THE WAR COM]IMENCED. —JOHN BROWN RECEIVING RIFLES FOR "HIS KANSAS WOER." Page 1.




YOUTH'S HISTORY
OF
TE'E GREAT CIVIL WAR
IN THE
UNITED STATES,
FROM 1861 TO 1865.
B   R. G. HORTON.
WITH ILLUSTRATIONS
FIFTIETH THOUSAND.
NEW  YORK:
VAN EVRIE, HORTON & CO,7
No. 162 NASSAU STREET,
PRINTING HIOUSEf SQUARE.
1867.




iFtered, according to act of Congress, in the year 186, by
VAN EVRIE, HORTON & CO.,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for thr
Southern District of New York.
Btereotyped by SMITH & MaDoUGAL, 84 Beekman St., New York.




TO THE READER.
TiaIs book has been written in the cause of Truth. It
has not been the object of the writer to defend any particular party or faction, but solely to vindicate democratic and republican institutions.
There have, in all ages, been really but two parties in
politics. One, that did not believe in the people, but
wanted a strong government to control or rule them. The
other, that believed in the people, was for retaining power
in their hands to control or r'ule the government. The
former is the Monarchical or Strong Government party.
Its members were called Tories in the Revolution of 1776.
The latter is the Democratic party.
I shall show in this history how these parties originated in this country, and who led them-that Alexander Hamilton was the leader of the Tory or Monarchical party, and Thomas Jefferson of the Democratic
party.
I shall show  how this Tory party has always been
trying to subvert our Government, because it was
formed on the democratic principle.
I shall show that finally, after being defeated in every
other effort, this Tory party assumed the name of Republican, and taking advantage of a popular delusion




iv           TO  THIE  READER
about negroes, used it to get into power and accomplish its long cherished purposes.
I shall show that Abraham  Lincoln was the direct
successor of old John Adams and his infamous Alien
and Sedition laws, only that Mr. Lincoln went much
further, and acted much worse than John Adams ever
dared to do.
I shall show that the war was not waged "to preserve the Union, or to maintain republican institutions,"
but really to destroy both, and that every dollar spent,
and every life lost, have been taken by the Abolitionists on false pretences.
This book will show that the Abolition or so-called
Republican party has simply carried out the British
free negro policy on this Continent, a pet measure of
all the kings and despots of Europe.
In order to reach this end, Mr. Lincoln was compelled
to assume the Dictatorship, and overthrow the governmlent as it was formed, which he did by issuing a
military Edict or Decree changing the fundamental law
of the land, and declaring that he would maintain this
change by all the military and naval power of the
United States.
It will also be seen that the war has changed the
entire character and system of our Government, overthrown the ancient rights of the States, and forced upon
the country a so-called Amendment to the Constitution,
in the time of war, and against the free and unbiased
action of the people.
This book also contains a careful and impartial narrative of all the principal events of the war, from the




TO  THE  READERo                     V
battle of Bull Run down to the assassination of Abraham
Lincoln, and the capture of Jefferson Davis.
The writer believes it will be found accurate in all
respects, and in most cases the place and date of citation
are given, so that no one can have a chance to deny their
accuracy.
The book is given to the Northern people, under the
confident belief that they did not intend to destroy their
government by the war, and that they only need to
understand the aims and objects of the Tory, Monarchical or Abolition party, to forever hold it responsible
for all the sufferings of the country.
To the soldiers of the Northern armies, who were
deluded by the Abolitionists into believing that they
were fighting to preserve republican institutions, the
political facts of this volume are respectfully commended.
The Southern people who fought so long and so gallantly to roll back the tide of Abolitionism that has engulfed them, will,,, the writer trusts, find in this volume
encouragement to believe that Wrong can only be temporarily successful, and that it only needs faith in the
power of the press to yet overthrow the Abolition revolutionists.
Finally, to all classes, and especially to the young,
this little volume is commended, in the confident hope
and belief that out of the gloom of the present the
grand old Union of Washington and jefferson will yet
arise, and, wiping away the tears and blood of the past,
live for ages to cheer mankind with its blessin~g




CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.                    PAG1
The Estrangement between the North and the South-When it began
— The Cause of it-Different Ideas of Government-Hamilton and
Jefferson, the former a Monarchist, the latter a Democrat-Their
opposing Ideas-Washington Administration-The Triumph of
the Federalists in the election of John Adams-The Alien and
Sedition Laws-The Despotism of the Federalists-The Virginia
and Kentucky Resolutions-The Triumph of Democracy over
Monarchical Federalism in 1800................................ 15
CHAPTER II.
THE CAUSES OF THE WAR, CONTINUED.
Further Proofs that the Troubles come from different Views of Government-Quotations from Mr. Jefferson-Disunion in New England-A new Issue sought for-The Negro Question seized upon —
The Negro in Africa-His Inferior Position there-The Negro not
regarded as the white Man' s equal-The Laws of MassachusettsThe Crime of Mulattoism...................................... 26
CHAPTER III.
CAUSES OF THE WAR CONTINUED.
The Missouri Question-Mr. Jefferson's Warning-The British Spy
Henry —Mr. Madison lays the Henry Papers before CongressThe design of the British Government to break down Democracy
in America-Testimony of Mr. Aaron Leggett-Toryism  and
Federalism the same-The Federalists in the War of 1812-The
New England Clergy declare the Declaration of Independence " a
wicked thing"...............................................  34
CHAPTER IV.
THE CAUSES OF THE WAR, CONTINUED.
the Admission of Missouri-Other Issues-The Rise of Abolitionism
-The first abolition Paper, by Benj. Lundy-The Riots in New
Yorkl-The Danger in the Question-The Nortih not acquainted
with Negroes-The Negro a distinct Race-Mr. Jefferson's Sugges
tion-The Case illustrated-How the Government was formedWilliam Lloyd Garrison for its overthrow-Wendell Phillips also
-John C. Calhoun and Jefferson Davis for its Preservation —Extracts from Speeches of........................................ 43




CONTENTS.                           Vii
PAGE
CHAPTER V.
THE CAUSES OF TEE WARI CONTINUED.
A Change in the abolition Movement-The Supporters of William H.
Seward on the Scene-Mr. Seward's Position-The Organization
of the Seward or Black Republican Party-Its Perversion of True
Principles-A- Change of the abolition Base..................... 52
CHAPTER VI.
THE ELECTION OF LINCOLN.
The Growth of the Black Republican Party-The two Factions composing it-Its Objects —Its Endorsement of the Helper BookOld John Brown's Kansas Raid-His Virginia Expedition-His
Murder of the Doyle Family-The Republican's endorse his
bloody Career-The Nomination of Lincoln-The Alarm of the
Southern People —The Cunning of Lincoln and Seward.......... 51
CHAPTER VII.
SECESSION.
The Election of Mr. Lincoln-The Chicago Platform-What Giddings said it meant-The Southern States resolve to secedeWhat is Secession?-Opinions of Josiah Quincy, Judge Rawle,
Mr. Jefferson, &c., upon coercion-John Quincy Adams, S. P.
Chase, Lincoln, Seward, Edward Everett, Greeley &c., &c., deny
the right of it-The Question of the Forts-The South did not
make War on the North-The War a trick..................... 65
CHAPTER VIII.
THE POLICY AND OBJECT OF SECESSION.
Opinion in the Southern States-What General Lee says-What the
South wanted-To prevent Negro Equality, Amalgamation, &c.Its Effect in Mexico and the West India Islands-The Horrors of
a mongrel Nation-The North did not understand what the South
meant-The Union Issue-Abolition verses on the flag........... 76
CHAPTER IX.
THE BEGINNING OF SECESSION.
The Secession of South Carolina-President Buchanan's CourseWhat he said to Congress-Mr. Madison's Opinion of CoercionAndrew Johnson on Coercion-The South wanted Equality in the
Union-Jefferson Davis' last Speech in the Senate, Extract.from
-The Secession of the other States............................. 82
CHAPTER X.
EFFORTS OF THE DEMOCRACY TO SAVE THE UNION.
The Crittenden Compromise-Earnest Appeal of Mr. CrittendenContemptuous Course of the Republicans-They refuse to submit
it to the Vote of the People-Senator Douglas' Plan-HIe charges
the Republicans with the sole Responsibility of the Disagreement
-The Peace Convention-The Abolition Elfforts to prevent any
Settlement there-Senator Chandler, of Michigan, wants " bloodlstting"-The Democracy fail to secure Peace................... 87




