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WILLIAM L.CLEMENTS
LIPRARY OF
AMEl{ICAN IIISTORY
UNIVERSITY/MICHIGAN
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DECLARATION
THE SOCIETY OF PEOPLE,
(COMMONLY CALLED SHAKERS,)
TheIR REASONS FOR REPUSING to AID OR ABET THE CAUSE
of WAR AND BLOODSHED,
#EARING ARMS, PAYING FINES, HIRING SUBSTITUTES, OR RENDERING
ANY EQUIWALENT FOR MILITARY SERVICES
.A.L.B.A.W.X.
PRINTED BY E. & E. Hosford, STATESTREET.
*º-º-º-º-º:
1815,


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Part Öonk? on-ryu- - tº f
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% ºf DECLARATION.
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232 8-3 *Cº-se
WE the Elders and Deacons or Trustees of the Society” of Be-
lievers (commonly called Shakers) of New-Lebanon and Wa-
tervliet, in the State of New-York, having taken into our most
serious consideration the state of our Society, as it respects the
unhappy war in which this country is engaged, take the liberty
for and in behalf of the Society, to address the following senti-
ments to the civil and military officers of this State, as our reasons
for refusing to aid or abet the cause of war and bloodshed, by
bearing arms, paying military fines, hiring substitutes or render-
ing any equivalent for military services. * *
Our objections are founded on a sense of duty to God, to our-
selves and to our fellow-creatures; and are supported first, by
divine revelation; second, by the natural rights of man; third,
by the Constitution and fundamental laws of our country.
I. Our duty to God is paramount to all other duties; and is
made known to us by the revelation of divine light only. This
being given of God, establishes in us a principle from which we
cannot deviate without a direct violation of that law which is
planted in our souls by the finger of God himself, and which we
properly call conscience, or the throne of God in the heart of
man. This duty may be great or small in proportion to the de-
gree of light given: for, to whom much is given, of him shall
be much required; and to whom little is given, of him little shall
be required.
It is immaterial to usin what way or manner the mind and will
of God is revealed to us, provided we are convinced that it is, in
truth, his mind and will; perfect obedience thereunto being our
indispensable duty. That God has required of us to abstain from
all acts of violence against the lives of our fellow-creatures, is a
truth in which we are as firmly established as we are that there
* Though the Believers of New-Lebanon and Watervliet form two Socie-
ties; yet we have chosen to adopt the term Society, in the singular, as com-
Prehending all of our community in this State, who are associated upon the
principles of a joint compact.
is a God, who has revealed himself in his Son Jesus Christ, and
through him to all his true followers. Considering ourselves
called to be such, and having enlisted under the banners of this
King of kings and Lord of lords, who has expressly declared
that his Kingdom is not of this world, and which he assigns as a
reason that his servants would not fight, we feel ourselves im-
pelled, by the most sacred and solemn obligations, to abstain
from all acts that tend to aid or abet the cause of war.
Therefore, being fully convinced of the call of God to us, we
consider it our indispensable duty to obey this call, and to sacri-
fice every other consideration that may stand in competition with
it. And being called into the Kingdom of Christ now established
on earth,” it is required of us to be faithful soldiers in his cause,
even at the expense of our lives. We cannot therefore render
service to any authority which stands in competition with his will.
He has expressly declared that, The Son of man came not to de-
stroy men’s lives, but to save them.t And it is evident that, both
in precept and example, he utterly forbid all acts of violence
against the lives of mankind.
But it may be objected by the advocates of war, that wars have
not only been tolerated, but even authorized by God himself;
many examples of which are recorded in the sacred writings, un-
der the Mosaic dispensation. True; but it ought to be consider-
ed that wars arising from the ambitious and revengeful passions
of mankind, or even from the professedly more reasonable causes
of supporting and defending certain supposed rights, (whether
real or imaginary,) differ very essentially from wars authorized
by the command of God. Those wars, authorized under the dis-
pensation of types and shadows, were figurativeſ of the spiritual
warfare of God's people against the corrupt and contentious pas-
sions of human nature, which must be subdued by and in every
true follower of Christ. And it is evident that when Christ came,
he abolished the law of types and shadows, and established a new
laws for the government of his followers, and said, “Ye have
heard that it hath been said, Lunder the law] Thou shalt love
thy neighbour and hate thine enemy: But I say unto you, Love
your enemies, bless them that curse you,” &c.|| This we can-
* The Kingdom of heaven is within or among you. Luke xvii. 21.
