| WILLIAM J.C.LEMENTS
. L}}}.I.Al{Y OF
ANVElkICAN HISTO1&Y
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A.
COMPENDIOUS, NARRATIVE,
'?,A
º, r
EYLUCIDATING THE
CHARACTER, DISPOSITION AND CONDUCT
OF
MARY DYER,
FROM THE TIME of HER MARRIAGE, IN 1799, TILL SHE LEFT
THE SocIETY CALLED shAKERs, IN 1815.
With a few Remarks upon certain Charges which she
has since published against that Society. . . .
TO GETHER WITH S UNDRY DE POSITIONS. *”
- – sº-
By HER HUSBAND JOSEPH DYER.
=º-
To WHICH IS ANNExFD,
ºf REMONSTRANCE against the Testimony and Appli-
cation of the said MARY, for Legislative interference.
------sº--→
CONCORD -
PRINTED BY Is AAC HILL,
FOR THE AUTHOR,
1818.
INTRODUCTION.
--nº-
IT is with reluctance and deep regret that I now un-
dertake to disclose to the public that refractory and impe-
rious disposition which MARY, my wife, retains; and that
extraordinary inclination which she has ever manifested
to rule and govern those with whom she had any concern ; .
which is already sufficiently manifest to the candid, who
have become personally acquainted with her, and her
scandalous reports and false allegations against an inno-
cent and benevolent people, who to my certain knowl-
edge have ever treated her and my family with the great-
est degree of beneficence, kindness and charity. Till
recently I have been resolved to make no public reply
to whatever she might state or publish concerning me or
the people with whom I stand connected; as I considered
her statements too vague and contradictory to mérit any
attention. And the very reason why I now undertake so
disagreeable a task is merely out of duty, from that res-
pect which I owe to the candid part of mankind, who have
been shamefully imposed upon, and whose tender feelings
of sympathy, without doubt, have been greatly excited
by reading those false and libellous reports published to
the world in a pamphlet, falsely entitled, 1 brief state-
ment of the sufferings of Mary Dyer, occasioned by the So-
ciety called Shakers.
It is not my wish to injure the character, or hurt the
feelings, of Mary, Dyer or any other person; nor yet to
conceal my own faults: but as she and others have stated
that we lived happily together previous to our coming
among the Shakers, I shall firstly state in a few, out of
many instances, our manner of life; and upon what prin-
ciple we lived quietly together before ever we saw the
people called Shakers; not by way of retaliation or re-
venge, but that we may take upon ourselves the errors
`iv ENTRODUCTION, ſº
which we have committed, and not palm them on the in-
ROCent.
It may be asked why this had not been published be.
fore the public had been so generally imposed upon 7 To
which I answer.—As I ever considered a contest between
a man and his wife the most disagreeable and shaméful of
all contests, I was in hopes that she would have been pre-
vafled upon to abandon her pernicious praetice of impos-
ing her false coloring and lying accusations on the public
without an exposition of her character; especially after
the authority of the State had declared the matter not
subject to legislative interference, and had twice given
her leave to withdraw her petitions. Therefore it has
ever been repugnant to my feelings to publish my family
difficulties; nor should I have undertaken it now were it
not to answer the loud call of justice to myself and the
community in general; whereas the said Mary has made
it her chief business for more than three years past, and
still continues to fabricate and circulate censorious and
false reports and even criminal accusations against me;
ºnd more especially against the society to which I belong,
O e
A Compendious Narrative, &c.
IN the year 1799, I, Joseph Dyer, was lawfully mar-
ried to Mary Marshall, whom I moved home to my house
in Stratford, in the courity of Coos and State of New-
Hampshire; where for a short time we had no difficulty:
but within the term of a few months one circumstance
occurred, which discovered to me what I had to encounter
with in her disposition, which was as follows: She re-
quested of me a horse to go on visiting ; but as I was im-
portantly employing my horses, I told her that it would
not be convenient to spare one on that day; with which
answer she was highly provoked. 1,attempted to reason
with her on the subject, but all to no purpose : she be-
came more and more enraged, and said that I need not
think to govern her—that she would not live so, &c. and
immediately started for the river which was but a small
distance from the house, with every appearance that she
intended to drown herself. This being so sudden and un-
expected to me, and considering what regret I must feel
if she should make way with herself on this account, I
immediately gave up, followed her and entreated her to
return to the house, though she was very reluctant; but
promising her that she should have the horse and do just
as she pleased, she at length returned and became satis- 2 = .
fied to think she had gained her point. I soon found that
I must either live in a state of perpetual uproar, or else
condescend to let her do just as she pleased and yield an
implicit obedience to her in all things: and as I always
abhorred quarrelling, I submitted to the latter and thought
at that time, that of the two evils I had chosen the least,
but I have since doubted it.
I further state that while we lived in Stratford we had
three children, two of which were peevish and cross, and
it was Mary's common practice, if they troubled her in
the night, to hand them to me, saying, “Here take your L’
A2 º
6. IDYER'S NARRATIVE.
*s
brats and take care of them—I do not want the trouble of
them and you need not have had the trouble of them, if
you had not been a mind to—it is all your doings,’ &c.
Many have been the hours that I have walked the floor
with a child in my arms, while Mary, refusing to nurse it,
lay and slept as though she had no care for me or the
child. In this situation, when worn out with trouble, care
and fatigue, I have gone to the bed, awoke her and desir-
.ed her to take the child and nurse it; when the only an-
'swer would be—“It is good enough for you—I do not pity
you,” and the like. I now leave the reader to judge what
satisfaction could be taken in this situation.
Sometime in the winter of the year 1805, we left Strat-
ford and moved to Stewartstown, where we lived until
we moved to Enfield, where I now reside.
* I shall now notice a few circumstances which occurred
while living at Stewartstown, merely as a specimen of
this woman’s inherent genius. As I came into my house
one morning, Mary was whipping one of the children se-
'verely—the child was screaming in a shocking manner;
fiis eyes flew upon me fer relief; but suspecting he had
been doing wrong, and knowing it would not do to take
his part, I stamped on the floor and told him to obey his
mother. She continued whipping till her rods failed her
and then sent for more; and thus proceeded, in this mer-
ciless manner, till this child, not then three years old, was
so severely lacerated, that he carried the marks for more
than two weeks. Now I leave the reader to judge what
this crime would have been had it been perpetrated by
a Shaker, for admitting (as Mary has stated) that this
same child, after arriving to the age of eight or nine years,
was put into a closet for a few moments for correction,
the crime in her view appears to have been unpardona-
ble, although the lad has no remembrance of the transac-
tion. I do not state this as an accusation against Mary,
but merely to shew to what degree prejudice will carry
'the mind, even to strain at a gnat and swallow a camel.
Another occurrence I will mention as a cleapspecimen
of this woman’s common deportment. The said Mary
being of a coveteous make, as well as of a malicious dis-
position, and not willing to do to others as she wished oth-
DYER'S NARRATIVE. - y
ers to do to her, a poor woman of the neighborhood came
one day to borrow our side-saddle, it being a second hand-
ed one which I had bought a short time before, but Mary
refused to lend it. The woman then came to me and
pleading her necessity, I thought it my duty to lend her
the saddle, and accordingly did. But no sooner had Mary
understood what I had done, than she came to me where
I was at work and began to accuse me of having unlaw-
ful connections with the woman : and stated that I had
no business to have lent the saddle without her lib-
erty—that I had let it go to pay for that which I was
ashamed of, and many more hard and scandalous charges
which modesty forbids me to mention : when the only
crime I was guilty of was I had lent the saddle without
her liberty. And further, she wished me to promise that
I would not transact or do any thing contrary to her will.
And as her exasppration and rage on this occasion were
so extreme, I once more submitted, and she at length be-
came pacified and remained peaceable for a while. And
this is the only way that she ever enjoyed any peace, that
is, when she could have her own will and be sole gover-
hess over me and all other matters. k
The next plan to which Mary had recourse, and which
she attempted to effect by greatingenuity and artifice, is
the following. Knowing that I was under great concern
and labor of mind to find salvation from sin, she began her
conversation one sabbath as follows, viz.: “As we feel it
our duty to give ourselves up to do God's will, I feel as if
it would destroy both my soul and body to live after the
order of natural generation.” My mind being very tender
at that time, I frankly to.d her I did not wish to injure
her nor any other person either soul or body. She
strongly urged the propriety of lodging apart, to which I
-consented for peace’s sake, and not through conviction, it
being some trial to me at that time. This occurrence,
which took place nearly three years previous to our be-
coming acquainted with the people called Shakers, con-
tinued ever after, except in a few instances occasioned by
our being gone from home, &c. Being under conviction,
and having no one to converse with after retiring to rest,
my mind was taken up in the most serious meditation how
sº
8 DYER'S IN ARRATIVE.
~ I should gain full victory over my carnal and fallen pro-
pensities, and find salvation from sin. And as I h; d sub-
mitted to Mary in all things and she had managed all mat-
ters after the counsel of her own will ; for a while she
seemed to be very peaceable; and through her specious
pretensions to celibacy and piety, I thought she enjoyed
religion: and being convicted of my own defects, I es-
teemed her better than myself. This I manifested to
several of our Taptist brethren, which only served to ex-
alt and prompt her to a greater degree of ambition and
pre-eminence: so that before long she could tell me when
it was my duty to speak, and when to hold my peace. I
soon discovered that she had a zeal which was not ac
cording to knowledge, although I kept it to myself. At
length, Mary told me plainly to my face that she had no
more affection or feeling for me than she had for any oth-
er man—and that f he felt her union with Benjamin Put-
nam, a chºristian preacher with whom she had previously
been very familiar—that she had for sometime felt her af-
ſection for me growing weaker, and her union with Put-
nam growing stronger : and her conduct was evidently
congenial with these statements. See Deposition No. 1 1.
This was the very first of my discovering the cause of
her declining to sleep with me.—Here I found her pre-
tended sanctity together with all her religion to be coun-
terfeit.
About this time the aforesaid Putnam was at my house
for a number of days. During this time, in conversation
he informed us that he intended to get married. This
appeared to give Mary great uneasiness : and she labored
hard to convince him that it would be very wrong for him
to marry. And when he was about to leave us, she came
and told me that she felt it her duty to speak some things
to Benjamin which she did not wish me to hear. Accor-
dingly she went with him to the wood, out of my sight—
was gone some time, and then returned apparentiy under
great trouble of mind, and told me that Benjamin was de-
termined to get him a wife. Here I wish the reader to
pause for a moment and consider what my feelings must
have been at that time; to have my wife, my bosom-
friend, who had borne me five children, desert my bed of
IDYER'S NARRATIVE. º 9
choice, without any provocation, and plainly tell me to my
face that her regards were withdrawn from me and were
placed on another; artfully endeavoring at the same time
to blind my eyes by a hypocritical pretence of their union
being spiritual, or under the cloak of religion. Oh what
heart-rending scenes I have passed through on this and
similar accounts. To have intimated that I doubted her
chastity would have beer, unpardonable. Consequently
a quarrel must have ensued, which to me would have
been like death, and which I was ever determined to a-
woid. Hence it is that I have borne it hitherto with si-
lence, nor should I now lay these things before the public
were it not that truth might do away error ; whereas the
unprovoked and audacious insults of this woman on a
peaceable and blameless society, and her specious impo-
sition on the public, have become intolerable.
Soon after this, we heard that the aforesaid Benjamin .
Putnam was married ; and the next time he came to my
house Mary’s feelings towards him were very different.
She had several disputes with him; and told me she had
lost that union which she had formerly felt towards him.
During the whole time of her intimacy with this man, it
evidently appeared by her conduct that she only wished
me out of the way. I leave the candid reader to judge
how I must have felt under these circumstances.
The above plain declarations from the said Mary’s own
mouth to me of her feelings, together with her breach
of union with the said Putnam after she knew that he was
married, may plainly shew what that union was .
This is that spiritual marriage which she has so assidu-
ously labored to palm on the Shakers, which she had a-
dopted some years before ever she knew these people;
and of which she is the first and only author within my
knowledge, as will appear more conspicuous hereafter.
At length a man came among us by the name of Lem-
uel Crooker, who professed to be a Baptist or christian
preacher—a deceiver in very deed. Through this man's
deception I have myself suffered severely. He was a
man that fasted often—preached two or three times a
week—made long prayers, and said much about religion,
and also a great deal about the desires of the und and of
10 DYER'S NARRATIVE.
the flesh, &c. And by this suit of sheep's clothing, he
crept in unawares and led captive silly women. This.
man we received very kindly, and he made it his home at
our house when he was in those parts. Mary and I were
both very much taken in with him; often attending with
him where he appointed meetings; which did not prove
advantageous to us nor the people to whom he preached,
as will soon appear. The said Crooker was at my house
a great part of the time, as he said he felt greater union
with us than he did with the rest of the brethren. I soon
found that he extolled Mary to be a woman of great tal-
ents and piety, which took her feelings captive and they
were very intimate together. At length they became so
familiar together and so capriciously fond of each other,
that some of our Baptist brethren were seriously tried
on account of their conduct; and related the same to me.
But not being willing that they should discover any jeal-
ousy in me, I plainly intimated to them that I did not scru-
ple their integrity. Mary perceiving my attachment to
Crooker so great, she bećame more bold; even to tell
me that God had sent a man to be an help meet with her in
the gospel—and that the care of that people rested on them—
and further that she believed my duty was to stay at home
and take care of my family. These things to me I confess
were alarming—I did not say much, but thought the more.
However she effected her design, had a horse and went
abroad with him when and wherever she pleased.
At one time in particular she stated that she had a call
of God to go and deliver a message to a certain people of"
the congregational order in Vermont. Accordingly she
had a horse and sleigh, took a young woman with her and
went to Guildhall court-house, a distance of 36 miles—
delivered her message, and after having made great dis-
turbance and tumult among the people, returned home.
During this period of three days time, I was under the
necessity of being detained from my business to take care
of the children.
Another time, on one Sunday morning, Mary asked me
where I expected to attend meeting. "I told her in the
back part of the town, where we lived. Well, said she,
I feel it my duty to go with brother Grooker ever to Ca;
E}YER2S NARRATIVE. 11
Haan, a distance of seven or eight miles. For peace's
sake, I let her have the horse; though not without some
trial on my mind, which I endeavored to reconcile by a
meditatien of these words: God will reward the righteous,
and punish the wicked. *
These few instances may plainly shew that Mary’s chief
attention was to this man, while her own duty was neg-
lected.
I further state, that a girl who lived with us by the name
of Susannah Curtis, saw so much of their attachment to
each other that it became to her (as she was under con-
cern of mind) a grievance, to see Mary frequently retire
to a private apartment in the house with said Crooker and
there spend hours together, when they professed to be
God’s ministers; Mary the meanwhile neglecting her du-
ty and also her husband, who, as she observed, labored
hard and attended to his duty. This girl’s trial was so
great that she informed me of it. One night in particu-
lar, as I came home from work, Mary and Lemuel were
shut up together in a room, where they had been, as Su-
sannah informed me, for two or three hours. I took the
pails and milked the cows,it being time that milking ought
to have been done had Mary been in her duty. See De-
position No. 2.
In this manner they spent a great part of their time ;
and their intimacy became more and more notorious and
alarming, insomuch that our neighbors and Baptist breth-
ren had abundance to say concerning their conduct. But
a my mind was deeply exercised at that time with regard
to salvation from sin, those transitory enjoyments, which
exist only through time, did not have that effect on me
w lich they would otherwise have had. •
Sometime in the fore part of the summer, 1811, the a-
foresaid Lemuel Crooker set out on a journey for the
state of New-York, in order to move his wife to Stewarts-
town. During this journey he went to New-Lebanon,
and saw the people called Shakers. And when he re-
turned to my house I was absent.
In the course of one or two days I came home and
found Lemuel at my house and Mary very much pleased
with his arrival.
12 DYER'S NARRATIVE.
And after getting what information we could from him.
concerning the people, it was agreed on by all three of
us to go to Enfield and see the Shakers. Accordingly in
the month of July 1811, by a mutual agreement we made
our journey to Enfield, where we were received with
kindness and respect.
During this visit by our request, their religious faith.
and principles were laid open to us without veil or cov-
ering, which were agreeable to my own conviction and
inward test of conscience. It is true Mary appeared to
be under some labor of mind while at Enfield ; but I am
very sorry that her conviction did, neither at that time
wº nor since, run deep enough to show her that the god of
this world is not that God which the people called Shak-
ers worship. For although she pretended to believe
and embrace their faith at the same time with me, yet
as her union which she called spiritual generally center-
- ed in one man and not in the whole body, the church ;
it is not strange that she did not find her favorite seat
with the Shakers during this first interview with them ;
for her union was not yet broken off from her brother
Crooker, which evidently appeared after we returned
home.
They did not understand the Shaker's doctrine—They
preached purity. holiness, and every attribute that was
virtuous ; and also to abstain from every thing that was
sinful or unclean—and from that which would defile eith-
er soul or body—To take the life of Jesus for our exam-
ple, &c.
They further told Mary that the gospel (according to
the apostle) required women who were married to obey
their husbands. And the last words to her were ; obey
your husband—be kind to him and your family—attend
to your duty and God will bless you. Farewell.
This was spoken more emphatically, as Mary had pre-
viously told them she had received a call of God to
preach ; and desired the liberty and approbation of the
elders to go out as formerly whenever she thought
proper, independent of me or any other duty. .
I felt very solemn, hut I found the case very different
with Mary; for soon after we left Enfield, she began to
DYER'S NARRATIVE. 13
manifest a very light and carnal disposition. She appear-
ed to me like a person who being of a loose turn of mind, *T
after having been restricted awhile by civil company,
was more loose than ever. This appeared to be the
case with 'Mary. She accosted me thus : “Well Joseph
you are a Shaker—you have no business with me now—
I feel like a girl—I feel pretty much as I did when I was
about fifteen years of age,’ and many more carnai ex-
pressions too unbecoming to mention, insomuch that h ºr
sister who accompanied us rebuked her for such basely tºº.
indecent language.
I would ask the candid reader whether the conversa-
tion as above described, intimated that this woman was
borne down with trouble, because her husband had jein d
the Shakers, as she has so plausibly and systematically
pretended ?
When we returned to Northumberland, where Mary’s
friends live, they very well knew that she spoke very
highly in favor of the people whom we had been to see ;
not only in private but also in public ; for we attended
a meeting while there, in which she spake highly in
praise of the Shakers.
The above I think may be sufficient to show that she
was satisfied at the time (as it is said) that her husband
joined the Shakers.
