don- nelly 51, Davis 24, and there were 10 scattering YOtes. anti-Ramsey men was to maintain a deadlock in the It was now evident that the intention of the legislature long enough to tire out their opponents and force them to drop their candidate. Every day of the session from the 19th of January until the 19th of February, the two houses met in joint con- vention and balloted without any result. A large number of Republican candidates received each a few votes during the contest, among them being J. S. Pillsbury, Chief Justice McMillan, W. H. C. Fol- som, Gordon E. Cole, and H. C. Waite. On the 29th of January the Democrats dropped Donnelly and took up William Lochren of Minne- apolis, to whom they continued to give their solid vote until the end of the contest. On that day the ballot stood: Ramsey 55, Lochren 55, Davis 23, Pills- bury 5, scattering 5. On February 4th a conference was held at the Merchants Eſotel between the Ram- sey managers and the leading men in the bolting Imovement. The Ramsey men then proposed that both Ramsey and Davis should be withdrawn, and that a new caucus should be held, but this the Davis men refused to consent to. On February 11th all the Republican members met in conference, but failed to reach any agreement. It then appeared that one obstacle in the way of harmony was the attitude of the Hennepin delegation, under the lead of Loren Fletcher. These members evidently hoped that the result of the general disorganization might be the election of their favorite candidate, W. D. Washburn. On February 18th the ballot gave indi- cations that the deadlock was soon to be broken. Neither Ramsey nor Davis received any votes on that ballot. Lochren, the Democrat, had 61 votes, Washburn 39, Gordon E. Cole 32, Folsom 5, McMil- lan 2, Waite 1, and there were absent 5. Four bal- lots were had that day, and on the last the Ramsey men formally withdrew their candidate and trans- ferred their votes with the exception of five to Chief Justice McMillan. On February 19th the long and bitter fight was ended by the election of McMillan, who received 82 votes against 61 for Lochren, and 2 scattering. This result was a very fortunate one so far as its influence on the Republican party in the It healed the breach in the party, which had been widening for two years, and state Was concerned. brought all the Republican members of the legisla- ture together in support of a candidate of high char- acter and recognized ability, who had taken no part in the factional strifes within the party. Judge McMillan’s position upon the supreme court bench, as well as the natural bent of his character, had held him aloof from all the controversies which had raged in the Republican party since the first bolting movement headed by Ignatius Donnelly. His elec- tion was claimed as a Ramsey victory by the St. Paul Press, but the Davis men claimed it with good reason as a triumph for their side, because they had accomplished their original purpose of retiring Ramsey from the Senate. Judge McMillan made an able, dignified, and patriotic member of the United States Senate, and no Minnesota Republican ever had cause to regret his election. He was studious, industrious, and fair-minded, and he held to a high standard of political ethics. In April, 1875, the two morning newspapers in St. Paul, the Press and the Pioneer, were consolidated, and the Democrats were thus left without any Or- gan at the state capital. The Pioneer had gone through many financial tribulations, and although ably conducted by Louis E. Fisher, had not for many years succeeded in paying its Way. solidated paper, called the Pioneer Press, was con- trolled by Frederick Driscoll and Joseph Wheelock. At first it attempted to cut loose from any open ad- Vocacy of the Republican party, and to maintain a position of independent journalism, which a num- ber of prominent newspapers had assumed after the failure of the Liberal Republican movement in 1872. The most conspicuous journals of this class were the Chicago Tribune, the Cincinnati Commercial, the New York Tribune, and the Springfield Republican. During the state campaign of 1875, the Pioneer Press The COn- did not put up the Republican ticket or give the Re- publican party any open and hearty editorial sup. port. The Republican state convention met on July 28th under the presidency of D. M. Sabin of Still- Water, Who had now begun to rank among the active S. J. R. MCMILLAN United States Senator from Minnesota. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 201 party leaders. The city of Minneapolis, by its con- solidation with St. Anthony, had attained a popula- tion about equal to that of St. Paul and was a strong center of Republican sentiment, whereas St. Paul had always been Democratic. The Minne- apolis Republicans thought it due to them that their city should now for the first time have the honor of furnishing a governor for the state. Their can- didate was John S. Pillsbury, a member of a suc- cessful milling firm, who had not been especially active in politics and who enjoyed the confidence and good will of the community. The opposition to Pillsbury was divided between Dr. J. H. Stewart, a popular St. Paul physician, and ex-Gov. Horace Austin; Austin having a large following in the southern and southwestern part of the state, and Stewart mustering his support mainly from St. Paul. On an informal ballot the vote stood. Pills- bury 96, Austin 58, Stewart 41; and on the first formal ballot Pillsbury was nominated by 107 votes, Austin receiving 55 and Stewart 34. The remain- der of the ticket was as follows: Lieutenant gov- ernor, J. B. Wakefield; secretary of state, John S. Irgens; auditor, O. P. Whitcomb; treasurer, William Pfaender; attorney general, Geo. F. Wilson; clerk of the supreme court, Samuel Nichols; railroad commissioner, Charles A. Gilman; chief justice, James Gilfillan. to meet what was then the most important state The platform was weak, and failed issue, namely, the question of legislation to pro- vide for the payment of the long repudiated rail- road debt. The Democratic convention was called so as to include besides the Democrats, the Liberal Repub- licans, the Anti-Monopolists, and all others opposed to the Republican party. Edmund Rice presided. The resolutions accepted the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution of the United States as closing an era in national pol- They favored the resumption of specie pay- ments, the control of corporations created by the itics. state, and the protection of the people against ex- tortionate and unjust charges from the railroads. D. L. Buell, an old Democratic politician of Eſouston county, was nominated for governor by 187 votes to 50 cast for Louis E. Fisher, who had long conducted the St. Paul Pioneer, before its consolidation with the Press. were much discussed in that campaign, but a point was made against Buell, for his opposition to the resumption of specie payments, favored by his own party platform. The Republican ticket proved to be strong and popular, and it received the united vote of the party. Nothing could be urged against Mr. Pillsbury in the canvass. No important state or national issues He was one of the most eminent business men in the state, and had a high reputation for public spirit and personal in- tegrity. The result of the election was as follows: J. S. Pillsbury, 47,073; D. L. Buell, 35,275; R. F. Humiston. Prohibitionist, 1,669. over 6,000 more votes than were cast for Davis two Pillsbury received years before, but Buell obtained almost the exact vote given in 1873 to Barto, the candidate of the combination of Anti-Monopolists and Democrats. CHAPTER XV. THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1876–THE REPUBLICAN FACTIONS IN MINNESOTA MUTUALLY HOLD OUT THE OLIVE BRANCH-GOVERNOR PILLSBURY RE-ELECTED IN 1877–CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS IN 1878. The first movement in Minnesota politics in 1876 was the departure of Ignatius I)onnelly and Eben- ezer Ayers for the national convention of Green- backers, held in Indianapolis in May. The Granger movement in Minnesota had by this time entirely disintegrated as a political force, and the leaders of that movement were looking about for some new party organization to which they could attach them- selves. This they found in the Greenback move- ment, which had made a strong showing in Ohio, Indiana, and other states the previous year. Don- nelly was made president of the Indianapolis con- vention, which nominated Peter Cooper of New York for President of the United States, and Newton 202 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Booth of California for Vice President. This repre- sentative gathering of what was at that time known as the “Soft Money Movement,” demanded the re- peal of the resumption act of 1875, and clamored loudly for the issue of more greenbacks. The Minnesota. Republicans met in state conven- tion in June, under the presidency of Lieutenant Gov- ernor Wakefield. The old factional fight between the Ramsey and Davis wings of the party, which had resulted in the nomination of Davis in 1873 and in the defeat of Ramsey for the Senate in 1875, was thoroughly healed in this convention by a mutual holding out of the olive branch. It was agreed all around that Governor Ramsey should head the State delegation to the national convention at Cincinnati, and that Governor Davis should head the electoral ticket. The other electors named Were Stephen Mil- ler of Stearns county, A. J. Edgerton of Dodge, E. F. Einseth of Goodhue, and Hans Mattson of Meeker. An enthusiastic indorsement of the candidacy of James G. Blaine for President was given by the coll- vention, and the delegates to Cincinnati were in- structed to vote for him, but a resolution requiring them to vote as a unit was rejected. The Minnesota. men honored officially at the Cincinnati convention were the following: Member of the committee on credentials, W. G. Ward of Waseca; committee on resolutions, Lieutenant Governor Wakefield of Fari- bault; permanent organization, W. R. Merriam of Ramsey; rules, J. T. Ames of Rice; Vice president, L. Bogen of Brown; member of the national committee, J. T. Averill of Ramsey. On the first ballot Minne- sota voted solidly for Blaine, but on the second bal- lot one delegate voted for Elihu B. Washburn, and on the fourth ballot there was one vote for Wash- burn and one for Benj. H. Bristow. On the remain- ing ballots the delegation stood 9 for Blaine and 1 for Washburn. Minnesota had always been a I3]aine state from the time of the first prominence of that statesman for the presidential nomination, and a large majority of Minnesota Republicans re- mained faithful to him in their Warm political at- tachment up to the time of his death. For Vice President the Minnesota delegation supported the successful candidate, Mr. Wheeler of New York. There was an active campaign that year in all the three congressional districts of the state. In the First district Buell, the old and able Democratic leader, ran against Dunnell, and was beaten by over 8,000 majority. three candidates. Major Strait was renominated by the Republicans, Judge Wilder of Goodhue county was the Democratic nominee, and Ignatius Donnelly, who seemed bound to run for some office every year, took the field as the Greenbackers' candidate. The result was the reëlection of Strait by a majority of about 3,000 over Wilder. Mr. Donnelly made but a feeble showing at the polls. In the Third district a new candidate Secured the nomination. Colonel King had represented the district for a single term only, In the Second district, there were but the newspaper claim or over his alleged connec- tion with the Pacific Mail subsidy legislation in Washington made his renomination out of the ques- tion. After his election to the House, and before he took his seat, an investigation was had by a commit- tee, Of charges that money had been used to se- cure the passage of the subsidy bill. Colonel King Was brought before the committee as a Witness, and testified that he had never paid any money, directly Or indirectly, to members of Congress to influence their votes. He refused to answer further questions, and to escape the inquisitorial powers of the com- mittee, retreated to Canada, where he remained until the expiration of that Congress on March 4th, out of the reach of the process of the sergeant-at-arms. Colonel King had been postmaster of the House for a long time prior to his election to Congress. He Was a man of remarkably energetic character, and Was possessed of many agreeable personal traits; a firm and true friend in his business and political re- lations, and an excellent practical politician. The unfortunate Pacific Mail scandal ended a career that promised to be long and useful. The Republican candidate for Colonel King's seat was Dr. J. H. Stewart of St. Paul, who was nominated in the con- Vention over three competitors—Butler, Knute Nel. son, and McClure. He narrowly escaped defeat, ow. ing to the large number of Republicans in Hennepin County Who scratched his name on their tickets. Some of these men were Scandinavians, and were disappointed at the failure of Mr. Nelson to secure the nomination, and others opposed Stewart because he lived in St. Paul. Stewart's majority in the dis. trict Was, however, about 1,000, in spite of the fact A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 203 that Hennepin county gave 1,072 to his Democratic competitor, McNair, a wealthy Minneapolis lawyer. Dr. J. H. Stewart was an exceedingly popular St. Paul physician, who went to the front in the Civil War as surgeon of the First Minnesota Regiment, and was captured at the battle of Bull Run. He was a man of a good deal of personal magnetism, and of such a benevolent disposition that a large part of his medical practice was among poor people from whom he never received a dollar of pay. Two important changes occurred in the political newspaper field during the year 1876. The Pioneer Press acquired the Minneapolis Tribune by purchase, and consolidated the two papers under the name of the Pioneer Press and Tribune, announcing that the new paper would be issued simultaneously in both cities. This arrangement gave great dissatisfaction to the Minneapolis people, who felt that they had been deprived of a morning newspaper to represent their interests, and after a long contention in the courts, this unwise arrangement was finally terminated, and the Tribune was reëstablished under the control of Minneapolis parties. The St. Paul Dispatch, edited by H. P. Hall, had assumed a sort of guerrilla at- titude between the two great political parties. The Pioneer Press was still working upon its independent journalism line, and the Republicans of the state, and especially those of St. Paul, felt greviously the want of a newspaper organ at the capital. Finally in September, 1876, the Dispatch was sold to Capt. Henry A. Castle, and the next day the Republican national, state, and congressional tickets appeared at the head of its editorial columns. Captain Castle was a very ardent and active Republican, who had been one of the most prominent leaders in the move- ment which nominated C. K. Davis for governor in 1873. An active campaign of stump speaking Was carried on in Minnesota during the fall of 1876, and the prominent Republican orators who took part in it were Windom, Austin, Dunnell, McMillan, Miller, Mattson, and Marshall. Minnesota's vote for Presi- dent in 1876 was as follows: Rutherford B. Hayes, 72,955; Samuel J. Tilden, 48,587; Peter Cooper, 2,389. There was no opposition to the renomination of (; ov. John S. Pillsbury in 1877, and the Republican convention of that year was one of unusual harmony and good feeling. Ex-Gov. C. K. Davis presided, and the nomination of Pillsbury was made by a ris- ing vote, amid great applause. Tieutenant GOV- ernor Wakefield, Secretary of State Irgens, and Treasurer Pfaender were also renominated for their respective offices by a rising and unanimous vote. The only contests were over the nominations for attorney general and railroad commissioner. For the former office G. P. Wilson, S. G. Comstock, Stan- ford Newel, C. M. Start, James O’Brien, and S. L. Tierce were named, and Wilson was nominated On the third ballot. For railroad commissioner ex- Gov. Wm. R. Marshall was successful on the first ballot over F. R. Thornton and Irving Todd. The convention gave a hearty indorsement in its resolutions to the conciliatory policy pursued by President Hayes towards the South. There was Some opposition among the more radical element in the convention who desired to see the policy of Fed. eral interference by force still continued in the Southern States, but this opposition did not manifest itself in debate. The resolutions favored the remon- etization of silver, but an effort to stretch this plank of the platform far enough to include the payment of government bonds in silver was defeated by a large majority. On the old vexatious question of the obli- gation of the state to provide for the payment of the railroad aid bonds it was resolved that any action the legislature might take in that direction should be submitted to a popular vote before it should become effective. The factional war in the Republican party in Minnesota had now died out, for the time, and the party came to the support of its ticket with entire cordiality and unanimity. Ignatius Donnelly, who had become thoroughly identified with the Green- back movement in 1876, called a convention of his followers, and nominated W. T. Banning of St. Paul for governor. He then proceeded with characteristic audacity to capture the Democratic convention, and secure its indorsement for his candidate. This con- vention was held under the presidency of C. F. Buck of Winona, and although the great bulk of the Demo- cratic party had no sympathy with the “soft money” doctrines advocated by Mr. Buck and Mr. Banning, the nomination of Banning was carried by 201 votes to 19 for Edmund Rice and 9 for J. F. Meagher. Dr. A. A. Ames of Minneapolis was nominated for lieu- tenant governor. The platform was a complete sur- 204 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. render to the Greenback movement, denouncing the resumption policy of the Republicans and the na- tional banking system. The decision of the electoral commission of 1877, which made Hayes President, was also denounced, and there was a declaration in favor of lower tariff duties. W. T. Hanning, the nominee for governor, had at one time been en- gaged in what was known in the West at an early day as “wild-cat banking.” He was a man of con- siderable talent and many engaging traits of char- acter, but was very much disposed to espouse any new is ms that might come up in regard to currency and banking, and there were a great many such no- tions afloat at that time. He made a number of speeches, in which he went much further than his party platform on the currency question, advocating the payment of United States bonds in greenbacks. His principal Republican antagonist who took the stump on this question was Gen. J. H. Baker, who made a speech which served as an excellent cam- paign document for his party. The election resulted in an overwhelming Republican victory. Governor Pillsbury received 57,071 votes, a gain of 10,000 over his vote of 1875. W. L. Banning received 39,147 votes, a gain of about 4,000 over 13uell's vote for governor in 1875. William Meigher, the IProhibition- ist candidate for governor, polled 2,396 votes. The total gain of nearly 15,000 votes over the guber. natorial election of 1875 must be attributed to the large increase in the population of the state, which Was at that time attracting a considerable amount of immigration. The retirement of Governor Ramsey from the United States Senate was generally looked upon among the national leaders of the Republican party as an unfortunate event, because of his high stand- ing in Washington and his thorough familiarity with public affairs. His appointment by President Hayes as Secretary of War in 1878 was received with uni- versal favor in Minnesota, and the men who had helped to form the combination that deprived him of rečlection to the Senate joined with his old support- ers in offering their congratulations. This was the first cabinet appointment held by a Minnesota, man. Governor Ramsey served until the end of Hayes’ administration, and demonstrated the same clear- headed capacity for public affairs which he had shown in the governorship of Minnesota and in the United States Senate. CHAPTER XVI. THE CONGRESSIONAL CANVASS OF 1878–DEFEAT OF MAJOR STRAIT IN THE SECOND DISTRICT THIRD ELECTION OF GOVERNOR PILLSBURY IN 1879. The notable feature of the campaign of 1878 in Minnesota was the defeat of Major Horace B. Strait in the Second district by a straight-out Democrat, Henry Poehler. Major Strait had now served three terms in Congress. He had excellent talents for politics, and had attained a wide influence in the State, and also a good reputation for industrious legislative work in Washington. He was a man of considerable wealth, owning a bank at Shakopee and having stock interests in a number of other banks. In person he was tall and robust, with light complexion and hair that was red in his younger days, and he had a hearty and familiar manner that made him generally popular. His record in Con- gress Was that of a quiet, industrious, and success- ful Worker for the interests of his state. He en- tered the canvass of 1878 with confidence that the large Republican majority of two years before would pull him through to victory. Major Strait had taken an active part in the effort then headed by Governor Pillsbury to secure an honorable set- tlement between the state and the holders of the railroad bonds, and this was the principal cause of his defeat. seated prejudice among the farmers against the payment of these bonds, on the ground that the people had received no substantial benefit from them. Henry Poehler was a merchant living at His antagonist worked upon the deep- Henderson, of German parentage, who was popular With all the foreign element of the district, not A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 205 alone with his German fellow countrymen, but also with the Scandinavians and Irish. He was not able to make a figure on the stump in opposition to an old campaigner like Strait, but he traversed the district and made an industrious personal canvass. The result was the unexpected defeat of Major Strait by an adverse majority of 724. Two years later, after the bond question had been settled, Major Strait regained his hold upon the district, and was three times more elected to Congress, serv- ing in all for the period of twelve years. In the First congressional district Mark H. Dun- nell was renominated without opposition, and re- In the Third dis- trict Wm. D. Washburn’s majority was 3,011 over elected by a majority of 5,881. Ignatius Donnelly, who now ran as a straight-out Democratic candidate, having secured the nomina- tion in the convention by 45 votes to 24 for Eugene M. Wilson, 7 for General Sibley, and 5 for W. W. McNair. This was an informal ballot, and on the formal vote Donnelly received 60 votes to Wilson’s 18. Washburn’s majority was a gain of 1,000 over Dr. Stewart's majority two years before. Donnelly made numerous speeches to large audiences, and carried on what the newspapers called a “brass kettle” campaign. The result showed that this per- tinacious politician had now lost his hold upon Re- publican voters in the district, and was able to muster only the regular Democratic strength. A state ticket was voted for that year under the old faulty system then prevailing in most of the states, of rallying the voters every year to vote for a portion of the state offices. The Republican con- vention, under the presidency of Thomas Simpson of Winona, put up the following ticket: For su- preme court justice, John M. Berry; for clerk of the supreme court, S. H. Nichols; for state auditor, O. P. Whitcomb. The only contest was for the audi- torship already held by Mr. Whitcomb, and he was successful on the first formal ballot, receiving 107 votes to 48 for Gen. M. D. Flower and 45 for E. W. Trask. The Republican majority at the election was 35,596 for Judge Berry, whose competitor was Judge Mitchell. only 19,034. John S. Pillsbury had the high honor of being three times elected governor of Minnesota, and was The majority for Whitcomb was the only man chosen to that office for a third term. His businesslike administration had given general satisfaction throughout the state, and he had agree- ably disappointed the St. Paul people, who had op- posed his first nomination, by exhibiting a spirit of entire fairness in matters affecting the two cities, and showing as much interest in his official conduct in the welfare of St. Paul as in that of his own city, The Republicans of both cities were very much in favor of breaking the rule of two Minneapolis. terms only for a governor, and giving him a third He was willing to accept, but the announce- ment of his candidacy was met by a spirit of oppo- sition in the country which came near accomplish- ing his defeat. The real motive of this opposition was a desire to rebuke him for his honorable posi- term. tion in favor of a fair settlement of the railroad debt, but on the surface the canvass against him was carried on as an anti-third term movement. When the convention assembled it was found that the two elements, the Pillsbury men and the anti- Pillsbury men, were in about equal force, and a fight was made for the temporary chairmanship, which resulted in the choice of J. B. Daniels, a friend of Pillsbury, by 111 votes to 98 for General Jennison. On an informal ballot the vote stood: John S. Pillsbury, 119; J. B. Wakefield, 49; Gordon E. Cole, 17; L. F. Hubbard, 25; W. W. Billson, 15. It thus appeared that Governor Pillsbury had one vote more than was necessary on the formal ballot. This was, however, not a fair test of his real strength, for his opponents knew that it would be impossible to consolidate the opposition vote upon any one candidate. They therefore moved at once to make Pillsbury’s nomination unanimous. There was a very animated contest over the lieu- tenant governorship. The informal ballot stood: C. A. Gilman of Stearns county, 70; H. R. Denney of Carver, 32; Louis Harrington of McLeod, 16; J. H. Baker of Blue Earth, 50; A. J. Edgerton of Dodge, 47. On the fourth ballot Gilman was nom- inated by 121 votes to 90 for Edgerton, and 6 scat- tering. This contest was really for position in the governorship campaign two years later. The nom- inee for secretary of state was Fred Von Baumbach of Douglas county; for treasurer, G. W. Kittelson of Freeborn; for attorney general, C. M. Start of 206 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Olmsted; and for railroad commissioner, Wm. R. Marshall of Ramsey. The Republican platform in- dorsed the resumption of specie payment, favored the cultivation of friendly feelings towards the South, demanded that the constitutional rights of all citizens should be protected, and declared in fa- vor of reduction in the tariff on clothing, books, and articles of industrial and household economy, with- out, however, abandoning the protective principle, and took ground against unjust discriminations and combinations by railroads and other corporations. The Democrats thought they saw in the senti. ment against a third term for Governor Pillsbury a chance of carrying the state. They therefore de- termined to put their strongest man in the field, and their convention nominated Edmund Rice for governor. Mr. Rice had been for some time out of active politics, and was regarded with great favor and no small degree of affection throughout the state as one of the most eminent of the Minnesota pioneers. The nominee for lieutenant governor was E. P. Barnum of Stearns county. The Democratic platform declared unequivocally for free trade and the unlimited coinage of silver. The only state issue touched upon was covered by a resolution favoring state control of railroad and elevator companies. In this campaign the Democrats had the support Of an efficient state organ, the St. Paul Daily Globe, which had been started the previous year by H. P. Hall, formerly of the Dispatch. They were not will- ing to openly antagonize Governor Pillsbury's prop. osition for the settlement of the railroad aid bonds, but in the canvass this question was constantly brought up as a reason for voting against Pillsbury. There was absolutely no tenable ground for an at- tack upon Pillsbury’s administration, which had been notable for its good sense, fairness, and busi- messlike qualities. The result of the election was that Pillsbury received 57,524 votes, and Rice 41,- 524. Governor Pillsbury had about 500 more votes than he received in 1877, and Rice gained a little over 2,000 on the vote for Banning, Democrat, in that year. There was, however, no Prohibition can- didate in 1879, and Rice's gain was almost exactly the aggregate of the Prohibition vote in 1877. The conspicuous feature of Governor Pillsbury’s three administrations was the continued agitation for an honorable settlement of the railroad bond debt of the state. Governor Pillsbury made re- peated appeals to the legislature and to the people to redeem the good name of the state from the stain of repudiation. Largely as the result of his active efforts, the legislature of 1877 passed a bill to apply the proceeds of the sales of 500,000 acres of internal improvement lands owned by the state to the pay- ment of the railroad bonds. This law was submit- ted to a popular vote at an election held in June, 1877, and was rejected by a very large majority, in spite of the fact that the supreme court at Wash- ington had held that Minnesota was liable for these bonds. Governor Pillsbury, in his annual message of 1878, returned to the subject with fresh courage and zeal, and shrewdly attributed the defeat of the act of 1877 to a disapproval of the particular method of payment provided, and not to a desire on the part of the people to escape the responsibility of the debt. He said that “no public calamity, no visita- tion of grasshoppers, no wholesale destruction or insidious pestilence, could possibly inflict so fatal a blow upon our state as the deliberate repudiation of her solemn obligations.” The question was not finally settled until 1881. The legislature of that year created a tribunal composed of five district judges, appointed by the governor, to decide whether the legislature had power to make settlement with the bondholders without submitting such settle- ment to a vote of the people. The supreme court stepped in, however, and restrained this special tribunal from taking any action, and held at the same time that the constitutional act of 1860, for a popular vote on any plan of settlement of the rail- road aid debt which the legislature might devise, was null and void, and further that the debt was valid and that it was the duty of the legislature to provide for its payment. Governor Pillsbury called the legislature together in extra session on Oct. 15, 1881, and the offer of the bondholders, made through Selah Chamberlain of Cleveland, Ohio, to accept new bonds for one-half the face value of the old bonds, was formally accepted, and thus the question which had complicated the politics of the state for nearly a generation, and had brought upon Minne- sota great dishonor in all the financial centers of the world, was honorably disposed of. №. ， § §§№ JOHN S. PILLSBURY Eighth Governor of Minnesota. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 209 I’rior to the meeting of the extra session the hold- ers of the bonds had deposited them to the extent of $1,800,000 in the state treasury in compliance with the law of the previous winter, which required them to show the good faith of their offer of settle- ment by making this deposit. When the supreme court decided that these railroad bonds were as binding an obligation upon the state as any other form of state bonds, many of the bond owners wanted to withdraw their deposits, believing that by so doing they might eventually get more than fifty cents on the dollar, but Governor Pillsbury positively refused to surrender a single bond. Governor Pillsbury’s action on behalf of the honor and credit of Minnesota, was not limited to his mes- sages to the legislature or to his constant and active personal influence with the members of that body. He was at all times and upon all occasions a fore- most champion of the movement for the settlement of the railroad debt during his whole six years in the governor’s chair. In every speech he made, Whether before a political assembly, or a church meeting, or a business men’s gathering, he never failed to allude to the great importance of wiping out the stain of repudiation which had been at- tached to the fair name of the state. The struggle over the railway debt did not fully end with the passage of the bill at the extra session of 1881 for a settlement with the bondholders. The repudia- tors endeavored to prevent the issuing of new four and one-half per cent bonds authorized to take up the old railroad bonds at the rate of fifty cents on the dollar. The most active leader in this move- ment was a prominent Minneapolis lawyer, David Seacombe, whose plan was to get out an injunction forbidding the delivery of the new bonds. There was no time to get these bonds engraved on steel, as required by the rules of the New York Stock Exchange, and they were hastily lithographed and printed in St. Paul. Governor Pillsbury carried them over to his house in Minneapolis in a tin box, by installments, and signed them at home at night. He was especially anxious to get them signed and have the transfer made before his term should ex- pire in January, 1882. The holders of the old bonds sent them secretly to St. Paul in a private car, and they were conveyed to the state capitol in an old trunk, so that the hostile lawyer should not know when or how they reached the governor's office. When the new bonds had all been signed and the exchange had been made, the new bonds were placed in the old trunk, a hack was called, and Gov- ernor Pillsbury directed his porter to carry out the trunk and place it on the hack. Inside the hack were the representatives of the old bondholders, who made haste to get out of the state as soon as possible with their securities. Another prominent and very creditable feature of Governor Pillsbury’s administration was his ear- nest effort to alleviate the sufferings of the settlers who had lost their crops from successive plagues of grasshoppers. traveled over the counties of the state where the grasshopper plague had reduced many settlers to a condition of absolute destitution. He went among them without making himself known, distributing a great deal of money from his own purse among the most needy, and returning to his home, organ- ized an effort for the distribution of clothing and food which furnished substantial relief. In the winter of 1876 the governor The grass- hoppers disappeared in 1877, and the crop of that year was an exceedingly bountiful one. In March, 1881, the state capitol was burned while the legislature was in session. Temporary quarters were found in Market Hall for the legis- lature and the state officers, and an appropriation was made on the recommendation of Governor Pills- bury for the immediate reconstruction of the cap- itol building. This was regarded at the time as a very friendly act towards St. Paul, for it forestalled the revival of schemes for the removal of the seat of government to some other locality. One of the schemes brought forward was to build the new capitol on the dividing line between St. Paul and Minneapolis, which would have placed it seven miles from the business center of the former city and only three from the business center of the latter. 210 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. CHAPTER XVII. THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1880—MINNESOTA SUPIPORTS WINDOM IN THE CHICAGO CONVENTION.— GUBERNATORIAL CANVASS OF 1881–ELECTION OF GEN. LUCIUS F. HUBBARD. The prominent competitors for the Republican presidential nomination of 1880, prior to the assem- bling of the Chicago convention, were James G. Blaine, ex-President Grant, and John Sherman. As between these leading candidates the preference of a large majority of the Republicans of Minnesota was for Mr. Blaine. Some weeks before the state convention was held to select delegates to Chicago, the St. Paul Pioneer Press led off in an effort to bring William Windom out as a presidential candidate With the solid support of his own state. A num- ber of other leading Republican papers fell into line with this movement, but it was actively and per- sistently antagonized by Captain Castle in his St. Paul Dispatch. Among the leaders of the Windom movement were Governor Pillsbury, ex-Governor Marshall, Gen. J. H. Baker, Gen. C. C. Andrews, Russell Blakeley, W. H. Yale, and Pennock Pusey. The opponents of the movement did not profess to put themselves in personal or political antagonism to Senator Windom. They avowed their admira- tion of his talents and statesmanship, but claimed that the influence of Minnesota upon the presidential nomination would be thrown away in case the dele- gation voted for him. They further asserted that the Windom movement was only a Grant movement in disguise. This suspicion proved afterwards to be wholly unfounded. The most prominent leader of the anti-Windom element was ex-Gov. Cushman R. Davis, and with him were such men of prominence in the party as General Averill, Congressman Dun- nell, C. A. Gilman, General Hubbard, Frank R. Day, and W. G. Ward. The contest became very ani- mated and extended to the county conventions held to select delegates to the state convention in St. Paul. The Windom men won a victory at the opening of the state convention by the election of W. H. Yale of Winona as temporary chairman. Seeing that they were beaten, the Blaine men made a flank movement, in the form of a resolution offered by Governor Davis, instructing the delegates to Chi- cago to support Windom, and to transfer their votes to Blaine in case it became apparent that Windom could not be nominated. This resolution was promptly sent to a committee, and a test of strength between the two elements in the convention was had on a motion by General Hubbard that the delegates to Chicago be elected by ballot. This was defeated by ayes 102, noes 124. A straight-out Windom dele- gation was then chosen, consisting of the following members: Delegates at large, D. Sinclair of Wi- nona, A. O. Whipple of Rice county, D. M. Sabin of Stillwater, and Dorillus Morrison of Minneapolis; First district, A. C. Wedge and J. B. Daniels; Sec- ond district, M. Johnson and Geo. Bryant; Third district, E. F. Drake and C. F. Kindred. The elect- oral ticket was composed of J. A. Thatcher of Good- hue county, L. G. Nelson of Dodge, J. T. Williams of Blue Earth, William Shimmel of Nicollet, and Knute Nelson of Douglas. A resolution instructing the delegation to vote for Windom was adopted with no alternative recommendation added, such as Gov- ernor Davis had proposed. After this resolution had been adopted, General Averill offered a minor- ity report, consisting of the last clause of Davis's resolution, namely, that instructing the delegation for Blaine in case Windom’s nomination could not be secured. An and amid great excitement, a motion to adjourn was animated discussion arose, declared by the chairman to be carried, before any vote could be had upon Averill’s resolution. At the Chicago convention the following Minne- sota men were honored with committee and other appointments: Member of the national committee, A. C. Wedge; chairman of the Minnesota delegation, D. Sinclair; state vice president of the convention, D. Morrison; member of the committee on cre- dentials, D. Sinclair; resolutions, D. M. Sabin; per- manent organization, J. B. Daniels; rules, E. F. Drake; assistant secretary, C. F. Kindred. The Minnesota delegation held firmly to Windom for A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN P. RTy. 211 twenty-eight ballots, and then began to scatter, but only one of its members voted at any time for Grant, as the Blaine men in the state convention had apprehended that they would do. On the con- trary, Blaine got a majority of the delegates on more than one ballot. On the twenty-ninth ballot there Were 3 votes for Blaine and 7 for Windom. On the thirty-second ballot there were 6 for Blaine, 3 for Windom, and 1 for Elihu B. Washburn. On the thirty-third ballot T31aine had 6 and Windom 4. On the thirty-fifth ballot there was a consolidation of all 10 votes on Windom, and on the final ballot, the thirty-sixth, 9 of the Minnesota men voted for Gar- field, the nominee, and 1 for Grant. The most striking feature of the canvass of 1880 in Minnesota was the Republican bolt in the First congressional district. Mark H. Dunnell had been a long time in the House, and his control of the Fed- eral appointments in the district had in time pro- duced an amount of dissatisfaction that resulted in a strong opposition to his further continuance in office. He was a skillful practical politician, and had an efficient organization formed of his support- ers in every township and county of the district. As a representative in Washington, few men were more prominent, more useful to their districts, or more industrious in the general work of legislation. The district convention met at Waseca and immedi- ately split over the question of the temporary chair- man. The anti-Dunnell men gathered in the rear of the hall, while the Dunnell men, who controlled the Organization, proceeded with the business of re- nominating him. The other faction at the same time nominated W. G. Ward, so that there were two Republican candidates, each claiming the stamp of regularity. Some of the Republican newspapers in the district supported Dunnell, and others supported Ward, and the strife grew to such proportions that it attracted the attention of the National Republican Committee, and Marshall Jewell, chairman of that committee, published a circular letter which was in- dorsed by Russell Blakeley, chairman of the Minne- sota state committee. This letter entreated the Re- publicans of the First district to refrain from fur- ther contention and to prevent the Democrats from securing the member from that district by giving their solid support to Mr. Dunnell. The result of the election was a notable victory for Dunnell, who received 17,007 votes, while his Republican com- petitor, Ward, received only 4,331, and the vote of Wells, the Democratic candidate, was 9,760. In the Second congressional district the two com- petitors at the last election were pitted against each other, with, however, a very different result, for Major Strait beat Poehler, the Demo- cratic candidate, by a majority of 5,519. Under the influence of the presidential contest the Republican disaffection in that district was entirely healed and Strait received the full party vote. In the Third district Wm. D. Washburn was renominated by ac- clamation, and was elected over Henry H. Sibley, Democrat, by a majority of 8,331. The vote for President in Minnesota was as follows: James A. Garfield, Republican, 93,902; W. S. Hancock, Demo- crat, 53,315; James H. Weaver, Greenback, 3,267. General Garfield received much the heaviest Vote ever cast by the Republicans in the state. It was a gain of 36,478 over the vote cast for Governor Pills- bury in 1879; whereas General Hancock's gain over Edmund Rice's vote in that year was only 11,891. The most prominent candidate for the governor- ship in 1881 was Gen. Lucius F. Hubbard of Red Wing, who had long been active in state affairs, and who had made during the Civil War what was perhaps the most brilliant record achieved by any Minnesota soldier. He was regarded, however, as the representative of one of the two factions which had contended for control in the Republican party, and he was antagonized from the first by the then dominant element, led by the Pioneer Press. This paper advocated a fourth term for Governor Pills- bury. T’illsbury was first nominated without any effort on his part, was renominated by acclamation, again and had earnestly desired a third term in order that he might carry to completion his great work of re- storing the honor and credit of the state. He did not desire a fourth term. He had spent about $25,- 000 more than the salary of the office, and he wished to devote his entire time to his business affairs. In spite, however, of his positive declination to be a candidate a canvass Was carried on in his name as the most effective way of beating General Hubbard. 212 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. The canvass was complicated by the approach- ing extra session of the legislature called for Octo- ber 15th, and by the senatorial question. William Windom resigned the senatorship in March, 1881, to take the position of Secretary of the Treasury in President Garfield’s cabinet, and the vacancy was filled by Governor Pillsbury, who appointed A. J. Edgerton, a prominent Southern Minnesota lawyer, who had long been one of the most conspicuous fig- ures in the public life of the state. Edgerton was a warm admirer and supporter of Windom. After the death of Garfield in September, 1881, Mr. Win- dom soon found that he could not remain with com- fort and dignity in President Arthur's cabinet. He therefore made known his intention of resigning, and his friend Edgerton, who had gone on to Wash- ington to attend a special session of Congress, felt that he was only holding Mr. Windom’s seat tem- porarily and that he was in honor bound to give it up in case Windom desired to resume it. The elec- tion of senator would devolve upon the legislature at the special session to be held in October. Mr. Win- dom's opponents made an effort to induce Edgerton to come out as a candidate for election to the place he was filling by appointment, but he declined to do so. The Republican state convention met on Septem- ber 28th, and was preceded by a great deal of po- litical trading and wire-pulling. On the informal ballot for governor, Hubbard received 140 votes, Pillsbury 57, A. R. McGill 41, T. B. Clement 29, C. \\ . Thompson 30, and J. C. Stiver S. The first formal ballot nominated Hubbard, who received six Votes more than were necessary to a choice, the bal- lot standing: Hubbard 160, Pillsbury 51, McGill 47, Thompson 20, Clement 18, scattering 16. The re- mainder of the ticket nominated was as follows: Lieutenant governor, Chas. A. Gilman of Stearns county; auditor, W. W. Braden of Fillmore; secre. tary of state, Fred Von Baumbach of Douglas; treasurer, Chas. Kittelson of Freeborn; attorney general, W. J. Hahn of Wabasha; clerk of supreme court, S. H. Nichols; railroad commissioner, J. H. Baker of Blue Earth; supreme judges, William Mitchell of Winona, D. A. Dickinson of Blue Earth, Chas. E. Vanderburgh of Hennepin. The nominees for judges were made on the principle of nonpar- tisanship. The supreme bench had been enlarged by the addition of three judges, and Governor Pills- bury had appointed, pending an election, one Demo- crat and two Republicans, the three appointees be- ing the same men subsequently nominated by the Republican convention. In making up the general ticket there were two very close contests. General T}aker was nominated for railroad commissioner by 155 votes to 144 for ex-Governor Marshall, and S. H. Nichols for clerk of the supreme court had only two majority over J. C. Hill. The St. Paul Dispatch, which had led the fight for Hubbard, rejoiced over the result as the “overthrowing of an impudent old Both fac- tions proceeded to bury the hatchet, however, and to oligarchy of Federal and state officers.” give a hearty support to the successful candidates. The Senatorial election came Off in October. Win- dom resigned his place in the cabinet, where he had made an excellent record in charge of the national finances, and announced himself as a candidate for election to his old seat. Most of the men who had been most active in the support of General Hubbard for nomination for governor now began a vigorous attack upon Windom. They failed, however, to or- ganize any united opposition to him in the legisla- ture, and he was nominated on the informal ballot in the caucus, receiving two votes more than was necessary for a choice. The vote stood: Windom 56, C. A. Gilman 28, A. C. Dunn 12, A. J. Edgerton 3, J. S. Pillsbury 3, Joseph Burger 2, W. D. Rice 1, and R. B. Langdon 1. In the joint convention Windom was elected by 86 votes to 11 for James Smith, Jr., the Democratic candidate, and 3 scattering. The Democratic candidate for governor against Hubbard was Gen. R. W. Johnson of St. Paul, a re. tired major general of the regular army, who had commanded with credit a division in the campaigns in Tennessee, Kentucky, and Georgia. The nomina- tion was regarded both by him and his party as a purely complimentary affair, because no one enter- tained any idea that he had a chance of election. The Democrats indorsed Dickinson and Mitchell, but they put up Greenleaf Clarke of St. Paul against Vanderburgh. The result of the election was that General Hubbard received 65,025 votes, and Gen- A HISTORY OF THE REPUB I, ICAN PA RTY. 213 eral Johnson 37,168. Tſubbard's majority was about 8,000 more than that of Governor Pillsbury in 1879, and Was the largest ever given to any candidate for governor. Vanderburgh ran behind the general ticket, but was elected by a large majority. Senator McMillan was elected as his own succes- sor by the legislature of 1881 without any well or. ganized or concentrated opposition. The candidates talked of as likely to oppose him during the state canvass of the preceding year were ex-Gov. C. K. Davis, Gen. John B. Sanborn, and Gordon E. Cole, but neither of these gentlemen made any active efforts in the county conventions which nominated the members of the legislature. When the legisla- ture assembled very little was known of the actual strength of the different candidates. Loren Fletcher of Minneapolis was speaker of the House, and C. A. Gilman of St. Cloud presided over the Senate as lieutenant governor. A few days before the meet- ing the Pioneer Press began a concerted attack upon Senator McMillan, and brought out ex-Senator Ram- Sey as a new candidate against him. All of the cir- cumstances of McMillan’s election six years before Were discussed anew. It was charged that McMillan was not then the choice of the Republican party, but that his success was brought about by a bolting movement carried on in defiance of all party rules, and it was urged that Ramsey should be sent back to his old seat as an act of justice on behalf of the Republican party of Minnesota towards its most eminent statesman. There was no lack of zealous workers on behalf of McMillan, however, and through the friendship of Senator Windom he was able to command the support of nearly all the in- fluential Federal Officeholders in the state. It is probable that if Ramsey had entered the field as a candidate four or five months earlier he would have been elected, but there was nothing like an organ- ized effort made in his behalf until just before the legislature assembled. In the Republican caucus on the informal ballot McMillan had 64 votes, Ramsey 26, Davis 16, Sanborn 7, and Mons Grinager 1. The formal ballot nominated McMillan, who received 78 votes, Ramsey having 26 and Davis 10. The Re- publicans had an overwhelming majority in the leg- islature, and there was no effort made by the op- ponents of McMillan to escape the results of his decided triumph in the caucus. At the election in joint convention of the two houses, 92 votes were cast for McMillan, 4 for Gen. H. H. Sibley, and 2 for C. EI. Roberts. CHAPTER XVIII. (!() N G RESSIONAL ELECTIONS OF 18S 2—SENATO RIAL CONTEST OF 1883–I) EFEAT OF WINI) () MI. T. Y SAI3 ſ N.--S ECONI) EI/ECTION () is (; () VEIRN OR } [UP, BARſ). The census of 1880 gave Minnesota a population sufficient to entitle it to two additional members of Congress, and the state was redistricted by the legis- lature of 1881, a new district being formed out of the southwestern counties, and another new district out of the northern counties, reaching clear across the state from Lake Superior to the Red river. In the First district Mark H. Dunnell, who had been in Congress for twelve years, lost the nomination through the opposition of the Windom element. Mr. Dunnell had announced that he should be a candi- date for the United States Senate When Windom’s term expired, and this announcement was sufficient to arouse the determined opposition of Mr. Windom's supporters throughout the district, who thought that the best way to beat Dunnell for the Senate was first to defeat him for reëlection to the House. The First district convention nominated Milo White, a country merchant who had not been especially active in politics. The Democrats nominated A. Biermann, and the Greenbackers, who still maintained some- thing of an organization under the state leadership of Ignatius Donnelly, put up C. H. Roberts. In the Second district the IRepublican candidate was J. 13. Wakefield, who had been lieutenant governor, and who was a man of decided strength in state politics 214 A H / STORY OF THI) RF) P( 13 L/CA V P. ſ. ſº TY. The Democrats nominated Felix Bohrer, and the third party, calling themselves Grangers in that district, put up J. A. Latimer. In the Third district H. B. Strait was again nominated by the Republicans, the Democrats running C. P. Adams and the Green- backers Porter Martin. In the Fourth district, com- prising the Twin Cities, there were also three can- didates; Wm. D. Washburn being renominated with- Out Opposition by the Republicans, Dr. A. A. Ames receiving the Democratic nomination, and the third candidate being a Prohibitionist, E. E. Phillips. In the Fifth district there was a sharp contest for the Republican nomination between Knute Nelson of Alexandria and C. F. Kindred of Brainerd. Mr. Nelson was very popular among the Scandinavians, Who are numerous in that district, and had made a good record in the state legislature. His competitor had amassed a considerable fortune while agent for the sale of Northern Pacific lands, and he spent money freely in his efforts to secure the nomination. When beaten in the convention he announced him. self as an independent candidate, and continued his liberal expenditures in the district. The Democrats nominated E. P. Barnum, and the Republicans were obliged to go into the fight against their regular an- tagonists with forces divided on account of the Kindred bolt. It was reported at the time that Mr. Kindred spent $100,000 before and after the conven- tion. He did not succeed in breaking down the large Republican majority in the district. Nelson received 16,937 votes, Kindred 12,715, and Barnum 4,164. Kindred's extravagant campaign expend- itures resulted in making him a bankrupt, and after a struggle to regain his business standing he left the state to find employment in a railroad office in Philadelphia. In the First district the dissatisfac- tion of the friends of Dunnell was so great that the old Republican majority of 8,000 was cut down to 4.17, which was the narrow margin by which Milo White was elected. Wakefield’s majority was 9,800, Strait’s 10,014, and Washburn’s 2,021. During Governor Pillsbury's last term a constitu- tional amendment was carried for biennial sessions of the legislature, instead of the annual sessions which had been held ever since the state was ad- mitted to the Union. The legislature of 1883 sub- mitted another amendment to the constitution, the purpose of which was to avoid annual elections by changing the time of electing governor and other state officers from the odd numbered years to the even numbered years, so that state elections should occur at the same time as elections for congressmen and for President. This amendment provided that all state and county officers whose terms would ex- pire on the first Monday of January, 1886, should hold over until the first Monday of January, 1887. The state campaign of 1883 was an unusually apathetic one. The Republican state convention was held on June 27th, under the presidency of J. D. Gil- fillan. election by acclamation, but there was an exciting Governor Hubbard was nominated for re- contest for the lieutenant governorship, a number of prominent men seeking this nomination with a view of placing themselves in line for succession to the governor’s chair. The informal ballot resulted as follows: Stanford Newel of Ramsey county, 15; S. G. Comstock of Clay, 44; W. R. Kenyon of Steele, 25; H. G. Day of Fillmore, 25; John M. Stacy of Sher- burne, 23; C. D. Buckman of Benton, 13; C. A. Gil- man of Stearns, 95. The second regular ballot nom- inated Gilman by the following vote: Comstock, 103; Kenyon, 9; Newel, 9. Gilman, 127 ; The only other contest in the convention was over the attorney gen- eralship, W. J. Hahn having 169 votes for renomina- tion against 71 for Fayette Marsh. For secretary of state Fred Von Baumbach was renominated, and the treasurer, Charles Kittelson, and railroad commis- sioner, Gen. James H. Baker, also received this com- pliment. Mr. Windom's term in the United States Senate expired on March 4, 1883, and the legislature which met in January of that year had the duty of electing his successor. His opponents organized a strong combination for his defeat. They made an open fight against him prior to the meeting of the legislature, their principal charge being that he had acquired large Wealth in public life. Greatly exaggerated statements were current as to his property, and one of the campaign methods adopted by his antagonists was the publication of a large woodcut of the house he had built in Washington, which was said to have cost $80,000, and which probably did not cost more LUCIUS F. HUBBARD Ninth Governor of Minnesota. A HISTORY OF THE RE) PUB I, TCAN PARTY. 217 than one-fourth of that amount. When the anti- Windom men came to muster their forces in the leg- islature, they found that Windom had an evident majority of all the Republican members, and they adopted the tactics which had been successful years before under similar circumstances in defeating Sen- They stayed out of the caucus. That body nominated Windom, all of the sixty-one mem- Tho anti-Windom men to the number of sixteen held a ator Ramsey. bers in attendance voting for him except two. caucus in General Sanborn’s Office. The Democrats Caucused at the Merchants Hotel and nominated Judge Thomas H. Wilson of Winona. When a vote was taken in the Senate and House separately, on January 17th, Windom had in the two houses 70 votes, Wilson (Democrat) 34, Castle (Democrat) 1, Cole 10, Dunnell 10, Davis 3, Kindred 5, Start 1, Gilſillan 1, Dickinson In the joint assembly next day the vote stood: Windom 65, Wilson 37, Cole 11, Dunnell 9, Davis 4, Kindred 5, Hubbard 3, Strait 2, Dickin- son 3, Start 2, Gilman 1, Berry 1, Armstrong 1, Castle 1, Gilfillan 1, Farmer 1. The tactics of the anti-Windom men were now fully developed, 3, Armstrong 2, Gilman 1, Perry 1. and were evidently to wear out the Windom ma- jority by a persistent deadlock, and finally, if possible, to break the deadlock by a com- bination with the times Of strong party feeling, this method would have been regarded in any state of the Union as indefensible; the duty of all men to acquiesce in the decision of a Democrats. In majority of the caucuses or conventions of their party being one of the first principles in politics. At that time, however, there were no very definite issues between the two great political parties of the coun- try, and party discipline was everywhere lax. In other states, and notably in Wisconsin, a minority had resorted to combinations with the opposite party to accomplish their ends. The deadlock in the Min- nesota legislature lasted for nearly two Weeks, and during the balloting Windom dropped as low as 44 votes, and then pulled up to 51. His opponents scat- tered their votes on a multitude of candidates. Mr. Windom was in Washington when the contest be- gan, and in response to urgent telegrams from his supporters he came to St. Paul, but was too late to save himself from defeat. On the tenth day of the deadlock an effort was made to combine a consider. able Vote for Gordon E. Cole from both the Windom and anti-Windom elements, but this was unsuccess- ful, and on the 1st of February a new candidate was brought out. Dwight M. Sabin of Stillwater had served several terms in the legislature, and was Widely known throughout the state as an active and He was at that time at the head of the large manufacturing concern of Seymour, Sabin & Co., at Stillwater, which built cars and made threshing machines, employing for ambitious Republican politician. this purpose the labor of convicts in the penitentiary. During the first week of the senatorial contest Mr. Sabin, who was classed as a Windom man, was ill and confined to his room, and he took no part in the controversy. On February 1st, 17 votes were cast for him, 40 for Windom, 10 for Hubbard, 13 for Cole, and eight other candidates received from 1 to 3 votes each. On the 2d of February seven ballots were taken, and it was evident from the first that the end of the long and acrimonious struggle was at hand. Beginning at 29 votes on the first ballot, Mr. Sabin ran up to 81, Mr. Windom running down from 39 votes to 30. from Judge Wilson to Sabin, and the decisive bal- lot stood as follows: Sabin, 81; Windom, 30; Cole, 15; Hubbard, 9; Wakefield, 1; Berry, 1; total, 137; necessary to a choice, 69. The entire Democratic vote was transferred One of the elements which contributed to Win- dom's defeat was the active opposition of Dunnell, who paid off in this way his debt to Windom for the latter's course in beating him for the nomination in the First district the year before. Another element was a widespread feeling that Mr. Windom had grown arbitrary and dictatorial in his political rela- tions With his constituents, and that he no longer had an actual residence in the state, having sold his old home at Winona. When he built his house at At the time of Windom's defeat in 1883 he appeared to be as dead politically as any public man well could be. He had lost his hold upon Washington. his state, his home was in Washington, and his busi- ness activities were largely in the East. His oppo- nents thought they had buried him, but they did not take into account the fact that his national reputa- 218 A HISTORY OF THE REP[7]3 LICAN PA RTY. tion was much greater than his state reputation, and that he was regarded by the Republican party throughout the country as one of the foremost of Western statesmen, and as a man whose record of twenty-four years' service in the House and Senate and Cabinet was one of exceptional eminence. In 1889 President Harrison called Mr. Windom into his cabinet, and gave him the position of Secretary of the Treasury, which he had held for a few months under Garfield's administration. In this position Mr. Windom displayed marked ability, and contributed in no small degree to the success of the Harrison administration. He died in office, immediately after delivering an address on the financial affairs of the country at a dinner in New York given in his honor. After his death it was found that he had left only a moderate estate, instead of the great wealth with which his opponents in Minnesota had credited him. CHAPTER XIX. THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1884–CONGRESSIONAL CONTESTS IN MINNESOTA—CLOSE OF GOVERNOR H U B- - BARD’S AIDMINISTRATION. The leading Republican candidates for the presi- dential nomination in 1884 were President Arthur, who desired a renomination, and was supported by the element which was defeated four years before in an effort to nominate General Grant, and James G. Blaine, who still had the largest and most de- voted personal following of any man in the Repub- lican party. In Minnesota, while the public feeling set towards Blaine, there was a formidable opposi- tion in most of the counties of the state, and a con- test arose in county conventions over the delegates to the state convention. The old custom of having the state convention select all the delegates to the national convention had been changed to the dis- trict system, and in each congressional district a convention was held to select the two district dele- This left for the state convention no other duty than to select the four delegates at large and gates. name presidential electors. In the Republican state convention, which was held May 1st, the Blaine and anti-Blaine elements tried conclusions at the start over the election of a temporary chairman. The Blaine element was led by ex-Gov. C. K. Davis, and the anti-Blaine element was named by the newspa- pers the “Sabin-Pillsbury faction,” from its two con- spicuous leaders. Senator Sabin was at that time chairman of the National Republican Committee. The Blaine men triumphed in this struggle, electing L. B. Clark of Swift county temporary chairman by 157 votes, over John B. Sanborn of Ramsey county, who received 113. It was then thought wise that the contest should go no further, and that both Davis and Sabin should be sent as delegates to the national convention. The resolutions declared the preference of the Minnesota Republicans for Blaine, and they were reported by General Sanborn, who had been a leader of the anti-Blaine forces. On matters of national politics, the platform denounced the laws of the Southern States devised to thwart the will of a majority of the legal voters; favored a revision of the tariff on a scientific basis, and a reduction of customs revenue with the least possible On the silver question, which had already begun to as- injury to labor and manufacturing interests. sume considerable prominence in national politics, the platform favored a bimetallic gold and silver standard, and the coinage of both metals without limitation, but on a basis as to weight of coin regu- lated by the market value of the two metals. The delegates at large to Chicago were C. K. Davis and D. M. Sabin, who were chosen by acclamation, O. B. Gould of Winona, and C. H. Graves of Duluth. The electoral ticket named was as follows: C. F. Kindred of Crow Wing county, J. G. Nelson of Washington, J. D. Allen of Mower, W. B. Dean of Ramsey, L. O. Thorpe of Kandiyohi, A. D. Perkins of Cottonwood, and Peter Rauen of Hennepin. In the national convention, which met at Chicago On June 3d, Minnesota was represented in the or- ganization as follows: Member of committee on A HISTORY OF THE 219 REPUBLICAN PARTY. credentials, R. B. Langdon; rules and order of busi- ness, T. H. Armstrong; permanent organization, (). B. Gould; resolutions, Liberty Hall. The chair- man of the delegation was D. M. Sabin, and the secretary C. H. Graves. Senator Sabin, as chair- man of the national committee, called the conven- tion to order, and conducted it very successfully through the preliminary stages of organization. Ex-Governor Davis seconded the nomination of Blaine in a speech of characteristic eloquence. The Minnesota delegation did not vote as a unit until the last ballot. The district delegates were, of course, not bound by the Blaine resolution adopted at the state convention, and even Senator Sabin, one of the delegates at large, did not at first support Blaine. In the selection by the delegation of a com- mitteeman for Minnesota, Mr. Sabin secured the defeat of Davis and the choice of Mathew G. Nor- ton of Winona. On the first ballot Minnesota gave Blaine 7 votes, Edmunds of Vermont 6, and Arthur 1. The second ballot was the same as the first, and On the third one vote was transferred from Ed- munds to Arthur. On the fourth ballot, however, all the fourteen members from Minnesota SWung into line for Blaine, and hurrahed with the rest over his nomination. There were some features of interest in the Con- gressional contest in Minnesota in 1884. In the First district Milo White was renominated by the Republicans, and A. Biermann again made the fight against him. Although the district gave about 6,- 000 majority for Blaine, White's majority was only 2,684, on account of the indifference or hostility of the ardent friends of Mark H. Dunnell. In the Sec- ond district James B. Wakefield was again nom- being J. J. Thornton. Wakefield was elected by the enormous majority of 10,551. In the Third district Major Horace B. Strait was again the Republican candi- inated, his Democratic competitor date, and his Democratic competitor was Ignatius Donnelly, who pressed him closely, running 1,750 ahead of Cleveland and reducing Strait’s majority to 1,771. In the Fifth district the contest was with- out any special feature of interest, Knute Nelson being renominated by the Republicans without op- position, and elected over his Democratic compet- itor, L. L. Baxter, by about 7,000 majority. The Fourth district was the scene of an exceed- ingly animated contest for the Republican nomina- tion, the underlying motive of which was the jeal- ousy between the cities of St. Paul and Minneapolis, which had unfortunately been placed in the same congressional district ever since the admission of Wm. D. Washburn decided not to seek another nomination, and the Minneapolis Repub- licans agreed upon Loren Fletcher as their man. Mr. Fletcher was objectionable to the St. Paul Re- publicans, for the reason, that, at the time the state capitol was burned, he had attempted to defeat the appropriation for its immediate rebuilding by offer- ing the state a tract of forty acres of land lying on the state. the boundary between the two cities, and proposing that the new capitol should be built upon that site. Albert Scheffer of St. Paul entered the field to con- test the nomination with Fletcher. The two men canvassed the entire district, with the result that Mr. Fletcher carried only the counties of Hennepin and Wright, and Colonel Scheffer carried all the other counties in the district, giving him a majority in the The Fletcher men, however, sent up a contesting delegation from Washington county, chosen in the same hall that had elected the regularly accredited delegates. The committee on credentials in the congressional convention, which met in Minneapolis, agreed to throw out the Schef- fer delegation from Washington and admit the con- testing Fletcher delegation. Thereupon the Ram- Sey county delegation threatened that if this course were taken they would withdraw in a body. It appeared that if both delegations from Washington county were excluded, there would be twenty-five Scheffer men in the convention and twenty-five Fletcher men, leaving the twenty-sixth man, a dele- gate named Barker, from Isanti county, unpledged and holding the balance of power, and this course was adopted. Mr. Barker had been elected as a Scheffer delegate, but since he put in an appear- ance in the convention he announced that he would not support either Fletcher or Scheffer. Finally Mr. Barker succeeded in running the whole conven- Convention. * 220 A H J STORY OF THI) REPUB I, I CAN PARTY. He informed the Scheffer men that he would be willing to vote for J. B. Gilſillan of St. Paul. his friends to throw their votes for Gilſillan. tion his way. Thereupon Colonel Scheffer instructed The delegations from Hennepin and Wright counties re- fused to vote at all, and Mr. Gilfillan received 26 votes, and was declared the regular nominee. There was a great deal of soreness in Minneapolis over the result, and Fletcher was urged to take the field as an independent candidate. He was a man of strong party attachments, however, and he wisely declined to take this course. The feeling against Gilfillan was so strong in Hennepin county that Captain Merriman, the Democratic nominee, ran 3,490 votes ahead of his ticket in that county, while Gilfillan ran 2,958 behind Blaine. Gilfillan’s ma- jority in the district was 4,164, which was 3,574 less than Blaine's majority. In the campaign of 1884 the Prohibitionists, en- couraged by the fact that they had a national candi- date, organized their little party in Minnesota with considerable zeal, and ran candidates for Congress in four of the five congressional districts. These candidates were A. Biermann in the First, Wm. Copp in the Second, J. C. Stevens in the Third, and J. M. Douglas in the Fourth. The presidential vote of Minnesota was as follows: James G. Blaine, 111,- 685; Grover Cleveland, 70,065; St. John, Prohibition- ist, 4,684; Butler, Greenback, 3,583. Blaine gained 39,233 votes over the vote for Governor Hubbard in 1883, and Cleveland gained 11,814 over A. Biermann, the Democratic candidate for governor that year. CHAPTER X. X. THE STATE CAMI’AIGN OF 1886–RISE OF A NIEW PARTY MOVEMENT—ANI) R. E.W. R. McGILL ELECTED GOVERNOR-- T'EIE IREPUBLIC ANS LOSE THEREE CONGRESSIONAL ID ISTRICTS. The year 1886 was characterized in Minnesota by a loosening of old party ties and by the beginning of a third party movement known as the Farmers' Al- liance, which played a prominent part in the politics of the state for a brief period. distinct issues between the Republican and Demo- cratic parties of either a state or national character. A large number of the Republicans sympathized with the policy of President Cleveland in the reduction of the tariff duties, and while not willing to go in the length. cated by a majority of the Democrats, they be. lieved that the existing tariff was an inheritance from the Civil War, and that it should be greatly modified in the interests of the agricultural classes. The new political movement which now began to show itself throughout the state, under the name of the Farmers’ Alliance, was modeled pretty closely upon the old Granger movement of ten years before. The Alliance maintained that the two old political parties were running in ruts, and had no purpose but to secure the spoils of office, and that for any further progress in legislation for the interests of the masses There was a lack of direction of free trade to the advo- of the people it would be necessary to act independ- ently of these parties. The Alliance was organized by townships and counties throughout the state. Another organization of somewhat similar nature was known as the “Patrons of Husbandry,” but this was soon absorbed by the Alliance. The main ideas of the Alliance movement were that railroad rates were too high, and should be reduced by state action; that the railroads discriminated in favor of the cities, and against the towns and Villages; that corpora- tions generally did not bear their fair burden of tax- ation; that interest rates were too high, and should be reduced by law; that the character of Security should not regulate the rate of interest, but that this should be fixed by strict statutes enforced by heavy penalties for usury; and that in a general way legislation had been too much controlled in the interests of the rich and to the prejudice of people of moderate means. The Republican leaders, seeing that this new movement was likely to make heavy inroads upon their party vote at the coming election, determined to cultivate, and if possible, capture it, by showing DWIGHT M. SABIN United States Senator from Minnesota. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 223 great friendliness towards the ideas advocated by They there- fore invited committees from these organizations to the Alliance and kindred movements. attend the Republican state convention and present their views on public questions. The invitation was accepted, and committees were present at the con- vention from the Knights of Labor, Patrons of Hus- bandry, Farmers' Alliance, and the Trades and Labor Assembly. These committees were invited to seats upon the platform, and among their number as chief of the delegation from the Patrons of Husbandry, appeared the perennially active agitator, Ignatius Donnelly, who was now honored by the state assem- bly of the party which he had abandoned some ten years before, and of which he had ever since been a conspicuous antagonist. The convention did not meet until the 27th of September, this late date having been fixed in order to give time for the careful survey of the new move- ments which were effervescing throughout the state. Three prominent candidates had come forward to contest the gubernatorial nomination. These were A. R. McGill of St. Peter, who had entered public life as private secretary to Governor Austin, and had been insurance commissioner for fourteen years; Chas. A. Gilman, a prominent Republican leader of St. Cloud, who had been lieutenant governor for nearly seven years; and John L. Gibbs, who had served a long time in the legislature, and had great popularity among the farmers. During the ballot- ing Col. Albert Scheffer of St. Paul developed a great deal of strength, but he had declined to enter the canvass, and was not at any time formally in the race. On the informal ballot the result was: McGill 156, Gilman 103, Gibbs 98, Scheffer 1, Bar- rett 2. The first formal ballot gave McGill 163, Gil- man 100, Gibbs 96, Scheffer 1. No reached in the afternoon, and an evening session was held, at which a third ballot stood: McGill 175, Gilman 95, Gibbs 75, Scheffer 16. On the fourth ballot McGill was nominated, receiving 190 votes. Gilman had 60, Gibbs 42, and Scheffer 66. The result was acquiesced in good naturedly all around, and the convention proceeded to nominate A. E. Rice of Kandiyohi county for lieutenant gov- ernor, by 123 votes to 103 for Capt. Henry A. Castle result was of St. Paul. For secretary of state there was a Con- test between three prominent Scandinavians, Matt- son, Stockenstrom, and Strodock, resulting in the success of Hans Mattson, a Norwegian by birth, and a journalist and author, who belonged to the best type of the sturdy Scandinavian element that has taken a great part in the development of Minnesota. For state auditor, W. W. Braden was renominated without opposition; and for treasurer, Joseph T3Ob- leter of Brown county was nominated by acclama- tion to succeed Charles Kittelson. A new man Was also put on the ticket for attorney general, Moses E. Clapp of Fergus Falls, who was nominated on the second ballot over three competitors, Kellogg, Pat- tee, and Burlingame. The nominee for clerk of su- preme court was D. B. Jones of Todd county, and the justices of supreme court whose terms were about derburgh of Hennepin, and Wm. Mitchell of Winona, two Republicans and one T)emocrat, were nominated as nonpartisan candidates. It was in the platform of the convention, and not in its nominations, that the party showed its ex- treme friendliness for the new is ms and agitations threatening its control of the state. The resolutions favored an amendment of the railroad and ware- house law to secure open markets for farm products; a progressive reduction in freight and passenger rates on railroads; the taxation of railroad lands ex- cept those in actual use for operation; the reduction of the legal rate of interest to eight per cent, and the enforcement of the usury laws; free school books for the public schools; ample laws for indemnity for personal injuries to employes, whether such in- juries were sustained by reason of negligence or lack of proper safeguards by the fault of the employers, or by the servants of corporations, or the coémployes of the injured. The resolutions further opposed prison labor by contract; demanded laws to forbid the employment of young children; called for the establishment of a bureau of labor statistics; de- clared that compensation should be equal without regard to sex, for the same amount and quality of work; favored high license, local option, and the rigid enforcement of the liquor laws; advocated the establishment of postal savings banks; praised Goy. 224 A HISTORY OF THE REPUB LICAN PA RTY. ernor Hubbard’s administration; and finally on the money question declared for gold and silver, with the qualifying clause that there should be an honest sil- ver dollar equal in value to the gold dollar. Such a curiously variegated and complicated platform as this had never before come from any Republican state convention in Minnesota. It was an open and palpable bid for the support of the various forms of so-called reform agitation then beginning to dis- turb the political waters. The result of the election showed, however, that this bid was not accepted, and that the Republican party gained no strength by in- viting its antagonists to shape its platform. The campaign in the several congressional dis- tricts of the state possessed a good many features of interest. In the First district John A. Lovely ran against Milo White for the congressional nomina- tion, and owing to the fact that two other candidates had a few votes in the convention which met at Rasson, two entire days were consumed in balloting without results. Finally, on the third day, on the one hundred and thirteenth ballot, Mr. Lovely Was nominated. In the Second district John Lind Was Inominated to succeed Wakefield on the first ballot. In the Third district B. B. Herbert, a veteran Re- publican editor of Red Wing, was successful on the twenty-sixth ballot over A. H. Reed and H. R. Denny. In the Fifth district there was no opposition to the nomination of IN nute Nelson. In the Fourth dis- trict Loren Fletcher of Minneapolis, who had lost the nomination two years before by one vote, began a canvass that gave him the united support of his OWn county, Hennepin, which, by reason of its large Re- publican vote, would be entitled to 50 out of the 111 delegates to the district convention. Mr. Gilfillan wrote a letter from Washington asking for the customary indorsement of a second term, which he said had always been given in Minnesota to con- gressmen who had faithfully performed their duty during their first term. Albert Scheffer of St. Paul was urged to enter the canvass, but declined. A short time before the meeting of the district conven- tion Mr. Fletcher withdrew from the contest. As a sagacious, practical politician, he realized that in case he should secure the nomination he Would be cut by a great many St. Paul Republicans in return for the action of nearly 4,000 Minneapolis Repub- a state organization. It was evidently going to be a bad year in Minnesota for licans who cut Gilfillan two years before. Republican candidates who could not command the united vote of their party, and Mr. Fletcher did not propose to be scheduled for defeat. As all the can- didates were now out of the way except the sitting member, the renomination of Mr. Gilfillan was made by acclamation. There were a good many unforeseen results in the election of 1886. McGill polled a heavier vote than had ever been given to any candidate for governor in the state, but his vote fell off about 4,500 from that of Blaine in 1884. On the other hand the Dem- Ocratic candidate for governor, I)r. A. A. Ames of Minneapolis, ran 34,000 ahead of Cleveland’s vote in 1884. and had pursued what was known as the “wide open Dr. Ames had been mayor of Minneapolis, policy” in municipal affairs. He was known through- out the state as a good fellow by the roistering type of politicians, and he was selected by the Democrats because of his supposed personal popularity in Min- neapolis. As it turned out, to everybody’s surprise, he did not make a strong run in Minneapolis, where everyone knew him Well, but he polled an enormous Vote in the country districts, especially in the north- ern part of the state, and he came within about 2,500 Votes of an election. Nobody could tell afterwards where all his supporters came from. They seemed to rise out of the ground on election day. McGill's total vote Was 107,064, and that of Dr. Ames was 104,464, making McGill’s majority 2,600. The Pro- hibitionists again put their little party on its feet as It had been rather dormant since 1877, but now, in the general demoralization of parties, it was able to muster 9,030 vots, cast for James E. Child, its candidate for governor. The result of the election in the congressional districts was as great a surprise to both Republicans and Democrats as was that in the state at large. In the First district, in which the Republicans had at One time a majority of over 6,000, the Democrats elected Judge Thos. H. Wilson, by a majority of 3,081. In the Second district, Lind, Republican, was elected over Bullis, Democrat, by 7,385 majority. In the Third district, formerly a Republican stronghold, Mr. Herbert Was defeated by John L. MacDonald, Democrat, who had a majority of 1,228. In the A HISTORY OF THE REPUB I, TCAN PARTY. 225 Fourth district, the Democrats ran Edmund Rice of St. Paul against James T3. Gilfillan, and defeated him by a majority of 4,635. Rice had been mayor of St. Paul, and was one of the most popular Demo- cratic leaders of that city. In the Fifth district Rinute Nelson had a walkover, no candidate being run against him. CHAPTER XXI. CLOSE OF GOVERNOR FIU BEARID'S FIVE YEARS' TERM. C. K. DAVIS ELECTED UNITED STATES SENATO.R—PRESI- P) ENTIAL ELECTION OF 1888—WM. R. MERRIAM ELECTED GOVERNOR. Governor Hubbard retired from the governorship in January, 1887, with the respect and good will of the people of the state. He had held the office longer than any other chief executive except Gov- ernor Pillsbury, his second term having been (ºx- tended one year by the constitutional amendment, for the purpose of doing away with annual elections and making the state election occur in the even- numbered years. When Hubbard entered the gov. ernorship he was at the lead of a flourishing busi- Iless in Ited Wing, but his close and conscientious attention to the duties of the office obliged him to neglect his private business and a failure resulted, So that he Went back to private life a poor man. In commenting upon this, the Pioneer Press, which had five years before opposed his nomination, said: “What his plans for the future may be we do not know, but in a state which is proud of his record as a SO1(11er and grateful for his II ye years' service The five years of Governor Hubbard’s occupancy of the ex- as go Vernor, Ile Will not lack friends.” ecutive chair constituted a period of great prosperity in Minnesota in all lines of business and in agricul- tural pursuits, and were marked by an extraor- dinary growth of population, amounting to nearly sixty per cent, and by an increase of the assessed Wealth of the state of nearly $200,000,000. Among the noteworthy features of his administration were the change from annual to biennial elections; the establishment of a state school at O'Watonna for dependent and neglected children; the reorganiza- tion of the state militia; the taxation of the rail- road lands; the law prohibiting the manufacture and sale of adulterated dairy products; legislation providing for state supervision of warehouses and inspection of grain, and the important steps taken for the control and regulation of railway corpora- tions. Governor McGill, his successor, entered upon his duties with the great advantage of a long eXpe- rience in a public office in the capitol, of a wide acquaintance throughout the state, and of a temper of mind well suited for the successful exercise of executive functions. Senator McMillan’s term expired on March 4, 1887. He was desirous of a renomination, but al- though he had served twelve years With fidelity and to the general satisfaction of his constituents, he lacked the quality of personal magnetism and the faculty for political organization which make the successful politician. He had, in fact, hardly any personal following in the state, and looking OVer the ground after the legislature met, he decided not to enter the contest. R. B. Langdon, a prominent business man of Minneapolis and an active politi- cian, who had seen service in the legislature, Was for a time disposed to go into the senatorial contest against the popular candidate, Ex-GOV. C. K. Davis. There was also some talk of Gordon E. Cole and of Knute Nelson, whose great popularity in the north- ern part of the state, where he had been reëlected to Congress the previous fall without any opposi- tion, led to some agitation in favor of a movement that would bring him out as a candidate for the Senate, counting upon the support of the Democrats as well as of his own Republican friends. Nothing came of this scheme, however, and Mr. Davis en- countered no Well-Organized opposition in any part of the state. - half, and the only political work done for him prior to the election of members of the legislature was a tour of the state undertaken by a young student in his law office, C. A. Severance, who afterwards be- He made no canvass in his own be- 96% Aſiſ, AI Voſ NWOIT &If] c/6/3ſ (IHiſ, JIO AQIOI, SIFI W -un uſe StºA 888T Jo Sse Auto Ibployuu.tagnæ au.J. 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I ‘ls Jo Ub.IOCI Iobuſo IIW pol.[Oddins s] b.190UIOCI alſ.I., “Sosnouſ Ulog up on OA UIt:0 g|qndo-I pp.10s oil Ág poloolo StºA out pub ‘oſ00 GI UOp.10%) IOJ 1stºo 5uſoq on OA ouo ‘F6 Jo ºno solo A g6 Kg polt; uſuiou StºA spat:(I ‘Alpſtºtti.IOJ otout tº StºA Snongo Khabd oliſ, ‘spat (I IOJ olo A on squon]]]suoo Iſou). On poipold osſ A.IOUL)0 to utoun popupulou putſ (IoIIIA Ayu no.9 oun Aq polon.Insuſ IOUL) ſo S.IOCIUIOLII stroy] UioAlloſ) Uſbo II -qndo-I postpunt ouo KLIbou 9.10A O.I.OIL) lull pull OJ seA 1ſ hour O.Inlesſioſ ou] uouſAA ‘01 buos ouſ, Ol sp.A tº CI 5uppuos Jo JoAl-J (I|| luourºuds 3UO.I]s tº 0.10t|A -Kio Ao punoj put: ‘suppoſ.jpſo(I UIbogIQūdo?I Šupuoſ oul UlſAA poxing) ‘on.b)s ou. Jo Sophunoo oth Jo KUUUI ‘oju Jo S.Ito, Inoj-Khuo AA) ÁIIIo otuſ] ‘doul.It?d Ab I SIII OUIU9 Do) ISIA OH |b(ſ) ||b StºA 99 (It?.IOAOS ‘JIN ANDREW R. MCGILL - Tenth Governor of Minnesota. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 229 Governor McGill counted with good reason upon a renomination, be- usually close and exciting one. cause of the long-established custom in the state that a chief executive who had given general satis- faction in his first term should receive a second term. This custom had never been broken save in a single instance, and then Governor Davis had de- clined to be a candidate some time before the meet- ing of the state convention. There was no criticism directed against McGill’s official conduct in the office of governor. As in that of state insurance commissioner, he had been conscientious, industri- ous and public-spirited, but he lacked a large per- He was a good type of the painstaking, competent, and credit- sonal following throughout the state. able state official, but he was not a popular and suc- Tn the legislature of 1888 the house had chosen Wm. R. Morriam of St. Paul as its cessful politician. speaker. Merriam was a young, ambitious, and active politician, the son of Col. John T. Merriam, who had formerly been speaker of the House, and he inherited his father’s talents and taste for public life. He was at the head of one of the largest banks in St. Paul, and was the possessor of considerable wealth. He made a popular and successful speaker, and his friends in the legislature proceeded to organ- ize a movement to place him in the governor's chair. Another strong candidate was Albert Scheffer of St. Taul, a German by birth, a gallant soldier in the Union army in the War of the Rebellion, an effective public speaker, and a man of many engaging per- sonal qualities. Colonel Scheffer represented in a special degree the movement then in progress to secure the farmers of the state the opportunity to ship their grain to the primary markets of Minne- apolis and T)uluth, instead of selling it to the ele. vators at country railroad stations, as they had been compelled to do by the policy of the railroad com- panies. He was the author of what was known as the “Free Traffic Bill,” passed by the preceding legis- lature. His attitude on this and other questions af. fecting agricultural interests made him popular with the Farmers' Alliance. This organization had not at that time assumed the shape of a political party. It did not put candidates in the field for office, but it threw its influence for such candidates of either party as it thought would be most favorable to its principles. A large meeting of the Farmers' Ai- liance men was held in the town of Herman, for the purpose of advancing Scheffer's candidacy for gov- ernor. In this meeting four congressional districts and thirty-four senatorial districts were represented. Tresident Atwood of the State Farmers’ Alliance presided, and the meeting determined to print and circulate in the English, German, Scandinavian, French, and Bohemian languages, 300,000 copies of a circular containing Albert Scheffer's legislative rec- ord and the platform of the Alliance. The fourth candidate was TietIt. Gov. Charles A. Gilman, who had a considerable following in his own county of Stearns, and in other counties in the northern part of tho Stato. Mr. Merriam was able to offset to some degree Colonel Scheffer's popularity among the farmers by the fact, that, as president of the state agricultural society, he had made many friends among the leading farmers of the state, and had car- ried on the state fair with great success. When the state convention assembled it was evi- dent that there was going to be an exceedingly arduous contest, and that no candidate could count On success in advance. in nomination by Captain Castle, Mr. Merriam by Governor McGill was placed Halvor Stoenerson, and Colonel Scheffer by General Jennison. The first informal ballot resulted : Mer- Clement 1. A second informal ballot was had, ro- sulting: Merriam 161, McGill 146, Scheffer 116, Gilman 17, Clement 8. The first formal ballot was: Merriam 169, McGill 138, Scheffer 106, Gilman 28, Clement 8. On the third formal ballot Merriam was nominated by the following vote: Merriam 270, Scheffer 73, Gilman 101; necessary to a choice 223. The McGill forces went over to Gilman, excepting those that favored the successful candidate. Goy- ernor McGill’s principal strength was in the Honno- pin county delegation. Colonel Scheffer carried tho Ramsey county delegation solid against Merriam, while Merriam's original strength was gathered up in the rural counties. The platform declared in favor of the American system of protective tariff, and at the same time demanded a modification, readjustment, and reduc- tion of tariff duties. Tt favored high license, do- clared hostility towards trades and all monopolistic 230 A HISTORY OF THE REPUB I, ICAN PARTY. combinations, and pledged the party to legislation to protect the producer and consumer against the evil effects of monopolies. A resolution was adopted giving a strong indorsement to Governor McGill’s administration. All the old state officials were re- nominated. For lieutenant governor, A. E. Rice received 384 votes to 58 for O. G. Wall. Secretary of State Hans Mattson, Treasurer Joseph Bobleter, and Attorney General Moses E. Clapp were renom- inated; and also Chief Justice James Gilfillan and Associate Justice L. W. Collins. There was some dissatisfaction among prominent Republicans over the result of the state convention, and Lieutenant Governor Gilman made a speech in St. Cloud in Which he declared that he would bolt the head of the ticket. At a subsequent meeting in St. Cloud, Chas. G. Kerr of St. Paul made a speech in answer to Gilman’s arguments. The contest in the several congressional districts of the state was quite animated, and resulted in a sweeping Republican victory, the delegation elected being solidly Republican. In the First district, which the Republicans had lost two years before, Mark H. 1) unnell Was called back from his retire- ment to lead them once more to victory, the general feeling being that he was the strongest candidate the party had to make the race against Thomas H. Wilson, whom the Democrats put up for reëlection. Mr. Dunnell’s majority over Wilson was 1,944. In the Second district, Morton S. Wilkinson, formerly a Republican United States Senator, who left the party in 1872 in the Greeley movement, and had subsequently connected himself with the Democrats, was run against John Lind, and was easily beaten by 9,216 majority. In the Third district, which the Democrats had carried in 1886 for John L. Mac- Donald, Darwin S. Hall beat MacDonald by 2,868. The Republicans of the Fourth district, which still comprised the Twin Cities, nominated Capt. S. B. Snider of Minneapolis, who received 76 votes to 23 for John P. Rea of Minneapolis; a third candidate, D. M. Clough of the same city, having withdrawn before the convention. Captain Snider was a suc- cessful business man, who had made money in rail- road building and in operations in iron ore lands. The Democrats again ran Edmund Rice of St. Paul, and Captain Snider's majority was 10,006. The Fifth district, represented for three terms by Knute Nelson, was thrown open to a general Scramble by Mr. Nelson’s refusal to serve another term. He had received two years before the ex- traordinary compliment of an election without any opposition from the Democrats or any other political party. In Congress he had lately placed himself in an attitude of opposition to his party associates by his support of the Mills tariff bill, which was re- garded as a Democratic measure. If he had desired another nomination, it would have been given him without opposition, but he preferred to retire to private life. There was a long fight in the district convention, the candidates being Bartow, Buckman, Comstock, Stearns, and Corliss, and they developed at first nearly equal strength. There were twenty- four ballots the first day without result, and on the second day the balloting went on until almost even- ing, when, on the forty-fifth ballot, S. G. Comstock of Moorhead was nominated, receiving 50 Votes, to 19 for Bartow, 15 for Corliss, 14 for Graves, and 1 for Stearns. The contest was a good natured One throughout, and did not at all affect the result of the election in the district, which was carried by Com- stock over Charles Canning, Democrat, by a majority of 7,519. In all the districts the Prohibitionists ran Candidates. The vote for President in Minnesota in 1888 was as follows: Benjamin Harrison, Republican, 142,- 492; Grover Cleveland, Democrat, 104,385; Fisk, Pro- hibitionist, 15,311. riam for governor one of their most popular men, Eugene M. Wilson of Minneapolis, and the Prohibi- tionists had as their candidate Hugh Harrison. The result of the election was W. R. Merriam, 134,355; E. M. Wilson, 110,251; Hugh Harrison, 17,026. Mr. Merriam ran about 8,000 behind Benjamin Harrison. Mr. Wilson ran about 6,000 ahead of Grover Cleve- land, and the Prohibitionist candidate for governor had about 2,000 more votes than the Prohibitionist candidate for President. It is fair to conclude from these figures that about S,000 Republicans scratched the head of their ticket, and distributed their votes between the Democratic and Prohibition candidates. The Democrats ran against Mer- A HIST'ORY OF THE IRE PUBLICAN PAR'I'Y. 231 CHAPTER X. XII. ELECTION OF W M. D. WASHIBURN TO THE SENATE–THE FARMERS’ ALI/IANCE ENTERS POLITICS.–A TRIANGU- LAR RACE FOR GOVERNOR, WON BY MEIRRIAM BY A NAItROW MAJORITY. Minneapolis had long been restive under the fact that St. Paul at all times since the admission of the state had been represented in the United States Sen- ate by one of her citizens, and at one time had both the senators, while Minneapolis had at no time been honored by the selection of one of her citizens for this high office. As the close of Senator Sabin’s term approached, the Minneapolis Republicans de- termined to put Wm. D. Washburn in the field and to make a canvass of the state in his behalf. Mr. Washburn was the logical Minneapolis candidate. He had served six years in the House of Repre- sentatives, and had fully demonstrated his capacity for public affairs. He was one of the foremost busi- ness men of his city, had accumulated wealth during its rapid growth, and was in every respect a con- spicuous representative of Minneapolis interests. Shortly after the election of Mr. Sabin to the Senate, his great manufacturing interests in Stillwater, in Which Over three millions of capital had been em- barked, met with a disastrous financial failure. This failure very seriously crippled Mr. Sabin's personal resources, and was a great detriment to him in his efforts to secure a reëlection to the Senate. A num- ber of his friends who had been his warm political Supporters had lost money through the misfortune of the Harvester Works and the Northwestern Car Works, of which he had been president, and they were disinclined to give him any further political aid. Even with these drawbacks, however, Mr. Sabin was a formidable candidate. He was one of the best practical politicians in the state, and he had personal qualities which gave him a wide popu- larity among active political workers in almost every county. Mr. Windom, whom he had beaten six years before, was naturally antagonistic to him in this contest. Windom came home from Washing- ton to lead the Washburn movement. On the assembling of the legislature there was a contest for the speakership which appeared to run at first on senatorial lines, and in which the Sabin ~4 ...º. party was victorious, electing Col. Chas. H. Graves of Duluth by 50 votes to 36 for D. F. Morgan of Al- bert Lea. It soon turned out, however, that this was not a fair test of the strength of the two can- didates for senator, and that many of Colonel Graves's supporters had joined his ranks on other considerations. Senator Sabin managed his own :anvass with characteristic vigor and skill. The Farmers’ Alliance had elected a number of members of the legislature who had formerly affiliated with the Republicans, and these men, headed by Ignatius Donnelly, who had been in a position of hostility to the Republican party ever since his defeat for Con- gress in 1869, determined to go into the Republican caucus and support their leader for the Senate. This made an unexpected complication in the situation, for it was the evident hope of Mr. Donnelly that he would be able to hold the balance of power be- tween Washburn and Sabin, and force one or the other faction to take him up and elect him. The Washburn men held a caucus, and claimed that they could count upon fifty-five sure votes. They ap- pointed an executive committee to take charge of the Washburn campaign, with Col. W. S. King of Minneapolis as its chairman. A meeting of the Farmers’ Alliance members indorsed Donnelly for senator, and there were rumors at the capitol of a union between the Sabin and Donnelly forces on Mark H. Dunnell. These were laid to rest by a declaration from Dunnell that he would under no circumstances be a candidate. . After considerable skirmishing between the rival Republican elements, it was finally agreed that a caucus should be held on January 17th. The Sabin and Washburn men appeared to be equally confident Of the result. It was agreed all around that there should be no bolting from the caucus decision, and that the tactics which had defeated Ramsey and had subsequently defeated Windom should not be re- sorted to by the beaten candidate in the present contest. On the informal ballot in the caucus the 232 4 HISTORY OF THE REPUB I, ICAN PARTY. vote stood: Washburn 52, Sabin 43, Donnelly 15, Knute Nelson 7, Judge Start 2, Gordon E. Cole 1, Major Strait 1. The following was the result of the formal ballots: First ballot.—Washburn 58, Sabin 46, Donnelly 10, Nelson 3, Start 2, Cole 2; second ballot.