+ Luke ix. 56. # Heb. x. 1, § Heb, viii.6–10. Il Matt, y, 43, 44.
not de while we are promoting their destruction. Put uſ, thy
*word into the sheath Thou shalt not kill.” This command
of our Creator, no human authority can disannul. None but he
that gave life, can give authority to take it away.
Christ is called The Prince offieace ;t and his work was to put
an end to war, and establish a Kingdom of peace. And as we
are called to be the subjects of his Kingdom, we feel it our duty
to obey the laws of the King of Kings, rather than the authority
of any earthly government which tends to counteract his precepts.
And should we once consent to aid the cause of war, we should,
from that moment, view ourselves as traitors to the cause of
Christ; and as such, should justly forfeit and inevitably lose the
life of Christ out of our souls.
It may be asked, Cannot a man be a Christian, and yet bear arms
in defence of his country? To which we answer, Christ has ex-
pressly said, “No man can serve two masters.”f And every ra-
tional man will readily acknowledge that it is impossible for a sol-
dier to serve the cause of two governments, whose interests, in-
stitutions and civil policy are altogether incompatible with each!
other. Is it not ther, much more inconsistent, yea, impossible,
for a soldier of the Prince of peace, whose divine Master’s poli- ſ
cy is to save life and diffuse the blessings of peace and happiness,
to serve the cause of the Prince of war and bloodshed, or of anyt
earthly government whose ebject is to destroy life, and which
must naturally extend the calamities of war and misery among
mankind 2 #
The Prince of peace has plainly said, “My Kingdom is not of
this world. If my Kingdom were of this world, then would my
servants fights” Therefore, because his Kingdom is not of this
world, his servants cannot be allowed to fight. Follow me
Every one that is perfect shall be as his master.|| And it is º:
that the Apostles and primitive Christians did follow his example,
were governed by his laws and precepts, and would not take aims,
nor aid the cause of war; but when called upon for that purpose,
they answered, “We are already soldiers of Christ, and cannot
serve any other power.” This refusal on their part was one
principal cause of persecution, and often cost them their lives,
* Johnxviii. 11. Ex. xx. 13. f Isa. ix, 6. # Mati. vi. 24.
§ John xviii. 36. Luke vi. 40, Wright's Martyrology, vol I
As before observed, we have enlisted under the banners of
Christ; hence we consider ourselves as his soldiers, engaged in
his cause ; and therefore cannot swerve from our duty as such, to
serve any cause incompatible with his. If it should be asked,
what is our warfare, seeing we claim the character of soldiers ?
We answer, Our warfare is the warfare of Christ, the great Cap-
tain of our salvation. It is a warfare against the darkness of this
tworld. And this warfare we maintain by setting the example in
our lives, conduct and conversation, in all things, of subduing
and governing the evil passions and propensities of human nature,
which are productive of sin and misery, of which the spirit of
war is the worst; being the cause of the greatest calamities and
the most multiplied distresses that ever were inflicted upon the
human race. Therefore we cannot deviate from a course of life
which has a tendency to diminish these calamities, without being
traitors to him who has called and chosen us. Agreeable to this
is the language of the Apostle, when he says, “The weapons of
'our warfare are not carnal—We wrestle not against flesh and
blood, but against the rulers of the darkness of this world, &c.”
It may be said, If all the people in the United States were of
this opinion, and acted upon these principles, the enemy would
overcome the country. We answer; This plea is similar to that
of the Jews against Jesus Christ, viz. “If we let him thus aloncy
all men will believe on him; and the Romans will come and takc
away our place and nation.”f This plea of the Jews is an unde-
niable proof that the disciples of Jesus would not bear arms;
for otherwise they might have been as serviceable against the
Romans as their unbelieving neighbours. Yet, notwithstanding
this hostile plea of the Jews against the Saviour of the world,
it is evident that the very cause of their place and nation’s being
taken away by the Romans, was their rejecting the day of their
visitation, and persecuting the promised Messiah and his follow-
ers.; And we are firmly persuaded that those who subject them-
selves to the cross of Christ, and after his example, subdue those
evil propensities which lead to war and strife, render more es-
sential service to their country than they possibly could do by
|
* 2 Cor. x, 4. Ephe. vi. 12, f John xi. 48.