From Northumberland we returned home to Stewarts-
town, where we found our little family well. º
While we were at Enfield, the counsel of the Elders
to Lemuel Crooker was, to put his hands to work, and
with his wages pay his honest debts—that in so doing he
might feel justification, and not otherwise. This was
very trying to him indeed, as he had ever been in an
idle habit. However he made some trial for a short
time ; and as he did not find so much time to spend with
Mary as formerly, their conversation was more at night,
than in the day time.
I slept with Lemuel in one room and Mary in another.
After we lay down, he and Mary would talk together fre-
quently for the term of two or three hours. One
night in particular, of which I remember to have heard
B
\ 4 d º r
14 BYER'S NARRATIVE,
Mary frequently speak since that time, as having expé.
rienced greater light and satisfaction than ever she did
before.
While under an extraordinary operation, she would
scream and groan apparently in great agony of mind,
insomuch that I was almost affrighted. At length she
came out of this ecstacy and exclaimed : Now I am a
Shaker. But what I have here mostly in view, is the
nefarious conversation which took place between them
immediately previous to this great change, which may.
be partially conceived by the following:
The said Crooker related how arch he had been in at-
tracting the females in his youthful days, and carried the
matter so far that decency will not admit of a description.
And Mary took up the same subject and went to that
length which language cannot express, without a breach
of modesty. They then undertook to state that as their
faculties had excelled all that ever was known in that
which was natural and carnal, if those great faculties
could be converted to a spiritual use, what high standing
they might be in among God's people 1
Soon after this conversation took place between them,
Lemuel began to leave the field, and spend his time with
Mary at the house as he formerly had done.
The reader can but faintly imagine what grief and af.
fliction I have endured under these circumstances.
When we were separate from others, Mary would argue
against me, but when any of our neighbors were pres-
ent, she would argue for the Shakers, and appear to be
firmly initiated into their faith.
At length, I found that Crooker was resolved to take
up preaching again in his former manner; at which time
he entirely quit hard labor and occupied his time mostly
with Mary as usual. During these scenes of trial, I
ſound I had so much to encounter, both within and with-
out, that I told Mary if she would live and lodge with me
as other women did with their husbands, I would overlook
all that was past and would go no more to the Shakers.
But her reply was : “Joseph Dyer, you need not think to
bring me to this, I will die before I will do it—Whether
you go to the Shakers or not, I never will do it.” This
E)YER'S NARRATIVE. 15.
was but a few weeks after we returned from Enfield.
The truth is, she always chose to be on the opposite
side ; this is her make and disposition. She always want-
ed to be disputing with somebody, and did not much care
which side she was on, right or wrong, if she could only
carry her point. This she has virtually acknowledged
in her narrative, and says she did it to find out their er-
rors. I should suppose that to be a ready way to find
out error and not truth, for the truth is found only by
walking in it. &
In the month of August 1811, within about six weeks
after we returned from Enfield, (according to the best
of my remembrance) the aforesaid Lemuel Crooker, left
Stewartstown. Ever after this time Mary professed to
be fully established in faith with the people called Shak-
ers, until she left them in January 1815: Accounting
me at the same time as an apostate until I became re-
established in the faith in February 1812: the time she
states that I called on the Shakers in Alfred, and returned
Jhome strong in the belief that they were the trueChurch.
It is true, after attempting in vain to persuade her to
live and lodge with me as a wife, I offered her two of the
children, if she would go and live with the Shakers; but
this she likewise refused, and so I found as always be-
fore, that the only way I could do, and live in any peace,
was to let her have her own will and way in all
things, which I did from that time till she left the people.
There might be much said concerning my going to Al-
fred; how highly animated Mary was when I returned,
confirmed in that faith in which she had been previously
established; of a letter we wrote to the brethren at
Enfield ; how forward we were to have them take
some of the children; and how well pleased we both
were when they consented to take an indenture of our
children, with all of which we both acknowledged our-
selves satisfied at the time ; and if we were not, we lied
and did not the truth.
But as the foregoing has been proved to a demonstra-
tion, not only by living witnesses but also by Mary's own
hand writing, now extant; I shall add no more here res-
pecting what passed before we came among the Shakers,
16. DYER'S NARRATIVE.
but shall recur to a more recent date, as the foregoing is §
sufficient to show on what principle we lived quietly to-
gether for eleven years before that time.
After war was declared with Great Britain, in the
year 1812, Mary and I both professing full faith with
the people called Shakers, she was very anxious to move
from the line, on account of the war, as she pretended.
Accordingly in December the same year, as I performed
a journey to Connecticut, by her desire I took two of the
children to Enfield, N. H. And it was an agreement be-
tween her and me to convey the children there, as the O-
verseers, out of charity, considering our embarrassments,
had offered to board Mary and the children free from ex-
pense, while I could turn out property and settle my
debts, and thereby stop the interest, and in some in-
stances the cost of suit; also that Mary might bring stock
ai.d work for herself. But all this was left freely to our
own choice to accept or refuse.
Accordingly in the winter of 1813, I moved Mary and -
the other three children to Enfield, agreeable to her
own desire, where they were kindly treated and well
supported for six or seven months free from expense. I
also had more than an hundred dollars of their property
to assist us in our embarrassments, and many more favors
too numerous to mention, which I trust in God I shall
never forget and which merit our gratitude at least, if ne
other compensation. See dep. Nos. 1 and 6.
The unfeigned kindness, charity and acts of benevo-
lence extended towards me and my family (including
Mary with the rest) by this people from first to last, have
:
fixed those impressions of gratitude on my mind and
memory, which, I trust cannot be eradicated by all the
Thard speeches and false accusations that Mary Dyer can
invent. See dep. Nos. 19 and 20.
After they had done all this for me and my family, and
I had done the best I could with regard to settling my
affairs, they proposed to me that it would be their choice
that I should take my wife and family under my own
care and instruction as I should think proper, stating that
they should not charge or exact any thing for the trou-
ble and expense they had hitherto been at on their ask
jYER'S' NARRATIVE. 1W
&ount. Accordingly I thought it my duty to bear my
own burden, and went to Hanover, and other places in
quest of this a coommodation; but failing in my design
I returned to Enfield. But Mary having been informed
of this, tenaciously opposed it, and said she felt such un-
ion and attachment there, that she could not leave that
family & go and live by ourselves—also that we were not
able to take care of our family ; and many more objec-
tions too numerous to mention. Here the reader may
see that she did not feel that gratitude which became one
of her profession; for had this been the case she would
have been willing to have assisted me in taking our own
burthen upon ourselves. My feelings were very differ-
ent: I felt as though my brethren had already extended
greater kindness and charity than I was able to requite,
and that it was our duty to take care of our family in the
best manner we could.
Finding that Mary was not yet convinced of her for-
mer conduct towards me and that she still retained an op-
posite feeling against me, I hardly knew what to do or
how to express myself to my brethren. At length I told
them, as she always had and still thought herself able to
£each and lead me in all things both temporal & spiritual,
and as her sense was so high, I was afraid to govern her
and therefore knew not what to do. They considered my
case and had compassion on me, or they never would have
been willing to have taken Mary into their family. They
told us that,if we freely felt to give ourselves up to become
joint members of their family, and could feel the order
of the family to be liberty and not bondage, and if it was
our free choice to give an indenture of our children and
thought they could bring them up better than we could—
if this was a matter of our own free choice and request,
they would consent to the same, and not otherwise. Ma-
ry, wishing to show herself first in all things, immediately
accepted the proposal; with which I felt satisfied, and al-
so accepted the same. We were both kindly treated in
every respect, and here we both resided, till she, disaps
pointed in not being a leader in the society, and baffled in
B2
{8 Dyer's NARRATIVE.
her base and pernicious attempts, (of which I shall speak
more fully hereafter) absconded in January, 1815.
Although Mary well knew it was ever contrary to the
faith, doctrine and practice of the Shakers for one man
and woman to be joined together under any view of flesh-
commerce, either lawful or unlawful, either carnal or
spiritual, either actual or intellectual, yet she used great
exertions to establish a system virtually tantamount to that
of unlawful connection, or irregular commerce, under a
cloak of spiritual marriage. And had she effected her
favorite plan to her mind, and duped the Shakers to a
compliance, I have reason to think that she never would
have left them.
This pernicious system appears to have been contem-
plated by Mary before she took up her abode with the
people, which was first discovered as follows, viz. In the
month of December, 1812, as I was going on a journey
to Connecticut, she sent several letters by me directed to
the elders at Enfield, dates of which were Nov. 1, 9, 10,
16, and 18th of the same year. By these letters they
suspected something in her very contrary to the faith and
practice of the society, though written in a very obscure
manner. Not being able to determine her meaning, they
kept the letters till she came herself in February follow-
ing, when one of the sisters, viz. Mary Mills, desired her
to explain her meaning with regard to what she had writ-
ten, but she being somewhat ashamed, at first declined;
but the said Mary telling her that it would give reason to
suspect some evil in her if she did not comply with her
request, she at length stated that she felt a particular un-
ion and attachment to a young man of the society, viz.
John Lyon. This is the man whom she declared under
oath before the committee in June last, was selected out
for her by the ministry. However, her acknowledge-
ment made such a black spot in her character that her
extraordinary abilities seemed to be put to the test to cov-
er it over and make it appear something else. She said
it was a spiritual union and maintained with her utmost
skill that it was agreeable to scripture and the spirit of
God. Thev told her they had no union or fellowship
with such a faith, nor was there any such thing owned or
DYºr’s NARRATIVE. 19
allowed among the people, but every, one that had the
true love of God in possession, felt an impartial and unr-
versal love, which was not contracted to an individual,
and if she did not abandon her false opinion, she could not
abide among the people. This is what she has a refer-
ence to when she says, “The elders talked ridiculously
to me.” See her pamphlet, p. 6. But she has not stated
what that ridiculous talk was, nor what those carnal affec-
tions were : if she had, the subject would have assumed a
very different aspect; for she placed her affections on
this young man, who, with the elder, had the care of the
family. And as the said elder was supposed to be on a
swift decline of life, of course she supposed the man
whom she had chosen would become the head or elder of
the family, consequently she would be the mistress. I
call her mistress, because any woman who could obtain
that standing, in such a manner, would be justly entitied
to the appellation of mistress.
Although Mary was frequently told that her false sys-
tem was nothing better than unlawful lust, and could not
be tolerated among the people, but was rejected with ab-
horrence and disgust, yet she was unwilling to give it up,
and labored hard to inject her nefarious stuff into the
minds of young people and insinuate to them that it was
agreeable to the faith of the society. See Wos. 12, 13. .
However, all her pretensions to sanctity and of being led
by the spirit were of little or no weight to those who
were acquainted with the effect which that spirit had on
her conduct, which was plain to be seen even by her own
and other children; for often when she saw her mate (for
such she called him) go to the house on one side, she
would post herself in the door on the other, exhibit-
ing at the same time looks and gestures of wantonness,
and, like old Potiphar’s wife, cast her eyes on him from
day to day—though he never had the misfortune to lose
his coat, nor come in contact with her, as he always cau-
tiously kept at a proper distance in order to elude her am-
orous designs. See No. 1. But Mary's whole sense being
swallowed up in her favorite plan, she proceeded to erect
it into a general system for the whole society, even to the
nating of youth and children: which truly made her ap-
s
* *
3ft.) IDYER'S NARRATIVE.
pear odious in the eyes of every chaste and true profes.
sor. But being detected by the older believers, and faik-
ing in her first choice, she made some further trials among
the younger glass, but without success. And finding that
she could not propagate her favorite principle openly,
she then undertook to insinuate it into individuals secret-
ly ; but these, not being willing to receive her doctrine,
she told them that it was the faith of the society, only they
were not willing that she should know it; although she
had been abundantly told by the elders and others whem
she censulted on the subject, that there was no such cus-
tom, faith or spirit owned or admitted among the people
—that it was nothing more nor less than the effusion of
— unlawful lust or evil concupiscence. Iłut Mary, being
tenaciously determined to support her system, appealed
for an interview with the ministry, (who have the first
care and oversight of both societies, viz. at Canterbury
and Enfield) and having opened her Plan to them, she re-
ceived a reply similar to that above mentioned, in which
they fully disapproved of her specious and false senti-
ments. See Nos. 10, 11. From this time, feeling in some
measure discouraged as to drawing the people after her
by her former efforts, she went on in a pretended union
testifying both in public and private that this people were
the only people of God—that this way was the chly way
of God—that she not only believed but knew it to be the
truth—and that if she ever left it that would not alter its
being the way of God, &c. In this she continued until
about five or six months before she left the society.
At length, finding that she could not support her union
with this people in hypocrisy, and finding herself under
the influence and dominion of the abovementioned irre-
gular desires which she had so long been striving to
support, she said she thought it would be better for her
to leave the society,as she did not feel contented,and that
Tshe could do it without any embarrassment had it not been
for one thing, which is, (said she) “I have testified in pub-
lic that I know this to be the only way and work of God,
and people will come upon me to know why I have left
it; (observe what follows )—but I do not know how to turn
it.” See Nos. 10, 11. This she stated in the presence of
W.
ve A ſº
DYER'S NARRATIVE. £f
a number who are living witnesses; which plainly shows
that she had not discovered any of those evils
which she has since charged upon the society.—For if
she had, it would have been an easy thing for her to have
told people that she had found evil among them ; but this
it seems she had not as yet thought of.
Perhaps Mary may deny that she ever undertook to es-
tablish such a system ; but it will be in vain, as there is
sufficient evidence to support the truth of my assertions.
See Nos. 1, 10, 13. She told me that there were no wo-
men among the Shakers but what she could compass, and ~~
that they were not able to teach her; but this young man
was a man of talents and had it not been for bim her mind .
never would have been kept among the Shakers. She
also stated that to own her union, openly to this man was .
the greatest cross that she ever undertook. And I con-
elude she never would have owned it had she not been
blinded through concupiscent desires. But she used great -->
exertions to convince us that this union was in the spirit—
that this young man was her spiritual husband, and that
the only reason why we were not willing to acknowledge
it was because we were not willing that she should come
into her place. But as Potiphar’s wife cried aloud against
Joseph—palmed her own guilt and base conduct on him —-
and caused him to be imprisoned because he rejected her.
amorous allure.nents and made his escape from her; so Ma- .
ry Dyer, upon a similar occasion,has cried aloud against the
Shakers, and has endeavored to throw back her own wiſe
eharacter upon them, because John Lyon, with like vigi-"
lance and promptitude has rejected her amorous allure-
ments with abhorrence and disgust.
- This is solemn truth. And here lies the very seat of
her complaint: but God will reward the righteous and
punish the wicked. He will protect the innocent and
upright in heart against the malice of a sinful woman who
has indeed, with open eyes, undertaken to change the
truth into a lie ; and that for no other reason than mere-
ly to satiate her own malice. And as the said Mary has
advised the Shakers in the public papers to quote the first *
chapter of Romans instead of the seventh of Corinthians,
here seems to be a suitable place; for not to mention her
º DYER'S NARRATIVE.
unseemly conversation and her continual attempts to in-
culcate licentious principles in the minds of young peo-
ple, her conduct was so extremely vile and contrary to
nature that a young woman by the name of Sarah Curtis, .
who was her bed mate, could not endure it: and request-
ed to be released from the burden of lodging with her.
The aforesaid Sarah Curtis, in conversation with Mary
aoncerning her immoral behavior, told her it was such
that she could form no very favorable opinion of her.
Mary’s replies in vindication of her own foul conduct, as:
she could not deny it, are too shameful and disgusting to
repeat, and much more so to publish ; but let it suffice to
say that as she had rejected all moral virtue and convic-
tion, she was given over to a reprobate mind to do those
things which were not convenient. See Romans 1, 26.
Perhaps some may think that I have carried these things
too far; but as Mary has called upon us to let her know
what her unseemly conduct is, I felt it my duty to tell the
truth as far as modesty will admit. See Sarah Curtis' de-
position, Wo. 1.
During this woman’s residence with this society her
jealousy, (as might reasonably be supposed) was so ex-
treme that she would frequently be roving from place te
place and listening at the doors of other apartments
watching for some occasion whereby she might propagate
mischief and excite false jealousy among others: though
she had but very little influence among those who under-
stood her disorder. Thus she proceeded in this shameful
manner till she became entirely blind to that modesty which
becomes one of her sex. And notwithstanding all this,she
at the same time and under the same influence of jealousy
Thad great pretensions to the light of revelation. I will
relate one instance of this nature which may serve as a
true specimen of many more. One morning she came to
me, apparently in great distress, and said her youngest.
child was dying—that God had reveaked it to her—and
that she had felt his situation all night. I attempted to pa-
cify her, but to no effect. I then told her that her god
was a lying god, and asked her if she would believe and
follow him any longer, if I would prove him to be such 3
for I was well acquainted with her false revelations, I
pyLR's NARRATIVE, 23
then immediately went to the bed, dressed & brought the
child to her perfectly well; and told her she might see
that her god had told her one lie at least : and as his re-
velations were false, I desired her to follow him no longer,
but to compose herself and be a happy woman. This I
suppose is what she alludes to where she has stated in her
pamphlet, that they said she must leave her God and wor-
ship the Shakers’ God; which bears as true a color as
any thing else that she has stated concerning the Shakers.
To state all the particular conduct and artifice of this
woman, with regard to her contemplated superi-
ority over the society, would require a large volume ; but
the few sketches above stated, may show the candid rea-
der, that her whole difficulty originated in false, jealousy
and disappointment. Had the Shakers resigned to her
all they had acquired for more than thirty years—per-
mitted her to have introduced and established her spuri-
ous system of spiritual marriage—acknowledged and
proclaimed her lordess over God’s heritage—doubtless,
she would have thought they had done her justice. Her
own brother told me, previous to our coming to Enfield,
that if the Shakers did not do this she would not stay long
among them.
Mary, finding all her attempts in vain to dupe this peo-
ple under her control and having lost her confidence by
means of her base conduct, manifested a desire to leave
the society, which she stated in the presence of me.
and a number of others. This was in January 1815.
No one made any objection to her going ; but we desired.
her to go in quietness. She said she would, and further sta-
ted that she could not say any thing against the people,
for she had never seen any evil among them : but they
had always treated her kindly and she meant to treat
them so. I told her that she ought to have liberty of
conscience as well as I : also that I was willing to ceme
to an honorable settlement and chose that she should
have her full and just portion of property and that we
might each enjoy our own faith. She replied that she
did not care about property, she could take care of her-
self. She then proposed to me to let her have part of
the children. I told her I could not, for we had mutually "
124 pyPR's NARRATIVE.
given them up to the care of the society, and had obliga-
- ted ourselves not to take them away so long as they were
contented. She then concluded to write to Hanover in
order to know what accommodations she could have
among her friends, w t
Next day, being Sabbath, all the family went to meet-
ing except one aged man and two or three children, one
of which was our youngest. When the people began to
return from meeting, Mary stopped a sleigh going to
Hanover under pretence of sending on her letter. She
ran in and told the aged man before mentioned, that she
wanted to send a letter by those in the road and wished
him to draw some cider for them while she got the let-
ter: but as soon as he was gone out of sight, she caught
the child—carried him out to the sleigh—got aboard and
went off in that manner. I soon had information,
and considering myself responsible for her conduct, I
– pursued her and brought back the child which I felt to be
my duty. This is what she calls being torn from her
children.