ViII                      CONTENTS.
CEAPTER XI.
TtHE FORMATION OF THE NEW  CONFEDERACY.
The Southern Delegates meet at Montgomery-Jefferson Davis elected
Provisional President and Alexander II. Stephens Vice-President
-The Confederate Constitution-President Davis's Address-The
Questions at Issue-The Forts-To whom did they belong —The
Right of a State to defend its Citizens-The Helper Book Programme.......................................................  92
CHAPTER XII.
MR. LINCOLN'S JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON AND INAUGURATION.
The Policy of Mr. Lincoln-IIe commences his Journey to Washington-His Jokes and low Stories-He gives no Indication of his
Policy —is Escape through Baltimore in Disguise-His Inauguration-An armed Guard attends him-His Contempt for the Supreme Court-The Selection of the Endorsers of the Helper Book
for his Cabinet-Ex-Govornor Morehead's Visit to Mr. LincolnThe Character of Mr. Lincoln-His Origin...................... 99
CHAPTER XIII.
" THE FIRST GUN OF SUMTER"
Confederate Commissioners in Washington-Deception of Seward and
Lincoln —The Fort Sumter Trick-Who began the War?- The
Fleet sent to Charleston-General Beauregard takes Fort Sumter
-Joy of the Abolitionists-The Flag Mania-The Efforts of the
Administration to get up an Excitement-The Success of Stage
Tricks in getting up a Waar........................... 106
CHAPTER XIV.
MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST CALL FOR TROOPS.
What Excuse he gave for it-Its Illegality-The Joy of the Abolitionists-The Northern Governors all respond faviorably-Those of
North Carolina, IKentucky, Mlissouri, and Virginia refuse-Virginia now secedes-Her Announcement to the World........... 115
CHAPTER XV.
THE RUSH OF TROOPS TO WASHINGTON.
The nMassachusetts Troops on their way through New York, singing
old John Brown, &c.-Their Reception in Baltimore-The Destruction of the railroad Bridges —Mr. Lincoln issues a ~Proclamation blockading the Southern Ports-The South prepariig for War
-General Lee appointed to the Command of the Virginian Troops
— arper's Ferry evacuated —Mr. Lincoln suspends the Habeas
Corpus-The Monarchical Party fairly inaugurated............. I 2
CHAPTER XVI.
THE FIRST GREAT BATTLE.
ThIe Battle of Bethel-The great Battle of Bull Run-The Bravery of
Stonewall Jackson-The Defeat of McDowell-The Stampede for
Washington-The frantic Confusion-The Effect in the NorthGeneral Scott denounced-General McClellan appointed to the
Command-The meeting of Congress July 4th-What Congress
declared the War to be for-The Promises of Mr. Lincoln and
Congress...................................................... 127