# See Christ’s lamcatation over Jerusalem, Luke xix. 41–44.
bearing arms and aiding war. For it must be granted, that to |
live such a life, requires a superior degree of virtue; and God
himself declared to Abrahám, that ten righteous souls would
have saved Sodom from destruction.t
But it may be asked, Shall we not defend ourselves in time of
actual invasion ? Or must we hazard the conquest and destruc-
tion of our country by a tenacious adherence to these principles?
Will our religion protect us? |
We answer; Were mankind divested of pride and ambition, |
all wars would cease. The professors of Christianity are look-
ing for a time when, according to ancient prediction, there shall
be universal peace; when implements of war shall be transform-
ed into implements of peace. But how is this great event to be
brought about? We believe, beyond all controversy, that God
has called us to this very work; and that it is required of us to
set the example of peace, and to maintain it at all hazards. And #
though the work, in its present stage, may appear very small
and inconsiderable, perhaps even contemptible in the eyes of |
mankind; yet it ought to be remembered that every important ſ
dispensation of the work of God, always had a small beginning,
and increased through the labours and example of its subjects.
As we are confident that the all important atra has commenced,
which in its progress will fully establish that universal peace, so
iong predicted; so we are equally confident, that every faithful
subject of this work will be protected by the interposition of .
heaven, without the use of arms. And would any country or
nation conform to the principles of perfect.jástice and moral rec-
titude, and confide in the protection of Divine Providence, in-,
stead of relying on the force of arms, they might be as well pro-
tected in this day, as in ancient dispensations. For it is worthy
of observation, that under the dispensation of types and shadows,
when wars were tolerated by divine authority, the greatest de-
liverances were wrought without the use of sword or spear.
Witness the deliverance of the children of Israel from the Egyp-
tians; and also that of the kingdom of Judah, under the reign of
Jehoshaphat, from the greatest coalition that perhaps ever exist-
f Gen, xylii, 32, º


ed;" with many instances of the like nature, recorded in the sa-
cred writings, and other ancient records, as well as others of a
more recent date. It is therefore evident, that the injustice,
pride and ambition of man, in confiding in his own strength, is
the very cause of his not receiving the protection of an over-ruling
Providence against his enemies in this day.
II. Upon the principle of rights, asserted in the act of our
country called the Declaration of Independence, and which are
therein termed unalienable, we feel ourselves authorized to main.
tain, That all souls whom God has created are jree, and have a
Tight to believe according to their own conviction, and to act ac-
cording to their own faith. Agreeable to this right, we consider
ourselves at full liberty to worship God according to the dictates
of our own consciences, and to devote ourselves and services to
him in whatever way and manner we believe to be most agreeable
| to his will. Hence we feel ourselves fully authorized to dissolve
; all engagements, whether natural, civil or political, that may in-
'terfere with, or obstruct us in our obedience to the requirement
º our divine Lord and Master; and upon this plain principle,
that we ought to obey God rather than man. And whoever would
| forcibly hinder or impede any person from thus acting, would,
in so doing, subvert the right of conscience, and act in direct op-
position to the fundamental principles of every free government.
In pursuance of this right therefore, and from a settled convic-
tion that it is the requirement of God, we have solemnly dedica-
ted and devoted ourselves and services, together with all our
temporal interest, to sacred and charitable purposes. And by a
written Covenant we have stipulated the object and manner of
this dedication, and solemnly bound ourselves to the sacred per-
formance of the same : as may be seen in the following extracts
from the said Covenant.
« ART. IV. We solemnly and conscientiously dedicate, de-
º: and give up ourselves and services, together with all our
* Jehoshaphat commanded an army of 1,160,000 men, besides those who
were set to guard the fenced cities. See 2 Chron. xvii. 14 to the end. Yet,
notwithstanding this immense military force, he said, “We have no might
against this great company that cometh against us.” See chap. xx. 12.
Hence we may conclude that the coalition formed against him must have
been without a parallel. *
M
#






temporal interest, to God and his people; to be under thé care
and direction of such Elders, Deacons or Trustees as have been,
or may hereafter be established in the said Society, according to
the first Article of this Covenant.”
“ART. VI. We further covenant and agree, that it is, and
shall be the special duty of the Deacons or Trustees—to ap-
propriate, use and improve the said joint interest, for the benefit
of the said Society, for the relief of the poor, and for such other
charitable and religious purposes as the gospel may require, and
the said Deacons or Trustees, in their wisdom, shall see fit: Pro-l'
vided nevertheless, that all the transactions of the said Deacons]
or Trustees, in their use, management and disposal of the afore-
said joint interest, shall be for the benefit and privilege, and in
behalf of the whole body of said Society, (to which the said
Deacons or Trustees are, and shall be held responsible,) and not
for any personal or private interest, object or purpose whatever.”