Finding that she was determined to trouble me as
much as lay in her power, I considered it my lawful right
*— and duty to advertise her to prevent further difficulty.
But when she found that she could not have so large a
scope to trouble me as she expected, she came and
tendered herself upon my advertisement, promising obe-
- dience as my lawful wife before evidence; which she
has never performed. S However, I complied with her
request and agreed to take care and provide for her
as my lawful wife, according to what the law enjoined on
me in the marriage contract, provided she would yield
obedience. Accordingly I provided a comfortable and
convenient room for her with free access to the highway,
dooryard and kitchen, where she had her victuals pro-
vided, with full liberty to go as often as she needed any
thing to eat or drink. I required no hard work of her
" except to wash her Uwn clothes when she was well; and
no more labor of any kind than what she was able to per-
form, which was left to her own discretion. And the
only work she did, of my providing, was to spin twenty
-run for the term of ten weeks, the rest of her time
DYER'S NARRATIVE. 25
*
º
being taken up in fabricating and circulating her scanda-F
lous falsehoods against me and the society.
I also provided a young woman to wait on her in case
she should be unwell in my absence, from which she has
taken occasion to say, there was a mistress set over her.
I further state, that during her residence in this situa-
tion for about ten weeks, which she has been pleased to
call imprisonment, I provided her with a horse once,if no
more, to go to, Hanover, exclusive of her going once or
twice in the stage: and not only so, but she visited differ-
ent parts of the town of Enfield and other places just
when she pleased : yet she has stated that she was for-
bid to write or speak to any body but the Shakers. Ner
was there ever a lock or bolt turned against her or
fastenings of any kind during the whole time of her pre-
tended imprisonment, unless she had the full means to
govern the same : notwithstanding her delusive preten,
sions to the contrary. . g
Soon after Mary tendered herself upon my advertise,
ment, finding by her writings and conduct that she was
determined to make me all the trouble she could, and that
sº
she had formed a connexion with a number of designing as
men at Hanover and other places for the purpose, I ad-
vertised her again to prevent further trouble, forbidding
all persons harboring or trusting her on my account, as I
had made ample prevision for her. She was frequently
visited by those of the above description who I perceived.
were plotting mischief against me. At one time in par-
ticular, on going to the room which she occupied, 1 found
that she was fastened up with a young man from Hano-
ver. I demanded my right of admission, which after some
time was granted. On going in I found the aforesaid
young man sitting before the fire anºmmediately asked
him what his business was there with" my wife, fastened
up in such a manner : I also requested him to tell his
name. To which he replied, “I do not know as I am
obliged to let you know my business or to tell you my
name.” But I told him that he was in my custody, and I
‘should keep him till he did. He was very impudent and
said the company who sent him told him to stand them
{ C
sº-
£6. DYER'S NARRATIVE.
old fellows up well: and it seemed that he thought the
more saucy he was the more faithfully he was perform-
ing his duty. But he soon found that I was not at play
with him and concluded to tell me his name and let me'
know his pretended business. See dep. No. 7.
I told him that as Mary had formed a connexion with
a number of men at Hanover, who were prejudiced
against me, among whom he was one, I did not allow
them to come one after another and be fastened up
with her in that manner, as I was suspicious of their evil
designs; but if Mary chose to go and take care of her-
self, she might have her just portion of property and form
a connection with whom she pleased. After a short dis-
cussion on the subject this man finding himself in dirty bu-
siness and that there was evidence of it, went off much
chagrined at his ill success. During this transaction Ma-
ry was throwing out the most scandalous invectives a-
gainst the Shakers and against me, which seemed to be
excited only because I had found her in such a nefarious
business. In this manner she went on during the whole
time of her pretended imprisonment, seeking every occa-
sion to accuse and stigmatize me and the people, One
time in particular, just as the ground was opening in the
spring, when no discreet person would consider it safe for
a woman to ride, she requested of me a horse to go to
meeting, a distance of eight or nine miles. I replied, it
is not prudent, the going is so extremely bad : and not on-
ly so you say you are unwell. In a few days time she
reported throughout the vicinity that she asked for a
horse to go to meeting, and the Shakers would not let her
go. And doubtless from this circumstance she has had
the audacity to state in her pamphlet that she was forbid
going to any meeting but the Shaker's.
She has stated that she was constant at work when she
was able to set up : This is true, but it was in fabricating
and writing the most false and scandalous defamation a-
gainst the Shakers without any just cause ; and gadding
from place to place to circulate the same. Thus, she
continued in her malicious proceedings, propagating false-
hoods and exciting disturbance and tumults both in the
family and vicinity until her conduct became intolerable.

DYER'S NARRATIVE. * 2:
Aad as I had taken the room for no longer time than dur-
ing her good behavior, the overseers of the family de-
sired me to provide a home for her somewhere else, and
take her from their premises, for her conduct was such
they could no longer endure it. Accordingly I went and
provided a home for her at Obadiah Tillotson's in Orford,
a man in good circumstances, and whose wife is her own
sister. I agreed to pay him for her board at the rate of
a dollar per week for all the time she was there. But
when I returned and told Mary that I had made provis-
ion for her at her sister's, and that I would let her have
household furniture, principally a bed and bedding, the
best of the furniture which we had, amounting to more
than fifty dollars at her own appraisal and five dollars
in cash for expenditure—strange as it may seem, not-
withstanding all her pretended imprisonment and ill treat- .
ment among the Shakers, she utterly refused my provi-
sion, and said she would not comply with any of my pro-
posals. At length after much noise and tumult, finding her
pretences to abuse and imprisonment cut off, and that my
provision for her among the Society was at an end, she
concluded to go with me to the aforesaid Tillotson’s.
Accordingly I provided a suitable carriage, took her with
her furniture and conveyed her to the place which I had
appointed.
Having become acquainted with Mary’s attachment to
other men, and also perceiving according to her own
testimony & conduct that her affections were wholly with-
drawn from me and that she was seeking occasion against.
me, and was determined to trouble me all she ever could;
Therefore I was determined not to transact any business
or be with her alone, ever after her first absconding:
and more especially after finding she had attracted the
attention of a number of men to wait on her, with whose
names and Gharacters I was not acquainted. For being
suspicious of her evil designs, I was determined to give
her no occasion to accuse me falsely ; as I found that, to
support one was trouble enough, in this disagreeable sit-
uation. Hence it was that I declined to do any business
with her without witness. From this it appears she has
undertaken to state that the Shakers would not let, or
28 EYER'S NARRATIVE. :
|
allow me to speak with her alone ; or to do this, that and
the other, which is entirely false, for they never did con-
trol, dictate or even counsel me in any matter respect-
ing my business with her after she renounced her preten-
ded faith with them : nor did they ever advise me to any
thing inconsistent with my lawful duty towards her or any
other person. But Mary being greatly irritated because
I was aware of her ill designs, and took caution to pre-
vent greateſ’ troubles, was determined if possible to over-
come me in this point. Accordingly on the 2d, or 3d day
of October, 1815, she came to Enfield in the étage, and
entered the house of the family where I lived (even
without so much liberty as that obtained by knocking)
took a seat and went to knitting (having her, work with
her.) After remaining some time in this situation and
not making known any business, one of the sisters asked
her what she wanted 7 She replied it was nothing to her.
The woman then told her as she was placed in care in
that family she thought she had a right to ask the ques-
tion as she came there in such a manner. But Mary ap-
peared to be displeased and gave her no direct answer.
At length Edmund Lougee who was the head of the
family asked her if she wished to see any particular per-
son there. She then replied that she wanted to see me.
Immediately I was called for, and on asking her what she
wanted of me, she answered : I have no business to do
with you among the Shakers—my business is with you
alcne. But I told her as I had often done before, that I
should do no business with her in private. She replied,
that she would not leave the "house till I would. I told
her if she would go to the Office (a place to transact pub-
lic business about sixty rods distant) I would attend to her
there and do any business that was consistent. But this
she obstinately refused. Those who had the care of the
family used their utmost entreaties and persuasions to in-
duce her to comply with my request, observing at the
same time that if I was scrupulous with regard to the im-
#. of doing business or being with her alone they
ad no right or disposition to control me. But not-
withstanding all their entreaties and reasonable persua-
pions, she continued obstinate, and in language very
DYER'S NARRATIVE. 29
abusive from 10 oclock, A. M. to 3, P. M. At length see-
ing the disorder and confusion the family were thrown
into by her clamor, threats and disorderly behavior,
and finding all attempts in vain to compose her,
Edmund Lougee, who had the care of the family, said
that it could no longer be borne, and that it was their
right and duty to govern their own house and keep good
order: and desired me if possible to take Mary from the
house peaceably. After using my utmost persuasions
and entreaties to induce her to condescend to go with me,
and finding her obstinate, declaring that she would not
leave the house, I took her up carefully & carried her out —
of the house and set her down without the gate, and de-
sired her to walk up to the Office ; but she said she would
not. I then prepared a horse and waggon and desired
her fo, get in and ride to the aforesaid Office : but she
pointedly refused and said she would not.’ I then desir-
ed James Chapman to assist me and help me put her into
the waggon which he did in a careful manner. I got into
the waggon, took her into my lap, held her carefully and
James drove the waggon to the Office, where she got out,
*and went in peaceably—became very calm and was com-
fortably taken care of during the night... We spent the
evening in peace and cordiality. The next morning, by
her free consent, I previded a carriage and conveyed
her again to Orford,&paid the aforesaid Tillotson for what
he had boarded her; and made further provision for her.
I also gave her six dollars in cash and told her if she wish-
ed to visit her mother and friends at Coos, I had no ob-
jection. * t
A great part of the said Mary’s statement relating
to the above transaction is entirely false, and the whole
colored in a high degree, for although she has stated that
one of the women unolenched her hands and she fell
backward on the floor, I can prove that no part of her
body touched the floor non was she dragged out of the
house or abused in the least, but I carried her out in the
most tender manner possible under the above disagreea-
ble circumstances, although she-strove against me as far-
as she was *; One circumstance which will goºfar in
3
*
30 DYER'S NARRATIVE.
r
shewing how great were the sufferings and terrors of:
Mary at that time, is as follows: When riding from the
house to the office, at the time I held her in my lap, she
looked me in the face, and jocosely observed, “I guess
you are afraid of a woman.”
The above is a true statement of facts respecting this
extraordinary circumstance, which I can substantiate by
legal authenticity. See dep. No. 13.
Some time in the following winter, viz. 1816, I went to
Orford, and found that Mary had left her home and gone
to Coos. As she had declined to live with the aforesaid
Tillotson, I then agreed with a Captain Page of Lancas-
ter, Coos county, to board her one year, at one dollar per
week, and obtained of him the conditions of the agree-
ment in writing. The said Page had a convenient house
and good accommodations as he had no family excepting
himself and wife ; he also lived on the main river road,
about a mile from the court-house. Mary went immedi-
ately to the said Page and disannulled the agreement, de-
claring that she would not consent to the provision which
I had made. Accordingly Judge Rich of Maidstone, Vt.
who is her brother-in-law, came with her to Enfield, and
demanded of me her support.
I then agreed with the said Rich, and gave him my ob-
ligations for fifty-two dollars to provide for her one year,
which I paid according . to agreement. And notwith-
standing I treated him and Mary with kindness and res-
pect,and attended with them in seeing and conversing with
my children to their full satisfaction, as they both acknowl-
edged, yet he has stated in his affidavit that they would
not suffer her to converse with her children even in their
presence although urged by her in the most pressing and
affecting manner—and that he was unsuccessful,&c. See
dep. Nos. 17, 18, 19, 20. And whereas the said Rich,
and others have stated that I have refused to grant Mary
a support; I can prove that I have paid out for her
support $124,89 cts. exclusive of being put to the cost of
more than an hundred dollars in time and expense on her
account, when at the same time it was evident that she
was well able to and did support “herself, and laid up her
money; while I at the same time was under the necessi-
DYER'S IN ARRATIVE. 3i
ty to borrow money to discharge certain debts which she
and I mutually contracted before ever we came among
the people.
After the time was expired for which I agreed with
the said Rich, to board Mary, finding that he and others
were co-operating with her, in order to injure me as far
as they were able, I told them I did not feel it my duty to
provide for her among those whom I considered to be my
enemies; as the aforesaid Rich, had boasted of the mon-
ey that he and Mary's friends had, and said that he would
injure me as far as he had power. And although Mary
has always refused to come to any just settlement, which
I have frequently offered to leave out to the judgment of
impartial men, yet I have never declined to grant her
a support according to the best of my circumstances, pro-
vided that she would live where I could do it with safety.
But I told her I did not consider myself obligated, neither
should I support her any longer in connexion with those
who were ill disposed and who had threatened to do me
all the injury they could. But she was highly displeased
and utterly refused to comply with any of my lawful de-
mands, or reasonable proposals; and through the aid and
instrumentality of those who were my enemies, and with
whom she was combined, has petitioned the authority for
legislative interference under pretence of intolerable
grievances. She has laid two petitions before the legſst.
lature of this State, and had leave to withdraw the same.
She has maliciously put the State to the cost of perhaps
two thousand dollars for no other cause than that of get-
ting her will, and seeking revenge against me and the so-
ciety to which I belong,and that without any provocation.
... Ever since the spring of the year 1817, this woman has
been posting from place to place spending her time in
writing and publishing the most scandalous and ground-
less falsities against me and the Shakers ; during a part
of which time she has made it her rendezvous at the
• house of James Willis, in Enfield, who, it appears has
aided and assisted her in getting her pamphlet printed, &c.
And notwithstanding I had twice legally advertised her
and forbid all persons harboring or trusting her on my
account, yet the said will has unwarrantably trusted
\
Ö.
wº-
\
$º f)YER'S N ARRATIVE.
hor on my credit, and let her have tape, lace, cambrick;
calico and such like articles to the amount of about twen-
ty dollars, without my liberty, and has sued me for the
same, as if he would wish to wrong me out of what little
property I have. I do nãt wish Mary Dyer to wrong
any man on my credit, neither do I feel it my duty to fol-
low her from place to place to protect and support her,
seeing she has refused to comply with any of my reasona-
ble and lawful demands. But if she will behave herself
in a becoming manner, let me know where the bed and
other furniture is, which she has secreted, and put her
hands to work no harder than I do, according to her
strength, I will take care of her and treat her kindly,
which I never refused to do on these conditions. And if
she is not disposed to comply with this offer, and the above
conditions do not suit, I will come to an honorable settle-
ment, and let her have her full proportion of property, ,
provided I can be sufficiently indemnified. e
The said Mary has manifested great anxiety and cond
•cern about the children.; pretending that if she could ob-
tain them or a part of them she would be satisfied ; but
if I may be allowed to judge from her former words and
conduct with regard to the children, I must conclude that
her great concern is spurious ; for she has not performed
the duty ef a mother towards her children. But admitting
her pretensions to be real, I would ask any man who
has the best regard for christianity or moral virtue,
if he could justifiably relinquish his unalienable right of
care or the protection and welfare of his children, and
delegate it to a woman whose immorality, impiety and
base conduct has far exceeded any thing that I have hith-
erto stated. • *
Therefore as I have the first and exclusive right, with
regard to the protection and well being of my children,
vested in me not only by the laws of man, but by the Cre-
ator, and considering that I must be accountable to him
for all my doings, I cannot sacrifice this right or transfer
it to Mary Dyer, even if it were in my power, without
tº pointed violation of my own conscience.
But as we have mutually and freely given our children
up to the care and protection of the society by indenture,
I)YER2S NARRATIVE. S$
agreeably to my faith and their own free choice, and
have obligated ourselves not to molest or take them
away while they were contented, I have neither the
power nor will to break my solemn covenant or to use
any influence whatever, to cause them to abandon that
which I conscienciously believe to be for their greatest
and only eternal good. And the aforesaid agreement,
which is equally binding on the part of the society and
which obligates them among other conditions to give me
notice or deliver the children up to me in case they
should be discontented: this I hope and trust they will
keep accordingly. And should any of the children break
the conditions of agreement or be discontented so as to
come under my care and protection, my conscience would
forbid that I should transmit the care of them to Mary
Dyer, (or to any other person of a similar character) ex-
cept she greatly reform her life and conduct, as I could
not be justified in so doing : for I consider that I must be
accountable to God, as well in regard to the instruction
and welfare of my children, as for any thing else. But
did she in this case hold the prerogative and first right
ef care, I should be clear, let the consequences be what
they might. A
My children are all contented and greatly satisfied with
the home and provision I have made for them, being
kindly treated, well educated and instructed in every
thing that is virtuous; and their only grief is, to see the
*"
unprovoked malice and abusive eonduct of their mother ---
against me and the society under whose care and pro-
tection they are placed. And although it was not stipulated
in the indenture given of the children for my daughter to
be instructed in the knowledge of arithmetic ; and prob-
ably thereby some have taken occasion to publish that
the Shakers did not instruct their females in that science,
yet, previous to such reports, my daughter had been in-
structed by the society to a competent knowledge of the
four ground rules of sarithmetic, both with regard to
whole numbers and also decimal fractions; and the females
were generally instructed in that art, according to their
capacity, equal with the males,
34 })YER'S NARRATIVE.
It may be observed that the said Mary, in the greatest
part of her assertions relating to circumstances transacted
both before and after she left the said society, has made
use of the plural pronoun, “they,” meaning the Shakers:
as, “ they would not let me go"—" they forbid my writing or
speaking to any but the Shakers'—“ they placed me in a
room’— they would not permit it,” &c. as if the Shakers
did or said so and so—which is a plan of deception calcu-
lated to give her statements a color in the eyes of the
public. This plan she fully adopted at the time she ten-
dered herself in order to seek some occasion against the
society: but the truth is, they never did dictate or meddle
with her after her first absconding, unless she intruded
herself into their buildings and affairs ; nor have they ev.
er directed or dictated me in relation to my proceedings
with her, any further than to counsel me to do my duty to
her in a christian manner, and fulfil what the law required
of me with respect to the marriage contract ; which was
agreeable to my own faith, and which I have performed
according to the best of my understanding and conscience,
although she or some of her accomplices have had the
audacity to state in her petition to the legislature, June
session, 1818, that I advertised her by order of the sqGie-
ty, adding that, “the poor misguided man has no will,
and performs no act but through their influence.” This,
together with, the whole of her petition and narrative, is
a false and groundless imposition on the public, by which
she has attempted to support numerous and criminal char-
ges against the society, which never existed. And no
wonder that she exclaimed in the Patriot of July last, that
she did not know what evidence was necessary; for she
made no use of the truth, but laid it entirely aside.