—Washburn 56, Sabin 55, Donnelly 5, Nelson 2, Start 3, Cole 1; third ballot—Washburn 62, Sabin 54, Donnelly 4, Start 2; necessary to a choice, 62. Washburn was therefore nominated by precisely the number of votes necessary to a choice. The con- test was so close and exciting that when Washburn dropped to 56 votes on the second formal ballot most of his friends gave up all hope of victory, and they were as surprised as they were delighted at his success on the next ballot. The beaten faction did not take its defeat grace- fully, but began to talk about the use of money in the election. They moved for an investigation in both houses of the legislature. Special committees were appointed, and testimony was taken, with the result of exonerating Mr. Washburn and his friends and of confuting by the reports of the two commit- tees the vague charges of bribery and corruption. When the election took place in joint convention of the two houses, a few Republicans bolted the caucus decision, not with the hope of defeating Mr. Vash- burn, but solely to make a record of their dissatis. faction with the result. The Vote stood : Wash. burn 107, C. M. Start 8, Moses E. Clapp 1, J. P. Rea, 1, T. E. Bowen 1, D. W. Durant 20, E. M. Wilson 2. Mr. Durant was the Democratic caucus nominee. For the first time in the political history of Min- nesota there were three parties in the field in 1890, with an apparent strength so equally balanced that it was impossible to forecast the result before the election with any degree of accuracy. The Farm- ers’ Alliance had grown to be a numerous and pow- erful body, but had previously acted outside of party lines, merely emphasizing its preference or dislike for local candidates by the action of its members individually at the polls. But in 1890 the Alliance determined to become a political party, and to nomi- nate a state ticket of its own. Its leaders no doubt saw the absurdity of endeavoring to create a promi- nent party organization based upon the support of only one class of society—the farmers. They there- fore invited the various labor organizations of the state to coöperate with thern and send delegates to the state convention in St. Paul. Previous to the meeting of this state gathering of the Alliance, the T)emocrats opened the cam- paign, and nominated for governor Judge Thomas Wilson of Winona, who had recently served a term in Congress, and who rivaled in personal popularity in the Democratic party the other prominent Wil- son, Eugene M., of Minneapolis. The Democratic platform was uncompromising in its opposition to a protective tariff, and denounced the McKinley bill which had recently been passed by the Repub- licans in Congress. It also discussed the problems of a free and open grain market, of the inequalities of taxation, and charged the Republicans with cor- ruption in legislation. The Alliance men followed soon after with a very large state convention, attended by 505 delegates, fifty-three of whom were representatives of various trade-union organizations. The meeting was pre- sided over by the state president of the Alliance, R. J. Hall, who reported that he had been up to Alex- andria to ask Knute Nelson to run as the Alliance candidate for governor, and that Nelson had posi- tively refused to accept any nomination from the Alliance, saying that he had always been a Repub- lican, and owed all the public honors he had re- ceived to the Republicans, and that he could not ac- cept a nomination from a party that was likely to injure the Republican party. In the Alliance con- vention were a number of old politicians from both the Republican and Democratic parties. Ignatius Donnelly, who had been for a greater or less time in every political organization in the State of Min- nesota, Was One of the leaders of the movement. Other prominent men were W. W. Erwin of St. Paul, Gen. J. H. Baker of Mankato, and Senator T. H. Barrett. The convention determined to organize an independent political party and nominate a full state ticket. After a good deal of speech making a vote for governor was had with the following re- sult: Nelson 104, Donnelly 98, Daniel Buck 67, Henry Plowman 42, J. H. Baker 32, T. H. Barrett 30, R. J. Hall, 27, with 20 scattering votes for other candidates. night. The convention then adjourned over Next morning one ballot was had with the following result: Donnelly 172, Hall 170, Nelson 56, WILLIAM D. WASHBURN United States Senator from Minnesota. A HISTORY OF THI) 235 REPUB I/ICAN PARTY. Buck 19. sultation, and an agreement was reached among the leaders to drop all the candidates and to nominate for governor S. M. Owen of Minneapolis, editor of an agricultural paper of wide circulation called The Farm, Stock, and Home. opposition. There was then an intermission for con- This was done without The platform was the most sweeping, miscel- laneous collection of oddly assorted ideas and the- ories ever put into shape by any political movement in Minnesota. Space is wanting to enumerate all the declarations of this extraordinary document. It demanded the repeal of the “war tariff;” denounced the McKinley bill; favored government control of railroads; demanded open markets for grain and grading at country stations; also, lower rates for freight and passenger traffic, and the erection of state warehouses for the storage of grain. It de- clared that mortgage debts should be deducted from the tax on realty; that there should be a reduction in the interest rate on money, and an increase in the volume of money; that free coinage of silver should be established; that the Australian ballot should be provided by the legislature; that United States sen- ators and railroad commissioners should be elected by the people; that there should be arbitration by law to settle all labor difficulties; that no children under fifteen should be employed in shops or facto. lies; that an employers' liability law should be passed; that free text-books should be provided in the public schools; and that there should be equal pay for equal work, regardless of sex. The Democrats had nominated for state auditor Adolph Biermann, a popular Scandinavian living in the southern part of the state, who had been the candidate of the Democratic party against Governor Eſubbard in 1883. After the adjournment of the Alliance convention the Alliance candidate for state auditor was persuaded to withdraw, and the central committee of the new party determined to indorse Biermann with the purpose of securing, if possible, One of the state offices, whatever might be the gen- eral result of the election. The Republican state convention met in St. Paul on July 24th, under the presidency of Lieut. Gov. A. E. Rice of Kandiyohi county. The following ticket was nominated: Governor, W. R. Merriam of Ramsey; lieutenant governor, Gideon S. Ives, Nicollet; state treasurer, Joseph Bobleter, Brown; secretary of state, Fred P. Brown, Faribault; state auditor, Peter J. McGuire, Polk; attorney general, Moses E. Clapp, Otter Tail; clerk of supreme court, Chas. P. Holcomb, Washington. There was nothing like a strong opposition to Governor Merriam’s renomination. He had disap- pointed his opponents and gratified his friends by the ability he had shown in office, and it was gen- erally conceded by the Republicans throughout the state that he had fairly earned a second term. He was placed in nomination before the convention by Gordon E. Cole. W. W. Braden was nominated by W. H. Eustis, and Knute Nelson by Frank M. Eddy. The first ballot resulted in the overwhelming suc, cess of Merriam, who had 350 votes, to 34 for Braden and 74 for Nelson. For lieutenant governor Mr. Ives was successful over D. M. Clough by a vote of 391 to 55. Brown beat Hans Mattson for secretary of state by 312 votes to 141. Bobleter was renomi- nated for state treasurer by acclamation, and the contest for auditor was determined in favor of Mc- Guire, who had 261 votes to 105 for O. L. Cutler of Anoka, and 81 for C. A. Whithead of Olmsted. For clerk of supreme court Holcomb was successful over J. D. Jones of Todd by 251 votes to 201. The Re- publican platform indorsed the reciprocity policy of James G. Blaine; favored high license for liquor sellers; discrimination in admitting foreign immi- grants; a reduction of the legal rate of interest and the punishment of usury; commended the binding twine manufacturing experiment at the Stillwater penitentiary; denounced monopolies; declared that articles made by monopolies should be placed upon the free list; favored the regulation of the tolls of common carriers by the state, and legislation to se- cure lower rates on grain, lumber, and coal; recom- mended the Australian ballot system, and declared for free text books in the public schools. The year 1890 was characterized by a political reaction throughout the country from the high tide of Republican success in 1888. Minnesota was no exception to other states in the Union, but the enormous growth of the Farmers’ Alliance made the contest particularly complicated in this state. 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'S : Ffs'gS ‘ltº.190tuo(I ‘IIOSUAA “solo A LII'SS poA ſo.) so.I ‘uboſ Iqudo-I ‘tutºſ.I.IoIV ºbul powo US solo A ou, Jo SSUAUIbo It? [II] ouſ.J., 'po. Insse StºA tubſ.I.IoIV Jo SSo.) -Ons ouſ) 1b (Il (IOI)00Io otl] Ionje Moo.W tº KLIbou Iſhun 1OUI StºA | I S191.I]SIp A.I.) Uno.) ULuoy Iqndo-I duo.1]s otſ) [It soul [u Uſ A).Ibd ulºoſqndo-I ou.) uto.Iſ All About AO.Ip Ooub{[[V ou I, 10 Il Op Uſ Otuſ] duoſ tº Joj st: A JOUL19.40% .10] (IOI).90ſo otl) Jo Inso.1 ouj, ’) tºo.13 su |SOULIIb losſoſ) 09 UB III.V ou.) On A)1.10ſ bul tº ox tº ‘000", JoAO Jo Kyptoſtºut Utop|[(Indo-I tº uoAI3 s.Ito K Aubul Iog pºſſ Ioſ IIA “Iſtºſ, Toll O Jo Ahunoo toulibq ot|] ‘oſduit; -Xo IOJ opoduſºs ojoſduoo g up ooug|IV oup) on A HISTORY OF THE 237 R EPUB I, TCAN PARTY. conventions in the several congressional districts were as follows: First district, Mark H. Dunnell and W. H. Yale; Second district, J. F. Jacobson and Daniel Shell; Third district, E. S. Hall and C. E. Jackson; Fourth district, George Thompson and Albert Berg; Fifth district, Wm. H. Eustis and S. P. Snidor; Sixth district, J. M. Markham and D. C. Dunham; Seventh district, S. G. Comstock and M. A. Wallan. The electoral ticket named by the con- vention was as follows: Electors at large—F. T. McGhee of Ramsey, Patrick Fox of Chisago; dis- trict electors—First, A. D. Gray of Fillmore; Sec- ond, E. C. Huntington of Cottonwood; Third, S. P. Jennison of Goodhue; Fourth, E. L. Hospes of Wash- ington; Fifth, H. F. Brown of Hennepin; Sixth, C. A. Culkin of Wright; Seventh, H. D. Donaldson of Kittson. The state had been reapportioned by the legislature of 1891 into seven congressional dis- tricts instead of five, Minnesota having gained two members of Congress by the census of 1890. In this apportionment the cities of St. Paul and Min- neapolis were for the first time thrown into separate districts, greatly to the benefit of their local poli- tics. The county of Hennepin, containing Minne. apolis, was made a district by itself, and to the county of Ramsey, including the city of St. Paul, were added the counties of Washington, Chisago, Isanti and Ranabec. In the northern part of the state the region which formerly constituted the Fifth district was with some changes of boundary made into the Sixth and Seventh districts, the for- mer including the city of Duluth and the latter nearly all of the Red River Valley. There was not much agitation in Minnesota con- cerning presidential candidates prior to the meet- ing of the Minneapolis convention. This arose gen- erally from two causes—first, the general feeling of approbation for the administration of President Harrison, and second, the uncertainty as to the candidacy of James G. Blaine, always a favorite in this state, who was then a member of Harrison's cabinet, and who had refused to announce himself in any positive way as a candidate for the presi- dential nomination. It was only at the last moment, after the delegates had assembled in Minneapolis, that Mr. Blaine resigned his cabinet office and be- came an avowed candidate for the Minneapolis FIe sent one of his sons to the con- vention to manage his canvass, but he entered the field much too late to have any chance of success. His uncertain attitude can only be accounted for on the theory that the illness which soon after ter. minated in his death had already undermined his characteristic vigor and resolution. The Minnesota men honored with committee ap- pointments by the national convention were as fol- lows: Permanent organization, Frank Day; cre- dentials, R. C. Dunn; resolutions, George Thompson; rules and order of business, S. G. Comstock. There was a lively contest in the Minnesota delegation over the choice of national committeeman, which resulted after three sessions in the success of R. G. Evans of Minneapolis over Stanford Newel of St. Paul. Only one ballot was had by the convention for President. A Minnesota man, Wm. H. Eustis, had seconded Blaine's nomination in an eloquent speech, and Minnesota showed her old love for the “Plumed Knight” by casting 9 of her votes for nomination. Blaine, President Harrison receiving 8, and Gov- ernor McKinley 1. Tn state politics that year an entirely novel situ- ation Was presented by the successful efforts of Ignatius Donnelly and his personal followers to sup- plant the Farmers’ Alliance party by a new political organization called the “People's Party,” which had already been organized in other Western States; and which nominated for President the old Green- back leader, James B. Weaver of Iowa. The Alli- ance leaders did not intend to be crowded out of the political arena. They held a very large conven- tion in St. Paul on July 7th, and nominated for governor Gen. J. H. Baker, a former Republican leader, and a full state ticket. Their platform was as usual a curious mosaic of many issues and the ories, some genuine and honest and others fantastic. It went at length into the question of state grain inspection at country stations, and state Warehouses at terminal points. It demanded the abolition of all railroad passes, opposed the protective tariff, and insisted there should be fifty dollars per capita of currency afloat. It favored a deduction of mort- gage indebtedness from the tax on realty, and a reduction of the rate of interest. It declared for the nationalization of the liquor traffic, for the ex- 238 A HISTORY OF TH}} REPUBLICAN PARTY. clusion of pauper immigrants, for a graduated tax on incomes, and for a popular vote for President and Vice President and no second terms. The Alliance people established a state central committee, and opened offices in St. Paul, with the intention of car- rying on a vigorous canvass. Mr. Donnelly and his supporters had, however, been long at Work to un- dermine the movement, and they followed a week later with a state convention of the new People’s party, which was attended by 650 delegates. This convention proceeded to nominate Donnelly for governor by acclamation and with great enthusiasm, but made no nominations for presidential electors. For lieutenant governor, the nominee Was Kittel Halvorson, and nearly all the other positions on the ticket were filled by Scandinavian politicians who had formerly been connected with the Republican party. The resolutions were very brief. They re- peated in substance the shipping, warehouse and in- spection demands of the Farmers’ Alliance; ex- pressed sympathy with the Homestead strikers, who were at that time attempting to carry on war with the state authorities of Pennsylvania; demanded that the penitentiary twine should be sold at nine cents a pound, and that a law should be passed pro- hibiting any man holding office from being a dele. gate to any political convention. The Republican state convention was held on July 28th. Thoroughly alarmed for the future of the party by the great Farmers' Alliance defection of 1890, which swept away many of the old Repub- lican strongholds in Minnesota, the Republican lead- ers determined to take such a course as would, if possible, bring back to the party the heavy Scandi- navian Vote which had gone off into the new move. ment. The only Way to accomplish this seemed to be by the nomination for governor of some man of exceptional popularity among the Scandinavians, and this man was evidently Knute Nelson of Alex- andria, who had served three terms in Congress, and had been elected the last time without any opposi- tion Whatever. He was unquestionably the fore- most man of Scandinavian birth and affiliations in Minnesota, and when the convention assembled his nomination was a foregone conclusion. Two other candidates had been mentioned, ex-Governor Mc- Gill and Lieutenant Governor Ives, but both these gentlemen withdrew their names previous to the meeting of the convention. Inute Nelson was nom- by acclamation, and D. M. Clough for lieutenant governor, also by acclamation. inated for governor Mr. Clough was a popular and energetic political worker in Minneapolis, of long service in the legis- lature, and had the united support of Hennepin and Ramsey counties, which gave him such a standing in the convention that no one undertook to contest the nomination with him. F. P. Brown was renomi- nated for secretary of state over Ives, Berg, and four other candidates, the second ballot standing: 13rown 387, Ives 222, Berg 72, Gibbons 14, Johnson 7. State Treasurer Bobleter was renominated with- out opposition. A brisk contest for the attorney generalship resulted in the success of H. W. Childs of Fergus Falls, who had served efficiently as as- sistant attorney general under Moses E. Clapp, and who received 387 votes to 251 for Nathan Kingsley of Mower and 32 for D. W. Burkhart of Stearns. I3y a vote of 437 ayes to .188 noes, it was resolved to renominate without a separate ballot the three supreme court judges, Mitchell, Vanderburgh, and I)ickinson, whose terms Were about to expire. The Republicans adopted a long platform on state issues, declaring against trusts and combinations; in favor of laws to protect the health, life, and limb of all employes of corporations; in favor of arbitra- tion for strikes and all labor disputes; of the ex- clusion of pauper immigrants; of free and open mar- kets for farm products; of laws for cheap elevator facilities, and proper transportation facilities to market; of legislation to secure good country roads, and of the passage of Senator Washburn's anti-op- tion bill, which was at that time creating a great deal of discussion in Congress and throughout the country. The convention declared unanimously in favor of the reëlection of C. K. Davis to the United States Senate by the legislature to be chosen at the ensuing election. The Democratic state convention met in Minne- apolis on August 3d. Ramsey county had started a boom for Daniel W. Lawler, a popular young law- yer of St. Paul and an effective campaign orator. The convention nominated Lawler by acclamation, and With no mention of Thomas Wilson or E. D. Champlin, or of any other of the numerous possible WILLIAM R. MERRIAM Eleventh Governor of Minnesota. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTy. 241 candidates that had been discussed by the news. papers. The platform agreed with the Populists’ platform in taking the part of the Homestead riot- ers. It denounced combinations between railroads and elevators, and charged them to Republican leg- islation. It demanded free and open markets at every station; complained of unequal tax laws; op. posed the laws authorizing state leases of iron lands; favored six years for a presidential term and the election of President and Vice President and United States Senators by popular vote; and demanded the abolition of contract labor at the penitentiary. Very soon after the convention of the new Peo- ple’s party, generally known as populists, had been held, the Farmers’ Alliance organization began to disintegrate. General Baker formally withdrew from the canvass as candidate for governor. Other candidates for state offices fairly tumbled over each other in following his example. They had all been assessed fifty dollars apiece for campaign expenses, and none of them were willing to put up the money. Finally the Alliance central committee abandoned its rooms, and scattered each man to his own home. Without any formal action to that end, the whole Al- liance party was merged into the Populist movement, nobody protesting, except here and there some am- bitious local Alliance leader who had hoped to get into the legislature or to secure some county office. The congressional districts in Minnesota were all closely contested in 1892. In the First district there were four candidates, Republican, IDemocrat, Pop- ulist, and Prohibition, and the result of the election was as follows: J. A. Tawney, Republican, 18,146; W. H. Harries, Democrat, 14,995; J. I. Vermilyea, Populist, 2,342; P. H. Harsh, Prohibitionist, 1,554; Tawney’s plurality, 3,151. The vote in the Second district was as follows: J. T. McCleary, Republican, 18,207; W. S. Hammond, Democrat, 11,299; S. C. Long, Populist, 6,268; E. H. Brow, Prohibitionist, 1,833; McCleary's plurality, 6,908. Third district: J. P. Heatwole, Republican, 14,727; O. M. Hall, Dem- ocrat, 15,890; F. Borchert, Populist, 3,464; W. B. Reed, Prohibitionist, 1,314; Hall’s plurality, 1,653. Fourth district: A. R. Kiefer, Republican, 16,624; J. N. Castle, Democrat, 13,435; J. G. Dougherty, Pop- ulist, 2,213; David Morgan, Prohibitionist, 1,983; Riefer's plurality, 3,189. Fifth district: Loren Fletcher, Republican, 18,463; J. W. Lawrence, Demo- crat, 15,960; Thomas W. Lucas, Populist, 3,151; J. T. Caton, Prohibitionist, 2,458; Fletcher's plurality, 2,547. Sixth district: D. R. Searle, Republican, 16,941; M. R. Baldwin, Democrat, 17,317; A. C. Par. sons, Populist, 3,973; E. L. Cronal, Prohibitionist, 1,692; Baldwin’s plurality, 376. Seventh district: FIenry Feig, Republican, 12,529; H. E. Boen, Pop- ulist, 12,614; W. F. Keslo, Democrat, 7,536; T. F. Hampson, Prohibitionist, 2,731; Boen's plurality, 85. The T)emocrats elected their Camdidates in the Third and Sixth districts, and in the Seventh district the Populist candidate was successful by the narrow majority of 85 votes. All the other districts re- turned Republicans. A portion of the Democratic electoral ticket was accepted by the Populists. The Presidential vote in Minnesota was as follows: Harrison, Republican, 122,823; Cleveland, Democrat, 100,920; Weaver, Pop- ulist, 29,313; Bidwell, Prohibitionist, 14,182. The IDemocrat and Populist fusion electors received 107,- 077 votes. For governor the vote was as follows: Nel- son, Republican, 109,220; Tawler, Democrat, 94,600; Donnelly, Populist, 39,862; Dean, Prohibitionist, 12,- 239. Nelson ran 13,603 votes behind Harrison. Tawler ran 6,320 behind Cleveland. Donnelly ran ahead of Weaver, the Populist candidate for Presi- dent, 10,551 votes. Notwithstanding this notable popularity of the Populist candidate for governor, it turned out on comparing his vote with that cast by the Farmer's Alliance for S. M. Owen for gov- ernor in 1890, that Donnelly was 18,651 votes short of the number received by Owen. So far as any gain of strength was concerned the capture of the Alliance movement by the new I’opulist party was a disastrous failure. The result of the election dem- onstrated the sagacity of the Republican leaders in calling on Knute Nelson to head their ticket. To a very great extent the Republican disaffection caused by the Alliance movement in all the western counties of the state was healed by Nelson’s candi- dacy. 242 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PART"Y. CHAPTER XXIV. FROM 1893 TO 1895–RE-ELECTION OF SENATOR DAVIS–RAPID GROWTH OF IPOPULISM IN MINNESOTA—I&E-ELIEC- TION OF GOVERNOR NELSON.—SENATOR WASHIBURN DEFEATED FOR RE-ELECTION BY NELSON. The tidal wave of Populism which ran high in 1892 came pretty close to depriving the Republicans of the control of the state legislature, which they had held ever since 1859. They were able to or- ganize the State Senate only by the assistance of three Populist senators who were Farmers’ Alli- ance men and had formerly acted with the Repub- lican party. In the House the Republicans had a fair working majority, but when their caucus was held Allen J. Greer of Wabasha county and ten other Republicans absented themselves. Mr. Greer published a letter charging that the caucus had been set up in advance by promises of chairman- ships and other House positions. W. E. Lee of Long Prairie was nominated for speaker, and at the election received 64 votes, which was only six more than was necessary for a choice. The Demo- crats cast their 29 votes for J. J. Furlong of Austin, and the Populists cast 11 votes for H. P. Bjorge. Four Republicans voted for Greer. In spite of the strong and almost unanimous declaration of the State Republican Convention the previous summer in favor of the reëlection of C. R. Davis to the |United States Senate an effort was made to make a combination against him, composed of a small minority of Republican members acting with the Democrats and Populists. For this effort the anti- Davis Republicans had the recent example of the combination which defeated Windom and elected Sabin, and also of the famous bolting movement in the earlier years which deprived Ramsey of his Senatorial seat. This project made no headway, however, and in the Republican caucus twenty-one of the twenty-five Senators were present, and together with one Populist, voted for Davis; and of the members of the House all were present except eight, and three of the absentees sent word that they Were in favor of Davis. No other candidate was nominated in the caucus. The Democrats caucused and nominated Daniel W. Lawler, and the Populists put up S. M. Owen for their candidate. Rumors of a combination between the Democrats, Populists, and the few anti-Davis Republicans continued to be rife up to the time of the vote in joint convention of the two houses. In that assembly Davis was elected senator, receiving 85 votes to 49 for Tawler, 23 for Owen, 2 for Merriam, 2 for John Lind, 2 for Albert Scheffer, 2 for Moses E. Clapp, 1 for Judge Start, and 1 for Judge Dickinson. Davis had therefore only two more votes than the aggregate of votes cast against him. - The new People's party, commonly called “Popu- lists” or “Pops,” felt considerably encouraged by their success two years before in swallowing the Farmers’ Alliance and in making a big showing at the polls. They did not fail to note the fact, how- ever, that their candidate for governor in 1892, the famous agitator, Ignatius Donnelly, had fallen far short of securing as many votes as were cast two years before for S. M. Owen, the candidate of the Farmers’ Alliance movement. They rightly con- cluded that Mr. Donnelly's popularity with the electors of the state had reached its climax, and if they were to expect any further growth for their party they must drop him as their official leader, and they determined to offer the nomination to S. M. Owen. This movement among the Populists Was a spontaneous one. The unexpectedly large vote cast for Owen in 1890 made it plain that he was the strongest man to lead the new party. The Populist convention met in St. Paul on the same day that the Republican convention assem- bled. It nominated a full state ticket, headed by S. M. Owen for governor, all the other candidates being straight-out Populists, except the nominee for associate justice of the supreme court. For this place the convention selected John W. Willis, an Old and prominent Democrat, who had been for a short time upon the district bench of Ramsey County, and who had shown a desire to cultivate the friendship of the labor organizations, and in numerous public utterances had developed a lean- ~ A HISTORY OF THE RE) PUBLICAN PARTY. 243 ing towards the distinguishing ideas of the People's party. Friends of Mr. Willis assured the Populists, that, if they would nominate him, the Democrats would indorse him, and he would thus beat the Re- publican nominee. In the platform of the Popu- lists the tendency of this new movement towards state socialism was more strongly manifested than it had ever been before in the short lifetime of the organization. The resolutions declared for fifty dol. lars in currency per capita of population, all to be issued by the government; for the free coinage of silver at the ratio of sixteen to one; for govern- ment savings banks; for an income and inheritance tax; for government ownership of railroads, tele- graphs, and telephones, and for the confiscation by the government of all railroad lands not used for Operating purposes. They also favored a direct Vote for President and Vice President and for United States Senators. There was the usual reso- lution for legislation to break up “combinations Which plunder the farmer.” Frauds in the sale of school lands and other state lands were charged upon the Republican administration. It was de- clared that there should be no double tax on mort- gages; that Ownership of real estate by nonresi- dents should be discouraged by legislation; that mining lands should be taxed, and that all tax pay- ments should be semi-annual. The platform took positive ground in favor of woman suffrage, and of the nationalization of the liquor traffic and its management by the state. The great railroad strike had just been suppressed, and it was only to be expected that the Populist convention would, as it did, express sympathy with the strikers and opposition to the arrest of Debs, the strike leader. The Republican convention, which met on July 11th, was much the largest state convention which ever assembled in Minnesota. The unit of repre- sentation had been fixed at so small a figure that 1,017 delegates were in attendance. The purpose of this important change was to bring the conven- tion as close to the people as possible, and to dis- courage the practice of controlling county delega- tions by small cliques of active politicians. The ticket nominated was as follows: For governor, Knute Nelson of Douglas county; for lieutenant governor, D. M. Clough of Hennepin; for secretary of state, Albert Berg of Chisago; for state auditor, Robert C. Dunn of Mille Lacs; for state treasurer, August T. Koerner of Meeker; for clerk of supreme court, Darius F. Reese of Ramsey; for chief justice, Chas. M. Start of Olmsted; for associate justice, L. W. Collins of Stearns. The convention was pre- sided over by Lieutenant Governor Barto, and R. G. Horr, the eloquent Michigan congressman and orator, made a stirring address. Governor Nelson and Lieutenant Governor Clough were renominated by acclamation. For secretary of state there was an active contest, the first ballot resulting: F. P. Brown 191, Albert Berg 398, J. N. Peterson 339, Joseph E. Osborn 83. On the final ballot Mr. Berg had 566 votes and Mr. Peterson 445. For state auditor there was a still more animated contest, seven candidates being put in nomination. These were R. C. Dunn of Mille Lacs, T. P. Hunt of Blue Earth, W. W. Rich of Lyon, W. J. Morrow of Becker, C. A. Whited of Olmsted, S. G. Iverson of Fillmore, and P. J. McGuire of Polk. One ballot developed the fact that the real contest was be- tween two prominent editors, L. T. Hunt of Man- Kato and R. C. Dunn of Princeton, and on the third ballot Mr. Dunn was the winner, obtaining 574 votes, to Hunt 411, Morrow 23, Iverson 1. There were five candidates for state treasurer—A. T. Koerner of Meeker, Julian A. Block of McLeod, W. H. Smith of Brown, H. Burkhardt of Wabasha and J. A. Ackerman of Carver. Koerner was nomi- nated on the second ballot, by 668 votes, against 333 for Block. H. W. Childs of Otter Tail county was renominated for attorney general by acclama- tion. Another lively contest arose over the clerk- ship of the supreme court. The first ballot stood: O. B. Gould of Winona, 295; D. F. Reese of Ram- sey, 327; J. L. Helm of Rock, 295; T. J. Schwartz of Todge, 88; Tonald McCullom of Big Stone, 88. On the third ballot Reese was successful, receiving 323 votes, against 461 for Gould and 26 for Helm. For the first time in many years there was a con- test in a Republican convention Over the nomina- tions for justices of the supreme court. Chas. M. Start of Rochester was nominated for chief justice, receiving 729 votes to 287 for Charles Gilfillan of St. Paul. For associate justice the vote stood: L. W. Collins of Stearns, 759; Gorham Powers of 244 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Yellow Medicine, 188; Calvin S. Brown of Mor- ris, 49. In the platform making of this year it was easy to be seen that the Republicans were influenced, as they had been ever since the rise of the Farmers’ Alliance, by a desire to cover as many new issues as they possibly could consistently with their views as to the functions and duties of the government. The resolutions began with a positive declaration in favor of a protective tariff, coupled with recipro- cal trade arrangements. On the currency question there was a plank going much further in the direc- tion of free silver than the party had ever before been willing to go. This plank declared for bimetallism; for the substantial parity of every dollar with every other dollar; and for the “restora- tion of silver as ultimate money to the currency of the world as necessary for business prosperity, proper rates of wages, and the welfare of the poo- ple.” The Democrats were condemned for their repeal of the Federal election laws. The old stock resolution of opposition to trusts and monopolies was readopted with some change of verbiage; and also the one in favor of ample legal protection for the health, life, and limb of employes, and for tri- bunals of conciliation for the arbitration of labor disputes. There was also a repetition of the oft- adopted declaration in favor of ample elevator and Warehouse accommodations, and convenient trans- Another resolution favored public control of the telegraph, portation to markets for farmers’ grain. telephone, railroads, and railroad companies, and all corporations or individuals performing any pub- lic service. A liberal pension policy was advo- cated; the taxation by ordinary methods of rail- road lands in place of the gross earnings tax was demanded, and also a six years’ presidential term. The platform concluded with an indorsement of Governor Nelson, Senator Davis, and Senator Washburn, and all Republican members of Congress. The Democrats waited until September 5th be- fore holding their state convention. A large ma- jority of the delegates were opposed to any effort at a general fusion with the Populists. ernor an old Democratic war-horse, Geo. L. Becker of St. Paul, was nominated. State Auditor Bier- mann, elected four years before by a combination of For gov- the Farmers’ Alliance and Democrats, was renomi- nated. The convention nominated Judge John W. Willis for associate justice of the supreme court, thus accepting the proffer of the Populists for a union upon one candidate on the state ticket. The platform reported was so short and pointless that the convention was disposed to send it back to the committee, and it was finally reënforced by four or five additional resolutions. As completed it de- clared for the free coinage of silver whenever it could be accomplished consistently with the main- tenance of a sound and safe currency; for a popular vote for United States Senators; for the invesment of public moneys in municipal and school securi- ties; for the taxation of railroad lands, mineral lands and mines, and for arbitration for labor dis- putes. It indorsed the Democratic tariff bill re- cently passed by Congress, and denounced the anti- Catholic organization known as the “A. P. A.” The Democratic party made a very feeble fight in the campaign of 1894, and before the contest was well advanced it was evident that the real struggle was between the Republicans and the Populists, and that the Democrats were going to play, for the first time in the history of Minnesota, the incon- spicuous role of a third party organization. The Prohibitionists put their ticket in the field as usual, but their movement had culminated four years be- fore, and there was everywhere a falling off in their vote. Governor Nelson went upon the stump in all parts of the state, and made an extraordinarily effective attack upon the theories of the Populists. He was greatly aided by the active canvass of the Republican nominees for Congress, and especially by that of Mr. McCleary in the Third district, Mr. Tawney in the First, Mr. Eddy in the Seventh, and Mr. Heat Wole in the Fourth. In the Sixth district Mr. Towne, who took the silver resolution of the Republican state convention rather too literally, made a successful fight. The result of the state election was an overwhelming Republican victory. Governor Nelson received 147,943 votes, or about 5,000 more than the highest Republican vote ever before polled—that for Harrison in 1888. Sidney M. Owen, the Populist candidate for governor, re- ceived 87,890 votes, an increase of 48,038 over Don- nelly's vote in 1892. Geo. L. Becker, Democrat, KNUTE NELSON Twelfth Governor of Minnesota–United States Senator. A HISTORY OF THIE, REPUB I, ICAN PARTY. 247 received only 53,584 votes, a smaller vote than had been cast for any candidate for governor since 1881, and during the thirteen years that had elapsed since that time the voting population of the state had almost trebled. The Prohibition candidate was Hans H. Hilleboe, who polled 6,832 votes, only about half the vote given for Dean, Prohibitionist, in 1892, and only one-third of the vote cast for Har- rison, Prohibitionist, in 1888. In all the seven congressional districts the Demo- crats and Populists ran separate candidates. In the First district the vote was as follows: James A. Tawney, Republican, 22,651; John Moonan, Dem- ocrat, 10,479; Thos. G. Meighan, Populist, 4,675; I. Horcutt, Prohibitionist, 1,254; Tawney's plurality, 12,172. Second district: James H. McCleary, Re- publican, 23,136; James H. Baker, Democrat, 7,857; L. C. Long, Populist, 10,341; II. S. Kellum, Pro- hibitionist, 1,480; McCleary's plurality, 12,795. Third district: J. P. Heatwole, Republican, 19,461; O. M. Hall, Democrat, 14,193; J. M. Bowler, Popu- list, 4,988; L. W. Chaney, Prohibitionist, 948; Heat- Wole's plurality, 5,268. Fourth district: Andrew R. Kiefer, Republican, 20,573; Edward J. Darragh, Democrat, 10,168; Francis H. Clarke, Populist, 5,055; David Morgan, Prohibitionist, 589 ; Kiefer's plurality, 10,405. Fifth district: Loren Fletcher, Re- publican, 20,465; O. T. Erickson, Democrat, 11,506; - E. F. Clark, Populist, 7,043; T. S. Reimstad, Pro- hibitionist, 1,039; Fletcher's plurality, 8,959. Sixth district: Chas. A. Towne, Republican, 25,487 ; M. R. Baldwin, Democrat, 15,836; Kittel Halvorson, Populist, 6,475; Towne's plurality, 9,651. Seventh district: Frank M. Eddy, Republican, 18,200 ; Thos. M. McLean, Democrat, 3,486; H. E. Boen, Populist, 17,408; Ole Kron, Prohibitionist, 2,726; Eddy's plurality, 792. The Republicans thus made a clean sweep of all the congressional districts. They Won their Victory in the state by a thorough callpaign of argument carried on in the newspa- pers and on the stump. At the close of the contest When the results were obtained, it was the general opinion among the Republicans that the rising tide of Populism, with all its socialistic tendencies and its effort to array debtors against creditors, labor- ers against employers, and men of no property against property-owners, had been effectively had repeated this declaration. checked, and that a rapid recession of this move- ment would be the most marked feature of succeed- ing campaigns in Minnesota. As to the Democrats, they played a rather contemptible part in this can- Vass. They would have deserved some credit for withstanding the temptation of a fusion with the Populists if they had not attempted to break down the established principle of nonpartisanship in the state judiciary by indorsing the Populist candidate for the supreme court bench, John W. Willis. Their combination with the Populists on this single Can- didate on the state ticket was of no avail, for the joint vote of the two parties gave Mr. Willis only 113,019 votes, whereas the Republican nominee, Judge Collins, received 162,701 votes, his majority over Willis being 49,682; a much larger majority than Judge Start received for the chief justiceship. The great Republican victory of 1894 produced as one of its results a legislature that Was OVer- whelmingly Republican in both branches. Of the 168 members 142 were elected as straight Repub- licans. This legislature had the duty of electing a United States Senator. During the campaign no candidate announced himself in opposition to the reëlection of Senator Wm. D. Washburn. The question was not brought up in the county conven- tions, and it seemed to be the general understand- ing throughout the state that Washburn would meet with no opposition. The only possible com- petitor concerning whom the Senator felt any appre- hensions was Governor Nelson, but Nelson had as- sured him that he was not a candidate for the place, and in a public meeting at Albert Lea, he - Washburn inter- preted the governor’s remark at the Albert Lea meeting as an assurance that he would under no circumstances be a candidate, and went on to the meeting of Congress in December with full confi- dence that there was no trouble brewing for him at home. So absolute was his sense of security that he came Very near going to California during the holiday recess, as a member of a special Senate committee charged with making certain researches in that state. Letters from home arrived in time to warn him that all would not be smooth sailing at the approaching session, and he returned to Min- nesota to find that instead of having no competitor 248 A HISTORY OF TH}} RE) PUBLICAN PARTY. there were three active and popular men in the field against him. The first to enter the contest was ex-Congressman S. G. Comstock of Moorhead, a man of marked ability and of considerable popu- larity in the northern part of the state. Then Pro- fessor McCleary, the congressman from the Second district, announced himself, and promised for a time to become formidable. He had made a brilliant campaign against the financial heresies of the Popu- lists, and was regarded throughout the state as one of the ablest men in the congressional delegation. Finally, immediately after the legislature met, Gov- ernor Nelson declared without any hesitancy that he was himself a candidate. The Minneapolis Tribune made a vehement attack upon Nelson, charging him with a breach of good faith towards Washburn. Nelson himself made no reply to this attack, but his friends promptly came to his rescue in the newspapers with the argument that he was Sincere in Saying during the canvass that he was not a candidate, but that this declaration did not preclude him from entering the contest under a change of circumstances. An exceedingly bitter feeling arose between the friends of Washburn and Nelson. For an entire month the contest raged in St. Paul, and from day to day announcements were made on the part of the managers of the Nelson Canvass and the Washburn canvass that one or the other had gained the promise of certain legislative VOtes. A Republican caucus was held on January 19th, at which there were six ballots taken. The result of the first ballot was: Washburn 61, Nelson 45, Comstock 14, McCleary 14, scattering 17. On the sixth ballot Nelson’s strength ran up to 60 and Washburn fell off to 55; Comstock had 14, Mc- Cleary 8, and there were 3 scattering. The caucus adjourned Friday night without reaching any result The Nelson men made strenuous efforts to secure another cau- cus, but could not bring this about, and under the act of Congress regulating senatorial elections the two houses voted separately on January 22d with the following result: Senate—Nelson 17, Wash- burn 22, Comstock 3, McCleary 1, McHale 2, Don- nelly 5, Pillsbury 1, Dickinson 1, absent 1. House —Nelson 45, Washburn 32, Comstock 10, McCleary or fixing any time for reassembling. 7, McHale 9, Donnelly 8, Tawney 1, Buckman 1, absent 2. The Democrats divided their votes be- tween Donnelly and McHale. On the next day, in compliance with the law, the two houses met in joint convention, and the long and acrimonious controversy was settled by a single ballot, which resulted as follows: Nelson 102, Washburn 36, Comstock 9, McCleary 2, Lind 1, T)onnelly 13, Mitchell 4, absent 1. Nelson had 17 votes more than were necessary to an election. The principal cause of the unexpected defeat of Senator Washburn for reëlection was his want of positive popularity in the rural counties of the state. He had the city of Minneapolis and the county of Hennepin solidly at his back, but he had never taken pains to cultivate the friendship of the country politicians. Engaged in large affairs in Minneapolis, his time during the vacations of Congress had been devoted to his business in- terests. There was no attack made upon his record at Washington. It was acknowledged on all hands that he had made a very competent, intelligent, useful, and influential senator; that he stood high in the national council of the Repub- lican party, and that he had never failed to exert himself earnestly and effectively to serve the inter- ests of his constituents. Nelson’s great strength lay in the fact that he was looked upon as a man of the people. Possessing no fortune, he had made his way from poverty and obscurity up to the gov- ernorship of Minnesota by his own ability and Another influence had considerable effect A strong merits. in aiding Nelson to defeat Washburn. political element in St. Paul had concluded that the restlessness of the country districts under the long possession of the two senatorships by the cities of St. Paul and Minneapolis would, in case of the elec- tion of Washburn, continue to increase, and would result, when Davis's term should expire four years later, in the choice of a man from the north- ern or western part of the state to fill his place. In order, therefore, to keep one of the senatorial seats secure for St. Paul, this influence, under the lead of ex-Governor Merriam, sided with Nelson, and was a potent factor in accomplishing Wash- burn’s defeat. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, 249 CHAPTER XXV. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1896 IN MINNESOTA—RENOMINATION OF GOVERNOR CLO U GFI. An account of the Davis presidential movement in 1896 finds its proper place in the state division of this history, from the fact that the movement, al- though it promised at one time to grow into national importance, was prevented from spreading outside the limits of Minnesota by the force of the great up. heaval of popular sentiment for William McKinley of Ohio. Senator Davis's ringing telegram to the Duluth Symathizers with the great railway strike of 1894, in which he insisted on obedience to law and the preservation of order, won the hearty com- mendations of leading newspapers throughout the country and brought him at once into national prom- inence. These commendations, together with his record in the Senate and the pronounced American- ism of his views on public questions, led his friends at home to regard him as an available candidate for the Presidency, and in 1895 the Republican newspa- pers of St. Paul formally entered him for the race. At that time the prospect looked favorable for a Western candidate, who could enter the convention With the hearty support of his own state and a few neighboring states, and who could command the I’G- Spect and confidence of Eastern delegations. It then seemed likely that the contest would be at the start a doubtful one, with a number of candidates in the field of nearly equal strength. Early in the winter of 1895-96 the supporters of Davis counted COnfident- ly on the solid vote of Minnesota, reënforced by a COnsiderable contingent from other Western States. As the time for choosing delegates drew near, how- ever, the sentiment for McKinley grew into the proportion of a tidal wave. Of the five district con- ventions held in Minnesota prior to the meeting of the state convention, three declared positively for McKinley, and in Davis's own district, the Fourth, the resolution adopted instructed the delegates to the St. Louis convention to support Davis, provided they could do so without injuring McKinley's Chances for the nomination. Under these circum- stances Senator Davis wisely withdrew his name, in the following telegram sent to Congressman Tawney on the morning of the convention: WAS IIINGTON, ID. C., March 24, 1896. I am bound to, always did, and do, most loyally respect the Wishes of the people of Minnesota; for that reason I request that my name be not considered in the deliberations of the Minneapolis convention. Give all my friends my most enduring and heartfelt thanks. Minnesota Republicans should, in my Opinion, declare against the United States undertaking the unlimited coin- age Of Silver at the ratio of Sixteen to One; should also de- clare for a protective tariff that will encourage, secure, and perpetuate domestic production of everything agricultural, mining or manufactured that We can produce or make— that will, in consequence, cause steady employment to be given to the American wage earner at Wages adequate to the American standard of living; that will also pledge the Republican party to protect American industry and man- hood against the competition now threatening them from the Orient, particularly Japan. That Will also, by provi- sions for reciprocity, enlarge our foreign commerce With nations who produce what we cannot produce; that Will also assert the policy of the United States as declared by James Monroe and by every one of our Statesmen Since; that will also declare that the people of Cuba. Ought to be recognized as belligerents; that Will also (leclare for coast defenses and such other naval and military preparation as Will Surely make us able to secure peace by our manifest invincibility in War. C. R. DAVIS. The convention was the largest gathering of dele- gates ever held by the Republicans of Minnesota. On the vote for temporary chairman 1,132 delegates responded. Ex-Lieut. Gov. A. E. Rice was chosen by 632 votes against 500 cast for ex-Lieut. Gov. G. S. Ives. The contest was good-natured, and there were no motives in it other than those of local and person- al preference. No contest arose over the delegates at large to the national convention or the presiden. tial electors. The convention was in all its proceed- ings singularly enthusiastic and harmonious. The following delegates at large were selected by acclamation: Robert G. Evans of Hennepin, George Thompson of Ramsey, L. P. Hunt of Blue Earth, Charles F. Hendryx of Stearms. Alternates—B urger Thurstinson, Wright county; Ira C. Richardson, Polk county; Capt. A. H. Reed, Glencoe; James Diment, Steele county. The electoral ticket nominated was 250 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. as follows: At large, T. B. Walker of Hennepin and E. G. Tſolmes of Becker; First district, Burdette Thayer of Fillmore; Second district, Charles H. Budd of Chippewa; Third district, James Quirk of Tle Sueur; Fourth district, V. D. Eddy of Chisago; Fifth district, C. A. Smith of Hennepin; Sixth district, Warren Potter of Aitkin; Seventh district, Horace R. Brown of Douglas. The convention in its resolutions took positive ground on all the chief political issues of the time. Its declaration on the money question was strong and unequivocal in its opposition to the free coinage of silver at a ratio of sixteen to one and its demand for the maintenance of all kinds of money at par With gold. The following was the platform adopted: “The Republicans of Minnesota, in convention as- sembled, renew their fealty to the principles of the Republican party, which has brought honor and pros- perity to the nation in the past, and is the hope of the people to relieve them from the Democratic dis- tress of the present. We submit the following dec- larations of principle: “We favor the use of both gold and silver to the extent to which they can be maintained in circula- tion at a parity in purchasing and debt-paying pow- er; and We are earnestly opposed, under the present conditions, to the free and unlimited coinage of sil- ver, for the manifest reason that it would destroy such parity, greatly contract the Volume of our currency by forcing gold out of circulation, and im- mediately place us on a silver basis. that it is a self-evident fact that the effect of the Believing, also, international demonetization of silver can be over- come only by international remonetization of that metal, the Republican party of Minnesota most heartily favors an international conference for that purpose. “The Republicans of Minnesota, in convention as- sembled, rejoice in the near approach of the day when, with the restoration of the Republican party to power in all branches of the government, will re- turn the prosperity which terminated in 1892. In the language of him whose memory is enshrined in the heart of every Republican, we are in favor of a “tariff duty on foreign importations, producing suf- ficient revenue for the support of the government, and so adjusted as to protect American industries.” We demand the restoration of the principle of reci- procity as a national policy, and favor as the logical correlative of our protective tariff laws such treaty stipulations with foreign countries as will provide a profitable market for our surplus products and en- able us to buy from them on terms mutually ad- Vantageous. “The Republicans of Minnesota, in convention as- sembled, assert their belief in the policy of the United States as declared by James Monroe and by every One of our statesmen since. their conviction that the people of Cuba ought to be Believing thoroughly in They also declare recognized as belligerents. the doctrine of arbitration between nations, they nevertheless advocate a sufficient system of coast defenses and such other naval and military precau- tions as will surely make us able to secure peace by our manifest invincibility in War. “Resolved, That Cushman K. Davis is to-day, as he has been for years, dear to the hearts of the Re- publicans of Minnesota. We are justly proud of his prečminent ability, his statesmanship, his integrity, and his high standing in the country. Under other circumstances we would be glad and proud to pre- sent, at this time, his name to the Republican party of the Union as our first and only choice for Presi- dent; but, in view of the general sentiment of the Republicans of this state, and of the country at large, that William McKinley of Ohio is the man of all others to lead the Republican party to Victory and the country to prosperity, we declare that Will- iam McKinley is our choice, and request the dele- gates from this state to do all in their power to se- cure his selection as the standard-bearer of the Republican party of the United States in the cam- paign of 1896.” •' The Minnesota delegation to the National Repub- lican Convention of 1896 was composed of the fol- lowing gentlemen: Delegates at large, C. F. Hen- dryx of Sauk Center, L. P. Hunt of Mankato, Geo. Thompson of St. Paul, R. G. Evans of Minneapolis. District delegates–First, A. D. Gray of Preston and L. S. Swenson of Albert Lea; Second, W. R. Edwards DAVID M. CLOUGH Thirteenth Governor of Minnesota. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 253 of Tracy and Dr. W. H. Rowe of St. James; Third, L. F. Hubbard of Red Wing and F. M. Paine of Glen- coe; Fourth, W. R. Merriam of St. Paul and J. H. Crandall of Langdon; Fifth, C. A. Pillsbury of Min- neapolis and E. Torrence of Minneapolis; Sixth, A. I). Davidson of Little Falls and Monroe Nichols of Duluth; Seventh, E. G. Valentine of Breckenridge and C. J. Gunderson of Alexandria. The delegation met in St. Louis the day before the assembling of the convention, and chose the follow- ing gentlemen to represent it in the work of the con- vention and the campaign: Chairman of the delega- tion, Charles A. Pillsbury; vice chairman, C. F. Hendryx; member of national committee, L. F. Hub- bard; member of committee on resolutions, W. R. Merriam: committee on credentials, L. P. Hunt; com- mittee on permanent organization, L. S. Swenson; committee on rules and order of business, C. J. Gunderson; committee to notify the nominee for president, Monroe Nichols; committee to notify the nominee for Vice President, A. D. Davidson. The Minnesota delegation gave a solid support to the sound money financial plank in the platform, and cast its solid vote for William McKinley for Presi- dent. Our record of Minnesota politics closes with the Republican convention for nominating state officers, which met in St. Paul on July 1, 1896. An active canvass for the nomination for governor had been Gov. David M. Clough, who succeeded to the executive chair in January, 1895, on the election of Gov. Knute Nelson to the United States Senate, naturally sought the custom- ary indorsement of a second term. His competitors were Captain Van Sant of Winona, speaker of the last House; John L. Gibbs of Freeborn county, pop- going on for several months. * ularly known as “Farmer Gibbs,” who has been twice speaker of the House, and Moses E. Clapp of St. Paul, formerly attorney general. Ex-Mayor Will- iam Henry Eustis of Minneapolis had been a can- didate, but his name was not presented to the con- On the first and only ballot Clough. Was nominated, receiving 860 votes against 95 for Gibbs, 158 for Van Sant, and 30 for Clapp. A single bal- lot settled the contest for lieutenant governor, molm- inating John L. Gibbs of Freeborn by 773 votes, against 148 for C. F. Staples of Dakota county and 223 for W. Grindeland Of Marshall county. There was a close contest over the attorney gen- eralship. Mr. Henry W. Childs, the incumbent, formerly of Fergus Falls and a resident of St. Paul since he entered the office as assistant to General Clapp, was nominated on the second ballot. Tſe received 587 votes. W. B. Douglas of Clay county received 182, C. C. Haupt of Otter Tail county 113, Nathan Kingsley of Mower county 186, and B. D. Smith of Blue Earth county 69. The state treasurer, August T. Koerner of Meeker county, was renominated by acclamation. Albert Berg of Chisago county was renominated by ac- clamation for secretary of state. The platform gave a hearty indorsement to the national platform of the party adopted at St. Louis, and its nominees for President and Vice President. It commended “the good, practical, businesslike ad- ministration of Governor Clough.” The only declara- vention. tions on state issues were a resolution in favor of the construction of good roads and one in favor of taxing unused railroad lands. The convention was char- acterized by much enthusiasm and the contests were carried on with good feeling. CHAPTER XXVI. A BRIEF REVIEW OF THE COURSE OF MIN NESOTA POLITICS. The reader of this short resume of Minnesota political history will not fail to be impressed by one very significant fact, namely, that from the time the Republican party first obtained control of the legis- lative and state offices, by the election of 1859, its possession of power in the state has been unbroken. The first state election—that of 1857—was carried by the Democrats by what were known at the time 254 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. as the “Pembina frauds,” which consisted in fraud. ulent Voting and fictitious returns from remote frontier districts, where the Democrats were in full possession of the polls. Since the inauguration of Governor Ramsey, in 1860, no Democratic governor has ever sat in the executive chair of Minnesota, nor have the Democrats or any other party opposed to the Republicans ever obtained control of the legis. lature. One state officer only in all that period was elected by a combination antagonistic to the Repub- licans. That was Mr. Biermann, who went into office by the combined vote of the Democrats and Farm- ers’ Alliance. There is but one other state in the Union that affords an example of so long and un- broken a period of Republican supremacy—the State of Vermont. Even in such old banner Republican states as Iowa, Nebraska, IXansas, Maine, and Mas- sachusetts, the Democrats have more than once car- ried the elections. If we are to look for the causes which underlie this remarkable fact of the continuous possession of political power by a single party in a great state for an entire generation, we must first point to the large and intelligent element of the population in Minne- sota which is of New England birth or ancestry, and which was strongly imbued with the anti-slavery feeling that first led to the organization of the Re- publican party. That element, reënforced by a sim- ilar class of people from the Middle States, has al- ways been a dominating influence in the business as well as in the politics of Minnesota. Another note- worthy circumstance is the fidelity of the large Scandinavian voting element to the Republican party. It is true that heavy inroads were made upon this element by the Farmers’ Alliance movement, and the more recent Populist movement, but it has never contributed many votes to Democratic candi- dates, and its allegiance to novel third party move- ments has always been transitory. A still more in- fluential cause of the continuous Republican control in Minnesota, however, may have to be sought in the general wisdom and the honest and progressive spirit of Republican administration and legislation in the state. If the party had been notably corrupt, it would have been overthrown repeatedly at the polls. If it had failed to meet the requirements of a rapidly growing population, and to keep step with the pro. gressive spirit of the age in changes of governmental form and action, the people of Minnesota would have rejected it at the polls. The party has been singu- larly fortunate in its long line of eminent, honorable, and conservative governors, from Governor Ramsey down to the present day. No state administration has ever been successfully attacked before the peo- ple in a political campaign. Nor have the various forms of party organization antagonistic to Repub- lican supremacy ever been able to point to any in- jurious or corrupt measures of legislation which de- served popular condemnation. All the important changes in constitutional and statute law required during the course of development of a raw, new com- munity of one hundred thousand souls into a great state with a population of over a million and a half have been originated and carried into effect by Re- publican legislation. The noble array of state in- stitutions can all be credited to the Republicans; and SO can the conservative administration of the school lands, which has built up in Minnesota, a magnificent permanent fund for popular education, and has cre- ated the university, which ranks third among the great collegiate institutions of the country in num- ber of pupils in attendance. In a word, it has been the general excellence of Republican government in Minnesota that has secured for the party the re- markable proof of public confidence of its continu- ance in power for nearly forty years. The largest Republican majority for governor ever given in Minnesota was that for Nelson in 1894. He had 60,053 more votes than Owen, the Populist can- didate, and 94,359 more than Becker, the Democratic candidate. The smallest Republican majority for governor was that of Austin in 1869, and was 1,947. The largest total Republican vote thrown in the state was in 1894, and was 147,943. The largest presidential majority was that of Blaine over Cleve- land in 1884, and was 41,620. Garfield’s majority over Hancock in 1880 was 40,597, and Harrison’s over Cleveland in 1888 was 38,107. The largest Dem- ocratic vote ever cast in the state was given to E. M. Wilson for governor in 1888–110,257. vote for a Democatio candidate for President was 104,385—for Cleveland in 1888. The largest third The largest A HISTORY OF THE 255 REPUBLICAN PARTY. party vote was that for S. M. Owen, the People's can- didate for governor, in 1894, and was 87,890. The IProhibitionists cast their heaviest vote in 1888—17,- 026 for Hugh Harrison for governor. While the state has been so remarkably faithful to the Republican party, the congressional districts, by contrast, have been very fickle in their political allegiance. Even the old First district, once Repub- lican by 6,000 majority, elected Thomas Wilson, Dem- ocrat, in 1886; sent Mark H. Dunnell, Republican, to take his place in 1888; put him out with a Dem- ocrat, W. H. Harries, in 1890, and swung around to The Sec- ond district, which at one time embraced the Twin Cities, and in recent years has consisted of the south- western part of the state, has had only one Demo- cratic representative, W. W. Phelps, chosen at the first election in 1857. The St. Paul and Minneapolis district sent Republicans to Congress continuously until 1868, when it returned Eugene M. Wilson, Dem- ocrat. In all the elections from 1870 to 1886 the Re- publicans carried the district, but in the latter year Edmund Rice, Democrat, was elected. He was suc- ceeded by S. P. Snider, Republican, and he by J. N. Castle, Democrat. a Republican, James A. Tawney, in 1892. The northwestern districts of the state have been reshaped so completely in the differ- ent apportionments that it is hardly Worth While to study their congressional politics, except in that the Red River Valley counties have been peculiarly the strongholds of the Farmers’ Alliance and Pop- ulist movements, sending to Congress Kittel Halvor- son in 1890, and Haldor E. Boen in 1892. The north- eastern part of the state elected Baldwin, Demo- crat, in 1892. Northern Minnesota is now divided into the Sixth and Seventh districts, and both dis- tricts returned Republicans at the last election. The district lying just west of the Mississippi Valley, which was long represented by Major Strait, had only one defection from Republicanism, and that was when it returned Henry Poehler in 1878. A portion of this district, however, after the apportionment of 1880, elected MacDonald, Democrat, in 1886, and twice elected O. M. Hall, Democrat, in 1890 and 1892, but it swung back into the Republican line in 1894. In conclusion, it may be said that there are no indications in Minnesota of a decline in the Repub- lican Vote which is likely to throw the state into the hands of the Democrats or of any form of third party movement. The Republican party unquestion- ably contains a larger percentage of men of superior intelligence and of influential standing than does any other party. There are, of course, able and in- fluential men found in all parties, but it has always been the boast of the Republican party in all the Northern States, that it embraced in its membership a large majority of the independent, educated, and property-OWning classes. In Minnesota this is not Only true of the native American element, but also of the large foreign element which has settled in the State. The best portion of this foreign element be- long to the Republican organization. Until the time shall come when some new party shall be able to present a program of governmental action that Will commend itself to the thinking element of the community as superior to anything which the Re- publican party can present, We may expect to see Minnesota remain true to its long attachment to Re- publican control. § T H E POPULAR VOTE IN MINNESOTA AT EACH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION SINCE THE FOR- MATION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. § * | PRESIDENTIAL VOTE IN MINNESOTA. 1860. Abraham Lincoln, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . S. A. Douglas, Independent Denn O('1'at. . . . J. C. Breckinridge, I)emocrat. . . . . . . . . . . . John Bell, Constitutional Union. . . . . . . . . . 1864. Abraham Lincoln, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . Geo. B. McClellan, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . U. S. Grant, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Horatio Seymour, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . U. S. Grant, Républican. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Horace Greeley, Democrat and Lib. Rep. . Black, Temperance R. B. Hayes, I&epublican. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . S. J. Tilden, Democrat G. C. Smith, Temperance * * * * * * * * * * is e s e e s a sº e º º Peter COOper, Greenback. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1880. James A. Garfield, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . . 93,903 W. S. Hancock, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53,315 James B. Weaver, Greenback. . . . . . . . . . . . 3,267 Scattering . . . . . . . . . . s” e s sº e º e s e º a s a s & s > * 286 1884. Grover Cleveland, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . 70,065 James G. Blaine, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . . 111,685 St. John, Prohibition. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,684 Benjamin F. Butler, Greenback. . . . . . . . . . 3,583 1888. B. H. Harrison, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142,492 Grover Cleveland, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . 104,385 Fisk, Prohibition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15,311 Streeter, Union Labor. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,094 1892. Grover Cleveland, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . 100,920 B. H. Harrison, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122,823 James B. Weaver, People's Party. . . . . . . . 29,313 John Bidwell, Prohibition. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12,182 James B. Weaver (fusion vote). . . . . . . . . . . 107,077 150,771 190,017 263,282 * * * * * * * * * is e º is 9 s s 265,238 § THE POPULAR GUBERNATO RIAL VOTE IN MINNE- SOTA AT EACH ELECTION SINCE ITS ADMISSION INTO THE UNION. § VOTE FOR GOVERNOR OF MINNESOTA. 1857. 1877. Henry H. Sibley, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17,790 J. S. Pillsbury, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57,071 Alexander Ramsey, Republican. . . . . . . . . . 17,550 W. L. Banning, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39,147 - 88,340 Wm. Meigher, Greenback. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 2,396 1859 — 98,614 Alexander Ramsey, Republican. . . . . . . . . . 21,335 1879. George L. Becker, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . 17,582 J. S. Pillsbury, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57,524 — 38,917 Edmund Rice, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41,524 1861 — 99,048 Alexander Ramsey, Republican. . . . . . . . . . 16,274 1881. E. O. Hamblin, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10,448 T1. I'. Hubbard, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65,025 — 26,722 R. W. Johnson, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37,168 1863. — 102,193 Stephen Miller, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19,628 .. 1883. H. T. Welles, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12,739 II. F. Hubbard, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72,462 --- 32,467 A. Biermann, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58,251 1865. — 130,713 W. R. Marshall, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . . . 17,318 e 1886. H. M. Rice, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13,842 A. R. McGill, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107.0% 31,160 A. A. A mes, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104,464 1867. James E. Child, Prohibition. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9,030 - — 220,558 W. R. Marshall, Republican . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34,874 1888. C. E. Flandrau, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29,502 W. R. Merriam, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . . . 134,355 64,376 Eugene M. Wilson, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . 110,251 1869. Hugh Harrison, Prohibition. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17,026 Horace Austin, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27,348 —— 261,632 George L. Otis, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25,401 1890. Daniel Cobb, Prohibition. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,764 W. R. Merriam, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88,111 T ** Thomas Wilson, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85,844 1871 S. M. Owen, Alliance. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58,513 H. Austin, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46,950 James P. Pinkham, Prohibition . . . . . . . . . . 8,424 Winthrop Young, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . 30,376 --- — 240,892 Samuel Mayall, Prohibition. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 814 1892. — 78,140 Inute Nelson, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109,220 1873. Daniel W. Lawler, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . 94,600 C. K. Davis, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40,741 Ignatius Donnelly, People’s. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39,862 A. Barton, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35,245 William J. Dean, Prohibition . . . . . . . . . . . . 12,239 S. Mayall, Prohibition. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,036 sº 255,921 — 77,022 1894. 1875. Rnute Nelson, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147,943 J. S. Pillsbury, Republican. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47,073 S. M. Owen, People’s. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87,890 D. L. Buell, Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35,275 Geo. II. Becker,- Democrat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53,584 R. F. Humiston, Prohibition . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,669 H. S. Hilleboe, Prohibition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6,832 84,017 — 296,249 PART |||. ğ BIOGRAPHIES OF LEADING MINNESOTA REPUBLICANS. BIOGRAPHIES OF LEADING MINNESOTA AMSEY, ALEXANDER-Governor Ramsey has done as much, if not more, than any other public man known to the history of this region to advance its development. While not one of its earliest pioneers, he came here in the beginning of the country's settlement, and since his residence with us his life has been spent in successful efforts to promote the material and social in- terests of the country. In truth his devotion to the pub- lic welfare was made so con- spicuous that he soon won. and has since retained, the esteem and respect of the en- tire community. He was born in Dauphin county, near the city of Harrisburg, Pa., on the 1815, his father (also of Pennsylvanian Sth of September, birth), being of Scotch-Irish lineage and his mother of Ger- combination inan stock, a which could hardly escape transmitting to their children those elements best calculat- ed to make useful men and women. His mother's family name was Ixelker. He was left an orphan at an early age, and, up to his twelfth year, of his was under the care mother's uncle, Frederick Ixelker, who employed him occasionally in his store at Harrisburg. At twelve he went into the register of deed’s office, to acquire a knowledge of clerical duties. During the next ten years he attended Sull- sequently he studied in the law office of Hamilton Alricks in school, and spent some time in college at Easton, Pa. Harrisburg, and closing his legal education with two years in the law school at Carlisle, was admitted to practice in 1839, when he was twenty-two years of age. REPUBLIC|ANS. Soon after his admission to the bar he became engaged in politics, being at that time an enthusiastic Whig, and was an effective laborer in the campaign of 1840, which resulted in the election of Gen. Wm. H. Harrison to the Presidency. When the campaign closed he was made sec- retary of the electoral college which cast the vote of the 1842 he was elected to represent his Keystone State for the hero of Tippecanoe. In district in the Twenty-eighth Congress, a position held by him during two terms. Al- though a young man and a new member, he made his mark in the proceedings of the first session in which he took part, becoming noted for his capacity for work, for the excellence of his judgment, and for his unwavering relia- bility. The following year he was elected chairman of the Whig State Central Conn init- rendered brilliant tee, and service in the campaign re- sulting in the election of Gen. Zachary Taylor to the Presi- dency. In 1849 the Territory of Minnesota, embracing all the country between the west- elºn confines of Wisconsin to the Missouri river, was or- ALEXANDER RAMSEY. ganized, and Alexander Rann- sey was named by President Taylor as its governor. This was a most honorable position, but it imposed duties The governor at that time was also Indian superintendent for all the requiring a large measure of sagacity. Indians within the boundaries of the territory, embrac- and Winne- It was his duty to keep himself informed of the condition of affairs at the several agencies, hear all com- ing, in this instance, Sioux, Chippewas, bagoes. 268 A HISTORY OF THE ſº EPUBLICAN PA ſº T.Y. plaints, adjust disputes, and by correspondence keep him- self constantly in touch with the bureau at Washington: and do all this in addition to his duties as governor of the territory, the governmental machinery of which he must himself adjust and put in operation. The position required a man of comprehensive mind, sound judgment, and su- perior executive ability, but Governor Ramsey proved him- self equal to all these complex and difficult demands, and administered the affairs of the territory satisfactorily to all concerned. He entered upon the discharge of the duties ALONZO. T. STEBELNs. of this office on the 1st of June, 1849, converting a small room in the St. Paul House (the only hotel in the city) into an office for the occasion, and from there was issued his proclamation announcing the organization of the terri- torial His Charles R. Smith, secretary; Aaron Goodrich, chief justice; David Cooper, associate justice; and H. L. Moss, district attorney. Eleven days afterwards the governor organized three judicial districts and made provision for the election of members of the first legislature. In his message to that government. associates in this work were body he suggested a petition asking Congress to extend the preemption laws to the unsurveyed lands, and to limit the sales of public lands to actual settlers, both of which requests were favorably replied to by the national legis- lature, and the evil of nonresident land-ownership was measurably averted from this part of the country. He also hastened the conclusion of treaties with the Indians, thus securing the early opening of the lands on the west side of the Mississippi to white settlers. Mr. Ramsey held the position of territorial governor un- til 1853, In 1855 he was elected mayor of St. Paul, and in 1857 of the new state, which had been admitted in 1858, but he was when he was superseded by Willis A. Gorman. he was the Republican candidate for governor beaten by Henry H. Sibley, as was believed at the time be- cause of the wonderful facility with which the Indians, under control of Democratic superintendents and agents, were civilized sufficiently to become voters. From 1857 till 1860 Governor Ramsey was not in any official position, but continued to be an active and public-spirited citizen and an efficient politician. In January of the latter year he took his seat as governor of the state, having been elected the previous year. This position he held for two terms of two years each, being reelected in 1861. It was during this period that his services to his coun- try were most important. When the Rebellion occurred he entered promptly upon the work of its suppression, so far as was consistent with the duty of the chief executive of a state, and it was mainly through his energy that Minne sota became entitled to the credit of getting the first regi- ment into the field. Upon his shoulders also fell the task of originating measures to quell the Sioux rebellion of 1S62, and defend the frontier settlers from those merciless savages. With what excellent judgment and untiring en- ergy he acted, in ſitting out troops to operate against them and in calling upon the general government to further chastise them, are matters of record. In January, 1863, before the expiration of his guber- natorial term, he was elected United States Senator in place of Henry M. Rice, and served in that capacity until 1875. again out of office, but was frequently consulted concern- ing public affairs, and exercised a powerful, though quiet, influence in their management. In 1879 President Hayes called him to the Secretaryship of the War Department, which he held until the close of that administration. 1SS2 he accepted, at the solicitation of President Arthur, a membership in the Utah commission, appointed in con- formity with a law known as the Edmunds law. 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Its uſ ‘III ºuſtuſ) tºou talog slºw oilsº v AutoH-Noss V ºf Nºi H 'qi' II.sv "GT LSvo v Aunº H a.ions -outuſ, on 5uttino:I mºtouturoo stronºus N. lutº.1:1 poioiuo or otoli w ‘tion 's Ionuţ winoſ popuolilº Dut: -sºº on luow on tºoltio was ºv ºnou A nº lootios usin out potontto oil ºnunoo buouſ A\ uſ minuſ tº uo funnas ºnosauruſ, on unt intº powout sluºrºd sºn ºppositor non at non-wootſos Mºſt oil ionºſo on Fultºſ and shºw suddons 5unoº ontoax av ºpio stºº ºn stºw monox's stun go nooſqns on uomºw “H ºx attoºſ on Dowout sºlº -qans seniouſ, 71st go tº AA on tº put tºw Wietionnoºl on tº paxias found ſpur tº sº tºst nºt ºut ºn V on tº snomoniºn II ºupon stonsoottº Ibuilto A son, L 'toultº slº -: nº triotſ outro Wonſ, ºut ºols notion, ſo out tº stuºſºſols list Izºlos ºssºv plausubiw it uton sºw cºst Jº ontºuas on Jo statutout 5uous on Jo out to solo *L ozuolve-I, Ozvo IV SN 1:1:1:11, -o-, Jo Sułºſtols * * * - *10 All Lºp on 1 Jo ºpis mouning on uo ion utoſ on suoutuns out ºutlºw tº 'sopºlº III is smolo: A & Lutºſ uſ how 'putrasnt powtºotoºl out ouen-w *Allo spun uſ ootiopsoil toul at ºf SSL tournovox Jo tugſ, oil to pounooo intº, as Jo Antunuſuoo outra oui wa 'pºpul puu spuolij Jo alono appa, Kioa tº Aq pounou sºw (IoII* “Intop to II on uſ ssooons sputºusnu tou on AIonieſ ºutauquiuoo *Iponanopun mountru Jo tuituo put ſolobiºlo Jo 115uous toº stu Jo tºok unannºſa out itſ usmount ºutlºon *5ulatºod stuoanº put Annuaq abour; Jo uptuow tº stºw wosu tº surv ºut All ſuns sº put ultidiopºlitia Jo Ssoundſ longſ solutio go on A out outbooq ouw ionºnup out put ºutput uſ pop on A 'suos own orow ontºutºut sºul Jo ons: otli, ouo nº put ºut ALRsuuod Anunoo smong Jo of pnſ tº stºº toºl **asunº iſ unºw ssauiſuoſo Jo loſtuou wouloſ tº out Autºut to sºluoſ intº loºtion ºud H. Jo uoluºntºp soluoſ Latrºl ºutly ss, IV populuu Mosuº IIA ºf SL til 1 bill u011 -uouſ on mutuo 11 pºp onoduloo on lou pinow Iolo is sºlº, 270 A || | ST'ſ) ſºy () [" THE ſº EPUBLI ("A M P 1 ſº T) In the meantime he studied law, was admitted to practice by the supreme court of Illinois, and opened an office in Quincy. in 1866, obliged him to abandon the law and seek a health- ier climate. But a severe attack of hemorrhage of the lungs. He arrived in St. Paul in July, 1866, and at once selected it as his future home—having married at the close of the war in 1865. In 1868 his health had so far recovered as to permit a resumption of business, and he established in St. Paul the wholesale stove depot of Comstock, Castle & Co., Roe ERT. H. SENG. He then reºmbarked in the legal profession, but in 1876 was chosen which he successfully conducted for six years. editor-in-chief of the St. Paul 19 ispatch, a pursuit more in accord with his tastes and inclinations. He conducted the Dispatch for nearly nine years, most of the time being both In 1885 he sold the Dispatch. Captain Castle has always been an active Republican; editor and publisher. has been a delegate to most of the district and state con- ventions since 1868, and an orator in all the leading cam- paigns. In 1872 he was president of the St. Paul Central Grant and Wilson Club, in which H. R. Brill, W. D. Cor- nish, C. K. Davis, and other live “young Republicans" were also officers. In 1873 he was a member of the Minnesota legislature, and the same year he took a leading part in the Davis movement which resulted in electing C. K. gov- ernor. Governor Davis appointed him adjutant general in 1875, and he held over a part of Governor Pillsbury's first term. In 1883 he was appointed state oil inspector by Gov- ernor Hubbard, and held four years. of the Republican state central committee a greater part of the time from 1875 to 1883. In 1884 he was made chairman of that committee, and in that capacity He was secretary or treasurel- conducted the famous Blaine and Logan campaign in this state. All through his career as editor of the Dispatch he was a supporter of C. K. Davis, and has been recognized throughout the state as one of the senator's trusted cham- pions. Captain Castle has held many honorary positions, in- volving labor and responsibility, gratuitously contributed for more or less public service. Among these have been president of the St. Paul Library Association two years; director St. Paul Chamber of Commerce twenty-three years; department commander Grand Army of the Republic three years; president Minnesota Editorial Association two years; secretary Minnesota Soldiers' Orphans' Home seven years; president Board of Trustees Minnesota Soldiers' Home nine years; commander of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion for the State of Minnesota. He is a member of the Sons of the American Revolution, being a great- grandson of Jonathan Hastings, a Massachusetts soldier. On March 1, 1892, Captain Castle became postmaster of St. Paul, under a commission signed by President Harrison. He held the office beyond the expiration of his four years' term, and his successor has not been appointed at this writing. Although serving for nearly his entire term under a Democratic administration, with which he could not, as a Republican, be in any sort of political sympathy, his abil- ity and fidelity commanded the respect and confidence of his superiors in the Post office Department, and he was fre- quently called to Washington for consultation on impor- tant questions relating to the efficiency and organization of the postal service. * * * ENG, ROBERT H.-Robert H. Seng was born Dec. 31. 1S60, in the city of St. Paul, where he has since lived. His father and mother, both of whom are living, were of German birth, and came to this country shortly before the war. They were married in Bethlehem, Pa., and soon moved to St. Paul. William Seng, the father, was a native of Saxony and a potter by trade. His inde- pendent spirit rebelled against the enforced military service of the country; and, disregarding all claims, he cut loose from the army and took passage for America. (1///, / () { // (), LN / II | I 16, (Lºſ I of N \ , ) // 8/1.1 (I./ -9.1 of I All-Ioſtºut of it; I tº Aq uſu poloolºo. Aaul abun soo! -Altos ojiand sºn unſaw poſsiles IIowa os ojow aidood on 1 +681 III -Wilſº on 1 uſ own ºntosolido. Ioſ IIon buſtnorſ on 26SL uſ 'uoſa Booss V [buoſition p[H tº 10soutſ IV on 1 Jo Juopsoid uosoqo sºw on 1*([] [6SI ºu Linp stºw I **II*.ind of It'ſ tº Aq polooſa stºw put: ‘sso.15uo,) D.III] upon qmdox on 1 Do Aſooo...I *A.11unoo our jo slootios 1890 out uſ post out: put: 11.19tu [[on III ºpſ SM-10M oson, L. ... So A.I.) Jo Itºu II tº IV., tº +6SL III put: ..’soſ MO uſ sopnis, poſſsſſand A. BoIOoſv LIV SSSI u I *A.Ilunoo on 1 Jo spoou put uouſ puoo Ipſ.usnp uſ oth 5uſuio.otio.o. oºſpol woux [tºonoº.id pounºde out 11 outs ºw-Toow 'L SE ww.ſº oul tº put: “uolº tonpo of Iqud olotuoid on Monut pºp snu oil optº.1010, ) put toossoulio, L 'tºuri. A 'stºloxi tº I on 1 ºuts -110,0s AA III Sol Il-111suſ pool Duo,) on Suoll BobA lotutulls out 5uſ.lu (I ºt;SL "ounſ: Illun uouſ sod 1 tºu] plou o H 100ttos ‘ol tºlubiw | tº Itºudou ol tºls out uſ so Alo putº A.101st Jo jossojoad Due tº 10soutliv Jo 101.on puoo oln111suſ ontºls Jo u01.s00 out 10000 tº 01 Aduopu olullodins su pountsoa ou ISSI III -npo owlsso.150.10 put sno tºoz tº sº uo tºludo, sitſ put ºllow Mool of I ‘ol tºls unwo s!!! Jo soil tºpunoq on 1 puo Moq peoids 101 tº olullºsul S.Lollo tºol uſ 1sololu o Allot; ult: "ol tºls ArtIn uſ ‘Antinoo oojaſ. I tº soonos onqnd Jo nuapuanui.iaſſns Jo monſsod oul on trophoaia stu A'qi pozitſiºooo... alaw 101 to -npo (It st; soºn! Iſatº sIt stºo." Awaj tº III put: ‘IIIstroos. A o H politiºn ºil IV 01st Iodoloſ) III Tºontſov ul Anſsiºn put: ‘I won axilºtſ sit III lootios Iºſt out of I IIoºtºun, ).) IV uſ ºuſtional uſ pañºlia "Solºis on 1 on outgo Kittºoſooſ. -IIIQ. III:)-x IV 1 tº 1 tº poleon Do Sºw o H "IoDInq "luopu is in Jºlº Duº Dºubt tº trooq sºw It stºn SIH trosſutou I, toulºſ sſ H Lºtt's slºw output top ºut S.1911out put noonitº.it up stºw ‘Attalooſ. º:gs tº qa, I ‘optºnuſ) Jo 901[Aoi, I oul III IIosiºu I he tilioq stºw hoſ. Insip tº 10sou -IIIW puooos on 1 uroiſ ssa.15100 uſ owntºluoso.Idol W **Ipoloo.IV L 'ſ-NOS, HINOHI, sº IV vſ VºIvºir IOo * * * **Ioanoodsº. on tº Jo stºo." XI's put luzio ºupſ. I put until V ºuſ All out: uſou wiſo own 'tioſun situ tuo, J polinsot ºut tºo.IDIIII» ºut, L ºpt tº H pouloſ stºw *1ss tº 100 u0 ‘spin.It I out.toul ºx sº IIA on of tºtatºut uſ ou stoauoſ, I Lotunſ put sºul A.I. Jo služiuxi ‘SyſII out on s5uoiod osſº a H *1101ſo put out 11 Ionut polo Aop on topuſ won ‘spiºns) ºnosotiuſ IV (I Autºd -tuo,) Jo Loquiouſ ox ſlot utº stºw ºuas . IV stºo." XIs to I ºlunoo Mostutº ſo .tos.sossº. A lunoo Jo soºnſ, on 1 uoſin pololua put tourissºultuoo Altınoo Jo oouſo on 1 pouriſsot on 26SI ºf A tº ‘poloola utºut loſino Autº utill solo A oliotu po Mooo...I on FöSI uſ put: ‘losion oton A on to poloolo suboiſ0ndo? I owl VIIIo Jo atto stºw on ZGSI uſ ºf 6s in Doloolºo.1 stºw on put toudissºultuo. A lunoo poloolo stºw 5uos . IV zººs uſ oo.I.) "ttos on 1 Sºuanliuſ IIITs so Atºls on 1 (Iſou put Atti.it [toun ou Loltio ol S.Lotſ lºſſ oil, L uoulºut: ALtºo ºut:11.1.01u A'q upon and oxi tº ‘ooHºo lºtil Splot -tuo,) on 1 Jo luopsoid ool A unsolio Stºw of I st 5uos . IV III is put: 'Autºl *Autºduo,) ool ox{tº Intº, I is on 1 uſ isotoluſ up 1115 moſt putº Ino pios on uouſ A subow inoſ to Ao to ATInjssooons polonpuoo on non-w Iol.loc.) Nº. 5uos Jo outbu tu.III ou lopun 's-Lou.too uovos out 11, otols ooths put 1000 Iſtºod tº pouodo on 6SSI uſ - "SSouſsna Molºtº ºut: out out uſ 1st SSB on 1ſtºrio Itºi.10Suol on 1 troputºut on turn post tºo loud tº J Stu Jo Ssou Noſs on 1 uqu wish Inso. It’ſ outnut poo: Ilºw a powolſo stºo & owlſ loſ put open sºloquºq on poultºol until of tuitſ populissip Ioun tº SIt still uto...I nºt tooulºus up ou ol stºw uo 111tut: ALI tºo slºt on oiloo ssou -Isnº S.S. ppbºl losso Jo...I uſ put: 'Allo ox! tºu stu Jo lootios u0s, loſſoſ' ou uſ u011 troupo Sºul poulºlo 5uoS II lioqoºl ‘olo out ºut oil 111 tº 195 on 15 noun poinbot; tıoos put: '...low bºoſ tº put total III Joltop tº St. SSouſsna 01 uſ luow ou Lolº'ſ auton -stºld tº st; ino politºns on "poooons on uoubuluorop duous tº put stool Jo nºt tº 'sluo. WI-10ſ ult wintº, I is ºutloºt 272 A HISTORY OF THE /*EPUBLICAN PA IPTY. Baker, Long, Populist, and 1,487 for ceived 23,269 votes, against 7,912 for James H. Democrat, 10,362 for L. C. II. S. Kellom, Prohibitionist. Mr. McCleary is a leading authority in the House on economic subjects. He met the author of “Coin's Financial School” in debate at Duluth, and routed him by the force Not long ago he made a powerful speech in the House against of his strong argument in support of sound currency. free coinage of silver and in favor of sound currency. He is an ardent protectionist and a zealous friend of industrial Drogress. ELLING. K. Rove RUD. Mr. church. McCleary the His wife's maiden name was Mary Edith Taylor. Mo- Stun]) was brought up in Presbyterian They have one son, Leslie Taylor McCleary. Mr. Cleary's home is in Mankato. He is a forcible speaker, and his vigorous canvasses of his district have done much during the past six years to strengthen the Re- publican party in Minnesota. He is especially strong in his arguments on economic and financial subjects. In June, 1896, he was renominated for Congress by the unanimous vote of the Republican Second district con- vention. OVERUI), ELLING K.-E. K. Roverud, whose in- four inches and one-half) entitles him *Tall way Pine of Houston County," was born at Ringerike, Norway, Nov. 2, 1852. His father, Knute H. Roverud, was a farmer in the old country, and, coming with his family mense height (six feet to the pseudonym of the Nor- to Minnesota in 1867, engaged in farming in Spring Grove township, Houston county. Young Roverud attended the common schools of Norway, and on his arrival in Minne- sota he worked on the farm in summer and attended school winters. He entered the Winona normal school in January, 1874, attended two and one-half years, and graduated. He taught school in Fillmore county two terms, and then attended Luther College, Decorah, Iowa, one year in the teachers' department, after which he returned home and became principal of the Spring Grove public schools. In 1880 he was elected county auditor of Houston county, which office he held four years, and was afterward ap- pointed clerk of the district court to fill a vacancy for one year. He was then elected county auditor for a two-year terlin. of the In May, 1890, he became one of the two publishers Caledonia Journal, and has been its editor ever since. He has always been, and is a steadfast and active Republican. Mr. Roverud was elected to the State Senate in the fall of 1894 to represent the First senatorial district of this state. His rival for the honor was James C. Kelly, Demo- crat, who was indorsed by the Populists. Kelly was run- ning for reelection. Mr. Roverud received a majority of 602 out of a vote of 3,200. In the senate Mr. Roverud was ree- ognized throughout the session as a very active senator, quick to see the needs of his district and the public at large, energetic in action, and always moving with good judg- His tall form made him a marked figure, and visitors to the Senate at ment and effectively. and massive frame once became interested in him. He was married to Miss Martha H. Blex rud some Seven- teen years ago. They have six children. * * * TEVENS, HIRAM FAIR CHILD. Hiram Fairchild Stevens, one of the most prominent Republicans of St. Paul, has for the past seven years been a mem. ber of the state legislature. He is a lawyer of high rank, and one of the best orators in Minnesota. Mr. Stevens is a simon-pure Yankee, a descendant of the best Vermont He was born at St. Albans, Vt., Sept. 11, 1852. His father, Dr. Hiram Fairchild Stevens, now deceased, was an stock. eminent physician and one of Vermont's foremost citizens. He was for a long time president of the Vermont State Medical Society, was at various times a member of the Ver- mont state legislature, and served in the War of the Re- A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 273 bellion as an army surgeon. Mr. Stevens' mother, originally Miss Louise I. Johnson, lives at St. Albans. Mr. Stevens is the oldest of a family of four children. After the death of his father, which occurred in January, 1866, he obtained employment in a grocery store. bitious to acquire an education, during a year's service in the store he saved enough money to enter Kimball Union Academy. By teaching school at intervals and working on farms during vacations he worked his way through this academy and succeeded in graduating from the University of Vermont. He studied law in the office of Judge John Ann- Ix. Porter of New York, and in the Columbia Law School, and graduated from that institution in 1874. ately afterward he was admitted to the bar of Vermont. He formed a law partnership at St. Albans, the firm style Immedi- being Davis & Stevens, and engaged in a successful prac- tice. He was admitted to the United States Circuit Court in March, 1876, and continued to rise in his profession. Mr. Stevens removed to St. Paul in December, 1879, and formed a law partnership with William P. Warner. In 1886 Mr. Stevens withdrew from this partnership, and be- came counsel of the St. Paul Title Insurance and Trust Company, which position he still holds. He is also a member of the law firm of Stevens, O'Brien, Cole & Al- brecht, one of the strongest aggregations of lawyers in St. I’aul. Mr Stevens was one of the organizers of the American Bar Association, at Saratoga, N. Y., in August, 1878; was for several years a member of its general council, and is at the present time vice president of the organization for Min- nesota. He was the first secretary of the Vermont State Bar Association, organized in October, 1878. He was one of the organizers of the Ramsey County Bar Association, and has served as its president. He took a leading part in the organization of the Minnesota State Bar Association, in June, 1883, and was its first secretary, and is at present its vice president. For years he has been a conspicuous figure in the chamber of commerce, and has served several terms as one of the directors of the organization. In 1888 Mayor Smith (Democrat) appointed him one of the park commissioners of St. Paul, and for several years Mr. Stevens was president of the park board. Mr. Stevens is a Mason, and was a member of the Grand Lodge of Vermont. For years he was prelate of Damascus Commandery of Knights Templar of St. Paul. He is also an Odd Fellow and a Knight of Pythias. for five years a member of the national guard, serving in In Vermont he was the “Ransom Guards,” a crack military organization. In 1876 Mr. Stevens was at the head of the Hayes and Wheeler club of Vermont. man of the Ramsey County Republican Committee, which, in spite of the decidedly Democratic supremacy in the Ten years later he was chair- county, secured the election of five out of the seven repre- sentatives to the legislature, also a majority of the county officers. In 1888 he was elected to the lower house of the legislature as one of the representatives of the Twenty- seventh senatorial district. Two years later he was elected to the Senate, and in the fall of 1894 he was reëlected to the Senate. In the House his prominence gained for him the chairmanship of the judiciary committee, and soon after the session of the legislature began he was recog- nized as one of the ablest and most influential men of either HIRAM. F. STEVEns. house. He was also chairman of the judiciary committee of the Senate of the legislature of 1895. During his legislative career Mr. Stevens introduced and carried through many bills which are now prominent He also took a leading advocacy of many noted bills which were introduced by others and are now laws. Among laws. the many leading measures passed during his first term in the legislature that owe their passage largely to his sup- port are the Australian election law, the law requiring cor- porations to pay fees to the state, under which it has re- ceived nearly half a million dollars of revenue, law for the 27.4 A || | ST'ſ) ſº) () ſº THE /º/, PL/3 L/ ( [ \ |* 1 ſº T). sanitary inspection of factories, law creating a pension fund for disabled policemen and for widows of policemen, and a law requiring employers of females to furnish seats for them. Among the most prominent measures passed by the legisla- ture of 1895 that were introduced and advocated by Mr. Stevens are the law for a constitutional amendment au- thorizing the taxation of sleeping cars and other corpora- tion property, law for the arbitration of labor difficulties, law for the incorporation of societies to loan money to the worthy poor, and a law requiring employment bureaus FRANK E. E.L.MUND. to keep their records in such a way that fraud may be easily detected. Every election of Mr. Stevens to the legislature has been by a large majority, though his district has a Democratic majority of about 500. In his last election he was opposed by Michael Doran, the Democratic candidate, who is considered one of the strongest men in the Democratic party; but he received 1,065 more votes than Mr. Doran. The significance of this victory is more apparent from the fact that in the spring preceding this election Robert A. Smith, the Democratic candidate for mayor of St. Paul, received a plurality in the Ninth ward, which is in Mr. Ste- vens's legislative district, of 458, while Mr. Stevens, in the fall following, received a plurality from this same ward of 496, and he also carried twenty-three out of the twenty-eight precincts of his district. He is one of the lecturers in the law college of the state university, his subject being "Real Property.” On Jan. 20, 1870, Mr. Stevens was married to Miss Laura A. Clary, daughter of Joseph E. Clary of Mas- sena, N. Y. * * * LMUNI), FRANI, ELOIT-Frank Elof Elmund, son of Magnus and Charlotte Elmund, was born July 21, 1859, in Elmelodo, Kronobergs Lan, Sweden. Tillers of the soil for many generations were the families of both his parents, and there on his father's farm Iºrank grew up to young manhood, becoming acquainted with all branches of farm work, and attending the public schools of his native parish. An older brother had come to America when Iºrank was a small boy; and partly from his accounts of the new world, and partly from a belief that America would offer better opportunities for his growing family to make careers for themselves, Magnus Elmund, in the spring of 1876, sold his farm and home in his native Sweden, and started, as so many thousands of others had done before him, to seek new lands beyond the sea. They reached St. Paul in June, 1876, but soon left for Sedgwick county, Kansas, where, in company with the oldest son, who had been ten years in the country, they bought a farm and again settled down to a life devoted to the tillage of the soil. Here Frank, now grown to young manhood, besides working on the farm, attended the public schools for two winters and made good progress in learning the language of his adopted country. Not long after locating in Kansas, Magnus Elmund died. The family remained until 1878 and then returned to St. Paul, where they have since lived. Frank Elmund, now about nineteen years of age, forced to shift for himself, took up the first thing that offered. For two years he drove team, and then went out with the crew that was building what is now the Omaha road, from St. Paul to Ashland. The next year he came back to St. Taul and secured employment as receiving clerk in a ware- house. A year afterward he hired out to a fuel company, and in 1884 he engaged in the fuel business for himself. For eleven years he conducted the fuel business success- fully, and only sold out after being elected county treas- urer of Ramsey county in the fall of 1894. Miny S. 1SST, Mr. Elmund was united in marriage with Augusta C. Johnson. They have two children, both boys, Clarence, aged seven, and Morris, aged two. A daughter was born to them, but died in her infancy. || || | ST'ſ) ſº) () || || || || I’EPUBLI ('A \ P_1 | "T"). 275 Mr. Lutheran Church of St. Paul. Elmund's preferred church is the First Swedish He is a member of the A. O. U. W., K. of P., the Business Men's Union and the Com- mercial Club, and treasurer of the Union Cemetery. He was reared a Republican. Hatred of slavery made the Swedish people natural allies of that party, and in its fold most of them have remained. Mr. Elmund has taken an active part in local politics, is a member of the Lincoln Club, and in 1894 was nominated and elected treasurer of the strongly Democratic county of Ramsey by a plurality of 2,300 over John S. Grode, who was his chief competitor. Frank E. Elmund is the second Republican who ever served as treasurer of the county. That he has performed his du- ties faithfully is conceded even by his political opponents. * * * IDDES, ALEXANDER.