“ ART. VIII. We do, by virtue of this Covenant, so-
lemnly and conscientiously, jointly and individually, for our-
selves, our heirs and assigns, promise and declare, in the pre-
sence of God and each other, and to all men, that we will never
hereafter, neither directly nor indirectly, make nor require any
account of any interest, property, labour or service, which has |
been, or may be devoted by us, or any of us, to the purposes
º
*
!
aforesaid; nor bring any charge of debt or damage, nor hold any
demand whatever against the said Society, nor against any mem-,
ber or members thereof, on account of any property or service
given, rendered, devoted or consecrated to the aforesaid sacred
and charitable purposes.”
Our persons and property having been, for many years, thus
devoted and consecrated to God, we cannot therefore appropriate
either to any use not comprehended in this Covenant, without
committing the crime of sacrilege :..nor can it be required by any
existing law of man. In all ages of the world, both under the
law and gospel, and even among heathen nations, whatever has
been devoted to sacred and pious uses, has been regarded as
consecrated and irredeemable.
In the Levitical law it was declared, that whatever was devoted
&
|
to sacred use, whether persons or property, should never be re;
2
t
deemed; and because it was consecrated to the Lord, it was
l, w º
thenceforth considered as dead to every other end and purpose.

|And so tenacious were the Jews of this principle, that they con-
isidered no calamity so great, and no crime so awful as the viola-
tion of consecrated property. Such property, among them, was
often signally protected, or the violation of it signally punished
|by the interposition of Divine power. Witness the calamity
brought upon the Philistines, for seizing and carrying away the
Ark of the Lord, in the days of the prophèt Samuel " and also
the miraculous protection of the treasures, which had been con-
secrated to sacred and charitable purposes, in the Temple at Je-
º in the days of Onias the high priest.t Hence the sa-
|cred Temple and its consecrated treasures were held in the high-
est veneration, by that chosen people, so long as they continued
to walk in ebedience to the divine laws and precepts, enjoined
upon them by their great Law-giver.
It is unnecessary to multiply examples in support of this prin-
ciple, since it is a well known truth, that consecrated property,
by the general consent of mankind, in all ages, has been held sa-
cred to the purpose for which it was devoted. As the Jewish
dispensation was typical of the dispensation of the gospel, in
which the true Church of Christ is considered as the sacred
Temple of God, and the consecrated property of the members
its visible treasure; so we view this Temple and its treasure, as
much more sacred than that of the Jews, as the substance is
more sacred than its shadow. º
Objections may be raised against the total and absolute conse-
cration of the property and personal services of a whole socie-
ty; that it is inconsistent with civil policy, and may prove inju-
rious to the community, and therefore cannot be authorized by
Divine Providence : that no other denomination of christians ev-
er pretended to assume the privilege of devoting the whole pro-
perty of their society, and all their personal services to sacred
uses: that the ministers of religion and a certain portion of pro-
perty, for divine services, being all that is generally found neces-
sary to be devoted to sacred purposes.
That such a consecration is inconsistent with good policy, or
injurious to the community, is an objection without any founda-
* 1 Sam, ch. v. f 2 Macc. ch. iii.
*

|
f
tion in truth: facts prove the reverse, as will soon appear. This
example of others, unless it can be proved to be more virtuouſ
than our own, can form no objection against us... It certainly'
argues a greater degree of virtue for a man to devote his whole
service and property to sacred purposes, than a fart only; and!.
he is as fully authorized, both by the laws of God and the right:
of man, to do the former as the latter. It must be granted that
one man has as good a right to dedicate himself and service to the
Lord as another. He has also as good a right to devote his proft
perty as his services. And a whole Society must have as good &
right as an individual to do the same: for every true follower of
Christ is a practical preacher of righteousness to the fallen rac
of man: as saith the Apostle, “Ye are a chosen generation, a”
royal priesthood.” Having therefore a part in this ministry an
priesthood, they have a moral and religious right to claim an ex{
emption from political and military affairs. Convinced that w
are called of God into this distinguished work, therefore, agree
able to this calling, we have and do abstain from the politics oil,
the world, and from all the honours and emoluments of office.
