son Letter THREE by Dr Shebeare L E T T E R S People of England. L E T T E R I. TO THE ON THE Preſent SITUATION and CONDUCT of National AFFAIRS. Hoc illud eſt præcipue in cognitione rerum falubre äc frugiferum, omnis te exempli documenta in illuſtri poſita monumento intueri: inde tibi tuæque reipublicæ quod imitêre, capias, inde fædum inceptu, fædum exitú, quod vites. TIT. Liv. L ET E T T Τ Ε RII. ON Foreign Subſidies, Subſidiary Armies, and their Conſequences to this NATION. Quo ruis ? inquit. Non tali auxilio, nec defenforibus iftis Tempus eget. VIRG, Æneid. L E T T E R III. ON LIBERTY, TAXES, and the Application Of Public MONEY. Terpere ultra, & perdendam rempublicam relinquere Sopor & Ignavia videretur. TACIT. . The SIXTH EDITION. LONDON Printed in the Year 1756. Ο. ΣΤΟΤΟ A L E T T E R TO THE People of England. ON THE Preſent SITUATION and CONDUCT o F NATIONAL AFFAIRS. L E T T E R I. Hoc illud eft præcipue in cognitione rerum ſalubre ac frugife- rum, omnis te exempli documenta in illuftri poſita monumente intueri : inde tibi tuæque reipublicæ quod imitêre; capias, inde fædum incepti, fædum exitu, quod vites. Tit. Liv. The SixTH EDITION. i O N D ON: Printed in the YEAR, 1756. Я ЯТТЯ І НА ТОТ Мікола o sleos антио OUCNo brs HOITAUTIS 2017 здата Аиот Аудит у тому читателите stig ѕомир кі, у дома и самарали си оттан тилган дар are IAE srl ni boinin А. WOTE L E T T E R TO THE People of England. WH fogoma onweb L ETTER I. HOEVER has been accuſtomed to read V with Attention, the Hiſtorians, Orators, and ſatyric Poets of Greece and Rome, that wrote towards the Decline of thoſe States, and obſerved the Manners, Purſuits, Objects, and ruling Paſſions of theſe people, together with the Symptoms of impending Ruin, pre- ſaged and delineated by thoſe Men of fuperior Genius, muſt, on Compariſon with what prevails at preſent in England, he deeply touched with the Analogy. The Philippics of Demoſthenes are ſo replete with ſtriking Pictures and vivid Repreſentations, drawn from Obfer- vation, on what paſſed at Athens during his time; and ſo applicable to the People and preſent State of this Country, that the great Difference of the Names of thoſe Perſons who lived, and Places which exiſted Two Thouſand Years ago in Greece, have not ſufficient Power to with-hold my Imagination from being im- poſed on by the Similitude of Manners; or reſtrain me from believing, that I am reading the Hiſtory of En- gliſhmen, and the preſent Age. bonboot When I ſee this Patriot Orator generouſly upbraid- ing his degenerate Countrymen with univerſal Venali- ty and Lofs of public Virtue ; deſcribing them drown'd in Floods of ſelf-love, Pleaſure, and public Shows, ſu- pinely negligent of their Country's Welfare ; contemn- A 2 nimeni ni datario ing [4] ing the Merit of all other Nations, themſelves arrogant and felf-ſufficient in Exceſs; preferring private Opinion to eſtabliſhed Wiſdom; idolizing Mortals in Power and irreverent to their Gods : What Eye fo dim that cannot diſtinguiſh the Analogy ſo manifeſt between the Athenians of his Time, and the Engliſh of ours? What Mind ſo ſtupid as not to foreſee the ſame Events? It ſeems evident from all I can gather, that the Strength, Happineſs, Military and Civil Glory of all Nations, have ever fubfifted and encreaſed in Propor- tion to the Underſtanding and Virtue of thoſe, who reigned, and thoſe who obeyed; and though Numbers of Inhabitants and Degrees of Riches may be thought by many to oppoſe this Obſervation, yet a juft Exami- nation will prove the Truth of what is here ſaid. Was it not by means of the happy Union of thoſe ſuperior Qualifications in the firſt Cyrus, that he ex- tended his Empire from the little Realm of Perſia over Nations, almoſt too diſtant to be viſited, and whoſe Languages were unintelligible to each other, as Xenophon has deſcribed them? Yet ſuch is the Fate and Revo- lution of Empires; Darius with all theſe Nations in Subjection, with infinite Armies and untold Sums of Treaſure, deſerted by Virtue only, fell the eaſy Prey of Alexander and a few Macedonians. To this energic Influence of Virtue in the common People, and Underſtanding united with it in their Leaders, it is owing that the Grecians in their riſing Glory performed almoſt miraculous Exploits. To confirm this Truth, the well fought field of Marathon, where Miltiades and ten thouſand Greeks defeated ſix hundred thouſand Perſians, affords an irre- fiftable Evidence: as did the naval Victory of Themi- ftocles, who ſaved his Country from Perdition, ſuch amazing atchievements can ſmall Numbers, actuated by their Country's Love, armed with the Sword of Virtue, and conducted by ſuperior Wiſdom, perform againſt Millions ſunk in Effeminacy, Luxury, and Riches. SPARTA [5] SPARTA remained invincible whilft her Sons were virtuous, and Leonidas unconquerable but by Death. Even Thebes, the long Object of ſarcaſtic Attic Wit, lifted her Head from below the Duſt, and walk- ed forth the prevailing Power of Greece, by the Virtue of one great Man ; like a new Star The ſhone forth in Luftre amongſt the other Cities: With Epaminondas it's reſplendent Courſe began, with him it blazed, and with him expired. The whole Roman Glory was entirely owing to the Virtue of it's Inhabitants, whilſt the greateſt Honour attended Integrity in Poverty, and private Parſimony was Praiſe ; whilſt their Generals tilled their own lit- tle Farms, and the Labour of their Hands gave their Children the Bread of Virtue ; whilft Merit brought Dictators from the Plough to rule a Nation, the Ro. mans were inſuperable: Yet, when their Emperors poſſeſſed half the Globe and half the Riches on it's Surface, this very People became the eaſy Capture of Goths and Vandals. In this Manner will Nations periſh, who renounce the Dictates of Virtue. In all Situations, where Nations are equal in the Qualities of the Heart, the Chief who excels in Un- derſtanding prevails in his Undertakings. The Mo- ment Marlborough left the Command of the Army, Villars conquered the Allies, and the long vanquiſhed triumphed over their former Victories. Turenne, who during three Months had traverſed the Deſigns and diſappointed the Attempts of the Auſtrians, being now no more, left an eaſy Conqueſt over the Troops he had commanded, and his Country to be invaded by Montecuculi. W PETER the Ruſſian Emperor, by Dint of Genius created a civilized People from Beings little better than Brutes. The very Man, who with more than a hundred thouſand of his Troops fled before the Ap- proach of eight thouſand Swedes, and the ſevere Vir- tue [6] ] tue of Charles, in his Beginning Reign, became at laſt his Conqueror, and made his Nation reſpectable. The preſent Sovereign of Pruſia, the patriot King, who has reſcued his Subjects from the Rapine of the Law, who inſtitutes and ſuſtains Manufacturies, en- courages Arts and Sciences, promotes Induftry, opens new Trades, extends his Commerce, enlarges his Do- minions, aggrandizes his Name, and holds the Ba- lance of Europe ; is a living Inſtance of what exalted Underſtanding on a Throne can effect for a Nation. In this Manner our illuſtrious Queen Elizabeth reigned over the Hearts of a free People, directed by upright Miniſters to her Subjects good. In this Man- ner it might have continued, if the cold, conceited Diſputatious, man-loving Scot, had not filled the Throne of England, and blaſted with his Northern Breath the blooming Plants of Glory which ſhe had raiſed. same As are the Princes and Miniſters, ſuch have ever been the People who live beneath their Influence, in England and all Nations. Even long after Luxury, and every Vice had pre- vailed at Rome, a virtuous Emperor recalled the Peo- ple to Greatneſs and Felicity; the Reigns of Trajan and Antoninus Pius were equal in Happineſs and Glo- ry, to the moſt flouriſhing Æra of the Roman Name. Virtue and Wiſdom, Vice and Venality, have ever been ; the firſt the Sources of national Happineſs and Succeſs, the latter of Decline and Ruin.is To fatter ourſelves then, that the farne Cauſes which deſtroyed Greece and Rome will not generate the like Conſequences in England, is to delude ourſelves like Children with ſelf-willed, over-weaning Fond- neſs. It is to ſuppoſe that the original Inſtitution of all Things is eſtabliſhed on vague and capricious Prin- ciples, and that thoſe degenerate Faculties of mental Nature, which have begotten Ruin in all other Coun- tries, will not produce the ſame Effect in this Iſland. IT [7] It is to believe that Corruption of Heart, and pub- lic Virtue ; Love of Eaſe and Search of Danger; In- folence and true Bravery ; Contempt of Heaven and Contempt of Death, can be exiſting in the ſame Peo- ple; that the Courſe of Nature is ſuſpended in our Favour, or that England is exempted from the Condi- tions which Providence firſt fixt on all created Things. Is fuch Imagination a leſs Abſurdity than to con- ceive that phyſical Principles, which produce Putre- faction and Diffolution in vegetable and animal Na- ture, may exiſt in full Energy, and yet theſe Sub- ftances remain unaltered, incorrupt, and entire, from that Influence.chema Sidó Has not Venality in human Kind, the ſame Effect on the Soul that the putrefactive Principle has on Mat- ter? Does it not deſtroy the Union of it's Parts, and diflipate the ſtrong attractive Power which holds the Mind firm, and refifting all vicious Attacks? De- prived of Virtue, it no longer poſſeſſes Strength or Vigour; it becomes feeble and effete. Yet, as in preſerving animal and vegetable Subſtances from De- cay, Art may ſupply the Abſence of Nature in ſome Degree ; fo in Societies and moral Nature, Wiſdom may reſtrain the precipitate Fall of Nations, and pre- ſerve them from total Ruin, tho' it may never reſtore them to their original Perfection. I HAVE frequently thought that the Roman Word Virtus, which fignifies Courage, has a Propriety in expreſſing the Idea beyond all the few Languages I have any Knowledge of; it ſeems to embrace the whole in Man which conſpires to perfect that Attri- bute; Courage has been deemed by that People an Emanation of every Virtue, the Reſult of all others combined; and therefore by way of Eminence diftin- guiſhed by that Appellation Virtus, the Virtue. They had remarked, that in Proportion as the Bofom is re- plete with Probity and Truth, the Love of it's Coun- try and it's Gods; ſo is the Heart which inhabits it, with Courage. Sinaloa THAT [8] THAT Breaſt which is freeft from Pollution, is the leaſt intimidated at Danger ; the pureſt Soul is fore- moſt in offering up Life a Sacrifice to it's Country, whereas the contaminated fkulks to ſave itſelf in Co- wardice. This was the unvarying Characteriſtic of Perſians, Greeks, and Romans, in their Days of greateſt Glory, till at Length their Souls, debafed by Corruption and Pleaſure, became puſillanimous in Action, even in thoſe Men whoſe Minds were not influenced by the certain Fear of future Puniſhments. This Kind of Cowardice receives a new Caufe, and this Obſervation a farther Confirmation in Chriſtian Kingdoms ; that Being which is depreciated by mean Actions, Corruption, and Injuſtice, is eternally haunt- ed by the Dread of oppoſing himſelf to Danger, his Fears increaſe with his Vices, that very Individual which deſpiſes his Religion and defies his God, breathes Inſolence and Outrage apart from Danger, trembles at the Approach of an Enemy, when Death and conſcious Guilt recoil upon his Mind, like the ti- mid Deer, who, valuing himſelf upon the Strength of his Antlers, flies at the firſt Sound of Hounds which purſue him ; or the Lark, which ſhrinks to the Boſom of the Earth at the Sight of the Hawk, which hovers over his Head. The Engliſhman whoſe Valour is inſuperable whilft Integrity ſuſtains, Religion animates, and Patriotiſm urges him to Battle, muſt yield an unrefifting Victory when thoſe invigorating Qualities deſert him ; how- ever true this muſt be acknowledged to be, it muſt be confeſſed alſo that the common People in no Nation have ever been the Cauſe of their own Corruption ; it has always taken it's Source from the polluted Foun- tain of the Great, and thence ran muddy thro' the Multitude below. Was it not the Patricians at Rome that by Bribes began to fap the Virtue, pollute the Hearts, and cor- rupt the Integrity of the Roman common People, by purchaſing [9] purchaſing their Votes in the public Elections of their Oficers; the Inferior fought not the Great England was a Nation of Probity, 'till thoſe who ought to have been the voluntary Choice of uninfluenced Conſent, debaſed their own Souls and thoſe of their Electors, by becoming their Repreſentatives thro' Venality and Purchaſe. The Man who ſells himſelf is more a Slave than he that is ſold by another, and deeper impreg- nated with baſer Qualities of Bondage. Hence, from Hiſtory and Nature, from Obſerva- tion and Reaſon, it plainly appears, that Nations have ever ſucceeded according to the Virtue and Un- derſtanding of thoſe who directed them, and have de- clined and riſen as theſe prevailed. That this Kingdom is replete with all thoſe fatal Symptoms, which foretold the Ruin of other free States, who ſhall deny ? In England the King can do no Wrong, for which Reaſon the M---r becomes juſtly chargeable with the Errors and Miſconduct of the State. As are the Talents and Deſigns of this Man, will be the Capacities and Purſuits of thoſe who are employed beneath him. If we divide the Scale of mental Nature into ten degrees, and ſuppoſe that of a M-r to be at five, will not all thoſe he ap- points either in the Army or the Fleet, in Embaſſies and Council, be below that Degree of Underſtanding, his own Judgment muft, in his own Opinion, be the moſt perfect of human Intellect in all Plans, Reſolu- tions, and Conduct ; he is prevented, by his ſhallow ſhort-fighted Degree of Underſtanding, from pene- trating into the Conceptions and Schemes of ſuperior Minds, and muft neceſſarily chuſe thoſe which reſem- ble him in Size of Capacity. For this Reaſon, as Men exceed him and one another in Excellence, the leſs probable will it be that they will be employed under himn. As theſe Men adyance to Perfection in this Scale of intellectual Nature, they will grow more incomprehenſible to his confined Underſtanding, and be deemed as Viſionaries and Projectors; in Propor- B tion [ 10 ] tion as they are adapted by all the exalted Attributes of the Mind to ſerve their King and Country, their Counſel will be rejected and themſelves excluded ; judge then what Cataſtrophy muſt attend Kingdoms fo directed It is with the human Intellect as with the human Body, each extends according to it's natural Size, each has it's Limit, beyond which it cannot paſs; and a Dwarf will reach with his Hand as high as Goliab, before the Duke of ********* will conceive the Extent, Force, and Truth of the E-l of Ge's Capacity. From this Manner of Reaſoning, whenever a Mris weak (we ſhall talk of the Effects of Wick- edneſs in a ſucceeding Letter] all thoſe who are under his Direction, and of his Choice, muft participate of that national Calamity , the Stream of Poiſon which riſes deſtructive in the Head, will ſtill run on the fame, through the Conduct of all that Body which lies beneath him. I have thus long intruded on your Patience, my Fellow-Countrymen, to ſhew you that what may be here advanced is true in the View of Nature, as de- duced from Principle ; and verified by Obſervation and Experience in the Hiſtory of Mankind, to con- vince you that Love of my Country, and not Male- volence to Mrs, Truth and not Scandal, Good- will towards Mankind, and no latent Averſion againſt Individuals, have been my ſole Motives to this Attempt. In all Accounts I ſhall confine myſelf ſeverely to Truth, and attempt to draw no Inferences which do not appear evidently deducible from preceding Facts : In executing this, however derogatory to the Capacity of thoſe in Power, I fear not the Calumny of Minions in Favour, Hawkers of miniſterial Falſhoods, Advocates for Deſtroyers of their Country, or even Mrs themſelves. IF CHO [11] Íf what ſhall be here written appears to be juſt; what honeft Engliſhman ſhall diſapprove of my Con- duct? Whatever Diſtance either Chance, Birth, or Riches; may have placed between me and a Prime M-r, there muſt be yet more between him and his Country. No Subject can be fo ſuperior to me in Rank, as this Nation is above him in Dignity. If I preſume to examine the Underſtanding of him who preſides at the Helm, let it be remembered it is be- cauſe I am convinced his Weakneſs miſguides his Fel- low-Subjects. If I am blamed for daring to arraign his Conduct, it is becauſe I am ſatisfied his Preſump- tion may ruin his Country. Acquit me then or con- demn me, as he is innocent or guilty. However, I confide that the patriot Deſign which juſtified Demoſthenes the Athenian; and immortalized his Name, ſhall at leaſt find me, an Engliſhman, pre- ſent Favour and Applauſe; and Zeal for the Conſtitu- tion of my Country, vindicate me in the Hearts of all Men, who yet preſerve the Love of Probity and their native Land. As we reſemble the Greeks and Romans in the Symptoms of declining Liberty and Virtue, ſuperior Wiſdom in the Conduct of our M-rs can alone rein- ſtate and preſerve us: Let us then examine on what our Expectations are founded, and what is to be ex- pected from thoſe who preſide in public Affairs. It is not my preſent Deſign to ſummon up before your Eyes the Ghoſts of Mal-Adminiſtration, or turn them back on the Conduct of the two Brothers, dur- ing the laſt Wars ; I mean not now to awaken your Attention to that Flood of Pollution and Corruption, which has been let out, to deluge Integrity and Ju- ſtice; I wiſh not to bring paft Crimes to your Remem- brance, ſquandering your Properties, and invading your Liberties, to aggravate the preſent Miſconduct, or tread backwards thoſe Paths which lead to unravel M-1 Iniquity ; I will not hint the Inattention which prevailed during the French naval Armaments and U- furpations В 2 [ 12 furpations in America. Objects within the Ken of e- very Eye, Tranſactions of Yeſterday, what has lately paſt by Land and Sea, ſhall be lain before you. Be- hold theſe with Attention, judge impartially from the Conduct in thoſe Affairs, what is the Force of that Capacity which directs them, then remember that England is your native Land, and reflect one Mo- ment on the Danger which hangs threatening over it. To avoid every minute Particular, let us begin with examining the Conduct of our Navies. No Man, I believe, will preſume to deny that a true Intelligence of what employs our Enemies, is ne- ceſſary to all Miniſters who would ſucceſsfully oppoſe their Machinations ; and though it may be difficult to obtain a ſure Knowledge of that Expedition which a Fleet is deſtined to go upon, it muſt be an eaſy Taſk to be aſcertained of the Number of Ships they are e- quipping. The Bofom of one Man only may be con- ſcious of the Intention of a naval Armament, when Thouſands muſt know the Number which are arming. The Miniſter may be incorruptible, and the Secret im- poſſible to be penetrated. Amongſt the Multitudes em- ployed in preparing this Force, many may be found, and infinite Ways contrived, to know the Number of our Enemies Ships. Without this previous Knowlege, on what Baſis can it be preſumed we oppoſe the Fleets of our Enemies? Yet this neceſſary Information, ſo eaſily procured, muſt be confeſſed to have been totally ne- glected, diſregarded, or unobtained; or, which is yet more flagrant, the higheſt Imputation of Folly muſt be attributed to the Ad To prove this Affertion, let us begin with ſaying, that it was decided that the French Fleet at Brest ſhould be oppoſed by the Engliſh, and it's Deſtruction reſolved upon ; let us now caſt our Eyes on the Man- ner in which this Deſign was plann'd, and the Way in which it was intended to be accompliſhed. To execute this, Admiral Boſcawen was ſent to command a Squadron of Men of War, and in conſe- n. quence [ 13 ] quence of that Reſolve fet Sail from off Plymouth the twenty-ſeventh of April, with a Fleet conſiſting of e- leven Ships of the Line and one Frigate. It has ſince appeared, that his Orders were to cruize on the Banks of Newfoundland, to wait the Arrival of the French Fleet, and intercept their Voyage to America. The ſending this Squadron under Admiral Bof- cawen, is a clear Proof that our Mrs imagined the Number it contained was ſufficient to deſtroy the French Fleet, or it muſt be granted, that if they were purpoſely ſent out unequal to the Attempt, that that Behaviour would be but little better than dooming them a Sacrifice. On the ſixth of May the French Fleet, conſiſting of twenty-five Ships of the Line, ten of which were employed as Tranſports, their lower- deck guns being taken out, the reſt fully armed, failed from Breſt for North-America. In conſequence of the Intelligence that this Fleet was failed, and the Number of it, Admiral Holbourne was diſpatched with fix Ships of the Line and cne Fri- gate, and failed from off Plymouth the ſixteenth of May, being nineteen Days after Mr. Boſcawen, and ten after the failing of the French Fleet, to join the Engliſh Admiral. THIS Reinforcement is an undeniable Proof that the M-y was abſolutely unacquainted with the Number of Ships equipping at Breſt, for this Expedi- tion, before their failing; otherwiſe can it be preſum- ed they would not have ſent a greater Number of Ships with Mr. Boſcawen at firſt, fince many more were ready for the Sea ? or would they have ſent the Rein- forcement by Mr. Holbourne at all, if they had known that Mr. Macnamara would have returned with nine Ships of the Line; the Number of the French Fleet then, and the Part of it which was to return, were ab- ſolutely unknown to our M—y before it failed; for the laſt they may be excuſed, but the Ignorance of the former is utterly unpardonable. AFTER ( 14 ) AFTËR theſe three Fleets were ſailed, let us now ſuppoſe that to happen, which our M-y had preſum- ed, and wiſhed at Admiral Boſcawen's failing might be the Event of their Orders ; that is, that he might meet Macnamara with his Squadron of twenty-five Ships of the Line, fixteen of which were prepared for fighting, and the reſt with their lower-deck Guns out, proceed- ing, as the M-ry believed, at the Time of Holbourne's failing, for North-America. WHAT would have been the Event of this Rena counter, ſince Mr. Boſcawen had received Orders to attack the French? I aſk this Queſtion of Men who can look with unprejudiced Eyes on the Merits of other Nations. With all the true Bravery, Prudence, and Knowledge of that Commander in naval Affairs, and thoſe brave Captains joined with him in the Expedi- tion, is there a well-founded Reaſon to believe that twenty-five French Men of War, circumſtanced