It may be thought by some that many of these circum-
stances which. I have related in the foregoing narrative
concerning the said Mary, are trivial and too weak to mer-
it any attention ; but let it be considered that the seed of
every tree in its germination is sinall, to whatever magni-
tude it may afterwards grow, and I have mentioned these
things merely to shew the nature of her disposition, and
that without an implicit obedience to her will, I never
sº enjoy any peace, and as her manner ever was to
Wyers NARRATIVE. 35
rule and governme, so she has endeavored to set up her
authority over the society called Shakers.; and not only
so, but even to trample on the sagacity of the legislature
of this State, intimating that they were duped by the in-
fluence of the society, as may be seen in the New-Hamp-
shire Patriot of July 14. "
And notwithstanding her cause has been twice dismissed
by the legislature, and I offered to settle with her on
terms which their committee and even her own counsel
acknowledged just and reasonable, yet she was not satisfied
—but, as I am credibly informed, she has been from town
to town and from one county td another, in order to fure
inish herself with more testimony from those who, like
herself, have left the society, on account of their own imi-
moral conduct, although I would not be understood to im-
pute this character to all who may have left this society.
Thns she has been employed in this business from June
Hast until sometime in the latter part of October ; at
which time she returned to Enfield, and I once more gave
her information where I had provided a home for her.
It has been currently reported, especially of late, that
Ann Lee, the head or first leader of this society, (com-º:
Amonly called Shakers) and her brother and others in com-
pany with them were, some years ago, at Concord and
other places in this State, pretending great divination, tel-
* fortunes, and swindling people out of their property,
€.
That there was a woman of that name and description
accompanied by others, at Concord, and other places, in
or about the year 1767, is not to be disputed; as there
are persons now in this society who have a competent
knowledge of this company, having been defrauded by
them. But Ann Lee, the first leader of this society, nor
yet her brother William, never were within the State of
'New-Hampshire. Nor did they ever arrive in America
wntil late in the year 1774, at least seven years after those
were seen at Concord; all of which can be substantiated
by living witnesses who not only accompanied them from
England, but also for many years before they came to
America, and ever after until their decease. See also the
4.
30 I)YER'S NARRATIVE.
Introduction to a publication entitled, “ Christ's Second
Appearing.”
The following are a few remarks on certain charges
and false insinuations against me and my brethren called
Skakers, exhibited to the public by Mary Dyer in a pam-
phlet bearing a very unjust and false title, wherein she
has undertaken to palm her own base conduct on the
guiltless in order to screen herself.
The first accusation is, that “there had been some disa
agreeables by my husband's being unsteady and given
sometimes to intoxication.” Sce her pamp. p. 3.
As to being unsteady, I am willing to acknowledge that
I was fond of high company and used to attend trooping,
training and other public days ; and sometimes on such
occasions spend more time and money than was wisdom:
and sometimes.in such cases get what was called high ; but
in not more than three or four instances in all my life did
I ever degrade myself in the eyes of the world by intox-
ication ; and this I do not justify, but condemn it in myself
& for conscience’s sake have abandoned all such practices,
But as this was a fault which I had before I ever saw the
Shakers, and have since forsaken it, Mary must be greatly
mistaken as to their making me worse instead of better;
for she has stated under oath that once I was one of the
hest of husbands, and that she believed I should have con-
tinued so had it not been for the Shakers.
2d. “It was distressing to have that union broke which
we had heretofore supported.”. See her pamp. p. 4.—As
if the Shakers had been disturbers of our peace. This
insinuation is absolutely false, and clad with a mask of hy-
pocrisy and deceit, as I have stated by her own confession
that her affections were wholly withdrawn from me and
placed on another nearly three years previous to this pe-
riod. Therefore the attempt to palm this on the innocent
is a deceptive trick of her’s to impute ber own faults to:
others.
3d. “I offered to live with him as a slave.” See her
pamp. p. 4. True—but I did not wish for a slave. She
would not live with me as a wife—she declared that she
would sooner die. This may plainly show that she would
rather be a slave to her own will than be a wife and
*
DYER'S NARRATIVE. 37.
show obedience to her husband. See also her note
page 4th, where she says, “I have since heard him say he
treated me so at that time, he thought I should come to
some untimely end.” This is genuine hypocrisy with
which her fallacious disposition is replete. It is true,
about the time I endeavored to prevail with her to aban-
don the faith of the Shakers and five with me as a wife-
and be obedien , as the law required. This put her into
such a rage that I told her she need not comply; for see-
ing the passion she was in, on this account, I was actually
afraid she would put a period to her life. But how de-
ceitfully and falsely she has changed sides—as if I then
professed faith with the Shakers, and was distressing
her on that account, when in truth it was directly the re- .
verse! However this is no more false than most of her
other charges.
4th. “He said I should go out of his family if I did not
renounce my belief in the Shakers.” See her pam. p.
4.—That I desired her to go among the Shakers is true,
being weary of her incessant clamor and argumentation
in favor of their religious faith but as this was when
my mind was not with them, it can be no ground of ac-
cusation against any but ourselves. Why does she ascribe
our faults to the innocent ' The Shakers never came
after us, but we went after them.
5th. “In the month of August we mutually gave up
the idea of being Shakers and became harmonious.”
lso “In February, 1812,” she states that I “ called on
the Shakers in Alfred, and returned home strong in the
belief that they were the only true church.” “We wrote,
them a friendly letter,” &c. See her pomp. p. 5.
Jinswer. With regard to this first assertion, that “we
mutually gave up the idea of being Shakers,” it may be.
seen according to her own statement that I had abandon-
ed my faith and profession with the Shakers before that
time : but to obviate this matter more clearly I will here
insert a short extract from that friendly letter of which
she speaks, as that, perhaps, may be the most credible
evidence, viz. “My husband tried to overcome me and
bring me into the things of the flesh; but I told him I e”
D
38 T}YER'S NARRATIVíš.
*
would die before I would renounce my faith with the
Shakers;” also much more to the same effect. ,
Had Mary Dyer inserted this and other contents of the
aforesaid letter, and others of her own composition and
signature, they would have given a very different idea
to the reader, and a very different aspect to her
pamphlet throughout—they would have shown with
what extreme joy she was filled when I returned
home to think I had-reeeived the same faith to travail
with her—they would have shown in many instances her
solicitations to the Shakers, requesting them to take her
children, assigning reasons for her importunities, viz.
That Betsey had arrived to that age, that she would be
likely to be attracted by the fashions of the world; and
that Orville, being of a disposition similar to herself and
not willing to be dictated by his older brother, was liable
to be ruined, &c. These things she labored hard to ims
press on their minds: also, in September the same year
when some of them were at Stewartstown, she repeate
the same solicitations; and further said, that she believed
that God had sent them there with a waggon, that they
might convey the children to Enfield ; insomuch that it
was with difficulty that she was denied. Mary Dyer has
not forgotten these things, although so long drunk with.
malice and passion. She may quibble and deny them as
she is wont to do, but they are notorious and have been -
proved not only by her own written acknowledgment, but
*also fully substantiated by other competent evidence.
And the only way we became harmonious was, I let her
do just as she pleased ; and in this way I could possibly
live with her and in no 6ther.
6th. “That when he returned from Connecticut he ”
brought orders from the Shaker elders for me to go
there immediately with my other children, and they
weuld provide for us a house and other necessaries to
make the family comfortable.” See her pamp. p. 5.
Jānswer. The whole of this statement is false. The
elders never sent any such word, nor did ever I tell her
so. She went freely of choice, which I can prove by
Daniel Taylor and Sarah Curtis, who went with her at
that time to see the Shakers,
DYER'S IN ARRATH WE. 39
*g
7th. She says that the elders talked ridiculously to me
because I was unreconciled and came filled with my nat-
ural and carnal affections, &c. See her pamp. p. 6.
Answer. To use her own expression, let Mary Dyer
come out from behind the veil and own her filthy conduct
and not try to palm her own evil on the elders; let her
tell mankind what those naturai and carnal affections
were ; had she told them that she came with her natural
affections withdrawn from her husband and vitely placed
on another man of the society called Shakers, as before
stated, the public would have seen the deception of the
narrative. The truth is—what caused her; great distress
at that and all other times was, she tried to daub it over
with something to make it appear spiritual, which she
could not do; but because the elders would not acquiesce
in her fleshly sense and licentious system, she has deceit–
fully endeavored to throw back her foul, character upon
the innocent; and as she has undertaken to disclose to the
world the immorality of the people called Shakers, if
she will take to herself what belongs to her, the public
will find the people to be what they profess and she will
be left to reap the fruit of her own vile conduct.
8th. She states that her children and furniture were
distributed in the different families. See her pamp. p. 7.
JAnswer. True, agreeable to her desire, some of the
children were placed in another family about 60 rods dis-
tant, where they could be much more comfortably taken
care of and provided for than what they could be to re-
main all together. As io the furniture, we mutually lent
about fifty dollars worth to a poor family from Stewarts-
town who professed faith with us. We did this as a deed
of charity, expecting at the same time the articles would
be consumed among them. Mary need not lay this charge
to the Shakers; we voluntarily performed the act our-
selves. And will she take back her hand from this deed
of charity ? But we should not have been able to have
performed this deed had we not been furnished by others.
9th. That there appeared to be a man selected out,
who was filled with the spirit of earth. See her pamp. p. 8.
Answer. I do not know of any definite meaning to the
phrase spirit of earth, (exeept it means saltpetre;) it
/
27 7 27
A0 DYER'S NARRATIVE.
i *
would therefore seem proper to ask Mary some questions
on the subject before I can fully elucidate the charge.
Firstly. Was this the man who stood in care with elder
Edmund Lougee ? was it he to whom you manifested
such peculiar love and union, and through whom, as you
said, you received Christ? Was it the man on whom
your eyes were cast frem day to day with looks and ges-
tures of wantonness 2 even he to whom that honor be-
longs, which you have ascribed, to yourself, that of elu-
ding your snares and keeping at a distance 2 If y&u an-
swer these questions in the affirmative, I will proceed.
As I have had ten times the opportunity to know the or-
der of the family in which Mary lived, and also the peo-
ple at large with whom Istand cºnnected, I testify that her
statements and insinuations concerning them are totally
false—that they disapprove and disallow, both by, word
and practice, all connexions, doctrines and ill treatment,
of which they are accused through the tongue of malice
by a censorious woman. It is remarkable that in the
above charge, as well as in most, if not all, others exhib-
ited by Mary Dyer against the Shakers, she has portray-
ed her own real character distinctly from any other with-
in my knowledge. For she had promptly told me of two
men to whom she felt her union and affections before ever
she came to the Shakers; and not only so, but had abun-
dantly proved it by her conduct as before stated.
10th. “I then questioned some of the lower order
about these things and they acquainted the elders of it,
and I was called to an account for it,” &c. See her pamp.
. 9. -
A2 Jìnswer. After Mary had tried in vain to dupe the
ministry and elders to establish her licentious plan, which
she calls spiritual marriage, she tried to insinuate it into
others in a deceptious manner. But she was told by the
elders, if she did not desist from such proceedings, they
would expose her publicly. Had she stated in her
pamphlet what it was that she questioned some of the
lower order about, (as she is pleased to call them) it
would have left the matter in the light; but as she has
not, I shall only refer the reader to Sarah Curtis' affi-
idavit, where it can be easily seen in what a deceitful man-
sº
DYER'S NARRATIVE. 41
,--
ner and in what a false color she made all these state-
ments. 4.
11th. “Then they suffered me to have more privilege
with my children for a short time, then they took them
all from me. Twice they were so sick their lives were
despaired of,” &c. See her pamp. p. 10.
Jinswer. These statements are groundless falsehoods.
Firstly-she had the care of her children, to instruct them
(particularly the youngest) and all other care that is ne-
cessary for a mother to take of her children, especially
when they were unwell, until a few days.before she left
the society ; at which time I discovered that her manage-
ment was very injurious to them ; for she would teach
them to use deceit to cover her faults as well as their
own. I then desired the overseers to take them under
their protection according to their agreement. This I
did conscientiously for their safety. Secondly, the child-
ren never were so sick at any time as to be confined to the
house, while she was with the society, excepting when
they had the measles. The two youngest had them
when she was gone a jöurney to Stewartstown ; the eth-
ers she assisted in taking the care of herself. See Lucy
Lyon's affidavit.
12th. “The father and mother came to , see me,”
and said, “what liberty we give you, you may improve
and it is no sin,” &c. See her pamph.
..Answer. By this charge it seems she would endeavor
to insinuate into the minds of the public, that they gave
her liberty to commit some gross evils, but she has not
mentioned any thing that she was tolerated in that was
evil. If they had indulged her in the gratification of her
licentious desires and permitted her to propagate the
same, I presume she never would have let loose her sian-
derous tongue against them; but the truth is, they never
gave her nor any other persons, liberty to violate any ex-
isting law either of God or man ; neither can she prove
any of those charges under that color in which she has
represented them. g
13th. “One of the elders said I must endure a certain
scene to prepare me for their holy state, but he did not
D2
t
42 DYER's NARRATIVE.
know asſi should be able to endure it and live,” &c. See
her pamp. p. 11. º
.Answer. Whether any elder ever told her so or not, I
, know not; but if he was not sensible that she needed to go
through a scene of mortification to her own evil propen-
sities, in order to bring her to any thing virtuous, I was .
but in this statement she has been very careful not to
name the elder, nor the torture which he preparc d for
her to pass through. Therefore, as I am well acquaint-
ed with her disposition, I must suppose that if any elder
had told her that she must submit herself to any good
order which might be established for the good of society,
such as to do justly, live uprightly, and not spend her
time idly, in tattling and mischief making, it would be the
greatest torture that could be inflicted on her. T his will
appear evident if the reader will only advert to her
pamphlet, page 17, where she says, “I asked him to fin-.
ish my days,” which was for no other reason than my re-
questing her to go with me about 60 rods, to where I had
made a comfortable provision for her entertainment.
14th. “ They become so bold I was obliged to defend
myself,” &c. *
Jìnswer. This charge was investigated by a commit-
tee appointed by the Legislature of June hast ; and this
boldness proved to be, that Moses Jewett came into the
room where she was sweeping and turned about and went
out without offering to touch or molest her in the least,
or even speaking a word. This is just like all the rest
of her slanderous accusations : only take away the color
and there is nothing left. *
15th. “I frequently asked the privilege of taking #
dourney to go to my friends—they would not suffer it; nei-
ther would they let me send a letter, nor receive one,
•unless they first examined it. They ſorbid my opening
any letter until they had seen it,” &c. *
Answer. All these statements are without the least
color of truth. Once or twice she mertioned to me that
she should be glad to go off an hundred miles or more ;
but this she intimated, was for the purpose of preaching
the doctrine of the Shakers; I told her that we had bet-
ter be steady and go to work and free ourselves from
DYER'S NARRATIVE. 43
embarrassment, for I thought we had been burden and
expense enough to the society, without their having to
fix her out for preaching, while she behaved so unbecom-
insly at home. It was I and not the Shakers that prohib-
ited her. I had too much regard for justice and truth to
apply to the society for assistance and have her riding
about at their expense. As to the other charges, she
nor I never were prohibited from writing and sending
letters, when and where we pleased, nor was there any
compulsion in the case by any of the society. I have
frequently received letters and never knew an elder or
any body else to open or break a seal of any letter direct-
ed to me or any other person.
16th. “ They did not afford me medical aid,” &c.
Jánswer. She never was so unwell but what she was
able to be about house, which rendered it unnecessary to
call upon the physicians: but had I or any other person
attempted it, it would have been of no use ; for she was
so tenacious of her own skill, that for years before we
came among this people, she was opposed to having any
medical assistance called for on any occasion. She had .
liberty to apply for any thing for her health while in this
society, and was in much better, circumstances on this ac-
count than ever she was before, while living with me.
This is one of her false imputations to insinuate some-
thing against the society.
tith. “The elders charged me not to expose their
practices, for it was a secret, and the world never did
know it nor never was to ; and if I told it they would
deny it and make me the liar,” &c. See her pump. p. 18.
Answer. The elders never told Mary Dyer not to
publish what they did do, but told her not to report what
they did not do. After she had dome all that she could
to set up her plan of spiritual marriage, and could get no
one to join with her ; and being filled with malice, she
went to some of the elders and falsely asserted: “This
is your faith, and you need not deny it.” But they told
her they had no such faith, and if she spread any such
report, they should continue to deny it, and it would make
her the liar. See Lucy Lyon's affidavit. This is one of
her lying accusations. The truth is, they never told her
44 T)YER'S NARRATIVE.
\
not to expose their practices, but told her not to report
her own debauched stuff as their faith; but this she has
done to palm her own evil practices on the society.
18th. “He said, it appeared to him sometimes as tho’ he
should dic, to treat me as he was obliged to,” &c. See
Sher pamp. p. 14. * e
.#nswer. I never said so : and if I ever said any thing
that resentled it in the least, it was in consequence of her
ill conduct: but the charge seems to be calculated to im-
pose upen mankind the idea, that the people called Sha-
kers obliged me to treat her in an abusive manner, when
the truth is, they never did; for they always advised me
to treat her in a Christian manner, which I have always
gº
done according to the best of my understanding, and feel
justified in the sight of God and all men: which will be
granted by the candid, who are acquainted with my deal-
ing with her. I feel conscious that I have borne with her
as far as any man would, in similar circumstances; There-
fore, her statement is merely a false insinuation.
19th. “The next morning, they sent my husband twen-
ty-eight miles to hire my board,”&c. See her pamp. p.
15
, Auswer. This is entirely misrepresented; for it was
my own calculation. The elders and people never under-
took to dictate me, as to what way and where I should
provide for my wife: Tut her envy is against the society
collectively, and not against me individually, therefore
her scheme was to come among the people, and behave
in such a base manner, as to oblige me to do something
that she could deceitfully ball abuse, and then go away
and report what the Shakers had done to her as though
I was Shakers, in the plural. * …,
20th. “At length my husband entered the room in a pas-
sion, seized me in order to thrust me out of the door;”—
“Tore my clothes very badly. They clenched hold of my
feet with my cloth es and dragged me out of the door,
down four steps to the ground; then into the street,”&c.
See her pam. p. 16.
Answer. These charges are colored and mutilated in
the extreme, in order to excite the feelings of the ignor-
ant and to raise an enmity against the society, to which
t
DYER'S NARRATIVE. 45.