This refusal on our part to intermeddle with political affairs is
by some, made an objection to our claim to the right of exemp
tion from military services, upon the ground that if peace be our
object, we ought to aid its cause by voting for such public offi
cers as will be disposed to promote that object. But should we
do this, we should unquestionably have no more claim to the
right of exemption than any other people ; since we should
thereby involve ourselves in the political affairs of the world, and
consequently obligate ourselves, equally with them, to support
the measures of government, which may tend to war as well as
to peace. But it ought to be remembered that Christ has *
“My Kingdom is not of this world.” And we cannot, as we
have already shewn, intermeddle with the affairs of both. The
candid will therefore readily acknowledge that this refusal is a
clear evidence of our sincere and entire devotion to the service of
God; since it must appear obvious to every one, that otherwise
we should naturally be as ambitious of honor and distinction in
the political world as the rest of our fellow men. So far then
* 1 Pet. ii. 9.
|
|
‘rom being an objection to our claim, it is an additional proof of
'the justice and equity of it.
| It may be said by some, that our object in claiming an exemp-
ion from military services, and from paying an equivalent, pro-
ſ eeds from a parsimonious desire of screening out selves from
tº: expenses. But no person who is acquainted with our So-
ciety, can reasonably draw this conclusion ; because such must
now that we have given sufficient proof to the contrary.
We do not wish to make an ostentatious display of our liberal-
ity, by proclaiming to the world our acts of benevolence and
pharity ; but as a reasonable plea of the right of exemption from
ºmilitary services, we deem it expedient to show that we have
"rendered more essential service to our country, by the nature
and tendency of our institutions, and by our voluntary acts of be-
nevolence, than-we possibly could do by supporting the war, even
ºr it were not contrary to our faith.
ſ

In the first place, by maintaining our own poor, the towns to
º we belong are wholly released from that charge ; which
probably would be much more every year than the amount of our
flunº. muster fines. This may easily be conceived by consider-
ing the expense of supporting the number of paupers that would
probably be found among upwards of six hundred people, allow-
ăng them to be on an average with the ordinary state of society.
Secondly. As public donations for the relief of the suffering
inhabitants of New-York, Portsmouth, and other places, whe
had been distressed by pestilential fevers, fire, war, earth-
quakes,” &c. we have sent, from time to time, in money, pro-
visions, &c. to the amount of nearly four thousand dollars, exclu-
sive of private donations and continual acts of charity to the suf-
fering pºor, the widow and the fatherless within our vicinity, and
(to other objects of charity, who are continually applying for as-
sistance from various parts of the country, the amount of which
º be correctly ascertained, but at a very moderate calculation
must exceed 1000 dollars a year.t
Thirdly. The money expended and labour performed, in
tº: and repairing the public roads and building bridges in
|
* * This alludes to the inhabitants of Caraccas, in South-America, whe
suffered by Earthquakes.
M if This reckoned for 30 years past, amounts to more than 30,000 dollars,
our vicinity, over and above our legal taxation, allowing five shil-
lings for each day’s work, amounts to more than four thousand dol-
lars.
Fourthly. Those whom we send out as missionaries, instead
of taking contributions from others, or being chargeable to those
among whom they are sent, their expenses are defrayed by the
Society. In this way we have expended many thousands of dollars.
When it is considered that these sums, thus expended, are
not drawn from the avails of trade or the profits of speculation;
(for with these we have nothing to do;) but are the fruits of hon-
est industry, it will readily be acknowledged, by every candid,
considerate person, that the consecration of our property and
personal services to sacred and benevolent purposes, so far from
being inconsistant with good policy, or injurious to the cominu-
nity, is in fact, directly the reverse. But as we have performed
these acts agreeable to our own faith and sense of duty to God
and man, we claim no honour on this account: nor are they men-
tioned with any other view than as proofs of our sincerity, and
evidences of our just claim to the right of exemption from that
service which is contrary to every feeling of our souls, and which
unavoidably deprives us of property devoted to sacred and ben-
evolent purposes. We believe these things are not generally
known and considered.”