CONTENTS.                          iX
PAGI
CHAPTER XVL.
THE CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST.
Citizens of St. Louis shot down-Governor Jackson and the State
Militia-The Skirmish at Boonsville-The Battle of Carthage and
of Wilson' s Creek-Death of General Lyon-Generals MCulloch
and Price-Price captures Lexington-General Fremont appointed
to the Command-His ridiculous Parade-General Price retreats
to Neosho-The State secedes-Terrible Condition of MissouriFreum:nt's Scheme of a German Empire in the West-His Extravagamne and Incompetency-Mr. Lincoln removes him........... 13T
CHAPTER  XVIII.
CAMPAIGN IN WESTERN VIRGINIA AND BATTLE OF LEESBURG.
The Battle of Rich Mountain-General Floyd's Campaign-Rosecrans'
Success-Death of General Garfiett-The Destruction of Guyandotte-General McClellan Drilling the Army of the PotomacThe Battle of Leesburg-Death of Colonel Baker-Arrest of General Stone-An Incident. —Two Brothers on opposite sides........ 149
CHAPTER XIX.
CAMPAIGN IN KIENTUCKY.
Kentucky's Neutrality-Lincoln broke it-The Arrest of Governor
Morehead-Other Arrests contemplated-Escape of Breckinridge
and others-Peaceful Citizens driven from their Homes-General Polk at Columbus-The Battle of Belmont-Defeat of General
Grant-The Secession Convention in Kentucky-The Arrest of
Mason and Slidell —The Back Down of Lincoln and Seward...... 156
CHAPTER XX.
CLOSING EVENTS OF 1861, AND TIRE BEGINNING OF 1862.
The Expedition to Hatteras Inlet-The Capture of Port Royal-Billy
WVilson's regiment at Santa Rosa Island —The Confederates in
/Kentucky-The Battle of Mill Spring-Death of General Zollicoffer-General Grant takes Fort Hemny-The Battle of Fort
Donelson-Its Surrender-The Evacuation of Nashville-The Exploits of General John H. Morgan............................. 166
CHAPTER XXI.
THE BATTLES OF SHILOH AND PITTSBURG LANDING.
Movements in the West-The Capture of Island No. 10-The Battle
of Shiloh-Defeat of General Grant on the First Day-He is Reinforced by General Buell-The Second Day's Battle-Death of
General Albert Sidney Johnston- The Confederates fall back
but are not pursued-General Pope's Swagger....................11
CHAPTER XXII.
THE FALL OF NEW  ORLEANS-" BUTLER THE BEAST."
tF g-officer Farragut's Bombardment of Forts Jackson and St;. Phillip-He at last runs by them-The City Evacuated by General
Lovell-Mayor Monroe refuses to haul down the State FlagGeneral Ben. Butler takes possession of the City-He plunders
the private citizens-He digs up the dead-Imprisons WVomenHangs Win. B. Muamford-Receives the title of'" Beast Butler".. 180




X                        CONTENTS.
PAGN
CHAPTER XXIII
STONEWALL JACKSON IN THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY.
Jackson's Habits-What his Negro servant said-His Personal Appearance-His Conversation-How he fired a cannon —Battle ot
Kearnstown-General Jackson forced to retreat-General Shields
Wounded —His return to Washington and resignation-What he
heard Sumner say about the War-The Removal of all Generals
not favorable to the Abolitionists..........86............... 86
CHAPTER XXIV.
EMBARCATION OF THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC.
Mr. Lincoln's Plans-General McClellan opposed to them-Mr. Lincoln does not support McClellan-The Army of the Potomac
reaches the Peninsula-General McDowell's Corps fails to reinforce McClellan-Yorktown Evacuated by the Confederates-Battie of Williamsburg-General Hooker badly wounded-The
Death of Colonel Lomax of Miss.-His Body recovered by his
negro servant-The Negroes aiding the Confederate Armies.... 192
CHAPTER XXV..
DOINGS OF STONEWALL JACKSON IN THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY.
General McClellan's position growing critical-General McDowell
ordered to join him-Stonewall Jackson makes a counter movement-General Milroy defeated-General Banks defeated-IIis
remarkable run down the Valley — Fremont - The Battles of
Cross Keys and Port Republic-Stonewall Jackson makes his
reputation.................................................. 200
CHAPTER XXVI.
BATTLE OF FAIR OAKS AND GAINES'S MILLS.
The attack of General D. HI. Hill-General Joseph E. Johnston
wounded-The result a Confederate victory-General Lee appointed to the Command-He deceives TMcClellan by pretending
to reinforce Jackson in the Valley-Jackson really marching to
aid in the defence of Richmond-Attack on General Fitz John
Porter's Corps-A Repulse-The Battle of Gaines' Mills-Final
Charge of the Texas Brigade-Results of:the Battle-McClellan
Compelled to retreat to the James River........................ 205
CHAPTER XXVII.
McCLELLAN'S RETREAT.
Movement to the James River-Lee vigorously pressing the Federal
Army-The engagements at Savage's Station and Frazier's
Farm-Amusing conversation of an old darkey-His idea of the
War-Can't fool him-The Battle of Malvern Hill-Terrible
Slaughter-An incident-Death of Major Peyton................ 214
CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE INAUGURATION OF A REIGN OF PLUNDER AND ARSON.
Mr. Lincoln calls for 300,000 more Soldiers-The Order for Plunder
from Washington-General John Pope given a Command-How
he inaugurated his Campaign- General McClellan denounces
Marauding —His Idea of the VWar-General Halleck's brutal