even as theſe were, would have been defeated by eleven Engliſh ? If they had not, would not the ſhameful Ig- norance of the M-y in the Number of the Enemy's Fleet, a Knowlege which every Man might have ob- tained who would have been at the Expence of paying for it, and ſurely the Parſimony of public Money is not the preſent reigning Taſte, have proved the Perdition of his Majeſty's Fleets and Subjects, to the everlaſting Diſgrace of the Engliſh Nation? Nay ſo exquiſitely ſubtle was the Deſign of this Scheme, even the ſecond Fleet commanded by Ad- miral Holbourne, would in all human Probability have fallen into the Hands of the French Squadron alſo ; for by the Reſult it has appeared, that he did not join Mr. Bofcawen till even Days after the taking the Alcide and Lys. By this Accident it might, with the greateſt Probaa, bility, have happened, that Admiral Boſcawen being defeated the tenth of June, the Day the Engliſh and French Fleet met in Darkneſs and Fogs on the Banks of Newfoundland, that Mr. Holbourne might have ſuf- fered [ 15 ] fered the ſame Fate eleven Days after, the very Time of his arriving at theſe Parts. I mean, if the ſur- rounding Obſcurity had not ſaved the Engliſh Fleet, as it has the French. Such was the probable Preſumption when Mr. Holbourne quitted the Engliſh Coaſt, and ſuch would have been the fatal Event, if Macnamara had con- tinued the Voyage and Mr. Boſcawen had met and engaged him. Judge then how pernicious this Igno- rance of the Number of the Enemy's Fleet would have proyed to this once illuſtrious Nation, had Things fallen out as our Murs originally deſigned it. It is extremely difficult to aſſign any Reaſon for Mr. Holbourne's being diſpatched at all to join Ad- miral Boſcawen, the very Diſtance in the Times of ſailing of theſe Fleets rendered it improbable that he could join the firſt Admiral before the Engagement between him and Macnamara muſt have been totally decided, as is manifeft by the Event of his joining Mr. Bofcawen. Ir appears then ſelf-evident, that the fending this Admiral could have anſwered no other Purpoſe than deſtroying two Fleets inſtead of one, and facrificing more of their Countrymen to the God of War, on the Altar of Ignorance. The Eſcape then with which theſe two Fleets have been favoured, and the Succeſs which the firſt obtained in taking two French Men of War, incon- ſiderable as it is, cannot with the leaſt Appearance of Juſtice be attributed to the ill-plann'd Deſigns of thoſe who ſent them on the Expedition. Can thoſe Men be intitled to Praiſe for an Error in Judgment, in the French Admiral's Return, of which they knew no- thing ? and who, if he had proceeded on the whole Voyage to America, would in all Probability have ruined the two Fleets of England, fent as they were one after the other on this Expedition ? With what Propriety then can this unforeſeen Event be imputed to [ 16 ] to the Fore-thought of thoſe who preſide in m- and naval Affairs : ſhall the Advantage of Accidents, unimagined, be laid to the Account of their Penetra- tion and Wiſdom? as well may you attribute the Winds which blew the Fleet to the Coaſt of America to their Sagacity, as the little Succeſs which they have obtained in the Voyage. The juſt Reward of theſe Men then, is the Diſhonour of planning an Ex- pedition that, through the Ignorance of what Numbers the Enemy's Squadron was formed, would in all hu- man Probability have been the Perdition of two En- gliſh Fleets, and Thouſands of brave Men and uſeful Subjects of Great Britain. But as there may be Engli fomen who, prompted by national Prejudice, believe that Admiral Boſcawen with his eleven Ships was a Match for Macnamara and five and twenty French Men of War ; let us, ſuppoſing this to be true, examine the Prudence with which, under this Idea, the Expedition was conducted. First it is a ſelf-evident Truth, that there can be no Evidence or Intelligence of a Fleet's ſailing to any Part of the Globe, equally certain with that of it's leaving the Port in which it is equipt; the firft, however well founded it may be in the Opi- nion and Judgment of an Enemy, can in it's Na- ture be no more than caſual and the Height of Pro- bability ; the ſecond muſt be Demonſtration and Neceflity. Ministers may alter the Nature of their Deſign in an Hour, and ſend a Fleet which was originally equipping for one Part of the World, to another; they may purpoſely give out different Tales to cover their Intentions, or the Powers engaged againſt them may be left to divine it's Intent only; theſe Circum- ſtances may alter or conceal the true Place of it's De- ſtination. But no Change of Sentiment or Diſguiſe can prevent a Fleet's being diſcovered in ſailing out of that Port in which it is armed, whether deſtined to the Baltic or Africa, America or Japan, however du- bious [ 17 ] bious the Place of it's Deſtination may be; neither of theſe can alter any thing in it's Manner of leaving the Harbour in which it is prepared for the Seas. SUP POSING then the Strength of the French Fleet had been perfectly known, and Mr. Bofcawen had commanded a Force ſufficient to have defeated it, which he might with Eaſe have had under his Com- mand, there being at that Time twenty Ships of the Line at Spithead more than his Squadron, moſt of them fully mann'd. Is there a Boatſwain of the Fleet who would have fent the Admiral to the Banks of Newfoundland, where Darkneſs palpable like the Ægyptian, is known, by every common Sailor in the Navy, to reign three ſucceſſive Months in the Year, in one of which the French Fleet muſt have paſſed theſe Parts of the Seas ; where Fogs that conceal more effectually than the darkeſt Night all Objects which paſs within the Length of a Ship, muſt have ſaved the greateſt Part of that Fleet which they were ſent to deſtroy ? A Place to which they never might ar- rive, or never be ſeen if they did. The Conſequence of their being fent has evidently proved the Truth of this Obſervation. What ſhall then be ſaid in Favour of that Man, who ordered the Engliſh Navy from thoſe Parts where the Enemy's Fleet muſt inevitably paſs, to one where they might not have been ordered to fail? To deſert a Part in which they muſt be viſible to all the Squa- dron, for one in which they would probably be enve- loped in a Cloud, like Æneas, ſecured from the Eyes of all Beholders? What is this but ſending Ships the long Voyage to America, with the greateſt Riſque of miſling in thoſe Seas that which they muſt have met in the Britiſh Channel? Is not this the firſt Inſtance of an Underſtanding that has preſided over Fleets and Armies, that preferred a may be to a Demonſtration, and quitted a real Advantage in Certainty, for one of leſs Value in Probability only? Is it not owing to this Cauſe that ſo little Utility has been reaped from this C Expedition, BON [ 181 Expedition, and the French Fleet eſcaped almoſt un- ſeen? Was there ever a perſon till this Time who would have deſerted the Door of the Houſe of that Man he wanted to meet, and who muſt come out of it, to ſeeks him in the Streets where he never might paſs, and prefer even Darkneſs to the noon-tide Hour, for that Buſineſs ? Is there a Country Gentleman who could judge fo diametrically wrong? would he have ſent his Game-Keeper to ſhoot Woodcocks by Night? Yet ſuch is the Goodneſs of Heaven, as Mr. Bof- cawen was prepared, inferior to the Fleet which left Breſt ; the Abſurdities of theſe Directors have preſerv- ed our Navy from a Defeat, and our Nation from a greater public Diſgrace. For if Mr. Boſcawen had been ordered off Breſt, the Place which in right Rea- ſon he ought to have been ordered, the Ignorance of our M-rs in the Number of that Fleet which firſt left Breſt, would have proved the Deſtruction of him and the Engliſh Squadron. So gracious was the Will of Heaven, and ſo abſurd the Judgment of thoſe who preſide over naval Affairs in this Kingdom! This Con- duct of our M-rs is not however without it's Advo- cates ; the Reaſons for juſtifying their Proceedings in this Manner are yet more extraordinary than the Be- haviour itſelf. It is moſt gravely urged in Defence of this Conduct, that the French Squadron was not at- tacked in Europe, becauſe their Allies, particularly the Spaniard, ſhould not take Umbrage at our Behaviour; or ſuch an Action bring on Hoſtilities in Europe. What kind of Capacities muſt theſe Men poſſeſs, who can imagine that an Engliſſiman of common Senſe can be cajoled with ſuch frivolous Pretenſions to a Juſtification of wrong Meaſures? Who can be deluded to believe, that a Fleet, freighted in France with Arms, Ammu- nition, Soldiers, and Proviſions for America, can create any Difference of Opinion in a Nation, whether it be defeated on the Coaſt of France or the Banks of Newfoundland ? Theſe Advocates muſt have well ftu- died Grotius and Puffendorff, who make this Diftine- tion, obs [ 19 ] tion; and underſtand human Nature to great Perfec- tion, who conceive, that the Spaniſh Miniſtry can be influenced againſt England, or to it's Advantage, in fa- vour of, or contrary to it's own Intereſt, to join or op. poſe the Power of France, by ſo ſubtle a Diſtinction, as our not engaging that French Fleet in Europe, which you determine to deftroy in America *. A Defeat in this Part of the World of one half of the French Navy, would have humbled the Gallic Arrogance, prevented Spain and the Allies from joining the King of France ; and cooled their Ardor for War, in Proportion as it di- miniſhed the Powers with which it muſt be ſuſtained. The depriving our Enemies of their military Force, is the moſt effectual Method of intimidating their Al- lies from joining them: few chuſe the ſinking Side of a Queſtion, and add a Probability of their own Ruin to that of thoſe who are already deſtroying. Though the drowning Perſon ſeizes every thing to ſave him- ſelf; yet few catch hold of him that is finking, with the View of going along with him. But in the Man- ner we have proceeded, what have we done but be- haved like Poachers, with all that little deſpicable Cunning of ſending our Ships at a Diſtance, to effect what it was prevented from doing by the Nature of the Place? A Specimen of that mean' Timidity and Weakneſs of Capacity, proceeding from the Exerciſe of corrupting, and being corrupted, which has been long too manifeſt in all our m-1 Meaſures. A Dif- poſition which effectually diſgraces a M-r, and in- fallibly ruins a Nation. What have we done more than ſhewn, that our Navy, though the moſt power- ful, and our Seamen the braveft; by the wrong Judg- ment and finiſter Direction of our Rulers in m - Affairs, can be rendered abſolutely ineffectual? come * That this was given out as a Reaſon to cover their Miftakes, and not thro' any juſt Apprehenſion of Spaniſh Reſentment, is now evident from the taking the French Merchant-Ships, and Mr. Hawke's cruiſing for their Men of War in the European Seas. WE C2 [ 20 ] We have cautioned and not chaſtiſed the French; we have ſent a brave Admiral, brave Officers, brave Sailors, and ſeventeen Line of Battle Ships on a uſeleſs Parade to Nova Scotia, at an immenſe Expence, to take two French Men of War and to loſe one of our own. We have been the Witneſſes to the landing their Troops in America, and not prevented their Expedition. Such is the Concluſion of all the boafted Secrecy, Diſpatch, and raviſhing free-born Subjects from the Arms of their Wives and Children; and ſuch the Reſult of the Wiſdom of our m - Conductors. This then having been the Succeſs and Conduct of our naval Armaments; let us now turn our Eyes on thoſe of our Land-Forces, and candidly enquire, if the Wiſdom of our Mrs has ſhone forth more eininently in the Management and Deſign of our Ar- my on the Continent of America. It was at length reſolved, that General Braddock, with two Regiments, and all neceſſary Proviſion for a Siege, ſhould be ſent to America, to defeat the Schemes of the French Nation, which had been artfully uſurp- ing the Dominions of our Sovereign. And here it is impoflible to avoid remarking, that the Alarm which was ſpread againſt the French Inſolence, and the Mea- ſures taken in conſequence of it, were not ſo much un- dertaken from the Repreſentations of the various Pro- vinces of America, as from the private Intereſt which a certain Quaker had in the My, to whom Lands on the River Ohio had been granted by the Governor of Virginia, which have ſince been ratified in England. This Man, being at the Head of a Sect which has conſtantly ſupported the M--r in all his ftrenuous Endeavours for Power, and Deſigns upon his Coun- try, was attended to with greater Deference, and had more Weight than the Remonftrances of two Millions of faithful American Subjects, who were ſtill totally neglected : So much can the Intereſt of one Man, who heads a factious Sect in favour of a M-s, pre- vail [ 21 ] vail beyond the public Good of the Subjects of this Kingdom, and the Honour of it's Sovereign. Fort Lequeſne, ſeated on the Ohio, in thoſe Lands which were granted to this Quaker, was the Object which General Braddock, and the Britiſh Forces were deſtined to demoliſh; the French were to be diſlodged from theſe Parts, at all Adventures. AND in this place it muſt ſtrike the Senſe of every Man who reflects one Moment, that this very Perſon, whoſe paſſive Principles of Chriſtian Patience prevent him from bearing Arms in Defence of this Land, which was granted him, had yet the unrelenting Conſcience to obtain many Hundreds of his Fellow-Subjects to oppoſe their Lives, and fall a Sacrifice in repoſſeſſing his Property. Such are the Proceedings of this Sect of Anti-conſtitutional and pernicious Beings. The Expedition, however, being ſet on foot, the ſame identical Quaker, who had Influence ſufficient to get it reſolved on at firſt, had yet the farther Intereſt of it's being deſtined to defend Virginia: The Reaſon of this will ſoon appear more evident; and here, not- withſtanding we should allow Fort Lequefne to be a Place which ought to be attacked, we muſt inſift that Penſylvania was the place where the Troops ought to have been diſembarked. First, This Country being fuller of Inhabitants, and all kinds of Handicraft Workmen, could have ea- ſily ſupplied whatever an Army might have ſtood in need of at that Time. Virginia being a Land culti. vated by Negroes, muſt, for that Reaſon, be more deftitute of European Settlers, than Colonies where Blacks are not in uſe. The Secondly, The additional Numbers which might have been thought neceffary to have been raiſed for this Expedition on the Ohio, would have been more eaſily levied in Penſylvania than Virginia. THIRDLY, The requiſite Attendants of a Military Expedition, ſuch as Horſes, Carts, Cattle, Provifion, and all kinds of Tools, are in greater Plenty in Pena Sylvania [ 22 ] fylvania than Virginia. This is evident from the Ne- ceſſity the Army in Virginia was under, of having thoſe Utenſils and Supplies from Penſylvania before it marched. w Senatos FOURTHLY, The March of the Troops to Fort Lequeſne from Philadelphia, had been for a much longer Part of the Road through a ſettled and culti- vated Country, where all kinds of Refreſhments which are uſeful for an Army in hot Countries, and fatiguing Marches, might have been ſupplied with greater Eaſe. ds to geroeid 5. The important Advantages which attended Pen- Sylvania above Virginia, though repreſented to our Mrs in the moſt ſtrong and demonftrative Man- ner, were all neglected and over-ruled by the private Intereſt and Opinion of one Quaker, Tantum ille potuit fuadere malorum. Is it not obvious to all Apprehenſions that a To- bacco Merchant, eſpecially if he be the Head of his Profeſſion in London, muſt have more Intereſt in Vir- ginia than in Penſylvania, his Correſpondence being with the former, which produces the Commodity he traffics in, and not with the Philadelphians, who do not raiſe that Merchandize ? bastidores Is it not certain alſo from the Neceſſity of Trade, that he muſt have many outſtanding and dubious Debts in that Colony, and from the Nature of Man, and more particularly from the Nature of a Quaker, that he muſt wiſh to have theſe hazardous Debts ren- dered more probable to be paid ; and with this Intent, that he would embrace an Opportunity of putting his Debtors in a Way of diſcharging them whatever his Country might ſuffer ? As bis Correſpondence is the largeſt of any Merchant's in this city with the Colony of Virginia, and his Intereſt the ſtrongeſt with the M-_r, he clearly foreſaw that an Army ſent to Virginia could not be ſuſtained without large Sums of Money, and that the Remittance of it muſt fall to his [ 23 ] his Share : which very Circumſtance being attended with at leaſt two and a half per Cent. was an Object too replete with Advantages to be neglected by a Money-loving Mercantile Man, detached from all other Conſiderations of Advantage.1518 These Circumſtances then duly attended to, would they not perfuade many a Man, who is not firmly con- vinced of the fincere diſintereſted Spirit and patriot Love which animates a Quaker's Heart, that Virginia was preferred to Penſylvania for the lucrative Confi- derations abovementioned ? quo hobusob doid . But as this Sect has ever behaved with ſuch parti- cular Zeal to defend their own Country, and ſingular Attachment to it's Welfare, divefted- of all Deſire of private Advantage, what can the moft malevolent Ima- gination ſuggeſt againſt the Behaviour of this indivi- dual Quaker ? Alody alt 1151 SV Let me then fuppoſe a Thing not abſolutely im- poſſible, That this Deſign of his procuring the Troops to be ſent to Virginia, took it's Source from Error of Judgment; that the Good of his Country was his Object, tho' he was miſtaken in his Aim, and though his private Intereſt was the ſole Reſult of his Deſign, yet he propoſed it for the Public.. How ſhall we, even in this View of Things, apologize for the M->rs who were drawn into fo palpable a Miſtake? A Though it might be allowed, that Merchants may be vindicated in not underſtanding to what Part of the American Continent a Military Force ought to be ſent, which was deſtined to attack Fort Lequeſne, yet a M-tr, whoſe peculiar Province it is to ſuperintend the Public Welfare, the Lives, Properties, Advan- tages, and Commerce of his Fellow-Subjects in Peace and War, cannot avoid Condemnation for ſuch miſ- taken and fatal Judgment. There may indeed be Men who may imagine, that this Quaker was truly acquainted with the Differ- ence and Diſadvantage which attended Virginia more than Penſylvania, and that Self-Intereſt, more than the public an [ 24 ] public Welfare, weighed in obtaining the Troops be- ing ſent to the Colony of Virginia. If this Notion ſhould meet a general Reception among Mankind, how ſhall we then account for a Mr's being du- ped to the Intereſt of a private Quaker, or reconcile national Diſgrace and ſlender Intellects, with the Duty of Directing in Peace and War, the Affairs of a whole Nation ? From what has been ſaid, does it not evidently appear, that allowing Fort Lequeſne to be an Object which demanded our Attention, and that a Military Force was neceſſary to be ſent from theſe Kingdoms to reduce it, that Virginia was the Spot which ought not to be preferred to Penſylvania ? This then, abfurd as it may appear, is even leſs than what we ſhall ſoon lay before your Eyes; ſhall we venture to affert, that the whole Armament which was deſigned and ſent to the Demolition of this little Fortification, the Money which it has and will coſt the Nation, and Lives which it has laviſhed in the Service of a non-reſiſting Quaker, were altogether uſeleſs and unreceffary; nay, that even Succeſs in the Expedition to this Fort, could have been attended with no poffible Advantage, whether the Attempts of the Americans ſucceed or miſcarry at Niagara and Crown Point.com To prove what we have here ſuggeſted, let us caſt our Eyes over Mr. Huſke's Map of North-America, by much the moſt accurate of all thoſe which have been given to the Public. Co w now Let us obferve from what Part of the Domi- nions poffefſed by the French, the Supplies, Provi- fion, and Men neceſſary for the Supporting Fort Le- queſne, muſt be drawn. It is a truth univerſally acknowledged, that Ca- nada is the only part which can afford theſe Requi. ſites to the Parts where the French Forts are built from Quebec to Fort Lequeſne ; this happens becauſe the Method is by an eafy Tranſit, and Things are com- [ 25 ] commodiouſly tranſported, the whole Diſtance being almoſt Water-Carriage, from the Mouth of St Law- rence River to the Forts on the Ohio. The Miſſiſipi is too diſtant for a March by Land, and the Navigation of the meandering Ohio too long to be attempted by Water. Indeed it is a known Fact, that the Northern Settlements of the French ſupply all theſe Parts with Recruits, Ammunition, and Pro- vifion. To attack Fort Lequeſne at all then ſeems abſolute- ly abſurd, becauſe all Supplies for that place being neceſſitated to paſs by the Fortification at Niagara, ſituated between the two Lakes Erie and Ontario, whoever becomes Maſter of that Fort, neceſſarily cuts off all Communication and Power of Support from Fort Lequeſne, and this latter Place muſt of conſe- quence ſurrender itſelf in a very little Time, into the Hands of thoſe who poſſeſs Niagara : This Affertion is as true, as that the Power which can cut off the River Thames at Maidenbead, and turn it into a new Channel, prevents Windſor from being ſupplied with that Water. This Fortification of Niagara then, ſituated be- tween the Lakes, being abſolutely the Paſs by which all Supplies muſt go to Lequeſne, the taking that alone ſhould have been the Object of our Forces. The Deſign on Lequeſne, fuppoſing all to have been honeſt that produced it, could have taken it's Riſe from nothing but want of Knowlege in com- mon Geography : No Eye that follows the Courſe in the Map, which is always taken by the Canadian French from Qucoec to Fort Lequeſne, but muſt be neceſſarily convinced that the taking Niagara would have anſwered all the Purpoſes of poſſeſſing that and Lequeſne. Thus the diſgraceful Defeat of our Army, the Dif- reputation of our General, the Deſtruction of our Sub- jects, the Expence of the Expedition, and Dif- honour of the Nation, might have been prevented. D But [ 26 ] But alas ! ſuch has been the undeviating Cuſtom of the Engliſh, ſince the Adminiſtration of the late Earlof Or-d, to bear Inſults from all Nations inattentively, 'till the Reſervoir of Injuries being full, the Banks are broken down, and the Torrent of Reſentment ruſhing forth with too much Impetuoſity, deſtroys by it's Vi- olence and Quantity, the very Benefit which it would otherwiſe have afforded by being deliberately and juſt- ly diſpenſed abroad. Too