I belong; but had she stated all the occurrences of this
transaction as they were, and stated the whole of her im-
perious language and conduet, there is no candid person
but what would say that I used as much lenity as ought to
be shown to such a person, in taking her up carefully
without hurting or injuring her in the least, and carry-
ing her to a comfortable place; where her clamor and
noise would not disturb a family of between thirty and
forty persons. But as she came to seek an occasion ; she
has been driven to the necessity to report untruths to de-
ceive people that are not Shakers (as she expresses it,)
—but for the particulars of this transaction, I refer the rea-
der to the foregoing candid statement.
21st. “Now though all are in trouble, none know of
any but their own.” See her pam. p. 18. -
JAnswer. If this statement of Mary Dyer's be true, that
none know of any but their own, how came she to find it
out'?
The following charges of the said Mary, I observed
exhibited in the New-Hampshire Patriot of July 14, 1818.
published by request. "
Where she begins with loud and indefinite hints as
though there was some horrible impiety and oppression
existing somewhere, the proof of which is her mere as-
sertion. & - f
The first definite charge she has brought against the
Shakers, is the horrid crime of civility, by which (as she
would have it,) they influenced the minds of the people,
by inviting the members to a full examination of those
things whereof she had accused them. In this it appears
that she would endeavor to show the public, that the Le-
gislature was formed of dupes: and that their honorable
committee was incapable of judging of facts without the
assistance of her slanderous tongue. But had her friends
told her that hints and bare assertions were not proper
evidence to legislate from, and that the truth was the on-
ly evidence necessary, perhaps she would not have ap-
peared before the Legislature with a cause that would
not bear examination.
2. “You hold that no untruth is a lie to your God.
46 DYER'S NARRATIVE,
that upholdeth the Shakers; it is only deceiving satan and
his kingdom, meaning people that are not Shakers, &c.”
Jaiswer. This cannot be true, for they hold that there
is...no difference in speaking the truth, whether to a good
man or a bad man; truth is truth, and a lie is a lie, where-
ever it is spoken. They hold, the only way to deceive
satan is, to speak the truth and walk in it. I conceive
that the definite signification of satan is adversary, and
perhaps the reason that the adversary got so deceived in
what he expected to obtain by the Legislature last ses-
sion was, that the Shakers appeared with the truth, and
nothing, but the truth. “Had they appeared with lies, de-
ceit and quibbling, the committee no doubt would have
detected them, and they would have been left to exclaim,
, “We did not know what evidence was necessary.”
3. “You know that I was locked in this house a number
of times by some person, and I never had the key at any
time,” &c. *
Answer. These statements are not true; for there were
two outside doors to the hall that led to her apartment,
one of which was fastened inside by a button over the
latch, which she could turn and go out and in at her pleas-
ure: the other, whenever it was loºked the key was left
at her command.
4. She wishes to know what the Shakers call a civil
manner of visiting children, &c.
Jìnswer. Directly contrary to the manner that Mary
has practised in visiting ours, which has generally been
to bring company with her, whom 'she knew to be preju-
diced against the people, and introduce herself by defam-
ing and scandalizing me and the society, and trying to in-
culcate disaſſection and discontentment in the minds of
the children.
This I call a very uncivil manner of visiting children.
5. “As to the property, the best part of it is secluded
among the Shakers in deception,” &c.
Answer. This has no color of truth, for I can prove by
the appraisal bill of our personal property, and other
records, that, I have paid out for her support and to dis-
charge other debts of our mutual contracting, at least an
hundred dollars more than the value of what we broaght
*
DYER'S NARRATIVE. * 47
{
s
te Enfield. And the rest of our property consists in land,
mostly wild, lying in Stewartstown, the deeds of which I
still hold, having never parted with my title to the same.
6. “The writing I signed was no bond, neither were
all my children's names to it,” &c.
Answer. I refer the reader to her pamphlet, page 9th,
where she says, they drew a bond which they intended
should debar me and my husband from ever taking them
again. She also says, I refused to sign the bond; here
are two assertions of her’s, one says they drew a bond
and I refused to sign the bond; in the other, she says it is
no bond. The reader is at his liberty to call which a lie
ine chooses, as they cannot both be true.
I consider it not only tedious, but unnecessary to notice
all the deceitful hints and false coloring of this extraor-
dinary woman, as they are too weak, insipid and contra-
dictory to merit any attention. But as the foregoing are
a few of the most prominent charges, contained in her
pamphlet, calculated to convey ideas of criminality, all of
which originated in malice and have been proved false—
let it suffice the reader to consider that nothing true can
be built on a false foundation.
A few observations on the testimony which the afore-
said Mary Dyer has procured, both in favor of her own
character and also in support of her charges agrinst the
Shakers. By a slight examination, it will be seen by eve-
ry candid person, that the testimony which the said Ma-
ry has affixed to her pamphlet, proves but very few, if
any of her assertions, although it has been the means by
which many well disposed people, have considered some
of her charges as the truth ; because, sdmething sworn
to is affixed to her narrative, without examining whether
- it proves her statements true or not. But to the candid,
the following remarks will show the validity of the testi-
mony which she has produced.
Firstly. Although she has procured a number of cer-
tificates (perhaps from respectable people,) to substan-
tiate her own character, yet all this is but negative tes-
timony, for they can only state, that they did not know
but what her character was good, or at most, that they
$onsidered it as such - this does not prove that she ever
*
48 & IYYER's NARRATIVE,
|
did, or does live a life of morality: and if she had lived a
virtuous life previous to her coming among the Shakers,
this does not prove that she did afterwards. There may
be thousands who could state, that they knew nothing
about her, or that they considered her to be a pious .
woman. There might have been as good testimony as
this to-prove the character of Benedict Arnold good, pri-
or to his maiconduct at West Point. It was there that
he betrayed his trust, lost his honor, and made his base
character notorious. But I think I have had as good an
opportunity to become acquainted with Mary Dyer's char-
acter and conduct, as any other person; which for the
honor of my family I ever kept concealed as far as pos-
sible, until she made herself conspicuous.
Secondly. Concerning the validity of the affidavits she
has produced.
Jeremiah and Deborah Towle, in their testimony were
able to state a number of things which the said Mary had
told them, but could not say whether she told the truth .
or not. Next they state something as though I abused
her at the time I pursued her and brought back the child:
this does not prove any of her charges against the Sha-
kers, it comes against Ine individually; but she has not ac-.
cused ºne of it. m
Calvin Faton of Hanover, testifies much what she and
her associates told him, and has affirmed to the same; but
cannot telſ whether they told him the truth or not: all of
which proves nothing that she has charged against the
Shakers. bºr
Moody Rich of Maidstone, Vt. tells you that he went in
company with her to Enfield, and endeavored to prevail
on me to let her see and converse with her children, but
was unsuccessful—also states that they, (the Shakers.)
would not suffer her to converse with her children, even
in their presence; both of which statements I am fully pre-
pared to prove false. And further he states, that he has
since conversed with me, and has stated a number of
things, (perhaps as true as the other before mentioned,)
in a highly colored style, all of which prove nothing a-
gainst the Shakers; as I was an hundred miles from any
of them, and acted wholly from my own principle.
DYER's NARRATIVE. 49
John Williams of Hanover, makes out that Mary Ty-
er told him that there was licentiousness among the Sha-
kers. No doubt she has told a thousand others the same:
but this testimony does not prove that she told him the
truth. -
Daniel Pettee and Moses Jones, have testified to some-
thing which they say was transacted among the Shakers
when they were with them, which must have been trans-
acted between thirty and forty years ago. This, Mary
has collected to prove numerous charges, which she says.
were transacted between the years, 1811 and 1816; but
I can find no person in this society, who has the least
knowledge of any such transactions as they have stated.
Lastly. A few observations on those quotations of Ma-
ry Dyer, on the Shakers' publication, entitled Christ's se-
cond appearing.
It is notorious that Mary Dyer in her pamphlet-stren-
uously insists, that the Shakers hold, to a spiritual mar-
riage, as tho’ there was something in it very criminal.--
But what is it? True, they, according to the apostie's
term, profess to be joined or married to Christ in the
same Spirit by which he was united to God, and they, by
bearing his cross against all sin, against all gorporal and
fleshly gratifications whatever, and against all carnal or
fleshly desires and conceptions of the mind—walk even
as he walked, and become united with him in the same
Spirit. This, and this, only is what they call a spiritual
marriage, or being joined to the Lord in ene Spirit. And
this is the owly means of purification ever taught or prac-
tised by Christ and his Apostles, or by the Shakers to ob-
tain a spiritual marriage, or to be united to God. Nor has
Mary Dyer proved any thing to the contrary by all her as-
sertions,false coloring, and concupiscent hints, either by her
quotations from the Shakers’ publication, entitled Christ’s
second appearing, or in any other way. But as the said
Mary’s insignificant statements on this subject, are too
vague and disgusting to merit any investigation, I shall on-
ly refer the reader to the aforesaid publication, where
the matter may be seen stated in its frue and proper light,
wholly independent of her lascivious and false comments,
E &
56 f)YER's NARRATſvig,
and by which it may be seen that she, like Celsus the epi.
*riºn, has changed the truth into a Lie, and the doctrine
of Jesus Christ into lasciviousness. As saith Jude
“There should be mockers in the last time, who should
*Walk after their own ungodly lusts. These be they who
separate themselves, sensual having not the Spirit.”
JOSEPH DYER.
\
-*
-e-
The Jollowing is a copy of a letter from Joseph
to MARY DYER.
“Enfield, Nov. 5, 1818.
“MARy,
“As I conceive you do not consider what you are
doing in relation to our property, I write the following to
inform you what you have already done towards spend-
ing what little property we had. Firstly, you well know
that you have twice made application to the legislature .
for their interference to deprive me of my right of gov-
ernment, as the man or first agent of the family—an in-
herent right granted ºn a not only by the Almighty, but
granted and guaranteed also by the Constitution and laws
both of the United States and this State. This you have
endeavored to obtain in a deceptious manner, by trying
to criminate the society of which I am a member ; by
your false insinnations, that under the pretence of crim-
inating the Shakers to obtain the aid of the Legisla-
ture to deprive me of that which every candid man will
consider next to life ; for, take away his right of gov-
ernment, which will render him an outlaw, and what has
he left? This you have done for no other cause than
barely on the account of my religious faith; but I shall
not voluntarily surrender the rights and privileges with
which I am vested ; therefore you have brought me to
the necessity of defending myself against your maliz
cious slander. Twice I have been brought to the ne-
cessity of meeting your groundless charges, before the
legislature, which were attended with heavy bills of
cost on me; to defray which, I have sold one lot of land
r)YER'S NARRATIVE. 51
in Stewartstown and applied part of the proceeds to that
purpose; and, not only this, but various other expences,
not yet considered, which will amount to no small sum.
These expenses and costs, added to one hundred and
twenty-four dollars and eighty cents, which I have paid
for your support, are not inconsiderable when compared
with our property ; but I can inform you, if such expen-
ditures do not cease, our property will soon be gone.
But you may say it is against the Shakers, because they
will not give up the children to you, and I need not de-
fend; but depriving me of my government is against my-
self, and I shall defend my rights to the last cent of our
property if occasion requires. As you and your asso-
ciates have said much against the Shakers for not giving
the children up to you, when they, at the same time, are
bound by their covenant to us to protect them and bring
them up according to their faith ; and, we, on our part,
have bound ourselves by our covenant not to molest or
trouble them on the account of our children. But per-
haps you will say you do not hold them to their covenant;
but I do, and consider them holden by solemn covenant to
fulfil their duty to the children according to the stipula.
tions, and also, I hold myself bound by the same stipula-
tions, not to molest or trouble them nor suffer if
to be done by any under my care; and this I shall do so
Iong as I am the first agent. I consider myself bound by
law and justice, to indemnify them for all cost and ex-
penses arising from any breach of these stipulations, and
this I shall do so long as I have it in my power,and prop-
erty left to do it; therefore they have no right to give
the children up to any other but me, nor is there any
just cause that they should be put to any cost on their
account. But you and your associates may think that
these expenses are coming out of the Shakers: you
are mistaken ; you will find it comes out of our prop-
erty.” -
i.
POETRY.
Go search the whele creation,
And trace the world around,
See if in any nation,
A people can be found,
Whose doctrine and behaviour
Is honest just and true,
Who live like Christ the Saviour;
Who are the faithful few.
3
To draw the perfect likeness
Of God's beloved few,
With justness and exactness,
Is more than I can do ;
But give me leave to mention
Those virtues which excel,
Which grace the new creations
Where God delights to dwell.
. Upright in all their dealing,
And just in every case,
A friendly tender feeling
For all the human race :
Théy follow Christ’s example,
With all their heart and mind,
Like children mild and simple,
Long suff'ring, meek and kind.
In love they are united,
They serve the Lord with zeal,
While others are invited
To share the bliss they feel :
Their love cannot be mixed
With that which leads to sin,
Nor is it solely fixed
On self's beloved kin.
º POETRY. 4 53
5. An interest they inherit,
That strangers do not find,
A watchful prayerful spirit,
A peaceful humble mind;
A thankful heart possessing,
To crosses reconcil’d, -
And this insures a blessing |
{To every gospel child.
6. These are the heirs of heaven,
And thither are they bound;
The likeness here is given,
The people can be found ;
With Christ they are partakers,
Tho' form'd of flesh and blood,
And you may call them Shakers,
These people are of God.
•-re:*::3%::#:cas---
t
A part of the testimony affixed to this narrative was ta-
ken from persons who belong to the society, and a part
from those who do not. But I am not unaware of the
deceitful and malicious plan of the said Mary and her as-
sociates, in attempting to invalidate the testimony of
those who are of this society, where her conduct is most
notorious; on the basis that they are perfectly united in
their religious principles, and that this constitutes them
one ; and therefore, their testimony is not to be credited.
But let it be considered whether they are any more uni-
ted than what our Saviour enjoined on his followers ? and
further, if this be a sufficient reason for rejecting their
testimony, it lays *:: denomination of professed chris-
.2
64 AFFIDAVITS. &
tians under the necessity of being at variance in their own
churches, and differing one from another in their own
sentiments of faith, in order to render any of their testi-
mony valid. For with the same propriety all the testi-
mony of the calvinistic order might be discredited,because
they hold to predestinatien; or of the baptists, because
tney hold to immersion, and so of all other sects. But
this scheme will appear contemptible and disgusting to
every man of sense and candor; and was invented in or-
der to evade the force of truth by those who have been
infuriated with malice under a specious pretence that the
Shakers are eombined to secrete their own evils. But who
says so 7 or what proof is there of this charge 7 And fur-
ther I would ask the candid, which is entitled to the
greatest credit, a person who will state a fact under oath
at one time and contradict it at another, or a society who
are unimpeached only by the tongue of slander?
D
E--->
* No. 1.]
I, Sarah Curtis, of Brºº Vt. of lawful age, testify
and say, that about the year, 1809,0r 10,ſ first became per-
sonally acquaiuted with Joseph and Mary Dyer, who fre-
quently attended the Methodist meeting to which I be-
longed: sometimes they attended in Canaan where I resi-
ded, and sometimes in Stewartstown ; at which meetings
the said Mary manifested a strong desire to have the
church privileges of the Methodist order; at the same
time professing to belong to the christian,order so called,
in which she was indulged for a time ; but being unwil-
ling to conform to their discipline, was denied the privi-
leges that she desired in the Methodist order, which so
irritated her that she made such disturbance that she was
several times requested by the minister to take her seat
and be peaceable or leave the room and let others enjoy
their religious devotion, but she withdrew and made a
great outcry. And further that during the latter part of
the year 1811 it was the common report in our neighbor-
hoºd that Joseph and Mary Dyer were Shakers—that in
the year 1812 I became more acquainted with their Pro-
‘H
AFFIDAVITS, 5&
fession, in which time she frequently used every argu-
ment and insinuation in her power to attract my mind to
the Shakers’ faith.
Furthermore, about the first ef October of the same
year I attended a meeting held by the Shaker Elders at
Joseph Dyer's house, where I saw Mary Dyer dressed in
shaker habit, and she appeared zealous in the approba-
tion of their testimony, and used all her influence to per-
suade me and others present to join in the Shakers’ faith,
which induced me to tarry over night and enquire further
into their faith and principles ; during my stay the said
Mary manifested a strong desire to be freed from the
care of her children, and the burthen of her family; and
exclaimed, O ! Sarah, how I wish I was as free from bon-
dage as you are ; then turning to the Shaker Elders
said, you have get to help me out of my bondage,to which
one of them replied you have taken time . to travel into
your bondage, and you have got to take time to travel out
a gºalſ1,
s further testify and say that about the first of January
1813, I went into the family of said Joseph and Mary Dyer
at Stewartstown to live, where she continued to use ar-
guments to persuade me into a belief of their faith with
her, and having received some faith I was induced to go
to Enfield with her, who was then preparing to go and to
carry three of her children with her, and seemed very
much animated and satisfied in so doing, and manifested
nothing to the contrary on this journey, neither, in rela-
tion to these nor the other two children which were alrea-
dy there. And notwithstanding all that she has published
concerning the Hl treatment of the Shakers to her on this
visit, she exerted all her influence to gather me and
her sister Fanny (who came with us) into their faith ; and
during the whole of this visit she manifested great satis-
faction both in relation to the Shakers” faith and their
conduct towards us; and vindicated the same to other pec-
ple on our return home as she had opportunity. I further
say that soon after we returned home, she began to pre-
pare to move to Enfield herself, which she was very
much engaged in, and appeared so well satisfied with her
children's being there, that she was very much pleased
56 AFFIDAWITS,
with the idea of carrying my little sister Miriam down
with her when she moved and advised to the same, stating
how well children were taken care of among the Shakers.
She moved down and carried the above mentioned sister
of mine in the month of February according to the best of
my recollection; and during the whole acquaintance that'
I had with the said Mary at Stewartstown, she never
manifested to me any dissatisfaction in relation to the Sha-
kers' faith or conduct, but her Gonversation and conduct
proved to the contrary as stated above, also by an ex-
pression she made to me after she had lived at Enfield
more than a year in the following words: “I do not think
that the Shakers were sensible how zealous I was in their
faith when I came here.”
I further depose and say, that in the month of Novem-
ber 1813, I moved to Enfield, into the family where Mary
Dyer lived, where I became closely and intimately ac-
quainted with her ; being her chief companion both ai
work and lodging, and had an equal privilege of informa-
tion with her, and by our close connections I had a better
opportunity to discover her sense in regard to what she
has palmed upon the Shakers as their spiritual marriage.