CONTTEkTS.                            Xi
PAGE
threat-What Governor Stone of Iowa said-The Mask of Conservatism still retained by Lincoln and Seward..................... 222
CHAPTER XXIX.
THE SECOND BATTLE OF MANASSAS-BULL RUN.
General Jackson's attack upon General Banks, at Cedar MountainDeath of General C. H. Winder-General Banks whipped againRapid march of General Jackson-The Flight of Pope-He rallies
his Troops-Attacks Jackson-General Lee comes upon PopePut to Flight again —His Army routed-Terrible Losses-End of
poor Pope................................................ 228
CHAPTER XXX.
LEE IN MARYLAND-BATTLE OF ANTIETAM.
M[arch of Lee into Maryland-Jackson takes Harper's Ferry-Great
Excitement in Washington-General McClellan given Command
of the Army-Battle of Boonsboro-The Battle of AntietamGreat Slaughter-A drawn Battle-Lee recrosses the PotomacMcClellan is repulsed —Is removed from  Command-General
Burnside put in his place-The great mistake of McClellan-Mr.
Lincoln on the Battle-field of Antietam-An Incident............. 235
CHAPTER XXXI.
BLOODY DOINGS IN THE WEST.
Battle of Richmond, Ky.-Confederate Raids through KentuckyGeneral Kirby Smith occupies Lexington-General Bragg at
Mumfordsville-The Abolitionists defeated-Bragg evacuates Kentucky-IUnhappy Condition of Kentucky and Missouri-Battle of
Corinth —Horrible Murder of ten men by the Monster MciNeil, of
Lexington, Mo...................................... 2.43
CHAPTER XXXII.
GENERAL BURNSIDE'S BLOODY  CAMPAIGN.
" On to Richmond" again-General Burnside changes Base-He
crosses the River at Fredericksburg-The Terrible Slaughter of
his Troops-Awful Scenes in Fredericksburg-Condition of Burnside's Army —Burnside in a rage at his failure-He removes
several Generals-Is relieved of Command-General Jo. Hooker
put in his place................................................ 250
CHAPTER XXXIII.
MR. LINCOLN'S CAMPAIGN. IN THE NORTH.
Mr. Lincoln's Suppression of Democratic Newspapers-The mobbing
of Democratic Newspapers-What a mob got in Catskill, N. Y.Arbitrary Arrests-Women arrested-Secret Circulars in New
York City-Arrest of the Rev. Mir. Stuart in Alexandria, Va.Seizure of the Rev. J. D. Benedict-The Police of New YorkSuperintendent Kennedy as Provost Marshal-Cell No. 4-Boys
arrested and sent to Fort Lafayette-The Arrest of the Messrs.
Flanders-The Malone Gazette, edited by the Wife of the Imprisoned Editor-Horrible Condition of Fort Lafayette-Arrests
for no Causes and for trvgial Excuses-Effects of Mr. Lincoln's
Policy......................................................... 251