—Alexander Fiddles of Jack- son, who has for many years been one of the leading Republicans of Minnesota, was born at Campsie, Stirlingshire, Scotland, March 15, 1840. His father, James Fiddles, and his mother, originally Miss Jessie Nisbit, were natives of the same locality. The father by occupation was a cotton weaver, having several looms, and selling his falo- rics at the stores of various towns. Alexander attended the public schools of Campsie until sixteen years old; then he was compelled to shift for himself. He went to Glas- gow, where he served a five-years' apprenticeship as an engineer. He then went to sea as an engineer, and sailed between the East Indies and China, Egypt, Burmah, and Persia. During the war between England and Abyssinia he conveyed troops and dispatches between India and Abys- sinia, being in the latter country during the bombardment of Magdala and at the time of the capture of IXing Theo- dore. For three years he was chief engineer for the Bom- bay & Bengal Steamship Company. The vessel on which he served as engineer was finally sold by the colupany to the Persians, with the condition attached that Mr. Fiddles should be retained as engineer of the vessel for six months after the sale. He served seven years upon the ocean, then went from Bagdad to Bombay, then up the Red Sea to Suez, crossed the desert to Alexandria, went down the Mediterranean to Marseilles, thence to Paris, to London, and reached his old home at Campsie. Finding that two of his brothers had emigrated to Canada, he decided to follow them. Mr. Fiddes arrived at Jackson, Minn., in 1869, and has resided there ever since. Almost immediately after his arrival at Jackson he met Miss Agnes Hunter, daughter of James and Agnes Cook Hunter, a Scotch family that had lived in the place for several years, and on September 16th of the same year he married her. Mrs. Fiddles was born in Perthshire, Scotland. Mr. Fiddes engaged in the mer- cantile business at Jackson with J. W. Hunter, his wife's brother, and the two continued together until 1872, when Mr. Fiddes engaged in the hardware business without a partner, continuing in that until 1894, when he retired to devote all his time to looking after his large farming and other property interests. He has served two terms as representative in the state legislature, the first term being in the House of 1877, and the second in the House of 1884. During his first term he was chairman of the House half of the joint special conn- ALEXANDER FIDDES. mittee on St. Peter Hospital, the purpose of which was to consider the matter of removing the imbeciles to other quarters. He advocated the building of an imbecile asy- lum, and his committee reported in favor of so doing. The legislature passed a bill in accordance with the report of the committee, and the outcome of the matter was that an imbecile hospital was established at Faribault. During this session he was a prominent member of the railroad committee, of which D. M. Sabin was chairman, and while acting in that capacity he led the winning fight of South- ern Minnesota against several leading capitalists of the 276 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Twin Cities in the matter of the land grant for the Southern Minnesota Railway. By the terms of the grant the Southern Minnesota Railway was to be built across the state by 1875. The road, however, built only to Winne- bago City, and failed to get farther until the time had ex- pired. Certain capitalists of the Twin Cities, who were interested in other railways, sought to have the land grant canceled. The populace of Jackson looked upon it as a matter of vital importance to Jackson that the Southern Minnesota should be continued on westward through their OL-N. E. LEwis. locality, and took it for granted that it would not be if the grant were canceled. To Mr. Fiddes they looked for a champion, and they were not disappointed. During this term in the House Mr. Fiddes was also a prominent mem- ber of the committee on public accounts and expenditures. During his second term in the House he was made chair- man of the committee on towns and counties. Governor Merriam, at the beginning of his second term as governor, made Mr. Fiddes a member of the state board of equalization, and he was reappointed to the posi- tion by Governor Nelson, and again by Governor Clough. Mr. Fiddles was made treasurer of the Jackson school board in 1871 and still held the position in 1896. He was president of the village council four years, was postmaster of Jackson from 1877 to 1885 inclusive, and from 1889 to 1893 inclusive, and he was a member of the Republican state central committee during the years 1894-96, and has again been appointed for 1896-98. Mr. Fiddes was made a Mason in Renfew, Scotland, in 1865, in Prince of Wales Lodge, No. 426. Since then he has passed through every degree of Masonry, the Chapter, Commandery, Consistory, and Shrine,—and has held about every office in the order. Among his various possessions in Jackson is a fine brick store building, and just outside the city limits he has a fine four hundred-acre farm. * * * EWIS, OLIN B-Olin B. Lewis, one of the substan- tial conservative young Republicans of St. Paul, was born March 12, 1861, in the town of Weyan- wega, Waupaca county, Wisconsin. His father, Z. D. Lewis, traces his ancestry back to Plymouth Rock and the Mayflower; while his mother, Rebecka Horning, was descended from a German family who had settled in Pennsylvania in the early times. His ancestry, on the side of both father and mother, were among the sturdy yoemanry who hewed out for themselves homes in the wilderness, built up the early commonwealths, and de- fended their possessions from the attacks of Indians, the encroachments of the French, and the oppression of the English. His grandfather, Miner Lewis, was the author of several war ballads of 1812, and two or three brothers of this grandfather were officers in the American army during the same war. Born and reared on a farm, young Olin Lewis grew up accustomed to hard work. Out door air and exercise gave him a good physical development. The common schools furnished the foundation of his education. The high school at Omro, Winnebago county, near where his father had located as a farmer, prepared him for the state university, where he entered in the fall of 1879. Here he spent the better part of five years supporting himself, while pursuing his studies, by working during vacations and at such other times as employment offered. The last year of his course in the university he was appointed regu- lar instructor in chemistry, a position which he held for another year after graduating with honors in 1884. After leaving the university he took up the study of law, and for five years more his time was divided between the study of his chosen profession and earning the means to meet necessary expenditures. During part of a number of sea- sons he was employed by the Walter A. Wood Company in their collection department. He taught country and A HISTORY OF THE REPUR LICAN PARTY. 277 village schools, and for some time was engaged as a high school teacher. Admitted to the bar in 1889, he located in St. Paul and formed a law partnership with Oscar Hallam, under the firm name of Lewis & Hallam. He is regarded as a lawyer of excellent judgment, has been engaged in many notable cases, and in the fall of 1896 he was nominated for district judge at the Republican county convention at St. Paul. Born at the opening of the Civil War, his boyhood and youth were passed among ardent opponents of slavery. His entire surroundings tended to make and keep him a firm and uncompromising Republican. Such he has re- mained, as such he was nominated against his protest, and elected against his wish, to the city assembly in 1894, and reºlected in 1806. victions and great determination. Never afraid to express Mr. Lewis is a man of strong con- his sentiments, his course in the assembly has met the ap- proval of many outside his own party, and their votes helped to swell his majority. Mr. Lewis was married in 1885 to Della Barnett of Osh- kosh, Wis. He was brought up in the Methodist Church and is now a member of the Central Park Methodist Epis- copal Church of St. Paul. He is a Mason, a Modern Wood- man, and past master of the Ancient Order of United Work- 111-11. * * * OTTGIESER, NICHOLAS.–Nicholas Pottgieser was born in the Territory of Minnesota and the village of St. Paul, Feb. 26, 1854, in a house located where the St. Paul postoffice now stands, and on the same lot where he now lives. His father, Nicholas Pottgieser, Sr., was a Prussian by birth, who came to Chicago in the fifties in search of wider opportunities. Having by several years of industry and economy acquired a few hundred dollars, he took to him- self a wife and migrated to St. Paul, where he purchased land at the corner of Fifth and Wabasha streets and erected a hotel, which will be remembered by many old settlers as the Minnesota House. Here he lived and con- ducted the hotel business until his death, Feb. 21, 1880. Though a thorough German on his father's side, the sub- ject of this sketch is an equally thorough American on the side of his mother. She was descended from a Scotch and English family named Graves, who early located in the Mohawk Valley, in Herkimer county, New York. Lieu- tenant Graves, a brother of Mrs. Pottgieser's grandmother, was killed in the War of 1812. Her husband, a Mr. Cooke, This Mr. Cooke was an uncle of the noted bankers, Jay and Pitt Cooke, and of Edwin Cooke, a well known clergyman of his time. Mr. Pottgieser obtained his education in the common was also an officer during the same war. schools of his native city. Among his teachers he remem- bers Principals S. S. Taylor and George Sidney Smith. He also for some time attended a German school, and now speaks that language equally well with English. At an early age he left school and began work about his father's hotel. His whole life has been spent in the hotel and res- taurant business. ful business methods, he was able to retire in 1894 with a nice competency. Mr. Pottgieser was reared by his father a staunch Democrat, and, in 1880, he was elected as a Democrat to the office of county commissioner of Ramsey As a result of energy, thrift, and care- NICHOLAs POTTGIzsefx. He filled this position for two years, but refused His first indication of weak- county. to consider a renomination. ening in the Democratic faith was in 1890, when he took a deep interest in the campaign of his friend, Col. A. R. Kiefer, who was the Republican candidate for mayor of St. Paul. This set him to thinking; and after carefully examining the tenets of both parties, he became convinced of the correctness of the principles of protection and reci- procity. Consequently, he has since affiliated with the Re- publican party, and as a Republican was elected state senator in 1894 by 602 majority from the Twenty-sixth 278 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. district, one of the strongest Democratic districts in the state. In the State Senate, he served on the railway, edu- cational, and temperance committees, and was chairman of the printing committee. He originated and secured the passage of a bill to diminish fees for collecting delinquent taxes, and a bill to secure pay to unseated officers for the time they should actually serve, in case they had received a certificate of election. His poultry bill, which the dis- trict court declared unconstitutional, is the measure with which his name has become most intimately identified. EUGENE v. SMALLEY. A uniform license bill was another measure which he in- troduced, but failed to secure its passage. Senator Pottgieser attends Christ Episcopal Church, and is a member of the Masonic fraternity, the Odd Fellows, the Druids, and the Sons of Hermann. He also belongs to the Lincoln Club, and was one of the founders and is still an active member of the Junior Pioneers. In 1875 he was united in marriage with Miss Franceska Handlos, who was born in Austria and came to this coun- try at seven years of age. Her death occurred Jan. 14, 1893, no children having blessed their union, MALLEY, EUGENE VIRGIL. - E. W. Smalley, a prominent Republican journalist in Washington and New York during the period following the Civil War, and in later years an author, magazine writer, and pub- lisher, was born in Randolph, Portage county, Ohio, in 1841. interested in the anti-slavery movement, and who wrote articles and delivered lectures in its support. The father died when the boy was eleven years old, and at thirteen the He was the son of a small farmer, who was warmly latter apprenticed himself to learn the printer's trade in the office of the Advertiser, at Fredonia, N. Y. pleted his apprenticeship on the Telegraph, at Painesville, He conn- Ohio, and then managed to get a few terms of schooling in a little anti-slavery college at McGrawsville, N. Y., endowed by Gerrit Smith. school and setting type part of the time. nineteen he was part owner and local editor of the Press At twenty he enlisted, by teaching At the age of This was accomplished and Advertiser, in Painesville, Ohio. on the outbreak of the Rebellion, in the Seventh Ohio In- fantry, under the first call for volunteers. He was dis- charged in 1863 on account of wounds received at the battle of Port Republic. Herald, and then obtained a clerkship in the treasury at He worked for a time on the Cleveland Washington. This post he resigned in 1865 to buy the Red- ister at Youngstown, Ohio, in the congressional district of General Garfield, who obtained for him the clerkship of the committee on military affairs in the House, at Wash- ington. He sold his newspaper in 1868, traveled in Europe in 1869, and in 1870 began to furnish Washington corre- spondence for the New York Tribune. In 1871 Horace Gree- ley gave him a place on the staff of that paper, and he went South to investigate the Ixu-Klux outrages. His letters from South Carolina led to the suspension of the hallºws corpus in five counties of that state by President Grant, and to the arrest and punishment of a large number of the leaders of the cruel Ixu-Ixlux Klan. In 1883. Mr. Smalley was sent to Europe to describe the World's Iºnilº The Philadelphia was his special field in 1876. at Vienna. Centennial Exhibition at As a political correspondent, he visited nearly every state in the Union, frequently taking part in campaigns as a platform speaker. In 1880 he wrote “A Brief History of the Republican Party,” which had a large sale, and also a life of General Garfield. Tribune, except one year spent in the position of managing editor of the Cleveland Herald. In 1882 he was commis- sioned by the Century Magazine to travel through the north- ern tier of states and territories, from Lake Superior to This jour- He served continuously for twelve years on the the Pacific Ocean, and write a series of articles. ney led him to write a “History of the Northern Pacific Railroad,” which was published in a large volume in 1883 by G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York. In 1884 he established A HISTORY OF THE 279 It’ſ PUBLIC" | N PA ſº T). in St. Paul the Northwest Illustrated Monthly Magazine, with the purpose of promoting the development of all the new regions of the northwestern part of the American conti- ment. Of this periodical he is still editor and publisher. Mr. Smalley has been a frequent contributor to Eastern magazines, notably to the Atlantic, the Century, and the fºrum. His hone is in St. Paul. His extensive travels in the Northwest and his close study of its topography, cli- nate, resources, and people, for fourteen years, has made him a recognized authority on this section. He has en- joyed the acquaintance of seven Presidents of the United States, and was the trusted personal friend of Hayes and Garfield. His newspaper work brought him into intimate relations with nearly all the eminent men who organized the Republican party and were its national leaders during the first thirty years of its existence. * * * EATWOLE, JOEL PRESCOTT-Joel I’. Heatwºole, representative in Congress from the Third district of Minnesota, was born in the village of Waterford, Elkhart county, Indiana, Aug. 22, 1856. His father, Henry Heatwºole, was a physician, a Virginian by birth, who moved first to Ohio and then to Indiana. His mother, Bar- bara Kolb, was born in Pennsylvania, and is still living at Goshen, Ind. On both sides the family is of German (le- scent. Mr. Heatwºole's paternal great-grandfather, Mathias Heatwºole, emigrated from Germany to the United States in 1748, settled in Pennsylvania, and married Mary Haas. His grandfather, David Heatwºole, married Magdalene Weland. and removed to Virginia. His maternal great-grandfather. George Ixleber, was born in Germany, and came to this country when a boy, and his daughter Elizabeth married Henry Kolb, grandfather of the subject of this sketch. The Klebers and Kolbs took part in the Revolutionary struggle. Joel worked on a farm when a lad, and by the time he was seventeen he had mastered the printer's trade. Next he like young men of that day, and he rose to the position of took to school teaching. many ambitious principal of the graded schools of Millersburg, Ind. In 1876 he began the publication of a weekly newspaper, the Millersburg Enterprise, which he conducted for two years, continuing at the same time his work in the schools. In 1878 he decided to give up teaching, and to seek his permanent career in journalism. He then removed to Middlebury, Ind., established a printing office, and began the publication of a weekly paper called the Record. In 1881 he sold the Record, and purchased an interest in the Goshen Times. For four years he was secretary of the In- diana Editorial Association. Disposing of his interest in the Times in 1882, he worked for a short time as a reporter on daily papers and then removed to Minnesota. Mr. Heatwole's first newspaper venture in Minnesota was the purchase of a half interest in the Glencoe Enter- prise. A few months later he went to Duluth, and worked on the Lake Superior News. In November, 1883, he re- turned to Glencoe, and resumed charge of the Enterprise until April, 1884, when he bought the Northfield News, and in March, 1885, purchased the Northfield Journal, and consolidated it with the News. In 1886 he was elected first vice president of the Minne- sota Editors' and Publishers' Association, and in 1887 was JOEL. P. HEAT wol. E. elected president, and reelected in 1888–89. He was made a member of the Republican state central committee in 1886, elected secretary of that body and also a member of the executive committee; was reëlected in 1888 to the same positions; was unanimously elected a delegate at large to the National Republican Convention in Chicago, June, 1888, and was made chairman of the Republican state central committee in 1890, which position he filled with zeal and ability until July 28, 1892. In December, 1891, the governor appointed him a member of the board of regents of the University of Minnesota. 0.8% 'Allºſ VoI NWOIT &Iſleſ (TAI (IHI, 10 M2/0,LSI H. 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Mr. Gibbs had a long, tedious fight to get the bill through, but even- tually won, both in the House and Senate. After it was passed, powerful influences were brought to bear upon Governor Pillsbury to induce him to veto it. The governor was at first disposed to do so, but after hearing the argu- ments of Mr. Gibbs, in which he showed that all the great states of the Union, as well as nearly all the younger states, had laws requiring that a party must be sued only in the county of his residence, Governor Pillsbury attached his signature to the bill. In 1886 Mr. Gibbs was a prominent candidate for gov- Hon. A. R. McGill was nominated for that office, however, and Mr. Gibbs took a very active part in stump- ing the state in his behalf. -1-11-1- In 1887 Governor McGill appointed Mr. Gibbs railroad commissioner, and at the expiration of his term of two years he was reappointed as railroad commissioner by Gov- ernor Merriain. The subject of this sketch has for many years taken great interest in developing dairying in the state, and for two years he was president of the State Dairymen's As- sociation. In 1868 he was married to Mrs. Martha Robson, widow of Capt. James A. Robson, who was killed in the war in the year 1862. Among the many honors borne by Mr. Gibbs was that of being chairman of the Republican state convention which first nominated Wm. R. Merriam for governor, and was himself one of the leading candidates for nomination for governor at the hands of the Republican state con- vention of 1896. * * * ANDALL, EUGENE WILSON.—E. W. Itandall was born in Winona, Minn., Jan. 1, 1859. His parents, Albert D. and Maria Jayne Randall, were natives of New York, both father and mother being descended from families that have lived in that state since early colonial times. Mr. Randall's father died in November, 1859, and about two years later his mother married J. B. Stebbins of Utica, Minn., upon whose farm the subject of this sketch was brought up, receiving his early education in the country district schools. Later he attended the high school in St. Charles and the state normal school at Winona, graduating from the latter institution with a full share of school hon- ors in 1879. From Winona, Mr. Randall went to Morris, Minn., where he was chosen principal of the public schools, and where, under the State High School Act, he organized the Morris high school. At the end of two years he resigned this posi- tion that he might give personal attention to the Morris Tribune, which paper he had purchased. Under his manage- ment the Tribune had a large circulation, for a country paper, and, with an excellent business patronage, was a thriving and influential publication. Disposing of the Tribune by sale in 1888, Mr. Randall turned his attention to farm work, residing for a number of years on Spring Lawn Farm, a well equipped place of 640 acres near Morris, which he still owns. EUGENE. W. RANDALL. In politics Mr. Randall has always been a consistent and active Republican. He has served as a member of the state central committee, and has been chairman of the party committee in Stevens county, as well as a worker in the ranks. In 1891 he was appointed postmaster at Morris by President Harrison, and served in that capacity Agricultural work has always had an at- traction for him. During most of the years of his resi- dence in Morris he was connected with the Stevens County Agricultural Society in some capacity. He served for one term, also, as secretary of the Morris Driving Park As- for one term. 282 A HISTORY OF THE REPI BLICAN PARTY. For the last nine years he has been active in the affairs of the Minnesota State Agricultural Society almost sociation. continually, beginning in 1887 as assistant secretary. He was elected as one of the loard of managers in 1893; was chosen secretary of the society in 1895, and was reëlected as secretary in 1896. Mr. Randall's work as secretary has been successful to a marked degree. He has visited all parts of the state for the purpose of enlisting coºperation and increasing interest in the state fair, and has shown a thorough comprehen- sion of the varied resources of the state and an ability to JOHN T. FRATER. devise new and practical plans for presenting then in an attractive way to the hundreds of thousands of visitors to the fair grounds. Mr. Randall has taken a hearty in- terest in the new movement for encouraging immigration to the state, and his addresses have been a notable feature of the numerous district and county conventions held to forward this movement. His home is a very pleasant one. He was married in 1SS2 to Miss Eudora, youngest daughter of Hon. and Mrs. H. W. Stone of Morris. them–Clarence, aged thirteen; Ward, aged eleven; Frank, lºour children have been born to aged eight, and Dorothy, who died when less than two years old. The family is now domiciled upon the state fair grounds, a residence there being required of the see- the boys are numbered among the pupils in the public schools of the city of St. Paul. retary of state agricultural society; and the three * * * RATER, JOHN TAYLOR-John T. Frater is a native of Belmont county, Ohio, where he was born on a farm April 19, 1848, the second of a family of five boys. His early education consisted or going to the dis- trict school in winter and working on the farm in the sum- ner until he was fourteen years of age, when, on account of his father's death, he was obliged to leave school, and, with the help of an elder brother, assist his mother in the management and working of the farm. His father, Thomas Frater, was a Virginian by birth, but of Scotch parentage. After his removal to Ohio he became a sheep raiser of con- siderable prominence, and was accounted one of the best judges of high-grade sheep in the state. His mother is a native of Scotland. She came to America with her parents in 1819, at the age of one year. To her example and teach- ing he attributes his success in life, and desires to attest this tribute of veneration. The only higher education Mr. Frater ever enjoyed was one year spent at the Ohio Cen- tral College at Iberia, and later, when he decided on a business career, a term at Duff's Commercial College at 1SS1, Mr. Brainerd and entered the employ of the Northern Pacific I’ittsburg, Pa. In December, Iºrater cane to Railroad as a clerk in the division superintendent's office, a position which he held until 1883, when he resigned to mercantile house in In the fall of 1SSS he was the Republican candidate for country treasurer, and He was reëlected in 1890, 1892, and 1894, He is an exceptionally genial and become a book-keeper for a large 3rainerd, remaining there five years. was elected. without any opposition. affable gentleman, and though always an ardent and con- sistent Republican, counts his friends in any and all par- ties, as witness his political leadership in his home county and continued reelection to the most responsible office in that county without any opposition from the other parties. Even as a boy, before he moved from Ohio, he was active in state and local politics, and as a young man took a prom- inent part in the congressional, state, and county conven- tions. In October, 1874, Mr. Frater was married to Miss Julia A. V. Myers of Iberia, Ohio. Mrs. Frater is of a quiet and retiring disposition, and has never aspired to social leader- ship, but has always enjoyed the society of a large circle of warm personal friends and has been a wise counselor of her husband in his political and business affairs. She is a A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 283 woman of education and refinement, a great lover of flow- ºrs, and is always posted on the topics of the day, being a great newspaper reader. Her home is a pleasant one. Mr. Frater considers his marriage to this lady the most fortunate act of his life. He has for many years been a prominent Mason. He is a Knight Templar, and Past Commander of Ascalon Com- mandery, No. 16, Knights Templar, of Brainerd. a noble of the Mystic Shrine, and a member of the Knights of Pythias. Mr. Iºrater is a stature, and has more the look of a student than that of His greatest faculty A resident of He is also In person man of medium an active business man or politician. is in the making and keeping of friends. Brainerd asserts that “the day would never be too cold or stormy nor the exigencies such that John T. Frater would not leave his fireside to do a kindness.” It is this characteristic which, perhaps more than any other, has made him such a universal favorite in the community, and has made his many reelections to office possible. * * * Andrew R. Riefer is one of He came to the North- IEEEIR, ANI REW, It. the pioneers of Minnesota. west and selected St. Paul as his permanent abiding place in 1855, before the state was admited into the Union. lie was at that time an emergetic, enterprising, and enthu- siastic young German-American citizen, and these character- istics have always predominated in his long, successful, and honorable career. Colonel Kiefer was the first wharf- master at the foot of Jackson street, and occasionally he may be found there on a pleasant summer evening recount- 1860 A year later, ing tales of the early and exciting days of 1855. In he was clerk of the Minnesota legislature. when President Lincoln called for volunteers, young Kiefer organized a German-American company, and tendered his services with those of his command to the governor. He served as captain of Company G, Second Minnesota Vol- unteer Infantry, and was in the first engagement of the Western army at Mill Springs, Ky. He served with valor and distinction, holding the office of provost marshal in Tennessee under General Schofield for some time. Captain Ixiefer was commissioned a colonel of Minnesota state troops in the fall of 1863. her of the legislature of the state. politics until 1877, when he was elected clerk of the dis- In 1864 he was elected a men- He then retired from trict court for Ramsey county, one of the strongest Demo- In 1890 he was the Repub- He made cratic counties in the state. lican candidate for mayor of the city of St. Paul. an aggressive and active campaign. He perfected an or- ganization in every precinct of the city, and although de- feated by a small majority, Colonel Kiefer laid the founda- tions in that campaign for future victories of the party and for himself. In 1892 the Republicans of the Fourth congressional district unanimously nominated him for Con- gress. The district was Democratic, but Colonel Riefer carried it by over 3,000 plurality. Colonel Kiefer's first term in Congress was marked by his successful efforts in securing legislation for the survey of the proposed canal from the head waters of the Missis- sippi to Lake Superior, on which the government engineers have since made a favorable report. In 1894 he was unan- imously renominated and received the magnificent plu- Andrew R. K. Erie R. rality of more than 10,000, leading the ticket in every county of the district. Colonel Kiefer is an indefatigable worker for the cause of Republicanism. He is always ready and willing to do his part, and he has ever been at the front in many heated political campaigns. He is a thorough American, a well read and perfectly posted citizen, who takes a keen and immediate interest in all questions of the public concern. His votes and utterances in the Congress of the United States have been heartily indorsed by his constituents, and he is always at his post of duty. 284 A HISTORY OF THE /* EPUBLICAN PARTY. OWNE, CHARLES A.—Charles A. Towne of Duluth, representative in Congress of the Sixth district of Minnesota, was born Nov. 21, 1858, on a farm in Rose township, Oakland county, Michigan. On both sides of the Mr. John William Towne and Joanna Blessing Towne, his wife. house Towne descends from I'uritan stock. landed at Salem, Mass., from the west of England in 1636. Mr. Towne is a direct descendant of these pioneers. His mother was Miss Laura Fargo. On her mother's side she was descended from the Lawrences of New England, of CHARLEs A. Town E. whom Amos and Abbott Lawrence, respectively famous as philanthropist and minister to England, were members. On her father's side she was related to the Masons, who were connections of George Washington. Mr. Towne's grandfather was Levi Towne, born in New Hampshire in 1797. His parents moved with him from New Hampshire to Wyoming county, New York, when he was a boy. Mr. Towne's father, Charles Judson Towne, was married in Wyoming county in 1857. Among the noted relatives of the Towne family were Gen. Salem Towne, a famous gen- eral in the War of 1812, and Salem Towne, author of a series of text-books. Mr. Towne was educated in the common school and at Ann Arbor, where he graduated in the class of 1881. He was orator of his class in the senior year. After graduat- ing, he engaged in the department of public instruction at Lansing as chief clerk. He declined the professorship of English at Ann Arbor preparatory school, and also the professorship of Latin and Modern Languages at the Or- chard Lake Military Academy, in order to study law. He studied law nights by himself, performing his duties as chief clerk daytimes. He took an interest in politics at an early age. In 1884 he was prominently mentioned as a andidate for Congress in the Lansing, Mich., district, the Lansing Jºepublican bringing him out. He was admitted to the bar in the supreme court of Michigan, in April, 1885, and began practice in partnership with W. S. Hill, at Marquette, in March, 1886. to Miss Maude Irene Wiley of Lansing. In 1888 there was a special election for Congress in the Eleventh Michigan district, comprising the upper peninsula, J. A. Hub- After two days balloting, Mr. Towne was offered enough votes to He was married April 20, 1887, Seth C. Moffatt, the congressman, having died. bell was the leading candidate for the nomination. nominate him; but he declined the honor, and Hon. Henry W. Seymour of Sault and In March, 1889, Mr. Towne moved to Chicago, and Ste. Marie was nominated elected. practiced law there until June, 1890. while in Chicago he and Hon. Geo. E. Foss, a brilliant lºor several months young lawyer, who last fall was elected to the Fifty-fourth Congress, had desks in the same office. Mr. Towne moved to Duluth, Aug. 15, 1890, and entered In January, 1892, The following year Mr. Moer was elected to the district bench. Mr. Towne is at present a member of the law firm of into law partnership with S. L. Smith. he formed the law firm of Moer, Towne & Harris. Phelps, Towne & Harris. In 1876 he made his first appearance upon the stump, and has ever since been active as a speaker and general party worker. He was never a candidate for any office until elected to the Fifty-fourth Congress. His vote was 25,4ST, to 15,836 for M. R. Baldwin and 6,475 for Kittel Hal- verson, a plurality of 9,651 and a majority of 3,176. Becoming a strong advocate of the free coinage of silver at the ratio of sixteen to one, after the action of the St. Louis convention in June, 1896, on the money question, Mr. Towne formally left the Republican party and joined the free silver movement. He proceeded to deliver addresses in Minnesota on the silver question, ranging himself with Senator Teller and the other Republicans who bolted from the St. Louis convention. It is probable that his speech on A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 285 the silver question, delivered in Congress Feb. 8, 1896, and which foreshadowed his retirement from the Republican party and precipitated the noted congressional campaign in his district in the fall of the same year, brought him more prominently before the country than any other step taken by him. * * * ALL, DARWIN SCOTT.-On the shores of Preston lake in Renville county, and distant about five miles from Buffalo Lake, on the Hastings & Dakota line of the Milwaukee & St. Paul IRailroad, is located the farm and home of the subject of this sketch. There is not a prettier location, nor a better farm, acre for acre, than Mr. Hall's. tify this locality. Nature has done everything possible to beau- The farm residence is built on the lake shore, and all the attractiveness that a beautiful lake front, native timber, rolling prairie, and running streams can give to a location, will be found here. Indeed, there is nothing lacking to make home life in this beauty spot of nature simply ideal. Mr. Hall is a son of the Hon. E. D. Hall, who was a resident of Wisconsin for nearly half a century and a prominent figure in Wisconsin politics in the early history of the state, being a member of the state legislature, rep- resenting Winnebago county in that body years. for several It was in Wheatland, Ixenosha county, Wisconsin, that the subject of this sketch was born on the twenty- third day of January, 1844. tended such common schools as were to be found in Wis- consin. Later on he had a brief term in the Elgin, Ill., Academy, and later still in the Markham Academy at Mil- waukee. During his boyhood he at- In 1866 he came to Minnesota and settled in that now historical spot known as Birch Coolie in Renville county. His purpose in coming to Minnesota and settling in Renville county was the same as that of thousands of others, who, hearing of the fertile government lands in this state, came here to avail themselves of the advantages offered, and, like Mr. Hall, took up government land and went to farming. Though a practical farmer, few men in Minnesota have held so many political positions of honor and trust, both elective and appointive, as has Darwin Hall, who has always been a consistent and active Repub- lican. He was twice elected county auditor of Renville county, was clerk of the district court two terms, and for many years represented Renville county in the Senate and House of Representatives. During President Hayes's ad- ministration he was receiver of the local United States land office, and was continued in the same position by President Arthur. In 1888 he was elected to the Fifty- first Congress, and at the close of his term President Harri- son appointed him chairman of the Chippewa Indian Com- mission to succeed the late Hon. Henry M. Rice, a posi- tion he held until the change of administration in 1893. In 1892 he was a delegate to the National Republican con- vention. Mr. Hall's official record is one to which he can point with justifiable pride. and vigorous in his advocacy of Republican principles, no man has ever ventured to suggest the slightest taint of It is greatly Though a strong partisan and earnest - dishonor in connection with his official career. to his credit that, during the various movements for the DARWIN. S. HaLL. betterment of the agricultural classes, Mr. Hall was never carried off his feet by the unsound arguments of the vari- ous anti-monopolistic, Greenback, Farmers' Alliance, or Pop- ulist organizations, though he has always been a large farmer and had more at stake than had ninety-five out of every hundred of those who deserted the Republican party. He is an earnest advocate of sound money. As expressing his belief in the doctrines of sound money, Mr. Hall tells a good story on himself, that happened when he was a boy working on rafts on the Mississippi and Wisconsin rivers. On one occasion, at Davenport, Iowa, he was paid 286 A HISTORY OF THE ſº EPſ 13 L/ ("A M P 1 ſº T). for several months' service in what old-timers will recog- nize by the name of "stump tail" money-the name given to the depreciated currency of that day that was largely Mr. Hall found, after he had been paid his wages and the pay- used in paying off laborers, especially on the rivers. master had departed around the bend of the river, that he was left in Davenport with an amount of money that was really worth about twenty-five cents on the dollar. It is needless to add that he has ever since been a believer in sound money-money worth a hundred cents on the dollar. MORTON. S. WILKINSON. Mr. Hall is a member of a number of Societies, among them the masonic order, of which he is a Royal Arch Mason, the Ancient Order of United Workmen, and the Grand Army of the Republic, in all of which he takes an active and thorough interest. He enlisted as a private in Company IX, Forty-second Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry, and served to the close of the war. For a few years past Mr. Hall has given his time exclusively to the manage- ment of his farming interests and stock raising, and takes only such active interest in politics as is d by his presence in the councils of his party. ºn July 11, 1800, Mr. Hall was married to Mary D. Mc- Laren, who is a daughter of the late Dougal F. McLaren, a prominent merchant and lumberman of Portage-du-Fort on the Ottawa river, Canada. * * * ILKINSON, MORTON. S.-At Skaneateles, Ononda- ga county, New York, Jan. 22, 1819, Morton S. Wil- kinson was born. While securing an education he worked at intervals upon his father's farm. In the year 1837, when eighteen years of age, young Wilkinson came West, lo- cating in Illinois. During the time of his first sojourn in the West, which lasted two years, he was ongaged in rail- road work. He then returned to his native home in New York, where he studied law. After completing his course in law, Mr. Wilkinson came West again, this time settling at Eaton Rapids, Mich. Not quite satisfied with his sur- roundings there, another move was made, and in 1847 he came to Minnesota, locating in Stillwater. There he hung out his shingle, and was the first practicing lawyer north- west of Prairie du Chien. In 1847 he was prosecuting at- torney in Judge Dun's court. Iºroin that time until the time of his leath he was a continuous resident of the state. He was president of the first meeting looking to the organization of the Territory of Minnesota. In 1840 \\ ilkinson was chosen a member of the state legislature. Many of the laws which were adopted by the territory as its code were of his fraining. From 1847 until 1850 he resided in Stillwater, following the practice of his profession. In 1850, desiring to enlarge his field of practice, he removed to St. Paul. In 1855 a treaty was made by the government with the Winnebago Indians. By the terms of this treaty this tribe of Indians was removed from Wis- consin to Blue Earth county, Minnesota. Their reservation was twelve miles east of Mankato. This latter point was not only the trading post of the Winnebago tribe of Indians but also that of the Sioux. On account of the location of the post, only eighty-five miles distant from St. Paul, and easily reached by boat during navigation season, it grew to be a town of considerable commercial importance. To this new town Mr. Wilkinson removed in 1857. He was chosen by the legislature of 1859 to succeed General Shields in the United States Senate. He was chairman of the Senate committee on Revolutionary claims; also, a member of the committee on Indian affairs. At the outbreak of the Civil War he took a leading part in the national councils, and was one of Lincoln's warm- Mr. Wilkinson was commanding in personal appearance. 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Auto out uſ nated oanot: un Moon on tººd tuto out to -tuota lºun ºut. In ulooutº I pontºuſ utonoa touri w unluo Attoo olotuſ II tººl on 1 on on tºolop tº stºw on Fºst uſ ºnosauruſ V tº (Itunns on tool on 1sºuon Ironiloºl Ato Ao uſ put ºntºuns on 288 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Mr. Dowling has always been a Republican. He has been village recorder one term, justice of the peace four years, secretary of Renville county committee, and a dele- gate to district and state conventions. In 1893 he was first assistant clerk of the Minnesota House of Representa- tives, and in 1895 was unanimously elected chief clerk of that body. At the meeting of the National Republican League in June, 1895, at Cleveland, Ohio, after a hard fight, he was elected secretary of that organization. He is tem- porarily located at the Auditorium Hotel, Chicago. LUCAS K. STANNARD. Mr. Dowling is a member of the Knights of Pythias, In- dependent Order of Odd Fellows, the Ancient Order United Workmen, and also a member (nonresident) of the St. Paul Press Club, and of the Marquette Club, Chicago. He was secretary of the Minnesota Editorial Association for two years, and has represented it in the National Association three times. He was a delegate representing the St. Paul Commercial Club at the First National Good Roads Con- vention at Asbury Park in 1894. On Oct. 2, 1895, he was married to Jennie L. Bordewick at Atlanta, Ga. She is the daughter of Henry Bordewick, ex-postmaster of Granite Falls. TANNARD, LUCAS KINGSBURG-Each succeeding year witnesses a constant diminution in the ranks of the old-timers of Minnesota who beheld her throw off the name of Territory and don the garments of State- hood. Those were stirring times in this young state, and among the most active in the councils of the Republican party as constituted in those days, and among the fore- most of her public men, was Lucas K. Stannard, the sub- ject of this sketch. Mr. Stannard was born at Georgia, Vt, July 6, 1825, and was the seventh son of Samuel Stannard, IHis grandfathers, on both his maternal and paternal sides, a merchant and farmer in Franklin county, Vermont. were soldiers in the Revolutionary War. Financially, his father's circumstances were what would be called in those days quite comfortable. Though he had a family of eleven children to raise and support, all received the benefit of a good education, not a little of which was imparted to them by their father in their early years around the home fire- side. common schools of Franklin Lucas Ix. attended the county, and at the age of twenty-one entered Bakersfield Academy, teaching school in the winter, and remained - there three years, during which time he read law in the offices of B. H. Smalley and Corydon Beckwith (who later became a member of the supreme bench of Illinois, and was admitted to the bar at St. Albans, Vt., in 1850. After that Mr. Stannard traveled extensively through the West and Southwest, with a view of selecting a point for perma- ment location, and finally landed at Taylor's Falls in 1852, and preempted a quarter section of land within the present village limits. In addition to attending to the limited law business in the small village, Mr. Stannard worked in Tay- lor & Fox's general merchandise store for three years suc- at After that he formed a law partnership, under the firm name of Stan- ceeding his location Taylor's Falls. nard & Setzer, and during the next three years he devoted the greater portion of his time to the practice of his pro- fession. When this partnership was dissolved, he con- tinued the practice of the law alone until 1872, making only one business venture, which was to engage in logging and lumbering in partnership with Cyrus C. Somers during five years of this time, and which proved to be an unfor- tunate one. In 1872 Mr. Stannard formed a partnership with Smith Ellison of Taylor's Falls, in the general mer- chandise and lumbering business, which lasted for eleven years. This was a highly unremunerative venture, since re- tiring from which he has given his whole time to real estate and law business. Mr. Stannard has not only always been an active Re- publican, but he has been a leader in the ranks of his party in Minnesota, and was for many years the foremost Re- publican in Chisago county. In 1856 he was elected to the last territorial legislature that met in Minnesota, and was A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 289 one of the five to organize the first Republican club in Tay- lor's Falls. He was one of the Chisago county delegates to the constitutional convention in 1857, was secretary of the joint committee that reported the present state constitution to the joint convention, and was the nominee for secretary of state on the first Republican state ticket ever placed be- fore the electors of Minnesota. In 1859 he was elected state senator from the senatorial district embracing Chisago and Pine counties, and in 1861 was appointed receiver of the United States Land Office at Taylor's Falls, holding that position until 1870, when he resigned to accept the election as representative to the state legislature from the district made up of Washington, Pine, and Chisago counties. On the death of the register of the land office at Taylor's Falls in 1884, President Arthur appointed Mr. Stannard to that position, and he continued in it until the appointment of his successor during the Harrison administration in 1889, serving throughout the first Cleveland administration. During his legislative career Mr. Stannard was directly in- strumental in inaugurating the principles which, later on, led to having the so-called gross earnings tax bills enacted into legislation by constitutional amendment. These are the splendid laws, now in force on our statute books, that provide for the taxation of the gross earnings of all rail- roads operating in Minnesota, the most just and equitable system of taxation ever adopted for compelling railroad companies to bear their share of the burden of the state's While register of the United States Land Office at Taylor's Falls, Mr. Stannard made a record in his de- taxation. cisions of cases between the settlers and the St. Paul & Duluth Railroad Company that was not only a credit to him, but which thoroughly demonstrated his entire fitness for the position he was appointed to fill. In several in- stances, where these cases were carried up before the Sec- retary of the Interior at Washington, or before the courts, his decisions were uniformly sustained. In 1858 Mr. Stannard was married at Davenport, Iowa, to Miss Harriet Newel Stevenson of Maine, by whom he had three children, only one of whom is now living. He lives upon the homestead at Taylor's Falls. * * * LLISON SMITH-Away back in the early forties, when the now State of Minnesota was a part of the =\ Territory of Wisconsin, there came into the valley of the St. Croix river and located near where Taylor's Falls now stands the subject of this sketch, then a young man twenty-one years of age. Since that time there has been little if any development on the Minnesota side of the St. Croix river in which he did not take part. Indeed, we find his exceptional business ability coupled with almost every successful business and industrial venture that has grown up along the upper St. Croix. Smith Ellison was born on the fifteenth day of March, 1823, in Madison county, Illinois, where his father, Elijah El- lison, had located in 1818. Elijah Ellison was a soldier in the war of 1812. Smith was educated in the common schools of Illinois of that day, and removed to the St. Croix river in 1844, and with the exception of short intervals has re- sided in Minnesota ever since. His first occupation after go- ing into the St. Croix Valley was as a common laborer in a SMITH ELLSON. saw mill during the summers and working in the pine woods in winters. During the succeeding four years he saved up enough money to begin operations on his own account in the business of cutting and logging pine timber. Soon after he commenced manufacturing lumber, and as his wealth increased his business branched out to other lines, including the manufacturing of flour, a general merchandise store, and banking. For forty-three years he was the most active man in the St. Croix Valley, and was uniformly successful in all his business ventures. During eleven years of this time he was in partnership with Hon. L. K. Stannard in the 290 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. general merchandise business at Taylor's Falls. In 1857 he was elected to the Minnesota legislature, but never served. In 1865 he was elected to the House of Representa- tives, and served during the following term. He was on the board of county commissioners in Chisago county for eight years, during six years of which he was chairman of the board. He is a large stockholder in the First National Bank of Stillwater, of which he has been a director for twenty years and vice president for eight years. He never married. At the age of fifteen, he, with two brothers, be- WILLIAM P. ALLEN. came imbued with the Whig sentiment then prevailing, and his father and an elder brother later left the Democratic party. Since that time Smith Ellison's affiliations have been with the Whig and Republican parties. Few men in Minnesota have had so successful a busi- ness career as Mr. Ellison has had. From a beginning as common laborer to the accumulation of a competent for- tune, is the best evidence of his energy and sterling ability. His individual word is as good as a bond, and his reputa- tion for honesty and integrity is without a flaw. LLEN, WILLIAM PRESCOTT.-William Prescott A Allen comes of substantial old New England stock, and was born at Thomaston, Me., Sept. 1, 1843. His father, Rev. Lorenzo B. Allen, D. D., was a prominent Bap- He is a lineal descendant of the Pilgrims of the Mayflower, through In 185S his father moved to Iowa, and became president of the Burlington (Baptist) University, a position he held until 1863, when he came to Minneapolis as pastor of the First Baptist church. Aside from being a prominent minister of the Baptist Church, the Rev. Dr. Allen attained marked distinction as an educator, and it was this feature of his early training that gave the subject of this sketch the tist minister in Maine, as was also his grandfather. his mother, who was Miss Nancy Pope Prince. marked advantages he received at Yarmouth Academy in Maine, which he attended until he was fourteen years of age, when he moved to Iowa with his father, and began in the preparatory course of the Burlington University, which he entered two years later. The Yarmouth Academy of those days would compare favorably with the best high schools of these times. It was with the view of building up the Burlington University that the Rev. Dr. Allen came to Iowa, a task in which he met with admirable success until the breaking out of the war, when a majority of the students joined the volunteers, among them William Pres- cott Allen, then a boy of seventeen years. He enlisted as a private in Company C, First Iowa Cavalry, July 1, 1861. He first served in scouting duty through Missouri and Ar- kansas. During 1861 and 1862 he engaged in the battles of Prairie Grove and the capture of Little Rock, together with innumerable skirmishes incident to cavalry service. In the January, 1863, he reënlisted as a veteran in S-1111- regiment. In April, 1863, he was appointed a lieutenant in the Sixty-fifth United States Colored Infantry, and was promoted to first lieutenant and adjutant in the same regi- ment in 1865. In 1866 he was breveted captain “for mer- -- itorious service,” and mustered out at Benton Barracks. Missouri, in 1867. the Grand Army of the Republic and Loyal Legion. He is a prominent and active member of After leaving the army Mr. Allen joined his family in Minne- apolis, and entered the employ of the government in a sur- veying party in charge of G. B. Wright, and later with T. B. Walker. in the pine regions of Northern Minnesota, examining and This business he followed for six years, mainly locating pine lands. In fact, this might be said to be the first money he ever earned, save what he received for his services in the United States army. Naturally enough his experience as a surveyor gave him an insight into the pine land business that afterwards proved of great value to him- self and the corporation with which he subsequently be- came connected. In 1876 Mr. Allen located at Stillwater, as manager of C. N. Nelson's lumber business. In 1881 the C. N. Nelson A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 291 Lumber Company was incorporated at Cloquet, Minn., with Mr. Allen as general manager. Later the title of vice presi- dent was conferred upon him, both of which offices he has continued to occupy. In politics Mr. Allen has always been a Republican, and a leader in the councils of his party in Minnesota. He was the first president of the village council of Cloquet, in which capacity he served three years. In 1890 he was elected to the State Senate from the Fifty-third senatorial district for four years, and reelected in 1894, also for four years. The legislative measure looking toward the taxa- tion of unused railroad land grants, which was passed by the last legislature, also the present forestry law for the preservation of the forests of Minnesota, were both formu- lated and introduced by him. He has been a member of the Sixth district congressional committee since 1890, and chair- man of the Carlton County Republican Committee since 1886. Senator Allen has also been a thoroughly successful busi- An ardent Republican and a leader in party affairs, ness man, as witness the development of the corporation of which he has been the active financial head. Mr. Allen has been twice married, the first time in Min- neapolis, February, 1873, to Miss Emma Curtis, who died at Cloquet, Minn., in 1887. His second marriage occurred March 11, 1891, to Miss Mary E. Humphrey of Yarmouth, Me. Mr. Allen is a Shriner of Osman Temple and a Knight Templar in the Duluth Commandery. Grand Odd Fellow. He is also a Past * * * HILDS, HENRY W.-Henry W. Childs was born in the town of Clay, Onondaga county, New York, Nov. 23, 1848, the son of Philander and Mary A. Childs. His paternal ancestors came to this country in the seventeenth century, and settled in Durfield, Mass. His father was born in Chenango county, New York, and passed his life in that state, the greater part in Onondaga county, where he died in 1876, aged seventy-two years. He was a plain and unassuming gentleman, much respected by his acquaintances, and for many years prior to his death was engaged in farming. Rev. J. D. Childs, an uncle of the subject of this sketch, still lives, and is upwards of eighty years old, the last fifty years of his life being spent in Orleans county, New York. Attorney General Childs's father took an active part in political affairs, and occasion- ally held minor offices. He was a Republican, and a strong anti-slavery man during slavery days. The maternal grand- father of Attorney General Childs, Benjamin Preston, set- tled in Onondaga county in 1811. He was a Minute-man during the War of 1812, and participated in the battle at Port Oswego, N. Y. Attorney General Childs lived on a farm from early child- hood. He learned Republicanism under his father's roof, where the New York Tribune was for many years industri- ously read by the whole family. He attended country and village schools, and from early childhood was a good reader, He at- tended Baldwinsville Academy and Falley and Cazenovia seminaries, graduating from the last named in 1871. For the most part he earned money teaching district school with which to enable him to attend the seminary. After leaving making frequent requisitions from district libraries. HENRY w CHILDS. the seminary he taught school for a few years, mostly as principal of the Liverpool Academy, then a large and flour- ishing school. He read law for nearly five years in the office of Tousley & Bailey, in Syracuse, N. Y., and was ad- mitted to practice in 1881. He practiced law in that city un- til the fall of 1883, when he removed to Fergus Falls, Minn. At the latter place he continued the practice of law until the winter of 1886-87, when he was appointed to a position in the office of the attorney general, and removed to St. Paul, where he has ever since resided. 292 A HISTORY OF THE ſº EPUBLICAN PA ſº T.Y. In 1892 he was elected to the office of Attorney General and was reëlected in 1894, being renominated that year without opposition and by a rising and unanimous vote. He was again named by his party as its candidate for the same office in 1896. Upon accepting office General Childs discontinued the private practice of law, and has ever since devoted himself exclusively to official duties. In recent years he has been identified on behalf of the state with important civil and criminal causes. He was leading counsel for the state in the three notable trials of William Rose, who was eventually hanged for the crime of murder. He conducted HENRY JOHNs. the prosecution of Clifton Holden for murder, and repre- sented the state in that case in the United States Supreme Court. He has assisted county attorneys in numerous other murder cases. It was upon his counsel that suits were instituted against the oil companies, resulting in the inspection laws being sustained and the covering into the treasury of a large amount of money as unpaid fees. He prosecuted the cause of the state in the celebrated state elevator case; also, the lake bed case, in which the law as to the ownership of lake beds was declared; prosecuted the H. O. Peterson case, in which the law for the removal of county officers was sus- tained. He prosecuted the Brown and Redwood county tax cases, in which he appeared before the United States Supreme Court and argued successfully the constitution- ality of the law under which the taxes were assessed. rate case. The last and most prominent Mr. Childs has appeared for the state was the celebrated Great Northern He prosecuted the Steenerson railroad -ase in which injunction case. This was the case in which the district court of Ramsey county enjoined a consolidation between the Great Northern and Northern Pacific railways. Mr. Childs's argument on the side of granting the injunction was one of the most masterly efforts of the kind ever heard in a court in Minnesota, and the result of his effort added much to his popularity in this state, and gave him a fame almost national. Few cases have attracted wider atten- tion and resulted in greater satisfaction to the people of Minnesota than the case of the State vs. Sutton, in which it was held that a member of the legislature is ineligible to any other office during the term of his legislative office. Mr. Childs took a firm position against the lawfulness of the business carried on by a number of bond investment companies in Minnesota, with the result that such busi- ness was discontinued. He carried on a long and success- ful litigation against the American Savings and Loan As- sociation, and succeeded in securing the appointment of a receiver for that company. As a lawyer Mr. Childs is preºminently fair. He always aims to do his best, never stoops to take a mean advantage, IHe alled upon for official opinions far more frequently than any and is never made despondent by defeat. has been of his predecessors, and it is safe to say that he has ren- dered to the legislature and its committees more opinions than have been rendered by all his predecessors put to- gether. Among the many subjects referred to him for opinions by the legislature were the taxation of railroad lands and the Swiss “Initiative and IReferendum.” In 1892, upon the invitation of the Minnesota Historical Society, Mr. Childs delivered the “Columbia. Address,” be- fore a large audience in the chamber of the House of Rep- resentatives. His home is in Merriam Park, a suburb of St. Paul. He has a wife and a son ten years of age. * * * OHNS, HENRY-Among the numerous active young attorneys in St. Paul none have attained a more en- viable reputation in their profession nor are more esteemed by their friends than is Henry Johns. 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From 1875 to 1883 he practiced law in Chicago, his office graduating from the law department thereof being next to Jºmory A. Storrs. He was treated almost as a protege by that noted counselor, and acquired much valu- MOSES D. KENYON. able information and not a little inspiration from him. In 1SS3, his health requiring a change of climate, he came to Minnesota, and settled in Moorhead, where he has lived and practiced his profession ever since. Mr. Douglas has always been a Republican, and has taken an active part in politics. He held the office of city attorney of Moorhead five years, was county attorney of Clay county six years, and is recognized as one of the best known and ablest attorneys in Northwestern Minnesota. While county attorney he brought to the scaffold the first murderer ever executed in Clay county. In the fall of 1894 he was elected to represent the Lºiftieth senatorial dis- trict in the legislature of 1895-96. It was a Populist and Democratic district, but he carried it for the Republican party by a majority of 871. In the following session of the legislature he lent prominent aid in supporting and in secur- ing the passage of the Red river drainage appropriations, and had full charge of this measure after its constitu- tionality was attacked. He succeeded in convincing the House and the Senate judiciary committee that the legis- lation was strictly constitutional; and all this, too, after The He was the au- the attorney general had declared the enactment void. law has since been upheld and respected. thor and promoter of the legislation changing the right of appeals from the decisions of the board of railway and warehouse commissioners to the county wherein the coln- When offered Loring park to the legislature as a site for the new plainant resides. the park board of Minneapolis capitol, it was Mr. Douglas who succeeded in showing that He is a good debater and a hard fighter—a man whose aid is the park board had no power to make such a donation. courted and resistance feared. In 1881 Mr. Douglas was married to Ella M. Smith. Two children have been born to them, Harold B. and Leila L. Douglas. He is a Mason, and also a member of the Ix nights of Pythias and Odd Fel- low fraternities. * * * EN YON, MOSES D.-Moses D. Kenyon, who has for eight years faithfully filled the office of public ex- aminer and superintendent of banks of Minnesota, is descended from two long lines of New England Yan- kees. His mother, whose maiden name was Lura Dibble, was a native of Massachusetts, and a member of an all- cient and honorable family of the old Bay State, while his father, Almon Kenyon, traces his lineage back through a long line of Rhode Island farmers to the very earliest settlements. The subject of this sketch was born Aug. 13, 1843, on a farm near Granville, Washington county, New York, but while still very young came with his parents to Rosendale, Wis., where his early youth was passed and his early edu- cation acquired. He then entered Lawrence University at Appleton, Wis., where he remained until he had finished the sophomore year, sickness preventing his return to col- lege. For the next six years he was assisting his father on the farm, teaching district school, and taking a trip to the East to visit various parts of New York, the Pennsyl- vania oil regions and other points of interest. In 1867 he came to Rochester, Minn., but soon returned to Rosendale, and for four years engaged in the mercan- tile business. In 1872 he came back to Rochester, and worked in a lumber yard for about eight months, when he A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 295 From that day until this, for more than twenty-three years, he has was appointed clerk in the state land office. occupied some position of honor and trust connected with the state government; first in the land office, then for thir- teen years deputy state auditor under Auditors Whitcomb and Braden, and for the last eight years holding his pres- ent office, appointed originally by Governor McGill in 1888, and successively reappointed by Governors Merriam, Nel- son, and Clough. The present banking law of the state, passed by the last legislature without a dissenting vote, stands as one result of Mr. Kenyon's labors. He has always been a Republican in politics, his first vote having been cast for Abraham Lincoln in 1864, he having voted for every Republican candidate since. Mr. Kenyon was married in 1868 to Miss Ida Vincent of Itosendale, Wis. They have one child, Alice, who is now the wife of E. F. Van Gorder of Minneapolis. of quiet, unassuming manners, preferring home to all other places, Mr. Kenyon has never joined clubs or soci- eties, the Masonic fraternity alone counting him as a mem- ber. * * * OREY, CHARLES ANSON.—C. A. Morey of Wi- nona was born Aug. 9, 1851, in Vershire, Orange county, Vermont. His father, Royal Morey, was also born in the same place and followed the calling of his Mr. he was ten years old, when, with his parents, he cane ancestors-farming. Morey lived on the farm until West, settling in Wabasha country, where he lived on a farm until 1804, when the family moved to Lake City. Here he attended school and worked as a carpenter and mill. wright until 1870, when he taught school at Gopher Prairie, Wabasha county, for twenty-five dollars per month, and, as was the custom, boarded around. With other young men from the vicinity, he entered the Winona Normal School in 1871, and graduated in 1872. In the fall of that year he entered the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, taking a special course in science preparatory to accept- ing a position in the Winona Normal School as professor of sciences. He took this professorship in 1874, and dur- ing his service established the first laboratory in the Northwest for scientific work by students themselves. In 1876, upon the resignation of President Phelps, he suc- ceeded to the presidency of the institution. He resigned that position in 1879 and entered immediately upon the practice of law as a member of the firm of Berry & Morey, the senior member of which firm is Gen. C. H. Berry, whose daughter Mr. Morey married Nov. 28, 1877. Mr. Morey's great-grandmother on his mother's side was Sarah Put- nam, a niece of Gen. Israel Putnam of Revolutionary fame. During the latter part of Mr. Morey's attendance at the Boston Institute of Technology, he worked with Prof. A. Graham Bell, inventor of the telephone. Professor Bell was a teacher in the Massachusetts Deaf and Dumb In- stitute, and was perfecting the system of visible speech by means of which he was teaching the deaf and dumb to talk with each other. He entered the Institute of Tech- nology for the purpose of making experiments in the reg- istration of vowel sounds by the use of the phonautograph. Mr. Morey was assigned by the school authorities to as- sist Professor Bell, he being a special student in science and having assisted Prof. Chas. R. Cross in his Lowell In- CHARLEs A. M.O.R.E.Y. stitute Lectures on Sound. Professor Bell soon took up the use of the electrical apparatus in connection with the phonautograph and, with Mr. Morey's assistance, several weeks of experimentation were had in the line of the study of sounds, their transmission by electricity, and their registration by means of vibrating membranes. Professor Bell continued his experiments after Mr. Morey left the institute, and within six months perfected the telephone. Professor Bell's original apparatus, which he exhibited at the World's Fair, was in part the same made by him and Morey together. At the close of the year Mr. Morey read 296 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. a paper before the Society of Arts and Sciences of the Institute, describing and illustrating his improvements upon the phonautograph, an important acoustical instru- ment. This made him an honorary member of the asso- ciation for life. The paper was published in the American Journal of Science, and his improvements upon the familiar piece of apparatus are used in scientific institutions every- where. Mr. Morey had the profession of law in mind from boy- hood, and had studied law at odd spells for years. During ANDREW H. BURKE. his vacations he read in the office of Brown & Stocker at Lake City, and while in Boston he attended law lectures at Harvard. He was admitted to the bar before Judge Mitchell at Winona in 1879. He was a member of the Winona school board for six years, during which time he was chairman of the execu- tive committee. During his service in this capacity the high school and the Jackson and Jefferson school buildings of Winona were built. He started the movement in the Winona board of trade, of which he has been a member since it came into existence, which resulted in the build- ing of the large and beautiful court house and government building in that city. from 1890 to 1895 inclusive, during which time the entire sewerage system of Winona, the high wagon bridge across the Mississippi the all street paving, and most other permanent improvements in the He was a member of the city council river, water-works plant, city came into existence. He is at present president of the Winona Savings Bank, attorney for the Second Na- tional Bank, member of the Free Library Board, member, director, and treasurer for the State Normal Board, and United States court commissioner. Mr. Morey was the United States court commissioner who was selected by the attorney general of the United States to hear the famous Minneapolis census fraud cases of 1890. Royal Morey, father of the subject of this sketch, was always an Abolitionist. Mr. Morey's first recollection of politics is of being taken out by his mother, who showed him the flashes of cannon being fired by his father and others at West Fairlie, Vt., in celebration of the first election of Lincoln as president of the United States. Mr. Morey is therefore a Republican by birth, as well He has never sought office, but is usually in the county, district, and state conventions of as from conviction. his party, and has done much to shape its policy. He is an active and effective campaigner, and is always ready to help his friends. Mr. and Mrs. Morey have one son and three daughters. * * * URIXE, ANDREW H.-Andrew H. Burke, formerly governor of North Dakota, and in recent years a prominent grain merchant in Duluth, was born in New York City, May 15, 1850. mother left him a homeless child in a great city. The death of father and At four years of age the Children's Aid Society took him in charge; at eight they found him a home with a farmer in Indiana. At twelve he went into the service of his country as a drummer boy, a member of the Seventy-fifth Indiana Vol- unteers. After the war he attended Asbury, now De Paw, University, at Greencastle, Ind., but hard study forced him to lay aside his books and renew the struggle in other fields. ville (Ind.) Courier; afterwards at Cleveland in the employ For a time he was business manager of the Evans- of a commercial agency; later with a lumber firm at New York Mills, Minn. Moving to North Dakota in 1880, he was for a time employed in trade, and later became cashier of the First National Bank of Casselton. He treasurer of Cass county and twice reëlected, and then was elected chosen governor of North Dakota, succeeding the first gov- ernor, John Miller, who served but one term of two years. He is a thirty-third degree Mason. "...[I],...'I Foſ NWOIT &Iſ], I (121 (IHI, 10 Mºſ (),I, SIH F 1.6% shººtix: ‘LI ‘ox ‘Āioputatutuoſ) ºnioſº Jo Laputºuttſtoo mooq oouſs setſ pub ‘uosº IV tº outbooq on SLSI uſ pub swoſſo, I pp.O. Jo top.10 luopu odopuſ on 1 pouloſ on SOST III prognolſ I Jo II).In IO II tººls.IIIſ) on 1 Jo Loquiouſ tº SI LotLIoosſ IIA ‘stronoſſdo II: 1940 000 II until 9,101ſt Jo A.11.10ſ -but tº Aq put: “Alunoo to Autº) Jo Lioſlut” I V solipſiſ) to Ao ØØs'OS Jo Anſip.In Iſſ tº Aq poloolo stºw put: ‘Iotnspoil ontºls to oltºpſputo trºopſ. 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A ºut Autº tuouſ luº tº Lºols to ºoq Aotion on puu to wou put soon aſ sº luºlo.1 sºud thos autuº uſ toºd isoq out, ºtolpo sit on 5uplodou put ºu Jo sugar &nuawn wou si uolu wºuntun uomºuſ I, I ou poliºs ºunoo soºn allºw ‘uolaoui Li Jo oftºula out he put thos -attunºv on outro out on tº Jo surrow oud-ºluowl lºt ºlSL uſ ºpowoſſoſ ootus stºu on ºn 1 Maow out out 10ſ Jastutu pointſ put open sºulad oul poultoſ on atou A sºnorſ as he unu putſ ow uoun put ºnto ontºnio, I nº tºok v. nuouvoiduo owntºlon put ºptrols 1suſ stu punoſ out otorſ ºutlºop situ stu poultº, on ‘unusuº stu Jo VoIſluto out uſ aroun put huſovſ ºnooſqo stu sºw “slºw ºnto oºlio, I about ºut All otoun uº Jo outout out, L 'tºol-routv to politºs put 'sputºu u wo stu oluſ Aunsop sitt Mool out os ºut III slu on nou sºw tonednooo stuſ, outou tuouſ soutu Aluowl Luontº 'otons spoon will tº uſ ºiluotºlº tº outlºoq on trou w "ttoolinoj Inoq tº Illum soonºsuotutuo.) on 1 popuolilº l toºloºl hoºnsib stu Jo ontºnsisetu sº “pos pio out on sfuſio Ins out A toulouq topio uv "proſputs out publou I Jo asſino neun nuouſins on Rudlau Jo Whissonau out ºutlºose snun put put u wo iſoul Rullum ºp.1:1 (Luul, I tº 'sootiºns —uino.uo op-on-Ilºw up ºut All tuns out oldood blo out,L ºloua Futuhun put ooutºnovostol stu Jo Montu tuoul utou politatſu! WIluopu Ao set uos out put ºlools us. I-IIoloos out: ‘IIonditut:, ) out: I stºw outbu tºp ºut º:SL FL "Clout ‘putºſol I *\nunoo outo.tv, L. ºptiºn quuſ, I le IIIowl A pinns Jo Iroq ason wºulouſ stu put ºuttu I loºto: “Lotuluſ sitſ sew ºutinq q.0:1 ºutlusſel, sº tº losoutuiv |notiºnolul u woux Al-Ittitute ºutinº I -, ) l toºtoxi-O LMGTºront N N in *NNng "O Lºgos *S*Hooſt-tootlos up poisotoluſ Agoſto pub owtown Jo Lu: tº sº *sofunov out : oopuo sºloins tºo.In otºl tº Luoſo tº sº one Jo ‘outſºut, I out Lºw stºo." Inoſ-Alu own tou-toox. O "...I : poſitionſ I Jo tollſ IV ºut AA Jo aſ woul sº isopto out attutº IV ºut All III is out tutorºw Jo oottº “uoſum iſoſt posselſ ºut troupuuo XIS ‘troutlºo IV on tº sº IV of Lºw sºul sº tulu tutºw Moºt tool put ºptout ontº I 01 out tº or ºs I uſ "III Vol.1, nº sixtood ºutdoor out AA º: "ox "lso, I 11955 tº I Mutt, Jo to putºututº so. I tººl stºn put otlandſor out Jo Attuv putº.1: ) on Jo toºltuouſ tº outbooq ALttºo or ºtºduou, A HISTOR) () F THE REPUBLIC" | V P { /*TY. 299 to recover for the state the valuable lands of “Section 30," worth perhaps a million of dollars, is worthy of special notice. The state auditor is a member of the Masonic fraternity, but in most respects is not much of a club man. On Feb. 14, 1887, the thirty-second anniversary of his birth, he was united in marriage to Miss Lydia McKenzie. They are now the happy parents of two bright children, George and Grace, who are quite able to hold their own with their schoolmates. * * * UNT, LEWIS PIERCE.-Lewis P. Hunt, president and the Con- pany of Mankato, Minn., was born at Edwards, N. Y., in 1854. His father, Nathan F. Hunt, was a native of Vermont, born there in 1811. Inanager of Free Press Printing While he was a lawl he re- moved to St. Lawrence county, New York, and was for In 183. he married Caroline Gates, a native of St. Lawrence county, and to them were born fifteen children, twelve of whom several years employed at the shoemaker's trade. grew to manhood and womanhood, and eleven of whom are still living. The old people lived together fifty-eight years, the father surviving until May 14, 1890, and the mother until Sept. 31, 1894. ownership of, and the position of manager in, a large man- Nathan Hunt, in 1860, acquired part ufacturing plant in Edwards, St. Lawrence county, New York, for the manufacture of wagons, carriages, axles, etc. A prosperous business was carried on until 1864, when the plant was entirely destroyed by fire, causing a loss of $150,- 000. This left Mr. Hunt without resources, yet with a large family dependent upon him. IIe came West with his fam- ily, and located at Independence, Iowa, remaining there five years. He then engaged in farming near Jesup, but mis- fortune and failing health, and a longing for the scenes of his younger and more prosperous days, induced him and his wife to return to New York in 1871, where they re- mained until they died. Mr. Hunt never recovered his for- tune. Owing to his father's misfortunes Lewis Pierce, the subject of this sketch, was obliged to strike out for him- self while yet a mere lad, and while the family still re- sided on the farm near Jesup, Iowa. At the age of twelve he began to learn the printing business. He had received only such education as a boy of that age could acquire in the public schools, chiefly in country schools, and it may be said, therefore, that the printing office has been his school and the type-case his educator. He was but thirteen years of age when he took charge of a country office, and always thereafter, until engaged in business for himself, he had either the foremanship of the mechanical depart- ments or the editorial charge of the papers on which he was employed. In February, 1881, Mr. Hunt engaged in busi- ness for himself by purchasing, in connection with F. E. Cornish, the Lanesboro (Minn.) Journal. In October of the same year he purchased a half interest in the Mankato Free Press, and in the following September bought out his partner and conducted the business alone, publishing a weekly paper until 1887, when he formed a stock com- This paper has met with 1805 he built a handsome business block for its occupancy, which makes pany and started a daily edition. remarkable success under his direction. In it beyond a doubt the model country printing office of Min- nesota. Lewis P. Hun T. Mr. Hunt has always been an active and consistent Re- publican, but the only office he ever held which could be regarded as political was that of postmaster under Presi- (lent Arthur, from March, 1883, to May, 1885, when he was removed by President Cleveland to make room for a Demo- crat. He was named as a member of the Minnesota World's Fair Commission, and in 1891 was elected superintendent The state had only appropriated $50,000, and it was generally agreed that that was not sufficient to make a satisfactory showing at the Exposition. of the Minnesota state exhibits at the World's Fair. Mr. Hunt was, therefore, au- 300 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. thorized to solicit subscriptions for a fund of $100,000 to supplement the legislative appropriation, and was actively engaged in collecting this money for nearly a year. He was entirely successful, and, as a result, his state was well represented and the guarantors were subsequently reimbursed at a later session of the legislature. Following his success in raising this fund his time was devoted to collecting and installing exhibits and superintending the Minnesota exhibition at Chicago until the close of the fair, and until the exhibits were returned to the state. In 1896 he was delegate at large to the National Republican Con- vention at St. Louis. In 1874, while not yet twenty years of age, Mr. Hunt exemplified his love of home life by marrying Miss Lizabeth SAMUEL R. VAN SANT. Putnam, his junior in years and a native of New Hamp- shire. He is popular in social and business circles, a mem- ber of the Knights of Pythias, and at present one of the supreme representatives for this grand dolnain. * * * AN SANT, SAMUEL R.-S. R. Van Sant (formerly spelled Van Zandt, in the old Holland way), speaker of the Minnesota House of 1895, was born at Rock Island, Ill., May 11, 1844. name indicates, he is of Holland stock–of Ixnickerbocker Representatives of As his descent. His great-grandfather, Johannis Van Sant, was born in New Jersey in 1726, and died in 1820. His grand- father, Rev. Nicholas Van Sant, a Methodist minister, was His father was born in Burlington county, New Jersey, in 1810, born in New Jersey, and died in his ninety-first year. and still lives. All of Samuel's early ancestors were ship- builders and sailors. It was said of his great-grandfather that he could build a ship, and rig her and sail her to any part of the world. Johannis was actively engaged in the marine service during the Revolutionary War. Rev. Nicho- las Van Sant served in the War of 1812, and at the time of his death was a pensioner. Samuel's father, John Wesley Van Sant, came West in 1837, settled at Rock Island, Ill., and endured all the hardships of pioneer life. Upon his ar- rival he began at once the building and repairing of steam- He was an Abolitionist, and his father before him was an boats, and all his children followed this occupation. Abolitionist. During Abraham Lincoln's campaign for the United States Senate, Samuel R. Van Sant, then fourteen years old, took the liveliest interest in the stirring race made by Lincoln against Douglas. During Lincoln's first campaign for President of the United States young Van Sant, at the - age of sixteen, was a “Wideawake,” and bore his torch in the ranks of the thousands of ardent followers of Lincoln. In a speech made by Stephen A. Douglas at Rock Island, “Who is He would never have been heard of but for me. I Mr. Douglas made the remark: Abraham Lin- colnº made him.” At this point young Van Sant's Republican- ism overflowed, and he shouted out, at the top of his voice: *Yes; and when you made him you made a President!” When Fort Sumter was fired upon, Samuel was a stu- dent in the Rock Island high school; and, though not yet seventeen years old, he enlisted at the first call for troops. He was rejected on account of his youth. He enlisted several times afterwards, and was rejected each time for the same cause. In August, 1861, he enlisted in Company A, Ninth father's written consent was given. Illinois Cavalry, and was rejected until his He served in the war more than three years as a private, most of the time be- longing to Grierson's famous raiders, operating in Missis- sippi, Tennessee, and the Southwest. After the war young Van Sant attended and graduated from Burnam's American Business College, situated at Hudson, N. Y., and feeling the need of more education, attended Knox College, Galesburg, Ill., two years. Soon thereafter he went into the boatyard business with his He there built the first raft boat of large power ever constructed purposely for the rafting business, naming it the J. W. Van Sant, after his father at Le Claire, Iowa. father, who was his partner. At present Captain Van Sant is engaged in the transportation business, conveying down the Mississippi river logs and lumber to various mills and concerns, operating a dozen or more steamboats. He is also a member of the Carnival City Packet Company, ºf Hiſ, I () (210, LS / H / I08 'Allº! Pºol A VO/I://1.1 (I./ ssol glºSF60Fs stoutieſ—upolaouty hot-uppetitºo on pred * Loſt|A 10 Aoûtº, Jo spousnq Sºl Lºzi tºpºut, -- Luo.L. Dolio(ſtuſ own, oatsnouſ ogs on fºssi triotſ ºwth intº wo -uſXIoIV on 1 Jo Juouſ loºtto out on 101.10 ºutſ powouts of I *All supuſ Iſoul olnſuſ AIsnoſ.ios pinow hºul ontº tº 1 tº Aoſtºl utºpºut:, ) uſ funnot uſ 1Inso, DInow uo lonpo. Autº lºul ºut wouls putº Itº.too quill uo. JJI tº Jo uolonDo, on 1suſ tº 5uſlsoloid loſt|sip sitſ uſ stostºl Aolitº ()0ſ:"I Aq poliºs uouloſſ tº poluosoidſ Aouwe L ‘IIA sponpold tuitºſ uodu syſtem out u\op tºol on ouroups s|| uſ pºuo StºA osmou on 1 Jo ops oil b.l.o.outo (I on J, ºtuſ Aaltº., Jo tutºtropnost oil tºur ox tº LoſtIAA 'Aaltºſ tio tooods snout: J sit optºut You Atºl, LIV ºf 681 (3 tieſ: "Aan/ww-L "w saw ºf 1suſ tº III opºut looods 1soq put: 1sºud.11s on 1 tº Aq stºw 11 11:11 on 1 polºloop sloquouſ tºol (Indoºr sº IIow st: “uousso.15uo.) o! bloouto (I Lot 10 Italo AoS pub losion, L 'IIM 1.10 Jo SIII Jo u01.stlougo out 1 W. A tº I suo look Lºtopoul on 1 Leodo, ol ‘bluº. A Jo losion I, on too: ) is Aluoſ I uo H. Jo IIIq on 1 ºut -1.txtuoo '868L 4) "loo Sso15uo , u, Iooods top ºut sºul optºut of I tº StºA solo A LE I: Jo Allſtºniº tº Aq 'uomoolºo. 10, on tºppu tºo "H -uo,) D.IIIl-All III, ou uſ tº 10souttſ IV Jo loſt|s|| 1s.III on 1 on M 113,100tuoſi 'sold tº II *A* ºutlºojol) isso.15 Tuoso, do.1 on poloolo stºw Wouwu, I, , I\ zós. Jo II tº out ul 'suoluºrod, too Iºdopuntu to oo).11utuloo on 1 Jo utºut tºulo stºw on 36s. Jo one -uos on tºls out uſ touro Ao:3 to uoslov onux to noooºls 5uineuptuou on oppuſ put: 7.6s sº winſ Jo uonua Anoo ontºns ‘OGSI uſ tºttou IAA ontºls on 1 on poloolo stºw ºuwei, LIN oul on ontºo op tº stºw of I tuouſ ontºttos ºpio stºº uoolinoſ stºw oil outs popuoll tº put on pupi Autº Jo Iooſſos AIuo oth stºw sºul, usuoosº Jo Allstow ſun on 1 Jo Iooſſos with on 1 popuolilº on stil 191j V ZSSL OL AItſ led oul on pollupe stºw of ourou sitſ 1 tº sºuguayo put sºutuiou with populs pºſſ on sºul on 101.10 stºok owl on 1 Fuſing buouſ A. Jo ooutºA º Aoûuo: I Jo ooſuo on 1 (Iſ A tº Jo Apnns out utºq on uot A ‘ISSI L ºueſ’ Iſlum ssouſsna nºun tº pontinuoo put: *IsſuſtLoºtu tº sº luouſ voiduro poulºſio 118L I ºnly buouſ AA uſ posſile Wouwe, L IIV isſuinobu tº Jo open oun poureat of optil 1*II] ºuſtolsbut tongy dous unſusy[oºd sºlourſ sitſ uſ ootnuouſld tº ut; sº utºq au oft: Jo subov troonjū ºv º:SI tº ºutſ' “tºo ºln'ſsºlo:) Itou (Iſusu won autºspol. I hunov uſ utoq Stºw a H "Illusiotºſſ tº put Louiſitºſ tº sºw tout'ſ siRI ºp.10oot ºut 1111.1Q tº IIIA utºut 5uno A tº st 'sso.15uo,) uſ tuto puoros sitſ ºut Atos wou ‘buouſ A\ jo *on wººl, V soutſ' snitigiºn v sailiv vſ. ºf NAA v. * * * ºut AII si 'uos II tº H Iln:Isst IV 01 tº won ‘out:10 o'I he poſitiºuſ stºw on SøSI III tº ‘tuouſ A Jo otio AItto 'uoupiſto oo.III put ox ºn Aoti L ºSI uſ Louilo -Aon 10 solº piputro ºutpºol on 1 Jo oud stºw on put: "Intº, I as to 96SI Jo ollandorſ on 1 Jo Autºv putº.1: ) on 1 Jo luouſ ſuitº -uſ. Itsuo lºw on 1 poinoos ‘oilſ asſuo I tº on Aw untu o Allot: Autºut oil ſo out, sº wop soo! Altos [uſtoulouſ put soilſ dutºo 5uſ lonpuoo put sisod ºutsix soutu putsmoul Aluown to Ao polo Atºll on tooliſo Tuotuliº Lop tº sº sittº own sit ºutlingſ ºuouisoddo anoull w toputatutuoo luounted op poloolo stºw on GST ul put: ‘ºlosauuſ IV Jo to putºutuion attouliºdop ool A Moſuo's poloolo Stºw or ºs III 180, III ºf uſioſ’ on 1 Jo toputºut -tuoo st: oo win poºlos stºu put onqndo: ott, Jo Atul V putº.1: ) on 1 Jo loſſutout oilstºsutiluo tie sº uſ tºld tº ou.L ºuontºpuno Tuoutºut toºl tº uodu poorld otow ontºls on 1 Jo slootios Lºuilou on tool litutuod ºutlos olºs on Jo utºut.utºno oth Jo S1101ſo on 1 on Dub Sl-tolſo siſt on 5uſ Ao put tool lituutoo lootios Ibuttou ontºls on Jo utºut ºSL Jo osmoſ I ou Jo loºds poisºnºunslº out stºw put ºinlºl -tuºtto sºw out oinleſsino out uſ ution sºul sitſ 5uſin(I -sºol out uſ Josun poooons on poloolo sºw a H +4) Jo Alſtoſ -ºut tº ºut Alaoo, nuts up A undº) toº: Jo Willoſetti tº poºloo -oil publo Aoto luopºso., I tolu wu loſusip ontºlooruo. I tº ºut -A Litto ºGSL Jo so.All tº luoso.idox Jo osno II ou uſ not insip tºuqu -IAA out luoso.idol on poloola os tº stºw oil ºutdo, oud poulos put ‘Alſo lºul Jo uptutopſ tº poloolo stºw of ºssi u tuou -IAA on powout (suonº!oosse Autº tuouſ lou put 'ssouſsna 11:00 tutºols on tuouſ out stu slow out, lubs up A untºld tºo "Aduluſ) put. In MooxI put: ‘uolºul Linº put 1,100Huo Atº I unow loºt stºodutºols ºut uun, -uo,I, III u.Ioſt sºw aſ wisſ H ºute noun ou u poulos put: *Alloats on posoddo sºw ou untiloqori ou lo lºw out ºut.unp A lunoo ovels 5uoins tº uſ popisot on unuounty oiv Manasius 1 tº utileſ tº uo so. II tºoloºlſ. I [Idosoſ syſte, I utiv utºut's 5uſoq outbu tºpºut statinou ou ºughounir uospool uſiosoſ st outºu Sºlotile, sº II Sºs Lºo, I Limoss IV "Alunoo uoni -Itti, ) uſ utoq stºw ‘ºlosauruIA Alunoo of pool u0ssex Jo uomount I L Ionutºs-L III, IV VS : NOLGI ILLI * * * "lop[1st D SIII Jo tion to Attoo tºol Lando-I on Jo anox snoutputºun out Au ssau- -uo,) Ioſ pontuſtuouet stºw Rouxtºſ, ºliv 96s aunſ uſ ‘uo.upuuo ovu over votin put: "Io wox ºf tºtuuq ss. IV on tºss GL 'oot I tºucuſ. A nº populºut stºw of I ‘oltºns on 1 (I Do! In Sosuo isoſ About aul Jo autos populouſ set ºilot: itſ suit *tºlosauuſ IV Jo inq oul Jo stoptrol out 5utoute pools tool tº Itºo stu Jo Futu -ution ou tuouſ soul tº set Youwtºſ, ºtiv to ºwe tº sv ºwn Winſ-Monius oth Jo Ibadou out poinootſ a H 'tionthstºol Lutoods ºutlºutſold IIIq on slºw swel onuſ positow put ontºutos on 1 tº poonbonuſ on tPoſtIAA sounsbout ºutrut on 5uouv rubusso.15ttoo tº st: aq pinow out nºn-wºo astrootoj quons tº put: otto nutritutºl tº oste stºw ontºuas ontºns out uſ plooo... s. Wouwtºl, ºliv ‘sso.15ttoo uſ Hastutu poooons on All to ſtºut 5uſtulou wº Ao ut: Aq panooºo. Stºw on put: “uoiloolºot to uoileutuou tº turn to uow sso.15uo,) puul-Anji I ou u prooo, lutellula suit possed not wºuld woulo aul uſ populouſ allow 11 Jo Suonoos sp.tº wrong tº put oolnºut -tuosº Autºſopuſ out 0.1 politoſol stºw IIIſ on I, ºut 11b.1111.1 tº Act so Woºltuo Iſoul put sixtºwn tº uoo whoſt sous-to-volution 10 trotuoulos out to IIIq tº poonbonuſ put potted outſ oste of I ºntºoing uotsuo, I ou Jo uontºlodo out to uontºuloidºſt. polituſ A.low tº 5uptutu 'osuo H out Jo slºtoouto I ou Aq poluosold IIIſ out tºodin suito otoaos uſ. A littºd ontºloouto, I oul pouriſtºtle on tou wu "unoods 5udins tº optºut out ‘Fºst tº note IV uſ) put tºol tºw statiotsuod on prºd Atoltºpoultuſ otow stºulop ºluotulitzdooſ topiou I on 1 vºt pronunſ w trooq uo. IIItu Itºtoxos linsot tº sº pub loo.Ltoo stºw uot lotulsuoo S.A outwº, "... IN 1..tºul plot of I -ly out on pouloſa, sew put osmoſiſ out possed uo intosol otiu, tº go luous tº our piouſ lºw ol. In JAA tºut 11 ºutsieu ºgs ‘17. ºuouſ do sºn to Italoud9 Aouito) too lou oup lattoºsuouſ out ºut Aſiº situ Inouſ A uosuod too, I go hotº our uodn poorld put toºlolu on Jo nuountedo I on tPopulw uononusuoo out 0.1 st Autubul Jo uountosol tº poonpolluſ put poleºlourſ wou wºu, Liv out toulout: ºv ºuous void nºt topun open uniotoſ uno Jo astronouſ on Jo soundſ put slotſ ºut *IIIq Aotuſ Moix oul go ounseout Altooidſoo.1 out, Leodou ol stowoſtoj sitſ put: - wouls ºntºun; tº out-to-wsuitºun uº sºw 11 "...ſuſ, º/ Waſ A Fºo II ºf 1,10/21 G1 HD 10 (2/0ſ, S'ſ H. W. tioSIIAA ºuv Jo liouo out on uomºsoddo uſ nooods unjito woºl tº optºut out 5uſ woulou unºz Aitºnuteſ up untiluoll tº poºl.utºut boxſooo...I put ºntolio out: Nitov tº stºw 11 "sisotolu Luoullod Iſoul mºns on Juttºn tº din ºutwº otow woun hºul ºutfieu o *ALloo.up whiled ontº-tootuo I ou pouillºut: out tooods sºul uſ to to uouſ uo III.itºl NoLuxio IV out Jo ooutºu oluºtºut out to unoads toulout: unlw top sºul du po wouloſ Vouwu, L. ºliv "FGSI ºf ºutſ u0 allotu Aata uſ sºutlooj Leonţiod luttonoos pºu III.itºl out ull-w ºutonºu ou Jo Slso toluſ Letouaº ou utul 5uſioxium up shutooutogi ou leum suboplando: I Jo Atoorul oul uniw out uſ stºw unoods out L. Anunoo out Jo stilloo No-LET L-L-T L TEnwºs -uoo ºut wouq W \bot our II tº put stowo.11 stuo’ſ ‘ls slowout oox{new tº ou Aq oottologo.Itſ uſ post si iſ nutt put: 'sosol -undſ ºutnutºut to 11 on to todus and ºl-tººl utºpºutso our ol Lºnbo Aiuo not st-stro, ) out out, I on uo put ºutnuo IV stºl -ox{tº I ou tºosoutu IV uſ positºl tºu-woºl tº utopiouſly on 1 1bul kilome pounds pun ºwl powouts wou wººl, ºtiv 'sosol -ind ºutliput to Aoûteſt utoptout y ou ol loſions tº stºw Aoûteſ utºppetitº) out hºun popuoluoo 'stols (ºut M-10M wox oul Jo sisotopuſ on 5unuoso.idol ºf lov wox utol, loquoul one-tootnog poow-too"I lºv ºutonºtorſstrºn Jo isoo our Z08 "Aſ Lºſ Vol. A lº) 11:11, 1 (I./ (I HAL LI () ("I (), LN / H / 809 ‘siloſſrºotiuſ IV on portinnot on Kºuprooow moissojowſ tºo ºut 1000 tº 01 poulturolop ou loſiopoid tº autuodou Jo pºols -u put ºutſu tºo outbo ºutºno tº out sºul ºvºsopus Iboºoooº sit to Josun ºuſtºdou put asinoo ontºoſtoo tº-X's on 1 outſi lºul uſ ºutloºdtuoo ºpnis uſ sit-ow oolina luoſis on otoſ w ºut. A poxi lu Atºugutos [tºotºoooºl out poſion -uo on "100 los [I51ſt slotſtrouti IV out uſ stºº oolina ºutpuoſis tolſ tº 'os Ailstuntu out 10, tuq Louiſsop sluoted sº I ºuteſ s.toulºſ sitſ anoq tº 5uſſion put ſoonºs loſt sip on 1 ºutpuo -11: "Innow sitſ possed on otoſ w ‘ºlosauruIW Alunoo undou —tto II ploutſot: I Jo u wo oth uſ tuitºſ tº tºo poleoſo put: ‘oft: Jo "N3's Lºafº) ºf A-N-H - subow XIs tº 'sluo.uud slu (Ilºw out tºo inq \tº \lox ulou 1.10x uţ ‘oostuo.I.L. 1 tº 1981 s 100 utoq stºw uoslaoſ: , 'ſ AutoH ‘uouldo oil ind Jo slopiou put stop tºo olow soilſuntu -tuoo ox! loodso, aloul uſ on A 'sill blue of, tº put swoº pºol'ſ Jo uouſ put: “uotu Axiolo 'suoloop slow with “slutºnolou putſ ow soluut, toºl duouſ V poloodso. Muñu put uwoux-IIow Lloq odow illuox lu, ou u Jin AA Jo Autuº, on 1 put utº.to: "JITLAW bull-loºtiv hout out olotl w "sl.iod ulou 1.1ou ou ol u05:19: I tuo, J losso.A 1 tº uos).Ioſ::) Jo Autubſ out,L Do!...I but Dut: tº up, put sº tºp ALI tºo sit uſ uſ tºld tºo tºos tº stºw ‘uasi-toſ; ) ‘ſ’ titutiºn I loſineſ siRI "uosoqo on 115 ſtu Itow out sitſ plou 19 Aolºu–w uſ ssºus turn ºutiq ol II ºf lou Dino. 1 buil sluouſ wobuo Igluouſ put [tºols ºut politonuſ set out toot. ut:159A10x Apitºu ou tuouſ popuºso I unsuitoſ; ) iſ AutoH until ooloºlſ Injssooons otout to topºw tº on tubio An upo Awo teſt Alunoo undoutloſ I ou Jo sº auton -1 tº ºutlow ºuts, out ºuquiv-ſ: VºINCIH ºx{SL-III: * * * ºuosº IV tº put: "AA ºn "O V [It ºutºut Doo-W utopov tº woulo, I ppg) up sº tºotnuo isºpoulov on 1 on s5uoian Ionosis situ Jo hoaſqns on I, ºudissojowſ tº st: oſsutu adopt: ssonanop III woul: ºsſutºſt pauspiciutoooº ut: sſ oſsnut uſ pooutº Apº itſ sº on wºuaaluno poºr snitoquy uſAIoIV ‘Dutto otto ºn tonſ, ºtioplaus v puntºſ on poſt -Ibut slºw trolo[111’ſ ºtiv ºut: xI ºxiado L. uſ 'Iss tº qa, I uſ) "Sº I ºpuſ' ſo luouſſºodſtuſ out u0 oannitutuoo on jo natoſlot out to luouinº.it [tºol on 1 oxiºuſ on ºnlituutoo Vittºnſ an Aq Doloolos stºw of I uninthstºol Iºdºpunui uo ool lituutoo on tºo osiº stºw on put: ‘ool lituuto. A tºtal pnſ an Jo toºltuotti tº stºw 'stubio uo oolitutuo.) on Jo utºtuutºua sº pºtas on annºt -sºo oth uſ out AA ºutronºluloxi tº uood sº tº wit: sºn of I 'solºis pollu on uſ Duº on 1 Jo ostrº 5up to oil stºw 11 sluouſ Iſluoo Autºut Jo unapºlº, on oq ol tuitſ post tº luounº.1 tº put Jºaq suoloulu I - IV ºutin on 1 Ito, otow soulsuſ on uo ºut-woº soluoſºſolºſſ toulou–w stºw 1sul tº tº littºw ostº.) unuouli v Alaoutou Ibuositorſ to uoilson) utºut on I, ostro Auous ot:1:1 out sº u woux stºw 11 ºzós. A tº IV uſ Linoo outo.twins out waſ pop-rop puo, sº uo.Ltººls Jo tºul stºw sostº with polou soul sºul ºuquiv 'soalleluoso.idorſ Jo osmo II tº losoutuſ IV oul uſ 101.11st) sin luoso.idol on poloolo stºw on Fºst u put: ‘ool will unwol out Jo to ºut poloolo uood set uolourſ tº uos -stºx on 5uſon outs ºustoatun ontºns out Jo ontºnpº.º nuan -oil tº Aottºntº, yov tº unoſ' ºut witHustouliºd with tº poulou on +6SI u I on tº tº pousſiquelso stºu on otou–w ‘outon luosold sin unssex "soſitinoo Autºtu Inoujºnolul spuan Xo hºul ootnoticſ 01 Dowout on toº slºw own ºuttſ IV produo,) 1sº uſ with Jo ooloº.10 out utºq on 1ss uſ Loonos ºut on 1 tuouſ pal unpº.15 split wºn tº put: '...lºvo wou 'soptus sºn bonull -uoo oil ºutloºol utºqq on unox's Jo one out 1 v osnou -lootios ºol tº uſ poºl stºw uoultonpo A Lito silonutes toºlſ abov on anout: An -unoo sºul ol out” woul, slotulº. A unitºw 'sootiensuſ sout uţ ‘olow put "put-Lo. I Jo so Mutºu o Low stolso out Lºuiloutºu SIII -111 p.to' I sºw toll tº out 5uouv ... solutiou, suolount I, Jo tourn tº putºugh Jo uomoll ºwth on 1 on to lºſſuſ on 1 USLL puts tºll stºº on uqawqoq & Mouluox1 put out tº IV uſ poll on 5uisitºl Atuo won tº stouliº II: A Libou our w woul, -]as put publiſugi uouſ outro stonsooutº Ibusioned sºonutes ‘osneo utoquos out unºw poziuneduº's put slopiouſavuls onaut alow oldood lou put: "IanossIIA uſ posſel put oossou 304 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. and, after two years of hard study, was admitted to prac- tice in all the courts of the state. While reading law, a peculiar thing occurred: A case on which he was em- ployed by the plaintiff was taken to the supreme court by the defendant, and thus Mr. Gjertsen's name appears on the record as attorney before the supreme bench before he was ever admitted to practice. After admission he opened offices with Robert Christensen, and continued the partner- ship for three years. During the years of his practice he has taken many cases to the supreme court, and has been al- After the crash of 1893 he most uniformly successful. FRANK B. DAUGHERTY. was extensively connected with litigation relative to failed banks. In 1892 he was admitted to practice before the United States Supreme Court, and he has had several cases there. Business has come to him freely, and a large prac- tice has grown up. Although of Norwegian birth, and speaking all the Scan- dinavian languages, as well as German, English is the language he wields most fluently. On Jan. 4, 1882, he was united by marriage with Miss Gretchen Goebel, a native of Germany, who had come to this country with her parents in her early childhood. Their only child is an interesting little girl of ten. Mr. Gjertsen attends the Gethsemane Episcopal Church in Minneapolis, is a member of the Masonic order, the Independent Order of Odd Fellows, the Elks, the Ixnights of Pythias, and belongs to the Board of Trade and the com- mercial Club. His political affiliations have always been with the Re- publican party, in whose councils he has been active as a member of city, county, and congressional committees, as a delegate to many conventions, and as a speaker from the platform in every campaign for the last ten years. He was prominently mentioned in 1894 for district judge, but has never held nor sought political preferment. His only am- bition is one common to all lawyers, that of some day. being thought worthy of a seat on the judicial bench. * * * AUGHERTY, FRANK BERTINE. It is not often that one meets a man who, entirely unaided and by his own mental endowments and perseverance, has, from a very meager beginning, forged to the front and attained the prominence and position that Frank B. Daugherty has. His early life was not surrounded with the advantages that boys and young men of even mod- erate circumstances enjoy to-day, but, with the determina- tion that recognized no such thing as failure, he started out to achieve success and he achieved it. at Rosendale, Wis., June 7, 1850. Daugherty, was editor and owner of the Oshkosh Demo- He was born His father, Jonathan crat, but died in 1855, when the subject of this sketch was a youth of five years. He was an important factor in Wisconsin politics up to the day of his death, having been for several years a member of the Wisconsin legislature, and for a term of years county treasurer of Winnebago county. Frank B. Daugherty's early education consisted in attending the public schools until he was eight years of age, when he commenced working in a factory at the modest sum of twenty-five cents per day of ten hours. From that time until his permanent location in Duluth in August, 1878, his occupations and locations were exceed- ingly varied, and consisted in finding work when and where the best opportunity offered. Be it said to his credit, however, that he never made a change without bet- tering his condition. During the four years following the date he was obliged to leave school, we find him engaged in the various occupations of working in a saw mill, sell- ing papers on the street, and as cabin boy on the river boats. At twelve years of age he “struck out” in the world, and left home to become a sailor on the great lakes, and followed that for the next eight years, advancing to various positions until he became a captain at nineteen years of age. At twenty he joined a railroad surveying party as a chainman. Later he became rodman in a sur- veying party during the construction of the Marquette, Houghton & Ontonagon Railroad. Still later he was made A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 305 a division engineer and asistant chief engineer of this same road, and on its completion he was made superintendent of the iron ore docks. With an eye to improving his busi- ness, and seeing the large sums of money made in the contracting lines, he resigned his position with the above named railroad company and entered the employ of the large contracting firm of E. T. Williams & Co., holding the In 1884 he became a partner in this He followed this position of manager. firm, and its active business manager. business up to Jan. 1, 1896, when he sold his interest and moved his family to St. Paul, where he now resides at 57 Summit avenue. During his residence in Duluth Mr. Daugherty was prominently identified with the administration of the af- fairs of that city, and an active worker in Republican county, legislative, congressional, and state politics. He as for four years a member of the Duluth city council, two years of which he was president of that body. He was for four years a member and president of the board of fire commissioners of Duluth, and it is to Mr. Daugh- erty, more than to any other man, that is due the building up of the splendid fire department that is now the pride Later he was elected to the State Senate from In 1892 he was delegate at large from Minnesota to the National Repub- of that city. St. Louis county, and served four years. lican Convention, held at Minneapolis, and was one of the renomination of President Har- Sixth District Republican Congressional Committee, and one of the ac- ardent advocates of the rison. At present he is chairman of the knowledged leaders of the Republican forces in Northeast- ern Minnesota. In December, 1875, Mr. Daugherty was married in De- troit, Mich., to Miss Lucie M. Matile, and has a family of three boys. During their residence in Duluth they were active members of the Episcopal Church, and prominent in Zenith City's social circles. Mr. Daugherty is a member of the Kitchigammi Club of Duluth, and is also a promi- ment Mason. He is a member of Palestine Lodge, No. 79, Keystone Chapter, No. 20, Duluth Council, No. 6, and Du- luth Commandery, No. 18. * * * CHURMEIER, THEODORE LEOPOLD.—He who writes the biography of Theodore L. Schurmeier epitomizes the history of a man who has won for himself a distinguished position in the estimation of the entire Northwestern public. He was born in St. Louis, Mo., March 14, 1852. His parents were natives of Germany. Caspar H. Schurmeier, the father, emigrated to this coun- try with his family, and became a prominent manufacturer of carriages in St. Louis. In 1855 he sold his interests in the Missouri city, and moved to St. Paul, where he in- vested largely in real estate. St. Paul was a small town then, but he had confidence in its future, and was content to await its development. Theodore received his early education in the public schools, and finished it at the Baldwin University in Berea, Ohio. In 1870, when eighteen years of age, J. J. Hill, the well-known president of the Great Northern Railroad Com- pany, gave him a clerkship in a railway office and ad- ranced him rapidly. He remained with this company three years, and then entered the First National Bank of St. Paul in order to become thoroughly proficient in financial mat- ters and the banking business, a work which he pursued THEODORE. L. Schufºrm El ER. until 1878. On July 1, 1878, the firm of Lindekes, Warner & Schurmeier, importers and jobbers of dry goods, was or- ganized in St. Paul, and the subject of this sketch resigned from the bank to enter upon his duties under the new part- nership. He assumed full charge of the firm’s finances and credits, and under his able management the house soon gained a position which placed it in the front rank of the great business enterprises of the Northwest. There is The excellent judgment, promptness, and general efficiency of probably no more popular house in the whole country. its management are universally recognized, and have en- 306 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. abled the house to maintain its leading position throughout the most trying period in commercial history. Aside from the duties devolving upon him in his own counting-rooms, Mr. Schurmeier is a director in the First National Bank of St. Paul and in the St. Paul Trust Com- pany, and he is also vice president of the corporation known as C. Gotzian & Company, manufacturers and jobbers of boots and shoes, and president of the Schurmeier Land and Improvement Company. His real estate holdings are large. Some of the property was inherited from his father, and, having been bought before St. Paul had grown to its pres- WALTER L CHAPIN. ent size and importance, has now acquired large and per- manent value. Indeed, the fortunes of the prominent real estate owners of St. Paul do not in the least rest upon speculative values: they are founded as securely as those of the Astors in New York City. The early home influences of zealous Christian parents had a marked effect on Theodore, and witnessed his devel- opment into all the graces of Christian manhood. No man is less selfish-none more benevolent. His benevolence does not partake of the abstract order; it is broad, general, active, and thoroughly human. It has led him to take a prominent part in the management of charitable institu- tions, to which he gives valuable time and liberal contribu- tions. Very naturally, Mr. Schurmeier is prominent in all social and club ways. He is a member of the Commercial Club of St. Paul, the Minnesota Club, the Town and Coun- try Club, the Chicago Club, and trustee of St. Luke's Hos- pital. He is a strong Republican, and is chairman of the Republican city and county committee. Under his chair- manship the entire Republican city ticket was elected in the last campaign. Among his prominent positions is that of president of the Northwestern Immigration Association, of which he is one of the chief promoters. He is also presi- dent of the Minnesota State Immigration Association. In November, 1882, Mr. Schurmeier married Miss Caro- line E. Gotzian, daughter of the late Conrad Gotzian. Three children have resulted from this union-Conradine, and Hildegard, aged aged twelve: Theodora, aged eight; five. It is a happy home, abounding in honor and pros- perity. * * * HAPIN, WALTER LEEDS.