Within a few weeks she began the attempt to inculcate
into my mind the idea of a spiritual help meet as she was
leased to term it, intimating that she supposed herself to
be the one designed for Moses Atwood; and endeavoring
to prove to me by scripture the idea that this was the in-
tent of God in the creation. This was a new subject to
me, neither did I at that time understand what she was
after : and as her sense was disapprobated by the Elders
she strove to screen herself from contempt by accusing
others of the same. She asserted to the Elders that
there were others possessed of the same sense. They
asked her who ? she answered Sarah Curtis, and her union
is with Daniel Taylor.* The Elders told her they had
not discovered any such thing in me, but, said they, if it is
so it is of the flesh, and we condemn it as much in her as
we do in you. Then the said Mary came to me and ask-
*It is probable the reason why she pitched upon us is because
we were lueubers tº ee ther in the Episcopal Church.
AFFIDAVITS. * 57
ed me if I did not set more by the aforesaid Taylor then I
did by Joseph Dyer or any of the rest of the brethren,
(See page 9th in a pamphlet entitled a brief statement of
the sufferings of Mary Dyer.) I told her I did not—I es-
teemed Joseph as a father on the account of his kindness
to me and my relations: then the said Mary told me that
the Elders said that my union to Daniel Taylor was a
fleshly union. This dissimulation in her excited in me
some hard feelings against the Elders,and they discovering
that my union was lessening, called upon me to know the
cause: when I related the foregoing statement of the said
Mary, then the Elders related to me the circumstance to
my full satisfaction of their innocence, which exposed to
me fully for the first time, her false sense and separate
union which she held to one of the brethren which I found
by observation to be John Lyon, by obserying such like
singularities, as that she would frequently start from her
work and run to the windows and doors and look after him
when he passed by, and jump out of her bed when she
heard the steps of a man in the hall—would run to the
door and peep out to see who it was, &c.
I further say, that the said Mary Dyer’s conduct was so
unseemly and indecent, the particulars of which for the -
honour of our sex I forbear to mention, but say that it
was so disagreeable to me that I requested to be released
from the burthen of lodging with her, which was granted.
And further according to the knowledge I had of her and
the Shakers, she has acted the part of Potiphar’s wife,
for she was the only person in which I ever saw any lewd-
ness or wantonness either in male or female, while I was
with them.
I further testify,that from all the knowledge I obtained
of the Shakers’ management of children, that they
are treated more kindly and with less severity than what
is common for children to receive from their parents.
Also I never saw any thing that was abusive to them
while I was with the Shakers,and I think I had as good an
opportunity to know if there was any abuse as Mary Dy-
€I’.
I further testify, that I continued with the Shakers
about two months after Mary Dyer left them, and during
68 AFFIDAVITS.
my stay with them Twas kindly treated; and I left them
on account of some privileges which I thought I could bet-
ter enjoy among other people.
SARAH CURTIS.
September 12, 1818. *
Grafton, ss. Enfield, Sept. 12, 1818. Personally ap-
pearing the above named Sarah Curtis, and made solemn
oath that the foregoing declaration by her subscribed, con-
tains the truth, and nothing but the truth. Before me,
E. EVANS, Jus. Peace.
[No. 2.]
I, Susannah Curtis, of lawful age, do depose and say,
That in the year 1811, I lived in the family of Joseph Dy-
er, in Stewartstown, about four months ; that in this time
there was a man (who called himself a preacher) made it
his home there. I think he was a man of as unbecoming
behavior as any one I ever saw ; that I had not been
there long before I was convinced that Joseph's woman
Mary Dyer,and this man had unlawful connexions togeth-
er; for often I knew them to be in a room by themselves,
while Joseph was out to his work; that one time, in par-
ticular they were in another room by themselves for
nearly two hours, in which time the said Joseph Dyer her
, husband came to me and got the pails and went and milk-
ed the cows and did his chores—after he had been all day
at work ; that at another time, Mary Dyer and the said
preacher went out together into the back part of Canaan
in Vermont a preaching, leaving her husband and children
at home to go dirty and ragged; that in this manner they
spent a great part of their time ; and when she was at
home her attention was mostly to this man while her hus-
band was neglected. And further, that she made the said
preacher some new elothes in the time abovementioned,
and in all things the said Mary appeared to regard him
more than she did her husband. I further depose and
say, that during the time aforesaid the said preacher being
about to go a journey, talked a while with the said Mary
in the door yard, and when parting they kissed each oth-
ers' hand—and from all the acquaintance I ever had with
Jaer afterward while living in Stewartstown, it appeared
*
AFFIDAVITS. G9
f º
evident to me that her attachment to this man was greater
than it was to her husband. SUSAN NAH CURTIS.
June 11, 1818. -
Grafton, ss. Enfield; June 11, 1818. Personally ap-
pearing Susannah Curtis, subscriber to the foregoing affi-
davit, and made solemn affirmation that the same con-
tains the truth and nothing but the truth.-Before me,
E. EVANS, Jus. Peace.
w [No. 3..]
I, Moses Hodge, of lawful age, testify and say,that I liv-
*d a neighbor to Joseph Dyer and his wife when they
lived in Stewartstown, and frequently heard them con-
verse about going to live with the Shakers, and I thought
that Mary Dyer his wife was from all her conversation
and appearance the most forward to break up the family,
and to go and live with the Shakers ; and I was at the
house of said Dyer one morning, and saw Mary Tyer,
Daniel Taylor, Sarah Curtis, and three of Mary Dyer's
of ildren, who were about to start on a journey to Enfield;
to the Shakers and pay them a visit, and leave their
children with them, as she the said Mary informed me ;
and I believe that she was the first cause of his mind be-
ing led to the Shakers. MOSES HOJDGE,
Sworn to before JEREMIAH EAMES, Just. Peace.
May 25, 1818.
[No. 4,]
i, Esthé. Hodge, of lawful age, testify and say, that I
lived a neighbor to Joseph Dyer and his wife, when they
lived in Stewartstown, and frequently heard them both
speak of their faith with the Shākers; and I thought that
Mary Dyer from every appearance, appeared to be the
most earnest to leave her heighbors and go and join the
Shakers; and Mary Dyer told me that when she should
get to the Shakers, she should be released from the trou-
.ble of her family, which the said Mary seemed to long to
be released from ; and further said, the Shakers will
bring our children up much better than we can : and I
, thought if she had been willing to live with her husband
As other women did with theirs, that we should not have-
§0 AFFIDAVITS.
lost one of the best of neighbors: and the said Mary fuß.
ther told me she believed it was an awful sin for her to
have children: and this she told me before ever she went
to see the Shakers: She also told me that she hardly
knew how to wait till she could get ready to go down and
live with them, and when the said Joseph Dyer left this
town we lost a good neighbor, and an useful member, of
society. ESTHER HODGE.
Sworn to before JEREMIAH EAMES, Jus. Peace,
May 25, 1818.
- [No. 5.]
We, Elisha Dyer and Lucy Dyer, of lawful age testify
and say, that we were well acquainted with Joseph Dyer
and his wife, Mary Dyer, and they were often at our
ouse in Stewartstown, after they had been to see the
Shakers, and spoke much in their favor, and both of them
seemed to be determined to go and live with them, and
appeared to be well agreed in so doing. And we can
testify that'Mary Dyer said she wanted to get rid of the
burthen of her family, and be released. And Mary Dyer
shewed, by all her conduct, that she was forward in the
thing; and it was common report among our neighbors
that she was forward, and more zealous than her husband,
and some said she was the means of his joining the Sha-
kers; and when he left the town we lost a good neigh-
bor and an useful member of society. .
ELISHA DYER,
LUCY DY.ER,
Sworn to before JEREMIAH EAMES, Jus. Peace.
May 25, 1818.
[No. 6..] . h
I, Daniel Taylor, of lawful age, do testify and sav, that
in the year 1811, I lived in Heriford, in the province of
Lower Canada, was a neighbor to Joseph and Mary Dyer
—that in the latter part of the . aforesaid, the said
Mary Dyer made exertions to induce me to join the Socie-
ty of Shakers, professing herself fo be fully established in
their principles; in which her husband was not until the
‘hext year. That in the year 1812, I moved into the
*
l
AFFIDAVITS. 81
house of the said Joseph and Mary Dyer, that I frequent-
ly heard her express her satisfaction in relation to the
two children, which they had lately conveyed to the said
Society; also, I frequently heard her express her desire
to be there herself, and further, that in January 1813, by
her solicitations, I was induced to go with her to see the
said society at Enfield, to which she professed to belong ;
at which time she carried the other three of her children,
which were the oldest and two youngest. Also, before
we started and on our journey she manifested her great
satisfaction in taking her children to the said society,
And I further say, that from all the acquaintance I had
with the said Mary, which was for a number of years, she
manifested a strong desire to have the preeminence over
her husband ; and oftentimes he would condescend to her
rather than make difficulty. --
DANIEL TAYLOR,
June 1, 1818. Solemnly affirmed to, before . .
- E. EVANS, Jus. Peace.
*==º
|No. 7.
I, John Lyon, of º *} of Grafton and State of
New-Hampshire, do depose and say, that in the month of
July 1811, Mary Tyer came to Enfield in company with
her husband Joseph Dyer, which was the first time I ever
saw her; at which time I heard her say she received faith
in our religious tenets, though more fully established in
them about four weeks afterward, as I have frequently
heard her state to myself and others since, even to the
last of her residence with this Society. That about one
year after she came again to Enfield accompanied by her
husband who she said had turned from, but that she
had continued stedfast in the faith , and that this had been
the case for about a year: that she also added—where
should we both have been now if I had done as you said,
and obeyed my husband. Also, she stated in my presence
at the same time, the offers which her husband made her
if she would return back to her former way of living,
which she said she utterly refused; for the Lord had
shown to her jºins that it was the work of the devil to
62. DYER's NARRATIVE.
draw both of our souls into death. Alsó, during this visit
, I heard her solicit Edmund Lougee, the head of the fami-
ly, to take her daughter JBetsy under his protection;
which request was not at that time granted. In the month
of September, 1812, I went to Stewartstown, in company
with Moses Jewett: while there the said Mary Dyer
strongly urged us to take two of her children home with
us: And was much more solicitous in the matter than her
husband ; but we declined. In November the same year
her husband brought the two children above mentioned
to Enfield : and in January following, the said Mary
brought the other three herself which were the oldest
and two youngest, stating at the same time, that she and
her husband were both agreed in the matter, and desired
us to take them under our care. And further, for about
the term of ten months she frequently importuned us to
take the children under our care by a written agreement.
At one particular time she desired us to persuade her hus-
band to bind them by an indenture, that in ease he should
leave the society we could hold them,
I further depese and say, that the said Mary Dyer fre-
quently declared in my hearing that her natural ties to
her husband were wholly dissolved. That instead
thereof she manifested a strong attachment to another
man of the society; that being taxed with the same in
my presence, she tried to vindicate and adopt it as the
, true Christian system; but being told that it was contra-
, ry to our faith or any principle of cliristianity, she made
an appeal for an interview with the ministry, who plainly
told her in my hearing that they wholly disapproved of
any such thing, nor was there any such' thing or sense
owned among the people. Alse, that whoever conduct-
ed in that manner it would separate them from our socie-
ty, and much more to the same purpose.
And further, that the said Mary much of the time while
she was with us manifested a very immodest and unbecom-
ing appearance, especially in presence of the male sex,
of which she appeared very fond. At one certain time I
was called as a witness by her husband who had found her
fastened up in a room with a man that was a stranger to
him, who was unwilling to tell either his business or his
AFFIDAVITS. 6&
name, which the said Dyer earnestly requested; at which
she was very much irritated, and expressed the most
scandalous invectives against her husband and the society.
I further depose and say, that being personally acquainted
with most of the treatment respecting Mary Dyer while
she was among the people, I have never seen any thing
that an unprejudiced person would call abusive either on
the part of the society or by her husband, likewise that
I heard her say the day before she left the society
that the people had always treated her with kindness,
and she meant to treat them so ; which was the last con-
cern of the society with her respecting how the matters
between her and her husband should be regulated, as I
have often heard him told that we should not interfere
in matters between him and his wife, but he must fulfil
what the law required of him in the marriage contract;
the day before she went away I heard her state in my
presence and a number of others that she never had seen
any evil thing in- any one that was held in union by the
Society. Also, about a year afterwards I heard her say
in the presence of a number; being asked by her hus-
band how she came to spread such scandalous reports
when she knew there was no truth in them. She replied,
I never did ; and turned to Moody Rich of Vermont,
said, you know Judge Rich, that I always told you that I
did not believe they lived in any evil actions, but I told
you it was in the spirit. Furthermore, about one year
after she left the seciety (according to the best of my
recollection) she came to Enfield in company with the
aforesaid Moody Rich, who asked me if they could see
Joseph Dyer's children; to which I answered we have
no objection to people’s seeing their relations among us
provided they conduct in a civil manner; accordingly
they were conducted to the family where the children
lived; when they returned I asked the said Rich if they
saw the children, who replied we did, also if they look as
if they were abused or discontented; he said they looked
very well and coatented, much more so than he expected
by what he had heard. y
Enfield, June 11, 1818. JOHN LYON.
l
‘.
ed
t;4 e AFFIDAW ITS.
y Grafton, ss, June 11, 1818, Personally appearing
John Lyon, subscriber to the foregoing affidavit, and
makes solemn affirmation that it contains the truth, and
nothing but the truth; Before me,
* E. EVANS, Just. Peace.
[No. 8.]
I, William Brown, of Enfield, county of Grafton and
State of New-Hampshire, testify and say, that I was giv-
en to the people called Shakers by my father (my moth-
er being dead) when I was in the ninth year of my age,
and continued to live with them until I was in the nine-
teenth year of my age ; that for the whole time I contin-
ued with them they treated me with all the care and tea-
derness I could wish, in sickness or in health ; that during
said term I have never known any children among them
treated with cruelty or oppression, but entirely contrary
thereunto; neither have I ever heard any children com-
plain of ill treatment, as I now recollect, who were a-
mong the said Shakers. And further, from the time of
my first living with them until...I was fifteen years of age
or more—myself and others of my age were always in-
dulged to retire to rest when we ehose and to rise in the
morning at our pleasure, generally in the evening of the
shortest days between the hours of seven and eight, and
rise about six o'clock in the morning, when we were in
health ; that I left the said Shakers in April last of choice,
and when I expressed my purpose of leaving them they
made no objection, but gave their consent that I might
go; that I now live in said Enfield with Capt. Jonathan
Bosworth, and am in the nineteenth year of my age.
WILLIAM BROWN.
Enfield, June 1, 1818.
Grafton, ss. June 1, 1818. Personally appearing
William Brown, made solemn affirmation that the fore-
going affidavit by him subscribed contains the truth and
nothing but the truth, Before me,
E. EVANS, Just. Peace.
[No. 9..] e
I, Samuel Brownson, of Norwich, in the county of
AFFIDAVITS. 65
º
| Windsor, and state of Vermont, do testify and say, that I
moved with my family to Enfield, in the state of New-
Hampshire, in the year 1812, and lived in said town
with the society of F. called Shakers nearly two
years, in which time I became well acquainted with their
faith and practice; and having perused a pamphlet pub-
lished by Mary Dyer respecting said Society, in which I
find she has grossly misrepresented the faith and prac-
tiee of said people, as to children being called up in the
morning at half past three in the summer and half past
four in the winter—there was no such practice among
the people ; for the stated time for grown people to rise
was at half past four in the summer and six in the winter.
I further state, that all abuse to children is contrary to
the faith and practice of the people. I was knowing of
their having a boy about seven years old of a rude dispo-
sition, which they found very difficult to govern except
they used corporeal punishment, which, from all that I
could discover, they were very adverse to. Accordingly,
they delivered the boy to his father, who lived in the
family with me; and, in order to govern him, his father
thought proper to put him in the shop where I worked,
to keep him separate from the other children, where he
was treated kindly, and no abusive treatment towards him
whatever. His father, finding it difficult to keep him
from the other children whom he was liablé to corrupt
by his vile language and bad behaviour, thought fit to
bind him out; accordingly, put him to his uncle a man
of the world. I can also truly state, that while I was a
resident among the people, I discovered in them nothing
that was licentious or obscene. 4
SAMUEL BROWNSON.
State of Vermont : Windsor county. Norwich, Sep-
tember 1, tº 18. Personally appeared Samuel Brown-
son, signer to the above instrument, and solemnly affirm-
ed that the same contained the truth and nothing but the
truth. Before PIERCE BURTON, Jus. Peace.
. [No. 10.]
I, Mary JMills of lawful age, do depose and say, that in
the year 1812, discovering a very vague expression in a
F2
66 AFFIDAVITs.
letter from Mary Dyer, I afterwards personally desired
her to explain her meaning, to which she was very re-
Iuctant indeed ; at length she told me she felt a particular
union to one certain man of the society, naming the per-
Soh at the same time; I answered that such a sense or
connexion was entirely contrary to our faith and every
precept and principle of the gospel; and which if she did
not abandon, would separate her from the people; and
also much more to the same purport, but the said Mary
appeared to continue determined to estabiish it in the so-
ciety as agreeable to the true Christian system, and to
vindicate it by trying to prove it by scripture a spiritual
union; but being perempterily opposed by me and others,
she appealed to the ministry for its approbation, who
told her in the presence of me and three others that they
utterly disapproved of and condemned any such union or
connexion, and also much more to the same purpose. I
further depose and say, that the said Mary Dyer often
manifested her desire and free choice in my presence to
secure her children to the society. And further, that
when the said Mary was about to leave the society, she
stated in the presence of me and another, that she could
go without any embarrassment if it was not for one, thing,
, which is (said she) that I have testified in public that I
knew this to be the way of God, but now I do not know
how to turn it. Also soon after I heard her say in pres-
ence of four others that she had never'seen any evil
thing insany one.that was beld in union in the society;
but that they always treated her kindly, and that she
meant to treat them in like manner; but (continued she
the reason why I go away is because the spirit I possess
is opposite to the spirit you possess.
-- MARY MILLS.
June 1, 1818.
Grafton, ss. Enfield, June 1, 1818, Personally ap-
pearing the above named Mary Mills, subscriber to the
foregoing affidavit, made solemn affirmation that the same
contains the truth and nothing but the truth-Before me,
E. EVANS, Jus, Peace.
AFFIDAVITS. 65
[Nor 11.]
I, Lucy Lyon, of lawful age, depose and say, that I be-
came fully acquainted with Mary Dyer, by living in the
family with her : and that I often heard her say, that if
she had not been stronger in the faith of the Shakers
than Joseph Dyer that their family would not have been
among them ; for (said she) after we came to Enfield
the first time, Joseph tried to overcome me and make me
live with him after the order of the world ºbut I told
him I would not. Likewise I often heard her say that she
had no more regard for Joseph Dyer, than for any other
man, and that this had been the case with her for nearly
three years prior to her coming to Enfield.