ZXI                       CIONTENTS.
PAGE
CHAPTER XXXIV.
THE BATTLE OF MURFREESBORO-DOINGS IN THE WEST.
CGeneral Bragg attacks Rosecrans-The Confederates Successful on
the first Day-Loss heavy-The next Day, Bragg retreats to Tullahoma-Confederate Success at Galveston-The Siege of Vicksburg-Attack on Port Hudson-A religious Darkey in a FightAmusing Account of his Hleroisml-Uncle Pompey quoting Scripture..........................................................  2701
CHAPTER XXXV.
GENERAL HOOKERlS CAMPAIGN.
Another " on to Richmond "-General Hooker crosses the Rappahannock-The Battle of Chancellorville-The Flank Movement of
Stonewall Jackson-The Flight of Hooker's Troops-The Death
of Jackson-Hooker compelled to retreat-Falls back towards
Washington-General Meade appointed to succeed him-General
Lee marches northward-Goes into Pennsylvania-Panic of the
people-The Battle of Gettysburg-General Lee repulsed —Iefalls back and crosses the Potomac in safety.................... 276
CHIAPTER XXXVI.
THE SIEGE OF VICKSBURG.
General Sherman's Repulse-General Grant Succeeds Him-He tries
to turn the Mississippi-Tries a Flank Movement-Admiral Porter runs by the Batteries-Porter attacks Grand Gulf and is repulsed-Grant reaches Port Gibson-Defeat of the ConfederatesGeneral Joe Johnston tries to oppose him-Capture of JacksonGeneral Pemruberton hemmned in-The Siege of Vicksburg-Terrible repulse of Grant's assaulting column - The Confederates
forced to surrender-Great Loss to the South-Port Hudson also
surrendered-The Mississippi River open-Outrages on private
property- Negroes driven from  Plantations-Terrible outrage
on a family —They are robbed of everything - Death of the
Lady and her Child............................................ 284
CHAPTER XXXVII.
THE NAVAL DEFEAT OFF CIIARLESTON-GILLMORE'S REPULSE.
Grand attempt to take Charleston-Admiral Dupont defeated-General Gillmore lays Siege-His " swamp Angel"-He throws Shot
and Shell into the City-Bombardment of Sumter-Admiral Dahlgren tries to take it —Is terribly repulsed....................... 43
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
GEN. M1ORGAN'S RAID INTO THE WEST-CIIICKAMAUGA
General Morgan moves into Ohio and Indiana-He is Captured-Pr-t
into Ohio Penitentiary-Digs his way out with penknives-The
Battle of Chickamauga-General Rosecrans badly defeated-He
is removed from command-General Grant assumes commandBattle of Missionary Ridge-Bragg is Defeated-Skirmish between
Lee and Meade in Virginia-Naval Confederate Victory at Sabine
Post - General Price driven out of Missouri-Congress makes
Grant Lieutenant-General...................................... 297




CONTENITS.                         Xiii
PAGE
CHAPTER XXXIX.
THE CONFEDERATE NAVY AND PRIVATEERS.
The Commission of Privateers-The Sinking of the Cumberland by
the Virginia-Her fight with the Monitor-The Sumter-FloridaAlabama-Georgia-Fight of the Alabama and Kearsarge-The
Confederate Rams-Their seizure-The reason of it-The Abolition Policy popular with the Monarchists....................... 303
CHAPTER XL.
EVENTS IN THE NORTH IN 1863.'lEmancipation Proclamation"-Its Effect-Arming Negroes-Flags
to Negro Regiments-Letters from Soldiers-Dissatisfaction in the
Army-Connecticut Election-General Burnside in the West-Arrest of the Hon. C. L. Vallandigham-Kentucky Election-Mobbing Democratic Newspapers-Killing of Mr. Bollmeyer-Chicago
Times suppressed —Mr. Lincoln backs down-" The Sons of
Liberty"-The New York Riots-Hanging of Negroes —The Draft
Stopped-Alleged Cruelty to Federal Prisoners-Confederate
Prisoners-The object of the Abolitionists...................... 309
CHAPTER XLI.
THE OPENING EVENTS OP 1864.
General Sherman's Expedition towards Mobile-Its Failure-The Defeat at Olustee, Florida-General Banks' Red River ExpeditionGeneral Forrest in Kentucky-John S. Mosby —Kilpatrick's Raid
on Richmond-Death of Ulric Dahlgren-The object of the raidThe Papers found on Dahlgren-The evidence of their authenticity-How Abolitionism brutifies Mankind..................... 321
CHAPTER XLII.
GEN. GRANTS "ON TO RICHMOND."
General G(rant starts for Richmond-The Battles of the Wilderness
and Spottsylvania Court House-Terrible Slaughter-Movement
to the North Anna Itiver-Battle of Cold Harbor-March to the
James River-Attempt to take Petersburg-The Result of Grant's' "Hammering"-The Explosion of'the Mine-Grant suspends Ofo
fensive Operations —Hunter's Raid on Lynchburg-General Early
Crosses into Maryland-Defeat of General Leow. Wallace at Monocacy-Sheridan sent to the Shenandoah Valley-He Defeats
Early-Utter devastation of the Valley......................... 328
CHAPTER XLIII.
SHERMAN'S' ON TO ATLANTA."
Thoe Movement from Ringgold-The Battles of Resaca and KenesawDeath of General Polk-The complaints against General Johnston-His removal from Command-General Hood appointed in
his place-The Battles before Atlanta-General Hood evacuates
the City- Sherman's cruelties-His depopulation and destrucetion of Atlanta - General Hood tries a flank movement-Starts
for Chattanooga and Nashville-The Battles of Franklin-Hood
Defeated before Nashville and Retreats......................... 840