–Walter L. Chapin is one of the most active as well as one of the best known young attorneys in St. Paul, and it may be said to his credit that what success he has attained has been due neither to luck nor to the influence of relations or friends, but to his own indomitable pluck, backed up by a vigorous mind and an honest and laudable ambition to put himself in the front rank of his chosen profession. Born in Bos- ton on the twenty-seventh day of January, 1863, his life has practically been spent in St. Paul. He came here June 25, 1869, when only six year of age. His father, George Aaron Chapin, was a wholesale hardware merchant in Boston up to 1864. In 1869 he brought his family to St. Paul, and went into the hardware business with C. D. Strong, which later became the firm of Strong, Hackett & Chapin. Mr. Chapin's mother was Miss Sarah Homans Davis of Boston, whose father, Gilman Davis, was private secretary to the first Josiah Quincy, and whose grandfather, Eliphalet Davis, was a soldier in the Revolutionary War. Aside from the childhood training received from a mother who was pos- sessed of both education and refinement, Mr. Chapin's early education was received in the public schools of St. Paul. At twelve he entered the high school. Three years later, while in his junior year, the untimely death of his father necessitated his leaving school. He found employment in the city engineer's office in St. Paul, and remained there two years. The character of the work here was not to his taste, so following the bent of his ambition he left that and began reading law in the office of McMillan & Beals, where he remained for one year. He then accepted a situation in the office of the board of public works, in November, 1882. and stayed there till June 1, 1884, when he resigned to take A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 307 the position of deputy in the city treasurer's office, where he remained until September, 1886. During these four years of active work he found time to complete his law stud- ies and prepare himself for admission to the bar by exam- ination, Lºeb. 7, 1885. office in St. In October, 1880, he opened a law 'aul, and Jan. 1, 1887, Col. C. B. Lamborn offered him the position of tax commissioner in the land department of the Northern Pacific Railroad, which he held until January, 1889, when he resigned to again take up the practice of law in this city. During the subsequent years he had only one partnership, and that lasted less than a year and a half. In March, 1893, he was made third assistant city attorney, and in May, 1894, he became first assistant, and remained in that position until the change from a Republican to a Democratic administration. It was while assistant in the office of the city attorney that he thoroughly demonstrated to his friends and associates the metal that was in him, and which showed him to possess Per- haps the most notable cases in which he took part during legal acumen seldom found in a man of his years. these years are what has become known in the history of the office waterworks case, the Broadway bridge and the levee cases of the administration of the city attorney's as the city against the Great Northern Railway Com- and Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul Railway Com- pany, in all three of which Mr. Chapin was actively as- pally sociated with his superior officer. In the division of the work in the office of the city attorney that portion of it relating to the care of the real estate interests of the city fell to the lot of Mr. Chapin, and never was it better or more ably looked after in the history of this city. In politics Mr. Chapin is an active member of the Re- publican party, and among the foremost in its councils in this city and county, ever responding to the call of his In 1894 he was ‘andidate for county attorney against the party, regardless of his personal interest. the Republican strongest Democrat ever nominated in Ramsey county, and though his opponent had the benefit of the combined Deino- crat and Populist nominations, the election was considered a close one. On July 7, 1887, Mr. Chapin was married to Susan Win- nifred Sewall of St. Paul, and has a family of two children. To say that his friends predict for him a life of usefulness and prominence in his chosen profession is only to say that he will carry out the life work so auspiciously begun. * * * OTTON, JOSEPH BELL.-Hon. Joseph B. Cotton, next to the youngest representative in the legisla- ture of 1893, and one of the leaders of the House, was born on a farm near Albion, Noble county, Indiana, Jan. 6, 1865. mother His father was Dr. John Cotton, and his was formerly Miss Elizabeth J. Riddle. His father was a direct descendant of IRev. John Cotton of New England ſame, and also of Cotton Mather. The most distinguished member of the family in later years was Bishop Phillips Brooks of Boston. Joseph's father and nother were born in Ohio. His mother's father was the son of Judge Riddle of Ohio, and her mother was Traney Mal- | Let' sylvania, and were descendants of Rev. John Knox, the Ixnox. immediate ancestors canne from Penn- great Presbyterian livine of Scotland. Mr. Cotton's early education was obtained in the cont- mon schools of Indiana. He graduated from the high school Jose PH. B. COTTON. at the Michigan Agricultural and Mechanical College at Lansing, at Albion, and his collegiate course was taken from which school he graduated in 1886, after taking a Latin-scientific course, with the degree of B. S. He was that institution, and Colwin Willits, then president of the institution and a former member of tutor in mathematics two years at during this time studied law under Hon. Congress from the Monroe district of Michigan for three or four terms, and first assistant secretary of agriculture under President Harrison's administration. Mr. Cotton was admitted to the bar before the supreme court of Michigan in June, 1888. Thereupon he resigned his 308 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. tutorship and came to Minnesota, arriving Sept. 20, 1888. He located in Duluth and at once began the practice of his profession. It was not long before he occupied a front rank among the lawyers of the State, and he is now the general solicitor of the Duluth, Messabe & Northern Railway Com- pany, and also of the Lake Superior Consolidated Iron MineS. In September, 1892, the Republicans of St. Louis, Lake, and Cook counties nominated Mr. Cotton by acclamation to represent them in the lower house of the legislature. In the legislature which followed he quickly stepped to the front as One Of the leaders Of the House. He introduced and succeeded in passing a bill for a third judge for the Eleventh judicial district. It was in part to accomplish this work that he was sent to the legislature. He also introduced and carried through a bill which provided that owners of mining property, when owning one-half, Or a ma- jority, of the land, can mine and operate the whole mine without a partition, and by merely accounting for profits. This measure was regarded as important to mining parties, where lands were owned by tenants and in common. It has aided in developing important mining properties which had lain idle. Mr. Cotton took an active part in the fight for a new state capitol, and helped to secure the passage of the bill. He also took a very active part in the proposed terminal elevator legislation, which was aimed to bring terminal elevators under the same restrictions as local ele- vators, and, aided by the other members of the St. Louis delegation, he was instrumental in defeating those meas- ures. He succeeded, with many other Republicans, in kill- ing off a series of measures of Populistic tendencies which were sailing under the cloak of Republicanism. In nearly all the important legislation of that session he took an active part. With others he defended the constitutionality Of the so-called “Scalpers’ Bill” in the House. He was a member of the Subcommittee of the House judiciary com- mittee on Corporation law, and was also a member of the grain and Warehouse, municipal corporations, tax and tax la WS Committees. His theory was to pass very few meas- ures,-the fewer the better, and those only along remedial lines; hence, he devoted much of his effort to killing meas- ures Of a mere Cumulative nature, or which would be class legislation. He was an ardent supporter of Hon. C. R. Davis, and made the speech nominating Mr. Davis in the House for rešlection to the United States Senate. Mr. Cotton began his political career in 1888, when, after locating in Duluth, he made stump speeches for General Harrison and the Republican ticket throughout the north- ern part of Minnesota. He was secretary of the Repub- lican city committee of Duluth in 1892. . His mother's people were originally Whigs. They be- came Republicans when the Republican party came into existence. His father, before the war, was a Douglas Dem- Ocrat. He was a Union man, and served in the Union army. Since leaving the legislature Mr. Cotton has been a solic- itor, as heretofore mentioned, and has devoted his time to the practice of corporation law. During the past two years he has been counsel in very heavy and important litiga- tion. * * * USTIN, HORACE.-Horace Austin was born Oct. 15, 1831, at Canterbury, Conn. He received a common - school education, after which for a time he worked at a trade. He studied law at Augusta, Me., and in the year 1854 removed to the West, finally settling at St. Peter, In 1863, as a captain of cavalry, he took active part The following Minn. in the Sibley campaign on the Missouri. year he became judge of the Sixth judicial district. In the fall of 1869 he was elected governor by about 2,000 ma- jority, and the following January assumed the duties of the executive office. There was much excellent advice to the legislature in Governor Austin’s inaugural. He advocated, among Other things, a revision of the criminal code, whose intricacies often led to injustice. Then, too, he thought such residue of swamp lands as should exist after present grants were satisfied ought to be expended in founding public school libraries. In his message of 1871 he made earnest re- view of many questions agitating the people, some of Which became of grave import in the next decade, while others still remain as a heritage for future solution. He proposed to divide the internal improvement lands among the Counties of the state, to be used for such purposes (in accord with the intent of the grant) as the citizens might elect; or, instead of making the gift direct, to sell the lands at a prescribed price, and allow the counties to use the interest on the permanent fund so created for such specific Works as building bridges and making highways. He advocated the improvement of Duluth harbor by the general government, on account of the great future value it would have as a shipping port, especially for the products Of the state. He Opposed excessive special legislation; that is, such as provided for individual schemes, the incorpora- ting of villages, and many other things which might be suitably provided for by general statute. Such matters retarded and often crowded out more important legislation. He recommended that elections of congressional and state Officers should be arranged to come in the same year, in Order to give time for an occasional calm in the political Strife that Constantly vexed the people in the midst of their private affairs. He recommended, further, the calling of a convention to Öraft a new constitution in place of the one existing, which A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 309 he thought inherently weak and outgrown by the needs of the State. During the year 1870 Congress granted two additional to Wnships of land for the endowment of the university, thus placing it Once more on a firm foundation; for the previous grant Was long ere this almost entirely spent to pay an indebtedness incurred through early mismanagement. The internal improvement lands, granted to the state in GOVernor Marshall’s time, under a congressional act of 1841, had not been set apart for the support of public Schools, as in the case of like grants in other states, and the legislature, in 1871, apportioned them among several railroad Corporations that sought to obtain them. Governor Austin vetoed the bill. constitution, Nov. 5, This led to an amendment of the 1873, by which the legislature was restrained from appropriating the proceeds arising from the Sale of these lands unless the enactment were first rati- fied by a majority of the popular electors. Governor Austin was reëlected in 1871 by a majority of about 16,000, showing the firm position he had gained in public favor. In his annual message of 1872 he made an appeal for biennial sessions of the legislature, on the ground that the necessity for frequent meetings, which arose in the early history of the state, when everything Was in a formative condition, no longer existed. Several amendments of moment were made to the con- stitution in 1872 and 1873. One provided for increasing the public debt, to maintain the charitable institutions of the State in a more effective manner. Another prohibited any Village, City, or county from granting a bonus beyond ten per cent of its property valuation to any railroad asking aid. This Valuation was to be determined by the assess- ment last made before the obligation was incurred. An amendment of later years reduced the per cent to five. The restriction was much needed; for there had always been a tendency On the part of the people to magnify the bene- fits to be derived from rendering such aid. Perhaps the most important of the list was one directing the sale of internal improvement lands at the rate obtained for SChool lands; the investing of the funds so obtained in United States and Minnesota bOnds; and, as elsewhere said, for- bidding the appropriation. Of the funds Without the Consent Of the people. Soon after retiring from the executive chair Governor Austin was called by President Grant to the important po- sition of third auditor of the United States Treasury, where he served under Secretaries Bristow, Morrill, and Sherman, after which he held a place for about Seven years in the Department of the Interior, and subsequently served the State Of Minnesota for Several years as Chairman Of the railway commission. He is now (1896) at the head of an important financial institution at Minneapolis, Minn. WISSHELM, JANE GREY.-One of the most earnest, S courageous, and effective workers in the upbuilding Of the Republican party in Minnesota, in the day of its very beginnings was Jane Grey Swisshelm Of St. Cloud. She believed firmly in the equal rights of all men and all women before the law, and her best energies Were given from early life to the advocacy of the recognition of these rights. A deep-seated hatred of slavery had been intensified by a temporary residence in Kentucky, where she came in personal contact with this twin relic of bar- barism and saw its iniquities and cruelties. Her pen and tongue were enlisted in the cause of the slave, and She became an enthusiastic worker in the ranks of the Repub: lican party as the party of freedom. Mrs. Swisshelm was born at Pittsburg, Dec. 6, 1815. Her father was Thomas Scott, a merchant, who lost his all through financial reverses, and her mother Mary Scott, whose mother was Jane Grey, a direct descendant of Lady Jane Grey, for a few brief days one of England’s queens. Her immediate ancestors had subscribed to the “Solemn League and Covenant” in Scotland, and had endured great sufferings and bitter persecutions because of their faith. She was married Nov. 18, 1836, to James Swisshelm of Pittsburg, which continued to be her home. Having marked literary tastes, she became a few years later a contributor to various Philadelphia, and Pittsburg papers, first under the mom de plume of “Jennie Deans” and after- wards under her own name; but more serious matters pressing upon her for consideration, she turned her atten- tion to the discussion of political and SOCial questions. Her letters were characterized by a vigor, directness, and keen- ness quite unusual in women writers at that date, and at- tracted wide attention. In 1848 she established at Pitts- burg the Saturday Visvtor, as a literary and political paper, in the columns of which she denounced unsparingly the horrors of slavery and those who defended the institution, and argued with great earnestness in behalf of a juster recognition of woman's right to the proceeds of her own industry and to inherited property. She allied herself with the Liberty party and the Free Soil party, and when the Republican party was organized at Pittsburg at Once iden- tified herself with it. She was always in the ranks Of those who were battling for human liberty and a higher manhood and Womanhood. While an earnest advocate Of Woman’s rights, she had no sympathy With the Vagaries of many Of those connected. With the movement, who seemed to think that the adoption of a certain kind of dress was the great end to be attained. In the early part of 1850 She Went to Washington, under contract with Horace Greeley, as a regular correspondent of the New York Tribune, remain- ing there for some time, also editing her OWIl paper. In the fall of 1856 the Visitor was sold to the proprietor of the 310 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Pittsburg Journal, and consolidated with that paper. In June of the following year Mrs. Swisshelm from considera- Cloud. published in that place the Minnesota Advertiser, owned by tions of health, removed to St. There was then the townsite proprietors, and intended mainly to boom the new town, a purpose it was serving only indifferently well and at considerable expense to its owners. Being urged to purchase the plant and assume charge of the paper, Mrs. Swissheim did so, and Dec. 10, 1857, began its publication as the St. Cloud isitor. Her keen and cutting anti-slavery JANE G. Swiss HEL.M. articles aroused a bitter hostility on the part of certain local Democratic leaders, and on the night of March 24, 1858, the printing office was broken into, and the type, with a part of the machinery, scattered along the street or thrown into the Mississippi river. An indignation meeting of citizens was at once held, the outrage denounced, and assistance offered to secure a new outfit. This was old- tained, and the publication of the paper promptly resumed, Mrs. Swisshelm abating not one jot of her assertion of the right of free speech and a free press. The name of the paper was changed soon afterwards to that of the Demo- crat, although its polities continued to be radically Repub- lican. Mrs. Swisshelm discussed fearlessly and with strik- ing ability the issues which entered into state and national politics, devoting herself wholly to her editorial duties, ex- cept for occasional absences from home, when she delivered lectures in this and some of the adjoining states. In Janu- ary, 1863, she went to Washington, and becoming inter- ested in the army hospital work remained there, gave her time and efforts to the care of sick and wounded soldiers. In the fall of 1864 she returned to St. Cloud for a few days, disposed of her newspaper to her nephew, W. B. Mitchell, who had been connected with it in various capacities for a number of years, and going back to Washington, went almost immediately to the hospital at Fredericksburg, where there was the greatest need of skilled help, and re- mained until her health gave way. Returning again to Washington, and having very limited financial resources, she was given by Secretary Stanton a clerkship in the quartermaster general's office, a position she held but a short time, being summarily dismissed by the direct order of President Johnson for having ventured to criticise the policy of his administration. A successful lawsuit, begun that year and carried to the supreme court of the United States, gave her in later years a property in Pennsylvania, —the old homestead at Swissvale, some nine miles out of After leaving Washington, her remaining years were spent in Pittsburg.-which yielded her a comfortable income. St. Cloud, Chicago, and at Swissvale, with one year in Europe. While in Chicago, her only daughter and only child, Zo, was married to Mr. E. L. Allen, Northwestern manager of the Royal Insurance Company of Liverpool, now vice president of the German American Insurance Company of New York. While living in Chicago Mrs. Mrs. Lincoln, martyred President, the two having much in common. Swiss helm was much with of the The last days of her life were spent at the old homestead at Swissvale, where she died July 21, 1884. Reared in the strictest tenets of the Presbyterian faith, in her later years widow she was less rigid in her beliefs, and was in general sym- pathy with the preaching and doctrines of Professor Swing and Dr. Thomas, both of whom were her warm personal friends during her residence in Chicago. Mrs. honesty of her convictions. Swisshelm was radical from the intensity and She hated wrong and injustice and oppression with a holy hatred, and with her whole soul she entered into the war against the institution of human slavery. Many a black man and woman did she aid in making their escape by way of the underground ailroad from bondage to freedom, and she was as ready with her purse as with her pen to aid in the cause of free- dom. She was on terms of close personal acquaintance with Charles Sumner, Horace Greeley, William Lloyd Gar- A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 311 rison, Edwin M. Stanton, George W. Julian, and many others of the great leaders in the anti-slavery and Union cause, and was a colaborer with Governor Ramsey, Governor Mil- Jer, Senator Wilkinson, and others who helped mold and di- rect the policy of the Republican party in Minnesota. No woman in this country ever wielded a keener pen, none was ever more merciless with an opponent in a discussion where a principle was involved, and none was ever more gentle and attractive in social life or self-sacrificing and devoted when suffering was to be relieved. Vigorous in intellect and with a personal courage which knew no fear, she was slight in figure, delicate in health, and was filled with a deep longing for the love and confidence of friends. In 1880 she published a volume of personal reminis- cences, entitled “Half a Century," prepared during her stay at Swissvale, and in which are given many interesting facts and sketches of men of prominence during the pre- ceding fifty years. * * * ILLSBURY, CHARLES A.—The career of Charles A. |P Pillsbury of Minneapolis furnishes ample confuta- tion of the theory, so often entertained by excellent citizens, that an active interest in politics is inconsistent with success in business. Mr. Pillsbury is one of the great- est flour millers of the world. He has been for a long time the executive head of a gigantic milling concern that seeks its markets in all parts of America and Europe. He has studied and adopted many new processes for per- feeting the art of getting all the nutritious properties out of the wheat berry and putting them in the most healthful and attractive forms for bread-making. Nevertheless he has found time to take a hearty interest in the public af. fairs of his city of his state, and of the nation, and he long served an intelligent constituency in the state Senate with marked ability. He was born at Warner, Merrimac county, New Hampshire, Oct. 3, 1842, and graduated from Dartmouth College, teaching country schools in vacation times to get money for his support. For six years he was engaged in mercantile pursuits in Montreal, most of the time as a clerk in a store. He was married in 1866 to Miss Mary A. Stinson, daughter of Capt. Chas. Stinson of Goffstown, N. H. In 1866 he John S. Pillsbury, had already been living for fourteen migrated to Minneapolis, where his uncle, He bought an interest in a small flouring mill, and About that time the “middlings purifier,” a Minneapolis inven- years. applied himself diligently to learn the business. tion, and the gradual reduction process, using steel rollers instead of the old burr stones—the latter a Hungarian invention—began to attract notice, and the Pillsburys, Washburns, and Christians, the chief millers of Minneapo- lis, promptly remodeled their mills to make use of these improvements, and soon gained a wide reputation for their “new process” flour. For several years the Minneapolis mills had a monopoly of the new process of milling, and its great economies over the old methods and the superior quality of flour it produced secured for them a large trade Minneapolis flour gained a reputation In 1872 the Pillsbury mills were greatly enlarged, and Gov. John S. and good profits. as the best flour made anywhere in the world. Pillsbury and George A. Pillsbury, father of Charles A., CHARLEs A. PLLSEURY. became active members of the firm. At a later period Charles A. Pillsbury's brother, Fred C., was also admitted to the partnership. “Pillsbury B,” the celsior” mills, and all were refitted with the new machin- To the original mills were added the *Anchor,” the “Empire,” and the “Ex- ery. A line of elevators was built throughout the wheat regions of the Northwest by the Millers' Association, of which the Pillsbury's were active members. Mr. Pillsbury then went to Europe to study the mills of Buda Pesth, in Hungary, where the best European flour was made. On his return he determined to eclipse any 312 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. milling plant he had seen in the Hungarian capital, and the “Pillsbury A" mill was built, with a capacity of 7,000 barrels of flour a day, which capacity has since been in- creased to over 10,000 barrels per day—the largest mill in In 1890 the Pillsbury mills and the Washburn Mill Company mills were sold to an English syndicate, and the world. consolidated in one interest, under the corporate name of the Washburn-Pillsbury Milling Company, which also ac- Mr. Pillsbury remained in the business as its manager and one quired the water-power of the Falls of St. Anthony. FRANK M. N.Y.E. of the three American directors. He has gained a world- wide celebrity for the introduction into his mills of the profit-sharing system, under which the labor employed par- ticipates yearly in the profits of the business, after assign- ing to capital a reasonable interest. Under this system as high as $25,000 have been distributed in a single year among the employes of the firm, while at the same time they re- ceived the current wages and were not liable for any losses The result has been to identify the work- Mr. Pills- bury never placed this plan on the ground of benevolence; in the business. men closely with the interests of the business. he always regarded it as a sound business principle, tend- ing to avert strikes and to securing faithful and intelligent employes. Mr. Pillsbury served in the State Senate for ten years, beginning in 1877, and for most of that time was chairman of the important committee on finance. He gave very valuable support to his uncle, Gov. John S. Pillsbury, dur- ing the long labors of the latter to secure the recognition adjustment of the railroad debt of the state. In municipal affairs his influence has always been felt on the and side of good government. He is an attendant of Plymouth Congregational Church, and a bountiful supporter of many forms of wise benevolence. In person he is of medium height, of robust frame, and of genial temperament. He is popular in his manners, and accessible to all. His large fortune has been liberally drawn upon to support many en- terprises for the prosperity of his city and for the benefit of its people. * * * YE, FRANK MELLEN.—Among the most distin- guished members of the Minnesota state bar, and among the most popular as well, is Frank M. Nye of Minneapolis. He was born in Shirley, Me., on March 7, 1852, of Franklin and Eliza M. Nye. naught of special interest associated with the parental his- There is tory, save the fact that Franklin Nye was a Maine state lumberman, and an Abolitionist who voted his principles at a time when it was almost dangerous to do so. This branch of the Nye family lived in the Pine Tree State sev- eral generations. In 1855 the family moved from Maine and settled in St. Croix county, near River Falls, Wis. sketch was brought up on a farm. The subject of our His educational ad- vantages consisted of common schools and courses of study at the village of River Falls. academic When sev- enteen years of age he began teaching school, a pursuit which he followed a number of terms. the study of law. In the spring of 1877 he left River Falls. In the spring of 1878 he was admitted to the bar at Hudson, Wis., and shortly thereafter he removed to Clear Lake, Polk county, in the same state, where he practiced law and held the office of district attorney two terms. Following this came his election to the lower house of the Wisconsin state legislature. After this came He served in the sessions of 1884-85, and it was he who had the honor of nominating John C. Spooner for United States Senator. In the spring of 1886 Mr. Nye changed his place of resi- dence to Minneapolis, where, according to his own grim statement, he had little money and no acquaintance. For two or three years the struggle was a hard one. Finally, "A Lºſ F.1 \ },0/1811, 1 (IAI (IHI, 10 A 210,LSI H V 818 ‘sonse poo/Apºſtºn 5uſIIoq Āq oppuſ stºw usehod ouaq A spoow oul onuſ 1no spoof; Jo spºo Tuos on A ‘Autºnomouſ of eſſ. A tº Ioj uſtrol tº 31 Aſip III 101 tº put: “uiteſ tº uo XLIoM 105 tutºniſ AA ‘dn uox{0,10 stºw AIUIt'ſ out put pop ſoulouſ on 1 Iolº stºo." Inouſ ºx{-10A unit'ſ It?...Loua: oth 5uſſop put putº Itoio 5uſ -(IIon XL10A on has o.19 AA tºo.Ipſto oth put spoo AA AIIII ºut stºw 1*11 tuitºſ II tºus tº tro AIſ tutºſ sitſ potisſiſtºlso loſingſ on a pio s.ſtºo." 11549 stºw uitºſiſ IAA Moſt oth trou Aº ‘siopeo Asſuoliſ -01W quouſ triotſ toū 10 Autºtu put: ‘IIopoo:) tutº IIILM Inſus milior) Jo pueſtſ tº stºw of I huouſo Aout up tº ſuburnt tºo.15 tº pit waoſ ºuſ A.I. tº Jo huānoul (1511 out 1 III pºſſ on 1m0! "only 's ww.in-law ‘...tood stºw lot oboid ou.I. º.10 Å AoN ulou 1.10N uſ s.101*115* Ato Atºs-ilut: ALI tºo oth Jo otio stºw on M iologitºto Jo 90,10] 1st Doullo IV Jubiouſly ut: ºux uopu ºr Aoºſ Jo DIII.) [[lſ]] oil stºw of I put: A Hºuli; to Ionut Jo utºut tº loudbold ‘S’s ºl 'oot I ºf 10, Max Alunoo IIIMutº...I ‘oudLºſ V iſ uſiol stºw “slut 110 tºuriſ Jo uollutu tº Jo Joltºn) tº Wilbou Jo Alſo In Jūnboq tº on of tºll A Tutu-Aus. Allod tº tuo.1, uoll blouſe: ofuſs tº uſ slotſtrouti IV podolo Aop ºut 11:11 unui Jo dino.15 oth Jo polids-olland put oiloº.Iona 1soul oul Jo out ºux 's 'A- HALLINS IN VII IIAA '+)NI ‘Ālunoo ſt:10 Jo Koutonne Khunoo sº put: “uuſ IV ºppon -100IV uſ so AII toº N. V. "O loſſlo.Iſ Iaşuno A. V. ‘Aoſq snoſ.ios tº stºw Intop sºut:3pºſ put: “uoſmooſſe Jo son isºtto.11s on 1 Aq Moulazon punod oilow stoulo.10 on, L - Loo.Itso iodieds wou sIII (Ioſin potoluo put 5uſuio AAA on luow it::pº uou A ‘91s.I Inun "sount: ‘suſ A1 st: (in Ao.13 Aatiſ, stinuouſ troonqāţa Aq Ioſues sitſ put touloid sº N. Hub.L.I sºw isºlouinn “poluouſ -*I wou put snouteſ out to." N AM tºpſ ºuqun spun Jo shintſ on 1 out; tıos tº put stolužntºp oo.III.L. wou aloul ºut AII 9.It pub oweſ-Litºuſ Lou Jo otuſl on 1 at tiſsuoosſ AA III poaſt inq ‘oiſſood ºutſpuſ 9.19 waſ ſuitºſ IoH uosiſ.A IV of Lit:0 on poſt ‘sonnp Ibuoissojo.id tuouſ postoia, udu A sputºu sit to 31.1p hou soop oup, tauntſo Iºtion tºo.15uo,) onto AV site, I oth Jo put on-ſeon uoſun oul Jo Ioſuouſ ºx{IGI Awoſſo, I pp.O ‘uosº IV tº sy -Ibut stºw on 91s.I. Jo 5uilds out 1 III ‘oltºns ºn 1 III stoltz.1.0 [tºonſ.[od Ibntion[ſuſ 1soul put 5uſpºol on 1 Jo ouſ, st put: ‘suiſſed tuto III 1.It’ſ oanot; tıtº ox{tº on subj lºoſt of I *Alted oul Jo 5uſ A low IIs on 1 on s5uoiaſ of I ºutroſſando: I oAsso.155 tº putº luonsistion tº utopiandaxi tº trooq sºwie ‘osinoo Jo stºn a WN LIN ºx{ools IIonitoq V tuo.II 5ultuo,) ‘osuoſop put: oolio Itºol Jo Lit: A to Ao Jo tolstºut tº put: *A*I on 1 til Dou-tºol “Iroſio isou.tºo ºrian Doo-solinſ otojoq 5uoils A.low sº of 'Aoustone funnoosoid tº st: ssooons Injiap -IIow. Illºw lotti stºn ºx IV Mutº. I hºun pional Jo Johnput tº SI 11 Doñutºnoun poulºuia. 5ueſ on adualtios squax ‘linoo outaiſins ontºns out on stºodøſe own put stronopatroo owl siteſ.In own tolj v ºutdInnoosoid on asſsst on powo (ſtua stºw ºx LIV Loſſ A uſ ostro toulout: s an A sºn Jo Lapinuſ oul IIIA Doñitºſio stºw Tuox1 x 101*IN Tom w uſ ºnoxiº I Il-10N Jo ostro Tuo XI polotſ on J. "Moſquia pinoo soomoso.I *Iſſue 1 tº stoº wº Itºu Ituſio Injilºſs 1sou put isoqº an ºn posoſido sºw oxx IIA sitſ.In Inoq III put sºoow uomas postºl tº 11 p.it wºuli otſ,I, poºutºu sºw plºt: H. Autº II put: ‘aſſ Ioſ Albinuolutiod ontºls tº 10soutſi IV oth ol poonoluos stºw 1x1141 sneſſ) "Aintinoo sºul uſ plotſ trooq loao owtºn tºul sign Ibuſtuſ;10 Italionºsuo's put politiqoloo soul out 5uout polloq -tunt out 5ul: ) out-lount:0 Jo top.Intu on 1 to 'suonnoosold pitt: AA tº H-1x11:1 on, L 'sootioluos ojit DoAſooo...I put ponoſ A 'otulio II*III outes out ſuſ, wºofitzno outlaw IIdosoſ' 'sa olels out, put split: H ºf sout'ſ Jo top intu on 1 uni w poºl buo stºw on A utºno souteſ’ ‘sa ontºns on J, stºw -Uloo ollow Iloa. poºrºua stºw on tPoſtIA uſ stroInnoosoid polou out 5uouv ‘...toolbo pousinău Insip tº put sºul o'N i IN A lunoo IIIdoutlo H Loſ Aouaolº Alunoo sv White.In Id ()009 to Ao Aoi poloolºo.I stºw on uot AA FGSI uſ politodo, stºw Loſt A linsol tº ‘poloola AImp stºw put out puoods tº oouſo outs ou log unit on ‘towawon ‘lolº subº o AI, poleoſop stºw on AIositºl oninb losion sitſ Jo peout up, ou uinoul inq ‘diſtis woulonne Alunoo oul IOI StºA on 06SI Jo Itºſ on 1 III -ſuloid old biopisuoo onuſ turn huānoad noſti w put stºo." ontº DIputº) tº "ºulºu. own plot on tolu woouſo ut: “uosſueſ hioqori topun ºut -long Amunoo questsst: ponuſ oddt; sº on 6SSI "Aientiuſ’ ul 314 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. The lad traded the merchandise for potash. He managed to get a little schooling in the winters by working for his board. In 1846, at the age of eighteen, he went into Ot- Sego County to can VaSS for a mutual insurance company. At this business lie saved a little money, and four years later, becoming an ardent member of the Free Soil party, he made his first newspaper Venture, starting at COOperS- town the Free Democrat to advocate the election Of John P. Hale to the Presidency. - In 1853 Mr. King organized at Cherry Valley, N. Y., a club which called itself the Young Men's Republican Club, and which was the first association in our modern political history to take the name Of Republican. A year later a number of State Organizations assumed the name. Others may have preceded him in advocating its use as the title of a new party to oppose the extension of Slavery, but he is certainly entitled to the Credit Of being the first man to actually assume it for a political club, and to carry on a local campaign under that name. During his active political career in New York, Mr. King frequently visited Albany to confer with the leaders of the new party, and there he enjoyed the friendship of Thurlow Weed, Will- iam H. Seward, Preston IXing, and other eminent Repub- licans. He was appointed a colonel of state militia. He had a broad highway open to him for success in his OWn State, but the Western fever seized him in 1858. After he had decided to seek a new career somewhere in the West, he asked advice of Oliver A. Morse, the Imember of Congress from his district, who told him to go to the North West, where there would be rapid development, and Where he would find the kind of people he was used to living among. Morse gave him a letter to Major Cullen, then superintend- ent of Indian agencies in Minnesota. Before Setting Out, Ring went to New York and saw Horace Greeley, telling him he was going up to the head of navigation On the Mis- sissippi to locate. Greeley thought a minute, and said: “Be sure to settle on the West side of the river, and if you find anything of interest, write a letter for the Trib.” Ring stayed at St. Paul for a little time, making acquaint- ances, and then walked up to Minneapolis, looked the place over, and decided to make it his home. He believed from the first that the place Was destined to become an important city, and he resolved to share its fortunes. He threw himself at Once into the Work of aid- ing the growth of the to Wu, and, at the Same time, Of building up the young Republican party. In 1859 he started the State Atlas, as a radical Republican paper, and strongly opposed the issue of the railroad bonds, predict- ing that they would be repudiated, which afterwards came to pass. He was a keen, forcible, and sarcastic editorial writer, and he soon became a power in the journalism of Minnesota. He took the stump in political campaigns, and was a popular and effective speaker. In 1861 Colonel IXing went to Washington, aided in the fitting Out Of the Minnesota regiments, met his old New York friends, and was elected postmaster of the House of Representatives. This position he held for twelve years, during which period he was, in fact, an additional member of Congress from Minnesota, for he exerted as much in- fluence as any of the members in Securing legislation and appointments for Minnesota. During the Vacations Colonel IKing was perhaps the most conspicuous champion of Minneapolis interests among the many able men who labored to advance that city. He ran a state fair with marked success; he was secretary Of the board of trade; he was One of the founders Of the Minneapolis Tribune; and he was a member of a construction company that built the Northern Pacific Railroad across the State of Minnesota. In 1874 Colonel IXing was elected to the Forty-fourth Congress from the Fourth district, embracing the cities Of St. Paul and Minneapolis. His long experience in public life and his intimate acquaintance with legislation at Washington fitted him in a high degree for usefulness to his district and state and to take a prominent place in na- tional politics. Unfortunately, while postmaster, he be- Came informed of Certain facts connected With the passage of the Pacific Mail Steamship Company's subsidy bill. It was an epoch of morbid suspicion, and Of efforts to in- volve public men in scandals by the efforts of investigat- ing Committees, urged on by newspapers, for political pur- DOSes. A COmmittee was set to Work investigating the Pacific Mail matter, and Colonel Ring was summoned as a. Witness. He had received in New York three packages Of money from the agent of the Pacific Maíl Company to con- Vey to Washington and hand to certain parties then promi- ment in public life. This was testified to by another wit- ness, and Was admitted by him, but he refused to disclose the names of the men who received the lmoney. To have done SO Would have ruined those men, and have been on his part, as he believed, a base betrayal of confidence. He Was not himself accused of any attempt to corrupt legisla- tion. He determined to shoulder any load of suspicion and denunciation that might be heaped upon him rather than tell the Committee who got those money packages. Leav- ing Washington he went to Canada, where he remained beyond reach of the process of the sergeant-at-arms until the Congress expired and the investigation ended. The Committee exonerated him from the charges of complicity in improperly influencing legislation, but blamed him for absenting himself. A Washington grand jury indicted Colonel King. He demanded a trial, but could not obtain one, and, after a long delay, the indictment was rescinded, and he was fully exonerated by the prosecuting attorney. The affair Was made use of by his enemies at home to throw him out A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 315 -of public life, and, after serving his one term in Congress with credit, he was not a candidate for reëlection. For some time he was connected with the Pioneer PréSS as a stockholder and as its Minneapolis editor. He OWIled a farm that afterwards became a part of the city, and he went into the breeding of short-horn cattle. This farm was deeded to Philo Remington of Ilion, N. Y., as security for loans, and Colonel King recovered it after a famous law Suit, when its value had increased to nearly two million dollars. His lawyers received magnificent fees out of this new fortune, and with the remainder Colonel King ern- barked in various business enterprises, which were in the main unsuccessful; so that in a few years there was little left out of the money won in the great suit. Colonel King has been twice married. His first wife was Mary E. Stevens of Ilion, and his second Wife was Caro- line M. Arnold of the same place. With her and With his son, Preston King, and a married daughter and her family, he lives in his beautiful home on the island in Minne- apolis, facing the Mississippi and within hearing Of the Falls of St. Anthony. * * * ERG, ALBERT.-It is seldom that a young man of thirty-five attains the personal and political promi- nence that has fallen to Secretary of State Albert Berg. This is not due to any accident, nor to any political upheaval, but rather to persistent effort, coupled with rare business ability and sound judgment. His genial nature and Winning manner have, of course, much to do with his Del'Sonal popularity, but otherwise his success has been due to his own intelligent effort. Secretary Berg has per- formed his official duties during the present term in an able In the election of 1894 he received 4,758 more votes than Nelson for governor, and ran ahead of the highest vote for any State Officer by 1,721, his majority being 1,720 more than that of any other state officer. manner, and will be reëlected by a rousing majority. Albert Berg came from hardy and patriotic stock, his father, Jonas Berg, having laid down his life for his newly adopted Country as a Union soldier in Company D of the Third Minnesota Regiment. Oct. 2, 1861, he left his young wife with their only Child, Albert, then but three months old, and Went to the war. He died at Jefferson Barracks, At the reunion of the Third regiment, in 1895, Albert Berg was made an honorary member of the aSSOCiation, an honor he esteems greater than that of membership in any of the other numerous societies to Which he belongs. where he is buried. Secretary Berg was born of Swedish parents, June 25, 1861, at Centre City, Minn., and is now thirty-five years old. His parents were among the early Swedish settlers, coming here in 1852. Leaving the common schools, he spent the years 1876-77 at Carleton College, Northfield, and then studied for three years at Gustavus Adolphus College at St. Peter. During the next four years he was employed by Major Edwards on the Fargo Argus, doing political Work in the Northwestern States. In 1886 he was elected register of deeds for Chisago county, and was reëlected in 1888, 1890, and 1892, serving eight years. work, and possessing a remarkably retentive memory, he An expert in Official could give without reference to the records an abstract of nearly all the land titles in his county. This experience ripened him for the duties of secretary of state, which he has so ably performed. In 1892 he was a delegate from this state to the National Republican Convention, and the same year he was a for- midable candidate for the position which Came to him tWO years later. The best work of Mr. Berg during his present term of office was the state census of June 1, 1895. With an appropriation far too limited he succeeded in giving the state the best, most complete, and comprehensive cenSUS yet produced, and which has attracted favorable comment at home and abroad. Mr. Berg is a member of the Lutheran Church, belongs to the fraternity of Masons, Elks, Knights of Pythias, and other societies, and not the least of his talents is comprised in VOCal music, for Which he has a magnificent voice, highly Cultured; and no religious, So- cial, or political gathering at which Albert Berg is present is complete in entertainment until his masterly vocalization has been heard. * * * ITCHELL, WILLIAM BELL.-William B. Mitchell of St. Cloud is one of the Oldest Republican jour- nalists of the state, and has taken a prominent part in building up and maintaining the party in Minnesota. He was born May 14, 1843, at Wilkins!) urg, Allegheny county, Pennsylvania, and came with his parents to Minnesota in the spring of 1857, making the journey by steamboat on the Ohio and Mississippi rivers from Pittsburg. His father, Henry Z. Mitchell, was engaged in mercantile business, WV 3.S postmaster at St. Cloud under Lincoln, and during the great Indian outbreak was appointed commissary general by Governor Ramsey. He died at St. Cloud, March 9, 1896, at the age of eighty. Mr. Mitchell's mother, Elizabeth Ann Cannon, was married at Pittsburg in 1841, and is still living in St. Cloud. She is a sister of the late Jane G. Swisshelm, the famous Writer and advocate of the anti- slavery cause and of the rights of women. Young Mitchell attended local schools, and was about a year in the mathematical department of Duff's Business Col- 9Ig Allº! Pºol A. FOIT $11,1191 (IHL 10 (2/0ſ, SIH F. otewieqi, I poziubotn. A pnoLO is aul Jo Aitºnotoos put ºut stapoſ[Moons oum Jo ouo oste stºw a H iso.A. aul uſ slowod tonew isoq out; Jo ouo 5upitºu puts toooºoººs Jo onlipuodvo aul ºut AIoatſ asſidioluo tie ‘pnoLO ºns ht: Ioal. 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Injſſion put 5uſ IIIsu Ato A stºw ‘sootiensuinono snoodblue Aptºsip Autºut ºptin poºloool put sºw iſ unnott Joliºl u011oninsul osotºw ºutºut soutgo A.low put poleonpo Attºrn tº put losſum isn'ſſºr tº sºlºiſtula ºut AA 'Aoxi ou tuouſ subox own quoqu to shoot -qns usiliuºſ oottu to own putºtootº) untºrſ usuosso ontº Auſt Mool on tooſuo Funuſual out tº out LM slºw-toluſ tº spite wionſ tº put thosouriſ IV on 5uſuoo tour subow own situ out ºut-tup otuſl on 1 Jo Lied tº to pnoſo ºns tº Autoptrol: Iboot out popuo -] tº of thosotiuſ IV 01 ºut utoo otojoq isn'ſ ºnqsn], I he oºol A HISTORY OF THE 317 REPUBLICA V P RTY. Company, which built a pulp mill and erected a plant for the manufacture of fiberware goods, costing, with the ina- chinery, $75,000. St. Cloud Paper Mill Company, which had just got its plant He was a member and president of the in good working order when the paper mill and pulp mill adjoining it were totally destroyed by fire in August, 1893, without enough insurance to warrant their reconstruction in the condition the money market was then in. It was to actively engage in the management of these business en- terprises that he sold his newspaper in 1892, and when these mills burned he was compelled to turn to something Mr. He is a else, and so opened a real estate and loan office. Mitchell has always been an active Republican. member of the Presbyterian church. On Dec. 7. of Marietta, Ohio, whose father, William A. 1871, he married Miss Emily. Whittlesey Whittlesey, was one of the leading members of the Ohio bar and a member of Congress from the Marietta district, his uncle, Elisha. Whittlesey, having been the solicitor of the treas- ury department during President Lincoln's administration. Mr. and Mrs. Mitchell have eight children-Carrie T., Mil- dred W., Eleanor, Leslie, Jane W., Henry Z., Ruth, and Dorothy. * * * ANDER, THEODORE.-Theodore Sander, who for more than thirty years has been an active and well 1841 in Pyrmont, Waldeck, Prussia, and came to this country with His father, Conrad Sander, and his mother, Bertha Artzt, both sprang from the known citizen of St. Paul, was born in his parents when nine years of age. hardy common people, who from the earliest times had been acoustoned to severest toil. His father's father was a contractor and builder in his native town, while the fa- ther of his mother was engaged on both sides during the Napoleonic Wars; at first under Napoleon as a conscript forced into the service, but afterward as a volunteer against the great Corsican. When his parents first reached America, in 1850, they settled in Philadelphia and started a boot and shoe shop. Whether it was unfamiliarity with his new trade, having been a forester in the old country, or whether his choice of location was unfortunate, this first venture proved un- successful, and Conrad Sander moved with his family to a small village of Montgomery county, near Philadelphia, where his efforts were rewarded with success, and he was able to rear his large family free from want. Here Theo- dore Sander continued the studies he had pursued in the common school in his native country, and helped his father about the shoe shop until fifteen years of age, when he entered a printing office in his adopted village, and for five years performed its various duties, from sweeping out dirt to writing an editorial. The Mennonites were Abolitionists to a man. In one of these settlements in Pennsylvania, at the time of the open- ing of hostilities, Mr. Sander was a resident. Here his na- tive hatred of slavery was fanned to a flame; from here he entered the army; here he attached himself to the Re- publican party, and, though not a voter, shouted for Fre- mont and no extension of slavery. On May 5, 1861, at twenty years of age, he enlisted in Company K, Twenty-seventh Pennsylvania Volunteers, and served three years and one month. Although he was in many skirmishes, in Pope's raid along the Rappahannock, THEODORE SANDER. and was in the thick of the fight at first Bull Run, Cross IKeys, Fredericksburg, Chancellorville, second Bull Run, and Gettysburg, he came through it all without a scratch upon his person, his only serious loss being his rations and a carefully kept diary which were in his haversack when that piece of baggage was shot from his back by a passing shell. to search for lost rations or books. It was a busy time, and there was little opportunity He then spent a short time in the hospital; but on Feb. 25, 1865, he reºnlisted in Company K, Third Regiment, United States Veteran Vol- unteers, known as Hancock's corps, and prepared again 318 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. for active service. But while marching to the front the Welcome news of Lee’s Surrender was borne to their eager ears, and they knew that the spilling of blood was over. His company was sent to Fort Snelling, and there for }\alf a year he endured the hardships of idleness. To quote the Words Of the victim himself: “On the field Of battle there was something to do, but when Our Only business was to sit around and look pretty, that was tiresome.” Upon his discharge in February, 1866, he returned to his Old trade, bought an interest in the Minnesota Staats Zei- tung, and Soon afterward became its sole proprietor. Iſor eleven years he managed this as a German Republican paper, and then, merging it with the Volksblatt, under the title of the Volks Zeitung, a daily morning paper was started. This venture not proving agreeable, Mr. Sander retired from its management, and from 1879 to 1890 filled Though seldom holding elective office, his only experiences being in 1874-75, as regis- ter of deeds of Ramsey county, in 1895 as representative in the state legislature from the Ninth ward of St. Paul, the Office of deputy state treasurer. and as presidential elector in the second Grant campaign, yet Mr. affiliation and COnscientiously supported the Republican Sander has always Clung to his first political During his newspaper career he was active in Or- In 1870 he organized the St. Paul Working men's Building Society, the second in the state; in 1876 the Franklin, the first installment, or cash, and in 1880 the Working men's party. ganizing building societies. plan society in the state; Building and Loan Society. Of each of these societies he has always been and is now the secretary. Mr. Salnder has been twice married. His first Wife Was Emilie Engels of St. Paul, who had come to this country from Germany when a mere claild. She united her for- tunes with his Oct. 12, 1868, and bore him two children, Martha and Otto. German lineage, he found his second attraction, and they were united April 28, 1894. Mr. Sander is an Odd Fellow, a Druid, and has been commander of Garfield Post, Grand Army of the Republic. In Ida Pause, of Oslıkosh, Wis., also of c * * * ARTSHORN, BENJAMIN F.—B. F. Hartshorn of Sta- ples is a veteran Republican, having cast his first Vote for John C. Fremont in 1856. He was born in Ohio, Aug. 18, 1834, and migrated to Wisconsin with his father's family in 1840. His father was born in Ohio, in 1810, and was a graduate of the Philadelphia College and a practicing physician and surgeon. He died about twenty-five years ago. His grandfather, Hugh Hartshorn, was a Vir- ginia farmer, Who Owned large landed estates. His ancestors came from England, and settled on Chesapeake bay in the early part of the seventeenth century. He was a soldier in the War of 1812. Mr. Hartshorn’s maternal grandfather, Charles Spear, was a Massachusetts man of Mayflower stock. He enlisted in the land forces sent to coöperate with Commodore Perry against the British in the War of 1812, and died in the service at Erie, Pa. Mr. Hartshorn's mother was born in Connecticut in 1808, and is still living at the advanced age of eighty-eight. The subject of this sketch was educated in the subscrip- tion Schools of Wiscoilsin when that state Was a territory, and after its admission attended the public schools SOOn afterwards established. He wanted to go into the War for the Union in 1861, and enlisted in a Wisconsin Company, but was rejected by the examining surgeon On account Of an injury to one of his feet. He studied law in the Office of Graham & Terhorn at Viroqua, and took a course in the law department of the state university. After his admis- sion to the bar at Lancaster, Wis., he hung out his Shingle in Mason City, Iowa, and worked his way up to a prom- inent standing in his profession and to a good practice, He held the Office Of Clerk Of the court in Wisconsin, and shortly after he settled in Iowa he He was especially in trial cases. was elected to the same position in his new home. a member of the Iowa legislature, and helped elect Senator Allison to his first term in the United States Senate. For three consecutive terms he was mayor of Mason City. He Game to Minnesota in 1878 on a professional errand, and with a view of soon returning to Iowa, but finding himself with a good deal of law business in this state, and liking the country, he remained to become a citizen, engaging in farming as well as practicing at the bar. He has a fond- ness for country life, and owns a handsome farm of 400 acres at Philbrook, upon which he lives. Mr. Hartshorn was elected to the Minnesota legislature in 1895. lican politics, not to obtain office for himself, but to help his He has always taken a warm interest in Repub- friends and to aid in the work of his party. He has taken a lorominent part in State and congressional elections and in Senatorial contests. He is an effective stump speaker, and has done service in this line in State and national cam- paigns. He makes no claims to oratorical talent, but has a faculty for presenting the issues of the day to an audience in a plain and convincing way. Mr. Hartshorn was married thirty-five years ago in Viroqua, Wis. His wife is a native of Meadville, Pa. They have had six children, only two of whom are now living. ºn ºn ºn ARSHALL, WILLIAM RAINEY.—Hon. William Rai- Iney Marshall was the fifth governor of the State of Minnesota, succeeding Stephen Miller. He was a COnsistent and Zealous Republican, as his two most immedi- ate predecessors had been, and more than any other man A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 319 was entitled to the honor of being the father of the Repub- lican party in Minnesota. He presided over the first Re- publican meeting held in the territory, and was the first Candidate of the party for a territorial office. He was of Commanding appearance, and full of vigor and robust life, able to endure fatigue and compete with all with whom he was brought into contact. Very decided in his views touch- ing political matters, yet slow to condemn those who dis- agreed with him; suave in his address, never forgetting or defying the demands of courtesy, he possessed peculiarities of disposition to please all with whom he was associated, and even his political antagonists gave him credit for sin- cerity. It may be truly said of him that he was a unique Character, seldom met with in the political arena where Contentions are the general rule. his faults. His amiability covered Governor Marshall was the son of Joseph and Abigail (Sha W) Marshall, and was born in Boone county, Missouri. His father was a IXentuckian by birth, and the native State of his mother was Pennsylvania. Both his grand- fathers were Revolutionary Soldiers, and his own father Was Of Scotch-Irish lineage, which in a measure may a C- °ount for his combativeness and remarkable self-com- mand. He was educated chiefly in the schools of Quincy, Ill., and obtained little more than a graded school train- ing. Upon leaving school he went to the lead mining dis- tricts of Wisconsin, and engaged in mining and surveying until 1847, When he removed to St. Croix Falls and made a land and tree claim, meanwhile Opening a store in the vil- lage and dealing in merchandise and lumber. He was like- Wise deputy receiver in the United States Land Office, and Was regarded as a reliable man of business. In 1848 he was elected representative for the St. Croix Valley in the Wisconsin legislature, but his seat was suc- cessfully contested by Joseph Bowron, because he resided on the west side of the state boundary, and he accordingly continued his mercantile business and bided future Opport- tunities for gaining political distinction. I late in 1847 he located a claim at St. Anthony Falls, but did not perfect his title thereto until 1849; in the fall of which latter year he was elected a member of the first territorial legislature of Minnesota, where he rendered effective service and WOn a more than average degree of credit. He continued his resi- dence on his claim at St. Anthony until 1851, When he removed to St. Paul, and opened the first iron store estab- lished here. As his business did not occupy his time fully, he continued to survey public lands, and finally disposed of his business in the city and devoted himself exclusively to the latter pursuit. In 1855, in association with several Oth- ers, he engaged in the banking business in this city. That enterprise was successful until 1857, when the financial depression which extended throughout the commercial world carried it under, as it did hundreds of other kindred institutions. Mr. Marshall’s next business undertaking Was the Open- ing of a dairy farm near this city and selling milk from his wagons. This proved a remunerative enterprise, but was not exactly to his taste, and in 1861 he bought Out the Times and the Minnesotian, two Republican daily news- paper's published in St. Paul, and consolidating them, be- gan the publication of the Press, in which he was engaged when, in 1862, he enlisted in the Seventh Regiment of Min- nesota Volunteers. Soon after he was commissioned lieu- tenant colonel of the regiment. The following year he Wals made colonel of the Seventh, in place of Stephen Miller, elected governor of the state. He won high honors by his bravery and good executive ability as a commander, and it may be said of him that few men from civil life ever achieved in military service equal credit for efficiency. His career as an officer is best told in the following mem- oranda of his operations: “Aug. 28, 1862, lieutenant colonel of the Seventh Regiment Minnesota Vol- unteers; reported to General Sibley at I'ort Ridgely With the companies then organized, and commanded the battalion commissioned in the Indian campaign of that year, at relief of Birch COO- lie, and battle of Wood Lake. In 1863 Lieutenant Colonel Marshall commanded the regiment in General Sibley's expe- dition to the Upper Missouri, and in the battle of Big Mound and other engagements (Colonel Miller being in command of the District of Minnesota). Oct. 10, 1863, went South in command of the regiment. 1863. June 1864, joined right wing of the Sixteenth Army Corps at Memphis, Tenn. Assigned to First Brigade of First IDivision, Gen. J. A. Mower, (livision Commissioned colonel Nov. 6, COmmandel’; Gen. A. J. Smith, Corps commander. Took part in the battles of July 13, 14, and 15, 1864, near Tupelo, Miss. Was in expedition to Oxford, Miss., in August, 1864; in skirmish at Tallahatchie river, September, October, and November, 1864; Was under General MOwer in Arkansas and Missouri in pursuit of General Price; under General Thomas at the battle of Nashville, Dec. 15 and 16, 1864. Succeeded to command of Third Brigade on the death of Colonel Hill, De- Gember 15th; under Command of Canby at the siege of Mobile, March and April, 1865. Wounded in the advance on Span- ish Fort, March 25, 1865. In command of post at Selma, Ala., May, June, and July, 1865. Commissioned brevet brigadier general, March 13, 1865, for services at Nashville, on recommendation of Generals McArthur, Smith, and Thomas. Mustered out with Seventh Regiment at Fort Snelling, Aug. 16, 1865.” On the close of the War in 1865 General Marshall was elected governor of Minnesota, and he was reëlected in 1867, serving until January, 1870, and making a very praise- Worthy administration. He was then chosen vice president of the Marine National Bank of St. Paul, and also president of the Savings Bank of St. Paul. In 1874 he was appointed One of the three members of the railroad commission, and When the law was subsequently changed and the Office 320 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. made elective, he was elected first under the new law, con- tinuing to fill the office until 1883. 1883 till 1893 he was engaged in various enterprises, occu- During the interval from pying most of the time in farming and stock-raising, and buying and selling real estate, but his efforts were not marked with success, chiefly because he had no patience to carry them to conclusions. He would persuade himself that there was something else that would be better for him, and leaving what he had in hand, but had not yet devel- oped, would make a change without having weighed thor- CHARLES H. GRAVES. oughly all the chances it offered. Much of this period of his life may be cited as an example of misapplied energy. In the autumn of the latter year Governor Marshall was elected secretary of the Minnesota Historical Society, vice J. Fletcher Williams, compelled by ill-health to retire from In the fall of 1894 the subject of this sketch was stricken with paralysis, and in January, 1895, he ten- could no that position. dered his resignation as secretary because he longer attend to his duties; but the council of the society did not accept it until the following March, hoping he might recover sufficiently to resume active service. The governor himself seemed to be animated with no such hope. From the first he despaired of full recovery, but went at the ad- vice of friends to Pasadena, Cal., to take advantage of the After his arrival in California he was again stricken with paralysis. On the 8th of January, 1896, death released him from suffering. His remains were brought back to St. Paul, and on the 16th of January, 1896, his funeral took place from Christ Church in this city, where a multitude of his friends and his fellow curative influences of that climate. members of the Loyal Legion assembled and listened to the eloquent address delivered on the occasion by Rev. Dr. Ed- ward C. Mitchell, pastor of the New Jerusalem (Sweden- borgian) Church, of which the deceased was one of the founders. Of Governor Marshall it may be remarked that he sometimes seemed the plaything of Dame Fortune, for the alternations from prosperity to adversity which he ex- perienced were frequent and extreme, but through it all he maintained that gentleness of disposition–that lovable- ness—which was the marked characteristic of his life. Governor Marshall was married on March 22, 1854, to Miss Abby Langford of Utica, N. Y., by whom he had one child, a son, who lived to man's estate, dying some four years ago, and leaving a widow and one child, who were with Governor Marshall in California, and by whom his wants were attended to and his last moments on earth were cheered. * * * RAVES, CHARLES HINMAN.—Charles H. Graves, one of the most noted speakers the House of Rep- resentatives of Minnesota has had, was born at Springfield, Mass., in 1839. He was the son of Rev. A. H. Graves, a Baptist minister and editor of the Christian Watchman and Reflector, of Boston. Mr. Graves received a common school and academic education. He clerked in a dry goods store until May, 1861, when he enlisted at West Cambridge in a volunteer company raised by Captain Ingalls, which in June was assigned to the Fortieth New He served as a private and noncommissioned officer until No- York Infantry Volunteers and ordered to Washington. vember of the same year, and was then promoted, on com- petitive examination of all the noncommissioned officers, to He took part in all the battles of In June, 1862, he was detailed a second lieutenancy. the Army of the Potomac. as an ordnance officer and aide-de-camp on General Kear- ney's staff. He afterwards served at different times as a staff officer under Generals Stoneman, Birney, Graham, and Terry. He was promoted to first lieutenant, then to cap- tain in his regiment, then to assistant adjutant general, and was soon after raised to major “for gallant services in the attack on Fort Fisher, N. C.” He was also breveted lieu- tenant colonel and colonel. In 1865 he was appointed lieutenant of infantry in the regular army. The following A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLI ("A M P RT"). 321 year he was promoted to a captaincy, and made major and lieutenant colonel by brevet, serving as inspector general of the Department of Dakota and in other important posi- tions. Colonel Graves was severely wounded at Gettys- burg. He resigned from the army in 1870, and took up his residence in Duluth. and Colonel Graves was elected to the State Senate served from 1873 to 1876, inclusive. l During this time he was a member of the special investigating committee of the state treasury, the result of which work was the resig- nation of the officers of the treasury through Republican efforts, were Republican officials, and the though they restitution to the state of large sums of money. He was the author of the law which has, since 1876, governed the state treasury. With Senator Buckham, now one of the district judges of the state, he drew the first law of this state providing for a railroad commission and the exercise of the authority of the state over railroads. He was for several years a member of the Republican state central committee, was chairman of the Republican congressional convention of 1880, and he was mayor of Duluth for two terms, embracing the years 1882 and 1883. For several years Colonel Graves was one of the direct- ors of the St. Paul & Duluth Railway; a member of the firm of C. H. Graves & Co., a leading firm in the city of Duluth; at one time president of the Union Improvement and Elevator Company; president of the Lake Superior Ele- vator Company, and secretary of the Duluth Iron Company. In 1888 he was elected state representative from the Forty-sixth district, then composed of Hubbard, Carlton, St. Louis, Wadena, Cook, Lake, Itasca, Cass, and Aitkin counties. He received more than twice as many votes as his Democratic opponent, H. H. Hawkins. He was elected speaker of the House, and has ever since been referred to Republicans as of the best and most by leading Olle efficient speakers the House ever had. Many important measures were dealt with during his term as speaker. Among these was the Duluth & Winnipeg land grant fight, the Sabin and Washburn senatorial contest, the mat- ter of the state leasing the iron mines, and the reappor- tionment of the state. It was Mr. Graves's bill for the leasing of the iron mines which passed the House and Sen- ate and became a law, the result of which measure has been that the state has reaped immense revenues from these mines. At the close of the session Colonel Graves received various distinguished honors from the legislative body. In 1884 Colonel Graves was a delegate to the National Republican Convention. He was married in 1873 to Mrs. E. Grace Stevens, daughter of Major General Totten, chief of engineers, United States Army, in Washington, D. C. AN BORN, GENERAL J O LIN B.-John the the which Minnesota furnished during the Civil War, B. Sanborin, one of most eminent of military leaders and also a prominent lawyer and a statesman, was born in Epsom, Merrimac county, New Hampshire, Dec. 5, 1826, on the homestead that has been in the possession of his family for seven generations. He comes from old New England ancestry, and both his grandfathers were Revo- lutionary soldiers. As a boy he worked on the farm and in a saw-mill, and attended the public schools. the Studying law on advice of President Franklin Pierce, in the - º ſº - º º - JOHN B. SANBORN. office of Judge Asa Fowler, in Concord, he was admitted to the bar in that town in 1854. In the same year he removed to St. Paul, where he formed a partnership with Theodore French. & Lund. In 1859 he was elected to the lower branch of the state legislature, and in 1860 to the State Senate. When the Rebellion broke out, in 1861, Governor Ramsey ap- Subsequently the firm became Sanborn, French pointed him adjutant general of Minnesota, with the rank of brigadier general, and he set about the work of organiz- ing and equipping the volunteer regiments from the state. After sending the First, Second, and Third Regiments to 322 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. the field, he enlisted as a soldier in the Fourth Regiment in December, 1861, and was commissioned as its colonel. In the spring of 1862 he was ordered with his regiment to the South, and joined General Halleck's army in front of Corinth. He was engaged in arduous service during the spring and Summer, and on Sept. 19, 1862, in command of the First Brigade of the Third Division of the Army of the Mississippi, he took part in the battle of Iuka, One of the hardest fought engagements of the war. His brig- ade, composed of the Fifth and Sixteenth Iowa, the Twen- ty-sixth Missouri, the Fourth Minnesota, the Forty-eighth Indiana regiments, and the Eleventh Ohio Battery, was in the hottest part of the fight. assaults and Counter-assaults, of bayonet charges and hand-to-hand fighting. Three times Was his battery taken and recovered. In the end Sanborn held his position, after having lost nearly six hundred men of his command in killed and wounded, but having inflicted a much larger loss On the enemy and really winning the fight. That night the Confederates, commanded by General Price in person, retreated. Sanborn received, in orders, the highest encomi- tims from General Rosecrans for his skill and gallantry, and WOn the praise Of all his a SSociates and comrades. A few days later, October 3d alld 4th, he commanded in the battle of Corinth, and Well Sustained the brilliant reputa- tion he had already won. Thereafter he was in all of Gen- eral Grant's campaigns in the Valley of the Mississippi. He was on the Oxford expedition in the fall of 1862 and winter of 1863; was With the arduous expedition down the Yazoo Pass in March following, and took an active part in the Vicksburg campaign. From April 15th to May 26 General Sanborn was in command of the Seventh Division of the Seventeenth Army Corps, and was ordered to the assistance Of General Mc- Clernand at Port Gibson, Miss. Resuming Command of his brigade, he took part in engagements at Raymond, Miss., May 12th, at Jackson, two days later, at Champion Hills, and in the assault on the Rebel fortifications in Vicks- burg, On May 22d. In that assault he again commanded the Seventh Division. His brigade was one of those desig- nated by General Grant to lead the advance into Vicksburg, On July 4th, after the surrender of that stronghold. General Sanborn was promoted by President Lincoln to brigadier general of volunteers soon after the battles Of Iuka and Corinth in 1862. This appointment was al- lowed to lapse for Want of confirmation on the adjournment Of the Senate, March 4, 1863, and although fighting the bat- tles and making the campaigns above, he was not commis- Sioned brigadier general until Aug. 4, 1863. In October he Was assigned to the command of the district COmprising SouthWestern Missouri, where he remained until the close of the War, his chief service being the restoring of Order Within its borders by the suppression of the Confederate guerrillas that Overran the country, and in the resistance to the advance and attacks of the Rebel army invading Mis- Souri under Gen. Sterling Price in the autumn of 1864. Dur- The battle was a series of ing this invasion General Sanborn had command most of the time of all the cavalry forces west of the Mississippi, numbering from eight to ten thousand men, and fought many affairs and battles with the Rebel army, numbering more than twenty thousand men. He was successful in all these, and the result was the capture of eight pieces of artillery, several thousand prisoners, including Generals Marmaduke and Cabell, and so crippling the Rebel forces west of the Mississippi that they could render little if any more service to the Confederacy. His administration Was eminently successful, and by his justice and firmness he WOil the confidence of all law-abiding residents of the district. In June, 1865, General Sanborn was ordered to the upper Arkansas to open a line of travel to Colorado and NeW Mexico, and to operate against the hostile Indians in that quarter. He set out with 6,000 troops, establishing his headquarters at Fort Riley, Kan., and in ninety days he had accomplished the object of his mission. He Was mus- tered out of the military service in June, 1866, and return- ing to St. Paul, resumed his law practice under the firm name of Sanborn & King. This firm was dissolved in 1878, and General Sanborn formed a partnership with his nephew, Walter H. Sanborn. In 1881 another nephew, Ed- ward P. Sanborn, Was added to the firm. This partner- ship continued without change until the appointment of Walter H. Sanborn as United States circuit judge by President Harrison. In 1867 General Sanborn was appointed one of the peace commissioners to treat with a number of hostile In- dian tribes, comprising the Sioux, Arrapahoes, Kiowas, Com- anche, and other bands. He was associated With Generals Sherman and Terry, Senator John B. Henderson of Mis- souri, and Col. Samuel S. Tappan. In 1872 he was elected to the Minnesota legislature, and again in 1882. He took an active part in restoring the credit and honor of the state by the recognition and settlement of the railroad bond debt. In 1860 he was a candidate before the Republican caucus for United States Senator, and was defeated by Morton S. Wilkinson by only two votes. For Several years General Sanborn was president of the Chalmber of Com- merce. He has been Commander of the Minnesota. COm- mandery of the Iloyal Legion, a trustee of the Historical Society, vice president of the National German American Bank, and a director or officer of a number of other impor- tant institutions. General Sanborn has been thrice married. His first Wife was Miss Catharine Hall of Newton, N. J., Whom he mar- ried in March, 1857, and who died in 1860, leaving a daughter, Hattie F. Sanborn, who died Dec. 5, 1880. His second wife, to whom he was married in November, 1865, and Who died in June, 1878, Was Miss Anna Nixon of Bridgeton, N. J., a sister of the Hon. John T. Nixon Of the Federal district court of New Jersey. April 15, 1880, he married his present wife, who was Miss Rachel Rice, daughter of the late Hon. Edmund Rice of St. Paul. To the last union there have been born four children. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 323 ABIN, DWIGHT MAY.-William Sabin, the great- great-grandfather of Dwight May Sabin, was a Huguenot refugee, who fled from France to Eng- land, and afterwards to this country, settling in the town Of Rehoboth, Mass., in 1643. He was a man of Culture and Wealth, and Was a strong and leading citizen. He died in 1687 and is buried in the Old Granary cemetery in Boston. On a beautiful farm in Windham county, Con- necticut, lived, all his long life of eighty-seven years, Jedediah Sabin, and there was born his only son, Horace Carver Sabin, the father of the subject of this biography, who there passed his boyhood and younger days. In his early manhood he removed to the Western Reserve of Ohio, but afterwards came farther west to Ottawa, Ill., then a pros- perous trading Village at the head of navigation on the Illinois river. In this locality Mr. Sabin purchased a large tract of land, and stocked it With blooded cattle, the first farm of this kind in the state, which, as a business ven- ture, proVed Successful. He was one of the original Abo- litionists, and his protection and services were freely ac- COrded to the fugitive slaves who, at that time, passed through this Section in large numbers on their perilous way to liberty. Mr. Sabin's residence was, in fact, one of the “underground railroad stations” to which these es- Caped negroes Were always directed for assistance. He was a friend and colaborer of Owen Lovejoy and John F. IFarnSWOrth, and a fervent admirer and acquaintance of Abraham Lincoln. All these gentlemen were frequently Welcome guests at Horace C. Sabin's home, when they, On horseback, made professional and political trips through this new 1:egion. Though alWays evincing a spirited in- terest in the affairs of State and nation, he declined office that Was Strictly political, although he held for many years positions of trust and responsibility On state and county boards, serving at One time as Canal and land Com- lmissioner. He was also appointed delegate to the National Republican Convention at Ulucago Willch nominated Abra- ham Lincoln for President of the United States. In 1855, in consequence of rapidly failing health, Mr. Sabin returned to Connecticut at the request Of his father, Who, in his Old age, desired the presence Of his SOn. It was in Illinois, April 25, 1843, that Dwight May Sabin was born, the eldest son of Horace Carver Sabin and Maria, Elizabeth Webster, his Wife. Another SOn Was born two years later, and called Jay E1. YY Inell Ulle Iamily again settled themselves in Connecticut, OWing to the death of his grandfather and the impaired health of his father, the care of the farm and someWhat extended lumber in- terests devolved upon DWight, then a young and inexpe- rienced lad. Until he was seventeen he had had Only a Com- mon School education, but at this time he was sent to Phil- lip's Academy, where he took a course of civil engineering and higher mathematics, remaining there a year, and then returning to take charge of his father’s business. He COntinued this uneventful life until Lincoln’s call for volunteers in 1862, when, his patriotism becoming fired, he tendered his services to Governor Buckingham, who sent him to Washington to join a Connecticut regiment. Upon medical examination he was rejected for the active service because of his youth and tendencies to pulmonary Weak- neSS. He Was, however, assigned to the quartermaster’s department, but was afterwards given a first-class clerk- ship in the third auditor's office at Washington. He re- tained this position until June, 1863, When he was trans- ferred to the commissary department of Beaufort's cavalry brigade, and reached the scene of action immediately pre- vious to the battle of Gettysburg. He was with this brig- ade during many Subsequent engagements, following Lee’s retreating army. In the following year he was Called home by the death of his father, being appointed executor of the estate; and With this and his other business affairs he Was Occupied until 1867. The old pulmonary Weakness be- coming more apparent, in the autumn of this year, by the advice of his physician, he decided to make a change, alld selected Minnesota for climatic reasons. He first Went to Minneapolis, Where, during the Winter, he investigated the lumber outlook. In the spring an opportunity to enter this business presented itself in StillWater, Where he settled, and has since COIntinuously resided. He also engaged in Various Other enterprises, building up the manufacture of This busi- neSS assumed immense proportions, giving Work at One time to over three thousand five hundred men. He was a pro- moter and partner in large lumber Operations On the St. LOuis river, besides Other Smaller affairs. In 1870 he was elected to the State Senate, and served continuously until 1883, When he was sent to the United States Senate to suc- Ceed William Windolm. While a member of that body Mr. Sabln served as chair- Inan Of the railway Committee, and Was a member of the threshing machines, engines, and railway cars. He secured pensions for He never made a pre- Indian and pension COmmittees. Over eight hundred Old SOldiers. tense at Oratory Or attempted much speech-making, but was rather known as a Strong Working member for the interests of his State, especially in the transportation line. Though his efforts, With the aid of Senator Palmer Of Michigan, a large appropriation Was Obtained for the Speedy completion of the new canal at Sault Ste. Marie, and by his work appropriations Were also made for Uhe ilmproveluent of the Mississippi and Other large Strealms. B'Or Several years previous to his election as United States Senator, he was a member of the Republican national committee, and at the death of Governor Jewell, in December, 1883, he was elected his Successor to the chairmanship, and in this capacity presided Over the Republican National Convention held in Chicago in 1884. Since Mr. Sabin’s retirement from the United States Senate in 1889, he has been actively en- gaged in the iron and lumber business. 324 A H INTO Jºy () F THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. MES, CHARLES GORDON.—Charles G. A mes, one of the founders of the Republican party in Minnesota, Mass., Oct. 3, 1828. His early years were spent on a New Hampshire farm and in was born in Dorchester, a printing office. At eighteen he began to preach, as he says, “with much zeal and little wisdom,” and for a while supported himself by choring and teaching at an academy in Chester, Ohio, where he was a classinate of James A. Garfield. At twenty-one he was ordained as a Free Bap- tist minister, and in 1851 was sent by a home mission so- CHARLES G. A.M.E.S. ciety to St. Anthony Falls, where he gathered and organ- ized the society now known as the First Free Baptist Church of Minneapolis. He was its pastor till 1856, when from a radical change in theological views, he asked and re- ceived an honorable dismission. Three years later he found his place among the Unitarians, by whom he has been honored with various positions of trust. He has preached in twenty different states, lectured in the principal cities of the North and West, gathered congregations in California and elsewhere, and for three years edited the Christian Register at Boston. In 1889 he accepted his pres- ent place as pastor of the Church of the Disciples in that city, being the successor of Dr. James Freeman Clarke. In 1896 he received from Bates College the degree of doctor of divinity. Mr. Ames was a resident of Minnesota from 1851 to 1859, and is now represented in that state by his son, Charles W. Ames, secretary of the West Publishing Company at St. Paul, and by his daughter, Mrs. Thomas G. Winter of Minneapolis. At the request of the editor of this volume Mr. Ames has supplied the following remi- miscences of the early history of the Republican party in Minnesota, and of his own connection there with: “The Republican party in Minnesota consisted originally of such Free Soilers, Barnburner Democrats, and old Whigs as were drawn together by their common opposition to the extension of slavery. At a local meeting held at St. An- thony Falls, July 4, 1854,-John W. North presiding, and 1 acting as secretary, we issued a declaration of opinion, A few a purse was made up, a press purchased, I and created a committee to provide for the future. weeks later. was appointed editor; and in October appeared the first number of the Minnesota Republican, from which I believe the Minneapolis Tribune is the lineal descendant. It was a small affair, but a brave pioneer venture; for I believe it was the first distinctively Republican journal in the Northwest, although many older papers of that section were already coming into line with the rising movement against pro-slavery aggression. It was easy to dream of a party of moral ideas, and I ran up the motto, ‘Absolute Right is the Highest Expediency; which excited the mirth of some and the wrath of others. “In March, 1855, we got together at St. Anthony Falls Winn. R. Marshall was president. Charles G. Ames secretary, and the first preliminary convention for organization. John W. North and Geo. A. Nouke were members of the committee on platform, to which I contributed a few planks, probably including prohibition, limitation of revenue to the needs of government, and I know not what other mat- ters that proved in relevant or premature, and therefore deciduous. “In July, at our committee's call, a much more repre- sentative convention met in St. Paul. Many came from the down river counties. Practical politicians appeared. There were manifest rifts between old Whigs and old Demo- crats, as between conservative and radical views of slav- ery. The discussions were strenuous; the balloting was ex- citing. Wm. R. Marshall was nominated for delegate to Henry M. Rice was elected, but the new party polled a large vote, Congress, and there was a spirited canvass. and appeared to be well set up in every part of the terri- tory. The Republican was blamed for weighting the cause with its insistent protests against both slavery and intem- perance, and in July, 1855, Hon. Charles Sumner, then on a visit to Minnesota, called on the editor with a friendly suggestion that we should drop all other questions till the A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PA ſº I'). 325 His advice represented the wiser instincts of the time; for soon overshadowing national issue should be fought out. the rising music of the battle-cry of freedom silenced every other sound. But Hennepin county, where the influence of the Republican was mostly felt, was also the center and chief inspiration of the party's activity and the seat of its first triumphs. “In 1855 council, but withdrew that the old Whig element might I was nominated for a seat in the territorial have a place on the ticket. In 1856 I was elected register of deeds. Being removed by Gov. Sam Medary, on the disgraceful charge of issuing fraudulent certificates of elec- tion, I was restored on the same day by the coln missioners, and afterwards reëlected by a larger majority than had ever been given to a county officer. “In 1860, after I left Minnesota, a prominent citizen, in a note to the State Department at Washington, described me as a man whose influence and activity had done more other to create the sentinent that had male than any Minnesota a Republican state. But other witnesses could honestly give a quite contradictory testimony, and my own persuasion is that the same result would have been reached as surely if I had remained behind a wood-pile or a stone wall in New Hampshire.” * * * ZM UN, EDWARD H.-Edward II. Ozunun was born in Rochester, Minn., Aug. 6, 1857, of Revolutionary ancestry. *:Lille to 1750, New York; served, with his son, in the Continental army, and both His paternal great-grandfather America in located in Orange county, were captured and starved to death as British prisoners of war in the old sugar house in New York. His two maternal great-grandfathers, Capt. John Schenck and Richard van Wagner, were also in the War of the Revolution; and, since that time, more than one hundred of the ancestors and members of this family have served in the wars of the United States. member of the Sons of the American Revolution. It follows naturally that he is himself a Mr. Ozmun was educated in the Universities of Wiscon- sin and Michigan, taking a classical course in the literary departments of those institutions, and afterwards a law course in the University of Michigan. When in college he joined the Sigma Phi-Greek letter secret society. Immedi- ately after graduating, in 1881, he located permanently in St. Paul, and quickly following his admission to the Min- nesota bar came his appointment as assistant counsel of the Northern Pacific Railroad Company, a position which he resigned in 1885 to take up the general law practice which he has since prosecuted, corporation law being his spe- cialty. At this period there were little or no requirements for admission to the bar, and ſleeply interested in his profes- sion, and seeing the necessity of reform in all matters per- taining to legal education, Mr. Ozmun took up the subject in 1888, made a draft for a proposed bill, secured a meeting of the State Bar Association that was called to consider it, created favorable public sentiment for it outside the pro- fession, and obtained for it the unanimous indorsement of the legal fraternity, and finally had it introduced and se- cured its passage in the Senate only to meet with defeat EDWARD. H. O.ZMUN. in the House. In 1891, however, he again took hold of the subject, and the measure passed both branches of the leg- islature successfully, and is now known as Chapter XXXVI. of the 1891. standard of admission to the General Laws of Inder this wise law the bar was raised to a three years' course of study and a rigid examination upon twen- ty-six legal subjects, in addition to such qualifications as are given by a general education. The supreme court ap- pointed Mr. Ozmun a member of the first State Board of Examiners under this law, and the board at once elected him secretary thereof, a position he has held ever since. 326 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. That he is held in high esteem by his brother members of the bar is evidenced in the fact that unusual honors have been paid him. He has been president of the St. Paul Bar Association four years and secretary of the State Bar As- SOciation two years. Mr. Ozmun has always been an active and consistent Republican. He has given his time and services freely to his party in conventions, on political committees, and On the rostrum in every campaign since his residence in St. Paul. From 1891 to 1894 he was a member of the executive Committee of the State League of Republican Clubs and chairman of the Ramsey County League. In the city cam- paign of 1892 he achieved marked prominence as a political organizer, having so marshaled the party in St. Paul that, for the first time in twenty-one years, a Republican mayor was elected. Although urged to take office, Mr. Ozmun never tried to obtain a nomination for Such honors until the autumn of 1894, when he was nominated for the State Senate from the Twenty-seventh legislative district and elected by a plurality of 1,010 over his Democratic op- ponent in a district which, six months before, had given a Democratic majority of 154. In the Senate he soon became known as one of the hardest workers in that body, always pursuing the Course of a consistent reformer of political methods. In his first Session, and after great opposition, he introduced and secured the passage of a “corrupt prac- tice act,” an act which is intended to prevent the corrupt use of money in state elections. Among other bills intro- duced by Mr. Ozmun, and which passed the Senate, but failed in the House, were a “civil service reform act,” de- signed to place all state and city employes, below heads Of departments, under rules similar to the Federal Civil Service regulations, and a bill known as the “Australian Nomination Act,” designed to do away with conventions and providing that all nominations for city offices should be made on petition. Always interested in the national guard, he also introduced and secured the passage of an act (Chapter 70, General Code of 1895), which remedied many defects in the military code, and provided for the purchase of uniforms by the state instead of at the expense Of the Soldiers. In November, 1894, Senator Ozmun was married to Miss Clara Goodman of Weedsport, N. Y. In August, 1895, they were both shipwrecked while crossing the English chan- nel and nearly lost their lives, their steamer sinking within ten minutes after the last passenger had escaped, and themselves being rescued by a French vessel. The senator made careful and exhaustive studies of the municipal af- fairs of the cities of Glasgow, Edinburgh, Liverpool, Man- chester, London, Paris, and Brussels while abroad, and collected much useful information which he intends to use in the promotion of public interests, UBBARD, LUCIUS F.—In 1857 a young man of twen- ty-one landed from a steamboat at Red Wing who was destined to play a very conspicuous part in the civil and military history of this state. His name was Iucuis F. Hubbard, and he was born in Troy, N. Y. The death of his father when he was three years old gave him into the charge of an aunt living in Chester, Vt., who brought him up in the old conscientious New England fash- ion, sent him to the common school, and later to an acad- emy at Granville, N. Y., and when he was fifteen appren- ticed him to a tinsmith. The young man worked steadily three years to learn his trade, the period required by the Custom of the country, and then, with his Credentials as a journeyman tinner in his pocket, he struck out for the West. Halting in Chicago, he found employment and worked for three years in that city, saving what money he could from his wages and devoting his leisure hours to study and to the reading of good books. He was of a thoughtful and ambitious cast of mind, and he did not intend to remain long a journeyman mechanic. In Red Wing he started a newspaper called the Republicam, which is still alive and flourishing. He knew nothing from experience of the occu- pation of journalism or of the printer's trade, but he gave all his energies to his new field of work, and made the paper succeed. great deal. He had a taste for politics, and he took active part in the movements for the success of the young Re- It was congenial work, and that was a publican party in his county of Goodhue. In 1858 he was elected register of deeds. In 1861 he ran for the State Sen- ate, but was defeated by seven votes. The Civil War had then begun. Under Lincoln's first call for 75,000 men Minnesota could furnish only one regi- ment, but under the second call, for 500,000 more, the state was entitled to recruit four more regiments. Hubbard en- listed in Company A of the Fifth Regiment and was elected its captain. When the regiment rendezvoused at Fort Snell- ing, it was found that he was the senior Captain, and he was elected lieutenant Colonel. ment was divided, three companies being Ordered to the Minnesota frontier, the other seven companies to the South, and on the twenty-fourth of the same month joined the In May following the regi- army under General Pope before Corinth, Miss, and were assigned to the Second Brigade, First Division, Army of the Mississippi. . The regiment was engaged in the battle of Farmington four days after its arrival, and the next day was again en- gaged in the first battle of Corinth, where it achieved dis- tinction for great bravery. At this battle Colonel Hubbard was severely WOunded. On Aug. 31, 1862, he became a colonel through the resig- nation of Colonel Borgersrode. He was in command of the regiment at the battle of Iuka, and of the Second Brigade A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 327. at the second battle of Corinth, and at the battle of Jack- Son and Mississippi Springs, and remained in Command of the brigade until the spring of 1863, when the Fifth Regi- ment was transferred to the Fifteenth Army Corps, and joined in the siege of Vicksburg. The regiment formed a part of the storming column in the assault on the defenses of that city, May 22, 1863, and during the siege was almost continually under fire. It was during the investment of this city that the regiment, hav- ing been detailed, fought in the battles of Richmond, La., and at Mechanicsburg and Satastia, Miss. After the surrender of Vicksburg, July 4, 1863, he was again given the Command of his brigade, which was trans- ferred with the division, and assigned to the Sixteenth Army Corps in March, 1864, under the command of Gen. A. J. Smith, to coöperate with General Banks in the fa- mous Red River expedition. Within a very short time the brigade had been in seven battles in Louisiana and south- ern Mississippi, ending on their return with the battle of Greenfield, La., where they defeated and routed the enemy, Re- turning to Memphis, his command took part in several engagements and relieved the Mississippi river from blockade. in the northern part of Mississippi, and marched across Arkansas and Missouri to the Kansas line in the attempt to attack and destroy the forces under General Price. Returning to St. Louis Colonel Hubbard With his brigade was ordered to reinforce General Thomas at Nashville, and was engaged in the battle of Nashville, Dec. 15 and 16, 1864, on the latter day being in the first line of the assaulting column, where the whole brigade was badly cut to pieces, and Colonel Hubbard, after having two horses killed under him, badly wounded. The brigade, Which had long held a well-earned and enviable reputation, under its gallant commander, for endurance and bravery, on this occasion redoubled its honors, capturing seven pieces of artillery, many stands Of Colors, and forty per cent more prisoners than there were members Of the COm- mand. In recognition of his many qualities as a soldier and Com- mander, Colonel Hubbard was promoted after this engage- ment to brigadier general. In February, 1865, General Hubbard with his command went to New Orleans and sub- sequently to Mobile, where he participated in the active operations about that city and Spanish fort, the Fifth Minnesota being the first regiment to enter and take pos- session. Of that fort On its Surrender. After the Surrender, he was mustered out at Mobile in October of the same year, with the brilliant record of having taken part in thirty-one battleS. Returning to his home in Red Wing, General Hubbard embarked in the grain business, and SOOn after became ex- tensively engaged in milling operations in both Goodhue and Wabasha counties. In 1876 he raised, through his per- sonal influence, the money to complete the Midland Rail- way, a line extending from Wabasha to Zumbrota, before that time projected, but at a standstill for want of a proper leader. This opened up a new era for the mills along the Zumbro river and the agricultural region contiguous thereto. The road was soon purchased by the Chicago, Mil- waukee & St. Paul Railroad Company, which resulted in the Construction and Operation of a competing line by the Northwestern Railway Company through the same terri- tory. He subsequently organized the Minnesota Central Railway (Cannon Valley), to run from Red Wing to Man- kato. of the road from Red Wing to Waterville, about sixty-six miles, and the same is now operated by the Minneapolis As president of the company he secured the building & St. Louis Railway Company, which has since completed the line to Mankato. In 1868 General Hubbard was nominated for Congress in the Second district. A narrative of the split in the party, the withdrawal of Hubbard, and the nomination in his place of General Andrews will be found in the state his- torical part of this work. In 1872 he was elected to the State Senate, and again in 1874, declining a reëlection in 1876. In the Senate he was regarded as one of the best informed, painstaking, and influential members. In 1881 General Hubbard received the Republican nomination for governor of Minnesota, and was elected by the largest ma- jority ever given for any candidate for the office up to that time. He was renominated and reëlected in 1883, and his second term was extended One year by a constitutional amendment which abolished annual elections and made the elections for all state and County officials take place in the even-numbered years, SO as to OCCur at the same time as elections for President and for members of Congress. On retiring from the executive chair after five years’ service, Governor Hubbard resumed his business activities in his Old home at Red Wing. IFor a full account of his adminis- tration as governor, see the chapters of state history in this volume. He has since remained in private life, but has constantly taken a hearty interest in the career of his party and in the progress Of his state. ºn ºn ºn OBBINS, ANDREW BONNEY. —Andrew B. Robbins R of Minneapolis was One of the leaders in the lower House of the state legislature of 1895, and is One of the leading business men of Minnesota. The purest of Yankee blood flows in his veins, he being a native of New England, where his ancestors for many generations back were born and raised. More than that, he is of Pu- ritan Origin On both Sides of his house, and a descendant :328 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. of soldiers who fought in the Revolutionary War for the independence of the American colonies. II tº Phillips, Me, April 1S-45. His father, Daniel Robbins, was a man of affairs, having many 27. was loorn at business interests, such as flouring mills, lumber mills, mer- cantile concerns, etc. It obbins the elder's descent from Puritan stock was alloyed but slightly, yet he was a Demo- crat during the troublous slavery times, years prior to the War of the IRelyellion. joining the Whig party, and, later, by becoming a charter However, he redeemed himself by ANDREW B. ROBBNS. member of the Republican party. His mother was Miss Her were all officers in the Continental army during the Revo- lutionary War. Mary Shaw of Winthrop. father and his brothers Mr. Robbins came with his parents to Minnesota in 1855, settling at Anoka. There he was educated in the public schools and graduated from Tiffany Academy of Anoka. At seventeen years of age Mr. Robbins enlisted as a private in Company A, Eighth Minnesota Volunteers, and served three years. His first service was on the Western plains under General Sully. The regiment was eventually sent to the front, where it took part in the engagements Murfreesboro when After this the regiment went to Newbern, N. C., and worked its way about Nashville, being stationed at General Hood made his raid in January, 1865. up to a junction with Sherman's army at Raleigh, just at the close of the war. During this time Mr. Robbins was on detached service in the quartermaster's department. After the war was over he entered the service of the old St. Paul & Pacific Railroad, as station and land agent at Willmar. Within a year or so he added to his work the dealing in lumber, farm machinery, and also banking. In a short time his private business affairs became so in- portant that he resigned from the service of the railroad. In 1876 he was elected to the State Senate, and repre- sented Kandiyohi county in that capacity for two years. In the Senate he was made chairman of several important committees; and though but thirty years old, he soon rose to such prominence that he was chosen by his Republican colleagues to nominate Senator Windom for reelection to the United the charge with marked ability. States Senate. He accepted, and performed The Democratic leaders of the Senate were W. P. Murray, Morton S. Wilkinson, Michael Doran, and James Smith, Jr. These gentlemen were very much stirred up over the result of the Hayes and Tilden controversy, and improved every opportunity to attack with the utmost vigor every Republican and every Republican movement in the State Senate. Young Senator Robbins met every onslaught with so much strength and adroitness, that he succeeded in about every instance in driving these Democratic stalwarts into the defensive, and in no instance did he permit them to score an effective point. It was on account of his successes in these trying times that he was selected to nominate Senator Windon. In Park, vator 1SS2 Mr. Robbins moved from Willmar to Merriam to take the management of the Northwestern Ele- Company. In 1887, after Merriam Park had become a part of the city of St. Paul, he was elected to the St. Paul City Council, but through some legal quibble the district court held that the former alderman was entitled to hold over, so Mr. Robbins was not seated. In 1890 he purchased a large tract of land in the ex- treme north suburb of Minneapolis, moved upon it, and founded what is now known as Robbinsdale, which is a beautiful suburban residence locality. In the fall election of 1894. Mr. Robbins was elected to the lower house of the state legislature. he was one of the leaders of that body. the floor of the House he was fluent, strong in argument, and fair in his methods, all of which, together with his high standing as a citizen and his well-known integrity, made him a powerful influence. He was never to be moved by any measure made popular by “hurrah” methods, As already noted, As a speaker upon 66%, *ALM F. N.W., ) 11:111,1618 & H.L. 10 (3101/S / H / tion wººst “I [Liſſy Iſlun uoiadni.Ionuț anotuſ M. pontinuoo on Hoſtſ Aw uſ tº ſuootiº. I tº otols A.11unoo tº uſ uouſsoſſ tº 105 on ‘ow tº Jo S.I tº uool.III inq IIon A ºls (; A tº IV (10 ATI tutºj on 1 Jo 1.10(Iſins oth uſ squalitºl sit Aq posin put outou Do!.Litto II tº oia A satiſtLitº on 11 sº II : A tºp 100 sluo.) A liſtſ on pooutº Ape trooq put on nostas on 1 Jo pua on 1 Aq T tºul on stºw oila: -Lotto put: Inſtill tºſ os put: “Moow tº squod Anju at Loal. 