I further testify, that she told me that she had had an
extraordinary attachment to Benjamin Putnam, a chris-
tian preacher, and also told what a pretty black-eyed
man he was, and how delighted she was in his company.
She further said, when she found he was going to get
him a wife, it struck her to the heart, and after he got
married he was dead to her.
I further depose and say, that about the last of Novem-
ber, 1812, we received a letter, date of the same month,
containing some strange ideas which were very repug-
aant to our faith and principles, being covered with as
much duplicity as it could be and reveal any thing; but
from what we could discover of her ideas they were prin-
ciples of obscenity communicated in a very blind manner
to evade our understandings, as she afterwards stated that
she did not intend we should understand them. The next
time she came to Enfield, Jan. 24, 1813, in company with
Daniel Taylor and Sarah Curtis and her sister Fanny, she
brought three of her children with her; then she was
requested to reveal those dark statements of the above
mentioned letter, when she stated (though reluctantly)
that she had a particular attachment to John Lyon, a
member of our society. This investigation was first en-
tered into between her and Mary Mills; but the said Ma-
ry Dyer being very much agitated with the idea of hav-
ing her favorite principle condemned as sinful, unlawful
and unchaste, she strove to screen herself from contempt
in the presence of those she terms Elders, where the a-
*
68 AFFIDAVITS.
bove statements were releapsed over in hy presence,
which she strove to cover over in a deceptious manner
by calling it a spiritual union. The Elders told her that
her calling it a spiritual union did not make it any better;
it was the same principle of licentiousness that was prac-
tised in the world among the dissolute. They also told her
that there was not any such faith or sense owned in our
society, and that whoever possessed that spiritual union
that existed between the members of the Church of
Christ, hated every fleshly desire. They also told her if
she did not forsake such unchaste connections it would end
in lewdness. This greatly irritated her. See her pam-
phlet entitled “the Sufferings of Mary Dyer,” page 6. And
further, I heard the elders reason with her upon the im-
propriety of her coming an hundred and thirty or forty
miles and bringing others with her to be instructed into
, our faith and at the same time try to maintain such per-
nicious principles as the above.
I further testify and say, that on or about the 26th of
February the said Mary Dyer moved into our family at
Jºnfield; that she still maintained her attachment to the
aforesaid John flyon ; that she often told me that from the
first time she ever saw him her feelings were attached to
him ; and that he seemed the nearest to her of any per-
son on earth. I have often seen her start from her work
and run to the windows, look and gaze after him as he
passed by ; and frequently run from her shop to the house
to meet him as he went in. Also, her conversation com-
ported with her conduct. She told me when she got a
chance to speak to him it gave her great satisfaction, and
said if we did not let her union alone she should die.
Notwithstanding all that could be said or done to convince
her that such a spiritual union as she was trying to sup-
port was nothing better than wantonness; yet she was
determined to support it in opposition to our faith ; and
went on trying to mate out the, whole society. She se-
lected out a man for me, and told me that I had a particu-
lar union to him, and that I need not deny it. I told her
that there was no such thing—it was as far from me as
any thing in the heart of the earth; and that I had no
fellowship with any such union. And the said Mary, find-
AFFIDAVITS. 69
ing no one that would unite with her in her debauched
sense among us, appealed to the ministry, and said that if
we would not own it as that spiritual union spoken of by
the apostles, they would; which request was granted,—
when they told her that such a union had nº relation to
that spiritual marriage, which was to be joined to the
Lord in one spirit; that it was nothing more than that
union which joined man and woman together, and made
of them twain one flesh, and utterly condemned it as cor-
rupt, and told her if she did not abandon such things it
would separate her from this people.
I further say that Mary Dyer came to Mary Mills and
me before she left our family and said, “this spiritnal
marriage is your faith and you need not deny it.” But
we told we had no such faith, and if she spread any such
report we should continne to deny it, and it would make
her a liar,” for there was no such thing existing among
us. And further, the said Mary is the only person I ever
knew who undertook to couple out the members of our
society,a male and a female, calling it a spiritual marriage,
which sense was utterly condemned in my presence by
the ministry, elders and peeple. I further testify, that
during the time of her residence among us she tried to
form an intimate connection with me and told me many
things, which were fabricated from her own imagination, .
very absurd and disgusting; and which I conceive too in-
decent to mention ; some of which I have lately heard
by some of our neighbors in the same expressions which
she made to me, which she has thrown back and palmed
upon the Shakers. ºw y
I further say, that she is the only person that I ever
knew who had such filthy imaginations, which she has
undertaken to support as being our faith and practice ;
but we often told her we had no fellowship with the un-
fruitful works of darkness—that if people had not that
faith to take their cross and deny themselves every flesh-
ly desire, they had better live in a lawful married
state.
\
D see page 13, in a pamphletentitled “the sufferings of Mary
yer.’
7e AFFIDAVITS.
I further depose and say,that I lived in the family where
Joseph Dyer lived at the time the said Mary tendered
herself upon her husband's advertisement, and was know-
ing to his letting her have of the best of their furniture
to the amount of fifty dollars at her own appraisal. And
further the said Joseph requested me to wait on her, if
she needed any thing to make her gomfortable in case of
his absence. This continued two or three days, at which
time I heard Joseph request her to go to the dining-
room of the family and eat her victuals; but she showed
some reluctance, saying, “The moré I keep separate
from the family the better I feel;” yet she complied with
his request. And further, that I had no care of her work
more nor less, and had no concern with her in any thing
only for the two or three days before mentioned. Al-
so, that I am the only person that had any concern with
her of our society in my knowledge, excepting her hus-
band. I further say, that having the care of the rest of
the building in which she resided, I was knowing to the
fastening of the doors, and say that she could not be lock-
ed in with the fastenings that were on the doors when
she was here; for there were two outer doors belonging
to the hall leading to her apartment, and only one lock;
the other door was fastened by a button over the latch,
which she could turn and go out at her pleasure.
I further testify, that I was knowing to all the sickness
that Joseph and Mary Dyer’s children had while the said
Mary resided in our society, which was as follows: Mar-
shall and Betsey had the measles in the family where
Mary lived, and she and I took care of them together,
Orville who lived in the same family was accidentally
scalded. Mary instantly assisted in taking care of him ;
and Joseph, jr. had a sore on his armr, also he accidentally
got his hand cut and had a weak turn—and she took the
whole care of him. And further, Jerrub and Joseph, jr.
the two youngest, had the measles soon after she brought
them to Enfield, at which time she was gone to Stewarts-
town, and before she returned they got well. This is
the only sickness that they had while she was with us,
excepting some colds. I further say that she was never
AFFIDAVITS. 71
"prohibited from seeing or inquiring after them when she
pleased while she lived in our society.
Enfield, Sept. 19, 1818. LUCY LYON.
State of New-Hampshire—Grafton, ss.
Enfield, Sept. 19, 1818. Then Lucy Lyon came pers
sonally before me and made solemn affirmation that the
foregoing slatement by her subscribed is just and true.
SAMUEL SELDEN, Justice Peace.
Jºes
[No. 12.]
I, Lovicy Childs, of lawful age, depose and say, that I
Iived in a small family where Mary Dyer frequently visit-
ed while living among the society called Shakers at En-
field, that she in her visits was very officious in trying to
inculcate into me and others secretly principles of licen- .
tiousness as being acceptable in the sight of God; such
as are contrary to the faith and practica of the society or
any other people who regard chastity as a virtue. And
further that in all her secret insinuations to me she man-
ifested that wantonness which is degrading to the female
character. And she is the only person in which I ever
saw such wantonaess, either in looks, speech or behav-
ior among the society,
* * LOVICY CHILDS.
June 11, 1818.
Graftsm, ss. June 11, 1818. Personally appearing
the above-named Lovicy Childs, subscriber to the above
affidavit, made solemn affirmation that the same contains.
the truth and nothing but the truth-Before me,
P. EVANS, Jus. Peace.
[No. 13.] *
I Mary O'Neil, of lawful age, testify and say, that I
lived with the Shakers about seven years, in that family
where Mary Dyer lived while she was with them, where
I became personally acquainted with her, and was inti-
mately connected with her in work and other family
concerns, during the whole time that she was with the
Shakers—that from the first of her living with them, I of.
ten heard her express how glad she was that she had gots
Areleased from the care of her family; so that she could
72’ AFFIDAVITS.
be a free woman, and that I have frequently heard her
say, that her husband seemed no nearer to her than any
other man. I further testify that she frequently tried to
inculcate into me the idea of a spiritual helpmeet, and of.
ten asked if I did not think the time would come, when
every one would have a spiritual mate. I told her that I
did not: then she would say, I do ; for I believe there is
somebody created for a mate to everyone in the spirit,
This kind of conversation was frequent during the great-
est part of the time that she lived in the family. And
further she would often tell me of particular persons,
male and female, which she said were created for each
other, and would be mated together; and would ask me
if I did not think that there was a mate for me in the spir.
it, I told her that l did net; she said she did believe there
was, for (said she) there is one created for you, and you
will have a mate." And I further testify, that she often
conversed with me about John Elyon, in the following
manner : she would ask me if I did not think that there
was a mate for him, and whether I thought he would
have one ; I told her that I did not believe any thing
about such stuff, as I was satisfied it was directly contrary
to the faith, precepts, and practice of the Shakers; but
she said she did, and would ask me who I thought she
had in view ; I told her that I did not know her thoughts,
though I was satisfied that she meant herself: then she
would say that she believed that there was one for him,
and we should all know who it was when Mary Mills (the
head woman in the family) is out of the way. She
would often say that she expected that John Lyon would
be the head of the family; and , by her frequent ex-
pressions she strongly intimated that she expected to be
the head among the women. I further say, that her con-
duct was more conspicuous than her language, for I soon
found by observation, that her attachmeat was to the
aforesaid John Lyon : I observed that she would often
put herself in a way to meet him, and would run to the
windows and doors to see him as he passed by ; aud ma-
ny times manifested a very wanton appearance. And I
further state that the said Mary Dyer is the only person
that I ever heard undertake to establish any such plan as
AF#IDAVITS. *ś
º
to mate out the society, or any part of them a male and a
female, or even to intimate any such a thing was accept-
able to God while I lived with the Shakers.
I further depose and say,that the said Mary Dyer often
tried to instil into me principles of obscenity and lewd-
ness, even to teach me such unseemly practices as modes-
ty forbids to mention, See Romans 1 ch. 26 verse. I fur-
ther say that her unseemly insinuations were the cause of
my leaving the Shakers : also I thought after I had re-
ceived her pamphlet, that I should not think strange if
she, on account of her own conduct, had been obliged to
think of the first chapter of Romans the greatest part of
the time. I further testify that I was present at the time
that Joseph Dyer carried Mary, his wife, out of the house
of Edmund Lougee, and that there was no such abuse of.
fered in this transaction as she has stated in her pamphlet;
but her husband took her up in his arms and carried her
carefully out of the house and set her down on her feet,
and I did not see any part of her touch the floor, steps or
ground, though she strove against him until she shook off
her cap and shaw! ; and further—this transaction took
‘place between 3 and 4 o'clock in a very warm afternoon
—I saw the whole affair, and say that I saw ao abuse on
the part of her husband or any one of the Society.
MARY O’NEIſ.
Nov. 14, 1818.
State of New-Hampshire, Nov. 14, 1818. Then per-
sonally appeared the above named Mary O'Neil, and
made solemn affirmation that the above declaration by
her subscribed, contains the truth and nothing but the
truth, before me,
EDWARD EVANS, Notary Public.
[No. 14.] g
I Abigail Mechan, of lawful age, testify and say, that in
the month of August or September, in the year eighteen
hundred and fourteen, I was at the Shakers’ meeting in
Enfield, on the Sabbath; that I heard Mary Dyer say in
public at said meeting that the people she was then with
was the peºple, of God, and that she knew them to be
rºs
sº
•rl º AFFIDAVITS.
sichº; and that that was right, and that only ; and that if
she should leave the way that the fault would be herowd,
And that I alsº saw Mrs. Dyer in the spring of the year
following at the house of Challis Currier, and in conver.
sation with her heard her speak diminutively of the sha-
ker people that she had been with, and also charged
them with immoral conduct; when I observed to her that
her language was very different from what it was wheni
stiw you at the Shakers’ meeting—you then said that
they were the only people of God: and her reply was
that “it was some other person or woman that spoke, and
not me, for I never spoke in their meeting after the first
year that I lived with them.” –
ABIGAIL MECHAM.
State of New-Hampshire—Grafton, ss. Enfield, Januá-
ry 15, 1818. Personally appeared Abigail Mecham and
subscribed to the above statements, and made solemn oath
That the same oontained the truth and nothing but the
truth, before me, GEORGE CONANT, Jus. Peace.
***
[No. 15.]
I, Betsy Foster, of Canterbury, in the county of Rock-
ingham, and State of New-Hampshire, do depose and say,
that for more than twenty years last past, I have lived in
the vicinity of the people called Shakers in said town of
Canterbury,and a part of said time resided in one of their
families. That about the year 1801 my husband James
Foster, united himself to said people by embrasing their
faith, but nevertheless continued with and provided for
his family for about six years after—that in the month of
September, 1807, l consented to join their Society; and
accordingly, with our four youngest children, we remov-
ed into their ſamily. Not satisfied however with contin-
uing there, I roposed after a residence of about three
- years among them, to withdraw from their society. To
this they manifested some regret, but were nevertheless
willing that I should depart, in case I could not unite in
their belief. As I could not do this, 1 parted from them "
in peace, receiving at their hands such aid and assistance
as satisfied me at the time, both as to their liberality and
their justice. I further depose and say that during my
AEFIDAWITS. | 75
residence among them. I was treated with kindness, and
had always the privilege of seeing my children when it
was desired, although we resided in different families.
And that since my leaving the said society I have at dif.
ferent times called upon them, for the purpose of seeing
my children, three of whom still remain there, and was
never opp is 2d or dened; but on the contrary, kindly
received and treated by the people, and saw and con-
versed with my children as long as I thought proper, ex-
cept in one instance, when I was informed that my eldest
daughter did not wish to see me. But I do not know,
that she was prohibited from so doing, had she desirº
edit. I also add that I am satisfied that said society
treat my children with care and tenderness, and
feel a willingness, believing it will be for the best that
they should remain there till they become of age, at
which time they will be at liberty to chdose for them.
selves.
I further depose and say, that I never supposed the
• marriage covenant to be impaired or annulled by embrae
cing the principles and faith of the Shakers, nor did I ever
understand, while a member of their community, or since,
that such a sentiment was adopted by them.
BETSY FOSTER.
Rockingham, ss. June 21, 1817. Then Betsy Foster
personally appearing, made solemn oath that the forego-
ing deposition by her subscribed, was just and true—Ber
fore me, S. A. KIMBALL, Jus. Peace.
}
[No. 16.]
I, John Bishop, of lawful age, testify and say, that I
have lived in the society called Shakers, say 17 years
at New-York and Enfield, N. H. and am well acquainted
with their faith and manner of life, which is clearly and
truly stated in their publication entitled Christ's second
appearing, (which I have read.) And I further say, that
I am well acquainted with the Elders or ministry of the
society at said Enfield; I do believe that they are sincere
and honest, in what they profess, neither have I any rea-
son to believe that they live in, teach or allow, any in-
76 AFFIDAVITS.
cestuous, wicked or sinful works in themselves, or those
under their care.
t JOHN BISHOP.
Grafton, Ss. Lime, May 25th, 1818. Personally ap-
"peared John Bishop, and made solemn oath that the above
affidavit by him subscribed is just and true.—Before
JONA. FRANKLIN, Jus. Peace.
*-ºs-
[No. 17.]
I, Abigail Bowden, of lawful age, do testify, that when
Aſoody Rich and Mary Dyer came to see her children I
was present at the interview, and state that they both saw
the children and freely conversed with them. At first
Mary spoke to the children, saying, “this is your uncle
Rich ;” then he enquired of them concerning their wel-
fare, their education, and likewise respecting their home,
&c. Mary at the same time spoke to Betsey and told her
if she was discontented, where she might find a home,
mentioning her several uncles and also her grandmother.
Betsey answered her mother, saying that she had as good
a home as she wanted—l also further state that at a cer-
tain time since the above occurred the said Mary came
again to Enfield to see her children, and in my presence
and hearing Mary spoke to Betsey concerning her home.
Betsy replied, “I have told you a great many times that I
was satisfied with my home,” and said, “Do you not re-
member that I told you so when you and my uncle Moody
were here 7” The said Mary answered, “Yes, I re-
member it.” ABIGAIL BOWIDEN.
tº-
[No. 18.]
This may certify that I, Nathaniel Draper, was present
and in hearing tue greater part of the above statements,
when Moody Rich and Mary Dyearame to Enfield to see
her children; that it is an undeniable fact they both saw
the children and conversed with them without any prohi-
bition whatsoever—which was the only time the said Rich
has been known to be at Enfield among our Sºciety.
NATHANIEL DRAPER.
Enfield, Nov. 20, 1818. *
AFFIPAVITS, #7
... State of New-Hampshire & Grafton, ss,
Enfield, Nov. 28, 1818. 'I hºn personally ºp.
the abºve named Abigail Bowden and Nathaniel Draper,
made solº mn affirfaxation that the aboye statements by
them subscribed are just and true. Bcfare me,
DIARCA ALLEN, Justice Peace.
[No. 19.]
I, Caleb M. Dyer, (son of Joseph and Mary Dyer) now
in the nineteenth year of my age, do depose and say, that
I am fully satisfied with the agreement of my parents in
placing are under the care and providence of the society
in which I now reside, and with the kind treatment which
I ever have received from the people since I have been
placed under their care. I am fully satisfied with my
hone ; I want no other; neither have I seen the time one
minute since I lived with them that I wanted to go away.
I am under no kind of bondage ; but have full liberty to
enjoy my faith according to the dictates of ry own con-
science, I further say, that I am fully acquainted with
the treatment of my other brothers, and do say that we
are bºttºr taken care of, both in sickness and health, than
we could have been in our own father's house. I know
9f.no abuse to children in the society ; but they are well
provided for with food ind ruiment ; and generally have
between nine and ten hours to siceps for which there is
who stated time for children, and are not required to work
beyond their strength, of which I have full knowledge;
my little blothers being a part of the time under my di-
rections. I have often heard them say that they were
pleased to live here ; that they did not want to go away.
. And further, as it has been reported that my brbther Or-
ville was shut up in a closet in January, where he suffer-
..ed much with the cold, when he was about six years old,
w1 kave cqnversed with him respecting the matter, and he
..says that he gannot remen,bºr any thing about it. Also,
that he wasio his ninth year when he came to live among
the Shakers. And further, when any of my kindred came
to seg, we and wished to know if I was satisfied and con-
tented, I always onswered them just as a felt in my pwn
feelings inputiny, My uncle Moody?ich £ame here
8 2 *
gº
78 e AFFIDAVITS.