flow in our Reſolves in the Beginning, and too impetuous in the Execution of them at laſt, the Zeal for doing, too frequently defeats the Reaſons and Powers which conduct and ſupport our Enterprizes. There are not wanting indeed Men well acquain- ted with thoſe Parts of America, who, with great Ap- pearance of Truth, and Force of Argument, alledge, that a few armed Veſſels on the Lake Ontario, would have ſecured us a ſafe and eaſy Conqueſt of Niagara and Fort Lequefne. It is indubitably true, that no Ship of Force or Burden can enter that Lake from the Head of the River St Lawrence : Conſequently the Engliſh Ships being firſt ſet a ſwimming on the Lake Ontario, they muſt have prevented all Supplies from going by Water to Niagara, as well as deſtroyed all Ships pretended to be built on the Borders of the Lake by the French ; as the Engliſh by that Conduct would become abſolute Maſters of that Water. Hence, by the cruizing of theſe Ships, it being ren- dered impracticable to ſupply Niagara and Fort Le. queſne, a few Months conſuming the preſent Proviſi. on, would have given us Poffeffion of both; Famine being an Enemy which no human Power can refift. Thus then, by obſerving this Conduct, a ſmall Ex- pence, a prudent Patience, a ſteady Perſeverance, and a little Time, would have accompliſhed what has al- ready failed in one Part. Let us however fuppoſe, that it was abſolutely neceſſary that an Army ſhould be ſent to the beſieg- ing Fort Lequeſne from England; ſhall we be permit- ted the Liberty of aſking thoſe who choſe the Gene- ral [ 27 ] per ral for this Expedition, and directed the Undertak- ing, Whether a hot impetuous Arrogance of Tem- is that which is adapted by Nature, or ſhould be pitched upon in a Man, who is ſent to command an Army in a new Land, where Hardſhips, more than in European Countries, muſt be undergone by the Soldier, where Affability and Compaſſion, Gaiety, Popularity, and Encouragement in a General, are the neceſſary Ingredients to ſweeten and palliate the Bit- terneſs of that Draught which War adminiſters to the Taſte of all Nations, and to win the People to his Confidence and Obedience? Would a Man of common Underſtanding have ſent a ſelf-willed, ſelf-ſufficient, raſh Commander, to oppoſe an Enemy in a Country replete with Oppor- tunities and Situations for Ambuſcade and Snare ? The Genius of which People is to combat their Ene- mies in that way of Fighting; a Man whoſe very Preſumption, Idea of Security, and Contempt of his Enemy, effećtually deceived him into the Ruin of his brave Officers and his Army, with an Addition of Diſgrace to his own peculiar Deſtruction ; ſuch a Dif- poſition in a General, is a greater Advantage to a dif- creet Enemy than a thouſand fighting Men added to their Party. And here permit me to obſerve, that it ſeems owing to this want of Judgment in thoſe who have long appointed our Commanding Officers, that the Panic at Preſton Pans, the Fatality, as it is politely called, at Falkirk, the Flight at Port L'Orient, and the Diſgrace at Fort Lequeſne, have thus fucceeded each other, in a great meaſure, as well as to the uni- verſal Corruption of thoſe Men from which the Sol. diery are generally collected. Had the Soldiers poffefſed a full Confidence in either of the Generals, who commanded on thoſe Days, they would probably have behaved with the ſame Spirit they did at Culloden, when the Duke of Cumberland, in whom every Soldier confided, led them D 2 [ 28 ] them to an eaſy Conqueſt, and routed the Rebels at that Place. It is this Confidence of an Army in their General which unites every Hand into one Action, animates every Heart to the fame Obedience, and executes, by a happy Belief in their General's Excellence, what is vainly expected from the exact Diſcipline of Exer- ciſe in a Martinet ; theſe are the Means, and not the Regularity of moving the Legs of a whole Rank, which incite and carry a Soldier on to Victory. FROM what has been already ſaid, is it not ſelf- evident, that General Braddock ſhould, inſtead of di- viding his Powers, have marched in Union with Mr. Shirley to Niagara, if they were determined to take that Fort by a land Force? But by thus having divided their Forces, and his being defeated four Days before Mr Shirley be- gan his march for Niagara, Mr Braddock has given his Enemies that received him fo fatally near Fort Lequeſne, the unexpected Opportunity and Ad- vantage of being at Niagara before the Americans un- der the Command of Mr Shirley, and affiſting their Countrymen with all the Ammunition, Cannon, and Baggage, which were taken at this diſgraceful Defeat : This Circumſtance, if it ſhould not totally prevent, will abſolutely retard the taking Niagara, produce more Bloodſhed, and expend more Money, When we reflect on the Behaviour of our Troops on this diſaſtrous Spot, fo fatal to Engliſh Honour, how can we refrain from obſerving that the Irregulars of the Provinces held their Bofoms firm againſt that Battle, and that Danger from which the Regulars and Diſciplined Troops turned away; and that native Courage fupplied to the uncorrupted American, what Art and Diſcipline could not impart to the Soldiers of Great-Britain, This, in my opinion, offers an invincible Proof, that a Militia in this Kingdom, raiſed amongſt the Farmers and Peaſants, where Virtue yet remains in a much [ 29 ] much greater Degree, than amongſt that corrupt Rabble of perjured Corporation Borough-men, from whom the Soldiers are chiefly collected, where every moral and religious Influence being effaced by Bribery and Venality, all Senſe of Honour and Duty is deſtroy- ed, would be a more effectual Defence of the King- dom from all foreign Attacks, than ten times the Number of ſtanding Troops, compoſed of ſuch miſer- able Miſcreants. But alas ! ſuch is the Difference in Judgment and Conduct of that M-y which directs the Affairs of France and this Kingdom, the Subjects of a Free Na- tion are not permitted to know the Uſe of Arms, and defend themſelves, their Liberties, King, and Coun- try; whilſt thoſe which we treat as Slaves in that Nation, are encouraged to the Uſe of Military Dif- cipline, and entruſted with Arms to defend, alas, what we call neither Liberty nor Property. Shew me a greater Paradox in all Nature, and explain to me the Motives to this Behaviour in the different Mrs on juſtifiable Reaſons, why a free People ſhould be denied the Power of defending their Freedom, and thoſe under a Monarchic Government ſhould be open- ly encouraged to fight for Slavery? Is Bravery more natural to Slaves than Freemen? or is Deſpotiſm a more animating Motive to the Perſon who lives under it, than the Charms of Liberty ? Thus, my Countrymen, I have, with the utmoſt Impartiality, laid before your Eyes the true Proceed- ings of thoſe who have lately conducted our Fleets and Armies. From this View does is not too plainly appear, that the Direction of each has been totally miſtaken? Providence indeed, in pity to this favourite Ifle, has almoſt deviated from the common Courſe of Nature, and once more ſaved it's Fleets from Diſgrace, in ſpite of all the Ignorance that ſuperintended them. A Miracle only could have ſaved the Army command- ed by a ſelf-willed General, who arrogantly deſpiſing the Powers of his Enemy, fell the Victim of his own Folly and their ſuperior Knowlege. How [ 30 ] How contemptible muft we appear in the Eyes of all Europe, from this Imbecility of M- Judg- ment in the Choice of Generals; what Expectations of Succeſs may not our Foes flatter themſelves with, from this viſible Inequality of Underſtanding in thoſe who direct, to the Greatneſs of thoſe Powers which are to be conducted by them during a War, when they have ſeen a State the ſtrongeſt in maritime Force ſo totally diveſted of all Advantage, by the finifter Application of it's Navy; an immenſe Fleet pre- venting not their Enemies from being ſupplied with every thing neceſſary to ſupport themſelves during a War? What muſt we conceive will be the ultimate Event, when M-ors, by the natural Bent of their Underſtanding, can defeat all our Armaments with ſcarce an Enemy to oppoſe them? Will they, whoſe Capacities, in Tranquillity and at Eaſe, might have planned the Deſtruction of their Enemies Fleet, and yet have failed, be equal to the Conduct of a general War, and Succeſs ? Will not thoſe, who have been the ductile Dupes of their own Incapacity, and a Quaker's ſelf-intereſted Deſigns, in appointing uſeleſs Expeditions and unequal Generals, be eternally bewildered in the Turbulence of a general War, and the Attention which is neceſſary to a Multiplicity of Affairs ? Will thoſe then be leſs open to the Schemes of their Enemies, than to their own Follies, and the Deſigns of their deceitful Countrymen? Will thoſe Eyes which could not diſcern the true Object that ſhould be purſued, when one only was in Agitation, be capable of ſuperviſing to the infinite Calls of a ge- neral War ? What more beneficial Suggeſtion in Favour of France could Monſieur Machault have infinuated into the Imagination of our M-1, than this, of con- cealing the Fleet of England in Fogs impenetrable to human Viſion, rendering them inviſible and uſeleſs ? Who but this Bayes in Politics can elevate and ſur- prize [31 prize in ſo amazing a manner? He has concealed his Ships in Darkneſs as effectually as his Nameſake did his Army at Knightſbridge. Is not this, as a certain Speaker in P-t began his Speech ; 66 New in Politics, new in War, and new in Council." It is more than probable that Macnamara, not meeting our Fleet in the European Seas, had Orders to return, and confide in their Inviſibility on the Banks of Newfoundland for their ſafe Arrival in America. In this how little was he deceived ? Hence it too evidently appears, that we are in that ſinking State which, through all Ages, has at- tended the Want of Underſtanding and Virtue. If then the Reſurrection of a Nation from Sloth and Corruption, to Honour and Eſteem, depend on the Capacity of thoſe Mrs who direct it, how dreary and barren is the Proſpect which is eternally offered to our Eyes ? Is it not the ſettled Rule of Providence, that the beft Underſtandings ſhall always prevail at laſt, though in the Beginning ſometimes the contrary appears true; yet here, alas, we want that flattering Commence- ment. It is like the Calculation of Chances ; though the Perſon that deals at Pharo may be worſted once or more, he muſt infallibly get the better at the Year's End, and ruin thoſe who engage with him at the Concluſion. If then the Direction of M Affairs run on in this Channel, what ſhall defend us from National Deſtruction, which comes failing down before the Wind and Current full armed upon us? But as my Intent in this Letter is to admoniſh you, my Countrymen, before it be too late, and not impute that to a criminal Heart which is but Error in Under- ſtanding; to clear myſelf of all Malevolence againſt the private Characters of thoſe who ſuperintend ; I moſt ſincerely believe, that no pernicious Intention in the M--y has been the Cauſe of theſe ill-judged Un- dertakings [ 32 ] dertakings and Miſcarriages; they have not taken their Source from Spleen, or Reſentment to a Party ; which too often warping the Minds of M-rs, drives them into unbecoming Actions ; their private Reſent- ment urging them to the public Ruin. In this Inſtance, their Hearts being not culpable, will excuſe them for this ſingle Efray of their Incapa- city, in the Opinion of all honeft Men : But if the Ambition of preſiding in public Affairs, a Paſſion too often and too fatally mixed with Weakneſs of Under- ſtanding, ſhould ſtill goad them on to direct and ruin, what will then be their Due from your Hands ? Yet even tho' Incapacity may plead a Pardon, it does not annihilate the Diſgrace which attends the Na- tion in conſequence of it: Tho'the Puniſhment due to premeditated Villainy cannot be imputed to the Charge of thoſe Directors, yet the Sufferers are not alleviated by that Conſideration in the Diſtreſs which they bring to a Nation. Weakneſs and Incapacity are even more fatal and deſtructive than a wicked Heart joined to ſu- perior Intellects in a M-r: This laft, thro' pure Un- derſtanding, will exert every Faculty ; conceiving his own and his Country's Intereſt inſeparably united, his Judgment will correct his Miſtakes, and re-inſtate what may have been originally wrong: But want of Intellect is irremediable ; no human Power can cor- rect that Error ; it's natural Lumpiſhneſs, like Gra- vitation in Matter, making it tend for ever to the Center of Darkneſs ; like Impotence in Nature, producing nothing but ill-Shaped Monſters : It is the moſt incurable of all Diſeaſes of the Mind. What I wiſh then, is not to rouſe you to the De- ſtruction of theſe Men, but to your own Preſervation; to awaken your Attention, that nods over the Ruin which ſurrounds you, that, like the paralytic Stroke, ſeems to benumb your Faculties. Riſe then to the Salvation of your expiring Country; urge to your Re- preſentatives the Reſolution of obtaining a ſuperior Un- derſtanding, as effentially neceſſary to the Preſervation of [ 33 ] of this Kingdom, which ought to be dear to every A otot baloc Engliſhman. Hot 10 albue Do not imagine I mean to intimidate you with the Dread of Perils, or alarm you with the Idea of French Power, to the aſking an ignominious Peace. I am no Advocate but for my Country, and for Engliſh Glory: All I intreat you is, not by exclaiming againſt French Perfidy to loſe the sight of diſplacing thoſe, who, by the Want of Underſtanding, are yet greater Enemies to this Nation. muri on va Bobiq sr sin As I know that Succeſs muſt ultimately depend on Prudence and Underſtanding, that Heaven has ori- ginally determined that Human Glory ſhall be the Slave of theſe and Virtue, as your Lives and Proper- ties, Liberties and Religion, muſt be the ignominious Victims of wrong Judgment. Remember how dan gerouſly you are at preſent ſituated. Will not one Miſcarriage in Europe puſh you headlong into the Gulf of Perdition, from that Precipice on which you at preſent ſtand expoſed ? Let not the Clamour of Diſpatch, and Impetuoſity of Warlike Preparation, deceive you into an Opinion of theſe Men. The headſtrong Horſe, whoſe Vio- lence carries him without the Courſe, as effectually loſes the Race as that which is diſtanced: The Travel- ler who rides Poſt out of the Way, is at the Evening only more tired and farther diftant from his Home than he who trots on ſoberly; and Fleets and Armies, deſtined by ſtrong miſguided Impulſe to wrong Places, uſeleſs and inapplicable Deſigns, only fooner exhauſt the Powers of a Nation. Let me implore you then to remonſtrate to Ma- jeſty itſelf, if your Repreſentatives refuſe tion, that able Heads may direct his Councils; and that Arms be intruſted to your Hands, in whom Safe. ty can be only placed ; who love your King and Coun- try, and are ready to offer up your Lives a Sacrifice to their Preſervation and Welfare. E LET your Peti- [ 34 ] Let us not ftand thus, almoſt naked, and ex- poſed to the Attacks and Inſults of Two hundred thou- ſand Soldiers, defended by leſs than twenty thouſand : A Battle loſt in this Ile decides the Fate of England. Remedy thoſe Evils; place yourſelves, your King, and Country in Security ; chaſtiſe your Enemies by Sea. Believe me in what I have uttered, left, like the Trojans who neglected the Prophecies of Caſſandra, ſelf-ſufficient, inattentive, and ſecure, you bewail too late the predicted Evil, when no human Powers can remove the Weight of that Ruin which now hangs threatning over you. is gebasobnu bar sonburt or od tih od mentadt hacima -100011 bmw movar bris erroinimorgio ad unngils Emained richa worl poderiam songbut grow to amisty So don FIN Į S. tovorna orli omni grobrot des SM soy din no sigo Foto alba blog fastslog JÁ pintouloqol bus loisglicto tomado noinig sis Oti 107 sviboobs doisteerius Wo V Slow hol 9901650 sd Togo to vilaudanta 23 huo sodaiw min LT9T : boonshine Dilwal sestol Bainovor sa Y8W stoso o abis ordw 191 Omoh' air tot abban bizonylao giri Abeli bra vodoi no 2000 otwarten 29011 Ignor of allvarl Labugin ang banob Huelvo Tono vloro ansaits oldala morto SV of stromoros MDOV stolu - 11 1782 วาร อาหารที่งยาว 12 11 ราคา 245 ri) bu aliano ad Dotiba baada fotos mo ai sebou Hoof batch -100 bramov soodus OJ Simonavit vody A SECOND L E T T E R Τ Ο Τ Η Ε People of England ON FOREIGN SUBSIDIES, SUBSIDIARY ARMIES, A N D Their Conſequences to this NATION. Quo ruis ? inquit. Non tali auxilio, nec defenforibus iftis Tempus eget. VIRG. Æneid. The SIXTH EDITION. LÒ N D ON: Printed in the YEAR, 1956. E 2 Τ Τ Τ Ο hmoly to algo за I di aa Uе и рая от IMEA YAILIEU 2 MOLTAM of contemplator Dior OLTIGIEGS dan AHY od ni bains [ 37 ] A L E T T E R bre TO THE People of England. LET TER II. I N all Governments conſtituted like this of which you have the good Fortune to be born Members, where the Legiſlative Power is the People's Right, and the Executive belongs to the King, indeed, wherever it is of the mixed Kind, it is impoſſible, from the changeable Nature of all human Inſtitutions, but the Balance which ought to be preſerved between the Prince and the Subject muſt be deſtroyed, and the Scale preponderate ſometimes on one ſide, and ſome- times on the other. However upright and able Men may be in plan- ning a Form of Government, ſuch is the fluctuating State of all human Things, that no opulent Nations can long proceed in the right Way, without frequent- ly returning to the firſt Principles on which they were eſtabliſhed. It becomes, therefore, the indiſpenſible Duty of every Subject, who ſees the Weight increaſing in one Scale, to point out the Evil immediately, left it grow too great to be removed, without cauſing more Strug- gle, Tumult, Bloodſhed, and Deſolation, than even bad Men (one would imagine) can wiſh to ſee in their native Land. WHOEVER therefore ſhall have Fortitude enough to expoſe the pernicious Deſigns of a wicked M--R, and ( 38 ) and his more profligate Adherents, notwithſtanding their Attempts to blaft his Endeavours with the poi- ſonous Appellation of Faction, or even of Jacobitiſm, muſt ever be eſteemed, by all good Men, as the Lover of his Country, and Friend to Mankind. Despotism on one Hand, and Anarchy on the O- ther, are the Conſequences to be dreaded from a King's or People's Power, increaſed beyond the due Proportion; one half of either ſide of that vaft and ſolid Arch which ſuſtains a whole Nation, being weak- ned by undermining the Whole which it ſupported, without ſudden Help, tumbles into everlaſting Ruin. If the deſpotic Inclinations of Charles I. were grievous to Men who were born the lawful Heirs of Liberty, was the Anarchy that ſucceeded leſs terrible? Both Extremes then being proved by the Hiſto- ries of thoſe Times to be alike fatal to the King and Subject, all poſſible Care ſhould be taken to prevent ſuch Evils: and early too, before the heated Ambi- tion of a few Men ſhall dare to plunge the Nation into the Abyſs of Confuſion and Diſtreſs, by Attempts to fix themſelves in abſolute Power. Casa da NOTWITHSTANDING the Revolution may be juſtly denominated the Æra of eſtabliſhing Engliſh Liberty on a rational Plan of Government, yet the Confe- quences of Men's Purſuit of Power may be ſuch, that the Equilibrium which was then ſettled may be loft, and the Scale incline too much on one ſide ; when this ſhall happen, England, to preſerve it's Liberties, ſhould again attempt to vindicate the Advantages of her happy Conſtitution. od WHOEVER therefore ſhall dare to affert, that an Engliſhman has no Right to oppoſe the exorbitant Power of a Prince upon the Throne, is an Advocate for paſſive Obedience, and an Enemy to the Revolu- tion. when botto) In like manner, if it be lawful to oppoſe the deſpo- tic Deſigns of a Sovereign, who may be taking gi- gantic Strides to ſubvert the Laws, change the eſta- bliſhed [ 39 ] bliſhed Religion, and ſet up an arbitrary Power on it's Ruins; it muſt be juſt to reſiſt every other Part of our Conſtitution, which may invade the Rights and Privileges of their Fellow-Subjects. The Commons of England are the Repreſenta- tives of the People ; five hundred Men are intruíted with the Liberties, Properties, and Privileges of Millions. If this Number, elected for the Public Good, in ſtead of ſupporting the Honour and Prerogatives of the Crown, protecting their Conſtituents, and the People, ſhall at any time be rendering the Sovereign dependent on his M-r, fleecing the Millions to enrich the Hundreds, and betraying their Country- men to iniquitous and miniſterial Views, can the Peo- ple of this Land, the Millions, the Men of Property and Underſtanding, ſtill Lovers of their Country, be condemned for oppoſing ſuch pernicious Proceedings, or I, your Fellow-Subject, for knocking at your Breaſts, and awakening thoſe Hearts within, which ſleep fupinely inattentive to their Country's Danger ? It has been lately propagated, with no ſmall In- duſtry, that the P-t, as a Legiſlative Body has a Right to make what Laws it pleaſes; and that our Repreſentatives, once elected, are accountable to no one for their Proceedings. Nothing can be a more fatal Inſinuation to the Ear of an Engliſhman than this, if it ſhould find Acceptance amongſt Mankind. Man, from the very Nature of his Being, can ne- ver be fuppoſed to delegate a Right to his Repreſenta- tive, contrary to his own Welfare and Felicity, much leſs a whole Natior. to it's own Deſtruction. Ne quid Detrimenti capiat Reſpublica, is the Condition of his being choſen and appointed. It is therefore an Abſurdity to imagine, that Men can delegate a Power of injuring themſelves, to thoſe who are elected for the univerſal Welfare: Ye are Inheritors of the Con- ſtitution of this Realm from your Fathers, and are bound, by all the Ties of Nature and Juſtice, to de- liver [ 40 ] liver it intire to your Sons ; many of whom being yet unborn, or too young to bequeath Power to the Repreſentatives of the Nation, cannot juſtly, by their Predeceſſors, be deprived of the moſt valuable of all Inheritance, their Liberty. To chuſe Men as national Repreſentatives and Pro- tectors of the Public Good, and then ſuppoſe they have a Right to act contrary to the Intereſt of their Conſtituents, is to imagine, that Phyſicians, choſen to ſuperintend and cure the Sick in Hoſpitals, have a Right to kill their Patients, if they pleaſe. Common Humanity, and the Senſation of all honeſt Hearts, Ay in the Face of ſuch Affertion; and yet ſome inſidious or informing Emiſſary, is eternally ad- vancing ſuch Abſurdities, in favour of a M-r, in Oppoſition to the Glory of that Khe pretends to revere, and the Good of that People he affects to love. Is not a Parliament by Nature and the Conſtitution eſtabliſhed, equally obliged with the Prince upon the Throne, not to violate or exceed the Meaſures, which tend to the Public Welfare? Is it not therefore a heinous Inſult on the common Underſtanding of this Nation, to aſſert, that ſix Millions of People, many of ſuperior Senſe, Family, and Property, to thoſe who repreſent them, have impowered their Guardians to ſquander their Poſſeſſions, convert the public Revenue to private Uſes, and general Deſtruction ; and bind, in miniſterial Fetters, the Hands of thoſe Men whoſe Freedom they are elected to preſerve ? morli Is it not from the Nature of our Conſtitution that a P-exiſts ? Can it be imagined then, that a Part dependent on the Whole, can have a Right to deſtroy that very Being from which it derives it's Exiſtence? Ought not that Nation therefore, which, unremonftra- ting, permits her Servants to affaffinate her, or runs on that Sword which ſhe has given into the Hands of others for her Protection, though ſhe does not ſtab herſelf, to be deemed equally guilty of Suicide, with Men who commit that unnatural Act ? and, like thofe Self- [ 41 Self-Deſtroyers, will it not be ignominiouſly buried in Rubbiſh and the Highway ? no one To affert the contrary of this felf-evident Truth, is but to change the Face of Deſpotiſm ; will not the abſolute Power which was ſo juſīly complained of, and ſo righteouſly oppoſed, in Kings, before the Revolu- tion, be thus transferred from them to the P In this other View, Tyranny has only changed the Place of her Abode: Is the Sultan leſs deſpotic at his Summer's Seraglio than at Conftantinople? Do his Subjects enjoy more Liberty by his reſiding at one Place than another prodotti WHAT Power amongſt Men can be more arbitra- ry than that which can bind your Hands in Chains, by Laws which it enacts, according to it's arbitrary Incli- nation, and levies what Money it pleaſes on your pro- perties, unexamined, unreproved, and uncontroled ? And this, it may be, for the private Advantage of a Majority of thoſe, who conſtitute this power to your Impoveriſhment. និង ៣០ THAT P- then, which, inattentive to it's Charge, and unjuſt to the Confidence repoſed in them by their Fellow-Countrymen, ſhall proceed diametri- cally oppoſite to your Welfare, muft, in the Eye of Reaſon, be conceived as acting arbitrarily and illegally, and violating the Conſtitution by which it exiſts. 