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It uſ oatloº Aao" sº put soºtutuº nuoultuoid ſouno Aubu (111A polooutoo slºw 'suo lupidoud -dº Ibious: uo oolituutoo oll Jo ubuliº oil slºw ºf wouloſ on unuſ oſes A.low tº sº uotin postool odojodolu stºw on to low Aoûl it indod wou donºu ou ‘snoloured podoptsuoo on hºun sounsbour Moullu on Dolºſsou ºu Duº ‘osuos poo: Jo unit out ul Attu Ito dululºloae pollºw inq 330 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. he left to take a vacation and travel through Northern Europe for three and a half months, visiting the home of his birth. On his return to Franconia he formed a partner- ship with his former employer in the general merchandise business, and this continued until the death of his partner in 1892. Then he took the position as manager of a bank at North Branch, Minn., for one and a half years, and at the expiration of that time he gave up active business to look after his personal interests. In January, 1896, the Taylor's Falls Produce Company was formed among the business men of Taylor's Falls, and Mr. Anderson was made manager, a position which he occupies to-day. When only eighteen he began taking an active interest in local politics. It was Mr. Anderson who secured the in- Corporation of the village of Franconia, and he was for Several years a member of the board of trustees and re- Corder of that body. In fact, any position in the village Was at his Command by saying he wanted it. In 1890 he was elected from the Forty-fourth legislative district, em- bracing Chisago, Pine, and Kanabec Counties, and was re- ëlected in 1892 and 1894. Though always an earnest and ardent advocate of Republican principles, his first legisla- tive experience was in the first and only anti-Republican legislature ever assembled in Minnesota, due to the fusion of Populists and Democrats in that body. It was during that session that the twine plant was located in the state prison at Stillwater, and of this Mr. Anderson was an ar- dent advocate. In the next session, which met in 1893, Mr. Anderson was One of the Original eighty-five members who voted for Senator Davis’s reëlection from the begin- ning to the date when he was elected. He was the author of the so-called “Anderson Bill” (House File No. 1) for the taxation of unused railroad lands, which goes before the people at the Inext State election for their ratification. Among other measures which he introduced during his term in the legislature, and which were enacted into laws, was the bill providing for the use of Minnesota stone in all public buildings in the state, and also the bill providing for the interstate park at the Dalles of the St. Croix; also, the bill compelling the stopping Of all passenger trains at He also introduced the first bill in the last legislature for the prevention of forest fires, and all County seat stations. at the last legislative session was an active member of the judiciary committee. Throughout his legislative career he earned the reputation of being an indefatigable Worker and an exceptionally useful member of each Committee On which he was placed. Mr. Anderson was married in October, 1888, at Taylor's Falls, to Miss Josephine J. Holm, the daughter of One of the oldest settlers in Chisago County and the first post- master of Centre City, and has two children. He is a mem- ber of several Masonic Orders, as well as a Knight of Pythias and Modern Woodman. He has an attractive home at Taylor's Falls, and can be relied upon in the future as in the past to make himself felt in the affairs of his Own Community and in the state. ºn ºn ºn ENSON, JAREID,-Jared Benson, born in Blackstone, Mass., in 1821, died in St. Paul in 1894, was a leading spirit in the early Republican campaigns of Minne- Sota. He settled on a farm, in what is now Anoka county, in 1856, and at once began to take an active part in politics, making stump speeches in all the early campaigns and proving an efficient worker for his party. In 1860 he was elected clerk of the House of Representatives, and coming back at the next session as a member he was chosen speaker. At the session of 1862 he was reëlected Speaker, and again at the session of 1864. He was again a member in 1879 and ten years later, in 1889. During President Harrison's administration he held the post of deputy Col- lector of internal revenue. Benson belonged to the best type of the intelligent, public-spirited farmer element of Minnesota. ºn ºn ºn State of Minnesota was Gen. Stephen Miller, born in Perry, Cumberland county, Pennsylvania, Jan. 17, 1816. He was the son of David and Rosanna Miller, and his grandfather was Melchor Miller, who came from His mother’s family name is be- though the Young Miller's NW." STEPHEN.—The fourth governor of the Germany about 1785. lieved to have been Darkess, touching that question is not positive. education was such as he GOuld get information in the Common schools of the County where he was born, and he cer- tainly made the most of the Opportunities these afforded, for he filled creditably several positions requiring consider- able scholastic information. One of his peculiarities was the determination to get to the top on all occasions and in Whatever he undertook. He was more than usually am- bitious. In 1834 he engaged in the forwarding and com- mission business in Harrisburg, and made a success of it. During this time he married Miss Margaret Funk of Dau- phill County, Who Seems to have seconded his efforts to gain a high place in life. He was an old-line Whig, and busied himself with politics even when carrying on his commercial business, and in 1849 was elected prothonotary (probate officer) of Dauphin county, which position he held until 1855, and besides discharging satisfactorily his public duties, was editor of the Telegraph, an influential Whig paper published in Harrisburg. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 331 In 1855 Governor Pollock appointed him flour inspectOl' at Philadelphia, which office he held until 1858, when fail- ing health induced him to seek relief Climate of Minnesota. in the Salutary He located at St. Cloud and en- tered at once upon the business of a merchant in that thriving little city. He could not well refrain from engag- ing in politics, and two years later we find him in the hon- orable post of delegate at large to the Republican national convention which nominated Mr. Lincoln for the Presi- dency, and later the same year his name headed the elect- oral ticket. He had soon become very popular With his new neighbors, and having brought with him commenda- tions of a high order from those with whom he associated in Pennsylvania, it was not strange that he was thus hon- Ored, for it was evident that he deserved the Confidence reposed in him. When the war broke out, and this state was called upon to furnish troops, Mr. Miller was one of the first to enlist as a private, but before he had seen service he was appointed lieutenant colonel of the First Regiment by Gov- ernor Ramsey, and served with the regiment in the Army of the Potomac till September, 1862, when he was pro- moted to a colonelcy and placed in command of the Sev- enth Regiment. His first duty with this command was against the Sioux Indians on the Western border of the state, where he won a flattering reputation as a brave Soldier and skillful commander. It was under his Com- mand that the thirty-eight Indians, who had been captured and convicted of murder, were hung at Mankato. He was subsequently promoted to the rank of brigadier general; but being soon after elected governor of the state did not, we believe, serve in that capacity. He was governor dur- ing the closing two years of the war, and embraced every Opportunity which offered to contribute to the comfort and happiness of the troops from this state who were in the field and to further the efficient prosecution of the war. His conduct showed beyond question that he was prompted by patriotic motives, and he had no patience With those Who Opposed the Vigorous and most effective use Of What- ever means the government had at its command to bring the struggle to a speedy and successful close. On the termination of his gubernatorial term he was out of public employment for several years, but never With him his country seemed to have always first place in his thoughts, and when not in active duty his influence was being used slackened in his interest in public affairs. as an adviser of those who were in the public Service. In 1873 he was again called into the political arena as the rep- resentative in the state legislature of the Six SOuth Western counties, and the records testify that he performed his duty faithfully. Again in 1876 he was on the State elect- oral ticket, and was the messenger who bore the returns of that election to the national capital. During the last few years of his life General Miller was in the employ of the Sioux City & St. Paul Railroad Land Company, and removed his residence first to Windom, Minn., and later, in 1878, to Worthington, where he died IHis death was mourned by the hundreds of friends he had made during his residence in the state, and although it took place in a distant city, off the usual line of travel, in 1881, of a painful and somewhat lingering disease. his funeral was attended by a large delegation from St. Paul, among whom were a Inumber of the state officers and most prominent citizens. He was buried with Masonic honors. The governor had four children—One daughter, Who Of these the oldest fell at Gettysburg, fighting gallantly for his country. The Sec- Ond was a captain and commissary in the army for a time, but has more recently been lost sight of by the people Of this state. The third and youngest Was Working in the government printing office at Washington at last accounts. While none of them achieved the honors their father Won, they all became useful and worthy citizens. died in infancy, and three SOInS. w w w Wºº. CHARLES COLBY.—Charles C. Whitney, editor of the Marshall News-Messenger, the six- teenth president of the Minnesota, Editors' and Publishers’ Association, was born March 20, 1846, at Salmon IFalls, N. H. His father was an Overseer in the Cotton mills at Salmon Falls, and later at Lawrence, Haydenville, and Waltham, Mass. When he was quite young his parents re- moved to Lawrence, and it was there that his life-work be- gan. After attending the public schools, he entered the Lawrence American newspaper Office at fifteen years of age, Serving a most thorough mechanical apprenticeship, and becoming so expert that he was made foreman of the job department When but seventeen years old. He remained With that establishment twenty-one years, the last ten years having been spent in the editorial department, which he entered first as a reporter. He was soon promoted to the position of city editor, and, during the latter portion of his stay, Was One of the proprietors of the paper. While thus engaged he was also, for many years, a special correspond- ent for the Boston Hérald. His parents removed to Wal- tham soon after he began his apprenticeship, but, with the persistence which has characterized his later years, he remained at his post and Secured a mechanical, business, and editorial education. There was the hiatus in his working career which was characteristic of so many of the resolute boys of Massa- Chusetts. That Was Occasioned by the War. When but eighteen years of age he enlisted for three months as a private in Company I, Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, and when this term expired he reënlisted in Company D, First 332 4 // LST'ſ) ſº) () F THE /* EPUBLIC 1 M P 1 ſº T). York remained until the conclusion of the war. Battalion Twenty-sixth New Cavalry, in which he The war over, he resumed his work in the lººrican office, continuing for the period already named. During this time he became actively interested in politics and public affairs, among other things serving in the city council of Lawrence for two years. The Mr. awaited his coming to Minnesota. The attraction most marked success of Whitney's career of this great state led him to leave Massachusetts in 1880 and come to Marshall, the county seat of Lyon county, where CHARLES C. whºrn EY. he at once engaged in his chosen profession by purchasing the Lyon Countu Nºurs. In 1885 he bought the Marshall Messenger, and he has since conducted the paper under the The first tracted the attention of the newspaper fraternity to Mr. Whitney paper, the result of his thorough Massachusetts schooling. name of the Neurs-Messenger. thing which at- was the neat typographical appearance of his This at once led to the reading of its contents, and it was readily seen that the state had a new editor who was bound to make his mark. Mr. Whitney's paper at once took front rank in the politics of Southwestern Minnesota, and, as he became more widely known, its influence has been extended far beyond his local bailiwick, and it is now one of the in fluential Republican papers of the state. He has also been a great factor in the building up of his town, which has be- the One of the especial come one of the most attractive residence towns in state, the population being over 2,000. advantages of Marshall is its excellent schools, the develop- ment of which has been greatly aided by Mr. Whitney, who has been secretary of the board of education and one of its most active members for the past nine years. In social life he has also been active, belonging to the Masonic, Odd Fellows, Pythian, and Royal Arcanum orders, as well as being an active member of the Grand Army of the Re- public. In addition to his presidency of the Editors' and Pub- lishers' Association in 1895, he organized the Republican I’ress Association in 1894, and was chosen its first presi- dent, still remaining an active participant in the manage- ment of both organizations by being on their respective executive committees. As an indication of the political poº sition he has secured in his party, and his ability in his pro- fession, it can be noted that in November, 1895, he was tendered the position of superintendent of state printing, that officer being selected by the board of printing commis- sioners, composed of the secretary of state, state treasurer, and state auditor. His selection was made purely as a mat- ter of merit, as he was wired to come to St. Paul without the slightest idea of the occasion for the call. He accepted the position, though still giving a directory and advisory are to his valuable newspaper property at Marshall. Mr. Whitney was married at Lawrence, Mass., in 1860, to Miss Mattie M. Hogle, and there his eldest son, Frank C. Whitney, was born. He is now twenty-five years of age, and is associated with his father in the conduct of the News-Messenger, proving an able and competent journalist. Mr. Whitney's first wife died in 1877, and in 1879 he was married to Miss Nellie A. Johnson of Bethel, Me., who ac- companied him to Minnesota, three sons and one daughter, who are still living, having resulted from this union. . * * * LETCHER, LOREN.—If one were asked to designate the most prominent traits in Mr. Fletcher's character he would unhesitatingly name firmness and deter- of his in life to these characteristics would be by no means anniss. He connes of New England stock, his birthplace being Mount Mr. Fletcher's early mination. To attribute unuch Sllºc-ess Vernon, Kennebec county, Maine. education was received in the common schools of Kennebec county, supplemented somewhat later by a two-years' finish- ing course in Kent Hill Seminary, from which he graduated A HISTORY OF THE 333 REPUBLICAN PA IPTY. at nineteen. This institution educated some of the most prominent men that the State of Maine ever produced. Among those best known to Minnesotans are the several members of the Washburn family and the subject of this sketch. After three years as a clerk for a mercantile and lum- bering concern in Bangor, Me., having saved a few hun- (lred dollars, Mr. Fletcher started for the West, to seek a more lucrative field. After visiting Dubuque, Iowa, and one or two other points on the Mississippi river, he finally landed at St. An- thony Falls, Aug. 14, 1856, single-handed and alone, and practically without a friend or acquaintance in the then Territory of Minnesota. His first thought was to secure work, and the best thing he could find was a situation in a general merchandise store, at a salary of thirty dollars per month. Shortly thereafter he found an opening with the firm of Hersey & Staples, at Hastings. He remained there until the following spring, when he came back to take charge of a lumber yard in St. Peter, Minn., for the Hon. Dorillus Morrison, for which work he received $100 per month, and his expenses when away from home. Thus it was that the young man who was glad to find employment in August, 1850, at thirty dollars per month, had more than tripled his income within one year, to say nothing of have ing attracted the attention of at least three of the most prominent lumbermen and successful business men that ever came to Minnesota. At a later date Mr. Morrison made him manager of his logging camps in the pineries during the winter and of the drives on the river during the Sull 11111-1". By 1860 he had accumulated some money, which he in- vested in the general merchandise business with Hon. C. M. Loring, a partnership that lasted thirty-three years, and which exercised a marked influence in the business and public affairs of Minneapolis. Though originally organized to carry on a general merchandise store, they later went into the manufacturing of lumber and flour on a very large ailroad contracting and dealing in scale, engaging in farm lands and town lots as well. They built thirty-five miles of the Northern Pacific Railroad east of the Red river, out of which they made a handsome profit. They also located about 100,000 acres of farming land in the Red River Valley, and until recently owned a farm of fourteen thousand acres in Richland county, North Dakota. No man ever had more uniform success in his business ventures than Mr. Fletcher, and this was not due to luck or chance, but to indomitable energy, coupled with good business abil- ity. A former resident of Minneapolis, who had known him since he came to Minnesota, once made this remark about him: “Fletcher never took hold of any business en- terprise that he did not make a success of, and I don't be- lieve he ever had a note come due that was not paid at ma- turity.” No better indorsement of a man's business career would be possible. Mr. Fletcher's political career began in 1872, when he was sent to the lower branch of the state legislature, to which he was seven times reëlected. The last three ses- sions he was elected speaker of the House, the last time by acclamation. If one were to ask Mr. Fletcher what one courtesy received during his life afforded him the greatest pleasure, he would undoubtedly refer to his unanimous Loren FLETCHER. reelection as speaker of the lower branch of the Minnesota legislature; for it was an expression of the confidence re- posed in him by those who had come to know him through business and political associations of fourteen years. It would be difficult to name any man in Minnesota who has exercised a greater influence on legislative and state affairs generally than he has. He was one of the most active men in the state in opposing the issue of the old Minnesota state ailroad bonds, but after they were issued he was just as prominent in his advocacy of paying them; whereas there were a good many members of the state legislature who 334 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. were in favor of repudiating them. When St. Paul and Minneapolis were placed in separate congressional districts by the apportionment of 1891, Mr. Fletcher was nominated by acclamation by the Republicans to be the first repre- sentative of the new district in Congress. He was elected by 2,500 majority, and reëlected in 1894 by an increased ma- jority. His third nomination in May, 1896, was also by acclamation. At Washington Mr. Fletcher is known as a faithful champion of the interests of his state and district, Who accomplishes results in legislation and political action by Quiet and diligent work. No man ever represented 8. Minnesota district in Congress who has done as much as Mr. Fletcher has for the old soldier population of his dis- trict and the State, though he is not a G. A. R., man. He seldom takes an active part in the debates of the House, except to make business-like statements concerning some measure in Which his COInstituents are interested, but few membel's accomplish more for their districts than does I/Oren Fletcher. * * * V7 ASHBURN, WILLIAM DIREW.—William I). Wash- burn, for six years a member of Congress from Minnesota and for six years one of her representa- tives in the United States Senate, was born in Livermore, Alldroscoggill County, Maine, On Jan. 14, 1831. He belongs to One of the most remarkable families that have figured in the public affairs of this country. Its founder, John Will- iam D. is one of seven brothers, the sons of Israel Wash- All Seven became unen Of mark, and several Of them distin- Washburn, came Over with the Mayflower pilgrims. burn, and the grandsons Of Revolutionary soldiers. guished themselves to such an extent as to become a part of the country’s history. Writing of the Washburn family in his “Triumphant Democracy,” Andrew Carnegie says: “Their career is typically American. The family record includes a secretary of state, two governors, four members of Congress, a major general in the army, and another Sec- Ond in COlmmand in the navy. TWO served as foreign min- isters, two as state legislators, and one as Surveyor general.” William D. Washburn spent his childhood and youth upon a farm, Working hard summers and going to School Win- ters. He entered BOW doin College in 1850, and, after colm- pleting his course in that institution, read law with his brother Israel, who was for ten years a member of Con- gress, and afterwards the war governor of Maine. . His law studies were finished in Bangor, in the Office of John A. Peters, who was afterwards chief justice Of Maine. In 1857 Mr. Washburn migrated to the then Territory of Minnesota, and Opened a law Office at Minneapolis. the great opportunity for building up a milling industry with the aid of the water-power of the falls, and SOOn put aside his law books and became agent for the Minneapolis He saw at Once Milling Company. His business Career from that day to this has been associated with large flour and Saw milling enterprises. The great Washburn mills at Minneapolis, ranking With the largest in the world, are largely the crea- tion of his genius and enterprise. Mr. Washburn had from his youth a taste for public affairs, and he early took a prominent part in all efforts to Imake Minneapolis an important COImmercial and manu- facturing city. He was already fully launched upon a political career when, in 1861, President Lincoln appointed him surveyor general of Minnesota. In 1858 he was elected to the first state legislature. Again in 1861, and ten years later, in 1871, his fellow citizens sent him to the legislature. He displayed the somewhat rare talent of being able to give attention to politics without neglecting his business, and his milling enterprises continued to grow and flourisli. In 1878 he was elected to Congress from the district then embracing the two cities of Minneapolis and St. Paul, and he was reëlected in 1880 and in 1882, serving six years and then declining another election. His long and creditable service in the House at Washington led to his election, in 1889, to the United States Senate to suc- ceed ID. M. Sabin. In that body he served for six years, with general acceptance to the people of the state, and Was distinguished for his business capacity as a practical legis- lator and his close attention to the interests of his COn- stituents. He failed of reëlection in 1895, largely because he made no effort to work up a movement in his OWn be- half in advance of the choice of the members of the legis- lature. The combination which finally defeated him, after a long struggle, did not appear on the Surface until after the assembling Of the legislature. General Washburn, as he is popularly called since he held the office of surveyor general, has been One of the chief railway promoters and builders in Minnesota. He was the projector of the Minneapolis & St. Louis road, of which he was for a time president. After retiring from that enterprise, he formed two important projects for new transportation lines to benefit the business interests of his city and its sister city of St. Paul. One was to build a railroad eastward through the Wilderness country of Northern Wisconsin and Northern Minnesota to the Sault Ste. Marie, there to Connect with a branch Of the Canadian Pacific, and thus to afford a route to the East independent of the Chicago lines—a route for Outgoing flour and incoming merchandise that should not be controlled by interests that sought to build up Chicago at the expense Of the Twin Cities Of Minnesota. The Other Was to build a road Westward, between the two lines of the Great North- ern, and so on into North Dakota. Both these schemes were carried out successfully; the lines were built, and were subsequently consolidated to form a part of what is now known as the “Soo” system. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 335 General Washburn was married in 1859 to Miss Ilizzie Muzzy, daughter of Hon. Iſranklin Muzzy, a prominent pub- lic man in Maine. He has been happy and fortunate in his family life, and his handsome home in Minneapolis is much admired as One of the best houses in the Northwest. Its merits are not limited to the stately stone edifice and the eXtensive grounds, for it has always been the center of much hearty and refined hospitality. Although he has reached the age of sixty-five, General Washburn is still as active and energetic as most men of forty. He continues his business activities, and takes a hearty interest in the affairs of his city and state and in the Republican politics Of the nation. * * * ELSON, KNUTE.-Knute Nelson, one of the United States Senators from Minnesota, was born in the parish of Voss, near the city of Bergen, Norway, on Feb. 2, 1843. His father died when he was three years old, and his mother brought him to America in 1849. The family lived in Chicago a year, and then settled in Wis- consin. Nelson was educated in the common Schools and in the academy at Albion, Wis. When he was eighteen years of age the Civil War broke out. He enlisted in May, 1861, in the Fourth Wisconsin Infantry, a regiment that saw a great deal of hardship and fighting. At the Siege of Port Hudson, on June 14, 1863, Nelson was Wounded, and fell into the hands of the enemy, after a gallant charge on the fortifications of the enemy had been repulsed. He was exchanged, rejoined his regiment, and served out his full three years’ term. Returning to his Wisconsin home, he studied law, and was admitted to the Dane County ball in 1867. In 1868 and 1869 he was a member of the Wis- consin legislature. In 1871 he removed to Alexandria, Douglas county, Minnesota, which has ever since been his home, buying a farm and beginning the practice of law in the village. His new neighbors were not long in recogniz- ing his ability, for in 1872, only a year after his arrival, they elected him county attorney on the Republican ticket, and he filled that post until 1874. The following year he was a member of the State Senate, and in that body he served until 1878. In 1880 he was one of the Republican presidential electors from Minnesota. In 1882 he Was elected to Congress from the Fifth district, and he was re- ëlected in 1884 and 1886, closing his six years’ service in the House on March 4, 1889. At his last election the Demo. crats, seeing no chance whatever of beating him at the polls, did not take the trouble to put up a candidate against him. Mr. Nelson now determined to retire from public life, and positively declined another nomination for Congress. Ilike most faithful public servants, he had found that offi- cial life involved the sacrifice of opportunities for gaining even a modest COmpetence, and he desired to devote his energies to his private business. He was not allowed to remain long in retirement, however, for in the summer Of 1892 the prominent leaders of the Republican party in Minnesota insisted that, as the only man in the state who could win back to the Republican ranks the thousands of Scandinavians who had gone off into the new Populist movement, he should accept the nomination for governor, and thus save his party from threatened defeat. He con- sented, was nominated, and was elected by a plurality of 14,620 Over Lawler, Democrat, the Populists running Ig- natius Donnelly and the Prohibitionists having, as usual, a Candidate in the field. In 1894 GOvernor Nelson was re- nominated without Opposition, and elected by the largest majority ever given for any candidate for the governor- ship in Minnesota. He received 60,053 more votes than the next highest candidate, S. M. Owen, Populist. Governor Nelson was scarcely installed for the second time in the executive chair when the election for United States Senator to succeed Wm. D. Washburn came off. He had not been a candidate for the position, but when it became evident that there would be a number Of COm- petitors for Washburn's seat, he determined to enter the race against Washburn with the others. The Republican caucus failed to make a nomination, and Nelson was elected. On the first ballot in the joint COnvention of the two houses of the legislature. He took his seat in De- cember, 1895. Senator Nelson has been in public life al- most continuously since he left the army, a youth of twen- ty-One. He is the Only man Of Scandinavian birth who ever held a Seat in the United States Senate. He is a forcible and logical public speaker, and is especially strong On questions of finance and business. His two canvasses of the state during his first and second campaigns for gov- ernor were notable for the ability and success with which he Combated the dangerous financial theories which formed the Chief stock-in-trade of the Populist Orators. Senator Nelson is a Sturdily built man of medium stat- ure, with blue eyes and dark brown hair. He lives when at home On his farm Inear Alexandria, and is a man of simple tastes and plain, farmer-like habits of living. º ºn ºn III.SBURY, JOHN S.—One of the most remarkable IP Of Minnesota's public men is the Hon. John S. Pills- bury, governor of the state from 1876 till 1882, he having been thrice elected to that honorable position. Mr. Pillsbury is slightly above the average stature, of com- manding presence, and heavily built, without a tendency 336 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. to corpulency. He has an intellectual countenance, and impresses one with the idea that he is a ready and sound thinker. It appears to be a natural faculty of his to solve any Question that may present itself, no matter how ab- Struse, all (1 to do SO at Olnce. It is sometimes difficult to believe that he has sufficiently considered a matter about which he has been consulted, when he is already prepared With a reply; but the truth that he has done so is found in the accuracy Of his answer, He comes from New England stock, the founder of the family in this country being Joshua Pillsbury, who emi- grated from England in 1640, and settled at Newburyport, Mass., Where a grant of land from the crown was located. This still Continues in the possession of some of his de Scendants, many of whom have been in prominent posi- The father of John S. resided at Sutton, N. H., where the subject of this sketch was born July 29, 1828. His mother was Susan (Wadleigh) Pillsbury, whose ancestors were by no means tions, and were men of undoubted integrity. unknown to New England fame. Young Pillsbury's op- portunities for education were no more than the youth of that section generally enjoyed, but he did not fail to im: prove them to their fullest extent. On arriving at a suita- This being distasteful to him he soon abandoned it, and entered ble age he started to learn the trade of painting. the store of his brother, George A., as salesman, remaining four years with his brother and three additional years with his brother's successor. He then went into partner- sil) with Walter Harriman,—subsequently governor of New Hampshire, in the same business and in the village of Warner, Where he had his earlier experience. On the termination of his partnership with Harriman he went from Warner to Concord, and entered upon the business Of lllel'Cllant tailoring and dealing in cloth. As usual, he Was successful, but the business was hardly to his liking, and While he Continued it his attention was turned to the West, which reports led him to believe offered better op- portunities to enterprising people than were to be found in the East, and in 1853 he started on a tour Of observation, Visiting various parts of the country and taking time to The re- sult was the conclusion that St. Anthony (now East Min- study thoroughly the advantages each possessed. neapolis), because of the manufacturing facilities Which the immense Water-power of the falls afforded, Was most likely to grow rapidly into a large, thriving, and influential city, and he determined to pitch his tent there and make it his home for life. He did not, however, act precipitately, even after his mind was made up. Joining With Messrs. George F. Cross and Woodbury Fisk, the latter his brother-in-law, he em- barked at first in the hardware business, for Which he be- lieved there was ample room, because of the constant and increasing building which must go forward every year in Order to accommodate the increasing population of the city and Surrounding country. His calculations proving cor- rect, in 1856 he returned to Warner and married Miss Mahala, Fisk, daughter of John and Sarah (Goodhue) Fisk, with whom he shortly returned to Minneapolis and estab- lished a home. This was, perhaps, one of his most suc- cessful ventures, and certainly creditable to his judgment. In 1858 a circumstance Occurred proving that Mr. Pills- bury was not superior to the mishaps of life; a fire de- stroyed the building in which his store was located, and in One short night he found himself the loser Of the accu- This misfortune would have discouraged most men, but Mr. Pillsbury appeared to regard it as something to be amended instead of being grieved over, and he accordingly set about rebuilding the fortune so seriously and suddenly impaired. The worst feature attending this calamity was that it left him deeply involved in debt, and his first efforts on resum- ing business was the settlement of these obligations. Through close application and Sagacious management he was able to do this in much less time than it was believed possible, and was soon conducting a larger and more profit- able trade than he had before the fire. The Secret Of this success was that he maintained his credit and retained the mulations of his industry through several long years. confidence of the business community. In 1858 he was elected a member of the city Council, which position he held, by reelections, for six years, OC- cupying it during the period of the Rebellion and the In- dian war. He used both his personal and official influence in furthering the enlistment of troops, and it Was largely due to his exertions that to Minnesota belongs the Credit of sending the first regiment into the field. I'Or the Indian war in 1861 he enlisted, and in company With several Of his fellow-citizens equipped, a mounted company Which did effective service in that struggle. Throughout the continuance of these contests he was always ready With means and influence to aid in their successful Consumma- tion, and deserves a large meed of praise for his patriotic efforts. The educational institutions of the state always filled a large share of Mr. Pillsbury’s thoughts, and he stood in the front rank of those who desired to make these serve the full purpose of their establishment. Foremost among these the State University, of which he was appointed a regent in 1862, volved in apparently inextricable difficulties, and the idea Of abandoning it had been seriously entertained. To this Mr. Pillsbury strenuously objected. He applied himself Was the Object Of his especial care. It Was in- with so much intelligence to the task of straightening out its finances, that it was soon rescued from the threatened danger and placed upon a safe footing. It has ever since A HISTORY OF THE REPUB I, TCAN PARTY. 337 been an especial object of his fostering care, until it is now not only thriving financially, but as a school for learning is not surpassed by any similar public institution in this country. One of its chief buildings, Pillsbury Hall, is an enduring monument to his beneficence. R Mr. Pillsbury was elected to the State Senate in 1863, and five times reëlected to that position. That he pleased his Constituents is evident from the fact of his continuance term after term in that position, and that his services were appreciated by the citizens of the state generally is manifest from the wide popularity which he enjoyed. In 1872 he was reëlected to the Senate, and the same year he entered with his nephew, C. A. Pillsbury, into the mill- ing business, starting that extensive scale of flour manu- facturing which has given Minneapolis a world-wide fame. Sucll successes naturally attracted the animosity of the envious, and probably no man in the state was more roundly abused than was John S. Pillsbury by those po- litical aspirants who gained the lead of the anti-monopoly party through systematic false pretenses; and when, in 1875, he became a candidate for governor, the changes were rung upon the accusation that he was the head of the “Millers' Ring.” L. Buell, a citizen of Houston County, whom the opposition The Democrats Opposed him with Mr. I). leaders declared was the farmers’ true friend; but, in spite of their zealous labor, Mr. Pillsbury was elected by a ma- jority of 11,798 over Buell, and of 10,129 over both oppos- ing Candidates. His nomination had been a free-Will Offer- ing of his party, for he had neither sought nor expected it until solicited by numerous friends to permit them to use his name in that GOnnection. TWO years later he was again elected, his majority being 15,521. Over the combined vote for William L. Banning and William Meigher, both popular gentlemen and widely known in all parts of the state. In 1879 at the continuous urging of a number of prominent gentlemen of the state, he consented to stand for a third term. Many of his friends looked upon this as imprudent. There was believed to be a settled principle Of antagonism to a third term almong the people, and they feared that this attempt to break through an established rule would develop Opposition in the Republican ranks. Again, the governor’s persistent advocacy Of the payment of the old state railroad bonds would, it was apprehended, Then there was the further unfavorable circumstance of the probable Occasion his loss of many Republican votes. opposing Democratic candidate being Hon. Edmund Rice, One of the most popular Democrats in the state. There was certainly ground for apprehension, but Mr. Pillsbury was reëlected by a majority of 16,000, and the very causes which it was believed would tend to his defeat seem to have contributed to his SüGCeSS. valid reasons for reposing confidence in him for the objec- There were too many Had he not uniformly shown that to him the public weal was more Had he not Sa C- tions to exert any Considerable influence. than personal gain or aggrandizement? rificed his Own ease and interests to build up and keep in existence the State University ? Had he not drawn lib- erally upon his own funds to relieve those who suffered from grasshopper depredations? In short, had he not on many occasions proved himself a true friend of the peo- ple? Why, then, suspect that in this question of paying the old railroad bonds his motives were other than pure and commendable? In the historical portion of this book will be found a full account of Governor Pillsbury's long and finally successful labors to restore the credit of the state by providing for the recognition of the railroad bond debt and of other features Of his three administrations as govel'Il Ol'. An ºn ºn ERRIA M, JOHN L.—John L. Merriam was born in Essex, N. Y., Feb. 6, 1825, and died in St. Paul, Jan. 12, 1895. He was one of the most notable men in the early days of Minnesota, whether as merchant, rail Way He left his mark broadly On He Was builder, banker, or politician. the great transportation arteries of the state. descended from the early settlers of Massachusetts, and his grandfather was a Revolutionary soldier. His father, William S. Merriam, was an iron manufacturer in Northern New York. His mother, Jane Ismen, came of a New Jersey family. He was educated in the common schools and in academies at Westport and Essex, and engaged in manu- In 1857 he was elected treasurer of Essex County, and served two years. In 1860 he was attracted by the Opportunities of the young State of Minnesota, and coming to St. Paul, he formed a partnership with J. C. Burbank and Capt. Russell Blakeley in the stage and express business, the firm name facturing as soon as he began his business Career. being Burbank, Blakeley & Merriam. This firm owned the Minnesota Stage Company and the Northwestern Express Company. At the same time Mr. Merriam engaged in mer- Cantile business both in St. Paul and St. Cloud. He had remarkable business talents, and made a good deal of money. He was one of the incorporators of the First Na- tional Bank and the Merchants National Bank of St. Paul, and One of the projectOrS and builder's Of the Minnesota Valley Railroad, afterwards the St. Paul & Sioux City; of the Worthington & Sioux Falls Railroad, and of the St. Paul, Stillwater & Taylor's Falls Railroad. He was also a member of the construction company that built the North- ern Pacific from Thompson Junction to Moorhead. His wealth was largely increased in these various enterprises, and he became One of the richest men in the State. In 1875 338 A HISTORY OF THE REP'ſ 13 L/ CAN PA ſº T.Y. he retired from active business to enjoy his fortune. In politics Colonel Merriam, as he was universally called in Whiº. publican party as soon as it was formed. St. Paul, was an anti-slavery IIo joined the Re- He was a non- ber of the Minnesota legislature in 1869, 1870, and 1871, and was speaker of the House during the sessions of 1870 and 1871, an office held in later years by his son, Wm. R. Merriam. He was a delegate to the national convention of 1876, which nominated Hayes. Colonel Merriam married Mahala L. Delano of West port, N. Y., who died in 1857, leaving one son, William R Jo HN wº. NORTH. 1Sºs *aul, a sister of Merriam, who became governor of Minnesota. In the colonel married Helen Wilder of St. the late A. H. Wilder. four are living. Of the six children of this union. Colonel Merriam built on Merriam Hill what was the most costly and elegant private residence in St. Paul until the erection of the great mansion of J. J. Hill, on Summit avenue. He was of rather slender frame, but was a man of great energy, and in his younger days was capable of enduring great hardship and fatigue. He was as courteous as he was self-reliant and enterprising, and he was a generous giver to all worthy charities. ORTH, JOHN \\ – ºne of the most active and con- spicuous men in the organization and early career of the Republican party in Minnesota was John W. North. graduated from Wesleyan University of Middletown, Conn., who was born in Onondaga county, New York, and who became in his early manhood a member of the little band of devoted anti-slavery lecturers in New Eng- land. He was a friend of William Lloyd Garrison, Gerrit Smith, Samuel J. May, Frederick Douglass and the Quaker poet, John G. Whittier. In his lecturing career he spoke in every town, except one, in the State of Connecticut. He studied law, and at the age of thirty was admitted to the bar, commencing his practice in Syracuse, N. Y. There he married Miss Emma Bacon, who died a year and a half 1848 he married Ann H. Loomis, daughter of Dr. Geo. S. Loomis of De Witt, N. Y. In 1849, with his young wife, he settled at the Falls of St. Anthony after their union. In in the Territory of Minnesota, and built a cabin upon Hen- nepin Island. He was the first lawyer to hang out a sign in the village of St. Anthony. He was the founder of the city of Faribault, Minn.; and when that town was well started, and flour mills had been built by him and his as- his interests and founded the town The financial crash of 1857 deprived him of nearly all the con- sociates, he sold out of Northfield, which worthily perpetuates his name. siderable fortune he had accumulated, and led to his leav- ing the state in 1861 to accept a Federal office in Nevada. As an able public speaker, thoroughly imbued with the spirit of the anti-slavery movement, Mr. North found a bright career open to him in Minnesota in the organization of the Republican party in that state. He went into the work with his whole soul. The late Governor Marshall, writing a few weeks before his death to the author of this volume, said that North should be given the honor of be- ing the father of the party in this state. The old governor was much too modest in thus proposing to assign to an- other the fame to which he himself was fairly entitled. It was Marshall who presided at the first Republican meet- ing held in Minnesota, and who a few weeks hater pre- sided over the first delegate convention of the party assem- bled in Minnesota; and it was Marshall who was selected by the Republicans to make the unsuccessful run for Con- gress in 1855. North presided over the Republican wing of the convention which finally, by a compromise, framed the constitution for the new state. In 1851 he was a mem- ber of the territorial legislature, and it was chiefly by his efforts that the bill was passed establishing the university. In 1860 he was delegate to the Chicago convention which nominated Lincoln, and was one of the committee appointed to go to Springfield with the official notice of the nomina- tion. In 1861 President Lincoln appointed him surveyor general of the newly organized Territory of Nevada. He A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 339 closed up his business affairs in Minnesota and moved to that region of sagebrush and silver mines, where he soon When the State of Nevada was admitted he was appointed one of the judges of its had a quartz-mill in operation. supreme court, having already presided over the convention which framed the constitution. It is doubtful whether another case can be found in American history of the same the constitutions of two states. man presiding over conventions which framed the In 1865. Judge North removed to Knoxville, Tenn., where he attempted to establish a Northern colony, and where he built an iron foundry. The enterprise failed, and North went to California, organized a company which bought a large tract of land near Los Angeles, and established the remarkably successful fruit-growing settlement of River- side, which, like Faribault and Northfield in Minnesota, remains as a living monument to his enterprise and sagac- ity. In 1880 he sold his interest in Riverside, and removed to Oleander, Iºresno county, where he lived for nearly ten years, dying on Feb. 22, 1890, at the age of about seventy- five years. * * * WENS, J. P.-J. P. Owens was one of the first Re- publican editors in Minnesota. He was born in Day- ton, Ohio, in 1818, learned the printer's trade, and engaged in newspaper work in his youth in Cincinnati. Afterwards he did editorial work on the Louisville Journal, under George D. Prentice, and later was at different times connected with the Vicksburg Whig, the Nashville American, and the New Orleans Picayune. When the Territory of Minnesota was organized he was in Cincinnati, and he made up his mind that St. Paul would be a good point to establish Associating himself with a paper. a partner named McLain, he purchased type and a press for a weekly paper, and the two started by steamboat for the In July, 1849, they launched the Minnesota Register as a Whig paper, sup- porting the administration of Governor Ramsey. In 1851, in partnership with G. W. Moore, Owen started the Daily Minnesotian, which was for a number of years the most On the death of the Whig party and the birth of the Republican party the new town on the far Northwestern frontier. influential paper in the territory. Minnesotian espoused the cause of the new organization. Mr. Owens was made quartermaster of the Ninth Minne- sota Infantry in 1852, and was appointed register of the land office at Taylor's Falls in 1869. He died Aug. 26, 1884. He was an aggressive political journalist, a strong parti- san, and at times a very caustic writer. He wrote a history of the Republican party in Minnesota which never went into print, for the reason, that, after his death, his friends regarded it as too critical and personal for publication. OGERS, EDWARD G.-Edward G. Rogers is a man R who has seen much of the world, having been in every state of the Union except the Carolinas and His Vermonters of English descent, with traveled through Europe and Africa. both some intermixture of French-Canadian blood, and are still parts of parents were living at Berlin, Wis., at the remarkable age of ninety and eighty-five years respectively. His father, Judge Jabez N. Rogers, was descended from an American soldier of the Revolutionary War, and Edward G. is now a member of the Sons of the American Revolution. Edward G. Roc-ERs. The subject of this sketch was born at St. Joseph, Mich., Dec. 8, 1842, but at five years of age removed with his parents to Berlin, Wis., where he passed his childhood and youth, and in the common and high schools of that place obtained his early education. At sixteen years of age we find him teaching country school; but, his father being a lawyer, young Rogers determined to follow the legal pro- fession. He studied at home, took the law course at Ann Arbor, and was admitted to practice in the courts of Wis- consin at twenty-one years of age. The next year he ran for county attorney as a Republican, but was defeated by twelve votes. 340 A HISTORY OF THE REPUB LICAN PARTY. Nov. 23, 1866, he came to St. Paul and entered as a clerk in the law office of Morris Lamprey. In 1869 he formed a partnership with his brother, J. N. Rogers, and afterwards with another brother, F. L. Rogers. These partnerships were finally dissolved in 1885. In 1887 he formed a part- nership with Emerson Hadley, which was dissolved in 1890. Mr. Rogers did a large and lucrative law business. E. Coming from a family of old-line Whigs, he naturally be- G. Rogers was a politician before he was a Votel'. came a Republican, and has ever since taken an active part in conventions and on the stump. A forcible speaker, his voice is heard in every campaign, expounding the tenets of his party, and eloquently urging the Voters to Stand firm. In 1877 he was elected attorney of Ramsey county, and in 1886 was sent to the legislature that elected C. K. Davis to the United States Senate. In 1892 he was talked of for the Republican nomination for Congress, and in 1894 he was elected clerk of the district court for Ramsey county. Mr. Rogers is an Odd Fellow, a Knight of Pythias, and an active member of the Minnesota Club and the St. Paul Commercial Club and director of the Chamber of Commerce. Nov. 12, 1878, at New Albany, Ind., he was united in marriage with Miss Mary E. McCord, the daughter of Robert G. McCord. Their only child, Julia, is now sixteen years of age. º ºn ºn TEARNS, OZOIRA PIERSON.—O. P. Stearns was born in St. Lawrence county, New York, in 1831, and died in California June 2, 1896. He received a common school education in New York State, and when still a young man went to California, sailing around Cape Horn, and for some time turned his attention to the dig- ging of gold, California being at that time in the midst of the gold excitement. He accumulated some money in that Way, and returned to the States to obtain an education. He attended Oberlin College for several years, and then went to Ann Arbor, where he graduated from both the Classical and law departments. In 1860 he went to ROChester, Minn., and there begall the practice of law. In the fall of 1861 he was elected county attorney of Olmsted county. In the Spring of 1862 he raised a company of soldiers for the Ninth Minnesota Volunteers. He was elected first lieutenant Of the COll)pany, and served on the frontier during the Indian troubles. He went to Missouri in 1863, and was soon after appointed colonel of the Thirty-ninth United States, a regiment Com- posed of colored troops. He took command of his regiment just before the battle of the Wilderness. He was at the siege of Petersburg, and showed great courage, leading his regiment into the famous pit caused by the explosion of a mine. All through the war he was noted for his gallantry and COurage. He returned to Rochester in 1865, and was again elected county attorney. In the same year he formed a partnership with Judge Start, at present chief justice of the Supreme court. In 1871 he was elected United States Senator to fill the unexpired term of Senator Norton, who died at that time. He served in the Senate for about three months. In 1872 he went to Duluth, and formed a partnership with Judge Ensign. In 1874, when the Eleventh judicial district was formed, he was appointed judge by Governor Davis, and held the position for nineteen years, being three times reëlected without opposition. In 1894 he declined reëlection on account of ill-health, and the following fall moved to California, where he died as stated above. For many years before he was appointed judge he took an active interest in politics, alid after his removal to Du- luth took great interest in the affairs of that city. For many years he was prominent in Duluth, ever ready to do anything in his power to further that city’s interests. º * * CGILL, ANDREW RYAN.—Andrew R. McGill, gov- ernor of Minnesota from 1887 to 1889, was born in Crawford county, Pennsylvania, Feb. 19, 1840. His grandfather, Patrick McGill, emigrated from Antrim County, Ireland, in 1774, took part in the Revolutionary War and settled in Northumberland county, Pennsylvania. In 1800 he removed to What was then the Wilderness of Western Pennsylvania. One of the sons of Patrick Mc- Gill was Charles Dillon McGill, who married Angeline Martin, the daughter of a soldier of the War of 1812 and the granddaughter of a Revolutionary soldier. father Of the subject of this sketch. Andrew was educated in the public Schools and in an academy in the village of Sagertown, and he worked on his father's farm when not at School. At eighteen he went to ICentucky and obtained employment as a teacher. He was the In 1861 Kentucky was not a comfortable place of abode for a young man recently from the North, and McGill determined to seek a new home in the NorthWest. He arrived in Minnesota in June of that year and obtained the position of principal of the public schools in St. Peter, then a frontier village in perilous proximity to the reservation of the warlike Sioux. In Au- gust, 1862, he enlisted in the Ninth Regiment of Minnesota Infantry, and took part in the campaign for the suppression of the great Sioux outbreak. He was discharged for dis- ability in 1863 and soon afterwards was elected county superintendent of schools, which position he held for two terms. In 1865 and 1866 he owned and edited the St. Peter Tribune, and in 1865 he was elected clerk of the district A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 341 court. This post he held for four years, devoting his leisure to the study of law under the tuition of Horace Austin, then district judge. He was admitted to the bar in 1868. When Judge Austin became governor in 1870 Mr. McGill was selected by him for his private secretary. This brought him into the circle of state politics. In 1873 Governor Aus- tin appointed him to the office of insurance commissioner, Which he held for thirteen continuous years, discharging its duties with such efficiency and COurtesy that he became One Of the best known and most popular public officials in the state. In 1886 the Republicans of Minnesota nom- inated him as their candidate for governor, and elected him by a small majority after a hot campaign, in Which the dominant issue was the T&epublican platform in favor of high license and local option to regulate the liquor traffic. The Democratic candidate, Dr. A. A. Ames Of Minneapolis, was very popular with the saloon element of the Twin Cities, and the liquor-selling interest all over the state made great efforts to elect him. On the other hand, the Prohibitionists, who would be satisfied with nothing short Of a total prohibition of the sale of intoxicants, drew Off to their candidate for governor Over 9,000 votes. his pledges in the canvass, Governor McGill urged upon True to the legislature the passage of a high license law, with an alternative local Option provision enabling towns and vil- lages to enforce prohibition if they should vote so to do. This law Was passed, and has ever since been generally approved by the people of Minnesota. - Other important legislative measures recommended by Governor McGill were a revision of the laws relating to railroad transportation, grain storage, wheat grading, the Watering of railroad stocks, the simplification of the tax laws, the abolition of contract prison labor, the establish- ment of a soldiers’ home, of a state reformatory, and of a bureau of labor statistics. His administration was nota- bly fruitful in practical measures for the welfare of the people, and for meeting the business needs of a growing and progressive commonwealth. At the close of his term GOVernor McGill retired to private life. He has been twice married. His first wife was Miss Eliza E. Bryant, a daugh- ter of Chas. S. Bryant. She died in 1877, survived by two Sons and One daughter. He was again married in 1880 to Miss Mary E. Wilson, a daughter of Dr. J. C. Wilson of Edinborough, Pa., and two children have been born to them. Governor McGill has a pleasant home in St. An- thony Park, one of the handsomest suburbs of St. Paul. He is interested with one of his sons in the McGill Printing Company of St. Paul, a large job and book printing con- Celºn, and is also president of a trust company in Minneapo- lis. He is an active Republican, and takes a hearty interest in all movements in behalf of good government in his city and in the State and nation. I/OUGH, IDAVID M.—David M. Clough, who suc- ceeded to the governorship of Minnesota. On the elec- tion to the United States Senate Of GOV. ICInuite Nel- son, in January, 1895, was born in Lyme, N. H., Dec. 27, 1846. His father, Illbridge G. Clough, was a lumberman and a prominent citizen. The fame of the pineries of the West led the father to migrate with his family to Wau- paca, Wis., in 1855, and two years later he made another move, establishing his home at Spencer Brook, Minn., Whele he engaged in lumbering and farming. Young David Was one of a family of fourteen children, and With SO many mouths to feed the struggle of the father in a new country was a hard one. The boy's Only educational Opportunities were those of the district School, and even there his attend- ance was irregular from the time When he was old enough to work on the farm in summer and go into the pineries to earn money in the Winter. At twenty he felt that he had the right to strike out for himself and seek employ- ment, and he found work with H. E. Brown, a Minneapolis lumberman, driving a team and sawing logs. In this po- sition he remained four years, saving What money he Gould. At the end of this time he formed a partnership with his older brother Gilbert, and the two young men engaged in lumbering, under the firm name of Clough Brothers. In Gilbert died in 1888, and David assumed the sole control of the business, which 1874 the firm removed to Minneapolis. by that time had grown to large proportions. It continued to increase in importance until it employed a capital of half a million dollars and handled in a single year Over 15,000,000 feet of lumber. David M. Clough was a Republican from his boyhood, and early became an active worker for his party in conven- From 1883 to 1887 he was a member of the Minneapolis city council, and he was president of that body for One term. In 1886 he was elected to the State Senate, and he was reëlected in 1888 and in 1890. In 1891 he was Ghosen president of the Minnesota State Agri- cultural Society, and his influence with the legislature en- abled him to obtain an appropriation of $20,000 to pay the debts of the society and put it on its feet financially. The tions and Campaigns. fair held under his management was a great success, and netted Over $10,000. Mr. Clough's prominence as a leader in Hennepin County politics brought him early into the field as a candidate for higher offices than that of state senator. In 1892 he was nominated for the office of lieutenant governor by acclama- tion, on a ticket headed by Knute Nelson for governor. From the state convention of 1894 he received, with Gov- ernor Nelson, the high indorsement of a renomination by acclamation, and in January, 1895, he succeeded to the governorship by the election to the United States Senate of Governor Nelson. His long service in the legislature as 342 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. a senator and as lieutenant governor made him thoroughly acquainted with State affairs and with public men in every county, and fitted him for the successful discharge of his new and important duties. The marriage of David M. Clough and Miss Addie Bar- ton of Spencer Brook, Minn., was celebrated in April, 1868. Their parents were neighbors, and the young people had known each other from childhood. child, now Mrs. It. H. Hartley. Governor and Mrs. Clough are active members of Plymouth Congregational Church of Minneapolis. They retain their old homestead of six hun- dred acres at Spencer Brook, which is dear to them from early associations, and there the governor indulges his taste for blooded Cattle. TO them was born One He is One of the most successful breeders of Durhams in the Northwest. In person GOV- ernor Clough is of medium stature and of a rather robust and muscular build. The solid physical development ac- Quired in a youth and early manhood spent in healthful toil in the Open air assures him excellent lealth in Imiddle life. ecutive Office the system and habits of an experienced and He is all industrious Worker, and he brings to the ex- Careful man Of business. * * * VERILI., JOHN T.--John T. Averill, a brigadier gen- A\ eral of volunteers in the Civil War, and a repre- sentative of the St. Paul district in Congress for four years, was born in Alma, Me., in 1825, and died in St. Paul, Oct. 3, 1889. He was a graduate of Wesleyan College, and as a young man taught School and engaged in lumbering in Maine. For a time he was a country mer- chant at Winthrop, in that state. In 1852 he removed to Pennsylvania and remained there five years, prosecuting the business of a lumberman. In 1857 he migrated to the Northwest, and settled in Lake City, Minn., where he sold goods and bought grain until 1864. He served his county in the State Senate during the sessions of 1858, 1859, and 1860. In 1861 he enlisted in the Sixth Minnesota Infantry, and was COlmmissioned its lieutenant Colonel. For years his regiment was engaged in Warfare with the Sioux Indians. In 1863 he was promoted to the rank of colonel, and was detailed as provost marshal and mustering officer at St. Paul. In June, 1865, he was commissioned brigadier general. After the close of the War he sold his interests in Lake City, and removing to St. Paul, founded a whole. sale paper house, under the name of Averill, Carpenter & Co., Which carried on business successfully until his death, When it was reorganized as Wright, Barrett & Stil- Well. General Averill attended the Philadelphia convention of 1856 Which nominated John C. Fremont for President. In 1868 he became a member of the National Republican Com- tWO mittee. He was elected to Congress as a Republican in He was married in 1848 to Hannah E. Atkinson, and had two daughters, Who, With 1870, and was reëlected in 1872. his wife, survive him. General Averill was a man Of commanding and dignified presence, of amiable character, and of solid business qualities. He left an excellent record Of his political, social, and business career. ºn ºn ºn WIFT, HENRY ADONIRAM.–Henry A. Swift was the third governor of the State of Minnesota, and the second Republican to occupy that position. His birth occurred March 23, 1823, at Ravenna, Portage county, Ohio, his father being Dr. Isaac Swift. After acquiring the usual rudimentary education in the schools of his native city, he attended and graduated from the Western Reserve College at Hudson. Going thence to the State of Mississippi, he taught school there one season; but the associations were not such as suited him, and he accordingly returned to his native state as soon as his teaching contract Was termi- nated. On his return home he applied himself to the study of law, gaining admittance to the bar in 1845. During the legislative session of 1846-47 he was assistant clerk, and for the following term held the chief clerkship of the Ohio House of Representatives. Subsequently he devoted his attention to his profession and to the management of the business of an insurance company, until 1853, when he renuoved to St. Paul and opened a law and insurance office in that city. Joining the company of incorporators who platted the city of St. Peter, and becoming a stockholder in that enterprise, he removed thither in 1856, and was the register of the company’s land Office. In the fall of 1857 the Republicans nominated him as their candidate for Congress, and he shared in the defeat of his party that year, a result believed to be due influence Of Democratic Officeholders and politicians upon the minds Of the Indians, to the extraordinary civilizing inducing them to don a Shirt and pair of trousers and at- tend the polls. In 1861 he was elected to the State Senate, and when Mr. Donnelly resigned his position of lieutenant governor, to enter upon his duties as congressman, to which station he had been elected, Mr. Swift, who was elected president of the Senate, became ex-officio lieutenant governor. Early in the same year Mr. Ramsey resigned the governor. ship of the state, thus promoting Mr. Swift to that more exalted position. He held this office, however, only about Six months, positively refusing the nomination of the COn- Vention of his party that fall, and permitting it to go to Stephen Miller, who was subsequently elected. But for his disinclination to become a candidate for the Office, it was thought that the legislature of 1864-65 A HISTORY OF THE 343 RE) PUBLICAN PARTY. would have chosen him, instead of Hon. D. S. Norton, for United States Senator. Mr. Swift was a domestic man and student. He loved his home and books far better than the Strifes and jostlings of political life, and, while fully appreciating the duties of citizenship, had little desire for that kind of fame which might be gained in the political arena. Moreover, having in September, 1851, married Miss Ruth Livingston of Gettysburg, Pa., Who made him a most excellent and affectionate Wife, and by Wllom he had five children, his home was the place where he could enjoy the truest happiness. - Still another consideration which had its influence in determining his choice of a lot in life Was, no doubt, his SOIllewhat feeble health. Yet, strong as Was this atta Cll- ment to his family, and necessary this regard for his health, they did not hinder him from engaging in any pub- lic Service that Was imperatively demanded, no matter how difficult or dangerous. He would willingly have en- listed in the War Of the Rebellion, but that his services in the legislature of lais adopted State appeared a more fitting field; and when the Sioux uprising occurred in 1862, he Was Olle Of the first to rush to New Ulm to aid in defend- ing the people Of that Village against the savages; and it Was, no doubt, due to the unusual hardships and exposures Of that campaign that he contracted or developed the dis- ease Which caused his death on the 5th of March, 1869. It may be truly claimed for Mr. Swift that his public services were always prompted by pure and patriotic mo- With tives, and not by personal ambitious desires nor any purpose of self-aggrandizement. He was a true pa- triot and most Worthy Citizen, and in lais death the people Of Minnesota lost a Statesman upon whose intelligence and integrity they could place the utmost reliance. His de- Cease Was Ill Ourned throughout the State. * * ºn OODRICH, AARON.—Aaron Goodrich was one of the Supreme Court judges sent Out by President Taylor to organize the Territory of Minnesota. He was born in Cayuga County, NeW YOrk, in 1807, and died in St. Paul in 1887. His education Was Only such as the common schools of Western New York afforded in his childhood. He read law, and removed to Tennessee to practice his profession. There he took an active part in politics as a Whig, and Was a member of the legislature in 1847 and 1848. He arrived in St. Paul in May, 1849, with his commission as judge, and served on the bench until 1851. In 1858 he was mem- ber of a commission to revise the laws of the territory, and fit them for the uses of the new State. In 1861 President Lincoln appointed him secretary Of legation at Brussels, and he held the post for eight years. He was a writer of a good deal of talent, and in 1874 he astonished the literary world with a new view of Columbus, publishing a book entitled “A History of the Character and Achievements of the So-called Christopher Columbus,” in whiclı he attempted to show that the great discoverer Was a pirate named Griege, who finding in the Canary Islands the log-book of a dead mariner who had discOvered America, With it re- turned to Europe and claimed the honors due to the dead man. J udge Goodrich’s iconoclastic work did not find favor With historians, and its fate was similar to that which has befallen the profound labors of that other eminent Minne- SOtan Who has endeavored to prove that Shakespeare's works were Written by Bacon. In 1872 Judge Goodrich cut loose from his party and joined the Liberal Republican movement, and he afterwards acted with the Democrats. He had the distinction of having been the personal friend of three Presidents—Taylor, Lill (:Oln, and Joll 11s01). ºn ºn ºn OMISTOCIK, SOLOMON GII, MAN.—S. G. Comstock was born in Argyle, Me., May 9, 1842, and Comes Of an old line of New England ancestry. On his ſather's side the line is Scotch, and can be traced back to the arrival of an ancestor who landed in the Plymouth Set- tlement in 1634. On the mother's side the family line runs back to England, and is as old in its American roots as that of the father. Mr. Comstock was educated in the Com- mon schools of Maine and in Wesleyan Seminary. He stud- ied law in the University of Michigan, and was admitted to the bar in Omaha, Neb., in 1869. He came to Minnesota. in 1870 to seek a permanent home, and in 1871 was at- tracted to Moorhead by the fact that the Northern Pacific railroad, then rapidly building, would cross the Red river at that point, and would undoubtedly Create there a goOd town. IIe entered actively into public movements in the Ile W COmlin unity, and Was at Once made county attorney Of the newly created county of Clay. from 1871 to 1877. In 1875 he was elected to the Minne- Sota House of Iłepresentatives, and he was continuously rečlected until 1881, When he was returned to the State Senate, Serving in that body until 1888. During his long Service in the legislature he was chairman of the House finance committee, and of the House railroad committee, and Chairman of the Senate judiciary committee. He took a prominent part in shaping and passing the legislation for the payment of the old railroad debt of the state. He se- Cured the location of a state normal school at Moorhead. It may be said that for twelve years no man had a greater Share in shaping the legislation of Minnesota. It Was public recognition of Mr. Comstock's value as a practical legislator that led to his nomination by the Repub- licans for Congress in the old Fifth district, which em- braced all the northern part of the state. He served but This position he held 344 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. one term at Washington. He was renominated by his party in 1890, but the Farmers' Alliance movement had SO far broken up old political relations in his district that he was defeated by the candidate of the new and short-lived Mr. Comstock brought to his duties in COn- gross the same industry and knowledge of practical legis- lative methods which had luade him conspicuous and Suc- organization. cessful in the Minnesota legislature. He was a member Of the committee on elections and the COmnittee On COinage, weights, and measures. He secured the passage of a bill for the relief of settlers on Northern Pacific Railroad lands, and obtained appropriations for the benefit of his district aggregating nearly One million dollars. Mr. Comstock was married in 1873 to Sarah Ball, and has three children, Ada, Jessie, and George M. During his residence in Moorhead he has Witnessed the Whole of the wonderful growth of the IRed River Valley, which was a bare plain when he settled there, and which is now the most productive Wheat Country in America, Streaked With the rails of many roads and dotted With prosperous towns and Villages. * * * TEwART, JACOB B-Jacob B. Stewart, a prominent St. Paul physician and one of the leading public men. Of the state, was born in Connecticut in 1829, and Was the son of an eminent physician, Dr. Philander H. Stewart. He was educated at the Peekskill, N. Y., Academy and in Yale College. Bad health compelled him to leave Yale before graduating, and when he had recov- ered from illness he concluded to begin his medical studies at Once. He entered the University of New York and grad- uated as an M. D. in 1851. For four years he practiced With his father at Peekskill. In 1855 he removed to St. Paul, attracted by the reports of the beauty and prosperity of the new State of Minnesota. He soon built up a good practice. In 1861 he was commissioned surgeon of the First Minnesota. Regiment, and at the battle of Bull Run was captured by the Rebels. He was paroled, and could not, therefore, return to his regiment for active service. Coming home to St. Paul he soon found a field for his pa- triotic zeal in the examination of recruits for the army. In 1864 he was elected mayor of the city. In 1869 he was again chosen mayor, and also in 1871 and 1873, holding the office eight years, and making a remarkably popular and Successful executive. In 1864 President Lincoln a])- pointed him postmaster of St. Paul. He served in both houses of the state legislature, and in 1876 was elected by the Republicans of the Twin City district to Congress, where he served a single term, and on his retirement Was appointed by President Hayes to the important post of surveyor general of Minnesota. He died Aug. 25, 1884. He was married in 1851 to Catherine Sweeney, and three children survived him, one of whom is now a leading physi- cian in St. Paul. Dr. Stewart was a man of genial nature, and such was the benevolence of his disposition that a large part of his medical practice was always among the poor, who paid him nothing for his Services. * * * ILFILLAN, JAMES.—James Gilſillan, Chief justice of Minnesota for twenty-five years, was one of the most eminent of Western jurists. He was born in Scotland in 1829, and died in St. Paul in 1894. His parents migrated to America when he was an infant, and settled in Oneida county, New York, where he spent his boyhood. He studied law in Buffalo, and in 1850 was admitted to the ball at Albany. He came to Minnesota in 1857, established him- self in St. Paul, and began the practice of law in partner- ship with his brother, C. D. Gilfillan. was commissioned captain in the Seventh Minnesota Infan- try, serving in that regiment in the Indian war and after- wards in the South against the Rebellion. In 1864 he Was promoted to the colonelcy of the Eleventh Regiment, and Colonel Gil- fillan was a zealous and conscientious soldier, but his sub- sequent great fame as a jurist so obscured his early military In 1862 he enlisted and took that regiment into service in Tennessee. reputation that he was rarely addressed by his army title. On his muster out in 1865 he returned to St. Paul and re- sumed his law practice. In 1869 he was appointed to the supreme bench of the state by Governor Austin, under an act authorizing the governor to appoint three additional judges. In 1875 he was elected chief justice, and he was twice reëlected, serving until his death in 1894. As a judge he led an uneventful life that brought him very little be- fore the public, but many of his opinions became standard authority throughout the country, and he was greatly re- spected by the bar and his fellow jurists for his ability and his painstaking and faithful service. One of his notable decisions was that which opened the way to the recognition and settlement Of the railroad aid debt Of the State. So strong was the public opinion of the time against the pay- ment of the railroad aid bonds that an amendment was adopted to the Constitution providing that no settlement should be unade of this debt until the plan had been Sub- mitted to a popular vote and ratified at the polls. This was intended to prolong repudiation indefinitely, for every plan Of Settlement theretofore proposed by the legislature had been Voted down. The Supreme Court, Justice Gilfillan reading the opinion, held that this constitutional amend- ment was itself unconstitutional, because it attempted to impair the Obligation of a contract, which the States are restrained from doing by the constitution of the United States. There Was a great Outcry at the time Over this A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 345 decision, but Judge Gilfillan lived long after it was upheld by the almost unanimous approval of the people of Minne- SOta. Judge Gilſillan was married in 1867 to Martha McMas- ters, daughter of Rev. S. G. McMasters, rector of Christ's Episcopal Church in St. Paul. Two sons and five daughters survived him. He was a man of earnest, simple character; religious, patriotic, straightforward, and kind-hearted. * * * Blue Earth City was born in Winsted, Conn., March, 1828, and graduated in 1846 from Trinity College, Hartford. He studied law in Painesville, Ohio, and commenced practice at Delphi, Ind., in 1852. He removed to Minnesota in 1854, and settled in the southern part of the state, then a new country just released from the possession of the Sioux Indians. He soon became actively engaged in politics, as well as in law business, and in 1858 Was elected to the legislature. In 1863 he was again sent to the State House of Representatives, and again in 1865. In the Ses- sion beginning in 1866 he was elected speaker of the House. The following year he was elected to the State Senate, and he was reëlected in 1868 and 1869, but resigned in 1869 when appointed receiver of the United States land Office at Winnebago City. This position he resigned in 1875 to accept the Republican nomination for lieutenant gov- ernor, to which he was elected on the ticket With GOVernor Pillsbury. He was reëlected on the ticket of 1877, which was also headed by Pillsbury. In 1882 Mr. Wakefield Was elected by the Republicans of the Third district to repre- sent that district in Congress. He was reëlected in 1884 by a vote of nearly two to one over his Democratic op- ponent. In 1886 he was not renominated, and the district elected J. L. MacDonald, Democrat, by about 1,100 plurality over B. B. Herbert, Republican. W.". JAMES H.—James B. Wakefield. Of * * * LDRICH, CYRUS.–In the early Republican move- ments in Minnesota Cyrus Aldrich Of Minneapolis was a conspicuous figure. He had been an active Whig politician in Illinois before he came to this state, and he brought to the new party the force of a resolute and sincere character, a popular manner and a long experience in the practical work of organization in the field of politics. He was born in Smithfield, R. I., in 1808, and when a lad Went upon a number of Coasting Voyages as a sailor. Emigrating to Illinois, he engaged in the business of taking mail contracts for horseback and wagon service in what was then a new country. He served in the Illinois legis- lature as a member from Jo Daviess county in 1845 and 1846, and in 1847 was elected register of deeds for that county. In 1849 he was appointed by the Whig administra- tion at Washington receiver of the land office at Dixon. The preceding year he had been the Whig candidate for Congress in the district which then embraced all the north- ern part of the state, and had been beaten by John Went- Worth, popularly known as “Long John,” who was the Dem- OCratic nominee. It Was this unsuccessful canvass that gave him the land office appointment. In 1854 Mr. Aldrich removed to Minnesota, and settled at the Falls of St. Anthony, where he engaged in the lum- ber trade. In 1857 he was a member of the Constitutional GOn Vention. He became an active Republican as soon as the new party came into existence, his old views as an anti-slavery Whig leading him naturally to the party that undertook to resist the further extension of slavery. In 1857 he was nominated as one of three candidates for mem- bers of Congress from the new state, which it was expected Would be admitted early in the session of the following Winter. The Republicans were defeated at this election, and when the act of admission was passed it admitted Only two of the three members elected by the Democrats. An- Other election was held in the following year, at which the Republicans were victorious, and Aldrich took his seat in the House at Washington in December of that year, as the representative of the Second district of Minnesota, Which then embraced all the northern part of the State, including the cities of St. Paul and Minneapolis. He was reëlected, and held the position until March 4, 1863, when he Was succeeded by Ignatius Donnelly, then a Republican, Who beat him for the nomination. In 1863 Mr. Aldrich Was a candidate for the United States senatorship, and made an active but unsuccessful fight against Governor Ramsey. He served a term in the legislature in 1864, and Was appointed postmaster of Minneapolis by President Johnson in 1867. He died of dropsy Oct. 5, 1871. * * * EESE, DARIUS FRANKLIN.—Dar. F. Reese, clerk R Of the Supreme Court, was born on a farm near Bernadotte, Fulton county, Illinois, Sept. 3, 1856. He was educated in the common schools of the locality, and became a teacher at seventeen. He afterwards attended Hedding College for a period of three years. In June, 1880, he was admitted to the bar of Illinois, and became a member of the law firm of Masters & Reese, and prac- ticed at Lewiston. In 1883 he removed to Minnesota, locating in St. Paul. Had he remained in Ilewiston he WOuld that summer have been tendered the Republican nomination for County attorney. When he left for Minne- sota, he was secretary of the Fulton County Republican Committee, and had, the previous fall, closed a winning 346 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. campaign in a county that had always gone Democratic. every Republican being elected except the country treas- ul"el". His father, Joel S. Reese, was of Welsh Quaker stock. His ancestors came from Wales in Puritan days, and set- tled in Pennsylvania. He was himself born in Ohio, where he married Miss Mary A. Cline, the mother of the subject of this sketch. She was of German and Irish stock, and was also born in Ohio. The subject of this sketch was the seventh child of a family of ten children. DARUS F. R.E.E.S.E. When Mr. Reese arrived in St. Paul in the spring of 1883 he opened a law office at the corner of Seventh and Wabasha streets, and began the practice of law in good earnest. But his passion for politics soon got the better of his good resolutions in the direction of practicing law. In 1884 he was one of the organizers of the Blaine and Logan Club, and was its vice president. He took a very active part in the campaign of that year, making speeches throughout the wards of St. Paul. He has always been the staunchest of staunch Repub- licans, and is uncompromising in his devotion to his party. In the Republican city convention of 1888, a strong move- ment was started for the indorsement of the candidacy for reelection of R. A. Smith, Democrat, for mayor. As the matter was about to go to vote Mr. Reese arose and op- posed the movement, making the first public declaration for many years against Democratic city rule. He carried the day, and the convention put up a full Republican ticket, with Dr. J. H. Murphy at the head for mayor. Dr. Murphy, a few days later, withdrew, leaving the mayoralty place on the ticket vacant. The Irepublicans, however, in the election which followed, elected a majority of the city council, and could easily have elected the mayor. This was the first Republican city victory in St. Paul for twenty- five years. Mr. Reese was a member of the Republican state con- vention of 1886. After the McGill for governor, he stumped the state in behalf of that candi- He has nomination of A. R. date, making many strong and effective speeches. been a member of the city, county, and congressional coul- mittees at various times. In 1894 he party service during his residence in the state. effective The Re- publican state convention of that year nominated him for received his merited reward for clerk of the supreme court—and this in spite of the fact that the convention had already nominated a candidate for secretary of state who lived in the same congressional district with Mr. Reese. He was elected by a plurality of S2,501 over Thos. C. Kurtz, his Democratic opponent, and he received a majority of 17,028. Mr. Reese is unmarried. * * * cMILLAN. SAMUEL J. R.-S. J. R. McMillan United States senator from Minnesota for twelve years, 'a., Feb. 22, 1826. ing his infancy his parents removed to Pittsburg, and he was born in Brownsville, Lºur- was graduated in 1846 from Du Quesne Collge, which was afterwards Secretary of War during the Civil War, and in vania. Choosing law for a profession, he studied in the offices of Hon. Charles Shaler and Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, afterwards secretary of war during the Civil War, and in 1849 he commenced practicing at Pittsburg. In 1852 he removed to Stillwater, Minn., where he immediately took a prominent position at the bar, and attracted much atten- tion by his brilliant conduct of certain important civil and criminal cases. Removing to St. Paul in 1856, he continued his practice until—the state government of Minnesota being formed in 1858–lhe was elected judge of the First judicial In 1864, together with Hon. Thomas Wilson, he was appointed associate justice of the supreme court, to district. fill the vacancies caused by the resignations of Hon. I. At- water and Hon. Charles E. Flandrau, and in the same year A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 347 he was elected to the same office for the full term of seven years. He was reëlected in 1871, and in 1874 was chosen chief justice in place of Hon. G. C. Ripley, resigned, and at the next election he was returned for a full term, run- ning so far ahead of his ticket as to attract the attention of politicians. In February, 1875, he was chosen United States senator. As such he distinguished himself as a broad statesman rather than as a politician, although faithful in all matters While in the Senate he was chairman of the committee on claims, and succeeded pertaining to his own constituents. Roscoe Conkling as chairman of the committee on coln- merce. He was also a member of the judiciary and Revolu- tionary claims committees. He has not only distinguished himself as a jurist and statesman, but his scholarly attain- ments and precision have been recognized in ecclesiastical as well as civil courts, and in 1890 he was chosen as one of two men from the West as a member of the committee of revision of the Confession of Faith of the Presbyterian 1SS; the degree of A. M., and in 1891 conferred on him the degree of LL. I.). Senate he resumed his practice of law. Church. In his alma mater conferred on him After serving two terms in the United States He the leading spirits in putting a stop to prize-fighting in was one of this state, the commencement of the movement which, during the past few years, has been waged generally throughout the country against that abominable practice, and established the precedent of the supremacy of the law in those matters. HITE, MILO.-Milo White, representative in Con gress from the First district of Minnesota from 1883 to 1887, was born in Franklin county, Ver- 18:30. old His father, Josiah White, and his grandfather, Asa White, mont, Aug. 17. and canne of Mayflower stock. who went from Uxbridge, Mass., to Vermont, claimed descent from Peregrine White, the first white child born in New England. His mother's maiden name was Polly Bailey. Milo White was educated in a country schoºlhouse up to the age of fifteen, when he was put to work in a country store. Later he worked as a clerk in Burlington and in New York City. In 1855 he removed to Minnesota, and settled at Chatfield, where he took up government land. Trading a part of his land for a team, he drove fifty miles across a country entirely without roads to reach the nearest mill, at Decorah, Iowa, to buy flour, passing through county, which at that time had but one house. Preston, the county seat of Fillmore In 1856 he began selling goods in Chatfield, an occupation he has followed ever since. It is believed that no other man in Minnesota has sold dry goods uninterruptedly for forty years, and during all that time Mr. White has never failed to pay one hundred cents on the dollar. In the early times he bought everything the farmers had to sell, hauled the produce to the Mississippi river, where it was shipped by steamboat, and the teams brought back lumber, salt, gro- ceries, and general merchandise. Mr. White's first public office was that of chairman of the board of supervisors in his town, to which he was chosen by a unanimous vote of the citizens when the state MILO W HITE. was admitted in 1858 and the new system of local govern- ment was put into effect. He was too busy, however, to take much part in politics, but in 1871 his county sent him to the State Senate, reºlecting him in 1872 and again in 1874. Then he was out of public life until 1880, when he was once more elected State Senator. In 1882 he was elected to Congress from the First district, and he was re- elected in 1884, serving four years. While in the House he procured the passage of a bill for a public building, cost- ing $100,000, at Winona, and also got two appropriations for a harbor of refuge at Lake City, on Lake Pepin. Mr. 348 A HISTORY OF THE REPUB LICAN PARTY. White thinks that the lmost valuable work he did in Con- gress was in helping the passage of the OleOlmargarine law. He was the Only member of the committee on agriculture that had practical knowledge of the dairy and creamery business. He aided in perfecting the bill, and With two Other members, made it his special Work to fight it through tlle House. He has been mayor of Chatfield three years. He now regards himself as out of politics, but feels a Warm interest in the usefulness and purity of the Repub- lican party. He has seen a great state grow up in what Was a Wilderness When he settled in Minnesota, and he is ready to leave his work to a new generation. His Repub- licanism dates back to the formation of the party, and he has never gone astray in any third-party movements Ol' bolting novellnents. He is a bimetallist. He was married in 1858, and lyas three sons, C. H. White and Milo White, Jr., who are in business in Chatfield, and J. C. White, who is in the State University. * * * INIOOM, WILLIAM.–In Belmont county, Ohio, on the 10th of May, 1827, William Windom was born. He was the youngest child of Hezekiah and Mercy Windom, who were quiet and unostentatious Quakers. Both his paternal and maternal ancestors Were of the Quaker persuasion, and originally came from Virginia. The first ten years of young Windom's life were spent in Bel- His parents then moved to Knox County. Here almid the linn- to a newly settled mont County. This henceforth Was the fall lily holme. itations and environment peculiar and undeveloped country, with the Wholeson 1e economies of a pioneer farm life in the Buckeye State, William Win- dom spent the remainder of his boyhood, and laid the foun- dations of his subsequent character and career. His early educational advantages were Only such as the country schools of that day afforded. In his early childhood Windom had met some fascinat- ing members of the legal profession, and had determined to become a lawyer. This Was a most alarming declaration to his parents, as their religion had taught them to re- gard the profession of law with peculiar disfavor. They had hoped to save their son by securing for him “a good honest trade.” His and bitions were stronger than parental desires or purposes, and resulted in his taking an academic course at Martinsburg, Ohio. This was followed by a thorough course in law in the office of Judge R. C. Hurd Of Mount Vernon, Ohio. In 1850, at the age of twellty- three, he was admitted to the bar at Mount Vernon, and at Once began the practice of his profession. After five years’ practice in his native state he determined to try his fortunes elsewhere, and in 1855 he removed to the Northwest, locating in Winona, Minn. In 1856 he was married in Warwick, Mass., to Ellen Towne, third daugh- ter of the IRev. Ił. C. IIatch, the officiating clergyman. It seemed that destiny had marked Mr. Windom for a life of public service. In the fall of 1858, at the age of thirty-one, lie was elected as a Republican to the Thirty- seventh Congress, and he was reëlected to the Thirty- eighth, Thirty-ninth, and Fortieth Congresses, his service in the House covering a period of ten years, and termi- nating in 1869. In that year he was appointed to the United States Senate to fill the unexpired term of D. S. Norton, deceased. In 1871 he was elected to the Senate by the leg- islature of Minnesota for the full six-year term, and he was reëlected in 1877. In the National ltepublican Conven- tion of 1880 Mr. Windom's name was presented, and dur- ing twenty-eight ballots was rigidly adhered to by the delegates from Minnesota, as their candidate for the Presi- dency. In March, 1881, he was appointed Secretary of the Treasury in the Cabinet Of President Garfield. Retiring from the treasury upon the death of Garfield and the ac- Cession of Mr. Arthur, in the autumn of 1881, Mr. Windom was again elected to the United States Senate, and served Out the expiring term, March 3, 1883, making an aggregate of twelve years in that body. From March, 1883, until March, 1889, with the exception of one year spent in foreign travel with his family, he devoted himself to his private business. From his private affairs he was called by President Harrison to again take up the portfolio of the Secretary of the Treasury, the du- ties of which post he reassumed March 4, 1889. During Mr. Windom's long service both in the House of Repre- sentatives and in the Senate, COvering a period of Over twenty-two years, he was most assiduous in all his labors, holding highly responsible positions. From 1876 until 1881, While in the Senate, he was chairman of the committee On appropriations, and When he reëntered the Senate after the death of President Garfield, he became chairman Of the Colmmittee On foreign relations. In the cabinet of President Harrison, Mr. Windom served from March 4, 1889, until Jan. 29, 1891, the date of his death. His achievements as a national financier, espe- cially in refunding the public debt, gave him a world-wide fame. In alppreciation of Mr. Windom's profound knowl- edge of finance and his distinguished public services, the Board of Trade and Transportation of New York invited him to favor that body With an address, allowing him to Ilame the date, and Jan. 29, 1891, was fixed as the most favorable time. Proceeding to New York from Washington On that day Mr. Windom joined a brilliant assembly of leading NeW York business men at Delmonico’s, where a banquet was held. His remarks for the occasion were upon the Sentiment: “Our Country’s Prosperity Dependent upon Its Instruments of Commerce.” Mr. Windom spoke forty minutes, and Closed amid applause which was almost be- A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 349 wildering. He rose and bowed his thanks, and immediately after resuming his seat he expired, without a sign or a struggle. His eyes closed. He apparently had fallen asleep. The length and prominence of William Windom's service in the field of national politics and statesmanship, his twelve years in the House of Representatives, his twelve years in the Senate and his appointment by two Presidents to the great office of Secretary of the Treasury place him foremost in the list of Minnesota's leading public men. * * * HITNEY, GEORGE ALONZO.-Few men in Minne- sota, in either private or public life, can lay Clairn to the ancestry enjoyed by George A. Whitney. Upon his father's side he is a lineal descendant of the Plantagenets, and on his mother's side he inherits the blood of the Faulkner family of Massachusetts. John Whitney, the father of the subject of this sketch, dates his ancestry from the Whitneys of New England back to the original Plantagenets of old England. This, however, does not interfere with making Mr. Whitney one of the best of American citizens and one of the most popular and Suc- cessful men in Wadena county. It can be said of him that he is a self-made man. Born on a farm in Rindge, N. H., his early education consisted in attending the COuntry schools in Winter and Working On the farm in the Summer. Attendance at Appleton Academy at New Ipswitch, N. H., gave him the necessary training to become a teacher of country schools, and it was at this that he afterwards earned money with which to go to college. Appleton Academy was One Of the best preparatory schools in the East, the principal of which was E. T. Quinby, who after- wards became professor of mathematics in Dartmouth Col- In 1875 Mr. Whitney moved to Michigan, in which state he taught school for three years; in 1878 he came to Minnesota, locating in Wadena. On the third day Of May. School teaching was his Occupation for the four years fol- lowing, and it is to Mr. Whitney, more than to any other One person, that the admirable school system of Wadena Owes its Since 1882 Mr. Whitney has been a member of the Wadena School board. Later he owned and edited the N. P. Farmer at Wadena, selling it out SOme years after Ward to go into the general merchandise His success can best be judged by saying that now his Only occupation is looking after his property inter- ests. He has an Office in the First National Bank, Of Which he is a director. Mr. Whitney has a distinguished mili- tary record. Nov. 28, 1861, he enlisted in Company IC, Sixth New Haumpshire Volunteer Infantry, as a private. In the second battle of Bull Run, Aug. 29, 1862, he was wounded severely, necessitating his discharge from the service. He is now a member of the Grand Army of the Republic, alld has been post commander of Iºarragut Post, No. 102, at Wadena. He was also commander of Park Region Encalml)- ment Association in 1890, and was an aide on the Staff of General Walker, commander-in-chief of the Grand Army of the Republic. As a member of the national guard, he was an aide with the rank of major on Governor MC- Gill's staff, and assistant inspector general With the rank of lieutenant colonel on the staff's Of Governor's Merrialm, Nelson, and Clough. Mr. Whitney was active in politics as a young man, even before he left New Hampshire, being a member Of the New Hampshire House of Representatives in 1868 and 1869, and a member of the New IHampshire Senate in 1875. Since settling in Wadena, he has several times held the Office of mayor, and was a member of the State board of equalization, and is now chairman of the board of county Commissioners. He was married Sept. 1, 1869, at Rindge, N. H., to Miss Susie R. Converse, Who (lied six years later, leaving One (laughter, now in her junior year in the classical course of the University of Minnesota. Nov. 23, 1880, Mr. Whitney was married a second time, to Miss I/Ouise Lackey, at Wa (lena. * * * ENSEN, MATHIAS.—During the year 1856 there came from Copenhagen, Denmark, and located in the then Small village of St. Paul, a man of marked Char- acteristics, who during the next twenty years made as many staunch friends as any man Who ever located in Italmsey County. That man Was Soren Jensen, the father Of the subject of this sketch. In his native land he was a skilled mechanic, but he was also a student and a scholar both before and after he came to Minnesota. He spoke the English, German, Norwegian, and Danish languages flu- ently. His Wife, the mother of Matt Jensen, was also an educated Wolman, and together they prospered in St. Paul, and won a large circle of staunch friends. Soren Jensen was a man of deep religious conviction. After coming to St. Paul he followed the business of contracting, and later, in partnership with the firm of Pepper, Miller & Jensen, Owned and Operated a saw mill for a number of years. He constructed nearly all the large buildings in St. Paul of that day, and his deel) interest in religion was the cause of his founding and building the first Norwegian Lutheran church ever built in the town. It was located at the corner of Canada, and Thirteenth streets, where the new building Of the same denomination stands now. Not only did he build the church, but for some time he acted as the pastor. No man who ever lived in St. Paul had more friends among lege. present enviable reputation. business. the old settler element than did SOren Jensen. 099 (Lºſ VoI NWOIT 81 loſ (12/ (1 Huſ, J () (2/0ſ, SI H. W. oul Jo Stoquiou out; tıosuoſ ºs. IN put: 'iRN - Wool oud Jo sists loo.us XI.10.x ZIſ) tº out A out,L Int?...I is uſ tiosºtilliºſ tº unbºſ ss IV on pollieu sºw out 06SL II too, I -uod Autut'ſ out,L ºuſt polapuol J tºothbuſtuou out 10aoot lou pino.w. où lºtil isoloid sitſ Jo olids uſ hollºq. 