* Whatever some may imagine to the contrary, we as a people, are not
exempt from those calamities which unavoidably attend a state of war. A
large Society of our people in the Indiana Territory has suffered much. In
the time of General Harrison's campaign against the Indians, several divi-
sions of his army, at different times, encamped in that Society; in conse-
quence of which they suffered the loss of nearly all their living, and the
whole Society, which consisted of nearly 400 people were obliged to perform
a journey of several hundred miles through the wilderness, under great
sufferings and difficulty, to seek a shelter among the Brethren of their own
Society, in the states of Ohio and Kentucky. Their damage and loss, which
consisted mostly in grain, cattle and other articles of provision, consumed
and taken away by the army, exclusive of what was paid for, was supposed
to exceed 10,000 dollars; the whole of which was borne without assist-
ance from any other source than the people of our denomination. The
weight of these things we feel; and we are not idle spectators of the mul-
tiplied calamities which are visited upon mankind; and as our duty re-
quires, we faithfully endeavour to alleviate the sufferings of our fellow-
ereatures, not by saying, Be ye fed and be ye clothed; but by actually mun-
*-4--------
|

* = r
But it is argued that government is necessary for the protec-
tion of civil society, and therefore must be supported; that we
are as much protected by the government, and can as well avail
ourselves of the protaction of the civil law as any other people;
and therefore ought to bear our proportion of the public bur-
thens. º
We answer in the words of the Apostle, “We know that the
law is good, if a man use it lawfully; knowing this, that the law.
is not made for a righteous man, but for the lawless and disobedi-
ent.” Those who will not be governed by the law of Christ,
must submit to the laws of man. But there is no need of the
£ompulsion of human laws to govern those who are governed by
the laws of Christ: for they violate no law, nor even disobey any,
that does not stand in competition with the law of God.
We grant that civil government is necessary in the present
state of the world. And it is to the providential work of God we
owe the establishment of those benign institutions by which our
civil and religious rights are protected; we have a right, there-
fore, to avail ourselves of these ; and for the civil protection which
they afford us, we willingly render tribute to whom tribute is
due. For this we have the example of Christ, who permitted
Peter to pay tribute for him as well as for himself.f
But it is said, civil government cannot be supported without
military aid; and if the government which protects our civil
rights, is exposed to foreign invasion, why should we not defend
it by force of arms ? To which we answer.
As we are the subjects of the Kingdom of Christ, who have
separated ourselves from the politics of earthly governments;
we have therefore nothing to do with their protection and defence
against foreign invasion. The only benefit we claim of the gov-
ernment is, protection against the abuses of those lawless mem-
bers of society who violate its internal regulations. For this we
pay liberally; and what more can justly be required of us? We
are the friends of our country and its government; but we are
also the friends of man: and the principles of true Christianity
inculcate universal benevolence and good will to all the human
never been any expense to the government, for we have never employed its
aid in the regulation or support of our own concerns.
* 1 Tim. i. 8, 9. # Matt. xvii. 27.

family; therefore we cannot, by a partial connection with one
community, assistin the destruction of another. But if the sub-
jects of any government think war to be necessary, or for their
interest, and have given the government power to declare it, they
have a right, according to their own laws, to make war and sup-
port it, and on them rests the responsibility. It is not for us to
direct the conduct of those whose faith it is to bear arms and shed
blood; we are not called to condemn them; to their own master
they stand or fall. All we claim is liberty of conscience for our-
selves; and we are willing that all others should enjoy the same.
we are however, far from believing war to be necessary for the
support of civil government. It is worthy of remark that, ac-
cording to all the records of history, both ancient and modern,
those nations which have most cultivated the arts of war, and for
a season, have had the greatest success in arms, have eventually
met with the most signal destruction by the same means. On
the other hand, those nations which have been the most averse to
war, and whose chief object has been to cultivate the arts of peace
and cherish the principles of virtue, have enjoyed the greatest
tranquility, and the highest degree of national prosperity. Many
examples might be adduced to prove the truth of this remark,
which are powerful evidences that the spirit of war, instead of be-
ing a benefit, is most destructive to a nation. This also verifies
the words of Solomon, “He that diggeth a pit, shall fall therein;
and those of Christ, “ They that take the sword, shall perish by
the sword.” #.