2 It is the common Cuſtom of all thoſe, who pre- fume to defend the preſent Adm-n, to aſk, in Op- poſition to thoſe who complain of the Mal-Conduct of publick Affairs, whether we are not governed by Laws legally inſtituted ? To which I anſwer, by aſking, If any Law can be faid to be legally inſtituted, which may be enacted by Men choſen contrary to Law, and exceeding the De- ſign of their Inſtitution ? If Bribery and Corruption, influencing the Elections of the national Reprefenta- tives of this Kingdom, are abſolutely contrary to the eſtabliſhed Laws of this Realm ; can then the Mem- ber, who is choſen by Means of corrupt Influence and -Perjury, in direct Oppoſition to the Legiſlature, be nolog F legally [ [ 42 ] legally endowed with the Power of making Laws? If this Queſtion be anſwered in the Affirmative, tell me then the Difference between the Ideas, which attend the Words Legal and Illegal ? Will not this fatal Abſurdity be the Conſequence of ſuch an anſwer, that if one Set of Men, illegally choſen, ſhall ever pre- ſume to enact Laws, that all others have an equal Right to ir ? What Reaſon can be aſſigned, why one Part of this Nation ſhall be excluded from an Autho- rity of doing whatever is done by another, which has no legal Right to Superiority of Power ? NAY, will Diſobedience to Laws, made by Men who have been elected contrary to the eſtabliſhed Rules of the Engliſh Conſtitution, be a greater Breach of the Legiſlative Power, than that which theſe Le- giſlators committed in procuring their Elections ? The criminal Means of procuring Seats in P though they may never be openly proved againſt the Tranſgreffors, are they for that Reaſon the leſs true in the impartial Eye of Juſtice? And who, from the Poft-Boy that guides a Poft Chaiſe on the Road, to him that miſguides bis K- and Country in the Ad---n, is ignorant of this Truth, that Seats in P-t have been obtained by Bribery and Corrup- tion? Is it not the Commiſſion of the Action, and not the Conviction of the Judge and Jury, which conſtitutes the Crime in all who dare to violate the Laws of their Country? Let us, however, through pure Indulgence to the Diffolute, ſuppoſe the greateſt of all Contradictions, that Men, illegally choſen, are yet lawfully authorized to conſtitute and appoint Laws for the good Govern- ment of a Kingdom ; does it thence follow, that they are endowed with Authority to make Acts diametri- cally oppoſite to the Publick Welfare? Can the three Letters, which compoſe the Word LAW, change the Nature of Right and Wrong? Will Robbery, Adultery, or Murder, enacted by a P-, tranſmute the Nature of theſe Crimes ? Will they not, in Op- poſition 02 [ 43 ] poſition to ten Million Acts of a Legiſlature, in- Itituted in their Favour, remain as cruel and deteſtable as before to every humane Boſom? If an Act is once paſſed the Houſe of C, does it thence follow, that it muſt be abſolutely com- plied with without Complaint or Remonſtrance, eſpe- cially if it contain Conditions deſtructive to all that is valuable amongſt Men ? Are the Laws of England, like thoſe of the Medes and Perſians, to remain unal- terable becauſe they are made? Ona bolnoblubot THROUGH this thin Argument the Fallacy mani- feſtly appears ; or, it muſt be granted, that Engliſh. men, of all the People of Europe, are particularly doomed to Slavery. How can the effeminate Daftards of the Eaſt more effe&tually expreſs the abject State of their Exiſtence, than by tamely complying with whatever is ordained them ovodnom It is the unmanly yielding to this ignominious Im- poſition, which confirms the Condition of Slavery, and not the Source from whence it proceeds: The Acts of an E-hP--t, whenever they ſhall be arbitrary, and the deſpotic Mandates of a Perſian So-. phi, are equally tyrannical, though the firſt may ſeem to be the Voice of a Majority of more than Five Hundred, and the latter of one Man. I SAY feem, becauſe it may eaſily happen, that a M—-r may dictate as deſpoticly as a Sophi, and the Voice of more than Three Hundred Mrs be no more than the Reverberation of as many Echoes, from a Place formed with the Power of multiplying one Sound equal to that Number. no Laws may become the moſt tyrannical of all Op- preſſion, even more to be dreaded than the Deſpotiſm of Kings; for which Reaſon, every good Repreſenta- tive of the People will with Pleafure receive whatever can be offered for or againſt them by his Fellow-Sub- jects. to ertya odstotine KINGS, when they invade the Liberties of their Subjects, foon diſcovered; the Breach is viſible, the Inroad felt, and the People foon F2 alarnied are [ 44 ] alarmed, and on their Guard to oppoſe its the Object and the Deſign are open to their Senſes : But Laws, enacted under the Sanction of delibe- rate Debate, and digeſted maturely by Men ſelected to defend the Publick Weal, bear the Appearance of being inſtituted with Juſtice, and according to the ori- ginal Deſign of our happy Conſtitution. THINGS conducted in this Manner wear no open Face of Injuſtice, no external Mark of arbitrary Power; the People, deluded and deceived by the Glare of this ſpecious Varniſh, unaccuſtomed to examine Things to the Bottom, believe theſe Acts are juſt, becauſe they are made by thoſe whoſe Duty it is to enact no other than the Laws of Truth and Juſtice la o batoob I IMAGINE then it will be allowed me, that Laws which violate the Conftitution, create Inequality in the Courſe of diſtributive Juſtice, pillage the many to en- rich the few, alter the primary Diſpoſitions of human Nature, facrifice the publick Good to private Emo- luments, and Engliſh Property to Foreign Intereſt, are ſuch Laws, as even a P_ legally choſen, can hardly have an Authority to enact. So If ever then a Pe ſhould be unconftitutionally elected, and carry ſuch Laws into Execution, will not this be a double Breach of the eſtabliſhed Confti- tution of E-ad? What will ſuch Men offer to their Conſtituents in Favour of themſelves; or how will that M--r defend himſelf who, though perhaps, without the Subtilty of the Serpent, may, like that Reptile, transfuſe his Poiſon through a Houſe of CS, to the Ruin of his native Land, as it was through the Mother of all, to that of human Race ? Laws, in a Free State, are the ſtanding Defence of the People ; by thefe alone they ought to be judg- ed, and none enacted but ſuch as are impartially con- ceived ; the Peer ſhould poffefs no Privilege deftruc- tive to the Commoner; the Layman obtain no Fa- your which is denied the Prieſt ; nor the Neceffitous excluded from the Juſtice which is granted to the Wealthy : Unleſs theſe Things are truly preſerved, the [45] the Laws, which ſhould defend the People's Property, are, like the Body-Guards of a King corrupted, the more to be dreaded, becauſe the Liberties of the firſt, as the Life of the latter, are more immediately in their Hands. narfundoi U When Charles I. preſumed to levy Taxes on his Subjects without their Conſent, this Deſign was not oppoſed by them, becaufe it proceeded from the King, but becauſe it was contrary to the Conſtitution, and illegal: In like manner, whenever a P-t ſhall en- act Laws deſtructive of the Public Good, fuch Pro- ceedings will be equally contrary to the Conſtitution ; and if ſuch Tranſactions in a King are juſtly deno- minated Tyranny, tell me by what Name I ſhall diei ſtinguiſh ſimilar Deſigns, if even they are found in ar Houſe of C--- ? deg be If oppoſing the arbitrary Efforts of a Sovereign, were Acts of the moſt heroic Nature, and moſt lau- dable Deſign, if paflive Obedience to a crowned Head be the Height of Slavery, learn from thence, that Oppoſition to illegal Proceedings in Kor C- is equally praiſe-worthy and virtuous :: Withouo bét having in this Manner, it muſt be granted, that Re- ſiſtance to the Kings of old was perſonal Pique, and not patriot Juſtice ; Reſentment againſt the individual Man, and not a Vindication of your juſt Righits. Thus you ſee that Tyranny is the fame, from what- ever Source it ſprings; and the Arguments and Truth which juſtified our Forefathers in oppoſing the arbi- trary Proceedings of one Head, though furrounded with a Diadem, will ſupport you in the ſame Beha- viour againſt any Hydra-headed Minifter, or Hún- dred-handed Briareus, which may attempt to ſcale che Heaven of your Conftitutionum i miodo 10 ron I have ſaid thus much to fhew you, as clearly as as I could, what appears to me to be the true Power of P t: To do Good they have, and ought to have, unlimited Power ; but their power to do Evil, ſurely, ought to be under fome Reſtraint. Whe- ther they have a Power to inſtitute Laws to the Ruin boy of [ 46 ] may of their Country? is a Queſtion that never can ariſe ; it can only be, Whether the Laws propoſed are in themſelves pernicious or beneficial ? Whoever then ſhall endeavour to ſet in a clear Light the Utility or Deſtruction which may follow from a Law before it is enacted, will undoubtedly be conſidered with a favourable Eye ; and though his Counſel be but a Mite added to the Whole, the Good- will and patriot Love with which it is offered, will render it not unacceptable to the higheſt Wiſdom. It may not be amiſs then to examine the Effects which a Subſidiary Army may have on this Kingdom, if a War ſhould be begun on the Continent : To ſet in a clear Light the Advantages or Diſadvantages which it may produce to this Country, and, from Hiſtory and paſt Tranſactions, infer what reſult from the Supporting ſuch a military Force with the Revenues of England. Perhaps there are few Things which can come be- fore the Mind of a M-, that require more De- liberation and Prudence, than that of hiring Subſidiary Troops for the Protection or Service of that King- dom which he ſuperintends, or more replete with Dan- ger to the Liberties and Properties of the Subject, or even to the Crown itſelf. Every righteous Stateſman, in all his national Proceedings, cannot but intend promoting the Public Welfare : His Plans for the Public Good will juſtify his Intention, however adverſe the Event of them may prove, and free him from all injurious Imputa- tation in the Sight of his Countrymen.si Yet, though it ſhould be allowed that the beſt conceived Deſigns may prove abortive in the Exe- cution of them, it muſt be granted alſo, that in di- recting a State there is for ever infeparably connected with good Senſe, an Advantage which cannot be found in company with Folly. A M-R then of weak Intellects can expect no- thing but Chance to aſſiſt him in his inſufficient Schemes, and I fear that Union has too ſeldom pre- vailed, [ 47 ) vailed, to found a national Expectation that the Va- garies of Chance and Folly ſhall ſucceed againſt Rea- fon and good Conduct, in the Management of a Na- tion's Welfare.ro WHENEVER then a M--r ſhall entertain the Deſign of taking an Army of Subſidiary Troops in- to a Nation's Pay, it behoves the Subjects of that Kingdom, who have yet their Liberties to preſerve, and Properties to loſe, co be extremely circumſpect in relation to the Conſequences which ſuch an Under- taking may produce, particularly if a Suſpicion of wicked Deſign may be imagined to be blended with Weakneſs in the fame Head ; an Union not uncom- mon amongſt Men exalted to the higheſt Stations, however fatal it may prove to the public Weal. I believe it may be juftly aſcertained a Maxim in Politics, That no Nation which can defend itſelf, and effectually annoy it's Enemy, ſhould ever retain mer- cenary Troops for theſe Purpoſes. To ſupport this Idea, there ſeems to be many Reaſons not eaſily controverted. First, The Money with which the Aid of a mercenary Army is purchaſed, muſt be a Diminution of the Wealth of that Kingdom which pays them, and therefore detrimental, as it leffens the pecuniary Strength of the People, SecONDLY, All mercenary Soldiers muſt for ever be deficient in that animating Spirit, which the Love of their Country infuſes through the Soul of every Native. This inſpiring Impulſe, which Money can- not impart, carries Men on to Conqueſt, through Contempt of Danger and of Death. To this the great Deeds of all Nations have been chiefly owing, not amongſt Greeks and Romans only, but even a- mongſt the wild Arabs, who fought underneath the Standard of Mahomet, the Dalecarlian Savages under Guſtavus the Swede, or Engliſhmen at the Fields of Creſy and Agincourt, in the Days of Conqueſt, un- der the Command of our Edward and Henry. THIRDLY, Men whoſe Hearts are actuated to Bat- tle [ 48 ] tle by venal Views and Purchaſe, are juſtly fuſpected to be within the Reach of pecuniary Corruption ; that Prince, and that Army which Money bribes to your Afiftance, will probably be bought to deſert you by a greater Sum: This Conſideration ought to efface all Confidence in mercenary Armies. 1 FOURTHLY, A hireling Army once victorious, perceiving the People, who invited them to their Al- fiftance, unequal to the Taſk of defending themſelves, and refifting their Force, will, in all Probability, fet up for themſelves, and become their Maſters ; as did our Anceſtors the Saxons, who, follicited by the Bri- tons, to aſſiſt them in repelling the Invaſion of the Scots and Piets, remained in this Ine, and became Lords of the very Kingdoms they came to protect. Or laſtly, a M-r who fears he ſhall one Day feel the Reſentment of a Nation juſtly enraged againſt him for ſiniſter Management, may retain theſe Hire- lings in his Service, to ſubdue with more certainty, and leſs Danger, that People, which, though he has deprived them of Arms, he has not yet forgot to fear. O Hordw These Conſiderations then muſt neceſſarily operate ſtrongly againſt taking mercenary Troops into the Pay of any Nation, in the Minds of all Men who wiſh well to their native Land, and have no pernicious De- figns on the Liberties of their Fellow-Subjects, and the Conſtitution of the Realm. Let us now ſuppoſe that a War ſhould be declared between France and this Kingdom, and then examine whether England is reduced to the abject State of fear- ing her Enemies, more than the mercenary Men ſhe may hire to ſupport her Intereſt and Honour againſt the military Force of France. The firſt Conſideration which offers itſelf in favour of this Nation is, that no foreign Power can attack it without being obliged to croſs the Sea for that Pur- poſe. The Uncertainty and Danger of that Element, which has more than once preſerved us from hoſtile Invaſion [ 49 ] Invaſion, is an Advantage of no ſmall Account in our Favour againſt a Deſcent from France : Afflavit Deus & diſpabantur, was the pious Acknowledgement of the beſt of Queens for her Succeſs againſt the Spaniſh Armada. However, without reckoning Storms amongſt our Advantages, if we ſuppoſe that in all Attempts of an Invaſion, a Fleet is neceſſary to convoy and pro- tect the Enemy in their Paffage, and cover them in their Deſcent, and that a ſuperior naval Force has the Power to intercept and deſtroy it, in what manner are we to form our Opinion in this Light? jos sibul Let us then compare the Fleets of the two Na- tions, and thence infer what are the probable Confe- quences of ſuch an Attempt by the French and own br The Navy of England conſifts in about two hun. dred and fifty Men of War, excluſive of Bomb- ketches, Fire-ſhips, and armed Sloops, in all more than three hundred: the laſt named being at leaſt e- qually uſeful in fruſtrating ſuch Attempts, as Ships of the Line of Battle. 20 barom The whole Navy of France, at the higheſt Com- putation, is not equal to one hundred. Thus then, as far as can be inferred from the Nature of Naval Armaments, and the Utility which can be drawn from them, no Reaſon can be offered to induce a thinking Man that one hundred French Ships of War are a Power which can oppoſe treble that Number of Engliſh. Conſequently on the Side of the Marine, there cannot be the leaſt Reaſon to ſuſpect a Neceſſity for hiring a mercenary Force, to prevent an Invaſion from the Armies of the French King. Vinose But I freely own, my Confidence in Armies is much ſtronger than in Fleets ; and that a Deſcent on this Realm, divided from the Continent by ſo narrow a Channel, ſo ſuddenly paſſed with a favourable Wind, ſecreted by the Darkneſs of the Night, is too practi- cable an Undertaking, and may be accompliſhed in Spite of all naval Oppoſition. LET [ 501 Let us then examine, in Caſe an Attempt of that Kind ſhould ſucceed, how we are provided to repel a Viſit of that Nature, when our Enemies being landed, are beyond the Reach of being deſtroyed by naval Powers, The Inhabitants of England, excluſive of Ireland and Scotland, are generally computed at the loweſt Account to be about fix Millions : Thoſe who have examined, and calculated, with the greateſt Accuracy, the Numbers and Age of a People, have laid it down as a certain Truth, that a fifth Part of the Whole, in- cluding thoſe from ſixteen to fixty, are able to bear Arms. Thus then England alone can furniſh one Million two hundred thouſand Soldiers in her Defence; and, by adding the four Million Inhabitants of Ireland and Scotland to the Account, the Sum amounts to two Mil- lion of Men, able to oppoſe the Deſcent of our Ene- mies. Of this Number, without Doubt, more than one hundred thouſand near London, may be ſum- moned together in a few Hours, where Arms and all military Accoutrements are preſerved in the Tower, for emergent Occaſions ; and in a few Days, a like Number may be collected in any other part of this Kingdom, before much national Injury can be perpe- trated by the Enemy. What Force then, allowing the Armies of the French King to be ever ſo numerous, can be embark- ed and landed with any Proſpect of Succeſs, againſt ſo formidable a Power as two Millions of Men, able and willing to bear Arms in their King and Country's Defence ? It is ridiculous to offer a Reaſon in Vindication of this Truth, the - Abſurdity glares through the thin Diſguiſe, and is viſible to the weakeſt Underſtanding. Thus then the natural Powers of England, ſecuring us beyond all Suſpicion of Danger, to what honeſt Purpoſe can Mercenaries be hired, to defend this Na- tion from the Attacks and Invaſions of a foreign Enemy? THIS TL 57 ) This then is the natural Strength and State of our Powers and Defence; but alas, like brute Matter, it lies inert and unexerted ! Amazing beyond all Credi- bility ! Two Millions of Men, able and willing to bear Arms in Defence of their King and Country, are treated by the M-=r, as Lunatics by Phyſicians, ſur- rounded with that Waiſtcoat which deprives them of all bodily Exertion, Twenty thouſand only are inveſted with the Powers of our Defence, inſtructed in the Art of War and Uſe of military Weapons, diſperſed from the Orcades to Minorca, whilſt the Millions look on and lament their abject Condition, deprived of aſlifting themſelves and Country. dan This View of our Situation then, ſets Things in a new Light, and creates very naturally theſe Queſtions ; From what Motive does this Behaviour proceed in the M-r? And then this other, Whether England be- ing ſo circumſtanced, ſhould ſeek the Aid of foreign Hirelings by pecuniary Powers, or put Arms into the Hands of her own Natives, who ſtand ready to re- ceive them, and defend her? 19 Sus 21 Whether the Lives, Liberties, Properties, and Conftitution of this Kingdom, ſhall be intruſted to thoſe, whom every Motive, external and internal, ho- nourable and intereſting, muſt urge to their own De- fence, unattended with any poſſible Diſadvantage to this Nation, or to the hireling Hands of foreign Mer- cenaries, againſt whoſe being employed in ſuch an Action, there ſubſiſt almoſt as many Arguments, as againſt ſuffering the Iſland to be invaded and overcome by an Enemy? Can theſe Queſtions need an Exami- nation or Anſwer ? do zinatole Perhaps fome Man, of more Turbulence than Judgment, the humble but violent Retailer of M---| Fallhood, may treat this long Diſquiſition as a lunatic Scroll of a Bedlamite, (who, having created a Devil of his own, with a burnt Skewer on the Wall of his Cell, is tilting at it as if it were the very foul Fiend itſelf) and may aſſert, that the French will neither at, 2 tempt enio S103 [ 52 ] tempt a Deſcent, nor the M----y bring into this ifle foreign Subſidiaries to defend us. 2000 bano To which it is eaſily anſwered, by aſking, Will a M—r, of common Underſtanding and Patriot In- tentions, truſt the Security of this Kingdom to the good Inclination of his Enemy? If he does, and