* W.
with my mother to see us, and I and my sister and broth-
ers conversed with them and told them that we were sat-
isfied with our home. CALEB M. DYER.
Nov. 14, 1818.
State of Wew-Hampshire: Grafton, ss.
Nov. 14, 1818. Then the above named Caleb M. Dy-
er personally appeared and made solemn affirmation that
the above declaration by him subscribed contains the
truth and nothing but the truth. Before me,
E, EVANS, Not, Pub.
[No. 20.]
I, Betsey Dyer, (daughter of Joseph and Mary Dyer).
now in the seventeenth year of my age, depose and say,
that I am greatly pleased with my home and feel thankful.
to my parents that they by their agreement have placed
me under the care of such a kind people, where I am
provided with every thing to make me happy,and I nev-
er have seen the time since I lived with them that I had
the leastfeeling to leave them. I further say, that I nev-
er have seen any abuse offered by my father or by the
society to my mother; but she was treated with the great-
est kindness: and knowing the kindness that has been
shewn to her and the children, it fills ºne with grief to
find that she is trying to afflict my father and the saciety.
I often say to myself, how can she do it ! And further,
as it is reported that we are kept in bondage among the
Shakers ; that we dare not speak as we feel, and that we
dare not say any thing only what we are told to say, this
is false; for I have always spoken to my kindred freely
without any embarrassment on account of the Shakers.
My uncle Moody Rich came here with my mother to see
us; we conversed with them freely as much as we plea-
sed. My mother told me where I might go if I was dis-
contented to live here. ...I told her that I was fully satis-
fied with my home. In the close of our conversation,
my uncle asked me what word I had to send to my
friends. I told him that he might tell them I was well
and had a good home, and did not want any better, And
further, since the above time my mother came to see us,
and she speaking concerning my home, I asked her if she
* * %
AFFIDAVITS. 79
did not remember that I told her when she car # *t, see
us with my uncle Moody Rich, that I was satisfied with
my home 2. She replied, “Yes, I remember it.” t
BETSEY DYER.
Nov. 14, 1818.
State of New-Hampshire: Grafton, ss.
Nov. 14, 1818. Then personally appeared the above:
named Betsey Dyer and made solemn affirmation that the
above declaration by her subscribed contains the truth:
and nothing but the truth. Before me,
V. E. EVANS, Not. Public.
T [No. 21.]
I Betsey Tillotson, of lawful age, do testify and say, that
some time in the spring of the year, A. D. 1817, Mary
Dyer was at our house, and in conversation relative to
her controversy with the Shakers (so called) that she
said she was determined to break up their society, but if
she should be disappointed, and could not carry her point
against them, she would SET FIRE TO THEM.
r” BETSEY TILLOTSON.
Coos ss. May 28, 1818. Then personally appeared
the above named Betsey Tillotson and made solemn oath,
that the foregoing affidavit by her subscribed is true, be."
fore me, WM. LOVEJOY, Jus. Peace.
4
.4 REMONSTRAWCE against the testimony and applica-
tion of MARY DYER, ‘requesting Legislative winterference
against the united society called SHAKERs.
To THE HONORABLE, THE LEGISLATURE OF NEw-HAMPshTHE,
Now IN SESSION.
Whereas, it is evident that Mary Dyer has undertaken
to defame the character of the united Society commonly
called Shakers, and through the aid of some malicious
persons who have separated themselves from the said So-
ciety, by reason of their own base and immoral conduct,
has furnished herself with false testimonies, and other
vague and defamatory insinuations, calculated to inflame
the minds of the ignorant and uninformed; and whereas
the said Mary prayed for relief, under a specious pretext
of grievances, in a petition to the Legislature, June ses-
sion 1817, which contained well known false statements,
accompanied with other documeuts, apparently designed
for the purpose of getting a law passed to deprive the
said society of their equal protection of government; and
as she still continues to solicit legislative aid by a similar
complaint :-- | 54
Therefore, we the undersigned, members of the said
united society called Shakers, having certain knowledge
of those things wherein the society are misrepresented,
feel it our duty, as the friends of justice and truth, to re-
monstrate against the aforesaid false testimonies,' and all
documents contributing to their support, as a public slan-
der on the society in general, and an open attack upon our
lawful rights and privileges in particular.
We do not make a practice of intruding upon the pub-
lic with any of the peculiarities of our institution, or even
refuting the vague and inconsistent reports that are pro-
pagated upon us ; but when our religious creed, (so call-
ed) exercises, and conduct in general, are taken under ex-
amination by men in office, and ...} proscribed un-
der specious charges of moral evil; and when legislative
REMONSTRANCE. 81
º
interference is invoked to decree our punishment for
crimes of which we are not guilty, we feel bound to con-
tradict their deceptious statements, and to represent those
things in their true colors, for which we are called in
question; as we believe that the time is come for civil
rulers to know our principles and conduct to the founda-
tion, and be no longer imposed upon by those false accu-
sations which have stained the earth with the blood of
millions of harmless beings.
The crimes, virtually alledged against us, by Mary Dy-
er and others of a similar disposition are truly, great;
-**
k's
such as blasphemy, perjury, fornication, adultery or dou- – -
ble marriage, cruelty and abuse : in fact, we are indirect-
ly charged with all manner of evil, inasmuch as we are
charged with holding principles, from which every evil
must necessarily flow : but, if those evils do flow from our
principles, why do not our adversaries detect and punish
us according to the laws that be 2 They may pretend that
certain facts are substantiated by sufficient testimony, but
we object to their testimony as illegal and unworthy of
credit; nor can they prove one fact by a legal process.
Mary Dyer and her associates, have abundantly manifest-
ed, beth by threats and actions, that they have been under
the influence of malice ; neither have the charges
brought against us by the said Mary, as yet been subject
to a full investigation; but some things have been mutila-
ted and colored in a high degree, and many others are no-
toriously false, and without foundation ; consequently we
feel clear of her false imputations, and challenge her or
any other person to substantiate the abominable princi-
ples and conduct which she has slanderously palmed up-
On U.S. g
The insinuations of fornication, adulter, double mar-
riage, and such irregularities, used by Mary Dyer, to
cloak her insolent conduct towards us are groundless;
and if the order of any family is changed in any respect,
in consequence of becoming members of our society, it is
by the free consent or choice of the parties, and for the
purpose of forming an order which we believe is calcula-
*-es-s
_*
ted to bring us nearer to God, and not for the purpose of ~
any unlawful indulgence.
*{}
82 REMONSTRANCE.
t
t
But we are impelled, by the demands of truth and jus-
tice (as well to the public, as to ourselves) to state, that
the aforesaid Mary Dyer is the only person in our knowl-
edge, who pretended to hold any relation to this Society,
that ever attempted to propagate, and establish the perni-
cious principle of bigamy, or irregºlar connexions under
the cloak of spiritual marriage; this she strove hard to
maintain in direct opposition to every principle and pre-
cept of both law and gospel, and also diametrically contra-
ry to any thing ever admitted by the society, till at length
her loss of confidence and lack of union induced her to
leave the said society ; declaring at the same time that
she did not know what excuse to make to others for her
Heaving the people ; “for (said she) I have never seen
any thing evil among you ; but as you have always treat-
ed me with kindness, Iwill treat you in like manner,” &c.
But being left without a reasonable excuse and failing
in her apparent design of drawing her husband and fami-
ly after her, she soon undertook to shift her quarters, and
try to throw back her foul character upon us.
, Therefore, to insinuate that we are guilty of such
abominations, and then commit the horid act of perjury
for the concealment of our crimes, is malicious in the ex-
treme ! ' *
Had Mary Dyer realized the horrors of perjury, she
never would have stated under oath that the Shaker el-
ders charged her not to expose the freedom which they
had attempted to make with her, that if she did, they
would make her the liar ; nor yet that any person under
the title of father or mother among the Shakers ever said
that they were Christ ; or that they selected out a man
for her; nor with any more truth could she have stated
that the elders or any other members of our society be-
lieve it pleasing to God to tell a lie to screen them from
apparent evils i Nor yet that children were compelled to
rise at half past four in the winter, and half past three in
, the summer. as
Moreover, if she had meant to support the character of
a woman of veracity, she would not have said that she
was compelled to follow her children who were previ-
ously taken to the Society of Shakers in New-Enfield;
REMONSTRANCE, 83
for it is a notorious fact, that she in person, brought three
of them there herself; and her own hand writing now in
our possession may prove that she was previously anx-
ious to convey the other two, even beyond our freedom
at that time; all of which false statements may be seen
in a deposition over her signature included in a pamphlet
now before the public, said to be written by Eunice Chap-
man, comprising libellous slanders of a like nature.
In fact the said Mary Dyer or any other person could
never have stated under oath nor othèrwise, one sentence
contained in the aforesaid deposition respecting us with-
out the wilful perversion of truth, as may appear evident
from her own testimony, and also from the very nature of
our institution.
Our real principles and practice we never deny; but
the false colors in which our accusers håve represented
us, we do deny. We believe the Holy Scriptures to be
à record of divine truth ; and we appeal to no other re-
tigious creed for the propriety, either of our faith or prac-
tice ; yet we are charged with the greatest infidelity, and
even atheism, from our respect to the visible head of the
society, as though we believed in no Supreme Boing su-
perior to man.
We believe in one true God, who is a Spirit, the foun-
tain of all good, and we believe also in Jesus Christ as
the only Saviour of mankind. Moreover, we believe
that the only true God was in Christ, and that the only
true Christ (who is a Spirit) was in the apostles, and
wherever that Spirit is manifested, either in man or wo-
man, we acknowledge that as the true. head, and we
think it safe to follow the teaching of that Spirit, as Je-
sus said to his disciples, It is not ye that speak, but the spir-
it of your Father, which speaketh in you.--therefore, St.
Paul said, Beye followers of me even as I am of Christ.
Now if &ur adversaries would candidly compare our
principles with the Scriptures, they could not think that
we are so deluded as they represent us to be. We teach
no other doctrine than what Jesus Christ and his apostles
tanght, nor obey any other than what is comprised in
their words,--therefore, we obey them that are over us
in the Lord, doing service as unto 6 od, and not to men.
84 REMONSTRANCE. ,
*
*
And admitting that millions under despotic govers-
ments, have been deluded by false apostles, and deceitful
workers—that is no certain evidence that we are: as the
subjects of a free government, we claim the indisputable
right of doing what we believe in our conscience to be
our duty; and to refrain from every thing which we deem
sinful or offensive to God : and according to this rule we
offer the following candid and true statement of our prin-
ciples and conduct concerning the marriage covenant, and
the treatment of children, with a few remarks en our
treatment toward the said Mary Dyer subsequent to her
leaving our society.
1st. With regard to the marriage covenant, our faith
on this subject is precisely the same with that of St. Paul
to the Corinthians; chap. 7th, where he says, if a brother
hath a wife that believeth not, and she be pleased to
dwell with him, let him not put her away : and the wo.
man which hath an husband that believeth not, and if he
*~ be pleased to dwell with her, let her not leave him; but
if the unbelieving depart, let them depart.
This is our faith and an established principle with us ;
and whoever joins our society being bound by the law;
we consider them bound to fulfil all that the law requires
of them relative to the marriage covenant : and as the
law does not require sexual cohabitation contrary to the
dictates of conscience ; therefore, there is nothing re-
quired in the law respecting the marriage contract, that
is contrary to our faith, nor in our faith repugnant to the
Jaw :—Wherefore, we do not pretend to dissolve or dis-
annul any thing that either the law' or gospel requires
in this respect, notwithstanding the statement of Mary
Dyer and others to the contrary: but on the other hand
we counsel those who come in among us, to fulfil all that
the law requires of them, as well in regard to the mar-
...esº riage contract as any thing else : the truth of this is self.
evident; for after the said Mary had eloped, and had
been lawfully advertised by her husband Joseph Dyer,
for his own safety; and had tendered herself upon his
advertisement, claiming his lawful protection, and prom-
ising obedience, he considered himself responsible, and
imade provision for her maintenance for about two years;
REMONSTRANCE. 85
and still would have continued to provide for her, had
had she not utterly refused his provision, or to comply
with any of his lawful demands. And notwithstanding her
non-compliance with every just measure of her hus-
band's providing for her; yet he has to our knowledge,
frequently proposed to make a just and equitable settle-
ment of property with her; the decision of which, he
has offered to submit to the judgment of impartial men :
but this she has also refused.
2d. The treatment of children we consider a point of
great importance, and our right to govern our children,
until they are of lawful age, we hold sacred.
The †: to their parents, no just law can
ever disannul, and the obligation is by no means lessened
by the gospel nor yet by our institution ; therefore the
duty of obedience from children to their parents, we teach
and enforce in a manner, which our consciences will ap-
prove, on the strictest examination, before any men of
truth: or candor.
We know of no child held in our society, but what has
been given up by the request or free consent of its par-
ents; nor do we know of any who are held contrary to
their own free choice : nor yet, to our knowledge, has
any among us, in a single instance, ever been secluded
from seeing their parents, or relations from without the
society whenever requested in a civil manner.
Furthermore we consider ourselves entire strangers to
any thing on our part, or through our means, that could
be called imprisonment or abuse, by any person of candor,
offered either to Mary Dyer or any other person. g
The said Mary’s being fastened up in her room, at a
certain time with a man who was not of our Society, and
who was unwilling to tell, either his business or his name,
was not our fault; for the fastenings were ever on her .
own side of the door; but she always had free access to
the door-yard and highway, and went wherever she pleas-
ed while on our premises. *
And notwithstanding her complaint of being put under
a mistress, and, having a stint set her, the only work she
did of her *providing, (except to wash her own
--
§§ REMONSTRANCE:
clothes) was to spin-twenty run for the term of about twe
months: during this time she was provided with a horse
to go to Hanover, besides going'' once or twice, in the
stage ; she also frequently visited different parts of the
town of Enfield in the above mentioned time.
This she is pleased to call imprisonment.
! It may also be observed, that the property of the said
Joseph and Mary Dyer, lies principally in wild lands in
Stewartstown ; that the said Joseph holds his own deeds;
and that we have never had any thing to do with it.
To enter into all the particular charges, and false in-
sinuations, exhibited by Mary Dyer and others, we think:
unnecessary; and as we seek no revenge, and for the
honer of her sex; we forbear to particularize her unseem-
by conduct previous to her leaving the said Society : but
those few principal things, which may serve as a key to
ałł the rest, we have stated for the information of the Lee
gislature, that nothing might be done, which would leave
º ground of reflection on us, for our silence' or neglect
of duty.
Therefore, as the subjects of a just moral government,
we individually hold ourselves accountable for our moral
conduct: and as we pretend to no new invention in church
matters, but have our example from the primitive apostol-
ic church, and as we have violated no existing law, we
have no apprehension that the wise Legislature of this
State; will give themselves the unnecessary trouble of
projecting a list of new crimes and punishments on our
account. But should it be thought proper for the satis-
faction of all concerned, to appoint a court or committee
of examination, to search into any secret causes of com-
plaint, that may be thought to exist among us, there is
nothing pertaining either to our institution or conduct,
but shall be laid open, and free to inspection at any time :
and we shall deemita privilege, to manifest our freedom
that all who are of age, and even children whose parents
are not among us, (unless enticed by unlawful means.)
are at full liberty to stay, or go, according to their own
faith and free choice : and consequently, that any com-
pulsory law either way, would be an abridgement of our
inherent rights. *s
w
POETRY. 87
Therefore, confiding in that wisdom, candor, and patri-
otic zeal, with which Almighty God hath inspired the
rulers of this great nation, and with expressions of our
grateful thanks for the blessings which we have long en-
joyed, under just and equal administrations, we subscribe
ourselves the obedient subjects of the constituted author."
ities of the United States, and of this State, and the friends
of Justice, peace and truth. m
In behalf of the said United Society. June 17, 1818.
JNathaniel Draper, Truworthy Heath, John Lyon, Moses
Jewett, Jason Kidder, John Barker, Overseers of said So-
ciety in Enfield.
Francis Winkley, Israel Sanborn, John Whitcher, Ezra
Wiggin, Thomas Kidder, William Fletcher, Overseers of
said Society in Canterbury.
n
POETRY.
1. WE read of a people in ages long past,
Who wished their neighbors no ill,
Yet were persecuted and daily harrass'd,
And driven from mountain to hill: º
These innocent souls had no lawful defence;
But if persecutors now say, ;
Abandon your faith, or we’ll banish you hence—
In reason we answer them; Nay.
. The Lord was not deaf to his people's complaints,
When in former ages oppress'd ; g
But graciously promis'd his innocent saints-
A day of salvation and rest.
When this blessed season has truly begun,
And God puts an end to the fray,
Must peaceable men to the wilderness run?
Each promise of God answers, Nay.
3. We have not the laws of a Nero to face,
Nor the horrid edicts of Rome;
This new dispensation has alter'd the case,
And fix’d us a peaceable home,
s
2
*
83 POETRY. .
pe
While men of sound reason are widely awake,
Asserting the rights of the day,
Must harmless believeys their country forsake?
The good Constitution says, Nay.
4. The righteous for their indispensable right,
May lawfully enter their plea ;
Yet they are not bound for their freedom to fight,
Nor are they obliged to flee:
The laws of the country the wicked must meet,
And shall their strong pillars give way ?
Must all civil rulers before them retreat?
The voice of the Nation is Nay. .
5. The law and the gospel do now harmonize,
And each has its work to perform ;
'T6 root out the gospel if wicked men rise,
The law has to scatter the storm:
The gospel does honor the laws of the land,
The law does the gospel survey : f
Then ask if this gospel may lawfully stand,
The law has to answer us, Yea.
6. If all the transactions in heaven and earth,
For almost these two thousand years,
f{ave been to give virtuous liberty birth,
How solid her standing appears :
Then come, ye afflicted and scatter'd abroad,
You ask, if in peace you may stay :
Fröln all the extensive dominions of God
The answer is pointedly, Yea,
7. Though sinners may roar like the waves of the gea,
And spread the most dreadful alarm ;
Touch not unine anointed, is heaven's decree,
And do my good prophets no harm.
Then let them abuse the true saints of the Lord,
As it must be granted they may :
But shall they not have the transgressors’ reward f
The people must all answer, Yea.
8. “Away with this ſellow ; his doctrine I hate tº
Through despotic kingdoms would roar;
But under the laws of this free happy state,
The cry is deſended no more :
The true independence of this happy land,
The nation is bound to defend ;
In this independence we'll virtuously stand,
And heaven and earth say, AMER I
*
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