1s.III ou uo solo A SOI poaſaoo, on stºw iſ sv ºupise on to 11 pºu astºu pinoo on FGSL uſ to install Alunoo Ioſ Ioneuptuou upontanday oun 1doooº ol āuluºw trooq petſ on JI solos Zst: "Iuo Aquantaq stºw on toogo neſt Ioſ (In and to Ao she tootua (I own uptu 1soºtions out 1suſ tº unit on 15 noun put hoslon upontandaxi aul IIo to inston Alunoo to uonbuſtuou snoutubun ou now out 7.6SI Jo II tº J on 1 III tuiti ovºº Toſu wisopºsaq sanov ontºlootua (I oatum poarooo...I town Jo Whitoſ ºut tº vot utonooto oun an inq 'solo A utoſtandaxi on II tº ox!oool at pºp Witto nox 'ontºpſputº) tº outooaq on spuouſ sit Aq poºlin stºw unsueſ 11b IV ºggs aunſ uſ [ſounoo Alſo oth otojoq du outbo (Itus --Lioſo ºnio on to soluoo oth uatiº ‘uonºsod oups out ul III Donulltio.o. troSIox Toulovo: ) tuitol Stutºliiov tou.Iovoº, Jo toll ºutſixo an av poſſilent Autºno-toun stºw on toru w to trouſsot tº ‘whoſoos. It inninouse one is aun Jo shunoooº on lipinº on prºoq 5uſlipnº an uo tuitſ ponuſ odd tº tunition touto -woº) ºs SL III ºntºls out uſ lated oanot: ut: Moon sº tº win a H sustºdurº) whº put Alunoo Iruoissoufuon "soon lituutto.) ºunoo put. Alſo unod to ootiopºsal wou stu un uointsov outs on 1 Mool tol, tº troos on tºss tº ºptºw. Illino, I on 1 on put[L oul uto II ºu opisol sitſ postituto out trou A. Alſo oth Jo lated 1 tºul uſ sisotoluſ utºſºlution out tolje Mool on utºut huntil oul sº uotin postool sº tº wit: stºw put ºptºw piſtºl, ou tuouſ soonlitutuo. A lunoo put. Alto upontandom oth Jo toºltuouſ tº Stºw out 1910 A tº slºw out out 11 out 1 tuto-LL -to-vollow tulu tº Stºw on sold tout.uſ Fultons osotºw uſ Alted oul on ston is low on *Loouto, I tº uood out put plºw D.IIIſ, out uſ poºl out out Lºw tiosuoſº llºw to otols uſ stºw nuoulogouſ I tºo lºod tºnoun *1 bill luºxo oil on tusſu tºo laudox Jo soldſ.out.uſ our tilt-w suo's sitſ pouquſ put attºnel on inq ºntºul Auto lov "pop on Atºp on Illum titºriandon luopiº un poultuou put: ‘A litted tºolſ. Indo-I wou until out ºut wastutu poſite on ‘Int, I is ul Dolboot unsuoſº top to out untſ w tººs uſ Allunoo spun Jo oidood oul Jo uoluone out ºutſilosºlº sºw (Ionuţ w ‘uonsonb Ato Atºls out Jo hunoooº uo tºosotiuſ IV Jo protºudºns ontºlo -outo CI on 1 "Intº, I is Jo D.Lºw D.III I, DIO on uſ ootton Hut I tºol -1100I pozºpol wouxotº utº stºw uosuoſº intº IV Aoq tº st: uqaq "poltrºw Woul Fuſul violao put 5uſul ºut to ſpoto tuoul oatº oton sosnou obsolotºw oul lºul Int, I is uſ poſsilſtºnso IIow os stºw Autut'ſ IIoul Jonum put uoubludo. Iſoul inq 'ssouſsna uſ hit is on tPoſt-w Ilºw Lºnſduo ou peu trout 5unow own outſ, ounluox ssou -Isna injssooons Attºrn tº stºw Lotuw put surrow own poisºl luru (Ilusiounted tº ºnoxieq. Initow uſ 'uoroqo nº pontoo tºo otols ostputatiouou Iºloua: 1s.III out politºs toulouq sºul Duº or oolºo slotuspoil ontºls out uſ stºw on strow out ºut -Illic Mioſo Alſo poloolo stºw uosuo'ſ Inun Lioſo Joſuo stu st; tıosuoſº soºnooo III is on trouſsoſſ tº ‘cºst 'ounſ up intº, I is Jo 11b IV poultºla, ool on tº losotiuſ IV Jo to instºn altºns poloolo ºloto Joſuo Sºlololºlogi rootuo neum ul Aouaquino Stºw tou.toox isniºn v usu-wºº's uſ LoudLoo stºw on subow own set out, -III stu Jo subov lunto ºut wouloſ out ºut.unpoouſo sºloins tºo.In aul III IIoSuoſ . IV pontinuoo out to InStºo.In on tºls Doloolo Stºw Lololºlo; I Lottolo, ) trou. M. tuitol StroStollux to Illstºo.I.I. Jo asolo eul Illum to subov Jitsu tº puts own mixou out to a loun Donulluoo pub Yūtolo St. ooſuo Sºto-Instroll ontºls out out luo w out trou wºut-ow Jibu tº put oud to postºl stud, southunoo osoul Jo softºniºutº ovuloodson out uſ Libution I put: “uopows *A tºwtox on stonio uomºtºruto ontºw on uosuo'ſ tº powold N-sn-ſ’ sºlº Lºw -tuo on tº losoutuiv Jo one is out to uontºulo Jo loudissºul -tuoo slºw ºutloºk II II ontº out out ou lºv squotu Xis Doutburo, or otoll w "lºus IluovoS 1stºſ to otols spoof; A tº subſzlº Y Motutuo, ) ut low on luow uontoº sunuouſ ºut 1 tol, tº put 'ssouxtols Jo Junoooº tºo lootios ovºo ol pºſtºlo stºw oil surrow oo.ull isou out to ºuttſ IV ºpiounn to N. tº ºolio, ) subſt) is on luos stºw Lootºos tutºut; tº out tº 5uiltºnpºliº tolſ tº put: "Intº, I is uſ slootios plºw oun popuol - tº or I Jo Autº situ on to intº, I is uſ utoq stºw uosuoſº || BIN ºur vos Jo Autuº, tº Jo II liſt on 1 st puts ºs II.tviv (II,I Fºol A V.9 IT $11,161 ºſ (1 Hil, 110 (2/0, LSI H F. Igg oul uſ isotonuſ isottago up Moon sºwie of 1so williox. oil uſ sojouazº a.out...Insuſ oji Inssooons put autºlioduſ 1soul out Jo oud poultºnuſ ºut put pousſia ºlso ox ºn Autºduloo ootiºns -u I on I Ibnan IV on Jo stºutºut sº put olels out Jo Duº sonpo own on Jo shoots put spuoq in put subo ºtºliou uſ snuounsolauſ on tº A.low optºut over stolso Auſ. Iºn DIAID -u put stion: toſſ too unions tº Jo so Autºluoso.idol utolso AA oul st: on A ‘uos y loo. As ºf Jo tuitſ; tıwoux-IIow on 1 ºut -usſia tºso issouſsna ooutºnsul of II put 'puoſ ºuſtino oth uſ poºna 'uos sitſ unpºwd ſustoulied uſ put: "Intº, I is uſ out on sitſ optºtu put: 1so AA on 1 01 pou.In 191 loo, I LIA QSSI III "Laad "aw Nos-3 wº ºut: ALWSutto, Jo on tºls on 1 Jo luouliºdoſ I outrinsul oul Jo Altºn lot osſu sºw on SSSI Illull ſºls|| -oil ºutſopºut, I uſ stol, bubplot ull w 'solºis polluſ) out tuoſº (31st Illum Autºduro) lºul IILM 5ulºuſ tºtu Jo Autºduo,) out insul on I Ibuollux on 1 Jo Tuopsoid put *Autºlotoos 'Altºn lot AIowlssooons out oooºl ol on I Ibulu IV on 1 1Jol on Sºs I u I luourofuturºu put uomºzutº.10 out ul "...loo.Lto o, Il Sit Duno, on M-10M ooutº. Insuſ Jo ºl.10 V AoN Jo Autºd -tuo,) out: Insuſ oji I Ibulu IV on 10 solourº tº Jo luoptioluſ - Loſins put luontº Luloods st: Swoulsnq ºut...Insuſ on 1 in poſſ; tº; -uo uoul oil fºsſ Illum ºutloºol Jo Milow out ul pontinuoo put oozintº IIIN uſ ſoonos (15III and Jo Indiouſld paluſodde stºw loo, I - IV usuoost.W on 5uſunloxi sino'I is ol to portsnd and studuro IV to osmoſ tuousno ontºlopaſ -moo on tº no.itſa potºoºo toº quoquitous tº uo Iſiſſis -sissi IV oth in quo wsuboi.10 AoN uſio.LI put oilſ Asu wo.1:1 1 tº stado.1 on 1 on pollopua. Lins pet sº wº, tºtation) atºul ooloſ on 1 Jo slooſuo and subai.I.O wox on 5uſ Vox udo sºw (IoIILw ‘uousoa Itº) he tourbols tº pitoq to 105 xiaºqasion uo aspoo oul ol Atºw sitſ opeu of I Ainunoo olinson tº Jo tol-toluſ on 1 uſ itſ u01.ſption snoſ.iod tº uſ tutºut ulouniox tº st: ‘Jasuut puno, ou put ino oxioid tº IIAIO on Liow sºul uſ stºw on 91ſtLAA sº tºw up. Jo put uſ poluºi? ppm ontºns aun Houw sput: ino ºuſ Mitºtu 'ontºns out to ºut woxins put uſ of tºua on sexo I, on muow on 00s uſ 'sootios onquºſ Tsosiuso on 1 ºSI uſ troºninsul Lonel on tuouſ ºutlºupean ºil00 usion utv Jo Indiouſ.1d outboaq put 5uinotrol uſ poºrºuo 1s.III of I nº put of oilo, ) iſoto: 1ſt poleonpo sº loo, ‘A liostoniºſ *A.tºultuos Lºopzºoloon., 05 tºolti, ) on 1 Jo put of oilo, ) iſoto: Jo soonsnil Jo sp.tºoq on 1 Jo attopsoid put stopunoſ on 1 Jo out stºw put toox{new IIIw Jo no.into utºitelºqsold isſue on 1 Jo tolsted otuſl tº to slºw of I satio.into Jo Loquinu tº popuno. Due tiſsuoos. A Jo A.11unoo wou on uſ troutºutuottop sitſ Jo Mºtow Withuoissºul on 1 onuſ AIowſ lot ºur w loo, I topio oilſ, ºtols v. qoobſ' unoſ' tuo, J Tuoso.id tº st: Mitox wox tºo iſ luo inºs stºw Hoq sºul, sox tº I atrol: ) on 1 Jo isow (Iſſistow Jo osmon autºsolo.1, I tº uo poloa.to Hot 1s.III ou ºut ºn Jo troll-out 1811) oul powoſuo Iotti w to into utºpianºsol, I tº Jo loſsed out” -oºl touleſ out oilou wººs uſ “slºw. A tº uº.1: ) on Dºurºu Autut'ſ aud, solo.uo Ibuontonpo put snoºnot unoa u \epsin in uontºnio, opºw Jo utºut tº put ºutrutº.toº utºplolºasat, I tº sºw toulºſ sſ II tropluto Aºi utro tour v on 1 Jo Suos on 1 Jo Anotoos tº losotiuſ IV oth Jo toºltuouſ tº sº put u0 into ºxi o II oul uſ ionºſ utºpuſ politiqoloo on 1 ºut stuo I on toº ºld tº Jo Due to woux tº IV on 1 Jo putº woºl untoſ' Jo autºptions on tº st on opts stoulouſ sit to put put:15uº wox Jo Suozi no luou titoºtout v on 1 III stolso out ovu Dºn 's-Lºw Lºttoº -Lutoid odow Moºd stion tº toua: no was to xts to sopus tºod uo A.11sooutº stri +ºst ºf 100 *oto putºvolo Jo Alſo on Jo lotusp ulousto out wou 'pilong uſ utoq stºw ‘uoulºutº.to suſ oouts to Ao Allied upon and or oth Jo toniodºns oAnot utº putº Int, I is Jo uozinto luouſ utoid tº loo, I uttºnuſ AA uositotuſ. -I\v It iſ IIAA Nosriq i\ºf Jºiºſ * * * - ºuolº; Ilo. *Alted Luonnod oud ºut on pouguoo hou out. Woul put thosautuº uſ utºut ºut sº spuolij odoous put: to A.11 buountºu unit; w Autºtu sº stºu ou lºun plus on ATIn Junnu, upo 1 ound "Intº, I ‘ls on out tºo on told tº uoos lounts, suosuoſº ºliv Act popuno. -bu o Allisuos Suosuoſ . IV ºutpuoljo Jo Isla on hy to inuo on 1 Dual tº put: “uountruſtuouan ution in ubinow.tox 352 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. affairs of the city, exerting his influence in behalf of efficient and economical municipal government. A good deal of his time has been given to public interests and to charitable work. As a director of the St. Paul & Duluth Ikailroad and of the Bank of Minnesota, a trustee of his alma mater, Amherst College, and president and treasurer of the Associated Chari- ties of St. Paul, his has been a life of usefulness and great activity. For many years a director of the St. Paul Cham- Mr. Peet was married at Genoa, Wis., to Miss Emma Jane Fel- ber of Commerce, in 1896 he was elected its president. GRIER M. on R. lows, who died in 1866. In 1872 he was married at Roch- ester, N. Y., to Miss Amelia IX. Eastman. There is only one child, a son by his first wife, William Fellows Peet, who is associated with him in business. Mr. Peet is an Episcopalian, a communicant of the Church of St. John the Evangelist in St. Paul, and active and influential in the diocese; was a delegate to the general convention at Baltimore in 1892, and is one of the trustees of St. Mary's Hall at Faribault, Minn. He has a handsome home on Summit avenue, St. Paul, and has always been an active force in the social and business life of his adopted city. RR. GRIER M.-The parents of Judge Grier M. Orr were both born in 1812 in the State of Pennsylvania. Both were descended from Scotch-Irish families who migrated to this country in the very early days, the family of his father coming long before the Revolution, while his mother's ancestors sought the New World soon after the recognition of independence, and both are still living with a daughter in Southern celebrated their Ohio, having golden wedding in 1885. Judge Orr's paternal great-grand- father, Robert Orr, was captain of the Westmoreland Vol- unteers in Western Pennsylvania during the Revolution. His company was captured by the Indians, and it was three years before he was able to return to his family. He was sheriff of his county and associate judge for a number of years. At the attack on Hannahstown, when all the in- habitants were taking refuge in the blockhouse, Judge Orr's grandfather, then an infant, was overlooked and left in his cradle. As soon as he was missed, his mother rushed forth amid the flying bullets, clasped her baby in her arms, and returned in safety to the blockhouse. Their ammunition running low, pewter plates were brought forth and melted This furnishes a solid foundation for Judge Orr's membership in into bullets with which to drive back the Indians. the Minnesota Society of the Sons of the American Revolu- tion. The subject of this sketch, who derives his Christian name from a paternal kinswoman, a sister of Associate Justice Robert C. Grier of the United States Supreme Court, was born May 14, 1856, at Pike Furnace, Clarion county, Pennsylvania, where his father was engaged in the iron business, but at the age of twelve removed with his parents to Northern Wisconsin, where the same pursuit was fol- lowed. During his early years his father was well-to-do, and gave him as good educational advantages as the new country afforded. At seventeen years of age he entered Heidelberg College at Tiffin, Ohio, from which he after- The financial disaster of 1873 left his father poor, and from that time forward young Orr was ward graduated. obliged to depend on himself. He worked in a saw mill for three seasons, taught school, read law, and, finally, ten years after entering college, graduated from the Cincinnati Law School and entered upon the practice of his profession at Lima, Ohio, under the firm name of Richie, Richie & Orr. The senior member of the firm is now (1896) judge of the court of common pleas of his district. The other Richie is (1896) of the Pythias of the World, and Judge Orr occupies the municipal supreme chancellor Knights of bench of St. Paul. In 1884 this Ohio firm was dissolved, and Judge Orr came to St. Paul, where, with W. J. Romans, he formed a partnership, which lasted eight years. Judge Orr was married to Mrs. Etta S. White of Roch- ester, Minn., Aug. 12, 1896. He is a Mason, an Odd Fellow, A HISTORY OF THE 353 REPUBLICAN PARTY. a Knight of Pythias, an Elk, and an Imperial Knight, be- sides being an active member of the St. Paul Commercial Club. and Seal of the Grand Lodge Knights of Pythias of Min- For eight years he was Grand Keeper of Records nesota. He has always been an active Republican. In his earlier days, back in Ohio, many were the political tilts he had with his Democratic partners at Lima. In 1892 he was nominated for the legislature from the Third ward of St. Paul, and, in that Democratic stronghold, was defeated by only 36 votes. In the spring of 1894 the Republicans placed him in nomination for judge of the municipal court, and this time he was elected by a safe plurality over his Democratic opponent. Judge Orr is a man of broad gauge, generous impulses, and with a memory for names and faces that not only gives him great popularity among his friends and ac- quaintances, but greatly helps him in dealing with offend- ers who are brought before his court * * * ENNISON, SAMUEL PEARCE.-Among the earliest settlers of the Massachusetts Bay Colony were Rob- ert Jennison and Edward Lamb, who came there in 16:37, and were among the early proprietors of the village of Watertown. From these two neu Gen. S. P. Jennison, now a resident of Red Wing. Minn., is a lineal descendant. He was born at Southbridge, Mass., May 9, 1830, and was II is father was a gunsmith by trade, and also owned a small the son of James Jennison and Mary Lamb Jennison. farm on which he raised his family. The subject of this sketch received his early education in the district school at At the age of eighteen he was prepared to enter Harvard College, Southbridge, and later at the Monson Academy. where he remained until the end of his sophomore year. It was during these two years in Harvard College that a little incident–trifling in itself though it may seem-oc- curred that changed the whole course of his after life. He This opera awakened in him a passion for music undreamed of attended a performance of Mozart's “Don Giovanni.” before, and which led to his leaving college, at the end of his sophomore year, with intent to become a professional singer. This purpose was not accomplished, but it suc- ceeded in making him one of the most ardent lovers, and a most capable judge, of good music. His means of edu- cation, above the district school, were obtained mostly by teaching in the winters and by working on the farm in the sumner months. In the winter of 1845-46 we find him teaching school in the town of Union, Conn., at thirteen dollars per month of twenty-six days each, and enjoying the luxury of building the school fires and boarding round. At the close of his college career, and after losing confi- dence in the future of a musical career, he became principal of the high school in Concord, N. H., for two years, and of Hopkinton Academy for one year, and then taught private pupils in Concord while reading law in the office of Judge Asa Fowler and Judge H. A. Bellows. He was admitted to the bar in January, 1857, after examination by the su- preme court of New Hampshire, and later started for Min- nesota, hoping to find a more lucrative field in which to practice his profession. He reached St. Paul the following SAMUEL P. JENNISON. March, with no capital (beyond a few dollars) save willing hands and a mind stored with knowledge and a determina- tion to persevere and make for himself a mark in the world. The year 1857 in Minnesota might be likened very much to the year 1896, in that times were anything but prosper- ous. This made our young attorney look to some other occupation than the law for gaining a livelihood, and he took charge of the St. Paul College, and later he went into a common occupation in those days, namely, laying out a town site. In the fall of 1857 he formed a partnership with the Hon. David Cooper, an ex-judge of the territorial court. 354 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. This lasted through the dull and trying times to the end of 1859, during which time he took a part in the political campaigns of 1857-59, and the campaign against the “Five Million I)ollar Loan Amendment” in 1858. The ability he displayed in these campaigns brought him to the notice of the Hon. Alexander Ramsey, elected governor in 1859, who, On taking the Office the following January, appointed Mr. Jennison his private Secretary and state librarian. These Offices he resigned on the issuance of President Lincoln's Second Call for three-year troops, and he was mustered into the Imilitary service Of the United States as Second lieutenant, Company D, Second Regiment Minnesota. In- fantry, on July 5, 1861, at Fort Ridgley. Here he had charge of the quartermaster's and commissary stores until the regiment Was moved to ISKentucky in November of that Jan. 18, 1862, he was promoted to first lieutenant and adjutant of the regiment. this promotion a rebel attack Opened the battle of Mill Springs, Which gave the young lieutenant his introduction year. The morning after receiving to his new position. He continued during the following Campaigns under Gen. George H. Thomas until he was lmustered out for promotion by order of the War depart- ment on the 24th of August, 1862. On reaching St. Paul he was appointed by Governor Ramsey lieutenant Colonel of the Tenth Minnesota Infantry, in which rank he was mustered in Sept. 10, 1862, and mustered out Aug. 19, 1865, having been breveted colonel after the battle of Nashville and brigadier general at the close of the War, The admirable drill and tactical discipline of the regi- ment, acquired under most unfavorable circumstances, were (lue Wholly to General Jennison. The regiment was under his Command during all its engagements against the In- (lians in 1863 and against the Confederates in 1864-65, the Colonel being on detached service from November, 1863, until the day he was mustered out. On the second day of the battle of Nashville General Jennison's horse was shot from under him, and in the final charge which followed, during the melee at the enemy's works, he received a severe gunshot Wound in the head—a “carom” over the right ear, for Which, as its effects restricted his regular vocations, he Was given a pension. On returning to civil life General Jennison became as- sistant editor of the St. Paul Press, but, on the advice of Surgeons, he gave up the place as too exacting, and in Jan- ulary, 1866, took the management Of the interests of Cer- tain OWners of the Holmden oil farm, at Pithole, Pa. Be- fore the end of the year he was back in St. Paul, however, and continued to reside here until his removal to Red Wing in April, 1870, he having bought a half-interest in the Good- In 1879 he bought out his partner, and in 1880 united the Republicam with the Red Wing Advance. In 1884 he consolidated with the Red Wing Sun, the papers all becoming incorporated in the Red hue County Republican the fall before. Wing Printing Company. He has been in the newspaper business continuously since 1870, barring the years from 1881 to 1886, when his official engagements prevented it. Politically General Jennison has always been an ardent Republican. Even before coming to Minnesota, he took part in the campaign of 1856, in Manchester, both as an orator on the stump and as political editor of the Man- chester (N. H.) Daily American. He has been a potent factor in all the campaigns in Minnesota since the close of the war, and has been a leading figure in almost every State convention during these years. Although never ambitious in the direction of holding a public office, Circumstances have led to his holding various positions of honor and trust in Minnesota. He was private secretary to Governor Ralm- sey from January, 1860, to June, 1861; private secretary to Governor Marshall from 1867 to 1869; Secretary Of State from 1872 to 1875; private secretary to Governor Hubbard from 1882 to 1886; Chief clerk of the House of Representa- tives three sessions; secretary of the Senate two sessions; secretary of the impeachment court one term; and Repub- lican presidential elector in 1892. General Jennison was a member of the I/Oyal I_egion of the Illinois commandery, and helped to form the Minne- sota commandery in 1885. He is a member of the St. Paul Musical Society, of which he was director in 1868 and 1869, and has always been a promoter of musical associations, bOth State and local. Aug. 2, 1858, he was married at Concord, N. H., to Miss Lucia A. Wood, who is also a lineal descendant of the early seventeenth century settlers of New England. He has three sons living—James, Who is chief book-keeper Of the Paul, a Solo ViOlon Cellist all d teacher of COllsiderable note, and AllOther Pillsbury-Washburn Mill Company of Minneapolis; Samuel Wellington, a solo violinist and teacher. son, Theodore, died Aug. 3, 1887. * * * AVIS, CUSHMAN IN.—Succeeding Governor Mar- shall in the gubernatorial Office was Cushman Kel- logg Davis, the sixth governor of the state. He is the son of Hon. Horatio N. and Clarissa F. (Cushman) Davis. formerly of Waukesha, Wis., whither they emigrated from Henderson, Jefferson county, New York, in August, 1838, Where the subject of this biographical sketch was born, on the 16th of June of that same year, being but two months Old at the time Of his parents’ removal. His ancestors on both sides Of the house are of English extraction, and were among the early settlers of New England, and his grand- father was one of the pioneers of Henderson, N. Y. The father of C. K. Davis was a man of considerable note in Wisconsin, although attending to his business as a farmer the first fifteen years of his residence in the state. He A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 355 Served as a captain in the commissary department during the War of the Rebellion, and was breveted major by Pres- ident Johnson. Returning to Wisconsin when the War was Over, he held several municipal and county offices and was a member of the State Senate. Cushman obtained his rudimental education in the neighborhood schools, where he Was noted as a bright scholar. He was sent afterwards to Carroll College, at Waukesha, and finished his studies at the Michigan University, at Ann Arbor. He then read law. With Governor Randall, and in 1859 was admitted to the bar. He practiced law in Waukesha until the second year of the war, when he enlisted in the Twenty-eighth Wisconsin Infantry, and was commissioned lieutenant of Company B. His regiment was with the Army of the Ten- nessee, and went through some Severe service. Ilieutenant Davis' health suffered severely from army life, and, to relieve him, he was frequently detailed to per- form other and less exhausting duties. He acted fre- quently as judge advocate, for which his legal education He was also adjutant general under Finally, after two years' serv- eminently fitted him). General Gorman for a time. ice in the field, lie Was SO completely broken down that he had to withdraw from the army and return home, which he did very reluctantly. Having formed a pleasant acquaint- ance With General GOrlman While in the field, SOOn after his return to civil life he relmoved to St. Paul, and became the partner of that gentleman in the practice of law, the firm name being Gorman & Davis. He was subsequently asso- ciated with C. D. O'Brien and H. A. Wilson, under the firm name of Davis, O’Brien & Wilson. Having now come to be looked upon as one of the most learned and brilliant la Wyers of the state, he soon gained a large and rapidly increasing business, and commanded fees commensurate With his reputation. His knowledge of law authorities was extensive, and always at his command, and led to his being frequently consulted about important and difficult Cases. He was also a clear and convincing advocate before a jury, and achieved more than an Ordinary share of success. His well-known legal ability, together with his urbanity and social tact, brought him into such prominence that it Was not to be Wondered at that he was called upon to serve the State in the Capacity of a legislator, and in 1867 he was elected a member of its House of Representatives. His Services here fulfilled the expectations of his friends, and gave very general satisfaction. In the three Or four com- mittees of which he was a member he took a leading part, and On the floor Of the House he invariably Commanded respectful attention, if he did not always carry the meas- ures he supported. He was a powerful debater, and his mind was quick to perceive and make use Of Whatever Cir- Gumstances Or arguments could best be used to promote the object he desired to attain. He was United States district attorney from 1868 until 1873, during which time the popular mind throughout the Northwest was occupied with the discussion of the rights and powers of railroad corporations, as affecting public in- terests. Mr. TXavis took the side of the people, and having prepared a lecture entitled “Modern Feudalism,” read it at various localities within the state, thereby winning the regard of those who supported what was known as the “granger legislation,” and placing himself at or near the top in the group of politicians who were in line for high positions in the future. In 1873 Mr. Davis was nominated for governor by the Republican convention, and was elected by a plurality over two other candidates of about 4,500, beating the Democratic Candidate by about 5,500. His term lasted till January, 1876, when, having positively refused to permit his name to be placed before the Convention for renomination, he was Suc- ceeded by John S. Pillsbury. Davis's administration was in every way a creditable one, and he could have secured a second nomination and election; yet that he was criticised unfavorably cannot be disputed. He did not altogether please that element of the anti-monopolists whose policy was to crush the railroad corporations. The radical tem- perance men also opposed his renomination, yet it Was ad- mitted by his opponents that he managed the affairs of the state with wisdom, and did all in the power of its clief magistrate to advance its material interests. On the expiration of his gubernatorial term, Mr. Davis resumed the practice of law, in company With Messrs. Rel- logg and Severance, his own name being the leading One ill the style of the firm. In 1887 he was elected by the legis- lature to the United States Senate in place of S. J. R. MC- Millan, whose second term expired at that time. He was reëlected in 1893, and his second term will continue until 1899. Senator Davis has been twice married, but has no Children. He resides with his Own family and his father and mother in this City. Senator Davis has long ranked as one of the foremost Orators in the West on topics requiring ripe Scholarship and an intimate knowledge of public affairs, both state and national. He is (listinguished in the Senate for his devo- tion to his duties, his careful study of public questions, and his ability as a debater. As chairman for many years of the pension committee, he was able to render great as- sistance to hundreds Of WOrthy ex-Soldiers. He is an ac- knowledged authority on all international questions. In his private life his tastes lead him to devote much of his leisure to the fields of literature and scholarship. ºn ºn ºn CKUSICK, LEVI HASLAM.–New England, and especially the State of Maine, has contributed many Substantial residents to Minnesota. The subject of this sketch was born at Baring, Me., March 31, 1854. His father Was a lumberman, a farmer, and an influential 356 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. political figure in his part of the state. He served a term in the legislature, and was active in educational matters. Levi's mother was born at Deer Island, and was the daughter of a sea captain. Mr. McIs usick's the village school in Baring, which, though only a town of She was a highly educated wºolll:111. arly education was received at about 600 inhabitants, had a high-grade school. At the age of sixteen he began teaching school to earn money with which to pursue a higher education, and like thousands of other young men in the Eastern and Middle States, he LEV. H. MCKUSICK. taught school in the winters and went to school in the spring and fall of each year. When not teaching or going to the academy at Upper Mills, New Brunswick, he was engaged in reading law in his brother's office at Calais, Me. This he followed for three years, teaching school in the winters, going to the academy for a few months in the Later he attended the Eastern State Normal School at Castine, Me., ame to Pine City, Minn. Jan. 1, 187S, and taught school for the following four months, during spring, and reading law in the summer and fall. for one year. He which time he made hosts of friends among the residents of Pine City, and also throughout the county, who, as we shall see later, did not forget the popular young school teacher who taught the village school in the primitive county seat of 1878. After completing his four months' term of school he went to Stillwater in 187s and was ad- mitted to the bar, after which he came back to Pine City and opened a law office, continuing in the practice of law In the fall of 1878, when less than eleven months in the county, he was elected county attorney and was reëlected to the same office in 1880. Two years later ever since. he was sent to the lower house of the state legislature, and at the close of that legislative session, in March, 1883, he was appointed county attorney to fill the place made va- cant by the resignation of the regularly elected official. He served as county attorney until Jan. 1, 1885, when he took his seat in the legislature, to which he was reëlected in the fall of 1SS4. county attorney and served until January, 1889. In the fall of 1886 he was again elected Mr. McKusick has the distinction of doing what, proto- In the fall of 1SSS he received the regular Republican nomination for ably, no other man ever did in Minnesota. representative in the legislature, and he was put on the Democratic county ticket for county attorney. He was elected to both offices, and held them for the following two years. In the fall of 1890 he received the Republican nomi- nation for State Senator, but was defeated by 111 votes. In 1894 he was once more elected county attorney by fusion of Democrats and Farmers' Alliance, and at this writing (in 1896), he has already received the Republican nomination and the Democratic indorsement for the same office. With the office of Naturally enough has held the since the fall of 1878. his official position has made the subject of criminal law exception of four years he county attorney more of a study than any other branch. Two of the most notable cases he had to deal with as county attorney are what have passed down in the criminal history of Minner sota as the celebrated Brooker and Scott murder cases, both of which Mr. McKusick prosecuted in his official capacity as attorney of Pine county. The former was executed and the latter is serving a life term in the penitentiary. Indeed, so well is Mr. McKusick's legal ability recognized in Pine county and that part of Minnesota, that no action of promi- nence is brought in which he is not an attorney in the case. During the four years that he was not county attorney, he was attorney for the defendants in two murder cases in Pine and Kanabec counties, and succeeded in getting both his clients acquitted. He has always been an ardent Republican, and has for years been recognized as a leader in the ranks of the Re- publican party in this state. From the very start he took prominence in the state legislature, and in each succeeding session was identified with a number of the most impor- tant committees in the lower branch thereof. He is an A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLI ('A N PARTY. 357 eloquent, forcible speaker, and few in the state legislature have made a more enviable record than he. He was a mem- ber of the judiciary committee all through his legislative career, and was also a member of the tax committee, rail- road committee, and the committee on public lands. He was chairman of the temperance committee in the session of 1885, and was a strong advocate of the high license bill that became a law in 1887. In the legislative session of 1889 he drafted and introduced the bill for the taxation of railroad lands, which was afterwards reintroduced by others in 1891 and 1893, and which finally became a law by legislative enactment in 1895. He was one of the ac- knowledged leaders on the floor of the House in advocacy of the present railroad and warehouse bill in the session of 1885. had for a number of years a dam on the Snake river at Pine City in which they held the water until the hot months of The combination of lumbermen on the St. Croix river July and August each year, when it would be released and the flowage would be used to augment the current of the St. Croix river to float logs down to Stillwater. This resulted in generating a good deal of typhoid fever in the little town of Pine City. He introduced and had a bill passed in the session of 1885, giving Pine City control over this dam, and if Mr. McKusick were asked to-day what was the hardest political fight of his life, he would probably refer to this one, as he had to fight a combination which included nearly all the lumber interests of Minnesota and a part of Wisconsin. About the only benefit that Pine county has ever received from the state in the way of bridges, etc., was obtained for it by Mr. McKusick while he was a member of the legislature. In fact, he did more for that district than all the other representatives put to- gether. Mr. McKusick is married and has a family of five chil- dren, three boys and two girls. The two oldest boys are attending school at the Pillsbury Academy in Owatonna. He has a comfortable home in Pine City, and is devoted to his wife and family. * * * ENDRYX, CHARLES F.—Charles F. Hendryx was born in Cooperstown, N.Y., April 22, 1847. He was the only son of James I. Hendryx, who for twenty-five years was editor of the Otsego Republican of Cooperstown. Prior to his residence in Otsego the elder Hendryx estab- lished the Jefferson Democrat in a town of that name now known as Watkins, near the celebrated Watkins Glen. Dur- ing the early years of his life he was a Democrat, but left that party and became a champion of the Republican princi- ples upon the organization of the Republican party. In 1873 he sold out his interests in Cooperstown and came to Minne- apolis, where, together with Charles F., the subject of this sketch, he invested in the Minneapolis Tribune. This ven- ture proved to be a financial failure, and resulted in the removal of both father and son to Sauk Center in 1879, where the elder Hendryx lived until his death in 1883. Thus it will be seen that Charles Hendryx was a news- paper man by training, if not by natural inclination, though it is a well known fact among his friends that if he had not been a successful newspaper man, he would have been a successful lawyer, for which he has all the natural quali- fications. His first school days were spent in a little pri- CHARLES F. H. End RYX. vate school taught by his aunt at her home, a school that would compare with the present day kindergartens. Later on he went to the public schools in Cooperstown, and when fifteen was sent to the Deer Hill Institute at Danbury, Conn., an Episcopal school for boys, in which he remained several years. Here he took a prize (a gold pin, which he still possesses). After that he attended the Cooperstown Seminary for one year, and then went to Hobart College at Geneva, N. Y., where he remained three years. It was at Hobart College that he first came under the influence of Dr. D. W. Wilson, a man of remarkable personality and 358 A HISTORY OF THE REPUB LICAN PARTY. deep thought. He was a power in the College, and exerted a great influence over the the students. DI’. Wilson was an acknowledged authority on metaphysical subjects, and upon the opening of Cornell University in 1868 he was called to the chair of metaphysics of that institution. At the same time Mr. Hendryx changed from Hobart College to Cornell, from which he graduated in 1869, with the first class graduated from Cornell University. Among his classmates of that year were ex-Governor, now Senator, J. B. Foraker of Ohio, Rev. Dr. Rhodes, now pas- tor of St. John's Church of St. Paul, and Judge Buckwalter Of Cincinnati. Mr. Hendryx came to Minnesota in 1874, and took the position of night editor on the Minneapolis Tribune, and later on became city editor of the same paper, a position he held until his removal to Sauk Center in 1879, where he bought the Sauk Center Herald, which lie has owned and edited ever since. Though always an ardent Republican, and active and influential in the Councils of the party in minds of Minnesota, Mr. Hendryx held but one public office in his life, that being postmaster of Sauk Center during President Arthur's administration. For several years past it has been his custom to take the stump throughout his congressional district. He is an eloquent and forcible Speaker, having a good Voice and a fine Command Of lan- guage. He has also devoted some time to lecturing Oll educational, literary, and religious subjects. He was delegate at large to the late Republican convention held at St. Louis in June, being the only country newspaper man Who Was honored with that position. In his editorial capacity he has ever been an ardent advocate of the payment of the repudi- ated state bonds, believing that the honor and credit of the State demanded the payl)ment. He was married, Sept. 6, 1876, at St. Mark’s Church in Minneapolis, to Miss Fanny Galt Taylor, daughter of the late Col. William Henry Harrison Taylor, who for sixteen years was state librarian. They have three children. Mrs. Hendryx is a Wolman of Charming personality, and has at- tained an enviable prominence as a writer. She is a grand- daughter of ex-President William Henry Harrison, and a first cousin of ex-President Benjamin Harrison. Both Mr. and Mrs. Hendryx are leaders in Episcopal Church Circles. Ilot Olmly in Sauk Center but throughout the northern part Of the State. * * * ERRIAM, WILLIAM R.—William R. Merriam, gov- ernor of Minnesota from 1889 to 1893, was born at Wadham's Mills, Essex county, New York, in 1849, where his father, Col. John L. Merriam, was at that time a prosperous merchant. The family is of English ancestry, and traces back to the first settlement of Con- Cord, N. H. Colonel Merriam moved to Minnesota in 1861, and engaged in the stage and Other transportation busi- ness, and William was sent to School at an academy in Racine, Wis., at the age of fifteen. In the academy and in college he stood high in scholarship, and on his graduation in 1871 he was chosen to deliver the valedictory oration. He went into active business life immediately after leav- ing school, entering the First National Bank of St. Paul as a clerk. He at Once showed a marked aptitude for busi- ness affairs, and when he was only twenty-four he was made Cashier Of the Merchants National Bank of St. Paul. With this strong institution he has ever since been con- nected. He became its vice president in 1880 and its presi- dent in 1882. As a financier he has won more than a state reputation. Articles on banking, Currency, and other money questions, contributed by him to Eastern magazines, have gained for him wide recognition as an authority on sound principles of finance. Inheriting from his father a talent for active political work, he was early engaged in the political contests of his ward and city. In 1882 and in 1883 he was eleeted to the lower house of the state legislature, and in 1886 he was again elected and was chosen speaker of the House, a posi- tion twice held by his father. He made an excellent presid- ing officer, pushing the business of the House along with energy and tact. His popularity With the members, his capacity for leadership, and his prompt, Systematic meth- Ods of dispatching public business, made him widely known throughout the state as One of the most conspicuous of the young Republican leaders, and when he entered the race for the gubernatorial nomination in 1888 he had a Strong following. He Won the nomination in a close con- test Over two popular opponents, Governor McGill and Col. Albert Scheffer. His Democratic opponent in the canvass Was Eugene M. Wilson of Minneapolis, a very able lawyer and a politician of great personal popularity. Governor Merriam was elected by a majority over Wilson of 24,104. His renomination followed in 1890 without much opposi- tion. He received in the convention, on the first ballot, 350 Votes against 108, divided between the two opposing candi- (lates. The Democrats ran against him another Wilson, also a Strong party leader, Judge Thomas Wilson of Wi- nona, who had served a term in Congress from a strong Republican district. The Farmers’ Alliance movement was no W at the height of its power, and its candidate was S. M. OWen of Minneapolis. This movement drew votes from both the old parties, but the Republicans suffered most. The election was a close one for Minnesota, Merriam re- ceiving 88,111 votes, Wilson, 85,844, and Owen 58,513, Mer- riam's majority over his leading competitor being Only 2,267. Governor Merriam's career in the state capitol was marked by political Sagacity, knowledge of men, and close and intelligent application to the duties of his office. Dur- 'All, 3IV, I NWOIT&II) d [I2] {{HJ, JO AQIOJISI H V 698 3UOIt stocł931 oun on solidſ(Ins Jo Shuould ſuis Iog 1 no 3up/ool III It?9A tº KLItou IOJ pošt:3tia SpAA puts ‘oop.A.Ios Jo.109s aun O] potſog1113 Sp. It A.101ſt; St AA of ‘uſt?](Itzo 19A9.1d put huguan -nøII tº StºAA ou outſ] netſ, JW ‘oaux syū III ſoluſ Iſis tº qJoſ [[OIIIAA ‘Hous tº KQ p.IOJIS, KIIoxI 113 popuno AA st:AW out ot;UTO1O.I où.) Jo KUI.IV oun O1 sation g(Isſp 5uſ K.I.I.E.) aſſu AA 'uom:3uſust, AA III stonitºnbption s. 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[IN ‘JIO,119(I UII IOAAAt:I 5ul II) tºol oUI] uſ It?0A tº put: “M.IOX AoN UI ‘III UI.IOpUIſ). O D.It?(IO!?I JO O.OHIO AAt;I OUI.] Uſ It?0A tº Juo(IS SI).It A\,Lo1.Jú DUI tº ‘O.I.O.U.I]][tººſ UI ‘SUIt?AGI ‘JIN “..[O]([009.ICI Loui.IOJ SI II JO 99p, JO 9TH] O.) DOULI11)0.I UOIL) OH 'S.It?0A Lll OJ IOJ ptºo.I 0UL 0.19UIAA “outgr[ A.190UIt?UIO uſ oogo AAt;I S.0Loun ou" po.10) -UIo ouſ 93.0LIOO K.) IUII.I.I., (Iſ ItioA tº .19).JU purt; ‘ĀOQ 9UI) JO (IO!? -lºonpo Oul JO 93.It! (I) ox|t:1 O] poiſsop (IOpuor I (II opun u V '000'OIS; ULUTI] O.I.O.UU. O.I.O.U.I]]|Ilºſ JO 40XI.It tu o Atºls ouſ, uſ (I).IOAA A}.10(IO,t(I pool.J.I.OUS AII.It?]unſOA OUIS UIOUI) 5u]]]|UIntſ but UII ‘soºt.I IOO(I OUL) (IO(In oš.[buſ) tº outloood IoMoU pinous ÁoUL) ºbtſ.) Spu OQ OAJ3 01 AA*I tº III].3.IIA ou.). ÁQ DO.IIIlbo, St AA put: ‘IOCIUInUI UIſ Uſool YIS ‘So At;IS out) poo.IJ KIIl-3ol. “Su OS OAA) oUI) JO |UIOSUIO.) OU1 UIQIAA ‘IOUL) OTUI OU1 UI.] Bop SIU Iolj V ‘ool}{(I oUI) XI.IOAA O] LOGIt?I 09.IJ 103 01 UII UA UI Do!.I] .Louilt; J out) puſt? ‘), UI.) [AA quo AA so Abi S out) |U|3th O(I StºA UIO]]b) UIUICI BIUI]:3.1[A OUL). Urotſ A lild “A.I.O.At;IS JO (IOI) in 111suſ ot(1 OJ &I(Iſouſ.Id (IO poso (ICIO Uſooq puu Shuolu (I UL).0%I 'Allo 1 UUI) Ol DoAOULlo.I loul OUI QUI.] puts ‘olouſ! [ug Jo JoAAA tº A.100ubt[O SnOU BJ tº ‘SubAGI JI ‘JI Jo oogo oun up AAUI Apnºs Ol ost; KII tºo ult; 113 bootlouTUIOO UO's out) pub ‘5unOA pop 10 (I) by OUAI, ‘āūſu AAO, Il) Áq ūlbop UIO.IJ oduoso AAO.I.Iuu u put Áoq out, publju (I uſ oil UAA S.I.93UIOSSU(I A.I.Ibo on ophuſbú'V out] SSO.Iou sq.I] .It?Inā0,I opt: U 1 UTI) IOSSoA utions 1s.IU out su.A UIQUAA ‘u,101so AA 1130.1+) (ITUSUI tºols ouſ! UO put:13tigſ on UIII XIOoh Louhou I SIU plo S.I tºo." ooth StºA out trou AA uſiqnCI ‘o:3aſſoſ) Ánſuſ.IJ, 113 Ibo K tº troAJ3 St. A put; ‘o.I.O.U.I.TItzºſ III stoouſos and Ag.I(I UII poleonpo St. A ‘pUIOUIU[OIXI ‘ĀOq ou.J., 'tºngtutºſopuſ) Jo aſymbol att) at poſip StºAA UIOUIAA Jo ouo ‘suos OAA1 put ‘piſtſ) tº (1911A pagp OUIAA Iolt(3mtºp tº ‘uo.ſpII (IO 9a.IUIn 2.19A olotſ,I, ‘UOTITUTIt?H ‘JI out; ſ’ Sº AS 301 buſ Utopſºul S.LöU3OUT SIU purg “a.IOOIN Itaú St:0-1UInOIN SIQUIt?..[H StºAA autºu S, tauntej SyFI gºttp:5.I.I.A on poltz.13TUUIa Kou() of g[..I.It?UUI ſpot (1 Johjg AIantºppau IU[I] put ‘oſſIOoſſ USIL3UIGI a..I.9AA Shua. It?(I SpH ‘UIOI) ºut? ICI tº pou AAO 1901&J SIU Al I.) [[QIUIAA O] Ibou ‘ggSI ‘Sz, III(IV “BA ‘puouTUIoſ I ‘IIIH (IOInt(ſ) tº UI.IOC SpA o.IOOIN ‘..[IAI tſunop UIſ 3J II SIUI JO K.IO1S OUI1 01.J.IAA DUIb “Spua I.IJ KUIt?UUI Jo 1sonball out 1utº.13 O] outſ] pug Kep outlos Átºut 19AAAbſ Ásnq auſ) 1b (In oſqissO(I SI 11 linq ‘olouſ SSB (IUIOO Joſ.10 Å.to A uſ UIoAI3 aq ĀIUIO Ugo OAI]t’.I.It?UI auſ I, ‘UIOI.10ſ (IBUI). Io:3UIt?.I]s sy UInn.In 1811) 198J oth IOJ 10UI ºp O.I.OAA ‘00UIt? IUIO.I tº IOJ UIox{t}] oq IIoAA 1U 3 ſ (LI 11 JO 9 Aſhtº.I.Itºu IIn J tº pub ‘so.Inluo A -pg Jo Mood g IOJ autoul poo:3 tº ox{tºtu pinOAA O.I.OOIN "H 31 JO Loo.Itº) KLIto out,L-H (INOTWIIQIYI ‘GI?IOO tº tº ſº. ‘Ulotzo.I SIU Uiſ (I) IAS 90. ] (in Op OUI IIIAA &otſ) ‘S.IOUIOUI [boy] [IO(I lotſ).Inj so.Iſsop ou JI “aggſ of Iqtid IOJ Salst:1 sitſ KJ11tz.13 Ol D.IOJJB (Itº) puts ‘oun].IOJ 23.It I tº Jo passossO(I SI of I Uſoſ) tºur oùl Uſ DUIt? tº OSOUIUIIIV uſ Stoptrol (IBOHCIn(IoM out) JO [tº ſhuton [Jug SOUT OUT JO ou O SI put: ‘oj II JO outſ.I(I OUIn UI, SI (UIt? [..I.[9]\ IOUL.IOAO:) “YIOO1s OUIII 5uſsitz.I IOJ put: 31ſt II,It'ſ IOJ on stºl syſt so?Inpuſ Ionia AO3 OUI, olotA ‘ox{t}[ ] so.I.O.I UIO out IOU. 19 UUIUIns 5uſ (ULIt: (1) tº o Atul SU(It?I.I.I.9 IN OUIJ, ‘O.I.OUI) potiſt!).[9]uo Ulooq àAbū ‘S.I to A UIo9]]]] 1st}([ 9(I) 5uſ.Illl) [lit: J }S polisſ A OUIAA ‘pLIOAA 3 (I] JO Sj.It (I IIb (UIO.IJ ‘ssott Isn(I DUI tº 'o.Ital tº.10] II ‘).It: ‘s.) I., IIO(I uſ ootiouſ Utto JO UIOUI JO 10Guinu 35. It? I tº puſt? ‘sult: I.I.IOIN OUI). ACI postlödſ -SIL) st;A All It?] [(ISOUI It?ID.I.O.) ULOn (UI ‘96SI UIſ 3.1 g Koi po.W.O.Lls -op St. A UIOI (IAA ‘ott IOU STUI) III 'spun O.15 oxiII-XLIB (I to Apsûol -xo KGI popull O.I.Ills ‘UIOISUIU (UI off.It? I tº—‘Int, I '1's UII Soutout 189 -tuospubtſ ouſ) Jo otro IIIII tubſ.I.IoIV uo IInd of] 'Moodu BH ‘S ‘AA 'uo;) “.Iopul:UIUIOO SCI.I.O.) 11:0.15 OUIn JO 900ſ (I tº ‘x{300 -u tº EI SSI IN Ol DoI.I.Il?UUI St: A UIt?I.I.IOIN IOULIO.AOF) z1ST UI ‘UIOI) (Io.A (IOO Ibu Oſhtu OUIn Ol t?)0soutLIIN uto.II off.It I 113 Soht:30|op In OJ alſ] JO otLO (IOſluoA -uoo ontºns utopſ (Indo-I ough KCI (IOSOTIO SbA OUI ‘06SI ‘ū).It IV UII ‘siſtant, ssau Isnq Iouno put 5uiſ XIIIb (I SIU On sojš.[outo SITI o]o Aop on ‘ĀIbuI:3 oppl GlúALI(I poulliso, but ‘UOslo N olnu XI Áq II buo S.IOUI.19.A03 ou.} UII pol)0000ns StºAA ouſ ‘868T ‘Alī; -nutſ u I lou utºut ox{{I-SSouſsnd Oſ)SI.Iolou.IbuI.) tº UIſ S.II tº JJB pub suomson D ontºns II.) [AA II Bop 9.In 11:Isſºol ou) Oj Soślºsso UI SIII ..Ioj spuolij syſt KQ poloodsiastin Aljot (IU.) tº potioIOAop ou lll:1 'u.Iojnt;I(I out) uo XIIth osuo's-UOUUIUU10) ‘IboI) “91(II).IOJ ‘luatu.) Itoſ.ſoju,10 on suoysuolo,Id Kut, opt; (U. o.10Jø(I LoAouſ D BUI of] 'suolsuooo olignd uo Sosso.ippu 9Mtºtu Ol 'olt; S.LOUI.IoA03 It st; ‘uodu poll to AIluombo.[J st;A ou S.I tºo." In OJ OSoul ºu! ºu won out on asolo attion tuitºſ Injnufmap tº a.abu Koul, row[own so:funov on put xIs-Whuºwn isopo oth suſ: Inoj put sºoq 0\\1 ATI tutº out uſ uoup III.) XIs air orouſ I, ºuqun oul powes put soat's oil poo.II hºun Alted oul on Inſult: I tionſ ºuts to Ao 5uſ Atºn put ººst III nuous. I to uttoſ to olo A is uſ sitſ 1stºo 5uſ Abū ‘utionquioxi Itºu Isºto put isou.tºo up sº on and ‘utionſ Lod tº poſitio on hottu tºo on Lootios tº sº adooxa oouſo onqueſ plot to Aoti set aloo IV . IV rootnotºid I tºol "oolSu-Il on tPoſitionne asolo IIowſ: set out oian A putº papſsot ºuts set on atou A “tiuſ IV ºnto ox{tº Jo II won atmosputºu out uſ outou luaupulod tº punoj put tº losoutſi IV on poulinho. LSST III inq I-InossIIA uſ ottiſh outos to pox II of I rosnoulio AA O. A tº IV ss IV poſitºtu 'stºsuº XI uſ spie watonſ tº AIlious put: 'Allo Stºsutºyſ on 1U ow on SºSI u "Intº, I 1s ul IIostulu Douslſºlº —so aloo IV uttºnde, ) ºs I uſ tº losoutu IV uſ outou wou tº 5ul -Moos ostrº stºw on wºollstºo v Attio I ºld tºo tul w Autºdutoo uſ oppuſ sºw "Intº, I ns on lºodutºols Aq ‘Iddississiº our (In dºll situ si H 'uoissojoul sºn ºnotºid put iso-M out uſ oil los on pouttutonop AIbuII put publiuq ol (III) tº optºut ºntºut ºxioſuo Jo plotſ out to pound trooq pºu Ioſtſ w touloid stu Jo Apoq au polio Aooo... solels politiºn out on pou Innot on tibilituſ x tº IV Jo IIeſu wou on 1 tolſ v IIos II tºol. Lou V, ITIOIJ toiadua upºnstav out put ºut tº Moutou I ou o Mup (Iou put: out.noop ootuoſº out puejop on politiew on inq ºut-oixoſ V ºut -u in Jo uonuolu ou put on Zottº Ivº Itºiotto: ) topun 'oond -tzov ſo luountedo I ou u poulos put shoulet upol Koſy Jo Autºduod tº poputºutuoo put positio AIltituotti oil rosul -lanuo ºutnut out uſ wuo Fuſon poluovo.Itſ stºw otoo.IV put ºutputuſ xºV tod.rusm unioto out 1suſ tº tº suit uſ until stºw A nunoo on L outtu to Aus tº puoluºtocins put undo on ºut ºn ºped tº till w tºurouos on on on stºw outloºp tº likou slºt tºos on 1 Jo Tuol otºl, Aoûtº, ollout: IILM out ul squounsa Aur oxiºuſ on pion uſ twº till w putºll.io, o Aºw -loſt out on nuovº Nortout sit to sºw a too IV untºniº, violes notion out bottobot lºoq stud, Titº Jo isotood put solutºtus out stºw Lottlºw lºoºl isºl aul uſ (Iſus ºuplus out 1.Jo on slotilo tºolju iſ lºw AIIbului tºos ºut oth uſ pozis. Itº 10 shºot unpp1t out to portstºp owl on Jo ind toulout: tonſ tº luoſt out was otoo.IV uſ tºld tºo povts of L.L ºstro, ) out on, I ou Jo soupoideal tºo.15 out Jo out sº uodolo olow noonxts witto 'stºuassed ºn politiº tout tºols put tºulonito uſ stoutſi-pro Jo Vioutout out ul Isol. III is st stoo, when L ºnto luonsolo Jo locutºu ou lo shoot on troºn luow pub "put[1-10.1 loſ oospout...I utºs tuouſ politºs (LoIII w tout tºols tº ºutruntºut'ſ Loulo.1:1, ou uo stºw Moolwºllus Duo -oos sº I Alojus uſ outout ototuſ Itºi su poulotº oil to lºw usou to uſ and lºul [ossow tº Aq Donosol 1stºl tº otow put: ‘putist out uoda squouſ ootul anoqº otow lºod Axion out ul suoluºluoo stu put otooſ v. out L. "Du bisi SILLIAA --Luis out 1.Jot lºul slºt Luo, on 1 JC) lossow out stºos unnos out uſ lood to AI'ſ 10 J ſpuoutub Hultºn ideo) aunt) tºos, witus ou u poulºs on ‘ºlºusny uſ wouopiod ºuto II D-Leon -L-L-L --L-w S-Lot 10 uo putº pouotº.1 out, Atuo diſus ºut ºut-tols tº uſ pollopuno. Muſ, "I aſ A. J. O. 11:1 loſſºſ ºſ ºf Hiſ lºſ () (ºſ (), LN / H / -xo poſite A tº longe inq :sopodnut; aun he sºutsºup wou outl III staxiaos—poº aun Futuroſ Jo asodind oul unt w ‘eſſensin V on otourn[tº tuouſ nuovº on tºw atti otojoq strow woj V lost; -sin oth powl wins neul Autºduloo Hºus A.low tº go oud stºw out out toº "oo-wn postoo.txdius trooq set oloo IV "II.V. "pop[Sqns pºu Sotſuno. In utºppu I ou long tº Shuo Ao Tolºw on uoisot hºun uſ idox stºw uoultºnned out put unilloqori aul Jo ssanons aun Jo nuovo aun uſ tropun oun Jo ino uoisot 1st:00 out ot, I on axiºm on poziutº.to trooq put muous Aotu hotoos V auſt usinſ.I:I ou lºot out AIoo lito, I sº its J Stº A thunoo pIIAA tº Tºnolul poulotºut put staouſtºmunotu Jo uoſitºl -led tº on poulotºnne atow woul put: “uolºurtist. A put tºuloſ "Gºodw H on owl-O- -II tºo tutout 1.10.x III soºtnoll utºpuſ otow otoll ln(l −lºw on 1 Jo soºn is ºutsolº on uſ tººl oxib ol 1stºl polop.10 out on polootixo uout on J, oluous-lous ul Autºduod tº osºb.1 on podiou put dºll ssoulsnu tº uo tºuroſul tºo on luow of I uſu poſtulo.11 III is ºux sitſ ul putlow top10 out pub "opis sºut uſ putlow ºut-tolso tº putſ of I poſſutºsºp IIow. Alloid J.Los -tuºuſ punoſ o-too-IV uſed tºo pout so luous Iuo stu uqu M. ºpºlºolºl out utº. ºn 1 S.Lout tºols lsº uo stoºl ulouluos on poſitiºus uqu put ºptºut:, ) on situ luos orow shutoutſius osotil Jo out os ºolo.no tropio:) oth Jo sºlux out ºutſput uſ spur) iſ a ſoul tuouſ Iowa optio on 1 098 (IHL (10 A 210, LS / H. W. "A Lºſ F.1 N. Wo IT 81 loſ (IAI I98 sº put trozillo tº sº Inoq oduouſ trioid politouſ 5uſtrip: uſ 5uoi 101 stºw or ototºw ‘unningſ on outbo put 'tion too ſo ºutrito tº Ito Dopſoap on to Lw ‘ºss toduodoſ I Iſhun *.inquoux I tº poulºuſou o H 'o.toul ooliſo AA+ tº tradio put uſ tºuro.1 on spuollſ sin Aq u0(In poſſ tºo.10 stºw put: ‘Is A tº uo “tº A ºinq -iſou." I ol Moºd luow of H (ss. Altºniº, I uſ ‘tion ºut tutºxo uo Lºq on 1 01 pollſ upº Stºw on ‘pºol pºt on 1 ºn Aw ºut-woº.I uſ quods squouſ tºos 1911 tº ‘oloui w sºno'ſ "1S 01 Tuo-w on uouſ, L ºxo, L 'til 1st V uſ woulon tº luoultuouſ tº Jo oogo on 1 uſ strontº A totuuins own luods put: ‘ssol to oilout with pºol on outſ] sºul II* 5uſan I stºos oo itſ u011n 111suſ tº 11: "sº-ow "w Bowd. Lº-ºo- pouſ truto, put: 'solº tºulouſ, but Jo utºu.) ou ox tº on oloul luow on put: "No, I, ‘u tºld tº pozlutº.to stºw oºollo, ) Ironubu oo IV ºn 111su I Wiltºn||||IV st: No, I, ou uſ soil but on lºtu Jo II tºº on polio.º.) tº out on tº Jo putº Itºin. Ino.15 V on Iolº stºo.W. oolſ.I. stºo.W Aluowl VIuo uouw ‘ºls Jo II tº out uſ 'solºinsuouap A Littoo oous tool tº s.s.l. to IV oft', I st: ‘loridoid tº stºw Tuop -In 18 lºtſ,I, ,Low wººl Injssooons tº ox! tºul ol u011trouſ ºnly A.Iowa put on st: "At on 1 (In ox{tº put ºutlooulºus IIAIo uopu bºlt: 01 suboul II tº Aq 1115 no on 1 tºul tuitſ pºol ºut 5ull ºnlb.in -uo.) ut luopu is A\ollo, tº suols tºo osotil Jo out loſt u00s ‘...tºok uoba annunsuſ Aiºliſ IV guiãIIA on 1 uſ pion songq -op of Iqnd own out Jo oud III Alojoos ºutlºdap sºn poluoso.I -do. 9PH aſſi u ostnoo olotºw sitſ pºulºud leul polinooo quop -ſouſ It'ſ Aſ.In tº inq ‘uossajo.1d on sitſ ºutloouſºu o II.A.) oxiºuſ 01 to luoluſ sitſ stºw 11 itº oud to sonbulountºut Jo Ios ºponenpº.15 on otojoq Atºp on] A logoos ºupleſtop out Jo quopisaid out Aq turn on poluoso.10 stºw (IoIIIAA tºo." atºul Ioſ Itºpout Alojoos 5uſatºſlap tº uow a H z1SI ºf ÅInſ: ssp.to sitſ uſ utºut tououſ 1s.III st: 5uſhenpº.15 tosinoo stºa." Inoſ Iºnzo.1 oun poladutoo -sojo.1d +uitºsisstº outbooq on 5uiltºnpº.15 tolſ v. stºo.º. oo.IIIa III put u015uxor I he olnıſısu I Aitºniuſ V ºpuſ:..IIA oul polio]uo ou Loſt AA Iolje ºoloo A.It? IV put tutº IIIIAA he tºok tº Jo pols/suoo uoſitionpo ozo[[oo slº tºº.1099 Jo Anſsio.Aiud oul III Moo.1:) Jo tossoſold outbooq Spitz wianji: on AA “V IN “sſ...to IV solitatio ‘oloun sin Aq n.dox [ootios ºut -pitoq A.Ilunoo ontº LII tº 1 tº trolltonpo A Libo sitſ poaſaoo, put: ‘gºs (): ounſ: “tº 3.Inquou." I he utoq stºw sºluoſº one, I ‘...tº AA Albuo into Aoxi out 5uſ inp uohoouſi, I Jo 91.11 tº on 1 1 tº * Atti.it: uſ It?...Loud: Ioſpºlic polotſ tº too.IoIV. It: Ioua:) Jo toluiºn tºp DoIII: Stºw out-w Iºluouſ luo,) on 1 -put-tº-lºo.15 tº sſ otis opis sºloulou ion u() is tº poup —untſ own titºti otout Moºd soltºp 5.inqstuºuſ LIAA at u011 tºol AIſ tutº osot A put: “tº A ºnqsult: IIIAA tº powl on w.tolued Atill bow tº put ootiouſ triotſ Jo utºps ºutſ tº loſt tº AA on tº, I Lloqori iſ I Jo Iolutiºn tºp tº stºw toulouſ s.s.l. to IV ºpuſ' ºw out 5uſ inp tuoul pole.iaſſo luopºso.Itſ st: ‘put: 'Autºduod ontºlºdos tº oluſ solels ontº.topojuo,) on 1 uſ soul on I poziutº.10 out lºw on 1 Jo Ino ºut -Mºoid out 1 v A tºp trul Jo uouſ III tºotou Donou soul out Jo stoulo put ºpio, I - IV ostov - IV iſ lºw plboºt out u0 ºut -Altos “Autº Ituo.) .Iollº on uſ to loo.up tº outbooq on Autºduo,) III tºoloºl, utopiouſ V on 1 till w until tºpilosuoo sli uodu put: ‘...to All outuolo, I on 1 Jo tunos sosodinºſ Iºlotutuo.) .Ioſ IInq to Ao out uſiº.Lºotol 1suſ, our poloninsuoo not wºu tºduo,) IIIb.15olo, I, tropiºuſ ºld v × 5.inquoux I on 1 Jo luopsoid out out trooq ol I ºup loo.up 1 tº uſ nuoulso.Auſ to otuluſ lºo.15 tº stºw olotil 1 tºul poſsiles ºut on “soul II tºol on Jo uoil -oil. Ilsuoo on 1 uſ tºolso lonuſ outrooq on os.101A Jo Iloiluºuſ ot| Lol. v. -ºud tº stºw lot lºſ s.s.l.10 IV ºpuſ' JJo IIow. A low stºw put out ALI tºo sitſ uſ utions ºut: A\ Autuonuovox out ologoºl tºuri.IIA uſ poulos sosuuoſº tº Aout: H out, put ºut: -IIA Alunoo lowout: H. Jo sosillow out Jo autºbuºsop Leoul tº SI or olotu not tººl on 1 Jo Antoniſt put tooods Jo A Liaqui powo out ontºls own ºut sºul powo on sº tonut put: “upon -qudox tº stºw of I : unindope sitſ Jo ontºls out, thosoutu IV. ox{tºtu on tºulºu. A oxbol on plp ‘uoul Au AA ºuroul ºutduos -op uou A nuoubolo Mosuouſ swo.15 put stutions put suitº -unou put: "SIIII S1 sovo o H ontºs own ºut sºn on potion -] tº Auto.15 sº put doulouinos onal tº sº on sitſ unoq oatºn lou DInow hºul of trouſ ontºlools tº Jo utºut tº on autoo pinoo 1 bill sloudſ ou out oloul ºut ºn A Jo ontºls own -bu slu uſ oji su II tº pueds on poloolo put slato IV ofed ºpuſ JI-'Iſq. ITVA Grºv, Luciºiosi "Siririo 362 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. In March, 1889, he was elected munici- In March, 1894, he was elected city attorney and served until the 1st of a lawyer of allility. pal judge, and served until March, 1892. September, 1895, when Governor Clough appointed him to to fill the It was while Judge Morris was city the district bench. vacancy caused by Judge Lewis's resignation. attorney that some of the most important street assess- ment litigation in the history of Duluth came up under the new city charter of 1887 and amendments of 1889 and 1891. It involved hundreds of thousands of dollars, and was car- GEORGE W. BENED-CT. ried by him to a successful termination in the supreme -ul-I. Politically Judge Morris was a Democrat until he was twenty-nine years of age. Then he became convinced that the protective policy was the right one for Virginians. To advocate the Republican policy of protection in Virginia in those days meant to make a man decidedly unpopular, if not something worse. It meant that he must constantly be a fighting Republican to hold his own. In the congressional ampaign of 1SS2 he took the stump to advocate the election of the Hon. John S. Wise as congressman at large, and in 1884 he was nominated for congressman in the Sixth dis trict, and made a splendid showing against John Daniel, now United States Senator from Virginia, in a hopelessly Democratic district. making a con- gressional nomination in that district was with the view of making a united front, and, if possible, to carry the While a spectator The only object in electoral vote of the state for Blaine. at a political meeting in Duluth, in the fall of 1SSS, he made an impromptu speech in which he acquitted himself so well that he was immediately recognized as the ablest stump speaker in St. Louis county, and one of the ablest in Min- - nesota. That fall he stumped the legislative district, which was then nearly as large in area as the present congressional district, for Colonel Graves, and in each succeeding cam- paign has been active except in the years that he was on the bench. July 16, 1896, he was forced to accept the Re- publican nomination for congressman from the Sixth dis- trict, to do which he sacrificed his position on the bench, which was not only lucrative but also more to his taste than would be a congressional career. Feb. 21, 1877, he was married to Miss Elizabeth Stathan of Lynchburg, Va., and has a family of five children, four girls and one boy. Judge Morris is a member of the Masonic fraternity; a member of a College Greek Letter fraternity, and belongs to the Episcopal Church. * * * ENEDICT, GEORGE Benedict of Sauk Rapids is well known throughout the state as one of the veteran Republican editors of Minne- sota. Y., March 20, 1824. He learned the printer's trade in the office of the Journal and Erpress, in Hamilton, Ontario, serving the apprentice- His father, Reuben Benedict, was a native of Connecticut, and W.-George W. He was born in Rochester, N. ship of five years, which was customary at that time. was by occupation a builder and contractor. His ances- He stature and great muscular power, and was famous in his neighborhood for his feats of physical strength. The mother's name was Nancy Smith, and she was of German She was born in Canada, and tors were of English origin. was a man of large parentage on both sides. was a woman of marked intellectual ability, and an excel- lent mother to a family of nine children. The father was in very moderate circumstances, and the children had to make their own way in the world. George earned his first money by sawing wood at twenty-five cents a cord. In 1852 he published the Herald in Tecumseh, Mich., in part- nership with John Shepard. Arriving in Minnesota in 1854, he pushed up the Mississippi to Sauk Rapids, then the head of navigation above the Falls of St. Anthony, and started a newspaper, called the Frontiersman, for Jeremiah A HISTORY OF THE 363 REPUBLICAN PARTY. Russell. In 1860 he went to St. Paul, and worked for four years on the St. Paul Press. After a trip to the East he took the foremanship of the St. Paul Pioneer, and remained in this situation until 1868, when he went again to Sauk Rapids and started the Sentinel on his own account. This paper he still edits and publishes, and he is now one of the oldest editors in continuous service in the state. Only two or three out rank him. He started the Alexandria Post in 1870, still retaining his ownership of the Sentinel. The Post he sold to W. E. Hicks. Mr. Benedict was elected a member of the Minnesota State Senate in 1874, and served one term. He was dep- uty collector of internal revenue for two terms under the collectorship of William Bickel. In his early manhood he was a Whig, but he joined the Republican party as soon as it was organized, and has ever since been an active member of that organization. He is a Mason and an Odd Iºllow. In 1850 he was married to Anna Cronk, who died in 1850. NII) ER, SAMUEL P.-Samuel P. Snider of Minneap- olis, who represented the Twin Cities district at Washington from 1889 to 1891, was born in Mount Gilead, Ohio, Oct. 9, 1845, and after attending the common schools was taking a course at Oberlin College when the Civil War broke out in 1861. Although only sixteen years old, and therefore below the age for enlistment, he man- aged to get with the Sixty-fifth Ohio Infantry, and served in Kentucky, Tennessee, Georgia, and Alabama. He was wounded at the battle of Stone River, and at Chickamauga he was severely wounded and taken prisoner. When ex- changed he was given a captain's commission in the Thir- teenth United States Colored Infantry. He settled in Min- nesota in 1876 and engaged in farming, mining, manu- facturing, and lumbering, making his home in Minneapolis. From 1884 to 1888 he served in the Minnesota legislature, and in 1888 he was elected to Congress by the Republicans of the Fourth district, which then included the cities of St. Paul and Minneapolis. His majority over Edmund Rice, In 1890 Captain Snider was beaten for reelection by J. W. Castle, Democrat, the sitting member, was about 10,000. Democrat. He has not since been in public life. * * * EBER, HENRY.-The subject of this sketch is a native of Indiana, having been born in Fort Wayne in that state, July 28, 1852. Weber, and his mother, Sophia Gardner, were born in Ger- His father, Henry many and came to America about 1849, and their son has inherited many of the excellent characteristics of the Ger- man race. When Henry was eight months old the family moved to St. Paul, where the father engaged in the grocery 1864). The mother is still living at the old homestead on Summit ave- the 'aul, and afterward took a business course in the Bryant & Stratton While his the son helped in the business, but in 1870 he became a business in “upper town” until his death in nue. Young Henry attended Jefferson school in St. Commercial College. father lived salesman in the business house of R. & J. M. Warner, where he remained for twelve years, part of the time as cashier. HENRY were ER. From 1882 to 1893 he successfully conducted the business of a clothing merchant on Wabasha street. During this period Henry Weber was elected alderman from the Eighth ward as a Republican, and two years later was reëlected by 1,000 majority. A faithful public servant, he opposed all measures which he thought improper and unjust, and successfully resisted the scheme to let the con- tract for the high bridge at $90,000 above the price offered by the lowest bidder. the “Bürger Verein, He has been very active in bringing the The or Citizens' Union, of which he was one Germans into Republican party. German £99. 'Allºſ Voſ A. WO 11811, IGI'ſ (LHI, 10 M2/0,LSI H. W. ‘supoſtandaxi on Jo sputºu all uſ nutriº) Itaauaº, Jo Aouapisai, I and on troinºnia on tonſ tº solouriºl smſ up uſ quouſuioxo; and put poleoſop put polipolo -sup AIufnoloun pop uosumoſ woupu V out oos on boaſt of I *Jiasulu on aftºnuſuapt: Ipanſiod Jo Suontºlood Yo Yuu tuo II hou put ºutwo sºn Jo sassadoid Ibnuouſ snontroposuoo tuouſ tronon-Insuood. Jo Lollºut on uſ stroſsnottoo stu poulobot nanop on au put 'suono! Auoo ownisoſt put a toouis Jo uptu tº sew monio N. 'IIv rotojaq strow own anºid stu to stolinoduloo oul Jo out) used piºu ou A ‘tuopu A tutº IIIAA Act popoooons sew put oogo Jo tulian stu Jo uomºuſixa oui otojoq iboº tº luoqu ºn sod stu he pop a H. ºnosotiuſ IV Jo subotlando? I out Jo ootiopuuoo put Autºduº's aun uun isot asinoo sitſ.I, ºudſ -Lada. III & Iantº oldood put solels out Jo nuoulboul Iutional —usuoo put as woun jo sºap sºn jo sised on uo whiled wou tº azutºto on slatoua s.lannel out uſ uosuuoſº put on poſſil of ‘ssatzuo,) up Antioſtºut utopianºſo: Futuiou wrovo ou pue utºn papeau-5uouw uongo put utoqqn is lºun uoo whoq Astov ontoo 5uo an up uosutoſ' luopisot, I (In A sops tool put *Alted stu Jo stop tºol aun unlºw poroup of I Lºoſpel tº toº ou stºw on nuouſe toduon waſ solºis titorianos out 5unon-Ilsuoo -at Jo Suonsonb ºutpuotſ out to sueonandon one-topout out uni w Hastutu posſup, uoos uoluox tongues tºolsuittstºw uſ “tutu polooto put trollow to pontº luon —ttoo uosuº IIAA ºuttunnot on posotillo snuouala snout: A on 1 ºutnoted 5uo long tº put: ‘oint-Isino out uſ osottº soluon pontºutub A.low tº gºs uſ pouſixo unton sittosuſ IIIA tolentos tion A\ uonthstºol ºutdºus uſ ited of its tº stool on put toº -with punos tº stºw oil ontºls out anotºnotul ootionſ uſ out: -topistoo pount out on put: 'Ypon tºur ut lºs toº lºun uouſ Hºst Duº ºs I ‘Lºs 'nºs 'sºs lºst ul-‘olutios ontºls on 1 on poloolo solull ‘oltºns out ul Allºd tºul Jo Jº out ultillºw luotºujo isotti put solº tº out Jo out stºw oil xts Stºw uoluox sitotion isotºpil out ºutſotrol tu popo.o.º.ons tºod put: '...lovo -won ‘suitºuſandſor otow uno: "sluotºn put sonsul poºl) podotoxop unon non-wºº'ſ solutiod 10 piou ou ol ºutputo, so up ºud out stºw AutºAll until, sutuſ wºn tº Li Jo stoºltuouſ so Mosuoul puuou troos snuouſ own on 1 Duº Dout to lou stºw (Iſusuounted pasodoud oul inq ‘ositº ºttout \\ u' out sitſ axiºu on poppoop uoluox spur watolju VI.1011s ºuduſ.A on nuovº tuopu A put intº, I is uſ positions u01.10.x toulon —on ºujo wet tº 5utuoſo Jo osotlind on unºw tº losoutnºv on L tuºuſ A* tutº IIIAA sºn unºw ºut-dutoo uſ isow out uſ outou wou tº Moos on ino ‘on tºls on tº funov own "Duº-1 01 out tº Itou I has noun put aun Lious tº to poonoºtſ of I lsozuous out, sº pou wouo.1 until tº uou-lo\ luno IV out ol pollſ up tº stºw put ºut populs out out ) or ºutliluloxi ºlu -tojitº) put unsuito N uſ poſovº.11 on 1soluoo luru Tºnolul 5uſ alos long tº put ºut: A utºxoix out to politutoo. Ittoulº. tº uſ onbalad tº st: posiluo on unolourt Jo on tº our v ºol Gºsſ ºf Illuſ V un outlo "uouro A lunov u ultoºl stºw ‘ols ºf Ainſ u0 untºop -loo uovuox1 he poleonpo stºw oil sºul illuu solels polluſ 1 tº 1-10 N S Lotutº I-S IGLIN V (I NOAL:10 ºst tº Lºix tuo, J tº lºsouri IV uto.11 to lºuds "stoiu ºntºp inoſ put uos out ºuaupuuo oxg Jo lountry oun st puts ºwn politutu tºod stºut ºutºut apatnitºun A.low tº sº a FI stioned Autºut slu on uomousines unatº stºu ou put soldſo -tuid sºotusnq VIloins uo postºutºut stºu ou odulo stud, ºnuou -oddo one-tootuoc I stu to Ao gºsº Jo Annuitnºd tº Aq Ahunoo Mosturº Jo spoop Jo tonsºot panoato stºw on Fºst uſ "Sololoos totuo put quio IgorouTuloo aun Jo toºltuouſ ‘sootuo isoſtºn oun plot sºut or otou–w ºutput to H. Jo Suos put spinto oth Jo toduouſ tº outooaq oste sºul and suboſlando: Runow out 5uotub oanot: tº Due tootto, I Lotunſ tº SI of I trooq AIuo lou set loſio.A. ºliv puttu Jo unn tºpoos tº Jo "No Luo N is ºn-Nºo "Intº, I ls Jo Alſo our uſ soºtº our suitºu-toºl-soudos put služis uſtºdounºſ Jo uomooloo oluºſtºlºoloud on tº A.low tº tulu tuº outou ºut ºut 11 put suo intºsuſ nott Jo Apus tº ºupºu publiuſ I put ooutºut Attº I put Liozlºws ºusny Aubu - to:) Jo solº Aluſul in out ºutsix put u0 iſsoux suit, I odoung uſ polo atºll .toſlow ºuv 6ss uſ slºtooruo I ou tuo.II vºw tº AIonitºl oul ºutpuo tº lºodwins until pount stºu put 'luºsop put ultra utºut toº) jo oidooſt ºuque ºuanſu lºotº tº poptoſ w sºul stopunoj on Jo 'Allºſ VoI NWOIT &Iſld (IAI (IHI, JO MAIOLSI H. W. 998. 10At'ſ uſ 1.100ſo. Whiloſºul on 1 ono.I.M. on buos on Aq politogo. stºw looſans oſotºw on 1 noſt|A on oolituutoo on Jo loſſutout A lunoo Mosuº: on 1 stºw of ºutp[Inq (olſ tºo ontºls Aoti out Jo Iolotlist100 on 1 Loſ IIIq on 1 Jo on tºssed on 1 ºuſanoos uſ putº Int?. I 1s Jo Alſo on 1 Jo toll tº oil on trotupuault on 1 troºn stºw oint: Isºſo oth uſ outſ w xi.tow It'ſſionſ. Itſ sº II ºugh -buſtuous), 10.J oltºpſ putº) tº oſ on post ſo.1 on tuto Itºi.101 buos on 1 Jo osoto on 1 ly trophisoddo anotuſ wboloolo stºw put: ‘Sloxioſ ontºlootſioſ I put: “uponſinºſo: '..strozºſ, ) out tºo poorººſ st: A on totion 151ſt sºul to I on 1 *Intº, I -1s Jo Anto on uſ sp.tºw t|11310ſ putº IIluovoS 5uſsia (Ituoo loſt|sil It'ſ Loltuos *AGGE w xinvº- Iluo Aos-Aluow,L, ou luoso.idol ol '06s uſ tuto attoº-inoſ * 10 J on buos ol tºls tº 10souttſ IV ot|| 0 | poloolo stºw put: “Hºss I uſ loxoll utºo. I put out tººl out uo suoloolo solels pollum oul Jo oud stºw out on tºp 15 no.1111 || Inq 5uſoq uoul ºptrol -II tººl out ot, I ulou 1.10 N on 1 Jo uo 1,100 tº loud Issutuod solels Dolluſ sº loodsu ol solºis polluſ) out Jo luopºsol, I ou Aq º:SSI uſ Dolutodd tº stºw on ‘pitol to tºw put 'stouoissºuruſo.) oil, Jo D.I toºl 'uoluonpo Jo D. boſſ Int, I 1s on 1 Jo Loquou tº uooq sºul oil out Asnq tº uood sºul oil sºutro, I - IN “sso -10111] [b]otoutuoo oil tº 01 polo Aop out, ou tuo, J opts V "stºo." Yſs-A Lunn to Ao ootionstra tº uooq 5uſ Aºti 1100 ‘lso williox. on uſ autºu tuºuſ isopio out put: osnouſ isopio on 1 AIqbqo.Itſ wou si 1.1 autºu tuitſ outes on topun 'stool N *I ºf "A bi-ul-Loulouq sitſ put utº I - IV Aq tºo poſitº stºw ssouſsuſ oil 'ºls uſ stoo! N - IV Jo Inºop on uodºn ssou -Ishq Jo ouſ ouſtºs out uſ pontinuoo put ºx{tº N stool N on Stossooons ºutsoq x soo! N Jo unuſ out pousſiqtºlso ou ‘sſoo! N utioſ IIlºw Autºdutoo uſ (ºst uſ wox.to: Nº stools Jo osmoſ u0 iſ oſtºsoſoſ w on to loſſoox-Mooq st: huouſ wºod º, I tolson, ) 1so AA tº Autoptrov situito: uſ put 5.inqsn], I jo stoops oiſºn'ſ oil uſ trolltonpo sitſ postood upo I ºf utºpſiAA -tuo Doinoos putº Intº, I is on out tºo on 9 SI uſ ‘oo.In AIIult: I on 1 Jo sopis Inoq (10 s.101sooutº Attºrionnoway ºut otoun put loung tº Louny sºw outtºn uopiºuſ sºloulouſ sitſ put ºut: sºs uſ ‘tº, I ºlnqshli, I "Intº, I 1s Jo II tºoſ I ºf tutº IIILM IIoII st subji tº oſſºud uſ ootiouſ tuouſ poultºn tº ºut on w -IIIAA stºw out ºut tº A13 s.toulºſ sſ iſ III IL10ſ Stºw ºf I tiouſ ssouſsna tº losotiuſ IV 5uouſ V-4 IV VI I ILAA N VºI * * * ºut ox tºul sutºſºlution on Aq pouloopo, sºw "Isſindo, I tº Aq poluosºtto, unor otojoſ pºſt not tºw loſusip sºn lºul FGSI Josse Autº out uſ stolſo snoºz sºul on put Allibindowſ s.App. 11W on 5uſ wo Aſſoſtº sºw iſ sso.15uo,) ultſ-Alſº, I oul on uomoolºo. 10ſ oltºpſputº utopiando:I ou sº pontºultuou -oi uood sºul oil 'tion:Isºo! Jo stronsonb ºut:1100Iuiſ III; Jo u01.stronouſſulo.) tº nototil tº put: ‘A.11snput 'ssoul soul tºo ti wouls Stºll on osuo II oul ſo toºltuouſ tº sv tout ºut uſ tº Indowſ put uouinal tº uſ oxisºns, loſſ put a tºolo toxºſis (Itunns ºf looſa utº sº ºppºi i IV tº losotiuſ IV uſ A.Ilunoo Août, A to AI-1 box snout tº on 1 Jo oſot woul VI-Itºu soºn Lou put: 'soul -utloo tools is soot-tºlutº loſt 1811) ºn I, *IO to 1971-7. ‘u tº Lo IV N sout, I, 10.J. ºsi-ºº: *1st Indo, I 'tºo: I ºf top tº II to sº.11 1suſ tº tº solo A 007's L ºf GSI uſ sso.15uo,) on Doloola stºw on Iſlum Dion *1stuouſlſºlo., I uo.INI Du tº 11:..tºouto, I Do Aſºo, º H on uouſso'ſ sitſ.I, ºutloo odo, Jo anoo loſusip out Jo M.IoIO poloola stºw out ºf SSL uſ oji Itouliod out 5uto: ) "...toultuºxo put: to ...losinº, tº st: Autº Ituo,) pºo.III tº out ot, I u.toulio N. oul .10. Doyl-10M or ºs SL III on otoll w ºutloo odo, I on uſ tº tº luo w 0s-61s Jo lonuſ A sitº ºut 1 to lootios quantºn oul uſ put ºutloo oliſ Auto: uſ oud put: A lunoo olotuliſ, I uſ [ootos mollusiº Jo utilal tº quinºl of "sosuadixo sitſ ºf on Aouou nº on suo lºot. A 5uſ.inp plºw Moſad tº uſ ºuplio w put; SLSI IIlun oloul [00uos ºutpuoll tº ‘poistulo uſ Moºd sºw on F1s uſ 'A lunoo odo, I on powouto, on uouw 1981 unun *A lunoo poistu () ºil tutº its ºutpºso, puts ºs uſ tº losouri IV on 5utu.Inno.1 sluo.Ltd stu (111A tº won on powoulou ou dºs I uſ ‘sso.15uo,) on poloolo aſ on ontºls on 1 Jo ox! lºu 1s.III ou sº put: ‘998 || || Id V. ‘A lunoo postulo 'ovolº) utºstºl, I uſ utoq sºw oil ºut 1,110 Vol ut:10soutu IV tº sſ tº losoutuſ V Jo hol.uslſº unuovoS out u10.1, SSolºuo,) uſ owntºluoso.idol quosºld ‘poow.uolº) Jo Appº IV subu, I uo H-IN MINIVM. “A CICI 366 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. of building a new capitol, and was author of the bill as substantially and finally passed. Mr. Dean is a director of the Second National and the State Savings banks of St. Paul, a trustee of Oakland Cemetery, and a director of the Minneapolis, St. Paul & Sault Ste. Marie Railway. mercial Club of St. Paul, the Jobbers' Union, Chamber of He is a member of the Con- Commerce, and belongs to the Presbyterian Church. In 1860 he married Mary C. Nicols, daughter of John Nicols, St. Paul. whom are living. They have six daughters and two sons, all of CHARLES H. BRUSH. IRUSH, CHAIRLES HENRY-Few states in the West were inhabited by a more substantial class of set- tlers than was Illinois. A great many of the resi- dents came from New England and the Eastern States, and of Col. Chas. H. Brush, who came to Ottawa, Ill., from Vergennes, \t., in 1831. mercantile business, and thereafter was engaged in fruit- among them was Henry Lyman Brush, father Soon after coining there he engaged in the raising and farming. He was a Republican from the or- ganization of the party. Colonel Brush's mother, Caroline E. Gridley, was a daughter of Henry W. Gridley. She was born at Grandby, Mass., but early in life moved with her father's family to Ottawa, were she married Mr. Brush, and where the subject of this sketch was born, Dec. 27, 1838. His early education was received in a private school, after which he entered and took the full course through the pub- lic schools of Ottawa. This was supplemented by a year's course in the Pearce Academy, at Middleboro, Mass., which After a year spent in recuperating, he finished his education with he was obliged to leave because of poor health. an advanced course of two years under a private tutor at Ottawa. After completing his literary education, in the spring of 1861, he commenced the study of law in the office of Glover, Cook & Campbell in Ottawa, continuing until he went into the army in January, 1852, as a private in the Fifty-third Illinois Volunteer Infantry. On the organiza- tion of the regiment, he was appointed sergeant major. On the 26th of the following November he was commissioned lieutenant and adjutant of the regiment. The first serve ice his regiment was engaged in was at Pittsburg Land- ing; after that he went through the Tennessee and Georgia campaigns, and continued with Grant's army through the siege of Vicksburg, and through the following campaigns of 1864, and with Sherman's army in his Atlanta campaign A good deal of this time the then 1Sº, lie and his march to the sea. Lieutenant Brush was on staff duty. Early in was promoted to major of the regiment. The following spring he was made lieutenant colonel of the regiment, which rank he held when his regiment was mustered out of the service the following August. He went through three years and eight months of active service during the war, and at the close of the war he was breveted colonel by the President for gallant and meritorious services. During 1864-65 he was acting assistant adjutant general of the Fourth Division of the Seventeenth Army Corps, coul- manded by Gen. Giles A. Smith, during Sherman's march to the sea and around to Washington, and during that march was appointed division inspector of the same division, in which position he continued until the return of Sher- man's army to Washington, when, at his own request, he was relieved of his position to take command of his regi- ment, in the absence of its colonel. After his discharge from the military service, in August, 1S65, he resumed the study of law in the same office in Ottawa, Ill., that he had left nearly four years before. He was admitted to the bar in December, 1868, and immedi- ately thereafter formed a partnership with Chas. F. Butler, a young friend who had been an associate student in the After that Colonel Brush continued the practice of law alone at Ot- tawa until the fall of 1879, and gained for himself a splendid same office. This partnership lasted three years. reputation as an able advocate and a safe and conserva- tive counselor, and succeeded in building up a handsome law practice. In the fall of 1879 he associated himself with (Jºſ Vol A VOIT &L 1.1 (IAI (IHL (10 A 210, LN / H / 198 "[I] Itºu Jo (IoItzos III ooººo IV 01 (ILI1 tº to oſſº FGs itſ poºp ºf optio opoioi, ſo snqinity 71s uſ pop on A **, I *Wo...I. Jo strosiº, I troopſ on 19s uſ poſitiºuſ is iſ sºw a H Writtoſ' siſy poſitiºuſ on 11s uſ 7 ISI ſo it; AM on 1 uſ ºutinoo sitſ positos stoniº Iput tº sitſ jo orio put topſos Aitutionnio Aoºſ tº stºw stone ſputiz-lºo.15 SII Jo outſ) “ALItueſ ºptiºnſ. A plo tº ſo outponiºns toſº ‘(IITIS.ſoſitiouſ St. Jo Annuſ, -100 oil iſ stºº own Jo Mºoid tº Inºw studio wis postos on II tº ti I -solo ºf SSI uſ put ZSSI uſ Injssooons osie slºw of I "1SSI ‘IIo.ſº IV iſ osno H on uſ ooſatos 5uo sitſ ºut "...IoIIIoo, I ‘isition ºut; Dio sºn to Ao poloola Antiºuſ ſtuntil slºw put: ‘DIoI on Mool III tºº on tour strow ow.L. ºlºtoouto, I touao, I -LIVºls tº Bovº OH Aluo Aq uolboºl stºw ºnq 's 1st UII Dolbu Ittou Stºw o | - - I put 91s.I uſ uſ tº put: 'Fls uſ poloolºol stºw oil loſſusp D.III.L. oll u011 stºw Lºu A Jo suboſlundo: I ou A'q sso.15uo,) L1s I (11 SI ul- ‘oodox bus Jo 10A but poloolo soul oolºll stºw 1ſtºlls loſt: IV 01 Doloolo Slºw on 7.1s uſ putº-'zls I --- Dut: **It tº Itºu ol tº N tº II but - to: ) on 1 Jo Juopsoid outrooq on alon \ "Intº, I is on stºo." tol tº uſ put: 'suwol lou 10 on popuolko suolº.rodo 5uxutxt st H issoulsinº ºuplutº put oil lubotout uſ postºun put: oodox ºuts ol Douaulo, ou lºw out Jo osolo on 1 | V Italiouo: to loodsuſ sº inul, VoIA Iºlour); , Jo II tºls on 1 on poulot; 11 tº put: ‘Fºsſ uſ to ſtºut on polouold slºw oil ºut tºld tºo sli optºtu slºw put: "Allulºſul tº losoutu IV untuN out to Autºduloo tº positºl on ZºSI III III.It’ſ tº hºnoq on aton wºuttſ IV toodox{tºus he outou Tuoubuliod tº opeuſ Itzoº tonnel on 1 III put: ‘ggs on #CSI uto.1 ºut: Iput uſ tºok tº poºl is iſ on poptoſſ tº ºut: ALA's -utto, I uſ loſinsip Itzin, tº until songtin.todºſo Ssouſsna Lolloq Jo Moltºos III ptºwnsaw 5uſ Aotuto: “tion tonpo Lootios uouſ -uſ09 tº powlooo...I put gºs I uſ ºut: ALTsuito, I Amunoo tonno.I III IL100 stºw of I loſinsip sitſ Jo sisotoluſ aul tonſº VIosolo pox{001 on A ºntºltrasoidal tº put: ‘Ionthstºoſ ssouſsnq poo: tº ‘tion ºuſtist. A uſ taxi.10A oohnſtitutoo Injunleſſ tº stºw an inq ‘(Itunas on triotſ &ºw uſed tº uſ sonss on and ssnosip pinoo on Mºnotilit: ‘Iolºto up hou sºw of I Apoq leum Jo staq -tuotti (Lioso.W Autºut Aq poultºnne si until sso.15uo,) uſ ution tofuo Ionul tº 11:11s to ſtºw oat:5 sluonninsuoo sºn jo sons w put sºon Isnq on 1 on nontrolltº snoºz put mºſtuoid tº put siſt: II* oſqnd uſ isotonuſ ºntºon tº souloſ Lºon -opiºſ Io'ſ opnuſld tº uv-ºxolºinº gioviion ºlivºi.I. * * * "Illuſ siſt Jo Alſo on uſ no intº on tuouſ (Iſustaq -tuott' sitſ Doñu buo toxon sºn on tournexo stupa Itºu ontºu sº sºlin D SIII (10 Auosº loſt ſton watun sitſ Jo isotti spriads on otoſ w “tiuſ IV siſt, I snº toºl at Lotnito Lemontºotºutoo on 1 tº luppu oluº tº Inºo, tº sſ on Iºnotu put innox ºptºo sm ºuts "III 'tº wºulo 1* no into Iruontºo.15uoo on Jo Iaquiouſ tº trooq set of "poºrtoloq Iowa on Moſt won sonotoos ºſtro oil out: osotiſ, until troºoº. It won put ºf v º tº sº aſ I - ‘strov waſ 1stºd out ºut inp pºulºu.) lºtſ woulos trooq stºn Duo, Xo sount) sitſ not wrovo Aiolution oril 15moſil 'spion III.1s on not wuouſsoſ tº ‘utºmotiv Jo *Instituoſi titouliou ou put usuoost.W. ºnosauruſº Jo solºis oil 10, Ion III ºxo Mutº Itºu ol lett solºis politiºn ºut ponuţod -(It? utopuſ A\ Autºlotoos ºs s ºldos TITIAA "tºo louſ 1810 box.lºtu ‘tuto out positos pub loſinsip owntº spºol tºxis-ºn -100ſ oil tuo II onlbisſºol tº 10soutu IV on 1 on luos stºw ou SSSI Jo II tº on 1 III -upid slº uſ ºuſ Aoiſoq <noitoul whiled lºun unºw pountrapſ "sluouro Aotion putº.15 sli Jo pnoid put sold to Alluouſuioid uood sºwie sºn put ºuts losſon upontanda: oul inſt Autº ºutlow to uorspooo out noos to Aou sºul on put: Oºsſ uſ uloouſ I to 1stro stºw onox as itſ susnia Ionotoo *10soutu IV uſ soºn unoo toulo put upHIAA III spur tuitº Jo topiou ºut tº Ins SI Iotioloo oli, L 'tº losouliſ IV (Lioſillox out out tº put soston popoolq 1 todtuſ on 1suſ out 5uount stºw put Alunoo nºun III stuitºſ ojitº Jo toºltunu tº (In pouodo put put: Jo shown Iºlo Aos lºnoq on “utºutalluon toulout: Inºw dustounted uſ IIoqduº,) Jo unwol out attou Alunoo upſiAA uſ tutºſ of it: tº uo Dolboot put ºu.), tº IV 5uſ wouloſ out olotl out tº on ‘ºlos -outtſ IV ulou 1.10 N Jo on tºtulo 5ulotºtu put: Alp ou Jo slooſa oAll tº loſinoo, out Jo 5uſuitºr ºx-low-to Ao Aºl post tºo unition 5ullſ tº su (In punq ol (Iou wu ol bullº Itºſuºuoo otout tº 1115 nos on out. A sputºu outdºo uſ ooloºwl with sit ºut Abol Jo osodind out 10, AI tºll outd. ºwt:110 tº low with toulout: 898 Allºſ VoI NWOIT &I) c1(IºI (IHI JIO A310-I.S.I H. W. ºuoH subſiºnuatuºſited Jo oouſid nºtin Jo diſustapºal auth topun uomisoddo out out A : nuouſ troxioidun up paluesaid ‘poor q setuouſ I, ºud H. Jo diſustappaſ an iopuu suboiſqnd -ox1 on J. Fºst 7 winſ ſo hºſtſ oun uo ssauiſuoo uſ of essed to din outso (IoIIIA III:I uomoolºſ Ibiapa,.I aul Jo astro out uſ tion op 10tuoid sitſ Jo pion s \ions tº ºx{tow pitºu to Anſouduo In Japuſow sitſ put utºut aul Jo tologieu o oth 5uſ wouls sy ‘snoutſtibun AIIronotºid stºw sasso.15ttoo untnoſ-Anji, I put: 1s.III-VIII, I am uſ tionIsod autºs aun on uomoola sitſ ‘sso.15uoo IntroAos-Whio, I aul III Italo 5uſliottia st: tuitſ unIAA ootropiad -xo Iſoul rolſ tº put: ‘otojoq sso.15uo,) Jo siloquiou on tº woux trooq to Aoti pet pola Idutoo stºw aoujo sitſ Jo Flow oun (IoITIAA Ilſ wssould tuoid on I, potenbo uoaq to Aou stºu neul prooo...I tº optºut on sso.15uo,) Jo osmo II to wo our uſ [tolo Fuſilo. -uo sv ontºns out Jo oldood out put ssaid oul Aq poluouſld ºliv stun toº 'suoted tuoul ºut Aotuot -tuo. AIIIºſt soul stºw Wautioxioux [[ons Jo Willion intº oth topun uo.II ‘shuo -Ital snopol A Jo uoupuuo to subſp.tºniº lurodde on ontºloid Jo 95bnſ out 5uſztion intº IIIq on stºw poonbonuſ on tPoin w oinseout loſt louv ºpiou si Atoutout sºloulu Atu (Lotuw uſ pittºo.1 out Jo uot tº soutubul tº tons Act poulonol AIdoop tutº I nºun now ounsse I... is ºs on sºuntil .toulo Ruout tolu wu toº tºoltio Jo uſoouſ I L lioqox ºut, II tuouſ tonnel tº Jo lossos -sod oul si voutlayLov - IV nuouinoop on pounts on tPoſt-w Ilºw tºod oul WoutlayLoIV - IV ox tº AIsnoon unoo on wºulºnolo tourovo: ) wa pounts trooq put ontºssed sit tolje unou oud uſtuſ wbut sound oul Jo uosuotisms topun ount'Isºot out. Jo soul-ºutiq 1100 possed IIIa oui, thosoutu IV ul Atºpilot Itºol tº uſ. Altºniºto, I ful tºul III: upooru I out sº u \ous wou st ºutlºw possed put put poonbonuſ outww.autioxioiv aſk slºw 11 to loſt oil plus ssol out sºlºu toºl tolu who subotn *I ºlutios out uſ poliº stºw iſ nºt osmoil on tº noun Mojºs III ou wus oil uniloodsu alou, Jo ontoun too tº usu -In ol lºotu possop ºutlas Autºduo- Autº Jo toºtºutºut out Jo lied oul uo vios Induo.o iſ optºut IIIſ on u osmºlo rounouv "lººtºut tº losotiuſ IV on to u woull ºutlaq tolſ tº sunou inoj -Wittown uſual w subutu tº out Jo uomoodstu on ºlo, on Stºw top sº II thosotiuſ IV uſ who ºut uſ pios out ws put doous onto Jo oidooſ o-tout to 0000: Jo uonºluloſſ tº 5ulatºn stoloodsul odoul to out huſovide on tuitou Jo putou Allo out DožLioſlintº IIIſ on L ontºls on tº soilſo loºttº otu Jo stoutins tion lºotu ou lookoud on poussop IIIa unnooúsuſ tour sºn poon ponuſ woulio MoſV iſ lºun uoissos outes spun ºut inp sºw 11 stolºſsºol thosoutuiv out ſo suoissos snoºrd Jo tionuould out poſtoso putſ Atºs on ofurºus tuonº Isrºot sno - toll-loui iſolſ|A 's-Huta sºul Atºs Jo stoplottetools on uo whilſt *II olamop tº 5uſsoduſ IIIa out poonponuſ oste off toulio -woº; on Jo witutºuzºs out put huounobuo ownerstºol Aq waſ tº opert IIIſ on 1 was on Inun (In oat: to Aou ou lung oth uſ wouo put: "Iolotºut; tıo Jo uomºuſ tutolop ostronuſ Jo utºut tº st Aotiuoxioix -liv in: sºuloul but out pºor sºn anout 115uoia not wºpuno.15.11b.j ‘olels out to Ao II tº luoruoſo lonbit on 1 Jo altºns out it; Ionbi Jo opes out 5uniquoud IIIq on Jo tournt; oul stºw of pnoid too; lustuſ unu ºut noruw Jo proool tº opºtu Aoutloxº ºil IV oint: Istºol and uſ out AA buouſ A\ Jo nues up A ºr 's ºld to Jo Kotºppuuo on on pointuituoo stºw out st: ‘pouloop Wuluonsisted out not tºw touou up to Itºods sº uomooto stu ºuts in tu pouloſ ontºns out. Jo ssoud on put asnoLI orth uſ top tºo pozgusonot tº outooed on 5uot turn ox{tºn lou DID || aul Aq ointstºol ºnosauruIV unuſu-Anuowl, an on poloola ºnolinsip sit uſ travº to Ao Villiºtnitſ nson tº stºw or 'stºo." Antto win uſ sontºns pontun out uſ sosso.15 -uo,) utopiandº odºuth AItto out "sosse.15uo,) untnoſ-Anjºu "As NNEx-ow "a salav Ho put ºnsuſ-Alſº unuovos-Alto, I ou Jo Luoto ºutſoluo populouſ -diº stºw of I ºtolpo put lou wo sº uood sºul subov output 1stºd otſ ºut.unp put: "[ub, I 1s (Il-10 N tº ſoul/uos oſſ, popuno, o H *Ionoſ.1doid put to ſpo toºlbºls wou Injssooons tº uood suit on outſ] not wºo II tº ºut-tup stºo.º. oo.In 1-Anuowl 10, tº osotiuſ IV uſ poºl set out ºutstloos M. Jo ovulett tº Iºnoſ, L 'ſoul/uos Int, I is unuox on 1 Jo to loſtdouſ put to lipo Aoutloxioſ V ºf solutºno tubul sixtutºr sº uſ lootioluſ sno.1031A orouſ tº losottuſ IV tº 10 tontºut out uoissojourt todeds wou out,L-CIxiv. Hoºl. Sº Ixiv. Ho AGINNGIXio SILottro A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 369 William M. tactics with a view of killing off Springer, were resorting to dilatory the measure. Finally, as a last resort, Mr. Springer demanded that the engrossed copy of the bill be produced. Never thinking that it was possible that Enrolling Clerk McKenney could have had the bill engrossed in so short a time, Mr. Springer demanded the bill. Mr. Reed produced it, the Republicans cheering en- thusiastically, while the Democrats were correspondingly After the the bill Mr. McRenney was immediately surrounded by the Republican members depressed. passage of and congratulated for his prompt action in meeting the Had the measure failed to come up that night, it probably would have been defeated. Old around the capitol at Washington often allude to the clever energency. employes way in which McKenney outwitted Springer. Politically Mr. McKenney is a Republican, and has been unswerving in his devotion to Republican principles ever since he east his first vote. He is active and influential in the councils of the party, and both on the platform and through the columns of his paper renders splendid service to the Republican cause in every campaign. He is a mem: ber of the St. Paul Association, and of the Knights of Pythias lodge. Press Club, the Minnesota Editorial * * * 1N1), JOHN.-John Lind of New Ulm the Second district in Congress for six years, from 1887 to 1893. March 1854, and came to Minnesota with his parents in 1868. represented 25 ---- He received a common school education, taught school, read In 1881 he was office at In 1888 he was elected by the Republicans to Congress by 22,909 votes, to 13,200 for Bullis, Democrat, and 2,114 for Day, Prohibi- He was born in Sweden. law, and was admitted to the bar in 1877. of the United Tracy, and held the position four years. appointed receiver States land tionist. In 1886 he was a candidate for reelection, his op- ponent being ex-Senator Wilkinson. He received 25,099 votes against 16,480 for Wilkinson and 2,924 for Edwards, Prohibitionist. In 1890 he was returned for a third term, receiving 20,788 votes, against 20,306 for James H. Baker, the Alliance and Democratic candidate, and 1,146 for I. B. Reynolds. I’rohibitionist. In 1896 Mr. Lind was nominated for governor by the Populist and Silver Democratic parties. About a year be- fore he became an advocate of free silver coinage and en- braced the theories of Populism. * * * OPELANI), JOHN.—John the past six years represented the First ward of St. years been an active and worthy worker in the ranks of Copeland, who has for in the common council, and for many *aul the Republican party, was born at Newton Stewart, Wig- tonshire, Scotland, Dec. 28, 1845. His father, William Copeland, was born in the Highlands of Scotland, but passed the most of his life in Wigtonshire. He was a de- the sorely persecuted by the monarchs of the Stuart house. scendant from Puritans, his ancestors having been He followed the occupation of shoemaker, and was known He member of the old Secession Presbyterian Church. by a wide circle, and held in very high estimation. was . Copeland, senior, died in 1848. John's mother, originally Miss Marguerite Thompson, daughter of David Thompson, JOHN COPELAND. a wheelwright of Newton Stewart, was also a descendant from Puritan stock, her ancestors, like those of her hus- band, having undergone the most outrageous persecution at the hands of the kings. Mr. Copeland's ancestry, on both sides, were strong Liberals. He was an only child, and his mother died in 1865. John Copeland, the subject of this sketch, learned the carpenter's trade in Scotland, was married in 1866 to Miss Grace Hyslot McKeand of Kirkcowan, Wigtonshire, and then engaged in business on his own account as a con- tractor and builder, doing business in Newton Stewart and 370 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. surrounding 1873. On 29, 1874, he started with his wife and four children for America, land- towns until April ing at Hudson, Wis., in May. There he obtained employ- ment with the old West Wisconsin Railway (afterwards the Omaha), and he has continued with that company ever since, having been for the last fourteen years superin- tendent of bridges of the northern division. Soon after he obtained employment with the company he was transferred to Eau Claire, and having allied himself with the Repub- lican party from the start, he took active interest in politics, and was in the course of time elected justice of the peace. He left Eau Claire in 1879 and became general foreman of 'aul. In the Omaha the car department of yards in St. TAMS Bºx.E.Y. 1SS2 he was appointed superintendent of buildings and bridges of the northern division, the position he now holds. In the spring of 1890 Mr. Copeland was elected to the board of aldermen of St. Paul, was reëlected in the spring of 1892, and was elected to the assembly in 1894, of which last mentioned body he is now the president. During his second term as alderman he was a member of the court house and city hall commission, was chairman of the board of aldermen committee on streets, and was otherwise honored with conspicuous positions in conection with the city government. During his first term as alderman he was a leading member of the committee on ways and Ille-lils. Mr. Copeland is a member of Paladin Commandery, of Summit Blue Lodge, and is a Thirty-second degree Scot- tish Itite Mason. He is also a leading member of the Shrine. Copeland Camp, No. 1544, Modern Woodmen of America, is named in his honor. He is supreme vice chief anger for the United States of the United Order of For- esters. For the past eight years he has been the treasurer of the National Track and Bridge Association, and in 1896 he was appointed commissioner of public works by the mayor of St. Paul. - - - Ixpy, TAMS-Tams Bixby, a prominent Republican journalist and political organizer, whose home is in Red Wing and who was Governor Clough's private secretary, was born in Stanton, Va., Dec. 12, 1856. His father was Bradford W. Bixby, and his mother's maiden name was Sarah Jane Clark. The family removed to Still- water, Minn., in the fall of 1857; afterwards lived for a short time in Hastings and St. Paul, and settled in Red Wing in 1863, where Tams attended a parish school until he was thir- teen. Thrown early upon his own resources, he worked hard at various pursuits. The first money he earned was as a street peddler. He ran a bakery for a short time, and then kept a hotel, and finally found his true occupation as a newspaper publisher. In 1872, when he was sixteen years old, he was one of the editors and publishers of the North Star, at that time the only amateur weekly in the United States, and also one of the editors of the Grange Advance, the first paper of the farmers' political movement which had a very important but short-lived career in Minnesota and other Western States. In 1886 he became the editor and principal proprietor of the Red Wing Sun, which was afterwards consolidated with the Republican, and he is now president of the Red Wing Printing Company, which issues the daily and weekly Republican, and is also the editor of that paper Mr. Bixby was always warmly interested in Republican politics. He was secretary of the Republican clubs of Min- nesota during the campaign of 1884, and in 1886 he was chairman of the Goodhue County Republican Committee. From 1887 to 1889 he was secretary of the Republican League of the State, and from 1888 to 1892 he was secre- tary of the Republican State Central Committee. He was secretary of the Railroad and Warehouse Commission from 1.SSS to 1890. From 1890 to 1893 he was private secretary to Governor Merriam, and he continued in this important position under Governor Nelson from 1893 to 1895, and continued to fill it with recognized ability under Governor Clough. This is an office which usually changes with changing administrations, but Mr. Bixby's thorough ac- quaintance with public men throughout the state, his sagac- ity as a politician, and his intimate acquaintance with the (1 Huſ, I () (2/01/S / H / (II,VI ºf A. F.) // 81/1.1 (I./ I 18. -bluonsoun put: 'ssoupolatºon-tuitºw sitſ ‘Alisotou of sin Aq inq :suozingo Awoſſoſ sitſ Jo loodso.1 on 1 Loſſulo. DInow oud tº suſ, ‘tiouſ soul ol of 1stionaliſIuloouſ AII*101 x.low souot put: piºn to stution tº soutſ tº ‘A’ lºſſ tºo tº it wouis stºn A.Inqsſiſ, I "Liv on otout on 1 ‘pºt stºut on XL10A Jo puſh on 1 ||noujſp oiouſ otſu, II tº Jo tuoſitºloiſſºl tº put: 1990so, 1solition oth uſA on poſiteſ *11 on to luo tº pop|Aſpun sitſ ow!: ol on tº oſ on stºodd tº ºut tº IAA tºo lootiuoo oluſ 115 no.1Q trooq ontºu on A sºn on uſe loſſ AA poſitſ set on Loſt A osoul II tº ºuout 1sod oud trooq loſt sºn oton sonnp sitſ ſo soils.19 Aup out ontºſsop puty "Aaſha sºlºid "w Boºoºo. ºutºut out 10, III-5ululoo II ºuts tº sſ still soonsnil out put: soloudly sold to Aoiſ-I is low Jo on. II bus tº s olo I Allo oul Jo low ºut 5uſoq sopisoq sºul II V old tº lotunuu, suoil -In || 1suſ Jo ools.nal put Autºduo,) 101 tº Aolº stºod trouti IV oth Du tº 'Muu'. I Ibuoll tº N slo, in loº.Inu tº IV ºut; I Ibuoll tº N utopsow -Ill.10 N on 1 Jo 101.00111) tº stoudissºultuo. Litº Jo patrol on 1 Jo toºltuouſ tº : Autº Ituo,) sul, I, put uto I tº losoutu IV on 1 Jo luopºsold ool A : no luo Auo,) ontºls sºld tº slowl touti IV out put: 'uolull sºld tº sIIodºquuſ IV putº Int, I is out Jo syllow -to lºw Jo Duttoºl on 1 Jo Autºduo,) 101 tº Aoû linqLinH-Aunq -SIII, I on 1 Jo too.Iotutuoo Jo Iaquiet[o oth Jo nuopisolid III is st où put: 'Altºsuodsip oo.II sliotſtroutiſ IV on put. Ignudson opunted -ooutou ou Iſounoo Alſo on 1 Jo put open Jo piroq siſodeau -IIIIA on 1 Jo luopsoid trooq set out out 11:11 ºut. Inc. ºnox sº stºº XIs anoq tº sIIod tºuriſ IV uſ trooq AItio stºu Winds II, I *IIA huoso.10 on 1 loſ ojit ALI tºo sitſ opist ºutlinos oji sitſ uſ [[lſ AA (15uoitil trollow sºn Winds. II.I . IV noſti w xi.10.w pilºt 1951. It won Jo hunoute oria Jo snoſ Auo trooq axtºn huāſui dºus -Dio ºuſ A0I-IIon sitſ inq (ºuaul A. rupto exiſ Jo Liow out on *oqºssoſ J. Josuiſt ouguo,) on, puolij tº Aq pasſ Ape stºw on A triºtſºno.1: p.10; I sºw 11 Aunqsiu, I v of too; ) ºud H stºn titºtil 011out on tºoq on pox.losop tonnoq set tuoſº Jo out ºut: Loulou A polqnop on Attu iſ ºnosount IV put outsduit. H AoN sºlosutºsse IV 01 xossº S.putIzug triouſ pox.low put until ootiſs pox iſ owtºn on w_s \inqsiſ, I on 1 Jo strontºlo -tº on 1 II tº uſ in: , 110111.4 plunu () toºſ. sp.tow out on out Iſotil 10, oioſ Voul of tº Jibu tº put so initiº own until a.iotu put:15ug uſ Loſ AIIult: I Ainſistſ. I on uſ poloo. A Litº trºoq on tºu ol pouloos onlin A S1 tº Jolioſ tº put: x tow plºt to ºupſ sli L, folo.L.M until of I on tº stºº oxiown Atolsºn sºul Jo lount on 1 Nºt untſ Jo uollſ, witHonºis-nºt-tº-nºd out uſ poul tº luo.) sº titºul Liow Jo oxo put ºilou o oſquºiſtuopuſ s.A.inqs|[1,i ...[IV Jo puts aq. pinoo ontºutſould tº otout 5ululou 'uoſ lootiuoo still uſ ºtiuſ ºn put to loºtetſo sº inqsſiſ, I - IV Hiſ w oſquedutoo lou stºw All Allottiſ inq : xinxu put astro Jo sluouroumbol oſqissoſ II tº loout on on ºnbopt: oun lioſ tº jo possessod not waſ eſooriso so, tº ssouſsna utou Inouenna. Moos Iotti Isotti uot A on Jo outſ tº outtstitut:H wax plo trio. J tº losotiuſ IV 01 out tº on toºl w on tº Jo stºº own-ºxºs slºw ºf "Tolºſs situ Jo looſans ou Ainºsiſ, I v on too: , "u"H Stºll titºti 1 on tºls still Jo suoluºtonoº olning put unsouſ on 1 Jo Slatºoſ on 1 01 otout Jºsuitſ poulºpua to ssoo -ons pºlitºul odou Do Aquotº set stros poldopt sºlos -outtſ IV Jo out 10 N-(IGI-I-I IV CI+):IOGI: ) "…III: Is I’II * * * ºxidow luonsistod uſ put u011 tºutºto osolo uſ so volloq on ‘Loºtºuttu Alitºſſ tº sv ºut 111sols|| 5uºuſlo utº put lountºu snoolinoo tº Aq pouſ tº Allibindod Ibuosiod sit AIqbuonson) -un s sºon Isn't put solutiod uſ ssooons stu Jo Sosnº on 1 Jo out ) oo.III) set on put son IV ºf 9.SSL III Dub Int, I 1s (I.101 Jo squio Itºiouruoo out on s5uoloq ol I suit, I, put too whºol I Looſ' "uptuºuſ XI unspºſ-uoupuuo tº Itºi, ) SSLIN 0.1 Doſ Lºttt Stºw on ºuou bloossy Iulton pººl ontºls on 1 on put 5ul.A.A pox. *S*HIGH out Jo put: "It’ſºluto, I, služiuxi ou Jo swollo, I ppg) oul Jo Allulolº.1 out sº IV on 1 Jo toºltuouſ tº sº Aqx1:1 ruly "ool lºtutuo, ) Itº.11uo,) on tººls utºliqudoxi ou Jo utºut.utºno sºw on ºst uſ poposiodus Illum put: "ºsſ Ful.In ºut on 1 tillºw osuo Isip A 15uilt will AA toulovoº outling Autº Itºu Aloxi II ou si iſ lºul oqun tº os soo! Allos sitſ ox ºut oouſo own nooxo on 1 Jo SSoulstºl 372 A HISTORY OF THE REPUB LICAN PARTY. tious clarity, he has also won their affection. No stranger could read his public record without admiring a man who Could live such a life; but it is a stronger tribute to his Character that no acquaintance could see the (letails of his private life without his admiration growing to something Warmer. Mr. Pillsbury is only sixty-eight years of age, and it is safe to predict that Minneapolis will yet be grateful to him for much good work done for her, and for the many benefits received at his hands.” If the Writer of the above had written with the pen of prophecy he could not more clearly have depicted the career Not Only has Minneapolis and Minnesota profited by his gen- of George A. Pillsbury during the past twelve years. erous philanthropy, but at least three cities in his native State as Well. In the year of 1890 he erectod, at a cost of $72,000, the Margaret Pillsbury Hospital at Concord, N. H., besides raising a soldiers’ monument at Sutton and building a public library at Warner in the same state. Perhaps the most COInspicuous act of benevolence With which the Min- nesota public is familiar was his donation of $150,000 to the old Minnesota Academy at Owatonna, under the patron- age of the Baptist State Convention. In 1886 he donated $30,000 to build a ladies' boarding hall. In 18S9 he donated $40,000 for an academy building and $25,000 towards a permanent endo Winent fund, besides building a music hall, drill hall, Supplying a heating plant, and buying additional land. In recognition of these lyrincely gifts the Minnesota legislature, by special enactment, changed the name of the institution from Minnesota Academy to “The Pillsbury Academy.” . . . Anything like an accurate estimate of Mr. Pillsbury's munificence is simply impossible, because with his char- acteristic modesty he declines to furnish any detailed state- ments, if, indeed, he could furnish any outside of those that are matters of public record. Enough is known, how- ever, to warrant the statement that $500,000 would be a Conservative estimate of the money he has contributed in the cause of education, religion, and charity. I'ew men ever succeed in accumulating so large a sum as Mr. Pills- bury has given away. Truly can it be said of him, that no worthy cause ever appealed to him in vain. But, though Mr. Pillsbury is to-day a wealthy man, his accumulations are due to his own indomitable energy and business sagacity; for fortune inever favored him with any- thing but a robust constitutiou, inherited from a line of temperate, religious, and energetic ancestors. He was born in Sutton, N. H., on the twenty-ninth day of August, 1816, and his early years were spent among the rough hills of the Old Granite State, Where he received a thorough common school education. This was completed before he was eigh- teen years of age, When he made his first business venture in Boston as a clerk in a grocery and fruit house. A year later he returned to Sutton, and engaged in the Imanufacture This Feb. 1, 1840, Mr. Pillsbury engaged as clerk in a store at Warner, N. H., and the fol- of Stoves and sheet-iron Ware for Several years. proved a successful venture. lowing year he purchased the business, and for eight years remained at the head of it. Then he went into a wholesale dry goods house in Boston for a year, after which he re- turned to Warner and engaged in the mercantile business for another twelve months. From 1844 to 1849 he was post- master at Warner, and at Various times selectman and to W1) treasurer. In 1850-51 he was a representative to the gen- eral Court. Mr. Pillsbury’s business ability made him a leader in every community. This will account for his being placed at the head of the commission that built the Merri- mac jail at Concord, Which was completed in 1852. For nearly twenty-four years—from December, 1851,–Mr. Pills- bury was the general purchasing agent for the Concord Railroad Corporation, in which capacity he made a truly enviable record. It is said of him, that, in Settling pel'SOnal injury claims against the road, alone, he saved many times his salary. He lived about twenty-seven years in Concord, and during that time was honored With nearly every posi- tion of trust within the gift of the people, as Well as being interested in almost every public building erected in the town. In 1864 he was the leading spirit in Organizing the First National Bank of Concord, and two years later he was made its president, a position he held for twelve years. He led in the organization of the National Savings Bank in 1867, and was its president from its organization until 1874, a period of seven years. However, if Mr. Pillsbury was a shining light in the business circles of Concord, he was still more of a leader in the organizations that had for their Ob- ject the relief of the suffering and unfortunate. He was one of the largest contributors to, and the most active in estab- lishing in Concord, the Centennial Home for the Aged, and was for many years a member of its board of trustees. The same is true of his contributions to, and connection with, the Orphans' Home in Franklin. Together with his son, Hon. Charles A. Pillsbury, he made a donation of a hand- some pipe organ to the Pirst Baptist Church of Concord, and individually contributed the bell that hangs in the tower of the board of trade building. He was for many years a member of the city council of Concord, and in 1876 Was elected mayor, to be reëlected a year later. He served from 1871 to 1872 in the New Hampshire legislature, in Which he Was Chairman of the special committee for the apportionment Of public taxes. Upon his determination to leave Concord and New Hampshire to make Minneapolis the home of his adoption, intense regret was felt on every hand, and among all classes of people, for Mr. Pillsbury is not a man whose popularity is confined to any one set, creed, or party. Complimentary A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 373 resolutions were passed by both branches of the city gov- ernment and by the ITirst National Bank of Concord, all testifying strongly to lais integrity and superior business qualities. Complimentary resolutions by the First Baptist Church Were passed, and entered upon the records of the Church organization. The Webster Club, composed of fifty prominent business men of Concord, passed resolutions ex- pressive of their regret over his departure from the state, and Similar testimonials were presented to Jhim subscribed to by more than 300 of the business men of the city, elm- bracing all the ex-mayors then living, the clergymen of all denominations, all the members of both branches of the city government, and nearly all the lawyers and doctors. On the eve of their departure, Mr. and Mrs. I’illsbury were lyresented With an elegant bronze statuette of Mozart, show- ing the high esteem in which he and his a miablo wife were held by their old friends and fellow citizens. No Sooner had he located in Minneapolis than he at once NOl' successful Career been Confined to business alone, for several times he has been literally forced into official positions, which he has filled in each case with dis- became an active figure in the business community. has his very tinguished credit to himself and the Community he repre- sented. Soon after his arrival ill Minneapolis he was elected to the school board, and later to the city council, of Which he became president. In 1884 the I&epublican 1101mination for mayor of Minneapolis was forced upon him, and in the election that followed he received a majority of nearly 8,000. He made a model executive, his devotion to economy in public expenditures and rigid control of the disorderly elements being marked characteristics of his administration. In 1885 Mayor Pillsbury was chairman of the committee to build the Chamber of commerce in Min- neapolis, and the following year he was chairman of the building committee that built the First Baptist church there, the most costly church edifice belonging to any de- nomination west of Chicago. When completed Mr. and Mrs. Pillsbury, together with their two sons, the IHon. Charles A. and the late Fred C. Pillsbury, donated to the church the handsomest pipe Organ in the Northwest. In 1888, at the annual meeting of the American Baptist Union, he was elected president. May 9, 1841, Mr. Pillsbury was married fo Miss Mar- garet S. Carleton, a charming and highly educated woman, who has ably seconded her husband in all his acts of benev- olence, and been his mainstay throughout a long and Suc- While not supposed to be actively engaged in business at the present time, Mr. Pillsbury goes daily to his desk in the Northwestern National Bank, of which he is president, and to the offices of the Pillsbury- Washburn Milling Company, in both of which corporations his wise business counsel is eagerly sought and thoroughly appreciated. Cessful business Career. HEELOCIK, JOSEPH A.