a Deſcent ſhould prove ſucceſsful, with what Powers will he repel them? Will a Multitude of Men unac- cuſtomed to Obedience, Diſcipline, and Arms, like the Teeth of the Dragon, ſown by Cadmus, ſtart up, and become Soldiers in an Inſtant at his Command? HIRELINGS, the baſe Defence of foreign Merce- naries, muft they be called in to your Afliftance? Heſſians and Dutch, Germans, Hanoverians, and Ruf- fians! Muſt theſe be brought to aſſiſt the once brave Engliſh, in repelling the Foes of their native Land ? Abject, degenerate Thought! And yet, if an Inva- ſion be made from France, what ſtronger Reaſon have you to hinder them from being ſent for at this Time, than during the laſt War, when Dutchmen and Heſſians, to the eternal Infamy of England, were landed in this Ille, to protect you againſt a Rabble of rebellious Highlanders, yourſelves difarmed, and incapable of Defence ? Where then is the Abſurdity, of ſuppoſing an Enemy ſhould attempt an Invaſion againſt ſo ſmall an Oppoſition as the Troops of England ? or that a Mr, who has already applied for foreign Aid, ſhould again recur to the ſame Expedient of mercenary Affiſtance? VOEDI 25 els Saldo ONSA Thus then the Reaſons againſt your being armed, lie only in the M-a-r's Breaſt, and are relative to him alone ; his Deſigns may poſſibly controvert the Public Good, and thoſe Mercenaries which will deſtroy your Liberties, may coincide with his Schemes : Is he not then the Torpor, which benumbs your natural Facul- ties of War and Reſiſtance ? the Source from whence innumerable Calamities will flow to this once happy, free, and martial Kingdom? Thus then your Weak- neſs conſiſts only in your Want of being intruſted with thoſe Arms, which are purchaſed by your Contribu- tions, [[153] tions, and in your Strength being with-held from your Hands by the arbitrary Will of a M-rond of But as it may probably be urged, that England and it's Defence are not the ſole Object of having recourſe to Subſidiary to Subſidiary Troops, let us examine what is. The Balance of Power, that faſcinating deſtructive Sound, ſo much in uſe ſince the Revolution, fo pro- ductive of Wars, even more ridiculous than Cruſades and combating Saracens for recovering the holy Se- pulchre, demands the Attention of this Realm ; or, this political Equipoiſe being one deſtroyed, England muſt periſh, alike with all the Powers of Germany, and France be poſſeſſed of univerſal Monarchy : No Chimera can be more viſionary than this Idea of fear- ing univerſal Empire, and balancing the States of Europe, Will Germany conſpire againſt its own Inte- reſt, to give France the firſt? Is not this Balance, not- withſtanding the Number of Troops and Sums of Money which each State can raiſe, eternally ſhifting from Realm to Realm, according to the Underſtand ing and Integrity of Miniſters, and Kings who pre- ſide and rule them? rollevat in anoimimo SA This Balance, ſo glorious in Idea, and fatal in it's Effects, which was held by the Hands of our gracious Queen Anne, has ſince been taken from this Land, and is now poſſeſſed by the King of Priffia, by dint of ſuperior Intellect. vbh eu gusto niso 35919 15 worl Let us however accede to this propoſition, that the Balance of Power is an Object worthy the Atten- tion of this Nation, as our M—y chuſes to inculcate to our Belief.cicis iud (bsiqpozo linadigan) 191970 | awo UNDER the Sanction of this conceffion, Are the Arms of France a more reaſonable Object of dread to this Iſland than to the Princes of Germeny ? Is our Dani ger, divided as we are from our Enemy by the Sea, with Powers fufficient to reſiſt all Attacks, greater than that of theſe Princes, whoſe Dominions are hourly open to hoftile Inroad and Rapine by the firſt March of the French Army? What Claim have they, or what Pre- text [ 54 ] 16000 ibor nuova I 2000 ovi Helſians 118009 40005 73000 9 eiro 166000 bu text can be urged to induce this people at any Time to hire the Troops of theſe very Princes to defend their own Territories ? Shall done Hanoverians Saxons 1 2000 Saxe-Gothians ON 6000 Bavarians Wolfenbuttlers 5000 - Darmſtadians ba Piedmonteſe odloud 30000 Ruffians Jogind sau To liwe la foc VOM shavinu to In all- In all - 166000 1991 sharti rientri don Tons be hired as Mercenaries by the Revenues of England to defend their own Territories ? Not reckoning in this Account the Subſidies which have, and ever muſt be paid to the Auſtrians, when we have engaged to fight their Battles, and ſuſtain their Intereſt, at the Perdi- tion of our own. fastos mais os mingit moi Cast an Eye on the Map of Europe, and remark on what Dominions an Invaſion is moſt probable to fall, if France comes to an open Rupture with this Kingdom, and our German Allies; and whoſe more immediate Care it is to arm and defend themſelves. 2. But alas ! ſuch is our Situation, that no Succeſs, however great, can bring us Advantage ; a Conqueſt influences little more than a Defeat in our favour. I -- Is there a Truth more ſelf-evident in Euclid, than that Nations cannot be long, purchaſed againſt their own Intereſt (England excepted) but this, that no- thing is ſo ridiculous as attempting to buy them to it: Will German Princes long prefer French Intereſt to their own, or neglect to oppoſe it, if you withdraw your Subſidies ? How abſurd muſt be the Head of that M-r who can cheriſh ſuch Conceptions, and act in conſequence of them? What intuitive Knowlege in the Actions of Men muſt he be bleſſed withal ? -0.9 td to BUT [ 55 ] But it may be offered in defence of hiring theſe Mercenaries, that their Maſters Inability to defend themſelves, makes it neceſſary that England ſhould protect them. Is there in Nature a Reaſon which ought to induce a Nation to it's own Ruin, in defence of others who are reaping Advantage by our Undoing? In Truth, no Aſſertion is ſo falſe as the above : În what manner did theſe States exiſt before the Revolu- tion without your Afliftance? Have they not the ſame Means at preſent? It is the Weakneſs of our My, and fatal Attachments to German Intereſts; the Sums of Money which they have gained, and we uſeleſsly ſquandered, that turn the Eyes of all theſe Princes on you. This creates the War, and diſunites the Germanic Body; otherwiſe, the Intereſt of all Ger- many, and the Conſtitution of the Empire, would u- nite all Germany againſt the common Enemy; but your interfering, and their pecuniary Ideas and mer- cenary Paſſions, foment the Diviſion: Would the King of Pruſia, and the other States who are inactive, fee the German Intereſts defeated, if you did not eſpouſe the Quarrel ? But as our M-y behave, his View is extent of Territory, by becoming neceſſary in the Broil, whilſt other German Potentates humanely traffic the Lives of their Subjects for the Price of your Gold; the only Manufacture and Commerce which their Countries produce. Thus then, conſcious of the Imbecility of our M-I, they reap the plenteous Harveſt of his buſy Folly, and thus his prepoſterous Conduct begins, fo- ments, and foſters a Continental War. do 10 But left what has been ſaid ſhould appear like the enthuſiaſtic Fervour of patriot Love impetuoſly urged in favour of my Country, let us examine the Senti- ments of our Forefathers, the Remarks of ancient Wiſdom on the Conſequences of being united with the States and Intereſts of the Continent, and then obſerve what has been the Effects in our own. எல Those Times, when the Kings of England had Bar Tab yaſt - [ 56 vaft Poffeflions in France, will furniſh us with many an Obſervation applicable to the preſent. Bupaten It was then the opinion of thoſe Men, moſt cele- brated for patriot Love and the cleareſt Judgment, that the Territories of our Kings in France were by no Means to be defended at the Expence of En- glih Treaſure ; they juſtly diſtinguiſhed the Dominions of an Engliſh King from thoſe of England, and ſepa- rated the foreign Intereſts of an infatuated Monarch from thoſe of his Subjects in this Iſland; and in Con- fequence of this, they virtuouſly and ſtrenuouſly op- poſed the ſquandering Engliſh Treaſure, in Protection of Dominions, in no Senſe connected with the Wel- fare of this Kingdom. 100 mg The Earls of Hertford, Bohun, and Bigot, began their Commotions through the Diftaſte which Edward I. gave them, by demanding their Service in the Quarrel of Gaſcoigny; and in denying to defend or recover for reign Provinces independent of England, though ſub- ject to the King, they had great Reaſon, ſince ſo many Conſents of Parliament juſtify their Refuſal. In the twentieth Year of the Reign of Richard II. the ſixth and the ninth of Henry IV. the firſt and ſe- venth of Henry V. it is affirmed, the Commons of England are not bound, pour ſupporter les guerres en la terre de France ou Normandie ; that is, to ſupport the King's Wars either in France or Normandy; pub- licly declaring this, and publicly refuſing Aſſiſtance. In the Reign of King John, the Biſhop of Durham was killed by the People, who determined to oppoſe a Tax for ſupporting the King's Wars in France : The King himſelf was deteſted alſo by the Citizens of London for his grievous Taxations on the fame Ac- count. Hence followed the Wars between him and his Barons. P10TIO 10 s. In the Reign of Henry III. there was another Con- tention between the Kings and Barons on the like Reaſon. danser EDWARDI. was refuſed Money by his Subjects, to defend his Territories in France againſt the French. EDWARD ana ( 57 ) EDWARD III. was alſo denied Contribution by his Subjects to carry on the Wars againſt the French; and one of the Articles of Treaſon againſt Mortimer, was the Offence he bred in the Commonwealth, by cau- ſing a Subſidy to be enacted from the Subjects on that Account. The Poll-Money impoſed by Parliament in the Reign of Richard II. to defray the Expence of the Wars in France, was the Cauſe of bitter Imprecations againſt the King, which were followed by an Inſur- rection of the Commons: And in the Reign of this King, as well as in others of thoſe who preceded and ſucceeded him, the Parliament was ſo tender in grant- ing Subſidies, and raiſing Taxes for foreign Wars, that they added to the Act, Quod non trabatur in Con- ſequentiam, that it ſhould beno Precedent to Futurity for levying Taxes; at the ſame Time appointing peculiar Treaſurers of their own, to give them Account upon Oath the next Parliament. INNUMERABLE Inſtances of this Nature may be drawn from the Hiſtory of our Anceſtors, and evident Proof inferred, that the Commons of England conſider- ed this Attachment of their Sovereigns to their Domi- nions on the Continent, as the great Cauſe of their Miſeries and Diſtreſs, and frequently refuſed to in. dulge their Kings in the Ambition and Folly of en- larging and protecting their Poffeffions, to the Ruin and Poverty of themſelves and their Conſtituents. So certainly true is it, that Poverty of England has ever been the Attendant of our engaging in War on the Continent, I believe it may be proved, that the People of this Nation have owed their Increaſe in Riches to the ſingle Circumſtance of being once de- tached from Continental Poffeffions. Till the Beginning of Elizabeth's Reign, whate- ver had been gained by the Natives of this Iſland in Commerce, had been again waſted in Defence of fo- reign Dominions ; but from the Reign of this il. luſtrious Woman, whoſe Memory muſt be for ever 20M 9200 H Badear boulon siya solo [ 58 ] dear to all Engliſhmen, for the Bleſſings ſhe ſpread up- on her People, to the laſt Day of that infatuated Bi- got, James II, England only as a Nation has grown rich; all Increaſe of Wealth ſince that Time being Paper-Poſſeſſions, which like the Leaves of the Sibyl, ſcattered to and fro by m-> Winds, too plainly pronounce the impending Fate of this Kingdom. From this fatal Æra, the m---- Deſtroyers of their Country recurred to the ſame Means, which had formerly been the Ruin and Waſte of Engliſh Blood and Treaſure; the unſpeakable Diſadvantage which this Nation had ſuffered, from their Sovereigns being pofſeffed of Dominions in France, returned with dou- ble Fury: Holland and Germany were yoked to this Nation; the laſt, like an enormous Wen fixed to a beautiful Body, has grown luxuriant, by draining the vital Juices which ſhould have been diſtributed through this Realm, and emaciated it's natural Strength, Beauty, and Vigour. Since the Attachments of M—-rs to the Germa- nic Intereſt, during the Wars of William and Anne, and in our Times, we have thrown Three hundred Mil. lions of Engliſh Money into the Scale of that Balance of Power in Germany, which has never inclined, nor ever will preponderate on our Side, while we have a Shill- ing more to add to it. Such immenſe Sums of Mo- ney have been ineffectually waſted in fuſtaining this viſionary Equilibrium of Power in Europe ; Four- ſcore Millionsof which, we, free-born Engliſhmen, and our Pofterity, are this Day mortgaged to pay for German Advantages. olco Thus it is evidently demonſtrable, that national Po- verty has been the inſeparable Companion of being again attached to Continental Intereſts; for, I believe, no Man will aſſert, that a Nation, which has not more Money in it at this Time, than at the Day of James the Second's Abdication, with a Debt of Fourſcore Millions added to it, can be as wealthy as it was at that Period. Is the Value of Fourſcore Millions, in uncoined [ 59 ] uncoined Gold and Silver, and other Merchandiſe, to be found in this Kingdom, beyond what it poſſeffed at that Time? As much then as this Nation is deficient in the Poffefſion of that Sum, ſo much is it poorer than it was at that Period: I ſpeak not of imaginary Paper-Wealth, got by the Iniquity of M---rs and their Favourites, to which nothing real anſwers but your Taxes and Calamities. Thus then ancient and modern Obſervation de monſtrate, that our Attachments to Territories, which, though belonging to our Kings, were independent of England, have ever been the Cauſe of Poverty and Dif- treſs; and our Welfare and Happineſs prevailed only, when we were unconcerned in Continental Wars and Intereſts. Can it then be imagined, that what has ever been pernicious, will now change it's Nature, and be- come beneficial ? Will not the ſame Ruin, the ſame Increaſe of Debts, and waſte of national Treaſure, be the fatal Conſequence of all future Engagements to ſupport foreign Dominions in Europe, as it has of all paft ? As all Acquiſition of Territory in that Part of the World would be but Increaſe of Misfortunes, and every Conqueſt be attended with farther Ruin to this Ide. ud bayang Ports Let me now lay before you ſome Eſtimate of what may be the annual Expence, if ever a Deſign of hiring that long liſt of mercenary Blood-Suckers, from Ger- many and other Parts, ſhould take place ; in which, though the Calculation does not pretend to Exactneſs, it is yet, I believe, rather under than above the juſt Computation. When we conſider the enormous Sum of Money which was levied the laſt Year of the laſt War, and the great Navy-Debt which was then left undiſcharged. Let us then examine, whether England can ſupport that Expence. The Pay of the Ruſſian Troops alone, according to the Proportion of former Subſidies, will be half a Million of Money; the remaining Troops of all Gera many (excluſive of Auſtrians and Piedmonteſe) cannot H2 be [ 60 ] be eſtimated at leſs than double that Sum: Thus in Subſidy alone, One Million and a half will be annual- ly expended. The Hire which muſt be paid the Au- ftrians ; Money to put all theſe Troops in Motion, according to late Practice ; ſupporting the whole Ar- my, when ever they leave their own Countries to be aſſembled on the Rbine or in Flanders, will double that Sum at leaſt, and increaſe it to three Millions. For Experience has ſhewn us, that whatever Bargain we may make with neceſficous Princes, to ſupport their own Troops in the Field, that notwithſtanding this, it is the Gold of England which has ever ſupplied and furniſhed them with Subſiſtence during that Time ; this, beſides the Expence of our own Troops in Flan- ders, which cannot be eſtimated at leſs than a Million more yearly, will make the Sum of Four Millions of Money, which muſt annually paſs the Engliſh Channel, like Ghoſts over the Stygian Ferry, never more to re- viſit this Ine. Can England then, indebted Fourſcore Millions, whoſe circulating Caſh is not more than Fourteen, ſupport a War on the Continent of Europe, which had almoſt proved her Ruin, when ſhe did not owe one Shilling? What Obligation can German Intereſts have on this Land, that ſhe muſt exhauft her vital Powers to her own Ruin and their Advantage ? I IMAGINE the moſt fanguine Friend to the pre- ſent M--y can ſcarce entertain a more flattering Idea in favour of this Nation, when he confiders who preſides in the various Branches of the Ad-~n, than that if we engage in Flanders, our Succeſs will be equal to that of the great Duke of Marlborough. AND yet even this Succeſs, ſhould we win every Batele, muſt lead us to inevitable Ruin. Can England, buried in Mountains of Debt, which, like Pelion upon Ola, have been heaped upon her, ſuſtain the Expençe of a War upon the Continent of Europe ? Do we grow more vigorous by being exhauſted? or will na- tional Parſimony anſwer all the immenſe Demands of ſuch [ 611 ſuch a War? Where then ſhall this unhappy Nation find Money for foreign Mercenaries? The moſt rapid Succeſs muſt even prove your Kuin, and the Nation be exhauſted of all Reſource before theſe ten Years Conqueſts can be half completed. Thus the Sound of every Victory muſt be received with aching Hearts, and our Generals in their triumphal Carrs be follow- ed by People drowned in Floods of Sorrow for the Battles they have won. In the mean time, whilft you are ſluicing forth your vital Treaſure to protect Germanic Princes, how different is their Fate ? they grow great by your Folly and Deſtruction, the Wealth which you laviſh they receive by the Hire of their Armies, mercenary in their own Defence. Theſe are the Friends and Allies of England! Thus Conqueſt, any more than Defeat, cannot avert your Ruin, tho' the firſt may retard it a little while. SHALL then this Kingdom be totally drained by grievous Subſidies, in ſupport of foreign Princes Do- minions, among whom there is One, whoſe untold Sums lie uſeleſs and untouched, even for the Protec- tion of that State which is ſo dear to him. But as painting the diſtreſsful Side of Nature, and our Situation, may be too diſpleaſing to your Eyes, let us now point out to you the Way by which our Enemies muſt be humbled, and this Nation ex- alted. We have already proved that the Engliſh Fleet conſiſts of treble the Number of that of France; that Engliſhmen want nothing but being truſted with Arms, and inſtructed in the Uſe of them, to defend them- ſelves from all Invaſion; and that the German Princes, undivided by the Hopes of our Money, and enlarg- ing their Territories' by our interfering, would unite in one common Cauſe againſt one common Enemy. These being the true Circumſtances of Things, our Fleet ſo ſuperior, muſt drive the French Com. merce from the Face of the Ocean, and enrich this Iſland, [ 62 ] Ifand, when Specie might again appear inſtead of Paper. Our Troops and Militia, confined to the Defence of this Kingdom, whatever Expence they might prove, would prevent the Money from eſcaping to our Ruin, and ſtill be circulating amongſt us. The Germans, being ever Germans, and not bought by our Treaſure, would tread the direct Road to their own Security and Preſervation. Thus then nothing but m-1 Wrongheadedneſs can prevent this Nation from growing great in Caſe of a War with France. This Kingdom, by the Ac- quiſition of Wealth taken from that, will then be a Reſervoir for our Supplies; which very Treaſure, if a War be begun ir. Flanders, will be no more than Waters running into the Head of a Pool, which im- mediately run out at the lower End, the Money we and the mercenary Army muſt ſpend in that Coun- try, travelling very ſoon from the Hands of us to thoſe of the Netherland Inhabitants, and thence ſpee- dily into France, as it happened too apparently laſt War. Thus our Enemies get great Part of that Money which we ſquander to oppoſe them. THEREFORE to make England truly great, this Ifle, as ſhe is by Nature, muſt ſtand unconnected with the Intereſts and Territories of German Princes and the Continent. But there is yet a farther Conſideration for our declining to engage in German Welfare, it is the De- fence of his Majeſty and his Subjects Poffeſſions in America, the living Fountain of perpetual Wealth to this Kingdom, an Object worth all your Conſidera- tion ; whatever is expended in the Defence of Engliſh Plantations, returns to England again. SHALL we then raiſe Money to laviſh on German Mercenaries for German Intereſts, and neglect our own Colonies ? Shall that baſtard and unnatural State, whoſe whole Revenue does not exceed the fourth Part of but [ 63 ] of what you annually pay the Poor of this Nation, which has already coſt ſo many Millions, continue to exhauſt all your Wealth in her Defence and Service, and the legal Child of England be neglected and a- bandoned in her Diſtreſs? Shall a hundred and fixty thouſand Mercenaries wage War on the Banks of the Rhine, and in the Meadows of Flanders at your Ex- pence, to defend what is not in it's whole Value worth the Treaſure which will be conſumed in four Cam- paigns for its Protection ? Thus then theſe Things being clearly placed be- fore your Eyes, does it not follow that Ruin muft await you, if theſe mercenary Troops are hired in de- fence of you or German Intereſts? And may it not as juſtly be ſaid when that Time arrives, as in thoſe of Tacitus, Britannia ſervitutem ſuam quotidie emit, quo- tidie poſcit ; the Britons are every Day imploring to be Slaves, and adding Money to purchaſe that In- famy? JOV 10 E IF hereafter ſome future Son of Ambition ſhall make the obtaining Subfidies for German Intereſts, the very Condition of his being a M—, will you tamely bow your Necks to that Yoke ; if ſome fu- ture P-t ſhall grant the Revenues of England for ſuch Purpoſes, is there an Engliſhman who can look filently on and ſee his Conſtitution totally ex- piring, unremonftrating, and uncomplaining ? If ye ſhould prove ſo fallen from the Spirit of your Anceſtors, how deſpicable muſt you be regard- ed by the Eyes of all Europe ? Shall France behold the proud inſulting mercenary German, the hireling Defender of this Ille, ſtalking indignant and oppref- five thro’ your Lands and Cities, yourſelves untruft- ed with Arms, doomed, like the Slaves of Sparta, to work for theſe foreign Soldiers ? can vet IF you ſhall ever become ſo deſpicable in the Opi- nion of m-1 Men, your Souls deemed unequal to the Talk of combating for your own Safety, what are