It is granted by some, that we ought to be exempt from person-
al services; but still they insist that we ought to pay a tax as an
equivalent. But we would ask, What is this but indirectly sup-
porting the cause of war : And should we consent to do this, it
would be a virtual acknowledgement, that government has a right
to require our support of a cause which our consciences con-
demn : or in other words, that liberty of conscience is not our nat-
ural right; but may be purchased of government at a stated
price. Such a concession involves in it a principle derogatory to
the Almighty; because it requires us to purchase of government
liberty to serve God with our persons, at the expense of sinning
against him with our property. This we cannot do. And cer-
tainly, if the government requires of us that which would be a
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direct violation of our conseiences, it claims a power which the
* Ain,ighty does not,
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It ought to be remembered that conscience is the throne of God
in man; and whoever usurps authority over conscience, usurps
the throne of Gºd. Nay more; whoever requires the violation
of conscience, exalts himself above God and all that is called
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God “ It is a truth, clearly supported by reason and revelation,
that God never required any more of man than obedience to the
dictates of his own conscience. If our hearts condemn us not,
then have we conſidence towards God.'t—This is the condemna-
tion, that light is come into the world, and men loved darkness
rather than light, because their deeds were evil.;
It has been asserted that liberty of conscience respects reli-
gious opinions and worship only; and not our duty as members
of the community at large. But let it be remembered that God
requires the whole heart, mind and strength. Therefore our du-
ty ‘o him requires not merely opinions, and the seasons and acts
of religious worship; but all our time and talents, together with
the use and improvement of all our temporal property. Hence
our duty as men and members of civil society is, to do all that we
do to the honour and glory of God, and for the good of our fellow
creatures, agreeable to his will.
Since the establishment of our Society in this State, we have
paid to the amount of 4000 dollars in military fines. And we
have sufficient evidence that a large portion of this sacrifice has
never benefited the State. Whereas, if we had been left to dis-
pose of this money according to our own faith and covenant, it
might have been a great benefit to the community, by relieving
the distressed. This then, is certainly robbing the poor, the
widow and the fatherless; the relieving of whom is one great
object of our association, Nay more ; is it not robbing God?
since these sums were drawn from consecrated property S
We have heretofore paid muster fines in time of peace, for
peace' sake, being unwilling to make difficulty ; though we have
always remonstrated against it. But the war has materially altered
our situation in this respect. We cannot now do any thing of
this nature, without directly supporting the cause of war and
bloodshed; consequently we cannot proceed any further in this
manner: for it is as decidedly against our consciences to procure
* 1 Thess. ii. 4, f 1 John iii, 21. # John iii. 19. § See Mal. iii. 8, 9, 10.
a substitute, or pay an equivalent, as to render our personal ad |
vices; since they equally promote the same cause. Therefore
viewing the liberty of conscience more dear to us than life itself |
we feel ourselves impelled by the most sacred obligations of duty. .
to decline rendering our personal services, hiring substitutesłł
paying an equivalent, or doing anything whatever, to aid or abet
the cause of war, let the consequences be what they may. |
III. By the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution of
the United States, and of this State, our religious rights and lib-
erty of conscience are clearly defined, and amply secured. In
the first it is declared that, “We hold these truths to be self-
evident, that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed
by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among
these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to se-
cure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deri-
ving their just powers from the consent of the governed.” Con-
sequently, no man or set of men have a right to require the ser-
vices or property of others, without their consent, or through
their immediate representatives, elected by their own free sur-
frages.
In the Constitution of the United States, it is declared that ||
* Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of re-
ligion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” These are the
fundamental principles of free government. By what authority
then can we be prohibited from the free exercise of our religion?
Liberty and the pursuit of happiness are declared unalienable
rights. To controul or oppress the liberty of conscience, in any
manner, is the most pointed violation of these rights. For there
is nothing existing in the mind of man, that bears the name of
liberty, so sacred as the liberty to act according to the dictates of
his own conscience ; nor is there any thing that can possibly so
abridge the pursuit of happiness, as to prevent the free exercise
of this liberty. This seems to have been duly appreciated by the
wise framers of the Constitution. Hen&e they did not merely es-
tablish a toleration of religion; but made it a positive and funda-
mental principle, that no laws should be made to prohibit the free
exercise thereof.
In the Constitution of the State of New-York it is declared,
“That the free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession
º
* worship, without discrimination or preference, shall forever
hereafter be allowed within this State to alf mankind. Provided
i. the liberty of conscience hereby granted, shall not be so con-
strued as to excuse acts of licentiousness, or justify practices in-
ſponsistent with the peace or safety of this State.”
... We are far from claiming, under the name of religious liberty,
|an exemption from the moral obligations of civil society : any
plea of this nature would at once expose its own hypocrisy. And
whoever is fully acquainted with our principles and practice, will
not apply the charge of licentiousness to any of our proceedings.
†. is there any thing in our tenets or institutions that can, with
any propriety, be said to have the least tendency to justify prac-
'tices inconsistent with the peace or safety of the state; but di-
fºrectly the reverse, as we have sufficiently proved. Therefore
"we are, by the above declaration, not merely tolerated in our re-
; ligious profession; but fully and positively secured in the free ex-
ercise and enjoyment thereof.