—The name of Joseph A. Wheelock, for twenty-one years editor-in-chief of the Pioneer Press, is familiar to everyone con- versant to any degree with the personnel of American journalism. ASSOCiated with the newspaper's Of Minnesota. during the latter half of the century, he has given to North- Western journalism and Northwestern Republicanism, through the paper of lis creation, a standard which has been and must Continue to be invaluable. As no single factor in the political activity of a country is more po- tent than its newspapers, the history of a party is to a great extent bound up in the representatives of its leading journals. The main position taken by a prominent news- paper, Which Speaks at once to and for the people, is Cloubly significant, and while the precise nature of the influence of the modern newspaper is difficult to deter- mine, it is Vastly important; and an adequate study of the (levelopment of a party in any given section must nec- essarily include a review of the attitude maintained by its leading newspapers. Therefore, although not conspicu- ously identified by name and office with the activity of the Republican party in the NorthWest, Mr. Wheelock is never- theless bound by the closest and finest ties to its history. A pioneer among Western editors, he is to be rated among the maker's Of the State as truly as the men who did their Work in the more blatant arena of the legislature or the more Conspicuous field of administrative government. Joseph A. Wheelock was born at Bridgetown, Nova Scotia, Feb. 8, 1831. He was educated at Sackville Acad- emy, and Came to Minnesota in 1850 at the age of nineteen. He began his business life as a glerk in a sutler's store at Mendota, then a lively trading post. In 1856 he became editor of the Real Estate and Financial Advertiser, pub- lished in St. Paul, and in 1858 he was attached to the editorial staff of the St. Paul Pioneer, where he remained for two years. In 1861 he was appointed commissioner of Statistics for Minnesota, being the first to occupy that position. The report Compiled by him during his two years of service in this capacity was the first important Collection of Minnesota statistics ever published, and is still a valuable Work Of reference, COntaining as it does an analysis of Minnesota's position in the plan of continental development, a careful Outline of its physical character- istics and Comparative geography, and an exhaustive statement of its resources as a Scertainable at that time. The character Of this book is something more than Statis- tical, for it reveals the discrimination and far-seeing judg- ment Of the man Who Saw Minnesota's great possibilities and from them argued her mighty future. In 1861 Mr. Wheelock was married to Miss Kate French, daughter of Theodore French of Concord, N. H. At about the same period he, in association with Hon. William R. Marshall, founded the St. Paul Press, and thus 374 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. began his actual editorial career. He continued editor-in- chief of the Press up to the time and after its union with the Pioneer, and his work in this capacity established his reputation in journalism and gave the Northwest its first The Republican adopted and maintained by the Press at the beginning of I'ron 1871 to 1875 at St. Paul. and the great newspaper. staunch position the war was the keynote of its future. Mr. Wheelock held the office of postmaster with the exception of this term Although +1)- pointment as commissioner of statistics he has not held Jose PH. A. WHEELock. office in the state of his adoption, he nevertheless figured actively in some of the exciting crises of St. Paul's early history. In those days which test the mettle of a com- munity and frequently decide whether brute force or in- telligence shall rule, the young Nova Scotian stood with The force of his personality, proud, incisive, and indomitable, inis associates for the finer element in public affairs. made a lasting impression on his contemporaries. Al- though he enjoyed the advantages of education and a fa- vorable environment in youth, he is yet to be regarded as a self-made man in the best sense, namely, through native ability, integrity, and force. Among the important services M1-. fession, is his work on the park board of the city, of which Wheelock has rendered to St. Paul, outside his pro- he has been an active member for years. To his active, un- tiring, yet judicious interest, St. Paul owes some of the most important improvements in its admirable park system. *Into the paper whose fortunes he has molded, how- ever, the subject of this sketch has put his life-work. In Mr. Whee- lock's qualities, those which have made him a marked its history we read the character of the man. figure in the history of his city and state, are honesty, fearlessness, and confidence,—honesty of mind, fearless- ness of conviction, conſidence in the cause of the right. These qualities, backed by a remarkable intellectual equip- ment and combined with literary discernment and inde- pendence, are the essentials of creative journalism. As a thinker, Mr. Wheelock is logical, clear, and incisive. As a writer, he has a trenchant, polished style, rising to elo- quence at times, and touched not infrequently with needful sarcasm. He is as fearless a fighter of shams as he is a supporter of the truth. Staunchly Republican in his con- victions, he is, as an editor, broad in his sympathies and candid in his appreciation of his opponent's claims. Both as editor and citizen his labors in the community have had an indelible influence for progress and enlightenment. The history of the Pioneer Press involves the history of its predecessors and progenitors. The Pioneer, of Demo- cratic traditions, was founded in 1849, and had James M. Goodhue and Earle S. Goodrich as its successive editors. The Press, although not established under that name until 1861, founded in was descended from the Minnesotian, which 1852. The was effected in 1875, the first number appearing April 11th. wººl- consolidation of the two papers Later in the same year the Minneapolis Tribune was incor- porated with the Pioneer Press. The political history of the paper is identical with that of the party in the North- west. It has given the dominant note to Northwestern Republicanism as well as Northwestern journalism. Its political tone has been high and clean; its policy broad and candid. to say that the Pioneer Press has stood abreast with the oldest and ablest papers in the United States. It has done more than any other one agency in the Northwest to com- bat erratic and superficial financial doctrines. As a teacher of sound finance it is not too much It is equally Sound on sociological questions, and in all religious and philanthropic issues it has maintained a dignified and tol- erant position. Locally it has been a powerful agent in the development of the city, and has been constant in its advocacy of municipal reforms and public improve- ments. A HISTORY OF THE 375 REPUBLICAN PARTY. UNNELL, MARIX H.-One of the most commanding |D) figures in the arena of Minnesota politics was, for more than a score of years, Mark II. Dunnell of Owatonna. A sturdy man, intellectually and physically, and industrious and ambitious, with a good talent for stump oratory and parliamentary debate, he obtained a firm grasp on national and state issues and impressed himself strongly on Washington legislative circles and on political thought at home. He was born in Buxton, Me., July 2, 1823, grad uated in 1849 from Colby University, and for five years was principal of academies at Norway and Hebron, Me. In 1854 he was a member of the Maine House, and in 1855 he 1Sº, to 1850 he was superintendent of common schools in that state, was a member of the Maine Senate. Iºroin with the exception of 1856. In 1850 he was a delegate to the first national convention of the Republican party, which assembled in Philadelphia and nominated John C. Fremont for President. In 1860 he opened a law office in Portland. He helped raise a regiment in 1801, and was commissioned colonel of the Fifth Maine Infantry. In 1861 President Lin- coln appointed him consul at Vera Cruz. He resigned that post in 1862, and coming to Minnesota in 1805 settled in Winona, and began the practice of law. It did not take him long to gain recognition in the politics of the new state, and in 1867 he was elected to the legislature. After serving one session in the House he was appointed state superintendent of public instruction, and held that office until 1870, when he was elected to Congress from the First district. Mr. Dunnell served continuously in Congress for twelve years, and became one of the few members of long service West. practical legislator, and was the associate and friend of After Then his con- from the He took high rank as a debater and a the leading statesmen in both branches of Congress. 1883 he was out of public life for six years. the House for the Fifty-first stituents returned him to Congress. He was succeeded by a Democrat, and retired finally to private life, continuing to reside at Owatonna, though spending his winters in Washington, transacting legal business before the courts and in the departments. At the age of seventy-three he is still an active and robust 111:111. * * * LOWER, MARK D.—In tracing the history of Gen. Mark I). Flower of St. Paul, we recount the serv- ices of one of Minnesota's favorite sons. He was born in Chagrin Falls, Ohio, March 31, 1842, on what is known as the famous Western Reserve. His father, M. T. C. Flower, came to Minnesota in the territorial period of 1855, settling in Meriden, Steele county. He was the first settler in that town, and his nearest neighbor was at Owa- tonna, twelve miles (listant. He is in comfortable circum- stances, and now lives a retired life at the advanced age M. T. C. I'lower's ancestors settled 1635. His grandfather served War of the Revolution. of eighty-three years. in Massachusetts in with the cestral record attaches to Cybele B. Flower, General Flow- Her the Continental Army during the struggle for American inde- credit in A very similar an- er's mother. grandfather served three years in pendence, and her father, Col. John Brooks of Ohio, served with (listinction in the War of 1812. MARK H. DUNNELL. Mark D. Flower, the subject of this sketch, came to Minnesota with his parents in 1855, when he was thirteen years of age. He is, therefore, one of the earliest settlers of the state. In 1857 he was sent to the Aurora Institute at Aurora, Ill. It was an academy of high standing, and he remained there until the 13th of April, 1861, the day Fort Sumter was fired He would have graduated in June of that year, but duty called him, and on April 14th, the day following the beginning of hostilities, he enlisted in Company C of the Seventh Illinois Volunteer Infantry, the first regiment raised in Illinois for the War of the Re- upon. 376 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PA ſº T). bellion. When his term of enlistment expired in the Sev- enth he reºnlisted for three years of the war, in the Thir- ty-sixth Illinois Volunteer Infantry, serving in many of the important campaigns in Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, Arkansas, Mississippi, and Alabama. In December, 1863, General Sherman organized the First Brigade of Memphis (Tenn.) Enrolled Militia, consisting of four regiments of infantry, a company of cavalry, and one battery of artillery. This force was enrolled largely from employes of the quartermaster, commissary, and other de- partments of the government stationed there supplemented MARK D. FLOWER. by citizens of Memphis who were liable to military service, that city being under semi-martial law. Of this force Gen- eral Sherman appointed Mr. Flower adjutant general, with the rank of captain in said organization. The brigade was well organized and equipped, very efficient in supporting the regular forces of the government, and in repelling the aid of General Forrest it rendered signal services that were acknowledged, in special orders, by General Sherman. In July, 1865, Captain Flower retired from the army, having served continuously, save a brief period between enlist- ments, from April 14, 1861. His interest in political matters was first manifested when, as a child, he attended the fervºid and inspiring cann- paign meetings of Joshua R. Giddings and Tom Corwin in Ohio. Minnesota in August, 1865, he engaged in the hotel busi- After his retirement from the army and return to ness at Mankato. A little later he became interested quite extensively in the flouring business, continuing therein un- til 1869. of the State of Minnesota to succeed Gen. H. P. Van Cleve. In March, 1870, he was appointed adjutant general He held that office until November, 1875, when he resigned Hav- ing become owner of a steamboat and a fleet of barges, he to engage in the grain and transportation business. operated them on the Mississippi river and its tributary streams with fair success until 1877, at which time all his boat property was destroyed in a cyclone on the Yellow- stone river, where he was engaged in carrying out a gov- Thus, in a nonent, were As the ernment transportation contract. the savings of years swept away. Yellowstone country was at that time involved in war with Sitting Bull, be had, and the whole loss fell no insurance could upon the general, leaving him a financial wreck. Returning to St. Paul he engaged with accustomed energy in the political campaign that was then raging, and was at once elected secretary of the Republican state central committee. He held this position two terms, and was also elected chair- of the When retired from the adjutant general's office it was his firm Ill all executive committee. General I'lower intention to eschew politics (with which he had always been prominently identified) and devote himself to business pursuits; but, having lost all his means, he was forced tem- porarily to accept any position that would yield him a live ing, and so, pushing into polities as an open field, he again became one of the leaders in the state arena. His political campaigns were marked by energy, keen perception, good In the twentieth º, he In April 1879, he appointed deputy collector of customs of the port of Be- fore his term of office expired, President Arthur appointed judgment, and signal victory at the polls. and twenty-first sessions of the legislature, in 1878-7: was elected chief clerk of the House. wººl- St. Paul, a position he filled with credit and ability. him supervising inspector of steam vessels for the Fifth He held this office until Mr. Cleve- land's first accession to the Presidency, when he was re- United States district. moved for offensive partisanship, which he has always con- sidered creditable, and which he does not attempt to palliate. When President Harrison assumed the reins of government he at once reappointed General Flower to his old position, but the general respectfully declined it. 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Ibuosiod tutºw out uoaq sºul on thos -outtſ IV uſ 'uloouſ I Lºlloutuſ out 10] stºw 11 ºvulatº out uſ oLITIAA olo A 1s.III SIM 1stºo of I ºp.1000, lutº III.10 sli Jo Duouſ st put: 'Alled slu Jo sºutſoto out uſ so woulou or ºutroniquo;i Mountºls tº uool stºl to woºl Italoud: , loottº Itºoniod stu 378 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Mr. Hubbard has been mayor of Lake City and a nºn- the While quest of Governor McGill and Adjutant General Seeley, he ber of board of education. mayor, at the re- located Lakeview, the site of the annual encampment of the National Guard of Minnesota, and was largely instru mental in securing its purchase and presentation to the state. This is one of the finest camp grounds in the coun- try, and the yearly encampment of the state troops, rein- forced in some years by the regulars from Fort Snelling, is of great business advantage to Lake City. JAMEs E. BENHAM. Mr. Hubbard is a Grand Army of the Republic, of which he was the first member of Major Doughty Post, commander. He is a member of the First Congregational Church of Lake City. ment and active, belonging to the following named bodies at Lake City: 12; Lake City Commandery, No. 6, Ixºnights Templar: In the Masonic order he is promi- Carnelian Lodge, No. 40; Hope Chapter, No. has been worshipful master of the lodge; is the present high priest of the chapter, and was for five consecutive years eminent commander of the commandery. He is also a mem- ber of the Masonic Veteran Association of Minnesota, of the Grand Commandery of Knights Templar of Minnesota (of which he is a past grand captain general), and of Ozman Temple, Nobles of the Mystic Shrine, and is a charter mem- ber of a local chapter of the Order of Eastern Star. II is maiden Mr. Hubbard comes of New York State ancestry. Hubbard, Both were natives of the Enn- father was John I. and his mother's name was Lucy L. Smith. Helen He has two children—a son. William pire State. His wife, Blanchard Hubbard, is also a native of that state. A., and a daughter, Florence. The Hubbards have a pleas- ant home in Lake City, and are prominent in the social, educational, and religious life of the place. - - - ENILA. M. JAMES ELLSWORTLI.-Ellsworth Ben- han, the present city attorney of Duluth, was born on a farm near Lebanon, Ohio, May 24, 1861, the day Colonel Ellsworth was killed, for whom he was named by his grandfather. His father and mother were both na- tives of Lebanon, and are lineal descendants of the early I ºutcºln of 15-S. A participators in the Revolutionary War, and James I. Ben- settlers number of then were active ham, the father of Ellsworth, was a soldier in the War of the Irelpellion country school until he was fourteen, and then went to the When a boy Ellsworth attended the local National Normal University at Lebanon, from which he was graduated at nineteen with the degree of P. S. and B. A. Then he taught a country school near Anderson, Ind., for a year, after which he went to Moscow, Tex., to go into the lumber business with his father, remaining there until February, 1883, when he returned to Lebanon, and taught school the three years following. He studied law in the meantime, and after a year's attendance at the law school in Lebanon, was admitted to the bar in August, 1886, and But to a young man of Mr. Benham's active temperament, a law opened a law office in Lebanon in January, 1887. practice in a town the size of Lebanon did not offer the remuneration or the opportunities for advancement that an ambitious young man is looking for, so he commenced to ast about for a new location, and on Christmas day, 1890, less than four years after he launched out for himself, he arrived in Duluth to look the ground over, familiarize himself with the situation, and to remain if he was satis- fied. several months, and the following September he decided to The intended stay of a few weeks was protracted to reside in Duluth permanently. He opened a law office, and has followed his profession ever since, vastly more suc- cessful, it may be said, than are most young men. He in- Both grandfather were active in politics in Ohio, and Lebanon, In the paign of 1SS3, when only twenty-two years of age, herited a natural taste for politics. his father and *:11:11- Ells- their home, was the political hot-bed of Ohio. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 379 worth was a member of the county committee and took the stump in the state campaign for the Republican ticket. In the campaign of 1885 he was chairman of the county committee and of the executive committee, both of which positions he held until he left the state in the fall of 1890. In the fall of 1SS7 he tion which he held until he came to Duluth. as appointed county auditor, a posi- The first cann- paign in Minnesota after his location at Duluth was in the fall of 1892 when Judge Searle was a candidate for Con- gress from the Sixth district, and in that campaign Mr. Benham did effective work for the Republican ticket. In April, 1894, he was made assistant city attorney under and held that position until the end Judge Page Morris, of Judge Morris's term. In March, 1896, he was elected city attorney of Duluth, and on July 1, 1896, he was unani- mously chosen chairman of the Republican state convention held in St. Paul, an honor seldom accorded to so young a man. In assuming the duties of city attorney of Duluth he inherited from the preceding administration the now celebrated waterworks cases, which have been the bone of contention between the city and the waterworks company for several years, but which culminated the past summer in Mr. Benham's applying to the attorney general of the state to begin quo warranto proceedings against the water- works company to have their charter forfeited. In these :ases he has met some of the ablest counsel in the state, and the admirable manner in which he has handled the in- terests of the city of Duluth has won for him unstinted praise from Leople of all political parties, and fully justi- fied the faith his admirers and friends have in his ability. In February, 1883, Mr. Benham was married to Miss Etta M. French, at Wakeman, Ohio. plar Mason and past chancellor of the IX nights of Pythias He is a IKnight Ten- Lodge of Duluth. He is also a member of the Endlion Club, one of the successful new business men's clubs in Minne- sota. * * * MITH, BENJAMIN 1) A YTON.—Though only thirty- six years of age, Mr. Smith has accomplished more in his chosen profession, and has attained more prominence as a citizen generally, than is common to most He was born May 27, 1860, at the little village of Vernon Centre, Blue Earth county, Minnesota, now a resident of St. Paul, is James Smith, Jr., who for many years was president and general counselor of the St. Paul & Duluth Smith, an eminent physician of Duluth. Railroad. The other is Dr. Vespatian Previous to his residence in this state, Colonel Smith was a conspicuous At the break- ing out of the war he organized a cavalry company, but figure in political and business circles in Ohio. before going to the front he was made lieutenant colonel of the Third Minnesota Infantry Regiment. He contracted ma- laria and was released from duty at the front and placed in I'olt command of Snelling, which position he held until BENJAMIN. D. SMITH. near the close of the war. At various times he was regis- ter of deeds of Blue Earth county, served in the State Senate from that county, and was register of the United States He Land Office at Redwood Falls for four years. w:LS men of his years. and is the son of John S. Smith and Mary Dayton Smith, both former residents of Ohio, who came to Minnesota in 1857, and, with Col. Benjamin F. Smith, the grandfather of the subject of this sketch, founded the little town of Vernon Centre in 1857, and established a general merchandise store, saw-mill, and hotel. Benjamin F. Smith was a prominent man in Ohio before coming to Minnesota, and was one of of whom became a One of three brothers, each distinguished man in this state. these brothers, who is a member of the Ohio legislature before coining to Minne- sota. He died at Mankato in December, 1891, at the age of eighty-one years. Because of an accident which in- *apacitated him for military service, John S. Smith, father of Benjamin D. Smith, remained in charge of affairs at Vernon Centre until the breaking out of the Sioux war in 1862, location, about the when their midway between 380 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Winnebagoes and the Sioux, made a residence in that part of Minnesota dangerous, and he, with the other in- haloitants of the village, drove across the country to Owatonna, and, after remaining there a short time, went until I ye- cember, 1860, and then returned to Blue Earth county, Min- back to Martinsburg, ºnio, where he remained nesota, where he has since resided. Benjamin I) attended the common schools of Blue Earth seventeen, when he entered the county until the age of state normal school at Mankato, took an advanced course, SAMUEL F. Fu-LERTON. and graduated in 1880. Then he taught in the public schools at Henderson, Minn., for one year, after which he re- turned to Mankato and commenced the active study of law in Freeman & Pfau's law office. He was admitted to the bar in December, 1883. In 1884 he opened a law office and began the practice of law in Mankato, a practice which he has In the fall of 1 SS6 he was elected county attorney for Blue Earth county, to which office he 1SSS. ases, and stands in the front rank of Minnesota continued ever since. was reëlected in He has had charge of many in- portant lawyers. He has been president of the Mankato Normal School Alumni Association; also of the Mankato Social Science Club, an active and successful association, composed of forty leading professional and business men of Mankato, organized for the discussion of social and economic ques- tions. head board of directors of the Modern Woodmen of America. At present he is a member of the Though Mr. Smith's active political career began in 1880, when he was elected county attorney, it would be hard to say when he first began taking an interest in politics. Even as a boy he was active in local campaigns; and since he attained his majority, he has been a leader among the Re- publicans of Blue Earth county. He has been chairman of the Republican county committee, and a member of the When the State League of Republican Clubs was organized, he Republican state central committee for two years. was made the executive member of the league from Blue Earth county, a position which he still occupies. He was a candidate for the nomination for attorney general before the last Republican state convention. Sept. 15, 1892, Mr. Smith was married at Oakham, Mass., to Miss Alice W. Ayres, an accomplished and highly ed- ucated woman, who has a bachelor of science degree from Wellesley College, from which she graduated with the class of 1*Sº. home on one of the most attractive streets in Mankato. They have two children, and live in a beautiful * * * ULLERTON, SAMUEL F.-S. F. Fullerton was born Feb. 2, 1858, in the village of Charlemont, North of Ireland, the historical spot where King James the Second of England Willian. made his last stand in front of King Mr. Fullerton, losing his father and mother when a boy, ame to this country in 1873, landing in New York. Stop- ping with friends in Brooklyn and New York for about a year, he then went to Canada. He left Canada for Duluth in 1879, and he has resided in Duluth ever since. Having identified himself with the Republican party, he has never seen any cause for change. In February, 1895, Governor Clough appointed him one of the members of the state game and fish commission. At their first meeting he was elected executive agent, which position he still holds. As the Minnesota State Game and Fish Commission is in control of one of the most important departments of the commonwealth, it goes without saying that the men appointed to it must possess certain high qualifications. The fact that the subject of this sketch was made not only a member of the commission but elected its chief executive agent as well, shows that he is eminently fitted to discharge the duties of that responsible position. (LHI, II () (210,LSI H | L88 Allºſ Vol. A \,0/1811, Iſºlº/ 01 Dittoq and ontºno on ssouſsna asnoſa,tº put promiſe. on 1 Jo 95 poi woux Tuolouins pen on Aw ontºns out in utºut ºptio on 1 ATI tºoſhoºtſ stºw on asnºooº put toxiºſ Iºlotro: , topun tioſ iſsoſſ tº Iluſs tº uſ poliopunt pºt on of Atos poo: on Jo osnºooºl pittoſ on 1 Jo Withotoos Jo uouſso'ſ oil ox{tºn on tou -tº AA LIN on poſtºod (It won 'suomºloſſo poonotutuo.) stonioſ's -SIttitutoo osmoſio.Lºw put pºo.III tº Jo D.Itzoſ wou on 1 ſton-w ‘ºss Jo oinleisº on 1 Jo osoto on 1 v. sºul ºutinº turn ºn poinoos stºw soºpſ tº ſo troloninsuoo *tiossos oal lºſsºſ oul to ºunoo quittººſ ontº Aq pºol to Ao Aotiouſ Witto put: 1suſ on J, ºptionſ tº pnoſ) "ls N ulsny otºlutº IV on 1 ºu! --N-wºw 's 17- -plund to out out Jo uosuo Xo 10, IIIſ on 1 possed ºut ºut: poonpolluſ os tº oil ºut.uſlso out u0 uoll tº slºtulut oil soul -op Jo ool Atos on 1 ºut Mºul IIIſ out possetſ pull pub Doolll) -olluſ out tº losoutu IV uſ [ools optº.15-11511 Jo stopoo.10 on 1 Jo 1sombo, ou lº ºut uoissos outes sºul Fullup stºw 11 ºtºls tlobo tuo, J isoq on Mool on IIIq sºul Fultuºuſ uſ put: 'solºis luotolull) ou Jo SAA tº prollſ tº on 1 Jo Wºuls tº optºut on toºl tººl "...IV ol! IIAA IIIºl tuouſ uox tº otow possed stºw lºul Atºl on 1 Jo solul tºo, 1soq It: loud: , 10. Alt:19,109s stºw Louilt: A SIII out up poonbonuſ sº Anouxo possed on sºw it unnoun put ‘dout: A\ , I\ \l poon polluſ stºw III'ſ sºul, tº losouri IV ul stanoissºuTuloo osmotiatºw put pºoniſt. Jo pitt:00 tº Ioj župa -oid poonpolluſ sº IIIq. 1suſ on 1 lbum uoissos a ultristºo sºul 5uſ.inp stºw 11 soonſtitutor ºutruſ put peo.IIIb.1 out 5uſoq utout 5uouſ tº soon litutuo., autºnioſ ſtuſ isotti on 1 Jo It: Iowa's to ponuſ odd tº stºw of I rudissos nºt ºupinp proool aid tº Atia tº optºut on oft: Jo straw attºo-ºnua.wn VIIIo Tºnoun put: ‘otulºſsºſ ontºns on 1 on Aquinoo quitºſ ontº tuouſ polooſa sºw on HSSI Jo II*I am III ºn 10 tropiº) at Lioſo II won oppuſ stºw on 95 tº ſo outpooq aſ sº noos st: 1souTV shoºton A lunoo put: 'Iruoissatanoo anºns upontanda:I am to taxºnow ow ſlot; up stºw on 91s.I. Jo (151.pduſto oth uſ put: 'Antinoo Il-Itºi on Iºſ III solutiod. A lunoo uſ oinag [*11ttonguſ tip sew on to 10A on tºmotia pio stºw on otojo: "unu putſ on aton w swoux sº tºwitz oud put swola Ibonitoſ sitſ uſ tºodshno put: Mutº.1 s of ºutsouſandſor muopiº tie udoq sº tº wit: sºn of I ºw on tonſsonſ 1 ºn 1 spotſ put: ‘Int, I is til stoltenºption III wºulºſſuttoo ºut...Insuſ oji I tº won on to loºtºutºut ontºls optºut stºw on to luloidos ºut wouloſ on I, gºs I Ainſ' Intin Autºduro, ) utºdeſ: put: "Isſue. A A 110 IIIAL out ſo toºtºutºut on 1 outboaq put: Autºduro, ) iſ () put pºor out AA out uſ isºtoluſ sitſ nno Dios on #6's Jo ºutnuºq on 1 v ºsteow oatſ poultural on nomisod tion wu "sºlio AA II () put pºor out AA Intº, I 1s on 1 Jo luouſ -ºutºut out oxiºn on poulºſso.1 on uot Lºw ‘ess I ºutſ Illum tionſ.soſſ on 1 pion put-tºlosount IV uſ slottos.stutuoo osmon -oil tºw put pºo.IIIb. Jo Duboſ 1s.III on 1-p, tºoq wou sºul Jo Autºlºtoos outlºoq Louie M - IV ºssi Jo oint-Istºol out Jo Ittoutloºtio on 1 Nºt slottoss tutuo. osmotion tºw put proute. Jo prºoq on 1 on ooººl ox tº Lottoissºutuo.) pºonſ tº Jo oolio oul II un to 'sittº oolina to uomºsod sºul plot of 1 Autºn -o-toos sit tout tº AA LIN optºut on ZSs uſ tº losotiuſ IV Jo Loudis -s tutuo,) Deo.IIIb. Donºſo Stºw tox{tº "H soul tº ſº tº uot AA Tootos unitſ A110 trop.tº) ou u osanoo 5uſusſuu e Aq poluouſ -oiddins stºw stud, statutuns tuitºſ on to 5up tow stoluixa oul uſ popuolilº on tPoiti w Alunoo IIl-Itºi oniº uſ Loonºs lo.ilsº tº uſ uoultºnpo A Litº sºn powlooo... 's III soonjo Itºd -lonunui [tool put patrol lootios out u0 uouſ sod tº Jo opsino oolio Autº plot to Aoti put oouſo onqnd Autº Tuiºnos to Aou on ‘A littºd utionquº: I on 1 Jo shutºu ou uſ [tº luonguſ put: toº low Lºonſlow oxyloº ut: uñnou.L. Alſo uopiº) 11: ssou -Isna as pubuotout It: loud: out uſ postºun uooq stºu on subov unolju used out 10, I suavo III1s on Ioſt wºol sourou tº Mool put put pondituaoud on atou wºunoo Illitºſ ontº uſ 'Allo uopiº) 11: pontoo put Alunoo postulo 1Jol loulu, sitſ plo a bow tº stºw III otojo: "All sooutº Isºugh Jo out putº Silo V AoN uſ positºl put utoq (1100 oilow loulout Dub Loulºſ SLIH ºs º ounſ ºutuſ V to souaori attou Alunoo postulo uſ tuitºu tº uo uloſ stºw or 'soullod put sºulsuſ uſ p-toºl luoilº ºxo ut: optºut stºu out on tº Jo subov Aluoſ AIuo Iºnotu put : Inua Aquinosauru Iw tº sº on Auous uvouri-IIow tº ºutlºodoº osſil suoos sount unu Jo Auſtrinoſºl tº oil-Lw on tºul tº losoutul IV nouănoiu putº Intº, is uſ u woux IIow os s no losis sºul Jo looſans on, L-S I’IGI Mºi Nºlv Z88. Allºſ Wol A VoIT &Iſleſ (121 (1 Hil, 10 Mºſ (), LSIH W stoniºn tºp own Josso aun poliouns oste set on put oatown Jo 95 tº oth nº pop uos AIuo spp. owl set or w "Ilitus ºf ºut AA "stiv 5uſoq urou, Jo auto ºn "Suns -AII stolu ºn tºp oatul set on A sitſ sopisoq put sºliº outſ tºssIIoIV SSLIN on poſitiºuſ stºw utious IIW gºs I gº ºnly ‘olºns oth III Ibut *tie Jo oolaios Ibſtonſpo snonunuroo isºtrol aun pen stºn an tion dooxa otio \ſqissod (IMAA ºxidow nºun uſ 'Isnonunnoo trooq set stºo." Altoſ to put: “uponqndoºr buouſ AA on Jo Ion -Do Jo uouſsoſ on Moon aorto its of "pop[sat outs to Aa stºn of ototi w ºptiouſ AA at Dolboot '99's "ounſ uſ put thosotiuſ IV on too.IIIl-A'luown Jo one out he ‘powoutai on tºlutº Lºsuuo, I itſ ºriopsoil stºº uovos tolj v 'sunuouſ uoonju to poupa on toſſed Tolu A totanoo (ºr, I) aluaint:aution) oul III 1so, Ion -III ut, ostillound on turn oiletto on 15 mono powes 'ootropnitſ put ºusnput uwo sit vol ºpen on pro subov Kluown IIotſ \ put ºilſ appoIN its ºutmoſ' proj\tºto on Jo adulo on uſ optºll sºlutid on poultºol of I ºf 'otuspºorv ht: Funpool isiſ ºwintinoo stun on outso on tºols is Jo oft: aun nº put put ºrigſ Jo stion toºl uſ put 'puttinoos usinquipº uſ huods on tºol NIS on troolino tuouſ subow own on I, IIostuntſ to point.) Stºtt on toolino stºw oil ºuts to Ao put ‘pitow oth uſ ºw tºwo SITI MIow on tulu lja ožº Jo subov lotil tº St Jo II lºop out,L oAII Stºw on trouw ºutwol ovllºti Stu Jo Stooſas lºu -tuºtº put; tıouturo out uſ poleonpo stºw put 'putinoos outs -soutuº, 'os-intſ, L its ºs ºr ºutſ' utoq stºw utºpouts aſk ºut to Aostad put ºutsolut Annual sitt Aq uoissojourt stu uſ trouſsoºl unitſ now sºn on wouo put ontºns out, Jo stol -IDo isoll-itº otil Jo otto ºut on ‘uolloolos \tillow sout tº slºw toºloossv Lººtoup ºf thosotruſiv on Jo nuop Isºtºl is tº out ºut-Louis Iolution-ºriº IN vot ºf Ivº Los I * * * *10soutu IV Jo soºport stºuny, I Jo shutºux on 1 Jo Mutºl tuito Juun on up to studiol.utºnio wou sº put sºlulº, I go unlux tº ‘uosº IV of poºl ontº tº syſtºl on 1 Jo toºltuouſ tº s of I Luiſ oud put sºoq own-uonputſo rol ºut: IV 1 tº toxilt: A\ , butty ss IV on populºuſ stºw route.w "a IV ºls toºltuovo N uſ ºut Jo Autueſ tº set of I ºsſ Jo used tutº oth Jo toºtºutºut put oolinium -tuoo Lulluoo ontºls ution. Indorſ out Jo utºut.utºno huoso.Itſ nº st º II upolandori Jo on: tºo. I oltºns out Jo luopsoid uosoqo stºw on '90s. "Iolº IV ul Alſo put ºutloo Jo soutries out ºut on pot IIIſ out possed squio ºilot; 0s Jo dºus loſtutout tº set (Louw sqn.) *Intº, I as put: Aiunoo Mosuº uſ stºpoujo pºu put poonpolluſ ost; or "Intº, I is Jo Alſo on 1 uſ sy-to-w otland Jo patron pio out Jo ooºſt out, oxtel on syſtow onqueſ Jo toucºssutuoo Jo uo iſsoul out ºutlºoto IIIſ out possed pºu put poon polluſ oste of osmo H Lowo out ul IIIſ Iolº ſtºo oul poonpolluſ on uontºotop. A lunoo vostutºr out Jo utºut -u tº sv Ludlotuntu until .toulo suolº.uodloo uo ool lºtutuo.) oul uo osie stºw put soon litutuoo uountristºol tºdionuntu put: tion tºpidoiddle ooutºut on Jo loautout tº stºw on uoissos spun 5uſin, I Alunoo Mosuº I put intº, I is 5unoon tº stonbu Itº uſ osno H attl Jo toolſ on to topºol poºpo wouxion on unu opetti uo stºw inst Ionideo out hºun hotºſ out put unnesotop Alunoo Mostutº aun Jo utºtuutºus sº uomºsod stu unt wºulos -ol tou wissuſpunq on and to oomputuloo out Jo unsuurun Stºw on troissos still 5uſin, I wountristºol out otojoq ontºpºp -tted tº se ssooons suostov u ornst Ittºus out huo put utºut trosio N. Lentioniſu put oanot; up stºw out ‘powo Ito hºun isol -too Itºſ.ſolettos IIoSIox-ul-Unclust-AA on 1 tº I Mosuº I on 1 Jo utºtuutºut optºut stºw on g6SL "I ºutſ "ountil ºutoutºotop. A lunoo ºvºlonis T-Nvo -sºol out Jo ºuſtatuosse out uo put: "Intº, I is uſ plºw unuo -AoS ou tuouſ oinlºſsºol ou ol poloolo stºw on FGSL Jo II*. oul III oul uſ olou Jo utºut outand ou si otoul lºt plus on 1soul tº Dilloo II -lutenbotº Itºuds, toºl out over tº losoul IV uſ trout ºut JI woul ºpoluttºnbot. ATI truos toºl lou sº ou tuouſ willºw on tº is "sºul toutlºw ºf IV lºt on tºls out tºotºnolull ºut: ºutosºs xel sºutu.tºo sso.15 out topun ontºs out uſ spºo.III tºl ou tuouſ polooloo stºw soxºl toºl uſ 00000Is ºut ºuttu -outos tºul tox{tº Italotto: ) on Atºlo toos stºw out out wistºw 11 *tºlosount IV Jo sºlost ºt-tutºtº out on ºf Atos on tºpouttu Jo on A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 383 He has never been a candidate for an elective office, but without any personal solicitation on his part was appointed Winona, May 16, 1869, and held the position until July 1, 1885, a period of sixteen by President Grant postmaster of years. Again without any personal effort he was appointed to the same position by President Harrison, July 1, 1890, and occupied that post until Sept. 1, 1894, when a change of administration led to his retirement. Mr. Sinclair was never a violent partisan, but politically has always been an earnest Republican, and was sent as a delegate at large to the Republican National Convention at Chicago in 1880, and chosen chairman of the delegation. He supported the late Hon. Wm. Windom of this state for the presidential nomination until the break came, when he voted for General Grant. It was well understood that Gen- eral Grant was his second choice, and that his vote would go in that direction should Mr. Windon's name be with- drawn. He was one of the famous “30t;" who went down with the Grant flag, and was presented with one of the nuedals issued to those who went on record for Grant upon the last ballot. An able and dignified writer, always conservative and iudicial in the expression of his views, he has made the Republican one of the most influential daily papers in the state, commanding attention and respect by his utterances lov in far beyond the scope ordinarily secured journals larger fields. He has had for years, and still continues to wield, a great influence in shaping the political affairs of the state, and in advancing the business and industrial in- terests of Winona and Southern Minnesota has rendered a service which, while recognized, can never be repaid by the community which has been blessed by his life labors. * * * AREY, JOHN R.—John R. Carey, United States coin- missioner, was born at Bangor, Me, March 3, 1830. His father, John C. Carey, was a lumberinan and ner- chant of Scotch-Irish descent, and came to Maine from New Brunswick. Mr. Carey's mother, originally Miss Julia Terry, was of English descent and hailed also from New Bruns- wick. Mr. Carey, senior, died when the subject of this sketch was fourteen years old, and his mother operated the lumber- ing and mercantile interests for four years. During these four years Mr. Carey continued in the public schools of Ban- gor. At eighteen he went to his uncle, brother of his father, at New Britain, Hartford county, Connecticut, where he In 1853 he formed a part of a New England colony, composed of eigh- graduated from the high school of that place. ty-five persons, and emigrated to St. Paul, Minn., it being the intention of the colonists to take up tracts of govern- ment lands in the new territory and engage in extensive farming. The colony came by way of Chicago and Galena, at which latter place they took passage on the old stern- wheel steamboat Clarion, which years afterward sunk in the Minnesota river. The point selected by the colony for locating their farms was at the mouth of the Cannon river, near the present location of Faribault. They were disap- pointed in their expectations as to getting government land for farms, speculators having monopolized the land; so many of them returned to New England. Those who re- St. St. mained in the territory divided up, some remaining in Paul, others going to Stillwater, St. Anthony Falls, JOHN R. CAREY. Peter, and other localities. Dr. Humphrey, the only phy- the at Yellow Agency, where he was afterward killed by the Indians. sician in party, located Medicine Indian Mantorville, Dodge county, was named for one of the party, who located on that spot. Mr. Carey became clerk and foreman in the shoe house of Luke Marvin, who was then doing a flourishing whole- sale and retail business on East. Third street, St. Paul. In September, 1854, he was married to Miss Hannah E. Terry, He had Democratic who had come from York State before his arrival. voted twice in Connecticut, both times the 384 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. ticket, the first vote being for Franklin I’ierce for President of the United States, and the second for Thos. II. Seymour, who was elected governor of Connecticut. He cast his first Republican vote after his arrival in Minnesota, voting in the spring of 1855 for Wm. R. Marshall, candidate for unavor of St. Paul. Mr. Carey left St. Paul, May 12, 1855, for the head of Lake Superior, and located at Superior, then supposed to be the coming city of the Northwest. He went by way of Galena, Chicago, and the Great Lakes, landing at Superior EDWARD. B. z. ER. June 12th. taking with him a stock from Chicago. There he engaged in the boot and shoe business, He took a squat- Minnesota side of and West Duluth. By virtue of his squatter's right and claim of residence in ter's claim on unsurveyed land on the the bay, between what is now Duluth Minnesota he voted for Wm. R. Marshall for delegate to Congress. This was the first election held in St. Louis coun- ty, and but 114 votes were cast, only nine of which were I Lº dence in Minnesota, and continued his home in Superior. In 1857 he left Republican. afterward abandoned his claim of resi- In 1856 he voted for Fremont and Dayton. Superior and located in Oneota, now a part of Duluth, and in the lumber business, he having been driven that engaged from Superior by the great business depression of year. In 1859 he was elected judge of probate of St. Louis county, and was reëlected four successive terms, going out of that in 1871. studied law, and in 1869 he was elected clerk of the district office During a part of these years he court, holding this office in addition to the office of probate judge. He was clerk of the court twelve years, and re- signed during his last term, which was in 1882, to accept the office of register of the United States land office at Lºu- luth. that of Federal court commissioner, which office he now Among the other honors conferred upon him was holds, he being appointed to that position in 1862 by Judge Nelson. In 1864, and again in 1865, he was nominated at the Republican convention, held at St. Cloud, as a Repub- lican candidate for the legislature. The district was over- whelmingly Democratic, and he was defeated both times. While district clerk he was elected city justice of Duluth, holding one term. He stepped out of the land office in 1885. Since 1885 he has remained practically out of politics, but has continued to do good party service in the interests of other candidates for office. Mr. and Mrs. Carey have six children. * * * IER, EDWARD. B.-Edward B. Zier, one of the lead- ing Republicans of Minneapolis, was born May 19, 1857, at New Albany, Ind. His father, M. Zier, was an iron manufacturer and steamboat builder at New Al- bany for more than forty years, and among his most nota- ble achievements was the building of the famous steam- *Robert E. plowed the waters of the Mississippi river. steanner that ever Edward's fa- boat Lee,” the swiftest ther was born in Vienna, Austria, and his mother in Ger- Inally. His early education was obtained in the public schools of New Albany. Studying for the profession of medicine, he graduated from the University of Louisville, and re- ceived his degree from the medical department of that in- stitution before he was twenty-one years old. During the interval between the public schools and college, he served an apprenticeship under his father in the iron works, ob- taining a general practical knowledge of the iron and boat- building business. After receiving his degree of medicine, Dr. Zier spent four years in Europe, most of which time he devoted to the hospitals of Vienna, London, and other large cities of Curope, studying clinics under some of the greatest medical men of the century. In 1881 he arrived in Minneapolis, where he located and engaged in the practice of medicine, "A Lºſ Voſ NWOIT &Iſld (IAI (IHI, 10 A.M.O.I.S.I H. W. g88 on A 115ſq unoſ' stºw Lotubjpuri; Ibutonºur Iou :061T (II Inputſpouſſ) Jo ongs muosoid oul (10 poulos on AA |t|311 (10otºſ stºw ionºſputiz Ibuſioned to H 'suomºſo, poolſ 10tſ otow Aoûl ſºnorſ output outes on 1 a.100 loſſut'ſ put: Ioulouſ to H ...toulouſ sºutſoſ. Jo outpu unpºut on sew au5'ſ utiv ºutſ -Lopt:III. I. Jo (108.1911 tº, I 1.1940:1 tº: ) on tº on 1 Jo IIIsnoo 1s.III tº stºw ous ioninº sitſ unºw nuouſ ºot outes on 1 III poaros SIH -Lºsumo, I Lionso AA Jo Aioisºn on uſ poon oninb put sso.13 tonnej osot A ‘uostolitº, I Air IV stºw Loulouſ ºut: A troo Jo Loquiou º osſº sºw or w ‘Atti.iv. 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Auo up 5uluſ tº: soldſ out itſ osoul 386 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. was secretary of the meeting that adopted the “Lebanon Resolves,” indorsing the Boston patriots, in 1775. She died in 1886, in her seventy-second year. John P. Rea, the subject of this sketch, attended the common schools and Hopewell Academy, near his old home, but got his education principally—as he himself States— while operating a set of carding machines in his father's factory. In 1865 he entered the Ohio Wesleyan University, and in 1867 he graduated in the classical course. He was the prize essayist of his classes in both academy and Col- lege. The class of 1866 made him its president to sign the diplomas of its members from the Zetegathean Literary Society. He was on the program of every public literary entertainment given by his society while he was at the university, and he was also a member of the Zetegathean Society and of the Phi-Išappa-Psi Greek fraternity. Mr. Rea's professional training began in Lancaster, Pa., where he studied law with Hon. O. J. Dickey, and was admitted to the bar in that city Aug. 8, 1868. In 1869 President Grant appointed him assessor of internal revenue. He continued to hold office until May 15, 1873, at which time he returned to the practice of law in Lancaster. In 1876 he removed to Minnesota and became editor Of the Minneapolis Tribune, a position which he held until May, 1877. In November of the same year he was elected judge of probate for Hennepin county, and two years later he Was honored With a second term, a third term being de- clined. In May, 1886, he was appointed judge of the dis- trict court for the Fourth judicial district of Minnesota, and in 1887 he was elected to the same Office Without opposi- tion. He held this important position until July 1, 1890, when he resigned and resumed the practice of law in Min- neapolis. The firms he has been a member of are named as follows: Rea & Hooker; Rea, Hooker & Wooley; Rea & Wooley; Rea, Wooley & Kitchel; Rea & Kitchel; Rea, Ritchel & Shaw; Rea, Miller & Torrence; Rea & Hubachek; and Rea, Hubachek & Healey. When Judge Rea's war record is reached, a chapter be- gins which he has every reason to be proud of. April 16, 1861, he enlisted as a private in what became Company B Of the Eleventh Ohio Volunteer Infantry. missioned Second lieutenant Of the First Ohio Volunteer Cavalry Sept. 23, 1861; was promoted to a first lieutenancy March 12, 1862; was made a captain in April, 1863; Was breveted major for gallantry in action at Cleveland, Tenn., Nov. 23, 1863, and was mustered out as senior captain of his regiment, by reason of the expiration of his term of en- listment, in November, 1864—a result which was due to broken health, though he still Wished to remain in the service. John P. Rea was in every battle in which the Army of the Cumberland engaged from the date of its Or- ganization to the time he was mustered out, including many He Was GOnh- cavalry actions, and he never missed a fight in which his Command participated. He was absent from his command Only seven days—and then he was a prisoner of war. After the war he was the first captain of Company A, First Regiment Minnesota National Guards, for two years, and a brigadier general on Governor Hubbard's staff. He joined the Grand Army of the Republic in Ohio in Decem- ber, 1866; was a delegate to the first Ohio department en- Campment; was a charter member of the Geo. H. Thomas Post, No. 84, of Iancaster, Pa., in 1867, and held nearly every office in the post, including that of commander; Was at every department encampment of Pennsylvania until 1875; was a member of the council of administration of the Pennsylvania department and a delegate to the national encampment; was a charter member of the Geo. N. Morgan Post, No. 4, Department of Minnesota, when reorganized in 1880, and was its first commander; was senior Vice COin- mander of the Department of Minnesota in 1881-82 and de- partment commander in 1883, and he was elected senior vice commander-in-chief in 1884 and commander-in-Chief in 1887. He is also a member of the Loyal Legion. In 1888 he was junior vice commander of the Minnesota Command- ery. He was a member of the national council two years. In 1888-89 he was a member of the board of directors Of the Gettysburg National Park, and he is now a member of the board of directors of the Vicksburg National Park. With reference to Judge Rea's political affiliations, it may be said that, as a boy and young man, he Was an al- dent advocate of the anti-slavery cause and took the stump for the same in 1858. Excepting the time he spent in the army, he was found speaking in T'ennsylvania during every year he lived in that state. He remained with the Repub- lican party until 1892, when, on account of the economic legislation and financial policy of the party, he voted for Cleveland. Just now he is an advocate of bimetallism, he believing that the United States can adopt and sustain its Own financial policy without the aid of foreign countries. Judge Rea is a member of the Presbyterian Church, be- longs to the Elks and the Phi-Kappa-Psi Inter-Collegiate ASSOCiation, Of the council of Which he was president two years, and was married Oct. 26, 1869, to Emma M. Gould, daughter of A. R. Gould of Delaware, Ohio. granddaughter Of General Drake Of Ohio. Children. She is a great- There are no * * * F=SA SPY, JOHN.—Maj. John Espy, one of the foremost citizens of St. Paul, Minn., first saw the light of day in the historic Wyoming Valley at Nanticoke, Luzerne county, Pennsylvania, Sept. 21, 1842. His ances- tral tree bears many renowned names. James P. Espy, the noted meteorologist, was duly commissioned by the United States War Department to prosecute his investiga- A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 387 tions in the Washington Observatory. Several volumes of his reports were published. While holding this office he instituted a service which consisted of daily bulletins re- Specting general atmospheric conditions. He may, indeed, be justly regarded as the founder of the now universal Weather bureau system. M. Arago, the eminent French Savant, Says: “I’rance has its Cuvier, England its Newton, America, its Espy.” The progenitors of the American branch of the family can be traced back to the beginning of the seventeenth century. George Espy, a native of the North of Ireland, settled in Derry township, Lancaster coun- ty, Pennsylvania, in 1729, and died in 1761. Josiah Espy Calme from the Nortlı Of Ireland and settled in Hanover township, Lancaster county, where he died. George, a son of Josiah, was born in 1749, and was a soldier in the War of Independence. He married Mary Stewart, a sister of Capt. Ilazarus Stewart, who fell at the battle of Wyoming— a region Which for many years was the scene of sanguinary Conflicts between contending patriots and the Tories, Brit- ish and Indians, and famed, later, for the long series of internecine contests known as the “Pennymite Wars.” Cap- tain Stewart was leader of the celebrated I’axton boys of Pennsylvania, who left Hanover township in Lancaster county and settled in Hanover township in Luzerne county —a township named by him. During the struggles in the Wyoming Valley, which lasted nearly eight years, the cap- tain rendered patriotic and distinguished services. Josiah Espy, Jr., and Samuel Espy, brothers of George Espy, were also soldiers of the Revolution. They served under Capt. Ambrose Crain, whose command bore a gallant part at Brandy Wine, Germantown, and elsewhere. In 1809, John, a Son of George Espy, married Lavina Inman, a daughter of Col. Edward Inman of the Revolutionary army. In 1841, James, eldest son of John and Lavina. FSpy, married Mary A. Miller, a daughter of Barnet Miller. And then, through a long line of patriotic and distin- guished ancestry, We bring this genealogical table down to Sept. 21, 1842, at which time John Espy, the subject of this sketch and a son of James and Mary A. Espy, was born at Nanticoke, Luzerne county, Pennsylvania. In 1868 he married Martha M. Wood, a daughter of John B. Wood of Wilkes Barre, Pa. Her father was a prosperous merchant and banker, and her mother, Whose maiden name was Sarah Gore, was descended from One of the Oldest and most honorable families in America. Her great-grandfather and five of his sons fought against the British and Indians in the Wyoming Valley campaigns. Major Espy has an interesting history. Much of his childhood was spent under the care of his paternal grand- mother, Lavina. Inman Espy, a Woman of broad culture and great intelligence. In 1860, when only seventeen years Of age, he entered upon a career of independence. Equipped ~. with a good common school education, habits of industry, and ambition to succeed, he came Westward and located at Burlington, Iowa. The War Of the Rebellion set the court- try ablaze the following spring, and John Espy Was among the first to enlist in Company E of the I’irst Regiment IOWa. Volunteer Infantry in response to President Lincoln’s first call. This regiment fought under Gen. Nathaniel Ilyon in those campaigns which did so much to save the State of MissOuri to the Union. Young Espy accompanied it in the expedition under General Sweeny to I'orsyth, near the All- kansas line; was in the engagement at Dug Springs, and took part in the memorable battle of Wilson’s Creek, Aug. 10, 1861, in which action the lamented Lyon fell and the First Iowa lost 151 men in killed and wounded. A few days after this battle the First Iowa's term of enlistment expired, and Espy was mustered out of service. He in- tended to reënter the army forthwith, but his left hand became Crippled for life by a sorghum mill, and rendered him incapable of further service as a soldier. It was at this period that John Espy returned to Penn- sylvania and completed his education. He was graduated from the new Columbus Academy in 1863, from Harvey’s Institute in 1864, and from the Albany (N. Y.) Izaw School in 1866. From this last named school he received the degree of Bachelor Of Laws. He was admitted to the bar Of Ill- zerne county, Pennsylvania, April 20, 1868. f Upon returning from the law school he at once began taking an active part in politics. Every campaign found him on the stump and participating prominently in Con- ventions, either as the chairman thereof or as a hard-Work- ing delegate. He was, of course, a strong Republican; but, while his father was a supporter of Simon Cameron, the son was equally ardent in his support of the Luzerne County anti-Cameron movement. This factional Contest Ofttimes led to very interesting situations, in which the subject Of this sketch figured conspicuously. He helped others to official positions, but business obligations kept him from holding public office himself. He prospered at law; was for ten years a director of the Wilkes Barre Water Com- pany, and of the Wilkes Barre & Ringston Passenger Rail- way, and he was interested in banking and in promoting many other important enterprises. In 1871 he was com- missioned aide-de-Camp, With the rank Of Imajor, On the Staff of Gen. E. S. Osborn of the Pennsylvania. National Guard. He served in that capacity ten years, and took an active part in suppressing the riots at Scranton in 1871, at the Susquehanna Depot in 1877, and at Hazleton in 1878. Major Espy came to St. Paul in 1879. Admitted to the Ramsey county bar, he for a time occupied the same Office with Hon. Hiram F. Stevens. Soon after Coming here he was made secretary of the State Central Committee; this was during the Blaine and Logan campaign, When Minne- -IIIN aſſi Jo Itºu tºo oth luna out 90SL III tioſluollº stu poulini uopiºutº I LIN “uonon. Ilsuoo peo.IIIb.I. Jo SSouſsnq out uſ [In] tº Stºw allotil to Aouat AA "sasſiſſionua Launo on *Autºduo,) pºol -II tº oilutºuv N. allºw ºols lines ‘silodeoutſi IV out Jo nuop -Isaid ooſa stºo." 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I wasoul tº on utºut pinow uopiºutº I ºf ºn Jo Audiº.15010 tº ollºw 0,1,– GLOn 14 J,311:10: ‘No, Iºx v. * * * *osolo Lºuiſ sit Inun too tºo sºul on poliod out oºl utº otoul huouſe.toduol Stu Jo utºut tº ouſ, ºtoſtel Jo plot trosoqo sºn Jo nuoutdoo-wop out uſ isotoluſ ºutrosso Jo unts out sisojuttu put oanor put 5uous III is sº out ºutnut Vinluoo-Jitsu on 1 1stºſ unnoun v ºn Injosn put Asnº sitſ Jo stºo & 5uſuitºul -oil out puods ssentinop III wºtoſ ºut out otou I, Alſtºnidson In Jooºº; tıonut put spueſtſ Jo oſo.uo oºlºl tº Jo tºuao on 1 st outlow tº lituuins #1 ox tº otuou lutºnoto Ion I put ºutlo put: “IV opus IV poo.W. But I ºf utoſ' trol putto inoſ ºn ojºw aſſuºuſlso stu put oil tuoolso loºſt uſ piou si utºut out intº, I is uſ oto II stºº out 15uorul IIb uſu po wouloſ sºu loodsor ºutnut out sºodson out olotºw S. Wºlsº loſt: Iv ºtroſsmºottoo Injssºons Anuoouſufetu tº on pollutº stºw unsop putº sin (Lºſ I of A. Wºo IT &Iſleſ (IAI lbul Atºs puts ºuaibutio (077. Jo pasodiuoo lººp Rutant, auth ponsoºns of ºnsount aun on solº toua stu politoxa Ioſeur oul nuoudubouo hºul 5uſing I ºbst uſ Intº, I is loj huouſ -dutboua Itºu ontºu Inonuſul out pornoos puts géSL uſ out Asino I Ol nuovº hºul oonlituuttoo Iboot out Jo Loquiott tº OSIb StºA of I positow put: ºundshnu, I nº nuoudubouo Uenuur (Inuita-An ºnto auton stuſ to nuoudubouo gºs out atmoos on pieu —ttown out on tºnosauru IV utouj ontºsolop tº stºw at uptu ºr ºv rollandom oth Jo Autiv putº.to oth Jo ‘Lº’ ‘ox ‘nso, I toxiov on sºuoton pub quio Igotoutuo,) auth Jo toºltuouſ tº ‘ootouttutoo Jo Joatutºno oth Jo Ioloo.up tº Oslº SI **) a unoe up sºn wiv "Acºsº NHO'ſ" on to into Ludoostdº out Jo toºltuoul V politou-oº.1 tº put: pollutis-olland sº on 1so wrºtox out uſ slioso, oxtet 1son -o-vol out Jo otto-Doo-wºllºw Du tº Ipotuolutº IV Jo tºwo) .Itzoa. olſtºw. In Juntou ou u poisotoluſ sº put. Alto oth Jo shutd. totilo uſ sºutputul Autºtu polooto os tº stºu put loons unjºn tio toolſ. Adsºr u woux-IIow our suwo put luna of Int, I ls to lºop tºo.15 tº ottop sºul oil out stu Jo isotu Adnooo sºutpſon whilodowſ put shuounso Auſ of tº sit toonotºid oolſ -10 tº slouption III is on out L\\ "pollooxo stroslav on tºns our uſ poiſod load viſuoſtºut upon and oyſ 1soºtº our oat; thos G1. Hiſ, J () Aſ ºf O.J. S I H. W. 888 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 389 He and counsel were eagerly sought by various corporations neapolis Milling Company. was a man whose advice and enterprises, not only in Minnesota but throughout the Northwest. His reputation as a financier and for business enterprise was the cause that led him into taking an active interest in many public enterprises and in the construction of so many large buildings in Minneapolis. He was inter- ested in the Syndicate Block, Masonic Temple, Minneapolis Club, Terminal Elevator Company, the Belt Railway con- necting the stock yards at New Brighton with the inter- urban systems, the Twin City Stock Yards, the City Bank of Minneapolis, and in the George R. Newel Grocery House. He was a man of large, robust physique, and had an impressive personality. Though preºminently a business man, he was all his life a student, and few men could be found who were his conversational equals on such a diver- sity of topics. He was a genial man and had the natural faculty of making friends. A close personal and political friend of many years of the noblest of God's creation,-an honest man in every sense. standing had this to say of him: “He was one His word was always as good as his bond, whether in business, friendship or politics. He was a man who de- lighted in serving his friends, who never lost an oppor- tunity to reciprocate the slightest favors or courtesies, and his loyalty to friendships and business associates was a matter of universal comment among all who knew him.” These sterling traits of character made him a strong man in every department in which he became interested. Withal, these admirable traits hid a great fund of good common sense and good judgment, which helped to make him a man of strong character and wide influence. In molding the business and political destinies of Minneapolis, as well as the state, his influence was witHespread and potent. He also had a large acquaintance among men of national reputation and influence in the country, and at several national Republican conventions he exerted a de- He was a remarkably benevolent and kind-hearted man, al- cided influence in shaping presidential nominations. ways giving freely to public charities. His wise counsels will be missed in the business and political circles of the state, and few men leave behind so large a circle of sincere and devoted friends among all classes. Politically Mr. Langdon was a Republican all his life. He was elected to the Minnesota State Senate in 1872, and served continuously until 1878. He was again elected in 1SS0, and served until 1885. In 1888 the Republicans of his district nominated him for the State Senate, but because of the great Farmers' Alliance “landslide" of that year, he was defeated. As showing his popularity in the Republican party, it is a matter of record that he never had an op- ponent for any nomination he ever received. He was one of the Minnesota delegates to the National Republican Con- vention in Cincinnati in 1876, again in 1884 to Chicago, and a third time in 1888. national convention to Minneapolis in 1892, and He was influential in securing the was chair- man of two of the most important committees as well as a member of the general committee. In 1859 he was married to Miss Sarah Smith, a daughter of Dr. Horatio A. Smith of New Haven, Vt. Mr. and Mrs. Langdon removed to Minneapolis in 1866, where they have resided ever since. Their family consists of three children ROBERT B. LANGLON. –Cavour Langdon, Mrs. H. C. Truesdale, and Mrs. W. F. Brooks, all three of whom are married and live in Min- neapolis. In his religious faith he was an Episcopalian, and up to his death was a vestryman of St. Mark's Church in Minneapolis. It can truly be said of him that in all en- terprises for promoting the growth of Minneapolis, Mr. Langdon took an active and public-spirited part. The same was equally true of any enterprise with which he was ever connected. The town of Langdon, N. D., was named for him. 390 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. RISCOLL, FREDERICK.-Frederick Driscoll of St. *aul, general manager of the Pioneer Press Com- pany, and one of the most prominent men con- nected with Northwestern history, was born in Boston, Mass., July 31, 1834. academic education, he entered the mercantile business and After having received a New England was employed, for a few years, in a clerical capacity. On May 31, 1858, wholly dependent on his own exertions, he arrived in Minnesota and located at Belle Plaine, in Scott county. There he became secretary of the Belle Plaine Land Company, a position which he held a year or more, FREDERICK DRusco-L. On final settlement for services the company, having no tangible property except or until the company assigned. vacant lots and a country newspaper printing office, offered him his choice, and he concluded to take the newspaper office, although a stranger to the business. Thus it was that the old Belle Blaine Enquirer–a rank Democratic sheet - was taken possession of by Mr. Driscoll and converted into a radical Republican paper known as the Scott County Journal. In 1860 the Republican county convention nominated him as a candidate for the Minnesota House of Representa- tives. It was during the famous Lincoln compaign, and, although Scott county was the banner Democratic county of the state, Mr. Driscoll was elected by eight plurality. there being two Democratic candidates who so divided the vote of their party as to let the Republican candidate win. His valuable services, while a member of the House, in helping to fix the terminal of the present Duluth railroad at St. Paul-though he was not then a resident of the city, are still remembered by many of the older citizens. The following winter he was elected, after nineteen bal- lots, to the office of secretary of the State Senate, of which Ignatius Donnelly was the presiding officer. Judge R. F. Crowell, recently deceased, was his chief competitor. In the following month of November he moved to St. Paul and started the St Paul Daily Union. Upon the open ing of the ensuing session of the legislature, in the winter of 1863, he was elected state printer. This was after a strong contest with the established Republican paper, the St. Paul Press, and it resulted in the consent of the proprietors of the Press to sell to Mr. Driscolla half interest in that paper. On March 1, 1863, the Daily Union ceased publication, and Mr. Driscoll became business manager of the St. Paul Press. Much that is interesting might be written of the stirring political history of the state during the preceding year. There was the keen contest for the United States senator- ship between Alexander Ramsey and Cyrus Aldrich and the consequent warfare of factions, the great Rebellion; the terrible Indian massacre of 1802—all these occurrences help- ing to make it one of the most eventful years in Minnesota's history. Early in 1863 Governor Ramsey was elected to the United States Senate, and, with but one Republican paper at the capital, there was general acquiescence in the situa- tion and peace once more reigned in the ranks of the Repub- lican party of the state. In 1867 the subject of this sketch served as secretary of the Republican State Central Committee, and in 1868 he was elected chairman of this committee. The political his- tory of this period was of the most exciting character. It covered the noted congressional campaign in which Igna- tius Donnelly bolted and ran for Congress independently— an act which resulted in the election of Eugene M. Wilson, a Democrat, over C. C. Andrews, the Republican candidate. In 1870 Mr. Driscoll took active charge of the St. Paul postoffice on behalf of Mr. Wheelock, who had been ap- pointed postmaster, and he held this position until 1875. In April of the same year the proprietors of the Press pur- chased the Pioneer and the two papers were consolidated under the name of The Pioneer Press. A year following, in May, 1876, the Pioneer Press Company bought the Minne- apolis Morning Tribune and the Erening Mail, the only dailies then published in that city. The publication of the Mail was discontinued, and the Morning Tribune was changed to A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 391 the Evening Tribune. After this, for nearly four years, the Pioneer Press was the only morning paper published in Minnesota. In 1890 Mr. Driscoll was elected president of the St. Paul Chamber of Commerce. In the same year he was elected a member of the board of directors of the Associated Press, and was also made one of the three members of the executive committee thereof, positions which he has held continuously to the present time. In 1893 he was elected one of five members of the executive committee of the American Newspaper Publishers' Association, an association which comprises 100 of the leading daily papers in the United States. He still serves in the same capacity, having been reelected in the spring of 1896. His prominence in newspaper circles is attested in many ways. For several years, and from the very inception of the organization, he has been president of the Dual City Publishers' Associa- tion, composed of Twin City dailies, and in all important Northwestern journalistic events he has borne a conspicuous part. At this writing (1896) he is engaged as actively as ever in the performance of his multifarious duties as gen- eral manager of the Pioneer Press Company. * * * ILFILLAN, JOHN B.-It is extremely doubtful if the majority of the residents of Minnesota, especially the younger generations, realize how much the de- velopment and the growth of this state is due to the early New England settlers who came here during the late fifties. As a rule, they were young men without financial capital, but nearly all were well educated, enterprising, and en- ergetic; and few are those that have not left their mark upon the political, commercial, financial, and social history of the state. One of these men was John B. Gilſillan, a Vermonter by birth, who came to St. Anthony, now East Minneapolis, in October, 1855, to pay a visit to his brother- in-law, Capt. John Martin–a visit that resulted in his locat- ing there permanently. He was born Feb. 11, 1835, in the little town of Barnet, Caledonia county, Vermont, and is of Scotch ancestry, some of whom settled in Caledonia county as far back as 1794. It is from these sturdy Scots that he derives those persevering and industrious traits to which, more than to any other, his success in life is due. His early education consisted in attending the district schools in Caledonia county, and, later, the Caledonia Acad- emy, in which he prepared himself to enter Dartmouth College, but did not take a college course. His parents were comfortably well off, but in the matter of academic Gilfillan himself instead of drawing on their resources. and higher education young decided to help At the age of seventeen he became a school teacher in the district schools of his native county and followed that vocation three winters—replenishing his educational funds thereby, and incidentally putting into practice the education he When he 1855, he secured a position as school teacher there, where had already acquired. ame to St. Anthony, in he taught during the next year. His leisure time was spent in reading law. At the close of his school term he entered the law office of Nourse & Winthrop. Later he became a law clerk and student in the office of Lawrence & Lochren, and in 1860 was admitted to the bar of Hennepin county. Immediately afterwards he formed a law partnership with - JOHN B. GILFILLAN. James R. Lawrence, which continued until Mr. Lawrence went to the war. Mr. Gilſillan continued the practice of law alone in St. Anthony until 1871, when he formed a partnership with Judge Lochren and Hon. W. W. McNair and came to the west side of the river, now Minneapolis proper. This partnership continued until Judge Lochren was appointed to the district bench, after which the part- nership of McNair & Gilſillan continued until within a short time of the death of the former. At present he is senior member of the law firm of Gilfillan, Belden & Willard, a partnership that was formed in 1884. Mr. Gilſillan has the 392 A HISTORY OF THE REPUB LICAN PARTY. reputation of being one of the most careful and thorough counselors of the Hennepin county bar. There is nothing of the sensational or emotional about him. On the other hand, he carries his point by putting his evidence in a plain and comprehensible manner, which is supplemented by logical appeals to sound sense and judgment. Politically, Mr. Gilſillan has always been a consistent and ardent Republican; but he is a “stickler” for conserva- tive protection. His idea is that all such industries as are worthy of protection should be protected, but he believes in Such an adjustment of tariff duties as Will throw the burden on the luxuries, thereby deriving the greatest portion of the government's revenue from that source. Soon after his admission to the bar he was elected city attorney of St. Anthony, serving at different periods four years. In 1863 he was elected county attorney of Hennepin county, He was again elected in 1869, and served until 1871; and again in 1873, and served until 1875, holding that office eight out of twelve years between 1863 and 1875. In 1875 he was elected to the State Senate from the district representing that part of Minneapolis east of the Mississippi river, together with the Counties of Anoka and Isanti, and served continuously in that body until March, 1885. After the first contest, in 1875, his succeed- ing elections to the State Senate were almost unanimous. On entering the Senate his record shows that he at once became a leader, and, during the first sessions, was chairman and served until 1867. of the committee on taxes and tax laws, and was largely instrumental in embodying those laws into the present ef- ficient code. He was from the first a member of the ju- diciary committee of the Senate, and for the last five years its chairman. At other times he held the chairmanship of the finance committee, and he was chairman of the com- mittee On university and university lands all the time he was in the Senate. In the legislation effecting the adjust- ment of the state railroad bonds, Mr. Gilfillan was an active leader on the floor of the Senate in working against repudia- tion, and he practically dictated the bill that finally passed the legislature. In the Summer of 1884 he received the Re- publican nomination for Congress from the Fourth district, was elected the following November, and served one term. At the close of his congressional career, in 1887, he went abroad, traveling in different parts of Europe and the old WOrld nearly two and a half years, after which he returned to Minneapolis and resumed his law business again. Mr. Gilfillan was married in 1870 to Miss Rebecca C. Oliphant, a charming and highly cultivated woman, who died March 25, 1884. Five children were the issue of his marriage, four of wholm, three boys and a daughter, survive On June 28, 1893, he was married to Miss Lavinia. Coppock Of Lisbon, Ohio, but who had resided in their Imother. Washington, D. C., for ten years previous to her marriage. Miss Coppock was the daughter of the late Ezra Coppock and Anna French, his wife, now Mrs. R. C. Taggart of Washington. If Mr. Gilſillan Can be said to laave any particular hobby, it is On the subject of education. As far back as 1859, while only a law clerk, he organized in the village of St. Anthony the Mechanics Institute for Literary Culture, and was One of its first Officers. About the same time the young law clerk drew up a bill for the organization of a school board in St. Anthony, under which the first system of graded schools was introduced, and it was on this begin- ing that the present splendid school system of Minneapolis has since been built. He was one of the first members of the school board in St. Anthony, and continued in that service eight years. He was also a member of the board of regents of the state university from 1880 to 1888. All through his legislative career as an influential member of the State Senate, we find him bending his every energy towards the building up of the university and the other edu- cational institutions of the state. Indeed, it would be im- possible to speak of his splendid services in the cause of education in too flattering terms. * * * IILI/IAMS, MILTON MI.—Milton M. Williams Of W Little Falls is an active Republican, and is widely known as the projector and manager of the great Water-power improvements which have developed important manufacturing enterprises and increased the population of that town more than five-fold during the past few years. He was born in Litchfield, Mich., in 1848, and was one of a family of twelve children. His father, John Newton His mother came from New York City, and her maiden name was Susan A. Williams, was a Presbyterian minister. Halstead. Her father was purchasing agent for General Washington during the Revolutionary War, and died in New York at the great age of ninety-six. Milton was edu- Cated in public and private schools, took a high school Course, and completed his studies under a private tutor. His father removed to Minnesota in 1857, and settled in GOOdhue County, where he preached and worked as a mis- SiOnary for the American Sunday School Union. At the age Of tWenty-two the young man began an active and Successful business career in the work of railroad construc- tion, With the firm of De Graff & Co. This firm built the line from St. Peter to Watertown, S. D., for the Winona. & St. Peter Company, a line which now forms a part of the Chicago & North-Western system. The firm also con- Structed the road from St. Cloud to St. Vincent for the St. Paul & Pacific Company, which now forms a part of one of the main lines of the Great Northern. It also A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 393 built the portion of the Northern Pacific system between Sauk Rapids and Brainerd. In 1881 the firm was engaged in building the Little Falls & Dakota road, from Little Falls to Morris, and the Northern Pacific, I'ergus I’alls & Black Hills road, from Wadena, to Wahpeton. Both these lines now belong to the Northern Pacific. Purchasing a section of land near Little Falls for a farm home, the attention of Mr. Williams was directed to the possibilities of the great unused water-power formed by the rock ledge which runs under the Mississippi at that place. He organized a collapally, raised a capital of $250,- 000, and built a strong dam, with canal, sluices, dikes, etc., thus obtaining one of the greatest powers in the entire Northwest. He is president of the Little Falls Water Power Company which owns these improvements, and which has brought to the town an immense lumber mill, a flouring mill, a paper mill, and a number of Other indus- tries. He was president of the Ilittle Falls Chamber of Commerce for five years, is vice president of the First Na- tional Bank, and is connected with many business enter- prises. Although an earnest worker in Republican politics, Mr. Williams has never desired to hold any public office, and never has except serving on Governor Hubbard's staff as assistant quartermaster general, with rank of colonel. In 1894, While chairman of the Republican committee in the Porty-sixth senatorial district, comprising the counties of Crow Wing, Todd, Morrison, and Mille Lacs, he was active in reversing an overwhelming Democratic majority in Mor- rison county, making that County heavily Republican. His services On the Stump as a logical and Vigorous speaker contributed to this result. Mr. Williams was married in 1889 to Miss Florence E. Bennett of Rochester, N. Y. The Williams home at Tittle I'alls stands in the midst of an estate a mile square, which forms one of the handsomest farms in Minnesota, and lies immediately west of the city limits. Mr. Williams is heart- ily interested in good roads and in modern methods of agriculture. He is a thirty-second degree Scottish Rite Ma- son, a Knight Templar, and a charter member of the Min- nesota Club of St. Paul. ºn ºn ºn RATT, ROBERT. — It is doubtful if Minneapolis ever had a more popular and efficient Chief execu- tive than Mayor Robert Pratt. He was born in Rutland, Vt., Dec. 12, 1845. His father, Sidney Wright Pratt, now deceased, was a farmer; his mother, whose maiden name was Sarah E. Harkness, Was a Scotch lady whose parents came to America. When She Was Sixteen years of age, from Dumfries, Scotland, and settled in Ver- mont. Robert's paternal grandfather married a South Carolina lady, and was a captain in the War of 1812. During Mr. Pratt’s school years he attended the district schools at Brandon, Vt., finishing his education at the Well- known Brandon Seminary. When asked how he earned his first dollar, he answered, with a touch of sturdy pride, “By picking up stones in my native state.” He has been pick- ing up stones ever since, and with them he has established a reputation that reflects credit upon his industry and man- hood alike. When he was in his sixteenth year he enlisted in Com- pany H, Fifth Vermont Infantry. This was in August, 1861. The full company was raised in his own town of Brandon and the immediate vicinity, and comprised boys from the village, farms, schools, and shops. The regiment was mustered into service in September and sent to Wash- ington, afterwards joining McClellan in Virginia, and be- coming a part of what was known as the “Old Vermont Brigade,” it being composed wholly of troops from that state. Remarkable as it may appear, T&obert Tratt was not ab- sent from his command one single day (luring nearly four years of service. He was in all the engagements partici- pated in by the Army of the Potomac—the “Seven-Day” battles undler McClellan; the second battle of Bull Tun; Antietam; first battle of Fredericksburg, under Burnside, and the second battle of Fredericksburg, under FIOOker– really a part of the battle of Chancellorville; Gettysburg; the battle of the Wilderness; Spottsylvania; Cold Harbor and Petersburg, under Grant, and in many Other actions there before the Union lines were fully established. In the Seven Days' battles the I’ifth Vermont was almost anni- hilated at the battle of Savage Station, and at Spottsylvania it was in action ten hours, and held the angle at the fearful “Slaughter Pen.” During the riots in New York City the “Old Vermont Brigade” was sent there from the front a short time to preserve order and protect the city from fur- ther riotous demonstrations. In 1864 the division to which Mr. Pratt belonged was detached from the Army of the Potomac and hurried to Washington, to protect that city against Early's threatening raid. It was this division that drove the dashing Early back and saved the capital. The Corps then, under the command of Sheridan, followed the Rebel army into the Shenandoah Valley and participated in the battles of Winchester, I’isher's Hill and Cedar Creek, the Rebel army being routed completely and thoroughly broken up. While in the Shenandoah Valley, all soldiers who had served three years were given permission to vote in the field, the votes being credited to their respective states. Mr. Pratt had served more than three years, and so cast his first vote for Abraham I, incoln in November, 1864, when Only eighteen years of age. In December, 1864, the corps returned to the Army of 394 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. the Potomac at Petersburg, and did duty in the trenches there during the remainder of the winter of 1864-65. It was this command that surprised and captured the Rebel works at Petersburg on April 2, 1865, the Fifth Vermont Infantry having the honor of leading the corps in the attack which compelled the evacuation of Petersburg and Richmond. In the history of “Vermont in the Civil War,” Captain Gould, the first man to enter the enemy's works at the capture of Petersburg, and who was breveted major for his bravery at this time, says: Roe ERT PRATT. “My statement thus far has been necessarily in regard to myself. It is but justice to an officer who was as brave as modest, that I should complete the history of that early morning engagement at the earthwork mentioned. It was reported to Lieutenant Pratt that I had been killed inside the works. Forming the men in the ditch, he led them into the work, and, after a short but desperate fight, cap- tured the guns and a number of prisoners, and held the works until other troops arrived; but in the excitement of the battle and his anxiety to rejoin his command, Lieu- tenant Pratt left guns and prisoners to the first comers, and, omitting to place guards upon or to take receipts for his captures, did not receive the credit to which he was entitled.” Then followed the pursuit of the fleeing Confederates, the attack upon the Rebel rear guard at Sailor's Creek, and the capture of General Ewell and staff and quite a large Mr. also at Appomattox, where General Lee laid down his sword portion of Stonewall Jackson's old corps. Pratt was and the War of the Rebellion came practically to an end. After this great event our subject's corps was sent by forced marches to get in the rear of Johnson's army, which had not yet surrendered. The war over, the young soldier was finally mustered out of service July 12, 1865. He enlisted as a private, served as corporal, sergeant, and sergeant major, was promoted to a first lieutenancy near the close of 1864, and in the spring of 1865, while yet a little more than nineteen years of age, he was commissioned captain. At the close of the war the captain attended school In November, 1866, he came to Minneapolis in company with his brother, who the battle of the sought relief for his infirmities in the healthful regions another year at the Brandon Seminary. had been wounded in Wilderness and of Minnesota. This visit resulted in Robert Pratt becom- ing a permanent resident of the Flour City, for he has Not finding anything else to do at In the lived there ever since. that time, he worked by the day in a lumber yard. winter he found employment in the woods at twenty dol- lars per month; in the spring he drove logs on rivers. Soon after this he bought teams and hauled lumber in Minnne- apolis during the summer months and worked in the woods, hauling logs by the thousand feet, during the winter sea- son. Then he began lumbering for himself. For the past fifteen years or more he has been engaged in the fuel busi- ness in Minneapolis. Politically, Captain Pratt has always been a Republican. While he never has sought office, political preferment has come to him, and he has held various important positions of public trust. From 1884 to 1887 he was a member of the Minneapolis city council, having been elected from the Third ward, a Democratic stronghold. He helped to pass the much-needed patrol limits, and carried to the courts a suit to compel the railway corporations to bridge, at their own expense, the dangerous street crossings of the city. In 1SSS he was elected a member of the school board for four years, and in 1892 he was reëlected for a term of six years. He was interested in securing free text-books for the public schools, and has manifested zeal in all matters tending to On Jan. 1, 1895, he was elected mayor of the city of Minneapolis for promote educational interests in his chosen city. a term of two years, and he has been renominated for the same position and for a similar term from Jan. 1, 1897. His A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 395 almost unanimous renomination would seem to indicate great satisfaction with his administration. Mayor Pratt is president and a director of the German- American Bank of Minneapolis, is a director of the com- mercial club, and he is a member of the Masonic and Elk orders and of the Grand Army of the Republic and Loyal Legion. Though not a church member, he has for many years been trustee of the Fourth Baptist Church, of which On Aug. 30, 1871, Seven his wife and daughters are members. he was married to Irene Lamoreaux, in Minneapolis. children have been born to them, of whom six are living- three sons and three daughters. Two daughters have been graduated from the state university, at which a son is now in attendance. One daughter was valedictorian at the Min- neapolis high school, another took class honors at the uni- versity, and the former was elected “Queen of the Car- mival” during at the Twin Cities in Sep- 1896. prominent the great events tember. Mrs. Pratt, an accomplished lady, is very in Sunday-school circles, and graces a lovely home at 1003 Bryant avenue north. * * * WILLIAM III, NIR Y. —William tis, one of the most widely and favorably known ~ USTIS, Henry Eus- residents of Minneapolis, was born at Ox Bow, Jef- ferson county, New York, July 17, 1845. His father, Tobias Eustis, was a native of Truro, Cornwall, England, and in- migrated to New York in 1839, crossing the ocean in a sailing vessel, and being six weeks on the water. Mr. Eustis attended the district school at Hannond, and was eventually sent to Governeur Seminary, St. Lawrence county, from which he graduated in 1870. Then he at- tended Wesleyan University, Middletown, Conn., graduat- ing in 1873. He graduated from Columbus Law School in 1874, having taught school in New York during his law school term. He began the practice of law at Saratoga Springs, Jan. 1, 1875. Mr. Eustis came to Minneapolis in October, 1881, and at once began the practice of law, and also to take an active part in politics. His political activity was of the unselfish order, and he therefore received no reward for his services to the party until 1892, when he was elected mayor of Min- neapolis. As mayor Mr. Eustis carved out a policy of his own, and in pursuing it excited attention almost national in its scope. He believed that in city life moral issues are far more perplexing than financial issues, and that, therefore, they should receive the more careful attention from the mayor. He maintained that the saloon is the fountain head of the wrong side of the moral issues, and that the mayor should exert himself to the utmost to surround himself with a thoroughly honest and efficient police and detective force. He argued that there are two main reasons why the First, “So- ciety demands the life of the (liquor) traffic, and refuses to saloon is the fosterer and promoter of crime: recognize its right to exist.” The laws of society legalize and foster the liquor traffic, and at the same time public opinion places the dealer in the traffic outside the pale of society. The saloonkeeper is looked upon as a social out- cast, and he naturally feels that he owes little to society except the right to earn his living by selling his licensed He feels that he is under little obligation to the More than that, at him by upper circles and goods. law-abiding side of the world. the an- the made athemas that are hurled onslaughts upon him of so-called Crusaders have - - w il-L-AM. H. Eus I is. some of the saloonkeepers rebellious and reckless. Second, the average policeman or city detective is somewhat prone to be susceptible, if not to pecuniary influence then to free treats, and this weakness of the official enables the saloon- keeper to prosecute his criminal methods without molesta- tion in the very presence of an angry, law-abiding populace. These were the views of Mayor Eustis, and from the begin- ning of his official career he proceeded to surround himself with policemen and detectives whom he believed to be free from these influences, and to devote his utmost attention to regulating the saloons. He was not long in discovering, however, that no amount of honesty and efficiency of the police could in every instance bring to justice criminal 396 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. operators in saloons. He therefore devised a method that proved to be able to reach every case. He made a rule that every saloonkeeper should be held responsible for what takes By this method he called to account the saloonkeeper in whose sa- place in his saloon within the bounds of reason. loon a robbery had been committed, and ordered him to refund the stolen money upon penalty of having his license revoked if he failed to obey the order. He held the saloon- keeper responsible for every crime committed in his place of business, without regard to who committed the crime, and his penalty was the revocation of the license where GEEHARD wil-LRICH. stolen money or other property was not returned or where the crime was so grave that it could not be repaired with a money compensation alone. The plan worked so well that Mr. Eustis's successor, Mr. Pratt, pursued the same policy. All reforms beget differences of opinion, and there was no exception in this instance; but it is a matter of record that the reform thus introduced and carried out by Mayor Eustis during his efficient administration resulted finally in fewer arrests for drunkenness, in a better class of saloon- keepers, and in a very considerable reduction of expenses in the police department and in the cost of running the workhouse. It was a part of the policy to reform habitual drinkers, if possible; and in furtherance of this scores of men arrested for drunkenness were given the Ixeeley cure is little doubt that this admirable policy will sooner or later be and influenced to become better citizens. There adopted by all progressive city governments. If ex-Mayor Eustis does no more for mankind, he will be entitled to a large measure of gratitude for the great stride taken by him in the direction of reform in municipal government. * * * ILLRICH, GEBHARI). - Gebhard Willrich, probate judge of Ramsey county, has had a most 11-w remarkable career. Descended from a long line of German Lutheran ministers, who trace the family and the profession back almost to the Reformation, including among their number many illustrious scholars and divines, and at least one bishop of the Lutheran Church; inheriting from his mother the daring, roving, venturesome, military traits that had for many generations characterized her family, Gebhard Willrich entered upon his career endowed with a nature and a disposition which largely helped to shape the events of his after life. May 27, 1853, at the little village of Gilten, Hanover, this son of August Willrich and Louisa Leopold first saw the light. ences of a refined and cultured home. From his birth he was surrounded with the influ- From his father he received his early educational training, and was fitted to enter the preparatory schools, from which he expected to go forward to the university and to a career in the German navy. But that loving father's heart was stilled and his guiding hand removed ere yet the son had reached the age of eleven. Ministering over the grave of a poor parishioner, he contracted the fatal malady that brought his life's work to a sudden termination, and left the family home a house of mourning. During the next four or five years young Willrich pur- sued his studies at the preparatory schools of Oldenburg and Kiel, and was looking forward to an entrance at the university when the discovery of a defect in his right eye rendered impossible the His in- pulsive, imaginative nature had been liberally fed on Coop- areer he had planned. er’s “Leather-stocking” tales and other romances of the Western world. If he could not enter the German navy he could at least come to America, where fortune was eager to reward with abundance every earnest effort. How wide the difference between our expectations and our realiza- Instead of a speedily return to the fatherland, and tions! acquired fortune, an early a home of ease and refine- ment, Gebhard Willrich passed through twelve years of the most arduous frontier life, working a farm and learning English in the wilds of Missouri; hunting deer, wolves, or A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 397 buffalo among the savages on the frontier of Indian Terri- tory and Texas; teaching German at Independence, Mo.; earning the princely sum of five dollars by an entire win- ter's work cutting wood at the mouth of the Red river in Louisiana, when he was obliged to sell his cherished copies of Schiller and Goethe to provide himself with food; work- ing a Red river plantation; tramping his way into Texas in search of employment; back down the Red and up the Mississippi river to St. Louis again; studying law in the office of ex-Governor Fletcher; admitted to the bar in 1876: practicing in the office of United States Senator John C. Henderson, of anti-third term fame; emigrating to Minne- sota; farming and practicing law in Kittson county, and finally coming to St. Paul, after selling out his farm, where we find him, in 1882, teaching German in the public schools and preparing to enter upon the practice of his chosen pro- fession. Such, in brief, was the checkered career of Geb- hard Willrich the first twelve years of his life in the new His great fund of knowledge had been world. dreams had been far from realized, but a gained; and when, the next year, the Drake block fire left him penniless, and with only a hat and a nightshirt as his sole earthly possessions, the stout-hearted young man started in again and soon had a lucrative practice. Always a Republican, he was a leader in the organiza- tion of citizens' clubs in 1887, was elected chairman of the Central Citizens' League, and was largely instrumental in carrying the spring elections of 1888. In the fall of 1888 he was elected to the state legislature, and helped put through many important measures, among Ballot Bill bill to He introduced the bill to annul the them the Australian and the abolish prison contract labor. charter of the street railway company, which brought that corporation to terms, and paved the way for the present transfer system. He was appointed by Mayor Wright a member of the St. Paul school board, and for two years served as president of that body. In 1894 he was elected to his present office, judge of probate, by a plurality of over 4,000 votes. Despite the trials of the frontiersman and the exactions of a busy life, Judge Willrich has found time to cultivate his natural musical and linguistic talent. Besides his na- tive tongue, he speaks English with great ease and fluency, and possesses a considerable knowledge of the Scandina- vian, Dutch, French, Spanish, and Italian languages. Judge Willrich is a member of many clubs and societies, among them the Masons, Odd Fellows, Elks, Druids, Sons of Hermann, Ancient Order of United Workmen, and Knights of Pythias, besides having been one of the earliest members of the St. Paul Commercial Club. man-Americans Judge Willrich is widely known and highly Among Ger- respected. At thirty-seven years of age, in 1890, he revisited the fatherland, a bachelor, but returned with Miss Hilda Ivet- tenburg of Hamburg as his wife. They have two children Erika and Elgar, aged four and two. * * * OHNSON, EDWARD M.–Edward M. Johnson born in Fisherville, Merrimac county, New Hamp- shire, Nov. 24, 1850. Wºls In 1854 his parents moved to St. Anthony, now a part of Minneapolis, where they have since resided. His father, Luther G. Johnson, is well known to pio- Edward M. Johnson. neer settlers of this section, having been engaged actively as a manufacturer and merchant until recent years. He was member of the firm of Kimball. Johnson & Co. and of L. G. Johnson & Co., two of the earliest mercantile and manu- facturing concerns of the city, the last named firm having Mr. Johnson's ancestors, upon both his father's and mother's established the first furniture factory in Minneapolis. side, were among the earliest settlers of New England. Among the former were a number of prominent founders of Andover, Mass., and Concord, N. H., as well as members of the Committee of Safety during the Revolutionary War. 398 A HISTORY OF THE REPUB I/ICAN PARTY. He first attended the pioneer school which was kept in a small frame building in St. Anthony, on what is now Uni- versity avenue, between Second and Third avenues south- east, a building well remembered by the earliest settlers of the city. I later he entered the first high school in the city, which was organized at St. Anthony about 1863. The School year 1866-67 was spent at the Pennsylvania Military Academy, at Chester. He then, for four years, attended the Minnesota State University, which had been reopened in 1867, but left there before any class graduated, and was for some time in his father's employ. In January, 1873, Mr. Johnson went to Europe, where he remained nearly three years. While there he visited nearly all of Central Europe, but spent the most of his time at the universities of Heidelberg and Berlin, where he studied law, including Roman and international law, under Professor's WindSchied, Bluntschli, Gmeist, and Bruns, and political economy under Wagner. He also attended courses of lectures by Momm- sen, Curtius, Grimm, Treitschke, and other celebrated Ger- man professors. At the end of the year 1875 Mr. Johnson returned to Minneapolis, and early the following year en- tered the law offices of Judge J. M. Shaw and A. L. Levi: later he attended the law school of the Iowa State Uni- versity at Iowa City, where he graduated in 1877. Soon afterward he opened a law office in Minneapolis, in part- nership with Mr. E. C. Chatfield. Later this partnership was dissolved, and for four years he was alone. In Janu- ary, 1882, Mr. C. B. Leonard entered into partnership with Mr. Johnson. This firm, with the addition of Mr. Alex- ander McCune, still continues. Mr. Johnson has made a specialty of the law of corporations, real estate, and mu- nicipal bonds. He has been the attorney and counselor of the Farmers’ and Mechanics' Savings Bank Of Minneapolis since 1883. IFor ten years he was clerk and attorney for the board of education. In 1883 he was elected to the city coun- cil from the Second ward, and served in that body until 1890, when he resigned, being at that time its president. It is generally conceded that, during Mr. Johnson’s term in the city council, his views were most frequently the con- trolling ones of that body. His career during that time Was marked by the same steadfastness and fearlessness that has constituted him a leader among men. One of the most important innovations of recent years in municipal taxation Originated with Mr. Johnson, and by his unceaS- ing efforts Was brought to a successful trial. It is what is known as the “Permanent Improvement Fund,” by means of which a city is enabled to improve and beautify its streets While the tax upon property OWIlers for payment of the expense is divided into five equal annual assessments. Since the successful Operation of this measure in Minne- apolis the principle has been incorporated into the laws of By Mr. Johnson’s tact the system of Street railway transfers was brought about. some Of Our Surrounding States. That Mr. Iowry realized this fact and gave him the credit of forcing the measure upon his company, is manifest in a reminder that Mr. Lowry presented Mr. Johnson in the form of a transfer-check printed upon satin and hand- somely framed in mahogany. A few years ago a suspension bridge stood on the site of the present steel arch bridge. The roadway was narrow and was fast becoming inade- quate to the demands made upon it, and the strain of projected electric cars would have proved more than the bridge could Sustain. With remarkable firmness Mr. John- son undertook to replace the suspension bridge with One of steel. The cause he so championed created great public Opposition, but he fought it through to a successful termina- tion, and to-day no One of Mr. Johnson’s efforts is more appreciated by the public than that of securing the fine steel arch bridge in place of the old suspension one. One Of Mr. Johnson’s most Valuable services to the public was in connection with the Minneapolis public library. Through his efforts the plan finally adopted sprang into vital action. As Chairman of the council committee which had that mat- ter under consideration, as Well as chairman of the council committee on legislation, he drafted the library board char- ter and urged it through the legislature. Poole, the recog- nized authority On library matters, said it was one of the best laws for the government of libraries he had ever ex- amined. After Securing the passage of the library act, he WaS made One of the directors of the library board, and has been, and is now, One of its most efficient members. As a director of the society of fine arts, Mr. Johnson has given it enthusiastic Support. In 1887 he was appointed one of the Commissioners having in charge the erection of the new Courthouse and city hall, and was for a number of years its Vice president, chairman Of its financial committee, a member of its building committee, and for the past two years its president. In all these positions of responsibility Mr. Johnson has given his time and labor without one thought of pecuniary reward. Through his efforts the NorthWestern Casket Company and the Minneapolis Office and School Furnishing Company were established, and of both Concerns he has long been president. In politics Mr. Johnson has always been a Republican and actively inter- ested in the Success of his party. In 1892 he was chair- man of the city committee, and by virtue of such office was a member of the Republican campaign committee of that year. In 1894 he was appointed chairman of the county Committee, Which made him chairman of the Republican Campaign Committee. In 1896 he was appointed member at large and Secretary of the state central committee. In 1890 Mr. Johnson married Effie S. Richards, daughter of Mr. W. O. Richards of Waterloo, Iowa. He has a pleas- ant home on Fourth street and Tenth avenue southeast, in the immediate vicinity of where his parents located in 1854, and still reside. - A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 399 OODNOW, JOHN.