ye then but heartleſs Cowards, a Race of ſoft, effeminate [ 64 ] effeminate Daftards ? Oh ignominious Thought! Oh abject England! Will you then be conſidered but as People unfit for War, to plow and labour, to hew Wood and draw Water, for thoſe whoſe Souls are yet daring e- nough to meet an Enemy on the Field of Battle WHERE will then be fled that martial Spirit which animated the Souls of your great Anceſtors at Creſy, Poitiers, and Agincourt? Is that Engliſh Valour which knew no Defeat beneath the Command of Marlborough, totally annihilated ? Will ye then permit in ſilence theſe Foreigners to be bought to your Aſſiſtance ? Will ye ſervilely fur- render yourſelves and Liberties into their Hands for Protection ? Will ye be the Slaves of German Mer- cenaries! Ye filken Sons of Pleaſure, rouſe from your Le. thargy; modeſtly repreſent to your Sovereign the Dangers of your Condition : urge your Repreſenta- tives to procure you Arms, which become your Hands alone, for the protecting Him and your Coun- try from Invaſion. Let your Navies prove that France can be humbled without mercenary Affiſtance. Or will ye permit the white Horſe to trample down the Sons of England in Duſt, Diſgrace, and Ruin ? Shall the Britiſh Lion beyoked to draw that Carr from which he is unharneſſed, to wanton in the fatteft Paſtures ? Ir even Yourſelves and Liberties ſhould be no longer dear to you, will you behold your Progeny en- ſlaved? Your Properties waſted in foreign Wars and German Intereſts ? Will ye not then exert your native Powers, and ſhake off that lazy Inattention which is ſtolen upon you? Be attentive, or irremediable Evils may ſteal im- perceptibly upon you, like Death in old Age, when there no longer remains Vigour to combat the Attack ; when exhauſted, and driven by mercenary Bands, con- verted from being your Defenders to your Enſlavers, Endodon't ov you 1 [ 65 you are excluded from the free Expatiating of Liberty, and your Conſtitution driven into a narrow Compaſs, as the Britons of old; and, treading on each other, like wild Beaſts in the Eaſtern Nations, ſurrounded with Toils, you tear each other to Pieces with Rage ; or die tamely and fupinely, expiring by the Darts, which are thrown by mercenary and m-1 Hunt men. GEVA Honig Nor is it for you alone, my Countrymen, my Breaſt feels the anxious Alarm ; the Welfare of that illuftri- ous Houſe, which fills the Throne with ſo much Glory, thrills me with Apprehenſion for their Safety, What Behaviour can more probably wean the Hearts of Subjects from a Sovereign, than their being treated ſo ignominiouſly by his MS? What Motive ſo apt to irritate their Minds, as beholding their Treaſures exhauſted to their Ruin, themſelves conſidered as Cowards, unworthy to bear Arms in their own De- fence, and contemptuouſly poſtponed to German Mer- cenaries by M-Counſellors? HISTORY too fatally informs us, that the Engliſ have been frequently driven to dangerous Extremes by Cauſes of leſs Moment: Let me therefore implore you, if it ſhould ever be the abject Fate of England to become the Slave of Germany, urge not your Re- ſentment beyond remonſtrating, to your Repreſenta- tives and Sovereign, your deſpicable Situation ; with- hold your Hands from vindicating your own Rights ; point your legal Deſigns alone againſt that Mr, who, betraying the Truſt which is committed to him by his Maſter, may attempt to enſlave you to foreign Hirelings, exhauſt your Treaſure by defending Ger- man Intereſts, and riſk even the Stability of that Crown, which it is his Duty to ſuſtain. Will ye, degenerate Men, behold Britannia, like Prometheus chained to a Rock, whilſt the German Eagle is devouring her Vitals, and yield her no Aflift- ance ? Believe me, the Moment of that Cataſtrophe [H] may [ 66 ] may not be at a great Diſtance. When it arrives f ſhall not fail to give you Warning of the Evil: That Meſſage muſt either prove the Paſſing-Bell of your expiring Liberties and Nation's Glory, which, like Women, ye may follow to their Graves with Sighs and Tears unmanly; or, like the Sound of the laſt Trumpet, awaken to a Reſurrection the long-de- parted Spirit of defending yourſelves, your King, and Country. contra l furore, Prendra l'arme & fia il combatter corto Che l' antico valore Nell Ingleſe cuor non è ancor morte. FINI S. dos 09 - wib Fade blonso adaptado A THIRD L E T T E R TO THE People of England, 0 N LIBERTY, TAXES, And the APPLICATION of PUBLIC MONEY. Torpere ultra, & perdendam rempublicam relinquere Sopor & Ignavia videretur. Tacit. The SIXTH EDITION. LONDON: Printed in the Y EAR, 1756. I a III T A SITTI hangi lo sigoo 2В ХАТУТ Я за II 10 DOITATILIA Srl boa YAVOM DNIUI .TIDAT TOGETTX19 Cat I di Band [67] be A » u sobib L E T T E R . To STO TO THE Τ Τ Ο - . People of England. L E T T E R III. W' ITHOUT entering into a long Diſqui- ſition concerning the Requiſites which are neceffary to conſtitute the Idea of LIBER- ty in every State, or aſcertaining what kind of Go- vernment is, in the Nature of it's Confirmation, the beſt adapted for fuſtaining it when once eſtabliſhed ; may it not with Truth be ſaid, that whenever Inequi- ty in Laws, and Inequality in diſtributive Juſtice are found amongſt a People, that then the Exertion and Enjoyment of true Freedom do not perfectly exiſt in that State. That Liberty neceſſarily belongs to no one Form of Government, may be fairly inferred from the Opi- nions and Practice of all Antiquity, and in particular from the Sentiments and Behaviour of the two moſt illuſ- trious Nations of the World, the Athenians and Ron During the Reign of Theſeus their great legiſlative King, and in many others which ſucceeded his, and under the Archons, the Athenians conſidered themſelves a Free People, becauſe they were governed by equitable Statutes, Even Piſiſtratus, who fraudulently uſurped an abſolute Power over his Fellow-Countrymen, was leſs oppoſed by the People than by his Competitors for Do- minion, and died at laſt upon the Throne of Athens. I 2 THE mans. ( 68 ) The Reaſon of this ſeems evident ; he ruled ac- cording to the Laws of Equity and Solon. Had his Succeſſors accompanied their Reigns with equal Judg- ment, and the fame juſt Difpofition, the Grecians had not complained of violated Freedom, and expelled them from their City. BREACH of Juſtice, and Contempt of Laws, prov- ed their Bane and Demolition ; and not their being Monarchs. The next Innovation in the Athenian State, was the Ariſtocratic Government, conſiſting of Four Hun- dred Men; theſe, under the Pretext of appealing to their Conſtituents, obſerving the Laws, and preſer- ving the Conſtitution of the State, perverted the In- tention of the firſt, and fubverted the Foundations of the latter ; till, becoming obnoxious to a People ever jealous of their Liberty and ſenſible of Injury, they were baniſhed by the Re-call of Alcibiades, and the Valour of their enraged Countrymen. After this, Li- berty, and the old Form of Government, returned to Athens. overalworld, No long Space intervened till ambitious Views and popular Commotions created new Diſturbances in the State. At this time the Athenians, to re-inſtate the confuſed Condition of their Affairs, choſe from amongſt their Fellow-Citizens thirty Men, to collect and com- pile a Body of Laws, the moſt promiſing and pro- bable to re-eſtabliſh the broken Police of the City, cor- rect the Diffolution of Manners in the Citizens, reſtore it to it's ancient Glory, and to be the ſtanding Rules of future Government. To this Oligarchy the ſole Direction of the State, and ſupreme Authority was entruſted. Theſe, in the Beginning, proceeding with great Appearance of Juf- tice, and forming ſalutary Laws, were chearfully obey- ed by the People ; 'till the Luft of Power devouring the Love of Equality, they inſtituted Statutes oppref- five of their Fellow-Citizens, and held in Contempt thoſe which they had already paſſed ; when being let looſe suru Svi [69] looſe to all the Outrage of deſpotic Infolence, per- petrating the moſt atrocious and tyrannic Inſults on Liberty and the Conſtitution, inſtigated thereto by a Subſidiary Army of Lacedemonians, they became the Deteſtation of every unpurchaſed Athenian. At this Time the Virtue of Thraſybulus, and Seven. ty more only, who diſdained to be Athenians and be Slaves, reſcued their native Land from the opprobri- ous Chains of Oligarchic Tyranny : The Tyrants were ignominiouſly expelled the City, driven to that Land from whence they had hired the enſiaving Mer- cenaries, and their Laws publicly aboliſhed. In this manner Liberty and Juſtice returned once more to Athens. HENCE let it be remembered what Succeſs attends the Virtue of a Few fired with their Country's Cauſe ; and what Fatality awaits thoſe who attempt deſpotic Sway, and the Ruin of their native Land by Foreign Hirelings. In this State of Freedom the Athenians perſevered for ſome time, 'till growing inſolent by Wealth they deſpiſed the Religion, ſevere Virtue, and wholeſome Laws of their Anceſtors; when drowned in Luxury, Effeminacy, and Sports, neglecting all Military Atten- tion, conſuming the public Revenue in Wantonnefs and Profuſion, thronging to Theatres, and inatten- tive to their Country's Welfare ; excluding the Wiſe from all public Councils, and indulging Mimics, Buf- foons, and Paraſites, at the Tables of the Great, they fell at length the eaſy Prey of Philip, King of Mace- don. In like manner, amongſt the Romans, under the various Changes of that Empire, the Revolutions which prevailed in it, ſeen rather to have ariſen from the pernicious Exceſs of acting contrary to the nature of Liberty, than from Diſinclination to any one Form of Government. The Kings, in the Infancy of Rome, were willingly obeyed by the People, and the regal Power would probably have continued, if they had wollo son dizaob surm loira bora not [ 70 ] not dared to violate thc laws of that Conſtitution which they were chofen to protect. sher The Conſular and Patrician Power was never op- poſed, 'till it became oppreſſive and injurious to the Plebeians; 'till the Senators, deſigned the Protectors of Liberty, became the Oppreſſors of the People ; hence ſprang the Decemviri, to curb the Ariſtocratic Power, and inſtitute ſtable Laws for the Diſtribution of Juſtice, and Preſervation of Liberty. Yet, alas! fuch is the Nature of Man, theſe, grown arrogant by Power, illegally prolonged the Time for which they had been choſen for the forming good Laws; violating the firſt Principles of Juſtice, and the very Intent for which they had been elected. At length the Juſt Re- ſentment of an injured Nation fell upon them; they were ignominiouſly depoſed, and the ancient Form of Government, and Freedom reſtored together. Hence does it not manifeſtly appear from the Hiſtory and Tranſactions of thoſe People, who enter- tained the juſteſt Sentiments on that Subject, that Li- berty belongs not neceſſarily either to Monarchy, A- ‘riſtocracy, Oligarchy, Democracy, or to a Compoſi- tion of theſe ; that it is not abſolutely united to elec- tive, more than to hereditary Powers ; or conſiſts in being governed by Laws ; but in being obliged to obey no Power which is arbitrary; and being ruled by no Laws, which are not equally diſtributive of Juſ- tice and Equity; alike preſervative of Great and Small, the Ruler's Prerogatives, and People's Liberties. What I mean by Liberty, is not that diffolute Li- centiouſneſs, which is conſtantly miſtaken for, and al- ſerted by the Profligate to be that celeſtial Attribute, a- like the impious Companion of Tyranny and Anar- chy; but ſuch as it is defined by the celebrated Author of De l’Eſprit des Loix; conſiſting in a People's pofſeffing a Power of doing all that they ought to chooſe, and in not being conſtrained to do that which they ought not to chooſe. If then this Definition, and what has been already ſaid, bear the ſacred Seal of Truth, does it not follow, that [71] that whenever a People are prohibited to bear Arms in Defence of themſelves, their Liberties and Properties; that whenever a Nation is doomed to labour for Thoſe who have no legal Claim of Merit on it's Inhabitants, who are deſtructive to the public Good, or for the Ad- vantage of foreign Potentates, independent of their own: That in whatever Country theſe Conditions have obtained, they muſt be incompatible with the Intereſt of a free People, and totally repugnant to the Definiti. on of Liberty, and that Idea of it acknowleged by Ancients and Moderns ? DOW NOTWITHSTANDING theſe Queries are almoſt ſelf- evident Truths, permit me to examine without Heat, and explain without Acrimony, whence it is derived that Liberty and the above Conditions are abſolutely contradictory and found impoſſible to ſubſiſt together. . In attempting this, I ſhall now trace your Right to Liberty from Magna Charta, and the diſtant Prac- tice of your Anceſtors; it will be ſufficient for me to ſay, That the ſame Legiſlative Act which eſtabliſhes the preſent illuſtrious Family on the Throne, confirms you in your Liberties; that Law, which gives your Sovereign his Crown and Prerogatives, afſigns and fixes your Rights and Privileges. The Power of making Peace and War is not more inherent in the King, than the being governed by juſt Laws belongs to the Subject. a bobin ton dial 5 virg) Should any Men audaciouſly attempt to infringe the Royal Authority, and make the crowned Head dependent on the People's Will, ought they not to be deemed as Rebels to their Sovereign ? In like man- ner, are not all thoſe who by any means would de- prive their Fellow-Subjects of their Rights by Law eſtabliſhed, Traitors to them, their Conftitution, and all that is committed to their Charge ? tasarlad If Liberty then be the undiſputed Inheritance, and peculiar Bleſſing of an Engliſhman, has he not a juſt Claim to the Right of defending it? Or, with what Shadow of Truth can he be imagined to be free ? 119 BUT MODEL [ 72 But left the Word Liberty, conveying no Idea of an Object to the Senſes, may create ſome Puzzle in comprehending what may be here faid, let me place the Word Money in it's ſtead; the Reality of which, and the Idea adequate to the Term, being thoroughly underſtood by all. Let us then imagine a Law to have been enacted, by which every Man in England, who does not poſſeſs an hundred Pounds a Year in Land, is prohibited from reſiſting all who have the Inclination to deprive him of his Money. What kind of Security would he conceive he had for poffefſing this Property ? Would not he conclude, that his Te- nure, depending on the Good-will and Honeſty of all who ſurrounded him, open to the Inroad of In- vaders, was little worth, and extremely precarious ? Thus circumſtanced, would he not find himſelf in a worſe Condition in Society than without ; being pre- vented from defending his Property by this Law of Compact ; whereas it is permitted by that of Nature ? And thus would not the very Effence of Society be annihilated, becauſe a Law of ſuch a Kind is deſtruc- tive of the very Ends for which Societies were origi- nally inſtituted, mutual Preſervation, and Defence of Property ? Is not ſuch a Law a more Naviſh Injunc- tion than the arbitrary Will of a Prince, becauſe un- der the Semblance of being enacted by your Repre- ſentatives? Is it not conſidered as your own Deed, and lo you not therefore become the Affaſſins of your own Freedom Pombes SiG 9 bas Vrou po 90s Place Liberty for Money, and the Arguments are equally coercive. If then Eaſe of Mind be amongſt the diſtinguiſhing Characteriſtics of Freedom, in what a deplorable Situation muſt every Man be, who be- holds this celeſtial Donation every Minute ready to be ſnatched from his Poffeflion, deprived of Arms to reſcue that -Bleſling from the Hands of the Raviſher ? WHEREFORE under whatever Diſguiſe Military Weapons may be withheld from your Hands, tho it ſhould be under that important and natural Confi- deration [73] deration of preſerving Hares and Partridges 3r ſince you will thereby be denied the Power of defending your Liberties from the Invaſion of all who may at- tack them ; can' ye any longer be deemed a free Peo- ple? To affert a Nation is in ſecure Poffefſion of what it is forbidden to protect, is a Contradiction in Terms: And to ſay it is free, diveſted of all Power of defend- ing it’s Freedom, is that abſurd Contradiction. LIBERTY, by the Conſtitution of the Realm, is the Birthright of every Engliſhman, and ought to be defended by all. It is not a Privilege granted to the Peer, and denied the Commoner; it is not conceded to the Merchant, who deals in Thouſands, and with held from him who labours at the Loom or Plough. Your Repreſentatives have never been authorized to diſpoſe of it, being choſen as it’s Protectors, and not as Traffickers in that precious Merchandize; to guard, and not to betray, the important Charge of preſerving your Conſtitution. Every Law therefore, which can deprive you of defending that celeſtial Right, is it not an Infringement of your juft Privi- lege, and a Violation of the Conſtitution ? Let me add alſo, that Inhibition of bearing Arms in defending of Perſon, Liberty, and Country, has been ever deemed, through all Nations of the World, the moſt flagitious Characteriſtic of abject Slavery. Under no Form of the Athenian or Roman Govern- ments were the People denied the Uſe of military Weapons, and Fighting for their native Soil. INDEED the Elote, the unarmed Slaves of Lace- dæmon, held in Contempt and Ignominy through all Greece, tilled the Lands, and reaped the Harveſts for their atrocious Maſters ; in like manner, diveſted of all Power of Defence, the ſooty African toils for his inſulting Lord beneath the ſultry Suns of Jamaica. In this Way, naked and defencelels, do ye not labour in Tiw K this [ 74 ] this Iſle, with this imbittering Circumſtance, that be ing born Engliſhmen, ye have the ſame Claim to Li- berty with Thoſe who may forge your Chains and rivet your Bondage: A Circumftance never known in Greece or Rome, in which the Slaves were Aliens to the Land. That your Anceſtors, and many now alive, en- tertained the ſame liberal Sentiments, may be certain- ly gathered from that very A&t which placed the En- gliſ Diadem on the Head of William III. in which one great Complaint againſt James II. and one juſt Cauſe of his being dethroned, was, that he cauſed ſeveral good Subjects, being Proteſtants, to be dif- armed, at the fame Time that Papiſts were indulged with Arms contrary to Law. What Ad of Rebellion have ye ſince committed againſt your Sovereigns, that ye are thus ftript of all military Power of defending yourſelves? IF difarming a few Proteſtants was at that Time a juſt Cauſe of Coniplaint, and no ſmall Motive to de- throne a King; is it a leſs reaſonable Cauſe of com- plaining againſt a M-r at this Hour, when the whole Nation is diſarmed? Are Papiſt and Proteſtant become equally dreaded, and ſtript of all Defence, alike injuriouſly ſuſpected ? Are the Sons of thoſe who oppoſed, and thoſe who placed William on the Throne of England, thus held indignantly like Slaves ? IF Papiſts were a juft Cauſe of Terror in the Reign of James, will the Rufian Savages and German Blood- ſuckers, under the Name of mercenary Auxiliaries, afford leſs Reaſon for your Fears? If the pretended Exigency of Affairs, through M-Neglect, or Deſign, ſhould require their Afliſtance in this ifle, will Thoſe who freeze beneath the biting Froſt of a Ruſſian Winter, denied almoſt the Neceſſaries of Life, divefted of it's Comforts, cheriſhed by Treaty with Hopes of being Freebooters, and endleſs Plunder ; will [ 75 ] will they return at your Command, after having taſted the Sweets of England? Will the Heſſian, whoſe Being is the Price of Thirty Crowns, who ſees him- felf ſold by his inhuman Maſter, like the Ox to the higheſt Bidder ; will he return to him who traffics his Subjects Lives for Engliſh Gold, and quit this Land, where they may be Maſters ? • If they ſhould diſobey your Orders, defenceleſs and diſarmed as ye are, by what Method will ye compel them to obey you! Are then theſe foreign Troops of mercenary Hirelings leſs to be dreaded in George's Reign, than Engliſh Catholics were in that of James ? Are ye leſs treated like Bondſmen, in being deprived of the Uſe of Arms now, than at that Time? Are ye lefs open to Attack and Ruin from avowed Enemies and pretended Friends ? Idol Is not then the Law which renders ye defenceleſs, and ſnatches all Power of preſerving Liberty from your Hands, a more alarming Approach to Arbitrary Power than James's preſuming to effect it by his own Authority? The one, a Burden fixed upon your Shoul- ders which ye cannot eſcape, a Load which you muſt carry; the other, though placed on the Back of Ens gliſmen for a while, thrown to the Ground and reject- ed : Shall the firſt prevail unremonftrated againſt be- cauſe diſguiſed as legal, allowed and acquieſced in, and the other diſavowed, deemed deſpotic and reſiſted be- cauſe illegal ; is it not a Breach of that Act which placed the Crown upon William’s Head ? Surely no Man has Hardineſs enough to aſſert, that if the Miniſter in the Reign of James II. had pof- ſeſſed by Place and Penſion an abſolute Power over the Houſe of Commons, and commanded them to paſs a Law for diſarming the People, that ſuch an Act would have been leſs an Infringement of Engliſh Li- berty, than if it had been executed by means of the King's K 2 ( 76 ) King's Mandate only; all Ways of bringing about wrong Meaſures being alike unconftitutional and arbi- trary, it is the deſpicable State to which ye are rea duced, and not the Means by which it is effected, that makes your being diſarmed a Violation of that Liberty and that Conftitution, which neither Britiſh Kings nor Britiſh Laws have a Right to diminiſh or deſtroy torvr briHas then that humiliating Condition, which was fo juftly deemed Slavery in his Reign, Yand fo glori- ouſly ſhaken off by your Fathers, changed it's Nature and loſt it's Sting in this? Or has Time eraſed all Senſe of Injury from your Souls, bthat being prohibited the Uſe of Arms, ye fupinely behold the abject Situi ation to which ye are reduced, regardleſs, unremon- ftrating, and uncomplaining of your Fate ? Shall Murs acquire that Deſpotifm, 'which Kings have never yet been able to obtain ? Wipe then all Record of Liberty from your Minds, fany Trace hunhappily remains upon them; left the Remembrance of your loft Cóns dition thould damp the future Hourse of your Lives with one eternal Sadneſs. Look not on your defence- leſs Hands, nor fighingo think whatr England was, Learn from Atheniansz Romanstoc Britons, that not Men alone, but Laws may be requially rkyrannic Vand oppreſlive; then, by remonftrating idegally to your Prince and Repreſentatives, emerge from that abject State. Emulate your Fathers Glory ;afike Them, be Virtuouis, be Immortal, and be Free, wovslib 19.30 ods HAVING -faid thus much to prove to you, that no Nation denied the Power of defending their Liberties and Properties from foreign and domeſtick Enemies, can juftly be denominated Free , permit me to ſhewi you, how thoſe Hands which have been denied the Uſe of Arms for their own Protection, have been em ployed for the Advantage of others. That the whole Produce of your Labour, the Improvement of your Lands, your Increaſe of Manufactures, and your Gains [ 771 Gains by Merchandize, have been long. doomed to the Support of foreign Nations, ruinous to Engliſh Liberty and the publick Good. Salgaon - In order to lay this Truth more evidently before your Eyes, it feems neceſſary to return to the End of the Reign of fames the Second, to ſhew you the State the Nation was then in, and compare it with what at preſent exiſts in this Iſland. i inolvihaa noiden THAT Prince then, from a Paſſion of being deſpotic, and mole-eyed Zeal of propagating the Roman Catho- lick Religión, abuſed the regal Authority, and ex- tended his Prerogative illegally over the People. He difarmed Proteſtants; kept a Standing Army in Times of Peace, attempted to ſubvert the eſtabliſhed Reli- gion, obý tolerating Catholicks and Sectaries; violated the Freedom of Elections of Members to Terve in Par- liament 3 Aand committed mariy other grofs Enormities, mentioned in that Act of Parliament which placed the Crown on King William's Head : Ah theſe being then deemed deſtructive of Liberty and your Conftitution, and avowed as juſtifiable Reaſons for depoſing a King, are fill maintained to be fuck, by every Engliſhman, they muſt ever remain the ſame, in the Opinion of all honelt Mensland be an everlaſting Juſtification of all who attempt to oppoſe the Return of ſuch abſolute Proceedings, whether in the Monarch or his Miniſter 2 ACCORDINGLY inobedience to ſuch true Sentiments of Liberty and our Conftitution, Popery and arbitrary Power were fuppoſed to be expelled together. Since which Time the two Taft have been confidered as con ſtant Companions," ever united in the Maths of the Whigslib Let me examine, whether the Experience of ſucceeding Years has not proved that they have been divided, and that wheť Popery was driven intepny, niſhment; arbitrary Power did not change Maikuu Domine, and remain in that new Diſguiſe amongſt the Crowd GOIS 1919 SVOG HT AND ( 78 1 And here it is impoſſible to avoid obſerving to you, that though before this Date it had been declared a “ King of England could do no Wrong," yet that this Maxim could not then have been univerſally re- ceived, becauſe in dethroning James II. and in not con- fining their Puniſhments to the Miniſters alone, the Leaders muſt have been deemed as Rebels by all Men of Virtue, which Behaviour having never been conſider- ed in that View, it appears impoſſible that the above Maxim could have been univerſally acknowleged. NotWITHSTANDING this, whatever might have been the Speculation and Practice of Engliſhmen at that Time, it certainly ought to be received as an inviolable and ſacred Tenet at preſent, “ that the King can do no “ Wrong: And I am under no Apprehenſion of it's being diſproved, when I affirm, that ſince that Day no crowned Head has ever committed a wrong Action. However, though Kings, as Vicegerents of Hea- ven, replete with celeſtial Attributes, are acknowleged to be incapable of doing Wrong, yet are they not to. tally exempt from human Weakneſſes : Nor has it e- ver been aſſerted that Miniſters, who generally receive their Qualifications from a very different Origin, cannot injure their Fellow-Subjects, or deſtroy their Country Can it ever therefore be Criminal for an Engliſhman to delineate to his Countrymen in what manner human Frailty in a crowned Head, and Iniquity in Miniſters may have co-incided to advance a Nation's Ruin? JAMES being depoſed, and the Prince of Orange placed on the Throne, that Prince, though confidered as Immortal, was yet not unallayed with human Frail- ties; amongſt which, his Preference and Predilection of the United Provinces, proved not a little prejudicial plis Land, and this People, who preſented him with t Ulrecious and ſuperb Donation of three Kingdoms, tu which he had no Claim, and to the obtaining which no Man ever atchieved leſs. THIS [79 This Foible too eminently diſtinguiſhed itſelf in poſt- poning the Good of theſe Nations to that of Holland; and tho’ a Theme for much Praiſe in the Songs of Dutch Poets, yet ought it to be held in everlaſting Re- membrance with Pain by all Engliſhmen. From the Time of this Prince's mounting the Throne, the Intereſt of England began to ſink in the Bogs of Holland, and the High and Mighty States reigned in the Breaſt of this King in Poffeſſion, as Po- pery did in Him that was exiled from the Throne. UNHAPPY for this Nation, the King of England was likewiſe Stadtholder of the United Provinces : And though a Prince of the Continent may be allowed Plurality of Dominions, yet paft Experience has proved, that the Intereſt of this Iſland will no more permit the Sovereigns of it to poſſeſs Plurality of Realms, than the Chriſtian Religion Plurality of Wives. It cannot ſuffer this Kingdom to bę wedded for her Wealth, ſubſervient to another more favourite Wife, taken for Love alone, As ſhe is ſeparated from the World, ſhe ought to be diſunited from all others in the Breaſt of her Poffeffor. It is not therefore im- poſſible for one Part of a King's Dominions to be ut- tering eternal Eulogies, in Commemoration of him, whom the other has little Reaſon to eſteem. It muſt be remembered alſo, that tho' the King of England and Stadtholder were united in one Perſon, that the Interett and Titles of England and the United Pro- vinces remained as diſtinct and ſeparate as if held by two different Princes; and no Union of theſe in one Man, can change the Nature and Advantages which each Dominion naturally poſſeſſes, Whatever Country then may be held by the King of England under another Title, is to be conſi- dered as unconnected with this Ifle, farther than as that [80 that Dominion and this may mutually aid and ſupport each other; and this notwithſtanding any ſuperior Love which the Sovereign may manifeft towards it. An E-M-r therefore, : who may indulge his Maſter, and, for the ſake of preſerving his own Power, dupe his native Land to this Propenſity, is an Enemy, if not a Rebel, to his Country. Should France and England, which Heaven avert, be ever ruled by the ſame Sovereign, would not the M-who pillaged this Land to pleaſe his King, and enrich the French, deſerve the ſevereſt Puniſh- ment? In like Manner, every other Realm held by a King of this Iſland, the Intereſt of which is diſtinct, if not contradictory to yours, ſhould be conſidered by you in the very fame Light as France, and be. held with the fame Averſion by every Engliſhman who is reſolved to be free. Have ye not juſt Right to complain, whenever the Labour of your Hands, the Profits of your Trade, and the Blood of your Fellow-Subjects, ſhall be wantonly laviſhed in Defence of Foreign Intereſts, to fatten the ſterile Soil, and fill the empty Purſes of more favourite Subjects ? Will not every M-r who fofters ſuch Inclina- tions, and drains his Country's Treaſures to ſupply them, merit the moſt ignominious Puniſhment ? It muſt be remarked alſo, that at this glorious Period of the Revolution, which ſo happily eſta- bliſhed (according to the Whig Phraſe) our Liber- ties and Privileges, Things took a different Turn from what is generally conceived; the Supreme Power, in Fact, fell from the crowned Head on that of the Miniſter. From this Inſtant the latter began to be abſolute, and his Sovereignty has been increa- 012 ſing ſince that Time. THE [ 81] The Whigs in Power, from the Principle inſepa- rable from a Whig, now reſolved to make them- ſelves arbitrary. They had found by Experience, that an Attempt to reign without a King was imprac- ticable in England; they therefore commenced the ſucceſsful Scheme of reigning with one; and this Change of Princes afforded too favourable an Oppor- tunity for executing their deſpotic Deſigns. They ſaw that the King muſt of Neceſſity fall entirely into their Poffeffion. They knew alſo that his opponents being very numerous, he dared not to deſert that Party which had crowned him. They perceived alſo, that being an Alien to the Land, the Love of Dutch Welfare had abſorbed the Good of England in the new Sovereign's Heart; and he, in his Turn, had diſcovered, that the Defire of Power, and not Freedom, had chiefly actuated in the Breaſts of thoſe who had given him the Throne : In mutual Acquieſcence therefore with each other's Intereſts, the King declined ſtruggling for Power in England, to obtain Money for the Service and Advantage of Holland; and to ſate his Love of Slaughter, and En- mity to Lewis XIV. And the Miniſter indulged him with the Objects of theſe Defires, in order to govern more quietly and deſpotic. Thus this Country was facrificed to Holland, to pleaſe the favourite Inclina- tions of a King, and to ſupport a pernicious Miniſtry. At the ſame Time the Miniſters, to bind the mo- nied Men to their Devotion, and ſecure them in their Power, began the deſtructive Schemes of National Debts, and mortgaging Engliſhmen; by which all thoſe thus indulged in their Deſigns of accumulating Wealth were gained to the Party: And all this was tranſacted under a Malk, written all over in red Let- ters with LIBERTY, PROPERTY, and the PRO- TESTANT RELIGION; No POPERY! No SLAVERY! biti The People, caught like Larks by the dazzle of theſe Words, and with ſeeing a King ſeemingly kept L under [ 82 ] ander by his Miniſters and Parliament, imagined that the Temple of Liberty was now fixing on a Rock, which no Winds or Tempeſts could remove; never entertaining the leaſt Idea, that the very Part of the Conſtitution which was pruning the Regal Power, was inoculating their own; and that by their future Culture, this Sprig of Miniſterial Power might grow to overſhadow the Regal Prerogative and Peo- ple’s Liberties; and that a Miniſter might hereafter be an abſolute Potentate. On Yet, though Miniſters are abſolute, they are not immortal. Like the deſpotic Sultans they frequently give Way to their Succeſſors, through Tumult and Oppoſition; and Kings, like Janizaries, may change their Lords, and yet live under an abfolute Dominion. For this Reaſon, as there are at all times many vigo- rous Sons urging up the ſteep Aſcent of Power, the Miniſter in Poffeſfion, in order to preſerve his Seat, has conſtantly sindulged the crowned Head with Mo- ney to promote Dutch and Germanic Intereſts; and thus the Sovereign being content, the Miniſter has been fecure, and the Nation going on to Ruin. By Proceedings of this Nature, ſince the placing the Crown on the Head of William the Third, a new Way of becoming arbitrary has been purſued by M---rs. It ſeems, they had been convinced by the Death and Exile of Princes, that Pts would not filently bear the exorbitant Attempts of Regal Prerogative, and from thence were apprehenſive, they were no more inclined tamely to ſubmit to the arbitrary Diſpoſition of M--rs; they therefore be- gans to divide amongft the Members Part of that Money which they levied on the Conſtituents; and thus, under thel Appearance of proceeding legally, kept the People, quiet, and ſtified the Clamour of their Repreſentatives by venal Influence. By this Way Laws were made, which inflicted greater Grie- mwances, and impoſed heavier Taxes on you, than gallerinesl gas nisl nisiw boniów had [ 83 had ever been attempted by extended Preregative and arbitrary Inclinations. NOTWITHSTANDING this, it appears to me, that as thoſe Articles in the Aet of Settlement were then judged neceſſary to aſcertain your Liberties; they cannot be infringed or abrogated without injuring your Rights and the Conſtitution, and bringing back in Effect, though not in the ſame Place, that arbitrary Power ſo juſtly complained of in James's Reign.pl Having ſaid thus much, let me now preſent you with the State of your Taxes, as they ſtood at the Abdication of King James; and then ſhew you by what Means they have ſo enormouſly increaſed, from that Hour to the preſent. AT James's leaving the Crown, the annual Revenue of this Kingdom, at the higheſt Computation, was Two Millions Sixty-one Thouſand Eight Hundred fifty-fix Pounds. This Income then ſupported a for- midable Navy equipped for the Seas, and an Army of Thirty-Thouſand Land Forces. It ſupplied the Civil Liſt, and impowered the King to ſave Money yearly : For, according to Accompts given into Par- liament, the annual Expence amounted at a Medium to no more than One Million Six Hundred ninety- nine Thouſand Three Hundred fixty-three Pounds. By this it appears, that Three Hundred fixty-two Thouſand Four Hundred ninety-three Pounds of the public Revenue were annually ſaved : At this Time alſo the Kingdom was not a Shilling in Debt. This then was the ſuppoſed Situation of your Af fairs at that diſtinguiſhed Æra. A Kingdom without a Head; a Nation out of Debt; an annual Revenue of Two Millions; Popery and Slavery baniſhed; the Whigs in full Poſſeſſion, unincumbered, and entire Maſters! Let me now inquire, how like Patriots thoſe who ſtript the Crown from the Father's Head, and placed it on the Son and Daughter's, have acquitted them- felves in the Service of their Country, 10 DURING L 2 [ 84 ) DURING the Reign of King William, his Love of Holland, and Luft of War cheriſhed by the Miniſtry deſiring to be abfolute, levied upon this People up- wards of Fifty Millions in thirteen Years. More than double the Amount of former Taxes, for an equal Number of Years preceding; beſides which, you and your Pofterity were mortgaged for a Debt of Ten Millions. This Bleſſing the Deliverer of this Land bequeathed you at his Death; doubly Immortal, in expelling Popery, and mortgaging England. After his Deceaſe, the Balance of Power, the Liberty of Germany, Popery, Slavery, and the Pro- teftant Intereſt, Terms which Time has ſhewn never to have had any reaſonable Ideas annexed to them, together with the Ambition and Avarice of the Duke and Dutcheſs of Marlborough, engaged you in a War on the Continent, in ſupport of the moſt Popiſh and moft Arbitrary Prince of all the Germanic States, the Houſe of Auſtria. During this War, your Taxes, your Ruin, and your Conqueſts, went Hand in Hand, magnificently increaſing. For at the End of Ten Years Victory and Queen Anne's Reign, there had been levied on this People more than Seventy-five Millions; which being almoft Six Millions a Year, is annually three Times as much as was raiſed during the Reign of James. To ſay nothing of the extravagant Increaſe of the National Debt to Fifty-three Millions. Thus, in two Reigns of Twenty-ſix Years, this infatuated Nation was pillaged of One Hundred twenty-three Millions to ſupport Dutch and German Intereſts, and deſtroy their own. To this Princeſs ſucceeded George the Firſt, whoſe Inclination to govern according to the Conſtitution has been generally allowed and believed, and I ima- gine with Juſtice, though by no Means divefted of Predilection for his native Land. Had his Miniſter poſſeſſed the ſimple Qualification of Integrity during this Reign, England might have been [ 85 ) been lightened from her Load of Debts, and emerged with all her former Effulgence from behind her Cloud of Grievances: For it is as demonſtrable as Figures can make it, that during this Reign, if Engliſh Wel fare had been the miniſterial Object, your Debts might have been reduced to Twelve Millions, which at Three per Cent, would have been but Three Hun- dred and Fifty Thouſand Pounds per Ann. a Subſidy at preſent ſcarce deemed worthy the Acceptation of a German Prince, whoſe Revenue does not amount to half that Sum. Til for In Conſequence of ſuch Deſign purſued with Equity, in the Year 1740 we ſhould have had a free Revenue of Five Millions from the Sinking Fund, Malt Tax, and Land Tax at Four Shillings in the Pound. During this Reign of Peace the whole Revenue amounted to more than Thirty Eight Millions, and the National Debt remained much as it was at the Queen's Death. How then can the Memory of a M-rbe fuffi- ciently deteſted, who thus neglecting the Salvation of his native Land, ſaw it expiring beneath the Burthen of her Taxes, yet never ſtretched forth his Hand to eaſe her Load and ſave her from Perdition ? He, who had been the Univerſal Invader of Freedom in elect- ing your Repreſentatives, the Profligate Spreader of Perjury and Corruption; the wanton Spoiler of Re- ligion and Virtue ; who, by the Power of paſſing pe- nal Laws cut you from your Rights and Privileges, and doom'd your Lives to the Mercy of every pro- ſtituted Juſtice of the Peace. Is this according to the Spirit of Magna Charta, the Bill of Rights, the Act of Settlement, or Engliſh Liberty ? Deteftable therefore as he muſt remain in the Hearts of all honeft Men, tell me in what Light ought his Succeſſors to be regarded, who, improve ing on his nefarious Plan of National Ruin, have ſo loaded the Genius of this diſtreſſed Iſle with accumu- lated Impoſts, that, funk beneath the Load, he gaſps expiring? DURING ( 86 ) During this Time Germanic Intereſts grew daily more prevalent, and M--rs inſolently purſued the old Maxims of indulging the ruling Paſſions of their to preſerve themſelves in Power, remorſeleſs in their Country's Ruin; ſo that during this Reign there has been levied on this oppreſſed People, One Hundred forty five Millions, and in one Year, the laft of the War, Ten Millions fifty nine Thouſand ninety four Pounds: And even in the Year Seven- teen Hundred fifty four, in profound Peace, Seven Millions five Hundred thirteen Thouſand three Hun- dred forty four Pounds. Thus from the happy Hour of the Glorious and Immortal King William's being placed on this Throne, your annual Taxes have been increaſed from Two Millions fixty one Thouſand eight Hundred fifty fix Pounds, to Ten Millions fifty nine Thouſand ninety four Pounds in Time of War, and to Seven Millions five Hundred thirteen Thouſand three Hundred forty four Pounds in Time of perfect Tranquillity ; added to which Blefling, you, your Children, and Childrens Chil- dren, to endleſs Generations, are mortgaged for a National Debt of Eighty Millions. During this Interval, ſo productive of Bleſſings to this Land, according to the Songs of Whigs, Penſioners, Placemen, and M---rs, conſiſting of ſixty-fix Years only, there has been levied Three Hun- dred and eight Millions, from which deducting the annual Expence of Two Millions at the dethroning James the Second, there remains One Hundred and ſeventy-ſıx Millions, which have been laviſhed in ſupporting Dutch and German Intereſts, and ruining your own. ama Having thus far traced the happy Conſequences of the Whig Adminiſtration, in draining you by op- preſſive Taxes, and overwhelming you with enor- mous Debts, I ſhall take the Liberty to ſhew you how this Money has in Part been diſpoſed of in Subſidies to foreign Princes; firſt making one Re- Отло mark, [ 87 ] mark, that whenever a Man of no Fortune marries a rich Wife, it generally follows, that her Money maintains his poor Relations and needy Couſins. In doing this it will be impoſſible to come at all the Sums paid in Subfidies, becauſe Votes of Credit, Money for Deficiencies not provided for by Parlia- ment, and other unſpecified Sums, may very poſs fibly have been applied in this anti-conſtitutional Manner. And to thew you that this Suppofition is not without juft Foundation, in 1697 there were a- mongſt the Reſolutions of the Houſe, mention of Sums due to the Elector of Brandenburgh, Landgrave of Heſſe Caſſel, Duke of Wolfenbüttle, Biſhop of Mun- fer, Duke of Hanover and Zell, Duke of Holſtein, and the King of Denmark. Ideo mohio con However, without including what has been juſt mentioned, there has been paid in Subſidies and in- cident Expences to foreign Princes, more than Four- teen Millions: A Sum exceeding the preſent Quan- tity of Specie in the Nation. And to this if there be added the Expence of ſubſiſting thoſe Troops in time of War, probably the Sum would be doubled. I TOT 1. This muſt inevitably appear not a little unac- countable and extraordinary to the Mind of every true Engliſhman: How will he reconcile this Idea with the Love of his Country, that during Wars carried on ſolely for Germanic Intereſts, the Engliſh have ſpent in Paying and Suſtaining thoſe Powers Twenty-eight Millions, hiring Princes and People to defend their own Territories, and protect their own Properties. What Arguments can a M-r offer to palliate this profligate Abuſe of Power and Public Truſt, this Sacrifice, more inhuman than thoſe to Moloch, of a whole Nation to the Advantage of Ger- man Princes, whoſe Intereſts are as diſtant from yours, as thoſe of che Planet from another, whoſe Dominions are not worth, at Public Auction, the Tenth Part of what you have ſpent and ran in Debt to ſupport them; of this Sum, Two Millions Three UTITAS hundred ( 88 ) hundred thouſand Pounds Engliſh Money, have been paid to the Elector of H-I, as Subſidies for Troops hired to defend his own Country. I MARVELLOUS as, the former muſt appear, this Article muſt yet ſurely excite a greater Wonder in the Eyes of all Men who yet love their Country, par- ticularly when they conſider, that ſince the bleſſed Acceſſion of this Family to the Throne of theſe Realms, the Elector of H-muſt have been ena- bled to ſave from his Germanic Revenues, by not reſiding on the Spot, at leaſt Two hundred thouſand Pounds Annually. Theſe Sums, without entering into a ſtrict Calculation of increaſing Intereſt, like a Change- Alley Broker, and yet not quite rejecting it, muft, without Doubt, have doubled themſelves to the amount of Sixteen Millions Four hundred thou- fand Pounds. -1 This Sum then has faved, whilſt M-rs have been oppreſſing the haraſſed Subjects of Eng- land, deſtroying your Manufactures by Taxes, ruin- ing your Liberties by fatal Laws, and mortgaging your Progeny by enormous Debts; methinks there- fore, ſince this forlorn State has been already thus exhauſted, oppreſſed, and mortgaged for German Interefts, whilſt thoſe for whom you have Fought and Laboured have been growing Rich by your Undo- ing, it would be reaſonable that ſhould at Jeaſt expend in her own Defence that Money which England has enabled her to ſave, before we are deeper plunged into the fathomleſs Abyſs of National Debt and overwhelming Taxes on that Account. Not- withſtanding this, tho' I confeſs to you with great Alacrity, that unſpeakable Advantages to this Na- tion have been derived from the Kings of the Brunf- wick Race; yet, may I not be permitted to plead ſomething