Xiv                      CONTENTS.
PAG2
CHAPTER XLIV.
THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION AND OTHER EVENTS OF 1864
The Conspiracy successful-The Government centralized-Mr. Lin
coln's Administration-Its shameless extravagance and corruption-Congressional Report thereon —The Party of "Moral
Ideas"-Mr. Lincoln Re-nominated by the Abolitionists-General
McClellan Nominated by the Democrats-No Fair Elections Allowed-General Butler Sent to New York-His "Campaign"
there-Mr. Lincoln " Re-elected"-Attack on Mobile-Butler's
Expedition to Eort Fisher...................................... 347
CHAPTER XLV.
GEN. SHERMAN'S MARCH TO SAVANNAH AND GOLDSBORO
Sherman's start from Atlanta-His Destruction of the City-General
Foster at Port Royal —Capture of Fort McAllister-Sherman's Devastations-Evacuation of Savannah —Sherman Resumes his
March-Burning of Columbia-Horrible Scenes-Who is Responsible? —General Hampton's Letter — Sherman's Foragers and
his Threats-General Hamptons Reply-Sherman's Swath of Fire 354
CHAPTER XLVI.
EVENTS OF 1865-GENTEAL LEE'S SURRENDER.
General Terry's capture of Fort'Fisher-Fall of Wilmington and
Charleston-Efforts for Peace-Meeting at Fortress Monroe-Its
Failure-General Lee's Weakness-His attack on Fort Steadman
-Evacuation of Richmond-The Confederate Government moves
to Danville-Mistake as to Supplies-Lee's Troops wanting Food
-Sheridan's attack-Surrender of Lee's Army-Affecting Scenes
-Surrender of General Johnston-The Terms rejected-Mobile
Captured-Surrender of Kirby Smith-The last Fight at Brazos,
Texas-Victory of the Confederates............................. 363
CHAPTER XLVII.
THE ASASSINATION OF MR. LINCOLN.
The War ended-What now?- Mr. Lincoln's broken Pledges-He
goes to Richmond-His Interview with Judge Campbell-His
Agreement to allow the Virginia Legislature to meet-Breaks his
Promise-He is shot by John Wilkes Booth-Mr. Seward also
attacked-Fearful Excitement-Mr. Lincoln's Funeral-Booth, his
Capture —Iis Body mutilated —Trial of his Confederates-The
Court illegal-Singular Fact in Relation to Mr. Lincoln's Death.. 3H1
CHAPTER XLVIII.
THE CAPTURE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Mr. Davis moves Southward-He joins his family-Captured by CoL
Pritchard-Falsehood as to his Dress-He is taken to Savannah,
and thence to Fortress Monroe-Put in solitary Confinement-Is
shackled-Still denied a Trial-The Union yet to be restoredTrust in God.................................................. e*33