—Among the most active young Republicans in Minnesota is John GOOdnow of Minneapolis. He was born at Greensburgh, Ind., June 29, 1858. His father, James H. GOOdnow, a Cousin of President W. H. Harrison, was lieutenant colonel of the Twelfth Indiana, Volunteers in the War of the Rebellion, and removed to Minnesota in 1870. He engaged in the lumber business until 1887, when he retired. John's mother was Nancy T. Lattimore, the daughter of a prominent Presbyterian preacher in Southern Indiana. The subject of this sketch received his early education in the public Schools of Minneapolis, graduating from the high School in 1875. In 1879 he University of Minnesota. Prior to coming to Minneapolis With his father in 1870 he worked in a flouring-mill at Lib- erty, Ind., where he earned his first dollar, so he was on the road to independence long before he left the halls of the Minnesota State University. Tollowing his graduation Were two years, spent as chemist for the state board of health, the term comprising the years 1880-81. After that, and down to the present day, he has been engaged in the fuel and Contracting business. Mr. Goodnow's interest in politics dates from 1890. He has been president of the Minnesota State League of Re- publican Clubs, member of the state central committee for 1892 and 1894, chairman of the Minneapolis city committee graduated from the and member of the advisory committee of the National League. Though he has never been a candidate for political preferment, appointive or elective, he has been identified With many important measures for bringing the control of the party into the hands Of all its members, and has ex- ercised a Very positive influence in state politics. He was one of the leaders in organizing the Minnesota League of Republican Clubs, and no one has devoted time, ability, and money more freely in promoting the best interests of his party generally. He was a member of the committee that Secured the Republican National Convention of 1892 for Minneapolis, and he has been a delegate to the national Conventions Of the Republican League Clubs. Oct. 16, 1881, Mr. Goodnow was married to Mary E. Hamilton. They have had four children, two of whom are living. Our subject is a Mason and a member of several College SOCieties. * * * * ORRILL, ASHBY CUTLER. — For many years Maj. A. C. Morrill has been a prominent figure in the business, political and social life of Northern Minnesota. His handsome home on the Mississippi, a short distance above the town of Little Falls, recently destroyed by fire, was for many years the center of much refined and genial hospitality. There were few more tasteful and comfortable country residences in the state. He was born in Canterbury, N. H., Jan. 9, 1830. His father was Ezekiel Morrill of that place, a man of prominence in public affairs, who was a member of the governor's Council under three of the New Hampshire governors. He was a farmer, and he died when the son was seven years old. Mary Cutler, mother of Major Morrill, was born in Hardwick, Mass. The yOulng man was educated in the common schools and academies Of his native State. He studied law at Harvard College and was admitted to practice at the Boston bar. In 1857 he removed to Minneapolis and began his career as a lawyer. In 1868 he engaged in the flouring and lum- ber business in that City, and kept up his interest in those In 1859 he was elected prosecuting In 1863 he was appointed agent for the Chippewa, Indians, his post being on the Upper Mississippi. In 1867 he was ap- pointed United States revenue collector. He served one lines for ten years. attorney of Hennepin County by the Republicans. term in the legislature during his residence in Minneapolis. His interest in the flour and lumber business caused him to look into the unused power of the Mississippi at Little Falls. the improvement of this power would sooner or later make His investigations led him to the conclusion that an important manufacturing town, and he began to buy property as long ago as 1881. In 1886 he bought and en- larged the elevator, and in 1885 and 1886 erected his Little Elk mills, near Little Falls. In the recent development of Little Falls, which has brought that place forward from a county seat village Of less than a thousand inhabitants to a busy manufacturing town of six or seven thousand people, with varied industries and with one of the best water powers in the Northwest, Major Morrill has taken an active part. In 1879 Major Morrill and his wife removed from Min- neapolis to Brooklyn, where they resided until 1884, but their attachment to Minnesota brought them back to make their permanent home at Little Falls. * * * ANGUM, SAMUEL A.—Samuel A. Langum, Secretary of the State Senate of 1895, was born Aug. 18, 1857, in Bloomfield township, Fillmore county, Minnesota. His father, Andrew J. Langum, now sixty-six years old, came from Norway, his native land, about fifty years ago, and settled in Fillmore county four years later. He is a man of strong character, and has made himself noted as an advocate of the Lutheran religion. He was a distinguished correspondent of the Norwegian publications of this coun- try and of Norway. He was so devoted to his faith that he determined to contribute at least one member of his family as a minister, and his son, Samuel A., was the One he set apart for that work. Samuel, however, after he had 00? M.L.'ſ Wol A VoIT &Iſld (121 (IHL J O (210, LSI H. W. aum uſ ponenpº.15 an ontºns aun uºnolul sonnnnsuſ Futuobal Aq Khusia Aſun oun [I5motul New sitſ posio.A. aPI '61SI uſ ponenpº.15 on arou A ‘Anſsia Aſun ontºls on 1 pololua on glSL uſ ºnunoo to Attºo uſ to Altºo he strow own lootios nuinel tratin a H 81st III pantºnpºtº put: “Il SI III ſoonos IbuIIout *IIotſIAA on on nuovº of Sºs I uſ Who ox{tº I on toulouſ sitſ In A poxoru a H soonos Anto ox{tºr oth Iantº putº Iooſſos noſ.11 -sup Antinoo an popuomº taalº, 5unov ºnosauruIN “Antinoo *IIsºqº AA ºutspot.I huno IN TII pounas put: ºsſ III IoTIlotti sit Inºw nsa AA auto Taatº) ºf troTIV 5unov "Ioal oxiſ, I aun (In troupadixa attl tuouſ 5uſ ‘IIIdiv -II.Innot stºw huouſsal aun out wººs “Autºniqa, ºrv "buo -IoH 1 tº pop of I. 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IV- ‘blue Mºsuuo, ºnlinoo unu ºf NGI I IV ºxiºiºſ I * * * trol Diſttº oolººl over woul, unsol, I Jo tunito, yov "O ºuttuq SSIIA on populºuſ stºw uniºutºr ºuv Sls uſ loodson lºul uſ ºpies s 11 p.rooot out ºutsiboia Tuq to ioded tº oso on to wou ounto poor out put on Authoroos sº odºros sitſ 5uſing uninct Jo saxºp tº put suit. I sciolºſ, Jo tuoso I aiv site, I snaio, Jo tºwoº IV ºf st: uouſ luoſtooxo put 5uous nons to Ao whiloſºul autosputºut tº Aq gºs Jo ontºttos on Jo Autºnotoos poloola stºw of I ºs to Ao stºw All-Ioſtºut sºutnºttº I *IIA susſuolºurſol, I put "sisſindo, I shººtootuo, I go posod -tuoo uoismſ tº suitºr ºSI Jo II* out uſ poloola trooq 5uſ -Abu '86SI uſ so Anthuoso idox Jo osmoſ I thosountſv on Jo toºl -tuouſ tº stºw on II ºptiºn . Iv unt winno 5uto: “Lºs Jo hitted put 06SL 5upinp II*puty ºf ‘ſ’ topun uolu wºuls he uoplºw Altadop stºw put ºut;SI put 6SSL ºut-up noison, I go utºut -Lople stºw oil pole-todo sº lurid out nou wu ºutpunq oul su-wo wou put outnuox out Jossooons tº optºut sºul opſ "soulſ u01.sold oul ol outbu sli ºutnutrito added upon and *I tº 11 optºtu put ºn tooutoſſ uolson, I ou lūānoa on ‘ºss I **In ſº uſ III.ious sº tuiol 1st I stu ºutno 'soul to ſºul osuouſ ºut Aq tuto notºo on polooto ºut on strow vis Julious Jo oouſo oul plotſ or "Alunoo otolulu, I uſ oopuo Alunoo tº on poloolo traaq to Aa pen ouw utºut nsasunov aun 5uſaq. ‘Antioſetti after tº ºn poloola stºw uniºutº I ºtiv anox 5uſtulou wºxo up Aq axtºw stopauao tº aun uo poloola udoq pºu Aisno Aoid stºok own out wºuaſiv alo Aq pasoddo Tºnoun tº put: “Whunoo olouTIII, Jo III tous to tieſ on OSSL Jo II* on 1 til Ironſºod uſ isotonuſ ovnot up tool out out. Toºtſ w 5uſanp "N.Iow ‘strow anoj on Alas spun uſ potutulot of I soullod to onstºn tº now nsuſ on atoll w spoop Jo tonsºot out Jo oogo on 1 uſ [tolo tº outbooq au ºl SI toºlomoo uſ uolson, I he 5ttlunas ºut to sItſ non stºw Winstitut on nºun poouſ Attoo outbooq put ºpio strow unanotuu uoun stºw on tºok tº poulºuat on "winºnºn ºf Tanwºs olotºw stºod bottuſ IV Attitutuos ºuncisiºn v on luow troul of I ºut-ow tº pouſ buo.1 out oilou wºwo ºutloooº lºou looutos Lºotºoºooul tº on luos stºw on put ºn oxiouſ Lootios out oloul subow own tolj v 's AA II busie IV tº tornu, ) utº.toulin' I oul Jo Auropeo tº our popuontº out 1 tºul tol. v. 'sileſ pub 'suouſ -tuns 'sºulids tuitºſ out u0 ºupſ.tow ºpio stºo & toolju shºw on Inun Alunoo olotulu. I uſ VIII tool Wilunoo sºn uſ toouſos noºns p out popuolilº on 1.10.10 on 1 pouopu tººl tº put ºut III sitſ on hou sºw A.11s uſuſ on 1 ºut populound ºughoo.up hºul uſ suo looſe pub puſtu SIII ILI11 0 1,101ſo soul tºo tº optºut A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 401 class with Minnesotans so well known as Tim Byrnes, John Goodnow, Geo. H. Partridge, Dr. Bowman (now of Duluth), Professor West of the state university, Judge Keysor of Mankato (now district judge of Omaha, Neb.), and C. J. Rockwood of Minneapolis. In the fall of 1879 Mr. Greer was elected county super- intendent of Wabasha county, and was reëlected in 1881 without opposition. During his years of service as county superintendent he read law at odd spells with Hon. W. J. Hahn, then of Lake City and afterwards attorney general. Mr. Greer was admitted to the bar in May, 1883, and fell heir to the business of Mr. Hahn, who had, in 1882, been appointed attorney general and had moved to Minneapolis. He occupies the same office on Lyon avenue, in Lake City, as did General Hahn for ten years. Mr. Greer was elected mayor of Lake City in 1884, and reelected in 1885. He was a member of the Republican state central committee, and one of the executive com- mittee of that body in 1888 and 1890. In the fall of 1890 he was elected to the House of Representatives of the leg- islature by over 400 majority in a strong Democratic dis- trict. He was reëlected in 1892 by an increased majority. In the fall of 1894 he was elected to the State Senate. During his three terms in the legislature he has served as a member of the committees on judiciary, education, and state university. In the session of 1895 he was chairman of the Senate committee on tax and tax laws. He has always taken a deep interest in education and in the advancement of the state institutions, believing that all these should be built on a broad and liberal foun- dation to meet the future wants of the state. He was the first youth of Wabasha county to graduate from Winona His efforts, both in the legislature and in other ways, have resulted in increasing the attendance of the state institutions of learning. In the winter of 1895 Wabasha county had twice as many youths in the state school of agriculture as any other county and from the state university. of the state, a fact owing almost entirely to the interest in that direction stirred up in Wabasha county by Senator Greer. He has made it largely his business to urge the youth of that county to go to school. Mr. Greer went to the legislature against his will, but finally yielded to the urgent request of his friends, and went for the purpose of getting a bill through, fixing the state military camp ground at Lake City. He succeeded in his purpose. He has always supported all the state guard interests in Wabasha county. During his second term in the legislature he drafted the substitute free text- book bill that passed and became a law, and which is a very popular measure throughout the state. During his preceding term he had killed the free text-book bill because it was not an optional measure. He opposed and defeated a bill of the character of the noted Bennett law of Wis- consin, which was introduced by a Populist of Mankato named Knuteson. During his legislative career he has always been very watchful of country measures. Mr. Greer was married in 1882 to Miss Mollie Dorman, daughter of D. B. Dorman, one of the early settlers and the first banker of old St. Anthony. * * * TAPLES, CHARLES FRANCIS.–Charles F. Staples was born Aug. 4, 1856, on the farm in Dakota coun- ty where he now resides and where he has lived continuously since his birth. His father, Samuel C. Staples, ALL-En J. GREER. was born in Newfield, Me., and was of the old Staples stock, that has been so important a factor in populating and He is still liv- ing, a hale and hearty old gentleman, who is to-day more building up so many Western communities. vigorous than scores of men who are younger in years by half. Catherine McDonough, a lady of Irish descent, who was ex- The maiden name of the mother of our subject was ceedingly intelligent, and is said to have possessed rare per- sonal attractions. The senior Staples is a man of thoughtful habits, and one who evidently imparted many of his per- sonal characteristics to his son Charles, for the latter was 402 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. elected a member of the board of school commissioners as soon as he was of legal age, was made chairman of the board, and has held this position for nearly nineteen years. He was also chairman of the board of county commission- ers of Dakota county four years. In 1892. Mr. Staples was nominated by the Republicans of his county for representative in the lower branch of the state legislature. Many of his friends advised him to refuse the nomination, since the county was so strongly Demo- cratic as to make defeat a foregone conclusion. But Mr. CHARLEs F. STAPLEs. Staples made the race, and was elected by a handsome ma- jority over a formidable opponent. In 1894 he was again nominated for representative, and was again elected—this time by a larger majority than before. In both of these cam- paigns the election of a United States Senator was involved, and the Democrats, of course, made a powerful effort to defeat the Republican ticket. Mr. Staples' success was due solely to the high esteem in which he was held per- sonally throughout his county. At the close of the first session of the legislature of which he was a member the investigation of the state land department was left unfinished, and the committee which had been appointed to conduct it prosecuted its work dur- ing the following two years. In the prosecution of this work Mr. Staples was active and prominent, being a member and secretary of the committee, and in the subsequent session he introduced and had charge of the bill which became a law and which now governs the business transactions of the land department. It has proved to be the most effective measure ever devised for the handling of the vast landed interests of the state. During his second term in the legislature Mr. Staples was recognized as the leader of the Republican side of the House. He was particularly looked up to and followed by the members from the country. His influence in the legis- lature was universally admitted to be second to that of no member who had ever sat in that body. With a few other members of the House he joined in a successful effort to so far prune the appropriations that a material reduction was made in the annual tax levy; and for this he was so warmly commended by his constituents that even those of the Dem- ocratic faith expressed a willingness that he should again serve the county as its representative. In the fall of 1896, during the Me Rinley-Bryan cam- paign, and against a fusion candidate, Mr. Staples was for the third time elected to represent his district in the state legislature, and at this writing he is one of the most promi- nently mentioned candidates for the speakership of the House. In his political associations our subject has been an un- swerving Republican. He believes that the Republican party is the real agency through which the masses can be guaranteed absolute equality of justice. He is an earnest and effective advocate of protection in its true sense—that of protecting American working men against unjust and un- necessary competition with the laborers of those countries where conditions do not warrant the payment of such wages as are paid to the workmen of this country. In Re- publican circles he is known as a conservative but accurate judge of political situations, and his counsel is sought and duly weighed whenever a campaign is to be fought in dis- tricts where he is acquainted. He has at all times en- joyed the confidence of the party leaders, and is to-day looked upon as one of the coming men. * * * EARLE, DOLSON BUSH.-Dolson B. known as Judge Searle, was born on a farm near Searle, better the village of Franklinville in Western New York, June 4, 1846. professional, and political career. He has had a peculiarly successful business, His father, Almond D. Searle, a farmer, He was a thoroughly well educated man, fairly well off, and as also a native of New York State. A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 403 always took an ardent interest in politics and affairs of state, though he never held any political offices save on the school board and in the township. His grandfather Searle was a soldier in the War of 1812. On his mother's side, His mother, Jane M. Scott, is a highly cultured woman, and Judge Searle is a lineal descendant of Sir Walter Scott. is still hale and hearty at the ripe old age of eighty. Judge Searle began his education in a district school near his father's farm, after which he took a course in the academy After that he enlisted as a private in Company I, Sixty-fourth New York Infantry, in his native town, and graduated. and served for two years, during which time he participated in the following battles: He was at Fair Oaks and stood next to General Howard when that old veteran had his arm shot off; later he was in the battles of Seven Pines, Gaines' Mills, the Seven Days' Fight, the second battle of Bull Run, and at Antietam. In 1864 he was detailed for special duty in the War Department at Washington, and was discharged from the service, by President Lincoln, to accept a civil appointment in the War Department. He served in this position continuously until June, 1871, during the most of which time he was in charge of an important War Depart- ment bureau. During these years spent in Washington he found time to attend the law department of Columbia Col- lege, from which he graduated in 1868. It may be re- marked, also, that his official duties in the departinent named brought him into close contact with President Lin- coln and Secretary Stanton, for whom the young depart- ment clerk had a warm friendship. Judge Searle was in the audience in Ford's old theater at Washington the night President Lincoln was shot, and his description of the inci- dents connected with that fatality is interesting in the extreme. When he resigned his position in the War Depart- ment in June, 1871, he came to St. Cloud, Minn., and al- most immediately formed a partnership with ex-Judge E. O. Hamlin, a leading lawyer of Minnesota in those days, and at one time Democratic candidate for governor of the state. A year later Judge Hamlin returned to his native State of Pennsylvania, leaving Mr. Searle to continue the practice of law alone in St. Cloud. It was then that Judge Searle really began his very successful career as an ad- vocate and jurist, which he has added to very materially each succeeding year. He was a ripe scholar and well versed in law when he came to Minnesota, and soon began to rank among the able attorneys in this state, of which it had its full quota. His reputation was not confined to that part of the state in which he lived, but soon extended to St. Paul and Minneapolis, as an evidence of which he was at different times the attorney for the Northern Pacific, the old St. Paul, Minneapolis & Manitoba and the “Soo" roads up to the time he went on the bench in 1887. In 1880 he received the Republican nomination for county attorney of Stearns county, which nominally gives a Democratic ma- jority of three thousand, and was elected by over one thou- sand majority. In April, 1882, while still county attorney of Stearns county, President Arthur appointed him United States district attorney for Minnesota, in which position he served until October, 1885, when he tendered his resigna- tion to President Cleveland. An incident in connection with this resignation is worthy of notice here. Those who are at all familiar with or who took any interest in poiltics during the first Cleveland administration, will recall how President Cleveland, after giving his unqualified indorse- dol-son B. SeaRLE. ment to the cause of civil service reform, afterwards sought rarious ways in which to remove Republican incumbents and place loyal Democrats in office. One of the characteristic charges against Republican office-holders by that adminis- tration was that of “pernicious activity”—a term that be- longed wholly to the first Cleveland administration and has passed down into political history. Judge Searle was really anxious to resign the office of United States district attor- ney, but did not propose to do it if there were any charges made against him nor if any were pending. His telegram tendering his resignation to President Cleveland was as #0; AuſAI Waſ NWOIT aſſ), Iſſºſ (THII, 10 M2/0ſ, SIH W tº on unnox ino Jo stouno Augui os to set aſ sº ºut loſ A tºw oun pouado osmontoonos Ainunoo out Jo loop ou L aft:1 -IIA neul Jo soonos out uſ uontºonpo Aubuild sitſ poaſaool of I ºluoſis sew poon woºl sitſ aton wºoowongue IV on tone stºo." ow II touneſ sit alon-wºº's ºl 'AoN “slºw ºut:5 Woºtous le titoºl stºw VoII tºtus II GL-H (I-IV-AA (IGI VºIII VIV ºut Aotuo.1 ºut innotºjnutºut uſ postºua stºw * * * ‘oſſandaxi on Jo Autiv put tº out Jo Joſuo-ut-toputatutuoo ann Jo Jens on uo Loudoo Jo Muttº out unlºw dutºo-op-ople polugoſld tº ºGs ºf loo uo sºw outros of puſ: "O GI tºoliºuſ -use \\ Jo Aiopurutuo,) tº ſºluntoo out Jo tº Iſſutoſ, lustus tº put sºlunº, Jo nurtux tº sº Intº, I is Jo gº ox of poºl III ſo toºltuouſ tº SI or "Slso toluſ unolo is Jo luºurºu tº be oul to pole in ºntºuſ ostidioluo onqual ºtovo Inoue ul IIos -uuu isotonuſ on out punoj sºn outsos oºpuſ' sound tººlpuſ ºn tº Jo stºº ovu u out-w II loºt -bzug sºuv on populºut stºw outros oºpuſ' 'ºls ºf “louſ putº Itºudissojoud stu tuo II ops v pop put[o ATuo Iſou, L 'sseIV tolsº to W. Jo ºutſ,) ºtoly tº put out tºos st; sºpuſ tons otojoq autºnouq stºw ostro out lºul ontºns on to ontºund-to- stºw nº put shinoo ou tuouſ tºo ol Futul Autº pett woul lºul pozºot tº losount IV Jo sºul, put out out nºun out sºul out *II tºol stºw luous put sºul Jo ºut-topunt on L shutºpua.Jop out Aq pled ºutſtuouſ A.low stºw non-w's tellop put-snoun Italo Aos to ontºns out Jo to Atºſ uſ pollopual luautºpuſ tº put lonx tº put outros soºnſ ºn putºut stºw ostro out put stºod tou -u IV Jo too N tuitus V o suitºu uns tº nota on tonſ tº -o-toun uoos vio. A poloolo stºw toupuu oluºns attosold out in -un nuoulaziputatiºn tº Jo sued pulw tour ul Moon” tº powlooet to wou put oouto S. touput ontºls out pontºuttutop AI tºotnot-tºl sºul, put outſ out tºul ontºls sºul uſ blooo.. Jo toll ºut tº *AIolºund-tojun 's 11 poul stºw ...sostº) putº I out, I., snoºto) -out out Jo astu ou lieu Loix tº ºpuſ' put turn otojoq stºw 11 on tºns out ut stol-towns out put situbo waſ set out ºpuſ tº sv autºu stu Jo osm ou litutou III wou sº suo sº plot on ontinuoo Atſutºlourſ III wou trouſsot tº "lotulsip Iºſonºuſ unuo -Aos out uſ notion out on poloolºot put AIsnoutubun politºu -tuousew on to popnut mºoſop out ºutpuensult whou ‘FGSI u. ºlonel strew own ºptoſutu Ittºus tº Aq poleoſop stºw on ‘loºnsin lºul tº losion Lºudºu out Jo peout solo A Duºs **In ſº uſ tuninct lº pion uonuovuoo on uſ housin unwis wou uqun out uſ 'ssoufuo,) -noun tº utºut, otout unit on unnott, L to uontºutuou utopiandom out poºloool on 76s uſ 'soluted on tº Jo nuouſes topuſ out powloool ºut Abu ‘uouſsociºlo ino -tuºw usuaq out on poloolo stºw outros oºpuſ' toºl tº v tiouaq out outins out on suittoo ºpuſ Jo quotuluţoddle out An autotº optºut oogld oul oxiºm ol '1'ss ºtoautovox Jo Atºp ºuſtºwn out uo housip tºolpuſ unuovos out Jo Iouaq houl -sup out on utu poulodºlº III: ºv. Lou-to-woº, Illum pontuluoo Moſuº ISSL Jo 5uilds out uſ pnoſo is Jo hub wons AA took) uniº dustounted launo oud poultoſ out as of pnſ. Anunoo suittºols to Autºduoo isnu, I, put upo I thosautuiv out Jo Youane Italiouoiſ out nºooot! on ssouſsna wet out utouſ poin -oil autºi ºuv trouw tº otto Ioj dustounted out querſ ºl SoLinuo Mool on tontº I pnoſo is Jo Hutºi utropiouv-ubullos) *In Jo Aouepisold out nºooot on unu ou tuouſ porno.1 outros GI ºf trouw ‘ºss Jo 5uilds outl Inun ponunuoo dustounted Sºul, - sputºut outdºo uſ ootnotºid wet on tº stu ºut Abol Jo osodiumd toolio Ibiopol stu Jo sonnu ou on 5utpuonne outlaw oul to “tulu till w iſſus roulted out out as ºr ºf ionoid "A-Tºlºws H. Guvnaga sit tool on .Inuity luopisot, I Aq Aotutoll tº hol-insp st: luorulutoddle sºul told tº uoos ºooº...tos Iſ Ato out on st: piloool uo putºvolo attopsou, I and on polttº w, out Josun sº tºs on sº ºnq : tutºtºoºol lºun luos on uouw woux Ilow outros oºpuſ' sº Jo nunnoun otow to uood pºut soºtºur ox ooſuo stu Jo sountap ou tuouſ powoulo. Stºw on put tootto its poldoooº stºw utonºuriſsot sºul tºul Atºs on ssalpoon s 11 ... out suitºe ºut -puotſ out to optºut tºol oven soºtºuto out ºupſ Aoid outs oul topus), or ovuot 500 vºlotout I houlsip sºul .toſ woultone solºis poliull sº uolºuriſsot ºut outsop now Jr., is wouloſ (III/, / () { // OIS / H. W. "Aſ I, IV, I NWOIT &Iſleſ (IAI Q0? ‘sſuu. IoIN X bibutºNoſº Jo output ultſ out topun olous osſip -tuºtto, out ſºlouaº tº pouodo put: “uuſ IV towo, L 0.1 out tºo on *}ºs Ainſ uſ -ioid so put 5uſului uſ poºrºuo on otoſ w "Ioſ IV oldoub.It IV ‘siboº uool.III ssouſsnq 11:11 ºuſ wouloſ ºuſ on tinning u10.1 luow put ºnosotiuſ IV uſ out 1.1011s tº ATuo poureuro. of tunincI put slioſitiouſ IV Int, I is ºuqu -AA poſs A on tº losouriſ IV out 11:11 tº oxiºu ol ºutpoop toºl -tuondos ºutwolioſ out,L, Itºiluo () usuoos.W. on 1 uo uouſsoſ Lºlius tº pout 100 on 11s. A tº IV uſ ‘Alſo nºt uſ sº ºwlſº loons on 1 Jo otio ºuplinq IIon Iolotºutloo tº 10 1ſtopual uſtodins outrooq put of poſtſ, on out tºo on 0181 tº I stºo." "sinnow ºn 13 N oo.Itſ pox.low out oilou w ‘uoso; I uſ otols out: AD. ºn tº uſ u011 -isol tº puno, put JIostulu 10, DLIow out uſ |no Mon-L1s on XIS -Aluowl IV subov. 11519 to IIIul sºloul tº SIII uſ put ults. oul uo pox.low out uouſ, subow oat olotl) ºuſtibulou ºluolo tº su orols as pubulotout Iulouan tº ouſ luow on uool.III] 1V optº.15 tº 15|| 0s lou 1m0l tº 10soutu IV uſ slootios 101.11 -sup Ino on a bluus stºw lootios out,L ºuelltºonDo All tº sitſ 105 Iſox lºul odou sºw iſ put: 'sºulst. H 1.10, Ibou tuitºſ stuu IoIV oun uo polboo stºw Lootºos 101.11s.I.D [tºol on J. "Dº II ou tolu A uſ tº loos tº AoN Jo lated oul uſ 'soullod pub ssou -Istiq uſ [[loſt ºutrul Ieſation[ſuſ put: oº ſlot: tie stºw of AII -tuºſ sitſ positº.1 on nºſti Aw uo Aq Itzou tuitºſ tº put: 'sºulse H 1.10, I tº III uſ tº pouwo toulºſ sſ H. 'Altibuonºu lºul Jo oils -to loºttºn. Aºtotio putº IIollºuguitarop on II tº sos.sossoſ put: tº 100S Jo SI of I oloun ºud lºſoptº Aq solºis polluſ) on 1 Jo uozillo tº 15uou, L *Alt1sooutº rout until Itºo olour oudu st * Est () ºutſ tº loos tº AoN 'sºulse H 1.10, I tº u-100 stºw of H 'onths and Jo uomoos autºn-toſſuſ 1soul oth sloodsø. Autºut uſ ‘Alunoo oth Jo hittºd Lionsga put union and uſ loſinsip Fuſului oul tutorſ todurou out stºw sºutſ IoIV. Iſox osmon Iowo on 1 III sowntºluoso.idol oatſin on 1 JO -oinnesºol on 1 Jo noissos 1st: oun uſ trophºluoso.idol to uſ ontºundioſ A LIBInoſa.It’ſ stºw Alunoo sino'ſ 1s—º IIGIN. SINNIO * * * ‘ootions xo Jo Ino luo w Silslie -topo, oth tolje ºn AA tº loſineſ stu sºw sº trooq ºut Atºll ‘Fºsſ uſ whiled Aoti on 1 upoſ on 1suſ on 1 Jo out stºw Lottle SIII ºulton stºw plutº, oud tuoul on put toº lºotto itſ stoulos VI tºo ºutroniquºſo; I tº sº waſ ºuts ‘II.V ºut: Iti Vittºo uſ oil) 01 on Jo ano Jo Moltºn tºp ‘It’ſ tuxi outloºtiv poſitiºuſ of I ‘...to woºl sin uſ II: Alled sºn ºutput: Inq ‘uoissojouſ sitſ on Mºuluo JIostulu Donovop put souloſ Lºonotºitſ powoulosa stºn on troul ºuts ºut -tuou Itºinfo.1 on Aq poleoſop stºw woultoniº Alunoo to on tºp -Iputo ou dooxo losion uttonquºſº out 5uliodºſus Jostulu out wºut ºnunoo uousno II ſo sistindo, I on Aq Moutoniº Antino.) to politºuſ ution stºw on 7.6s uſ to luo Attoo lºot ºn 1 tº lºoſop sin ºupinoos uſ lunuouſſuſ otow woul pun ºwth ºl potion outs lou sootuo uomº Jo isolºsinbloſ. on 1 Jo ouros Iſo Fuſſſſſol Aq shutºlos Aoſio] sºn Jo ouros popuoſo on tPoſt-w 5ulin) ution oud poºlos Duº Dolºto stºw of "poºlossID sºw (Ilusiou and oul Aouaoult: A lunoo to toºltuouſ to ſunſ on 1 pontumou ºu Artſ sutoliandorſ out put toºltuouſ Louilo vºl 5upon to ºustoos-oouſo on on pinous otolu ºu luautºtºº 'ssSI Illun Dolst’ſ lºul 'ſ' ". . "Lot 10.10 sin unº (Iſusuoulted out pololuo put 'ouths siſt uſ ºtiopolºo oul uſ uontºn(IITs tº uood ºut Abu II (Instounted tº 'oonotºid we uſ won tºurs on muow usun on to 's poow peod Jo Alſo out uſ uoissol -oid sitſ poonotºid on ‘ISST toduodocſ Inun put slurſ toºl: oul ſo submunout ºutdoº-plow out put: oundioſ attºnos tºll 5uolu ou pouloſ on uouw “stinuouſ unoruño to with pool -opid aloul put thosoutuſ, ‘A lunoo 1JAAS on huow on ‘s A\ uosºn II 11: Loudods ºf unoſ' ſtol buos 'uos sitſ Jo 1 bill uſ Lolº Duº ‘uosipºv uſ toudods “I . oºpuſ Jo oouſo on ul Isiſ ºwth Jo Apnns out ponunuoo or glst Joss tº out uſ Doltºnpºlº on lootios w tº osou wituouſ 'uosipºv at Allsto Mun ontºls oul ºutpuonº out. A sosuadixo stu powerſop Touw wouou out Aqoloun ºutlatºo ºntos on sloo wouluev Moſuº Jo Alunoo on 1 ul lootios nunnel out surrow oatul to put uoluonpo toušiū stºw on Inun ionowon toogo oſſand Jo ano tutu mūaxi sisa -toluſ SSouſsna a M108 SIH soil ſubj Sºloulouſ pub S. Lount: I sIII (1100 Jo S.Loſttuoul out 1 II*; otow os put: “upon and ox huop - it up stºw toulºſ surf sophiloſſ utionquºſox sitſ poll.lotuſ oAbū ol pies on Yºu Ioatia AA LIN spotſ III is an uomisod tº “sſ AA out otºi Jo Autºduo,) ouſtiobº. 5utuso.IIII, ostro I ºf ann Jo nuovº It: Iouan on 1 st: onexit tº uſ poleool put thos -outtſ IV on outbo on 61SL uſ tiſsuoost AA of oilo O uolu IV he Loouſos popuolilº to Ato AA tºpºi ionotº-Inuod put: topunq tº Jo neul stºw uonednooo siRI ontºns on Jo hubd nºun Jo stounas A Litto on 1 Jo otto stºw pub ºf SI uſ “sº ‘uolu IV on N.10 V AoN uſionſ powouto, to Ato AA tºs V lount: I stin Autubſ out Jo Ioutº.tº sºul to Ansooutº Isſ. I uſe solº put outbu ou L "Mºtov AoN Ibutto, ) (II ontºlso Louiſ XIIoH, Itº. Loua: ) on 1 pou wo *ILºuiſito doulºſ osotºw touttoo Aosho; I sºw output sºlouinout -putti; S. Loulouſ sit I ºnto hºul Jo tuito out on Mora poor. In hºul Autubſ tº on pºuoloq put untºlo; I d.low luv Jo Anto our tuouſ autuo ºlio watt V utº stºw output osoti w tout; Jpubus s.toulout sº II ºtolpos wituto into Aox tº Jo tolutiºn tºp out sºw "Ni-Lo V ontºls out uſ utoq iſ loſt oilo w loul tº ſpute tº put toulºſ sºlount: I ºsmolotov tºpºlo.I.L. ºlotilout sºloſuº Sli wox Jo sitſ pub soluoſo.o. trºop Latuv out on sout: A tuouſ pontº.15tutul Loulºupub.tº-1 tºo.15 sºlouneſ sº II Ainued tº utºul otout to J to Ao wou sapis (Inoq uo unoprotuv sº nuºsop Jo out out,L ruoſmoºth No Lonn I Jo sº an opis sº toulouſ stu tºo winsooutº ISIoAA Jo SI on opts S...toulºſ SIt u0 ºzºs uſ ºutstroos. A *Altınoo Moori tºolſ IV uſ utoq stºw. A lotoos Ibulino -I-15 V oltºns tº losount IV out Jo luoptsoul put ontº -up IV Jo toºtºut to Atº M tºpºi ºivº II ºxic Avg. * * * sonotoos swolla, pp.O. put sºul A.I. Jo slºux on 1 Jo Loquout tº st of I utilºv to woºl, lb so AI put: ºpol.utºut sº tolutiºn tºp isopº sº II - woºl out put sºuri oottºn ‘uo.upuuo Ino, oxen woul, --> IV blood tº IV SSIA tº loos tº AoN ºxbuilt; H 10 pºuo (I on populºuſ stºw out Sºs “Hº "clouſ "outli-Lo'ſ old tº 1-10.Juſtoo Ato A tº pontinuunoor sºn put ºutnut ssouſsna tº st: Injssooons trooq suzu oil ºf tow own oolio put loºmb on onp stºw ssooons ason wºodtuou Ibuttonſuſ put ovulot; tıtº st: uſ woux stºw out on tº sºot out uſ until not tº lootios Ibuttou wou out 5un -boot IIIa out possed put put poonpoinuſ of I wool lituuttoo Loonos Lºtulou ou put toolnitutuoo suonº!. Itſould tº "oomputuoo snsuoo oth ‘oal lituutoo Ailso to put spun onqnd oul uo stºw put ºut ultu put souttu to ool lituutoo otu Jo utºtuutºu º stºw on ounde(sºot out u1 ºunoo sºnori is uto.1 ountristºol on tºls out uſ so Allºtioso.udo. ootti out Jo oud poloolo Aiup put surroilando: on Aq politºuſ tutou sºw Fºst uſ pub ºp.1 boºl Lootos out 10 loſtutout tº stºw “sootuo Itºſºluntu snout: A on poloola south Italoxos stºw of ºutºnotiv ul Alunoo olhoub. -tº uſ unon pºt on sº ºnosount IV uſ. Altınoo sino. 1 is Jo shutºu ution and oxi ou uſ toº low oxyloº ut: outbooq on Essl. Muſ, º/ ºf A Fºo ſº I ºf 1,141 ºf G1 HD 10 M2/0ſ, S'ſ H. W. uſ to woºl, on 5uſuoo uoda puzon Loonos Uboot out Jo tool -tuouſ tº st; hotº on stºw ubåtuoſ IV uſ piou lovo out oogo Atuo out, Itºniiod. Aloxo uſ putºu tº uox{tºn stºu put onlonblºw ut quo roouis taxa ºnosauruſ IV put utºtuloſ IV uſ unod ºustºduro uttonquioxi Iginuoupluſ put of its tº 5uſztutºto uſ ootatos *Allob DID ori -tºludo.1 slu optºut 1s.III Stutt IoIV - IV leul oilou sºw nº *Loºtºutºut [bout Lod put lazutº.to up sº uon ºutº - Loſ IV u.touliox. uſ tº woux to Ao ovnot: 1sou out 91s.I. Jo used ºutgo Ibnuoptsold oul optºtu neul sosneo aul Jo oud stºw stun put ºut:5 ſuo IV "Alunoo annonbie IV uſ lou wo outtu ovisual -xo up stºw unpuu, ſº Ionut's 'oouis losion utroniqueloxi tº **Eavana ºf 90– inſt Autº polo A to Aoti stºu put ºls Jo uot looto otºl uſ lubiº) Italiouo: ) .Ioj Solºis politiºn out 1 III olo A 1s.III SIII 1stºo of I soulſtow uſ isotoluſ oathot: Autº Mool out 9.10 Joºl solºis polluſ) out uſ subow out ALuton stºw on ‘A lunoo sino'ſ 1s uſ Whitbd uttonquiloxi ou Jo topºol tº wou sº stuuLow IIA Iºnoſiſ, "ootiſs to Ao powoſtoſ set on tºol tºw ºx-low uoultºrolº[xo put ºuſtiftu ul postºun put uno pios on trouw ººst Jo ºupids out Illum ssou -Isn't out uſ ottoſ tº pontinuoo put lounted sitſ nno unnot on troud, sittº oolium ºxoti out to poºtºus stºw on tou-wu. 90? A HISTORY OF THE 407 REPUBLICAN PARTY. elected mayor of Mankato in 1893. He served his city in this position with such efficiency that in 1895 he was reelected without any opposition. He has always been a progressive and public-spirited citizen, and has taken a leading part in the various movements that have advanced Mankato from the rank of a country village to that of a prosperous manufacturing and commercial center and the metropolis of Southern Minnesota. His active and intel- ligent interest in the promotion of the agricultural resources of the state brought him into the work of the State Agri- cultural Society, and in 1894 he was elected first vice presi- In 1895 he succeeded to the presi- The fair held in 1895, under his management, was the most suc- dent of that society. dency, and in 1896 he was elected for a second term. cessful in the annals of the society. In 1895 he became a member of the state board of control of farmers' institutes, and was elected its secretary. He is a thirty-second degree Mason, a Knight Templar, and a member of the Ancient Order of United Workmen. In 1889 he Miss Kittie Wise, daughter of John C. Wise of Mankato. was married to Mr. Weaver is a good type of the progressive men who, in the midst of engrossing and successful business careers, are ready to devote their energies to the general welfare of the community and the state. * * * ELCH, JOHN.—John Zelch, an energetic and thor- ough Republican by training and natural bent, and whose identity with the Republican party has been distinguished, was born at Hesse Castle, in the province of Hesse, Prussia, on the 27th of September, 1860. He was the first child born to Peter Zelch and Anna George. Peter Zelch was born in Prussia, trained in the skilled and hardy labor of the iron worker of his day, and was for some years a soldier in the German army. When John Zelch was but a few months old his parents immigrated to America, set- His earliest education was obtained in the district school of tling in Minnesota and near St. Paul in May, 1861. Reserve township, now a part of St. Paul, and in the lo- cality specifically known as Merriam Park, where the Zelch family then resided. This was followed by a year's private tuition, and by the completion of his studies in the higher public schools in St. Paul. As a student he was industrious, but lack of means prevented him from obtaining the highest scholastic and always carried off high school honors; education which he desired, and he was obliged to aban- don schooling and turn to work while he was a mere boy. His first work was at farming, principally for his father, who paid his sons with the same regularity and business equity that was shown to all the men he employed. It was while thus working that John earned his first dollar. Farm work was interspersed with small contracting and grading, and, being a prudent young man, he soon acquired suf- ficient means with which to make a first payment upon a farm of his own at Cottage Grove, Minn., which he after- ward paid for and made of it one of the finest farms in that portion of the state. The original purchase was made in October, 1882, and in 1885 he purchased adjoining property, making his farm one of 640 acres, which property he has continued to improve and to reside upon. He farmed very extensively, often cropping 1,000 acres of rented land be- sides his own. In addition to grain farming Mr. Zelch early JOHN ZELCH. developed important and valuable stock-breeding interests, and imported fancy draught horses as well. He made five trips to Europe within a very few years, making large purchases of fine stock each time. He bred and introduced much of the finest draught stock now used throughout the Northwest, and has carried off innumerable gold prizes and rewards with fine animals at various expositions. In 1890 Mr. Zelch became one of the organizers and heavy stockholders of the Anchor Shoe Company of St. Paul, of which organization he was later elected vice presi- dent. He also became heavily interested in the Life Insur- 408 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. ance Clearance Company of St. Paul, immediately upon its being established. He was a very considerable purchaser of Pacific coast property in the era of activity in the Puget Sound country. He was always a Republican, as his father was from the very day of the issuance of his naturalization papers, and labored strenuously at all times for the success of the party. He never asked public office preferment at any time, though for many years, during the decade between 1880 and 1890, he was regularly elected to his town board. MOSES E. c-APP. In 1890 he was elected to the Minnesota legislature from Washington county. Populistic complexion, and the Republicans were unable to The legislature of that year was of accomplish much that they desired to, but Mr. Zelch intro- duced the famous text-book bill for free and uniform text- books in the public schools, and was a chief promoter of the wheat investigation bill which was passed. He was, after the session, a member of the wheat investigation com- mittee which sat for sixty days and placed the facts in connection with elevators, wheat grading, handling, etc., for the first time truthfully before the people. In 1892 he was reëlected to the legislature, and made chairman of the important grain and warehouse committee. He was also a member of the Republican “steering" com- mittee and of the committee of seven having in charge the candidacy of Hon. Cushman K. Davis for the United States senatorship. During this session he introduced a number of important grain bills, and succeeded in having passed the bills for licensing warehouses, for establishing legal grain grades, etc., many of them being passed against bit- ter opposition. Mr. Zelch became a Mason in 1881, later taking Knights Templar and Shriner degrees. He is also a Knight of Pythias and an Elk. On the 6th of June, 1895, he married Mary F. Hart, daughter of Rev. E. J. Hart of Cottage Grove, Minn., and a son was born to them on the 17th of March, 1896. * * * LAPP, MOSES E.-What Henry Clay politics of Kentucky in the earlier stages of his pub- was to the lic career, "loses E. Clapp has been to the politics of Minnesota during the past fifteen years. Possessed of a magnificent physique and endowed with a rare talent for oratory, it was natural that he should choose the profes- sion of the law; and he had scarcely located at Fergus Falls, Otter Tail county, Minnesota, in 1881, ere he was called to the leadership of the Republican party in that section of the state. He was singularly successful in his professional career at Fergus Falls, participating in some of the most notable cases on trial in Minnesota and the then territory of Dakota. His natural bent led him to a specialty in the trial of criminal cases, and, had he con- tinued in this special line of practice, there is no doubt that he would have attained the highest renown as a criminal lawyer. In 1886, however, he was nominated on the Re- publican ticket for attorney general of the state, and was elected by a complimentary majority. He was twice re- nominated and reelected to that office, and in these three campaigns he established the reputation of being one of the most powerful and magnetic orators who ever partici- pated in the arguments upon the hustings in Minnesota. His style of speaking is impressive, impassioned, and thor- oughly convincing. He has ready access to a generous vocabulary, and his leonine appearance on the platform gives great force to his fervid utterances. Especially in the campaign of 1886 did he distinguish himself as a mas- ter of the fine art of stump oratory, and as the contest was close and the result in doubt, he received a large share of the credit for the victory in that campaign. At the close of his last term as a state official, General Clapp made St. Paul his actual residence, and entered into A HISTORY OF THE 409 REPUBLICAN PARTY. a business partnership with N. H. Clapp and A. E. Macart- ney, under the firm name of Clapp & Macartney. In 1890 he became a candidate for the Republican nomi- nation for governor, leading the opposition to the existing administration. Though defeated for the nomination, he took part in the ensuing campaign, and it was largely due to his personal efforts on the rostrum and among his friends that a magnificent victory was scored by the party when practically the entire opposition was massed against it be- hind a candidate of strong personality. Moses E. Clapp was born at Delphi, Ind., May 21, 1851. His father, Harvey S. Clapp, was a native of Vermont and His nother York. General Clapp Ixiºn- mond, Wis., and they have had four children, three of descended from French and English ancestry. was descended from the old Dutch settlers of New her maiden name being Jane A. Vandercook. was married in 1873 to Miss Hattie Allen of New whom are still living—a boy and two girls. He began the practice of law at Hudson, Wis., in 1873, his professional education having been acquired in the University of Wis- consin. After a successful practice of his profession for nine years in Hudson, he removed, as stated, to Fergus Falls, Minn., where his record was made and his life in Minnesota begun. * * * HOMPSON, GEORGE.-No conventional biography is adequate to the consideration of George Thomp- son as a factor in the upbuilding of the Republican party in Minnesota. Almost from the first clay of his resi- dence in the state he became identified with the party or- ganization, and from that time up to the present his con- nection with it has been one which was in every way profit- able to the party and creditable to himself. Coming to St. Paul in 1883, after a successful business career in Joliet, Ill., Mr. Thompson purchased the St. Paul Dispatch, and at once began the reorganization of that in- He did not wait for the Dispatch to become established as a successful busi- fluential paper on wholly original lines. ness enterprise to make it felt as a political agency, but built it up largely through the aid of Republicans who ad- mired its fearlessness and its unswerving fealty to Repub- lican principles. To the public, to the Republican party, and to his busi- ness and social acquaintances, George Thompson is known as a discriminating and successful editor, a loyal and par- tisan Republican, and a polished and sociable gentleman. Such a man, with such a must be newspaper, it seen. necessarily has great power. No one realizes this more than Mr. Thompson himself, yet there is no humble worker in the party ranks who demands less of it. If his favorites are nominated for office, he supports them with no greater fervor and effectiveness than when the party nominees are not men to his personal liking. He recognizes the con- posite wisdom of the party as superior to the personal judgment of one man, and it is to this characteristic that is attributable much of the influence which he exerts as an individual in the direction of party affairs. Since taking charge of the Dispatch, Mr. Thompson has rendered efficient service to the party as a campaign speaker as well as an editor and publisher. He has aided GEORGE THOMPson. materially in bringing about good city government and in furthering the interests of the Republican party in both city and state. In these efforts he demonstrated the fact that he is a very practical politician and a fearless journal- ist. Perhaps the vigorous policy of the Dispatch and the personal courage of its editor were never more pointedly illustrated than when, in a recent campaign, a prominent -andidate for a high office served upon the Dispatch a de- mand for the retraction of certain statements. Mr. Thomp- son detailed a trusted reporter to investigate the charges, and satisfied himself that they were well founded. He re- 0If Allº! Pºol A VoIT 81 loſſ IAI (IHI, 10 A210,LSI H. W. spun uſ issouſsna 5unual put alºnso Ino.1 out va poptout: poſſ Lappw on 1 uſ oft:5uo on top to uſ tuitſ out tuo II poulo.I on uoux Lºs I uſ pontºutuion noubiq sºul uſ ºn Allot: Injssoo -ons put: 5uo sº I too Y Lotuutºux -º) ºn Jo Lautuouſ Lotuos oul st: ssauisuq on ponunuoo put luautofºuntu Itºiouan our pottinssº tauntºux iſv tutu on tuouſ nuoulouſno.1 sºlouneſ SITI Iol. V up ‘silonotinuoo 5uluſ tºd sº launtº stu ‘ssoulsnq oaſsuanxa utº panonpuod Aoun out noſu-w TITLA poleſoosse 1s.III stºw on "Intº, I 'ls Jo Slso.Ionuţ SSouſsna aul IIlºw pou -nuop Atosolo uood toutibui ouds up sº tºw It stºut Lotuutº.txt *IIw plºw-to out nºun uole ostnoo of oiloo Itºioloulu too : Aq pousſuu sew put: ‘Alſo out Jo stooutos onqueſ ou tuouſ pox Ltop stºw 5uture.In A Lito still isºwn-tox out Jo Sul -odo.thout oining aun as tº on pounsop Stºw Hoſti w Jo ino sºul -puna autºrſ Jo tolsmº II tºtus out plation sºul ozºº. In Juluov sitſ usu-want; Jo stºox inoſ stºw toutlets º pitt: wººl ‘ssouſsna Long out uſ pontºur, Ato Anot sº put: 'Alto out Jo stones tootionſ on go oud sº soxia-ins uns oil ine, is on AItueſ sit iſ lºw powouto. "..is lotutiºux - IV tº outs lºtil III on 1 Jo ostro.Jop uſ soo! Autos tºul polºol untov on w Dubºt oloton "Stoll los (Loxiºus-to-Litol on 1 Jo Soutou Do tolltºs lºtil Jo out stºw loul tº J. S. Lotuutºux -liv Allunoo ou lovo to Lou Jo III,III tº luos ºlotºs.stºut utºpuſ ol.101st II on 1 Jo Soul -1-0-11 tº on 1 ºzºs I uſ 'uºu.A. suollºwſ.1d oul IIb unt till w politºus on wºultºſ, I buttſ Illu, I ºut to luo, J Jo Sopulissºl v put: ss IV on lºst uſ 'poºl tºut stºw on a to H ostuouſ ssa Ibunod Jo A.Ilunoo tunity tº Jo nation A.low out uſ pooutosuo ‘tutºn wox Jo loitutºut oil 11 on 1 on D. Lºwlso wºult polita tº oil out ºut, stootioid outsountrov. Jo tutºns Apºols our Hºst on zººl utou on tºoltio uſ oouopºsal surrow own to liv untineziſłalo Jo Stolluouſ tutolso woul to outou wou tº punoj pub out 1,10] sºut Moos on out ul Autº Autºtuto: ) ovulett stu tuouſ pole-tºrtutul "totuntºux ºf plºw Dº Ioun tº still sulo A Stu uſ sosunoo A.11soo -u tº uttu-loº) A punis tº Jo pool on I, All AI lett stu Jo Ilos on 1 on uos injuliuſ tº poult-tuot sº ºwl tº stºu ou put ºuqun out outtſ pollitupe stºw ontºls tuo not tºw uſ utº out-toutout out sºs. Tº ºutſ' uo ºuttſ IV tutº wox uſ utoq stºw oil ºut. 110.1; out uſ sputºs Lotuutºux º plºw pººl Int, I is Jo uouſ ssouſsna 5unov polluds-onqnd put: 5uſsud-tolue out 5uouſ v-º) (I-IVA (IGI ºrigin HV-1 - - - “sison: Inounſw utopios s "Intº, I is uſ 'ontrove to intº uo outou Ittºoſa out put: 'Atituteſ toul on 111suoo 'suº ulou untput. In Junpoºl ow, I, ºut wbolowop tº put sºonsou ºuttuitºu.) tº sº put 'suould -tub sit tº putº St. Low SIt uſ putº Isn't Lott tº lºw proooº iluſ uſ sº 'ssouſsna lodeds wou out Jo Sutºrop out tutº Itºu tutº Autºno-toul sº ous routou tuouſ outoo stºn iſ ºpio w ºutpuouſ -tuoo tº Jo ubintulus on 1 to luoulºginootro popoou to Ao stºn on J put 'putrastun tou Jo Liow out unt wºultraſtus's osolo uſ uoaq stºn uosduouſ, L 'suw “autout Ian Jo plousouth on puox -oq tº J spuanxo aduantiuſ osotºw outwº Jo diſusuolutºduoo 5ut tootto out put putºut 5udiou out ‘losunoo osºw out pett sºul uosciutou I, it IV toottº Itºo lºod put sºotusual stu ul ºualſo punoo muſt ous wouxi uopu wanisotoua: tº put usetsuum -uo tuitº w tº ‘eduo;[[Ionuţ tºolo tº lºul ooº...tos isoq au ll a.Aſº on poſſeſ to Aa on stºut ooutºnsuſ otºuts ou u put ºut oAtos whiled on haſ on utºun lountil Anted oul oxios on pouloſ -aid sºul oil to Aaltºu-wooutouttuouſ Leontºod Autº lurinos on setſ tou ‘unnisod onqud o Antiountual Autº plau to Aou sºu ou and sºulloul tº Alted put suonuovuoo ontºns on --> w-Hwºx -º cº-ºwds on sºw tº put strontroAttoo Ibuonºu on 95.tº he ontºotop tº uood ool was but nooſqns uno ‘poulootion sº ºujo st: It'ſ os ‘ostnoo Irust out 1 Mool ostro ou put polooto not stºw oltºpſputº out poldooot! Lou stºw uouſ sodoid out, ostro on 1 Jo Itºu ou ol poooowſ Moltºpoultuſ pinow Jullulºid out, JI utonou ou Jo sosuo Ixo oul IIb ooutºpe uſ wed on uomºsodoul tº unºw ºutsolo put: ‘Loºtious III is slotuo ult wºuoulonels tout to out ºutnuouſins ‘plus Atsuotaoud pen a letti tie funguollo topºol popuo "Lotuſ to trolor tº uſ posios orow sloded put log.no.1 on postly -oſſinop tº Ilºw ino otuto iodied oul Atºp likou on J, A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 411 line Mr. Krahmer's energy, painstaking industry, and seru- pulous integrity soon commanded confidence, as a result of are and 1884. Mr. Ixrahmer was married to Miss Emma Albrecht, who, with which he has been intrusted with the general management of large real estate interests. In a son of eleven years, contribute to render his home life in all respects what it should be. Mr. Krahner's native sagacity and sound business judg- ment have been not a little sought after in the councils of the Republican party, to which he has always owned al- legiance; and when it came to pass that the Third ward of the city demanded representation in the city council, Mr. Krahmer's name at once suggested itself, and received the loyal and enthusiastic indorsement of his party. He was nominated and elected to the assembly by a large plurality in the spring of 1896. His characteristic energy and ability here found ample scope in the responsible and arduous la- bors of his office. During his term matters of grave im- portance were presented for solution, and Mr. Krahmer's prudent and fearless attitude on these public questions did not fail to win for him the general respect and applause of his fellow citizens. His splendid career in the council and his widespread popularity asserted themselves in the Re- publican county convention of September, 1896; and in recognition of his valuable public services, he was unani- mously nominated for the office of Register of Deeds. A majority of nearly 6,000 votes over the fusion candidate at that in unity. election voiced the general sentiment of the com- Mr. Krahner, withal, counts hosts of friends among men of all parties, and is a popular member of the Ancient Or- tler of United Workmen and the Junior Pioneers. He is a careful observer of public affairs, and is always zealous in promoting the best interests of the city. * * * OWARD, STEPHEN BENNETT.-Stephen B. How- ard was born into that rugged rural environment from which so many illustrious men have come, on the 16th day of April, 1856, in Cedar township, Floyd coun- ty, Iowa. He was the first child born in the township and the second born in the county, his advent occurring in the first house ever erected in the township, which was built by his father, Sanders M. Howard. The latter was a son of Elbert Howard, a wealthy man who, though a Southerner in every interest, became a most radical Abolitionist and voluntarily liberated the large number of slaves which he Sanders M. Howard, father of Stephen Bennett Howard, located in Illinois in the very early days of that state, and engaged in farming in the poor but vigorous pioneer fashion. In owned, and moved first to Northern Kentucky. 1849 he crossed the plains with an ox team to California and engaged in mining, amassing a comfortable fortune, which was afterwards lost through unfortunate business associations. In 1854 he returned East and renovel from Illinois to Iowa, where Stephen Bennett Howard was born. The mother of the latter was, prior to her marriage, Miss Francis Bennett, of a poor but highly respected Illinois farming family, and whose mother was Miss Betsy Knick- erbocker, of the famous New York family of that name. Stephen Bennett Howard's education was begun in the district schools in the neighborhood of his birthplace. From STEPHEN B. Howard. these primitive educational institutions he went to the Wesleyan Methodist Seminary at Wassioja, Wis., and then to the State University of Iowa. He graduated in the philosophical course from the Iowa University in 1883, with high honors. During his student days he took much interest and an active part in the work of the school literary so- cieties and in oratorical contests. As sophomore he car- ried off the first honors of the university in oratory, and was secretary and treasurer of the state oratorical associa- tion. As junior he also won first prize for oratory, and was chosen delegate to the interstate oratorical contest at 412 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Indianapolis, after which he again took first prize at the Iowa State University, and also in the state contest. In 1883 he represented Iowa at the oratorical contest in Min- neapolis. After graduating, he edited the Iowa City Daily Republican for one year, and in 1884 moved to Minneapolis, He studied law with Mr. W. H. Morris, and was admitted to practice in the supreme where he has since resided. court in 1885, since which time he has practiced law con- tinuously, though he has been in part occupied with a num loor of business enterprises. ALLEN F. FERRIs. In 1887 Mr. Miss Fannie M. Hammond of Waterloo, Iowa, and a little daughter blessed Howard was married to the marriage in 1892. Mr. Howard was reared a Republican, and has clung continuously to that political faith, never having voted at any time with any other party. In 1892 he was elected to the House of Representatives in the Minnesota state leg- islature from the Thirty-fourth district, and in 1894 he was elected to the State Senate from the same district. The nomination for state senator was made by acclamation. He received a majority of 2,770 votes out of a total of 5,400 votes cast. As representative he introduced and succeeded in having passed the bill creating the state labor bureau. He was a member of the judiciary committee, and led the fight against the famous “Anti-Scalper" bill. He worked and voted for the street car vestibule bill, the anti-ironclad law, the factory inspection bill, the bill to protect union He was a courageous and tireless worker in any legislative labels, and the bill making Labor Day a legal holiday. cause which he espoused. Mr. Howard is a member of the Delta-Taw-Delta college fraternity of the Iowa State University, and retains a keen interest in literary and oratorical as well as political work. - - - ERRIS, AL LEN F. --Allen F. Ferris, the banker-legis- lator of Brainerd, was born at Perrysburg, N. Y., July 22, 1865. years agent at that place for the New York & Erie Rail- His father, Wm. Ferris, was for many way Company and the United States Express Company. His mother was Miss Beulah Allen, daughter of the judge of one of the New York courts. Mr. Ferris canne with his parents to Brainerd in 1872. There he attended the public schools, and in 1882 went to Carleton College, where he He 1885, became teller in the First National Bank of that city. remained two years. returned to Brainerd, and, in This bank was founded by his father in 1880, and his father was its president from the time of its organization until his death in 1881. Mr. Ferris was elected cashier of the bank in 1887 and president thereof in 1891, a position he still holds. When the game and fish commission of the state first came into existence, which was in 1891. Governor Memºrian appointed Mr. Ferris a member of the board. In the draw- ing for length of terms he drew the six-year term. He was also a member and vice president of the Brainerd city coun- cil for four years, beginning in 1891. In the fall of 1894 he was elected to the state legislature. In the session which followed he was chairman of the House railroad committee and a member of the committees on banks and banking, logs and lumber, on the state prison. and of the special committee on building and loan associa- tions. He introduced several important bills which became laws. Among these was the bill to furnish grass seed to farmers in burned districts. This law has been very bene- ficial, the wide tracts which were burned over by the fires of 1893 being now covered with a strong growth of grass He in- with as a result of the seed distributed by the state. bill, amendments, became the law now in existence. troduced a new game and fish which. S-11 le. He intro- duced a bill licensing fishing with nets at certain seasons of the year in international waters, which was the subject 'Allºſ VoI NWOIT &L), IGIAI (IHI, II () (2/01/S / H. F. gif snonput: ssoſ tº stoos on turn 5uſiloſſuloo III poſt-III put ºf Iow.lovo "I SS Jo II ºf oil uſ Alſo tº 1.10(Io, sº sit-ow oo.It to Itºſſ 11:11 (In A portſtºutai *101109 5uſ; pubu st: AIIbuſ, put adupo *II ºf tow tº Intſ u00s stºw on 101.100ſ' "10 sesſiºxi and Jo to ſpo on 1 on Josuiſtſ ºut on polluſ .LocItºſs wou Wiſtºp tº to luouſ Aoiſtuo putſ 01 ATI, ) st-strºyſ on nuovº sis. Jo Motutuns on uſ put ºx-low on ºn prºtº-isod uſ poſſ tºur, aſ LAsp10. A tºu, ) uſ tº tº poulºuſº, o iſ "politºnpº.15 stºw on II. It waſ w *11s Jo Ssºlo on uſ to ſunſ tº st: pololua pup tº sſ Jo II tº on 1 uţ ‘oilſ Asp10, wº.10 on luow or os : osanoo offolio.o sit oloid -tuosº put of oiloo ol unio. 01 poppoop out out 11 sºul lºv "Nivºlow 's NHoſ' - *Altºſus tolloq Jo loſſo out u0 ooutºsul Motºo iſ optºtu ºu loſſ ºut to on aſſol) out on soulſ, ou tuouſ put: soulſ, oil on 10,00tuoſſ on 1 tuo, J 5uto: ‘subow own Al-Ittou "1jol Slºſſop wo, tº 1m0l pull on A Woºl tº on 5ululou until 1911oq slºw SIULL sillo'ſ "1S uſ XI.10A lot tººls wou AIſ tºp uſ ponunuoo of I "11 ox{B} 01 0solo oll JI Hoo AA tº slºop owl, polioſ -Jº Duº os-illoo SIM 10, populotutuo.) stºw put ºuquoitºulºu *Il Jo (101111011 tº 911b10A tº on 1 Doloº.111 tº low owou put 9|| "Soo! Allos SIU loſ 1100 tº ºut Aſooo. 1not lºw suluouſ own to Ao 10 lod tº ou ol In Josn Jºostulu optºſu ol (lºssod Vºw Aloxo uſ put solo lie Lºloods (In olo. A 's wou log pollsnu of I ºxiopſius I A º Aq poſsiland noun 10 tooutoſſ sino I ºls p10 on uo Mºtow on huow putº IIostulu toſ oopſ tº ox{but 01 poulturolop stºw on and ::futº-inoosip A.low sew troºt: tuls out poſiod tº to put passo.Iſſop AI tºo.15 stºw ssouſsna tion woul tº 1 tº 1sn'ſ stºw I sosuotixo Abū ol (IºIIIAA till As *Liow toſſeds wou autos op on ºut tº tº low on ºutſou put: *Alſsºud uolºuristºw uſ nuovo autos on soſpnus sitſ onull -uoo on ºutpuolu "sinoſ I is on huow looſans Ino ºls uſ *oqviſjoid sº turn tº luods out on 1 uodn Motºſ paxloo sº tº win stºn uſt: IoIV - IV put to 11.1 wesno.1031A tº put taluſ.Itſ nuoſºvo ut: stºw ſons (and on L. ºloſſeſſ on 1 Jo quounted op swou Itool oil uſ ºutsissi: put open s, toluid out 5uſuttºo “ootioſ loſſ -xo loſſeſs wou sit ſtºod oilou put: 'tºot. I nº lous! [ºund put: toupo Auto, I ºf oliso’ſ IIIA nuouſ VoIſluto poinoos on Aotº uſ SIII IIIAA 10. Iloilºu Hºuſ ºn to outſold on poppoop put ºf tow loſſuls wou up poſſoſovop Apºllº put of 1 JIostulu to outro on unaſ put offolio.) on tºol on poiſºlo stºw uſioſ’ ºst uſ “utºxi ºiot, I on powout put on A toulºſ siſt Act polo -Ins sostovo. It’ſoutºut 0.1 ºutwo zls uſ and is tº ºut oloul lootios uſ ponuſ luo, oil ºf 1s Jo ss tº out uſ ºolio, ) usequº pololua on huouliºdop Aiolettºloid out uſ tºo." : Iolſ tº ºtoſ w "puſ ºilſ Asp-10.J.M. º.10 01 luos slºw on 69s I Jo II tº on 1 III -SID on 1 DoDuo 11 tº o H III ºtolin V tº Autoptrot utº put: Lootºs loſ.in ‘(In wo.15 S unoſ' lºul odou slºw 11 ºntinoo II ºptioxſ uſ alſº to V tºou tuitºſ tº uo poulos put: 'DIo tºo. A tº Auo slºw tº losis sºul Jo looſqus on trouſ wºfºs Jo 5uſ.1ds out uſ soutſiſ on powouto, o H 'suolº. It lºos put: Aſſureſ uwo sit uſ politºld tºo, put 'puttu Injutºnotu put sno -Lios tº uotin Wºuw.us so Mosuoul possoultuſ outloº Lºu Woºl sit Jo sootion Hui u tº stati, ) on I, sºonoſºl tutolso w ºilºloſ IV on 1 Jo lootºutºno poºn. A pins out podolo wop sº sootto nutſ, ſpons topun Aoq Louiſits tº sº (In Aotº ºf soutuſ' lull sºw 11 oilou put tuitºſ tº uo poulos and luº, witHui tº stºw to L1 tº SIII -uſ0 on to All out) on tºwop boºtºu A'q ‘putto tº uot wºuo poinos Autut'ſ out oothſ ſoluw lºou ‘Ilºutilo - tººl sit till w powout juſt ºut: ALA'suuo, Jo ºil ºut tº stºw of I ‘soot tº suinouſ.) ontºlopout tº Lotti.It'ſ tº stºw uſ tº IoIV ºxi Soutºſ' º:SI tºº. A tº IV outlo Aoldſ: lºoti tuitºſ tº uo utoq sºw ºut tº IoIV uosuopu V Aout: N put uosuºlo; I soutſ' Jo uos ºuſtº IoIV S unioſº-ºxiºſ (ICIlos NH0ſ. NIV. In * * * "put[o oud owtºn Won I, ºwo I *ALIoat-AA Jo 95 ºns IV ºut V SSIA politºul sºulºuſ liv º;s Jo with out topun poziutº.to uoissºultuoo usu put out tº out Jo to unstoul sº on hºul poppº on Abul II ºuoll ºuttutºxo pººl, ototu tº topun sylubſ on tºls poorld nºn-w slitſ 5uplutº put Muba out ſo on tºssed oul ºutput uſ osie put u011 tº stºol Wilso to out uſ Lited ºutpºol tº Mool sºlio, I "...IIA tolſ tº possed AILºuiſ Moſul w inq ol tº lop poleou put ºudl Jo round tºlstºol on 1 Jo so poºl unon possed ooºwl ºut Abu 414 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. and confining task, he was appointed general advertising agent of the Santa Fe Railway and removed to Topeka, Kan. Two years later the immigration department was organized and he was made chief clerk, a position which he held until the summer of 1885, when the railway com- pany had disposed of all its lands and the immigration de- partment was discontinued. This gave our subject an opportunity to get back to newspaper work, and in October he secured the position of editor of the Minneapolis Journal, which passed into the hands of new proprietors on November 1st of that year. Mr. DANIEL W. BRUC KART- McLain has been at the head of the Journal's editorial de- partment ever since-universally recognized as one of the ablest editors in the Northwest. He has acquired a financial interest in the paper, and has devoted his time and energies diligently to its building up. While the Journal has main- tained a degree of independence which has distinguished it from the mere party organ, it has always been a vigorous advocate of Republican principles. Mr. McLain was married April 19, 1881, to Miss Caro- line E. Thomson, daughter of the late Prof. S. S. Thom- son of Wabash College, Crawfordsville, Ind. RUCKART, DANIEL WEBB.-Daniel W. Bruckart, more familiarly known throughout Northern Min- nesota as “Dan” Bruckart, is a lawyer of excep- tional ability and a resident of St. Cloud, the county seat of Stearns county. He first saw the light of day on the 23d of April 1851, at Pennsylvania, and is therefore past his forty-fifth year. old being the birthplace of both his Silver Springs, Lancaster county. He comes of good Pennsylvania stock, Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, father and mother. His father, Samuel Bruckart, was a mine owner and dealer in coal, and his mother was the daughter of Col. J. Habecker, a wealthy and prominent citizen of Lancaster county, who was one of President His education embraced such facilities as were offered by the Buchanan's early advisers in Pennsylvania. early country schools in Lancaster county, up to the age of four- teen years, when he went to the Millersville State Normal School of Pennsylvania for four successive summers, teach- ing school winters. Mr. Bruckart is not only a good law- yer, but an exceptionally good business man as well, the result being a goodly accumulation of this world's goods. At twelve years of age he employed his vacation days working in the iron mines, and at thirteen he practically had a monopoly on the sale of newspapers in and about his native town, Silver Springs. He is an entertaining talker, especially so when he grows reminiscent over those early days in his native town in Pennsylvania. Fortu- nate indeed is the man who finds him with enough time to revert to those old days and tell of the peculiar experi- ences he had as a vender of that staunch old Union journal, the Philadelphia Press, besides the Lancaster Erpress and Lancaster Intelligencer, during those trying months of 1864 and 1865, when the nation's life hung in the balance. To quote his own words: “I well remember the day of Lee's surrender, and the terrific excitement it created,—an excitement, even in our little village, compared with which the returns from a present-day presidential election is like a gentle breeze compared to a cyclone. Of course, our people were looking hourly for some definite news, and by previous arrangement with the railroad company I had my papers come to Silver Springs by a different route, getting them there about two hours ahead of the regular Even in that little village I sold over four hundred I was back there time. copies among the villagers and miners. some two years ago, and found some of those papers, giving the account of Lee's surrender at Appomattox, still kept as relics of those stirring times.” In the fall of 1869, Mr. Bruckart, having coupleted his term in the Millersville normal school, entered Lafayette College at Easton, Pa., and remained there until his junior year, studying law meanwhile preparatory to his entrance into the law department of the University of Iowa in the A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 415 fall of 1871, from which he was graduated and admitted to the bar in 1872. *Notwithstanding the chaotic condition of things Of his early schooling, Mr. Bruckart says: in Pennsylvania incident to war times, the school system there was such as to be a credit to any state at any period of its existence, and especially was this true of the Millers- ville State Normal School and Lafayette College, among whose early students can be found the names of men who have since distinguished themselves in the various paths of business and professional life in this country.” In the fall of 1872 he began the practice of law at Inde- pendence, Iowa, subsequently becoming connected with the Rapids & Northern Railroad, a position he held until his removal to St. Cloud in November, 1883. publican, Mr. Bruckart, in Iowa as in Minnesota, took a legal department of the Burlington, Cedar Always a consistent Re- very active interest in national, state, congressional and county politics, having been the secretary of the Iowa state central committee in 1881. Soon after his arrival in St. Cloud he formed a law partnership with Judge James McKelvey, who had just resigned from the district bench. Mr. Bruckart men of St. Cloud and throughout the northern part of the made many friends among the influential state, prominent among whom were such men as Loren W. Collins, now associate justice of the supreme court, who was instrumental in showing him the field open for a man of his ability and energy. May 18, 1875, Mr. Bruckart was married at Independ- ence, Iowa, to Miss Sara W. Williams. They have two boys, fourteen and nineteen years of age respectively. They have a beautiful home, and are very prominent in the best social circles of St. Cloud. The elder boy, Lee Dudley, is a sophomore in the University of Minnesota, and occu- pies his vacations doing reportorial work on the Minneap- olis Tribune. The younger, Lloyd Owen, is in the senior year in the St. Cloud high school. * * * TEVENS, FREDERICK C.–F. C. Stevens, who re- sides at Merriam Park, in St. Paul, is one of the most distinguished members of the Minnesota state bar. He was born in Boston, Mass., Jan. 1, 1861. He is of a scholastic turn of mind, and possesses an excellent educa- tion. In 1877 he graduated from the Rockland high school in Rockland, Me...; in 1881 he was graduated from Bowdoin College at Brunswick, Me., and in 1884 he became a grad- uate from the law department of the University of Iowa, one of the most thorough law schools in the United States. Coming to Minnesota in 1884, it was not long before he gained a very considerable practice, and won for himself a position among the leading political workers of Ramsey county. This is evidenced by the fact that, four years later, he was elected to represent the country district of the county named in the lower branch of the legislature of 1SSS-80. that zeal for good government which has always character- It was during this session that he manifested ized him. He took especial interest in the matter of chang- ing the election and primary laws of the state, and was active in all railway and land legislation. So satisfactory were his services that he was returned to the legislature of 1890-91. work for state and county. It was at this session that he wrought his best At that time it was on every- FREDERICK C. STEVENS. one's lips that the thanks of the people were due him for his unflinching interest in the cause of good government. He was always found advocating measures that stood for the welfare of the people generally. It was he who intro- duced and caused to be passed the constitutional amend- ment looking toward the prevention of special legislation. His services to the people in this one instance entitle him to the highest consideration from the commonwealth at large. It was he, also, who made so strong a fight for the passage of the Australian Ballot Bill and assisted in secur- ing the passage of remedial legislation in behalf of the city "MLAſ ºf NWOIT aſ 1,112ſ (IHI JI () (210, LSI H. W. 9IP -qndſor oun on poulount: A Lito outdooq over pinous uſes toº. *I (I lºun ºutins nou si ni 'suontºloosse fundnuoo sm II* put via Atºls Jo pantºn astianuſ Jo aloudsotting up uſ tº wo titanstonio N. Jo storient) out 5uout potºol put uto:I sounipuadixa u-wop ºutdoost uſ Lºuanunusul stºw on otoſ w toolnitutuo. ooutºut aul Jo Itºu Lutºtº optºut oste stºw put: '...we lettonnusuoo to oohnſtitutionqus out Jo utºut ºut- sº oannitutuo. Anºtononſ on to poxias on otorſ silodeon -uIV Jo Anto on Jo spatºw unxis put unju, I out Jo posodiuto.) hot insip puonos-A Luuq, on luoso tºtal on albuos ontºls out on tuºſov ºr (I huas Fºst Jo uomoola out, win luna tºol stºl oom-ºwl injssoons Auox tº put poztutºto stºw Atoutofluoix N utºioſº one II Jo tutu au, ºst. I weiv ºut tº sºlo ºut aul uſ susng ºuw poorld Toulºw zºs Jo uot looto otli toll tº unun pontinuoo uoru west isng H \\ unt witHustoulied tº potuto put silodeoutuiv u pontºol utºtox LIV 0681 til rosno II on 1 Jo ool litu -tuo. ooutºut au Jo uptuºus sº pox.tos out ºtoluſ wiful wouloſ aul Rump atop ºunoo utoqool, luoso idol on oinleisºol ontºls atta Jo asnoſt lowo out on poloolo stºw on SSSI Jo II*. aul uſ subox us to bonunuoo loſt wºtovo’ſ V titloſ uni w (ſºus-taunted tº potuto out otou–w tºo. I loºtiv on Dovotti on teas tº go pun on v ºn unoo sºone, ºpuſ uſ to toºl st poxoiſtula unan pºu put ºutſis sno void oul polºol pºſt out otou–w ºuttſ IV unsuv tº tººl out on Dollinulº stºw on 11s Jo uſe out uſ wel Jo Apuns out ºn tool on trouw ºrs inun stonuſ wootios ºutpuole put stouturns ºut Liow ºut tº sºlouneſ sºn no poultuo. Lolºis situ Jo looſans ouſ, nuounuoo pouloſio VI wou out 10 publ toolſ out uſ auton tº nunnos put suouſ buº puto w bio Jo Ruutºux, ou tuouſ pop soul Iutuolo) via tºo uſ 'osi tº put out-w ºut louanzºn II toua. I tº tuouſ populoosop stºw ºb. I will." pºojº Jo waiting ſunri ºutºnov tolutios Jo toulou on J. ‘soot Los utout -utoo our uſ uoultºnpo Ilºilopºut tº Jo sluorupnºt out poultºn to put unnox put poon putto stu Jo Stºw out possed studiº I 5unov alou wºu wo Altınoo Mountsoutlºw uſ to tº slºw tºol -tuoſ put ºutloo uosº.oeſ uſ is uſ 'pontºo put isow out tº out ºf SI uſ and “A 'sounºtoA Jo ºntºu tº stºw ºutºnov Not -tº I touleſ sºutº.toº to buos ºn-to-ut to otºtuus hºul tº litted oanot: un uox tº pen put uonuovox out outſoq solº tuouſ politatiºn tutu put on wººtout tº putºut I wox Jo out 5uo tº tuouſ populoosop ºw sutº.toº on I, Fºst ‘Autºniº Jo unuout on u ºvoi Aquinoo uossºt'ſ ul u-toºl stºw utºtox ºut statutº I-I Sºl IM Wºl 'N vºic) * * * "spuapu Jo oto.uo on tº tº on Antºnidson osuod -sup \oul oton wºunans injuntºn sinu, is go out ºute, I tutºuto IV tº outou ºut stºod tº a wºu would notiv ºutsuº I Jo oniº, I ºf uniq ol pollutºut stºw suo Aols ºuv GSSL uſ "Ainunoo on Jo sisotonuſ isoq on Jo hºtoddins stu anun -uoo put uonºluloit stu on ppu on uttºn too sº an otou–w ‘ssou: -uo,) Jo osmon to wou ou uſ not usup Ibuoissou-ttoo ºnosotiuſ IV ultuoul out luoso.uto.1 on nuound do uousnu stu lovo unºt, Jo ºn -to ſtºut tº Aa poloolo stºw ºut ºustºdtutº utº-voluxion on ºut-tup '96s. Jo II tº out ul our tº I ontºls utºnºunſlowl out Jo viºlatoos stºw out sºut-ow ovu toºl susted tutº Itºtoxos ºut-tup oannºun too ºnto put ºutloo utionquiloxi out Jo utºtuutºu… sº tutu Act out on Ltow ontºniº St. o.unnelsino on tºns out uſ outlºw suo vols - IV ºn polobuo, soon vitas on 1 on trolliput ul "Nº ouc, w = sn-ºvo. soltºn's politiºn out uſ troll ºtodo uſ wººl uonooto loop loſt soul out sºulod sº tºu wo nuount out stºn wou thosauru IV tºul ootionuu, sºn unnottº Montrºl still lºſt plus on Wilsuſ ºut 11 poistultuoooº uoºl over lou pino.w. tutoſol out soullod uſ ssaulutiolo Jo solºſſould on troll -o-wop sitſ put stoºltuouſ wouloſ sit tº Lw ooutonºuſ sit ºutſ. -ºluouplutºd tº sº. Hists stunnot lºw ºut outbºloid toulodolº st 11 son-led tº put sossulo II tº tuouſ touan turn ºnourſ with no looto sovox on 1 on attoutpuout soleues out ºut uſ tº -sus up ostuo II out, Jo 1000 oun uo nonpuoo sº I tubeſ is Jo A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 417 lican party and that he took an active part in its councils. He has served on county and state committees, and for eighteen years has always been found on the stump, dur- ing campaigns, expounding the principles of his party. At the age of twenty-two, Mr. Morgan was united in Her death, in March, 1893, left him with a son and two daugh- marriage with Ella M. Hayward of Waukon, Iowa. ters. After nearly three years of single life he married Mrs. Lizette F. Davis of Auburn, N. Y. Senator Morgan attends Gethsemane Episcopal Church, and is a member of the order of Elks, this being the extent of his society membership. * * * ALKER, THOMAS BARLOW.-T. B. Walker of Minneapolis, one of the most active and promi- nent of the Minnesota Republican leaders, and one of the wealthiest men in the Northwest, was born in Xenia, Ohio, Feb. 1, 1840, the son of Platt Bayless Walker and Anstis Barlow Walker. While he was still a child, his father joined a party of gold seekers to cross the plains to leaving his California and died of cholera on the road, family penniless. Thomas was one of four children, and he early began a hard struggle with poverty. He secured an education at the Baldwin University at Berea, Ohio, by working to support himself. He was only able to attend the school one term in the year, but he managed to get what was a pretty fair education for that time, and was espe- cially distinguished for his proficiency in mathematics. When nineteen years old, he traveled as a salesman for Fletcher Hulet, a grindstone manufacturer of Berea, and also took a contract to furnish ties for a railroad in Illinois. His ambition at that time was to be a teacher, and he made application for a position in the University of Wisconsin, but while awaiting the result his plans were all changed by meeting J. M. Robinson of Minneapolis, who urged him to go to that city. This he did, taking with him a lot of grind- stones consigned to St. Paul. In St. Paul he met a young man who was then working on the steamboat wharf and who aided Walker to sort out and label the stones. The name of this man was James J. Hill, now the head of the Great Northern Railroad system. Mr. Walker remained a short time in St. Paul, and then going to Minneapolis, he became acquainted with George B. Wright, who was about to go into the woods as a surveyor of government lands. Walker joined him, and a year's work in the great pine forests of Minnesota proved to be the foundation of his fortune, because his active mind grasped the possibilities of the future development of the lumber industry in the pineries of this state. It was not long before he began to buy pine land with what little money he could save. In 1863 he returned to Berea, Ohio, and married Miss Harrieſ Hulet, the daughter of his former employer. Bringing his young wife back to Minneapolis, he began the remarkable career as a lumberman and an owner of pine lands which in time enabled him to amass a large fortune. He became the largest pine land proprietor in the State of Minnesota. For a time he gave his attention mainly to the work of government surveys, and in 1864, he aided in running the first trial line for the St. Paul & Duluth H is first partners in the pine land business were L. Butler and Howard B. Mills, the firm being Butler, Mills & Walker. The Camp & Walker Co. purchased the Pacific Mills at Minne- Railroad. Later he went into partnership with Major Camp. THOMAS E. wal-KER. apolis and built mills at Crookston, Grand Forks, and other points. He had great faith in the ultimate value of Minne- sota pine lands, and his knowledge of the entire pine dis- trict of the state soon became more thorough and con- plete than that of any other man engaged in the lumber- ing business. Mr. Walker has always been conspicuous for his pub- lic-spirited efforts for the building up of the city of Min- neapolis, and his name is associated with a number of en- terprises which have been strong factors in the growth and prosperity of that city. He was a large contributor to the fund for the erection of the Public Library building, and has, since the library board was established in 1886, been 418 A HISTORY OF THE REPt 13 L/ C / W. PA RTY. its president. He is also president of the Society of Fine Arts, and the Minneapolis Academy of Natural Sciences and the Atheneum owe much to his efforts and patronage. He organized the Minneapolis Business Men's Union for the purpose of encouraging the establishment of manu- Mr. Walker's love for art has led him to build an art gallery in connection factures and other business enterprises. with his residence on Hennepin avenue, and to fill it with many of the greatest works of European artists. This gal- lery now contains one of the very best collections in the SAMUEL G. COMSTOCK. United States. It includes “Napoleon in His Coronation Robes,” by David; J. Jules Breton’s “Evening Call:” Bou- guereau’s “Passing Shower;" Rosa Bonheur’s “Muleteers Crossing the Pyrenees;” Corot's “Nymphs,” and “Scenes in Old Rome;” *Barber Lefevre's original portraits of Napoleon, Josephine and Boulanger's Shop of Lycinus;” Marie Louise; Peale's original portrait of General Wash- *En Tonkin,” with other masterpieces, including Bol. Marke, Jacque Rousseau, Francais, Gabriel Ferrier, Cazin, Schrey- ington; Detaille's those of Ixnaus, Ferdinand Van er, Innes, Moran, and other famous artists. While always active in Republican politics and liberal in his contributions for the campaign work of his party, Mr. Walker has steadily refused to be a candidate for office, although often solicited to run for various prominent pub- lic positions. He headed the Minnesota electoral ticket in 1896, however, and was chosen one of the presidential elect- ors by a majority of over 50,000. Concerning his efficient work in the campaign of 1896, a Minneapolis friend, Judge Eli Torrance, published the following statement in the Tribune: *Having carefully observed the effective and valuable work done by the local and state Republican committees during the recent campaign, and with special satisfaction witnessed the patriotic services rendered by the sound money club and many of our citizens, irrespective of party, I feel that Minneapolis has special reason to be proud of one citizen, whose efficient service rendered in a quiet and modest way should be gratefully remembered. I refer to T. B. Walker, who, by his pen and agencies established by himself for advancing the campaign of education," and by daily personal work in the public and private discussion of the political questions of the day, probably secured as many votes for the Republican ticket as any other citizen in the State of Minnesota. His pamphlet on Low Tariffs Na- tional Republican League of the United States, is one of and Hard Times, published and distributed by the the most terse, thorough and satisfactory reviews of the tariff ever published. This pamphlet was published more than a year ago, and was used during the entire campaign to illustrate the effects of the tariff, and made many con- Mr. Walker also tributed many other able articles on the financial and tariff verts to the cause of protection. --II- issues, which were extensively circulated and read. For six months prior to the election he maintained a bureau for the distribution of literature, which was sent all over Min- nesota and adjoining states. He also had a number of men constantly in the field, working for the success of the Re- publican cause. The organization of the Citizens' Sound Money Club was largely due to Mr. Walker's efforts, and after its formation his action in securing and opening rooms for the distribution of literature, and daily and evening speaking, accomplished much in turning the tide in favor of the Republican ticket.” Six sons and two daughters have been born to Mr. and Mrs. Walker, and all are living except one of the sons. The large, old-fashioned home of the Walkers on Hennepin avenue, with its spacious grounds and red settees standing under the trees near the sidewalks for the comfort of pass- ers-by, is one of the most conspicuous objects in the cen- MII- the prime of life and in full tide of business activity and tral residence district of the city. Walker is still in prosperity. G1 HD Lºſ O M M 0,1, SI H. 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Alto wou ‘otojoloul 's put lºsſ Iſ Winſ: “A 'N ºloisotºoºl tº utoq stºw oil ºss Ilad V ul Allo sºul ol outso ouw ºutbux tº IV ºf soutſ' sº ºutlu woux onw III: Aq tuºso Du tº lount ul plot S! outlºu oson-M put tº Luº, I 1S on uodn 110.0.1.) loopſoil ouw slow-wººl ºux-low -1), but Autºut out 5uouſ V-Ci Sºl IV vſ IV VII.xxiv. 420 A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. From 1876 to 1880 Mr. Baumbach was engaged in mer- cantile pursuits with J. J. Meyer in Illinois. In 1880 he came to Minnesota and located at Wadena, where he and Mr. Meyer again engaged in commercial pursuits, under the firm name of Baumbach & Meyer. continued five years, and proved very profitable. In 1885 This business Was the firm was dissolved, Mr. Meyer succeeding to the busi- ness and Mr. Baumbach starting What was then known as the Wadena, EXChange Bank, an institution that was a financial success. He was its president until 1892, at which time it was merged into the First National Bank of Wa- dena, Of Which Mr. Baumbach is president and his son, C. W. Baulmbach, Cashier. During the construction of the Wadena & Park Rap- ids Railroad, from Eagle Bend to Park Rapids, the subject of this sketch was one of its directors. After its completion the road was sold to the Great Northern Railway Com- pany. Mr. Baulmbach also had an interest in all the town sites along the line named. No man has led a busier life. His interests are many. He is the partner of John Ander- Son & Co., merchants in Sebeka, Minn., and is also a mem- ber of the mercantile firm Of C. W. Baumbach & Co. at Menahga, in the same state and county, both of which houses have paid handsome dividends on investments. Politically Mr. Baumbach has always been a Republican. His first VOte Was Cast for General Grant. While he has manifested a learty interest in the success of his party, and has exercised no incolnsiderable influence in the direction of its Carmpaigns, Official emoluments have not been sought by him. At the head of large business enterprises, as he is, and honored with the respect and confidence of the general public, mere political preferment will probably remain of Secondary importance to him. He is a member of the Masonic and Odd Fellow fraterni- ties, and was married in 1870 to Miss Rebecca J. Dawson, a daughter of Lieut. James Dawson, an Officer who served under General Rilpatrick, and who was killed in the battle Of Atlanta. Who is Cashier Of the Ilirst National Bank Of Wadena. There is Only one child living, a young man, APPENDIX. APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXXVI, PART I. THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1896 – E LECTION OF MICKINILEY AND HOBART, The publication of this work has been delayed so as to make it possible to include a statement of the chief results of the election of 1896. paign was the most animated known since that of 1868, and developed a great deal of intense feeling. It ran almost wholly on the question of changing The Cam- the monetary standard of the country from a gold to a silver basis. In localities having large manu- facturing industries, the Republicans made some effective use of the , tariff issue, but Mr. Bryan and his followers refused to meet them on this ground, and concentrated all their efforts in an as- Sault on the gold standard. Their contention was that gold had appreciated and that a cheap silver dollar would make money plenty, cause business to become active, and ameliorate the condition of the debtor and the working classes; but their orators and newspapers were unable to explain clearly how all this would be brought about by lowering the money standard. Mr. Bryan spent the entire cam- paign in traveling over the country and making speeches. He visited thirty states and delivered Over 500 speeches—all in advocacy of the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of sixteen to Major McKinley remained at his home in Can- ton, where he was visited by numerous delegations that came by train-loads from all parts of the To each delegation he delivered an appro- O]] (2. country. priate and forcible address. On the first of September a national delegate convention was held in Indianapolis to organize that portion of the old Democratic party which re- fused to accept the free coinage of silver plank of the Chicago platform and the planks aimed at the Supremacy of the national government and the power of the supreme court. These planks, written by Governor Altgeld of Illinois to justify his ac- tion during the great railroad strike and riot in Chicago in the summer of 1894, when he denied the right of President Cleveland to use troops to open the way for the United States mails and as- sailed the Federal judiciary for issuing injunctions against the strike leaders, raised almost as much hostility among Democrats as did the new cheap silver doctrine. The Indianapolis convention nomi- nated Gen. J. M. Palmer of Illinois for President and Gen. Simon B. Buckner of Kentucky for Vice- President. These two distinguished veterans, who had fought on opposite sides in the Civil War, took , the stump together and spoke in many states in Op- position to the Chicago platform and ticket. They received only an insignificant vote, for the reason that their followers saw that the only effective way to beat Bryan was to vote for McKinley instead of throwing their votes away on a third-party ticket. An element of humor was contributed to the Can- vass by Watson of Georgia, the nominee of the People's party for Vice-President. He refused to resign in favor of Sewall, the Democratic nominee, and persisted in annoying the Democratic managers with letters and speeches up to the close of the canvass. In spite of his performance, however, a complete fusion on electoral tickets was effected in all the states between the silver Democrats and the Populists. This new fusion party was nicknamed the Popocratic party by the Republican newspapers. The campaign was a remarkable one, both for the quantity of campaign literature circulated and for the activity of the stumping canvass, which, in all the close states, extended even to the rural school 422 A PPENDIX. districts. The Republican national committee print- ed and circulated about 140,000,000 documents. In 1892 the record was 47,000,000, which far exceeded all previous records. The chief battle ground of the campaign was in the Middle West—in Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Kentucky, Illinois, Minnesota and Iowa. Kansas, Nebraska and the two Dakotas were also vigorously contested, and the Pacific Coast States were stoutly contended for. As the contest progressed, the business classes be- came more and more alarmed at the threatened evils of a change in the monetary standard, involv. ing the partial repudiation of all debts and obliga- tions, public and private, and they became almost solid in their support of McKinley. This was the most powerful element that contributed to the suc- cess of the Republican ticket. Before the election took place it was difficult to discover, outside of the old Bourbon Democratic element in the South, any men responsible for the management of business enterprises who were not opposed to the Bryan plan of cheapening the currency. Mr. Bryan’s following was composed of partisan Democrats, who supported him because he was the regular nominee; of unsuc- cessful men; of debtors seeking to escape from a portion of their obligations by cheapening the legal tender unit of value; of bankrupt speculators; of the irresponsible, reckless element in cities, and of a multitude of sentimental theorists and reformers who thought that the adoption of a cheap silver money standard would be a blow to capitalists, cor- porations and the well-to-do classes generally, and a A strong effort was made by the silver party to secure the votes of the members of help to the poor. the labor organizations, but this was only partially successful. The more intelligent members of these unions saw that to lessen the purchasing power of money, as proposed by Bryan, would be in effect to reduce their wages. The result of the election was as follows: FOR MCIS IN LEY. New York. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 Pennsylvania . . . . . . . . . . 32 Illinois . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Ohio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Indiana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 Massachusetts . . . . . . . . . 1.5 Michigan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 IoWa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Kentucky . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Wisconsin . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 New Jersey. . . . . . . . . . . . . 1() Minnesota. . . . . . . . . . . . . . $) California. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Maryland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . S Maine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 West Virginia. . . . . . . . . . 6 COnnecticut . . . . . . . . . . . . (5 New Hampshire. . . . . . . . 4 Rhode Island. . . . . . . . . . . 4 Vermont . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 4 Oregon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Delaware . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 NOrth Dakota. . . 3 Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27.1 Necessary to elect. . . . . . . . . . . . FOR BRYAN. Missouri Texas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Georgia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Virginia. . . Tennessee . . . . Alabama . . . Kentucky . . . . . . . . . . . . . . North Carolina . . . . IXansas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . South Carolina . . . . . . . Mississippi . . . . Arkansas Louisiana. . . . Nebraska . tº gº º South Dakota. . . . . . . . . . Colorado Florida. Washington . . . . . . . Idaho Montana . & Nevada . . . . . . . . . . . . . Utah Wyoming . . . . . . . . . . . . . . California . . . . . . . . . . . . * * * * * * * e s tº º is g º e • * * * * * * * * * * * * * * gº tº e º e < * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * e 9 s sº e s is a tº e º ºs e º 4 s - e & * is º º 4 ºf * * * * * * s s a tº * * * * * * * g e º 'º e º gº ºn 4 is $ $ & º e & McKinley's majority over Bryan. . . . . . . The Republicans elected 201 members of the House of Representatives, the Democrats 124, and the Populists 19. McKinley’s plurality over Bryan in the popular vote exceeded 601,000. - APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXV, PART II. TEIE STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1896.—RE-ELECTION oIP GOVERNOR CLO'DGH. The nomination of John Lind for governor by the Populists and the free silver wing of the Democracy made the Campaign in Minnesota largely hinge upon Lind, a Swede by birth, was a Republican up to 1894. three terms as a Republican, he was succeeded by James T. McCleary. the governorship. After serving in Congress The object of selecting Lind as the leader of the fusion forces was to detach the Swedish element from the Republican party, to This element in Minnesota politics numbers about 50,000 voters. If a large part of it could be detached from its old allegiance, because of a sentiment of nationality, and be brought to the support of Lind, it looked as if his election would be made certain. In addition to this, the fusionists counted on local objections which it had always been loyal. to Governor Clough among Minneapolis Republic- ans, a defection growing out of Clough's succession to the executive chair when Washburn was defeated for reëlection to the United States Senate, in 1895, and Governor Nelson was chosen in his place. The efforts of the fusionists were therefore di- rected mainly to securing the governorship. They entertained hopes to the last, however, of carrying the state for Bryan, and they would have done so if they had been able to keep with them the most intelligent and influential class of Democratic Vot- ers. They failed to do so. state reputation as party leaders supported either Many of the old leaders, and among Very few Democrats of Bryan or Lind. them three former candidates for governor, −Judges Flandrau and Wilson and Daniel W. Lawler,- took the stump in opposition to Bryan. They sup- ported the Palmer and Buckner ticket, but the effect of their efforts was to gain votes for McKinley. The Republicans made an exceedingly close and active canvass. The chairman of their state Committee was Eli S. Warner, and their executive committee was managed by Tams Bixby. Never before was there so energetic and vehement a stump-speaking campaign carried on by both sides in Minnesota, or so enormous a distribution of campaign literature. The meetings ranged in magnitude from vast assem- blages in the open air and in tents and auditoriums The state swarmed with free silver orators, who were com- bated at every point by the speakers of the Repub- licans and the sound money Democrats. The hard- est fighting was in the Sixth congressional district, where Chas. A. Towne, the sitting member, who had deserted his party and joined the free silver cru- to country schoolhouse gatherings. sade, was a candidate for reëlection and was Op- posed by Judge Page Morris; and in the Seventh district, where the combined forces of Democrats and Populists largely outnumbered the Republicans at the election of 1894, but where the personal pop- ularity and excellent services of Mr. Eddy won for him a notable triumph. The result of the election was an unexpectedly large and complete Republican victory. Official re- turns have not been made up at the time these pages go to press. The majority for McKinley was over 53,000—the largest Republican majority, in proportion to population, given by any state save two — Wisconsin and Pennsylvania. Governor Clough’s majority was only 3,496—showing that the fusion scheme to detach the Swedish vote and to revive old causes of discontent in the Republican 424 APPENDIX. ranks was largely successful. The remainder of the state ticket, however, was supported strongly, and ran little behind the Presidential ticket. The majorities are given in round numbers as follows: For Governor—David M. Clough over John Lind, 3,496. For Lieutenant Governor—John L. Gibbs Over J. R. Bowler, 37,000. For Secretary of State—Albert Berg over Julius J. Heinrich, 46,000. ** For State Treasurer–August T. Koerner over Alexander Mc- Rinnon, 36,970. For Attorney General—H. W. Childs over John A. Reyes, 40,914. The Republicans carried all the seven congres- sional districts by the following majorities: First District—J. A. Tawney over P. J. Fitzpatrick, 10,701. Second District—J. T. McCleary over F. A. Day, 8,349. Third District—Joel P. Iſeatwole over H. J. Peck, 5,951. I'ourth District—Fred C. Stevens over F. E. Clarke, 10,214. Fifth District—Loren Fletcher over S. M. Owen, 2,987. Siaºth District—Page Morris Over Chas. A. Towne, 719. Seventh District—Geo. M. Eddy Over E. E. Lommen, 2,275. The victories of Judge Page Morris over Towne in the Sixth and of Eddy, the sitting member from the Seventh, over Lommen, were especially gratify. ing to the Republicans and the sound money Demo- crats. The Third and Fifth districts were also ranked as doubtful during the canvass, and were confidently º by the free silver fusionists. INDEX TO BIOGRAPHIES AND PORTRAITS. ALDRICIT, CYRUS, ALLEN, WILLIAM P., AMES, CHARLEs G., ANDERSON, AUGUST J., ARTILUR, CHESTER A., AUSTIN, HORACE, AUSTIN, HORACE, AVERILL, JoHN T., BAUMBACII, WILLIAM It., BENEDICT, GEO. W., . e e e º BENHAM, JAMES E., BENSON, JARED, • & º - 4. BERG, ALBERT, * BIXBY, TAMs, BLAINE, JAMES G., BRUCKART, DANIEL W., BRUSH, CHARLES H., BURKE, ANDREW H., CAREY, JOHN R., CASTLE, HENRY A., CHAPIN, WALTER L., CHILDs, HENRY W., CLAPP, MOSES E., CLOUGH, DAVID M., CLOUGH, DAVID M., COMSTOCK, SAMUEL G., COMSTOCK, SAMUEL G., COPELAND, JOHN, COTTON, JOSEPH. B., DAUGHERTY, FRANK B., DAVIS, CUSHMAN K., T)AVIS, CUSHMAN K., DEAN, WILLIAM B., IDOUGLAS, WALLACE B., DOWLING, MICHAEL J., DRISCOLL, ITREDERICK, IDUNN, ROBERT C., º † o DUNNELL, MARK H., EDDY, FRANK M., ELLISON, SMITH, p 4, ELMUND, FRANK E., ESPY, JoHN, EUSTIS, WILLIAM. H., IPAGE. 345 290 324 329 59 183 308 342 420 362 378 330 315 370 71. 414 366 296 FERRIS, ALLEN F., FIDDES, ALEXANDER, I'LETCHER, LOREN, FLOWER, MARK D., ITRATER, JOHN T., FREMONT, JoHN C., I'ULLERTON, SAMUEL F., GARFIELD, JAMES A., GIBBs, JoHN L., GILFILLAN, JAMES, GILFILLAN, JOHN B., GJERTSEN, HENRY J., GOODRICHI, AARON, GOODNOW, JOHN, GRANT, ULYSSES S., GRAVES, CHARLES H., GREER, ALLEN J. HALL, DARWIN S., HARRISON, BENJAMIN, HARTSIIORN, BENJAMIN F., HAYES, RUTHERFORD B., HEATWOLE, JOEL, P., HENDRYX, CHARLES I'., HOWARD, STEPHEN B., HUBBARD, CLARENCE A., HUBBARD, LUCIUS F., HUBBARD, LUCIUS F., HUNT, LEWIS P., JENNISON, SAMUEL P., JENSEN, MATHIAS, JOIINS, HENRY, JOINSON, EDWARD M., IKENYON, MOSES D., ICIEFER, ANDREw R., KING, WILLIAM. S., I(OERNER, AUGUST T., ICRAHMER, EDWARD G., LANGDON, ROBERT B., LANGUM, SAMUEL A., º LEWIS, OLIN B., LINCOLN, ABRAHAM, . |PAGE. 412 275 332 375 282 47 280 344 391 303 343 399 23 320 400 285 83 318 35 279 357 . 411 377 . 215 . 326 299 353 349 292 397 . 294 283 . 313 297 410 388 399 . 276 Frontispiece 426 INDEX TO BIOGRAPHIES AND PORTRAITS. PAGE. LIND, JOHN, e º 369 LITTLETON, SAMUEL T., . 302 MARKHAM, JAMEs E., 419 MARSHALL, WILLIAM R., . º * - • 167 MARSHALL, WILLIAM R., 3.18 MCCLEARY, JAMES T., 271 McGILL, ANDREW R., 227 MCGILL, ANDREW R., - e e 34() McINNIS, NEIL, * - e' º • 405 MCISENNEY, CHARLES R., 3(58 McKINI, EY, WILLIAM, - • . º 95 McKUSICK, LEVI H., º tº - & º 355 MCTAIN, JOHN S., - º 413 MCMILLAN, S. J. R., 199 McMILLAN, S. J. R., 346 MERRIAM, JOHN L., 337 MERRIAM, WILLIAM R., 239 MERRIAM, WILLIAM R., 358 MILLER, STEPHEN, 159 MILLER, STEPHEN, º - • - . . - . 330 MITCHELL, WILLIAM B., 315 MOORE, RICHMOND H., 359 MOREY, CHARLES A., - * -> 295 MORGAN, DARIUS I’., 416 MORRILL, ASHBY C., 399 MoRRIs, RoßERT PAGE W., tº «» º * o . 361 NELSON, KNUTE, º 245 NELSON, RINUTE, º - * - - tº - . 335 NORTH, JOHN W., 338 NORTON, DANIEL S., . - * 364 NORTON, DANIEL S., 364 NYE, FRANK M., 312 ORR, GRIER M., 352 OWENS, J. P., e - 339 OZMUN, EDWARD H., 325 PEET, EMERSON W., . - º e … 351 PIT.LSBURY, CHARLES A., we © tº º 311 PILLSBURY, GEORGE A., . e e º 371 PILLSBURY, John S., - & - - * º 207 PILLSBURY, JOHN S., 335 I'OTTGIESER, NICHOLAs, . * 277 PRATT, ROBERT, º - 4. 393 RAMSEY, ALEXANDER, º e . . . {e • . 267 RAMSEY, ALEXANDER, 143 RANDALI, EUGENE W., . . . . 281 REA, JOHN P., . º º º • º s - . 385 REESE, DARTUs F., . . . . . . . . 345 PAGE. IROBRINS, ANDREW B., º 4. • * 327 ROGERS, EDWARD G., e º º • * 339 ROVERUD, ELLING IK., * - • º º 272 SABIN, IDWIGHT M., . º - • * • - . 221 SABIN, DWIGHT M., . e 323 SANBORN, JOHN B., 321 SANDER, THEODORE, 317 SCIIURMEIER, TIIEODORE D., . - * - * . 305 SEARLE, Doſson B., . º * 402 SENG, RoRERT H., wº º © * & * * . 270 SINCLAIR, DANIEL, . e - 4- 382 SMALLEY, EDWARD H., e - º 4s - 4 404 SMALLEY, EUGENE V., 27 S SMITH, BENJAM IN D., 374) SNIDER, SAMUEL I’., 363 STANNARD, I, UCAs IX., tº & - 288 STAPLEs, CHARLEs F., e o º • - º , 401 STEARNS, Ozor A. P., . º - - e 340 STEBBINS, ALONZO T., º • e & • º , 269 STEVENs, ITREDERICK C., . • º * 415 STEVENS, HIRAM. F., . 272 STEWART, JACOB B., 344 STRAIT, HoRACE B., 367 Sw1FT, HENRY A., 4. 151 SWIFT, HENRY A., - • w * g e - . 342 Swissil ELM, JANE G., 309 TAWNEY, JAMEs A., 301 THOMPSON, GEORGE, . 409 TOWNE, CIHARLES A. . 284 VAN SANT, SAMUEL R., 300 WAKEFIELD, JAMES B., . • 345 WALKER, TIIoMAs B., e - - e • - . 417 WARNER, ELI S., - 381 WASHBURN, WILLIAM ID., 233 WASHBURN, WILLIAM D., 334 WEAVER, EDGAR, 406 WEBER, HENRY, 363 WHEELOCK, Joseph A., 373 WHITE, MILO, . - e - - • • • . 347 WHITNEY, CHARLEs. C., 331 WHITNEY, GEORGE A., 349 WILKINSON, MoRTON. S., 2S6 WILLIAMS, MILTON M., 392 WILLRICH, GEBHARD, 396 WINDOM, WILLIAM, 175 WINDOM, WILLIAM, . * - º º , 348 ZELCII, JOHN, o *a. •e 407 ZIER, EDWARD B., s e - • e • • . 384 ºr. 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