As the Almighty, by the very-law of our existence, has given
us liberty of conscience, and as by his All-wise Providence, he
has put it into the hearts of the founders of this American repub-
# lic, to secure this liberty by wise and equitable laws; therefore
A we deem it very improper to impose upon the good sense of the
administrators of government, by petitioning for a right which
we hold by tenure from our Creator, and which is already so
clearly established by the Constitution and fundamental laws of
our country. Previous to such a measure, we must, in effect,
relinquish our claim to the gift of our beneficent Creator, by a
virtual acknowledgment that the liberty of conscience, instead of
being a gift of the Almighty, is the grant of human authority.
Dominion over conscience is the worst species of tyranny. It
was this that constituted Antichrist in his worst forms; and it is
that which the virtuous among mankind have groaned under for
thousands of years. The experience of all ages has proved the
impossibility of controuling the conscience. Fines and impris-
onments, fire and sword, racks and tortures, gibbet, banishment
and death have all been tried in vain, and have only proved its un-
conquerable nature. Therefore, every thing of a coercive nature,
under whatever name, practised against conscience, must be con:
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sidered as direct persecution. For if the free exercise of con-
science can be abridged in one thing, why not in another ? Then
where is the barrier to prevent as complete tyranny as ever ex-
isted :
It may be urged that without coercive measures, government
would soon lose all its authority, and be unable to protect or de-
fend itself in any case. But however just or reasonable it may
be to coerce those who give no proof of their conscientious aver-
sion to war, is very foreign from us to say ; but admitting its rea-
sonableness, it can furnish no argument in favour of coercing
conscience. The experience of all ages proves that it has never
been for the strength or benefit of any government or nation to
attempt to bring any man to yield his services beyond his con-
science. But those nations where it has been the most practised,
have been marked as the theatres of the greatest misery and de-
struction. We maintain, that a real conscientious man will ren-
der all the services he can to government, consistent with his du-
ty to God, without the compulsion of human laws.
To follow peace with all men, is one principal tenet of our pro-
fession. We are far from wishing to speak disrespectfully of the
rulers of our land; nor are we willing to wound or irritate the
feelings of any ; but we deem it a duty which we owe to our-
selves, and to the public officers of government, to offer the fore-
going statements, in plain and unequivocal terms, for their infor-
mation. We cannot believe that the administrators of the go-
vernment and constitutions of this nation and state, founded on
the most benign and liberal principles ever established on earth,
would ever have required our personal services, or allowed the
taking of the property which we have devoted to sacred and char-
itable purposes, for objects so contrary to the use for which it
was intended, had it not been for the want of proper information
and consideration on the subject. And we confidently trust that
when they are fully informed of the objects of our institution;
the manner in which we have devoted ourselves and property;
the conscientious feelings which have led us to this measure, and
the beneficial effects of it, they will consider it just and reason-
abie that we should be, and that we are of right, exempt from
any other sacrifices than those which we make freely and volun-

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*tarily, agreeable to our own faith; and consequently that there is
*no necessity of a law to require us to do any thing as an equiva-
t lent for military services.
º JVote. It is worthy of the consideration of the enlightened
state of New-York, that the military officers of the states of Mas-
sachusetts and New-Hampshire have wisely considered the reli-
gious and constitutional rights of our Society; and for many years
have exempted our brethren, in those states, from military ser-
vices, and from rendering any equivalent whatever for the same ;
ſº and that their conduct in this respect, has been sanctioned by the
Legislatures of those states.
! th
The foregoing Declaration and statements, are respectfully
tº submitted to the consideration of the civil and military officers of
|the state of New-York.
j w I)AVID MEACHAM,
RICHARD SPIER,
JOHN FARRINGTON,
RUFUS BISHOP,
| ABIATHER BABBIT,
* DAVID OSBORN,
| PETER DODGE,
| JETHRO TURNER,
q NATHAN SPIER,
AMOS STOWER,
ARTEMAS CLARK,
MORRELL BAKER,
- DANIEL HAWKINS,
LEVI PEASE,
SETH Y. WELLS,
JOSEPH HODGSON,
EBENEZER BISHOP,
CALVIN GREEN,
SAMUEL SPIER,
STEPHEN WOODWORTH."
STEPHEN MUNSON,
CALVIN WELLS,
OLIVER TRAIN, e
STEPHEN wells,
;Vew-Jehanom, Feb. 2nd, 1815,


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