in Favour of a grateful People, who have by Indulgence defended the Germanic Dominions to the enriching their Inhabitants, and impoveriſhing themſelves. Hogao Darbau GRATITUDE [ 89 ) GRATITUDE towards the Electorate of H., which has given us ſo Illuſtrious a King, ought un- doubtedly to be cheriſhed and eſtimated to its full Value, in the Breaſt of all Engliſhmen ; yet will it not admit of fome Debate, whether a M_ſhould be indulged in ſuch extravagant and fatal Miſconduét, as that of dooming the Labour of your Hands én- tirely to German Welfare ; eſpecially when we know, that our moſt gracious S-n on the T-eis ab- ſolutely diveſted of all ſuch partial Inclinations, pre- ferring the National Bliſs of this Iſland and its Inha- bitants, to whom he was born a Stranger, to the Welfare of that people, amongſt whom he firſt drew his Vital Breath? To fuch Exaltation can the Souls of S__s riſe above Humanity! With what Rapture then do I declare this to you, my Fellow Countrymen ; with what Pleaſure will you ſee it confirmed by Public Authority, that all theſe levied Subfidies, to bire mercenary Barbarians, and ſuſtain German Intereſts, are the Schemes of M-1 Heads? Shall then the Tenderneſs of the parental P-e be defeated by the Arts of rapacious M-rs? But let me no longer detain you from the Joy of reading what, fatally overlooked by the M-T, de- monſtrates the Truth of that which I have been aſſert- ing: The Paſſage is from the laſt Edinburgh Addreſs on his Majeſty's Return from Hanover, printed in the London Gazette, and in theſe Words, “The Spirit 4 and Vigour with which your Majeſty has ſupported 66 the Rights of your Crown and Kingdom, when " unjuſtly invaded, makes it our indiſpenſible Duty " to applaud thoſe Meaſures, wherein all Conſidera- « tions have been manifeſtly poſtponed to the Intereſt of " the Britiſh Dominions. This tranſcript of Zeal, breathed from a Country ſo remarkable for its Loy- alty, though perhaps it may not be parallelled by any Addreſs from Engliſh Corporations, yet for the "Honour of my Country, I affert is as firmly believed by Engliſh as by Scotchmen; and though you have M been [ 90 ] been lefs warm in your Expreſſions, I am convinced ye are as ſteady in your Loyalty and Duty. HAVING in this Manner proceeded to lay before you the Money which has been raiſed and laviſhed, together with the Debt incurred in ſuſtaining German Intereſts, it is with Pain I proceed to fhew how your Calamities have increaſed in other Views; every Bo- fom that yet feels for its Native Land, muſt prove the biting Anguiſh of this accumulated Miſery. It is not only that your Trade, Agriculture, and Manufactures, have been wholly employed to ſup- port foreign Intereſts; the matchleſs Iniquity of M -rs has been totally engaged in ruining yours, by reducing the Value of pecuniary Property to leſs than one Sixth of its worth at the Revolution. In the Reign of King William Money was at Seven per Cent, it is now reduced to Three and One half : Thus then as the Intereſt ariſing from that Property determines its Value, Two thouſand Pounds being now only productive of the ſame Intereſt which one gave you at that Tine, are of no more Worth ; and all your Property in that Shape muſt have loſt half its Value: To this Misfortune the fatal Adherence to Germanic Intereſts has reduced you, How many friendleſs Widows and deftitute Or- phans have already forely felt, how many more muſt ſuffer on this Account, owing to this calamitous Re- duction? Old Age pines in Want of the neceſſary Comforts which that helpleſs State requires, and In- fants are diveſted of Education from this fatal Change in pecuniary Income. YET alas, this Reduction of half the Worth of your Poſſeſſions in Money does not terminate the Evil By the beſt Computation, according to the Taxes of 1754, in profound Peace, out of every Twenty Shillings which is laid out to purchaſe the Neceſſaries of Life, Fourteen are doomed to the paying Taxes. By this Means two Thirds of that Money which was before reduced in half its Value ſince [ 9 ] ſince the Revolution, by diminiſhed Intereſt, is again taken from you, by the Increaſe of your Taxations. Thus then for every Twenty Shillings Income in the Time of James the Second, ariſing from the In- tereſt of your Money, you receive but Ten Shillings only at preſent; and as at his Exile your Taxes a- mounted only to Four Shillings in the Pound of all you expended, and at this Time to Fourteen, it fol- lows, from the Impofts ſo enormouſly increaſed by M-rs, that ſince that Time, inſtead of poſſeſſing Sixteen Shillings in every Pound clear of Taxes, you now poffefs Three only to purchaſe all the Neceſſa- ries of Life: What have ye already ſuffer'd ? When will ye behold the End of your Calamities? What Engliſhman's Heart can ceaſe from throbb- ing with Anxiety, when the hapleſs Condition of his induſtrious Countrymen comes acroſs it? When wounded with this Thought, that of all you earn one half is loſt in Value, and two Thirds of that ſunk in Taxes ſince the Revolution ; how inexpreſſible muſt that Anguiſh be to all you who recollect, that of every twenty Strokes of thoſe who labour at the Hammer, or the Loom, in Agriculture, Arts, and Manufactures, Fourteen are doomed to pay accu- mulated Taxes, raiſed for German Intereſts? That of Minutes, Hours, Days, Weeks, Years, and Ages Fourteen of every Twenty are deſtined to pay for what will be your Ruin, before yourſelves, your Wives and Children, can taſte their daily Bread, the honeft Labour of your Hands ? Nay, all ye Eat, Drink, or Wear, Health, Clean- lineſs and Warmth, your Dwellings, and even the chearing Light of the Sun, which Heaven has given alike to all, are taxed to enrich Germans and exhauſt ang you. Such then, tho' the Revolution was at that Time abſolutely neceſſary, have been the deplorable Ef- fects of M__ Miſconduct ſince that Æra. To ſuch Diſtreſs ye are reduced. M 2 HARD [ 92 ) "HARD as theſe Conditions may appear, I ſhould yet have acquieſced in this Support of German Inte- refts, if the Product of your Trades had anſwered to the Sums ye conſumed, and the Increaſe of your Na- tional Wealth had augmented during the Time of this Diſſipation : But alas! ſuch is the Fate of Engliſh- men, that of the Millions coined in this Land, of the Millions coined in others, and brought hither by Loans and Commerce, not leſs perhaps than One hundred Millions ſince the Revolution, not one Shil- ling remains amongſt you more than there was in England at that Time; not to mention the National Debt incurred of Eighty Millions. Germany and her Intereſts, with fome Afliſtance from the Eaſt India Company, like the Locuſts, which fell on Ægypt, have devoured up the Whole. Wealth has paſſed thro' this Kingdom like a Meteor thro' the Sky, blazed, and left no Trace behind. bahan This long Liſt of Evils, ye might well expect would terminate your Miſery; but alas! it is not in the Burthen of your Taxes only, but in the Manner which they are laid upon you, that the Calamity is increaſed WHEN Taxes were firſt granted in this Kingdom, for ever, as a Security for the Money which was to be levied upon them, in many it was provided, that as ſoon as the Money borrowed thereon was paid, the Tax ſhould ceaſe: But fince that Time, theſe and all others, the Malt-Tax, Land-Tax, and very few beſides excepted, have been granted to all Eter- nity, with a Proviſion only, that when the Money borrowed on them ſhall be paid, the Produce ſhall be at the Diſpoſal of Parliament. The Difference is too glaring to eſcape your Ob- ſervation in theſe two Ways of paſſing the Bills; in the firſt, the Tax ceaſes neceſſarily with the Payment of the Debt, and the People are not obliged to pay in the ſecond, it continues after the Debt is dif- charged, and the People are obliged to pay it. Wherefore, iti [ 93 ] Wherefore, if ever the National Debts ſhould be li- quidated, which I believe no Man's Fears will induce him to ſay God prevent, from any preſent Probability of that Event, the King will have a Revenue of more than four Millions Sterling coming annually into his Exchequer, without any new Grant from Parliament, or need of it. Will then the Crown, the M-r, Placemen, Penſioners, and Plunderers, hereafter conſent to free you from theſe Taxes, by abrogating the Law? Should a Monarch graciouſly incline, will a M-r honeſtly conſent; or will a Crowned Head liſten to the righteous Advice of a juft M-r, if Heaven, in Commiſeration to our Fall, ſhould in future Time ſend us that Temporal Saviour to with If then the bleſſed Sun ſhall ever riſe, which fall behold the Diſcharge of your Debts, and peradven- ture there fhall be ſeated on this Throne a K- ſwift to Wrath, and ſwift to Fear, whoſe partial Fer- vuur for Germanic Intereſts fhall prompt him into Broils, inattentive to your Welfare, ſo tender of his continental Subjects, and ſo afraid of French Invaſion in that Part, that through Dread of their Diſtreſs, he ſhall be intimidated to vote for the Election of that very E---r he is oppofing; when chaining by his timid Command the Royal Fleet of England at Gibral- tar, he ſhall permit that of the Enemy to paſs by unnoticed and untouched, whilft the brave Admiral runs mad at the Horror of this Sacrifice of his Coun- try's Honour; then this Revenue will probably be applied to the ſole Benefit of foreign Nations. Coole But if it ſhall happen that the M----r then in Direction ſhall dare the K-g to diſmiſs him from his Poft, ſhall appoint all Officers at his arbitrary Will, and diſcharge all who preſume to oppoſe his perni- cious Practices; then ſhall this Revenue be ſquan- dered to purchaſe Burroughs, corrupt P the Turbulent, footh and ſatisfy the Ambitious, and rule ye with the Iron Rod of Me Deſpotiſm. Citat wide SUSP& INOY 5 10 997 15 500 ois Ir ts, lull ( 94 ) It may happen alſo that a K-- and Mr of theſe Propenſities may rule together; then will their Conduct be a Mixture of the fatal Effects of ſuch In- clinations, and you doubly fleeced, to fate the out- rageous Love for foreign Nations in one, and to fup- ply the inextinguiſhable Hunger after Rapine in the other, and in his profligate Adherents : In this Man- ner, by Powers drawing different Ways, ye ſhall be rent aſunder. To what a deplorable Situation ſince the glorious Revolution are ye reduced? Arms are again taken from your Hands, the Income of your pecuniary Pro- perty ſhrunk to one Sixth of its Value. The Necef- fity of your Toil for daily Bread immenſely increaſed, the whole Profits of it beſtowed on Foreign Nations, yourſelves and Progeny mortgaged beyond Re- demption, and your Taxes rivetted beyond all Hopes of Diffolution. der 10 Tell me then by what Name I ſhall define ye, doom'd to ſuch hard Conditions for your daily Bread, defenceleſs even of that little ye poffeſs. Shall I, beholding ye are yet Engliſhmen, dare to call ye Slaves ? Botol Minor OJ Bastion and pa Yet alas ! to German Weal have not your Looms and Labour, Arts, Agriculture, Merchandize and Science, been long deſtined? For that your Flocks have been increaſed and ſhorn, your Fields been fer- tiliſed and reapt, your Ships have dared the Wrath of Tempefts, your Caſh been ſquandered, your Blood been laviſhed. For that Intereſt ye have Lived and ſhall Die. I a Then tell me, how does the purchaſed Negro dif- fer from you in Servitude? How is your Condition more eligible or free, when the hard Hand of Necef- ſity compels you to Toil Fourteen Hours in every Twenty, for foreign Nations, to whom ye owe no legal Obedience, before ye earn one Bit of Bread. Who ſhall now -audaciouſly lift his Front and ſay ye are longer Free, or that your State anſwers to the Definition [ 95 ] Definition given by that great Author quoted in the Beginning of theſe Pages? Do ye poſſeſs the Power of doing all ye ought to chuſe? Are ye not compellid to do that which ought not to be the Choice of a free People? In this Manner reduced as ye are fince the Date of the happy Revolution, in all the Value of your annual Revenues, is it credible that the Heart of an Engliſh- man, unrelenting to the Miſeries of his Native Land, can again ſuggeſt the cruel Thought of finiſhing your Deſtruction, by eſpouſing H- ---n Intereſts, at this precarious Moment? Is it not Time to reſpite this Nation from her Cala- mities and Sufferings? Muſt her Wounds again be opened, her Treaſures ſluiced for the ſole Benefit of German Powers? Shall mercenary Barbarians be pur- chaſed in Defence of H-r, and ten Times the Value of that State in Engliſh Gold be waſted for its Preſervation? Will the Woes of all Nations but yours be ended? Be not amuſed with ſpecious Tales of Conventions made with the Pruſſian King, and vaſt Advantages obtained; what are you to him, or he to you, as Hamlet ſays of Hecuba ? What is this but farther Proof of Attention to H -n Weal, whilſt the Safety of this Nation is ſtill neglected and poſtponed, and Arms with-held from your Hands ? Whatever be the concealed Condition, be aſſured, the Price of your Labour, the Works of your Hands, the Produce of your Lands and Manufactories, purchaſe him to the Engagement; whatever the Advantage, it can accrue to H-ago alone. Of what other Conſequences can theſe Treaties be to this Land, ſaving that of compleating your Perdition? Have ye an Ally, unpurchaſed by your Treaſure, who will advance one Regiment to the Field in your Defence? Will even the H->ns, for whom you have already waſted ſo much Wealth, will the Au- Arians eſpouſe your Quarrel, and riſque the Nether- lands [ 36 ] lands in your Favour? Can that Nation which already pays Fourteen Shillings in every Twenty which her Inhabitants expend towards the Taxes of the State, bear farther fleecing, and new Impofts? Can a Peo- ple in whoſe Favour, at the higheſt Computation, the Yearly Balance of Trade does not exceed Five Hundred Thouſand Pounds, whoſe Caſh conſiſts of only Fourteen Millions, be capable of ſuſtaining the Payment of foreign Subſidies, and Support of German Armies, to the Amount of three or four Millions an- nually; which tranſmigrating, like the Soul in the Syſtem of Pythagoras, from hence to Brutes, never Teturns to the ſame Body? Will Dutchmen and other Foreigners lend their Money to furniſh Loans to a State, whoſe declining Credit is manifeſt by the Reduction of one Quarter of their Eaſt-India Stock? Can you alone fuſtain a continental War, mortgaged for Eighty Millions, againſt France, who, when free and unmortgaged, have been running to Deſtruction in ſupporting for- mer Wars, aſſiſted by the Dutch and Auſtrians ? WILL not then a five Years War on the Conti- nent, and M-1 Conduct, bring upon you a more deplorable Calamity than that with which the Will of Heaven has viſited the Portugueze? When Paper no longer circulating from Hand to Hand in lieu of Money, your Treaſure wafted to Germany, ye ſtand in need of wherewithal to buy your Children Bread? The Gold of Portugal, tho' buried in the Ruins of Liſbon, may again be recovered from the Rubbiſh; tho'hid, not annihilated; whereas the Treaſure of this Iſle, tranſported to Germanic Lands, will be irre- coverable by human Induſtry, and loſt for ever. Does it then require the Gift of Prophecy to predict your Deſtruction ? DO YEt in this preſent Situation, not irremediable by adhering to Britiſh Intereſts alone, this precious Mo- ment which muſt decide the Fate of England, ſuch is [ 97 ] is the unnatural Lot of every honeſt Engliſhman, who feels for the Diſtreſſes of his Country, that Conſent to Subſidies, and ſupporting German Intereſts, are the fole Teſts of Allegiance to M--rs, the fole Prea ſervative of Place and Penſion. He who nobly pre- fers his Native Land to H-_n Welfare, is marked the inſtant Victim of M-- Vengeance. Long Sera vices, unimpeached Fidelity, fuperior Talents, well- fought Fields, and honeſt Wounds in England's Cauſe, weigh nothing in the M-_1 Scale againſt Hn Welfare ; thefe ſecure no Man from Diſmiſ- fion, who dares oppoſe the draining your Treaſures for German Intereſts. Such is your dire Condition: Then tell me, what have ye to expect from that Man, who having vio- lated his Fidelity to his Prince, and trucked his Reli- gion for a Place, bellows out for Subſidies, his har- dened Front of Hibernian Braſs unbluſhing at the Speech and Action ? Or what have ye to Hope from him, who, like St. Paul, converted by the Splendor of thoſe Rays which dart from on high, becomes all Things to all Men ? Who, fown in Weakneſs is raiſed in Power ? And, like the firſt Man, is of the Earth, earthly ? But behold, I will ſhow them a Myſtery, they ſhall not all Sleep, but they ſhall be changed; for this Cor- ruptible, muſt put on Incorruption, and this Mortal muſt put on Immortality. Or laſtly, from him, who like the Vulture long ho- vering o'er his Prey, has at length fowſing, fixed his Talons in M__ Power ; he who poſſeſſes it on the baſe Conditions of waſting your Wealth in foreign Sub- ſidies, and dooming this Land to Perdition in fupport of H-n Intereſts. He who, from his early Youth Companion of the Abandoned, immerſed in Dice and Women, Self-in- tereſted, Daring, Proud, Rapacious, Vehement, Un- equal, Active, Timid: his Ambition riſing like the rank Weed from Dung; now giving, yet retaining ; Roho N completes [ 98 1 completes the promiſed Expectation of his opening Life, and dupes his native Land to his own, and fo- reign Intereſts. He whoſe Tongue, the pleading Bawd for every Robber of his Country, has vindicated an A- and L-p, whoſe Fingers, like the Hair of Solomon's Miſtreſs, are all of pure Gold; like Catiline, defpe- rate in his purpoſes, undoing or undone, ſeducing the Young, ſurrounded by the Profligate, who, avaricious thro' Profuſion, with ſcarce leſs Vice or more virtu- ous Inclinations towards their Country, pillage to waſte : Among whom, perhaps, a Cæfar now, che- riſhes the Hopes of future Empire.com To Or that Veteran in m---- Iniquity, who, like the filly Oſtrich, thinking himſelf inviſible to all he does not ſee, hides his Head amongſt thefe Men, and leaves his bare Backſide an Object of Derifion to every Paſſenger If ſuch ſhall ever be your m----1 Rulers, behold them with that Horror which Heaven has commanded the Virtuous to look on Iniquity: Then turn your Eyes on thoſe, who ſcorning all Place which is in- compatible with Engliſh Honour and Engliſh Intereſt, ſhall be diſmiffed, becauſe they prefer their country's Caufe to foreign Welfare. Sledu BEHOLD with Joy him, whoſe unwearied Diligence, ſupericr Intellect, Love of his Country, and Memorial for Settling the Limits of Nova Scotia, reſcued the M from the dire Dilemma of not being able to prove the Right of England to theſe very Provinces in America, for which ye contend, and ſilenced all the babbling Batteries of France : Who, greatly renounc- ing all Poft and Place, deftines his Talents to ſerve his Country only. 30 Or him, Integrity burning Incenſe at the Altar of his Heart, whofe honeft Hand diſdained to Sign a Breach of this Conftitution, or trifle with Britiſh Wel- fare. He wlo, reſigning all pecuniary Advantage, de- ſpiſes [ 99 ] ſpiſes the falfe Honour of Place, the fallacious daz- zle of Power, ſuſtaining his Country's Cauſe ſtill un. corrupted. How ſhall I deſcribe to you a noble Family, where all the Sons are virtuous, ardent in their country's Cauſe, relinquiſhing all Place and Profit, reſolute in Honour, ftrenuous in Juſtice to this Land, their Con- ftitution, and their King ? Or him, who renouncing immenfe Income, the Price of Numbers, and even the Poſt he wiſhes to poffeſs, when it may be held compatible with his own Honour and his country's Glory, ſteps forth like David, tho' not at Saul's Requeft, before the Iſrae- lites, oppoſing the M- Goliah, and his Hoft ? His Heart ſtill uncorrupt amidſt the general Vena- lity, animates his Lips in your Defence; thoſe Lips, which to this Day have uttered nothing but the Voice of Truth in England's Favour. He, who contemning mercenary Views, with pure Integrity ſupported the Honour of his Station, his Hands unſtained with venal Pollution, his Tongue un- proſtituted in defence of Falſhood, or extenuation of Iniquity ; for him the Soldier maimed in Battle, offers up his daily Prayers, who freed him from the Plunderer. MARK how that force of Eloquence, like the Sword of Michael, cleaves the Satanic Body of the M y aſunder ; yet ſuch is the Power of Union amongſt Evil M--rs, like that of Evil Spirits, it unites them again to war againſt your Welfare. Assist me, Heaven, to paint this Meſſenger dif- patched from your Abodes, who, arduous in the Talk of Liberty, ſpreads his broad Shield of Truth in Pro- tection of this Country from the Rage of G-12 Harpies ; or give my Words his Power of Speech, and ſtrength of Argument, which dart like the ſolar Rays on the dark Places and Receſſes of your Miſe- ries, making all viſible : Then may I offer him to your Perceptions, and thew him as he is. DID [ 100 ] Did ye behold him riſing in the Aſſembly of the , the Lightning of Virtue flaſhing from his Eyes, the Thunder of Patriotiſm rolling from his Tongue ; fo ſuperior he appears, ſuch Majeſty he wears, you muſt conceive him fent an Angel, to denounce the Wrath of Heaven againſt a ſinful Generation ; his Opponents calling on Rocks and Mountains to hide and cover them ? Such Confuſion and Dread dwell on the daftard Faces of all, who ſold, to H-n Intereſts, ſtand branded in the Forehead with the White Horſe, the ignominious Mark of Slavery. Vedlog Listen not, ye People, to the Voice of Slander and Malediction, which taints in vain his Acts of Vir- tue with the baſe Idea of Tergiverſation, or want of Uniformity in Conduct: On whom has he turned his Back, but thoſe who would deſtroy their Native Land? Whom has he deſerted, that Honour can ſuffer an Engliſhman to herd with? Why did he remain ſo long filent, but thro' Hopes, at length the auſpicious Hour might come, when getting to his Sn's Ear, the Voice of Truth might prevail in England's Favour? In vain, him whom they tremble to oppoſe Face to Face, beneath the Light of Heaven, they ſecretly ſtil- letto'd in the Dark, before his M-r. The magic Voice of Verity was withheld frum Rl Ears, whilſt the keen Breath of Malice blaſted his Attach- ment to the K-of Ed, pronouncing him the Enemy of H_r. May that Hour never arrive, when the R- Heart ſhall too late be touched with Remorſe for this Credulity, and ſuffer by the Deception of Mrs ! On this Man then turn all your Eyes, from Him expect Redreſs, by Him urge your Remonftrances, believe Him fent for your Preſervation, left, like the Meſah to the Jews, he preach Salvation to an un- grateful People, and ye are loft for ever. SIM 100v 10 bread down os od 1970 I VST :oldiiv lle gnilo coin FINI S. anongan I do pam 1956 & Shebbeare, Johns Sh 29192