~I  - I At.   l.U. -..OF 
THE GREAT CIVIL WAR.
CHAPTER I.
THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.
MANY histories of THE GREAT WAR through which
we have just passed have already been written, but
they are not such as convey to the youth of our
land a full and true account of the causes which
led to it, who were the real authors of it, and what
were its objects and purposes.  To understand
fully the causes which produced it, we must go
back a good ways in the history of our country.
Whatever produced a feeling of enmity and estrangement between the Southern and Northern
States must be looked upon as one of the causes
leading to the war. This feeling of hostility between the two sections began to show itself at a
very early period, soon after the formation of the
Union, almost a hundred years ago. We may say
it began, in the first place, in the different political
opinions held by the leading men of the North and
the South.
This difference was indeed very great. It may
be understood by briefly reviewing the different
sentiments entertained by Alexander Hamilton and




16        THIE CAUSES OF THE WAR.
Thomas Jefferson. Hamilton was the idol of what
may be termed the New England or Monarchical
party, and Jefferson was equally the idol of the
Southern or Democratic party. There were many
individuals in the North who followed Jefferson,
as there were some in the South who adopted the
principles of Hamilton, but the prevailing sentiment of the North was with Hamilton, as that of
the South was with Jefferson.
Hamilton was a monarchist. That is, he wanted
to establish in this country a government that
should be, in everything but its name, a kingdom
instead of a republic. There is abundant proof of
this fact.
Luther Martin, one of the most distinguished
statesmen in the convention that made our constition, speaking of the Hamilton party in that body
said: "There was one party, whose object and
wish was to abolish and annihilate all the State
governments, and bring forward one general government, over all this extended continent, of a
monarchical nature."
In many places in the letters and writings of
Jefferson we find that great statesman and pure
patriot alluding, with just condemnation, to these
monarchical doctrines of Hamilton. He and Hamilton were in Washington's Cabinet together; and
thirty years afterwards, while calmly reviewing the
opinions of Hamilton, he says: "Hamilton was
not only a monarchist, but for a monarchy bottomed on corruption."
In another place he says: "Hamilton declared




THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.         17
openly that there was no stability, no security, in
any kind of government but a monarchy."  Again
he assures us that even while Hamilton was in
Washington's Cabinet as Secretary of the Treasury,
he declared: "For my part, I avow myself a monarchist. I have no objection to a trial of this thing
called a republic, but," etc., etc.
At the date of August 13th, 1791, Mr. Hamilton
had a conversation with Mr. Jefferson, in which he
said: "I own it is my opinion, though I do not
publish it in Dan or Beersheba, that the present
government is not that which will answer, and that
it will be found expedient to go into the British
form." That is, to become a monarchy. This language was uttered by Hamilton three years after
our present Constitution had been adopted. He
was then, as we have said, Secretary of the Treasury
under President Washington.
Washington hearing, from various sources, that
his Secretary had avowed such shameless sentiments, wrote him a letter, July 29th, 1792, asking
for an explanation of these rumors. About a
month after Hamilton received this letter, that is,
on August 16th, he wrote a complaining kind of
letter to Mr. Adams on the subject, in which he
said: "All the persons I meet are prosperous and
happy, and yet most of them, including the friends
of the Government (i. e. of Washington's Administration) appear to be much alarmed at a supposed
system of policy tending to subvert the Republican Government of the country."
But, not only the friends of Washington's Ad



18         THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.
ministration were alarmed, but the alarm  was
shared by Washington himself. It was under the
pressure of this very alarm for the honor of some
members of his Cabinet that Washington said:
"Those who lean to a monarchical government,
have either not consulted the public mind, or they
live in a region which is much more productive of
monarchical ideas than is the case with the Southern States."
Washington, like Jefferson, was a Virginian, and
had no sympathy with the monarchical principles
of Hamilton and his followers. Washington well
intimates that these treasonous principles had no
friends "in the Southern States."  The statesmen
of the South, with scarcely an exception, were for
a republican form of government, while the friends
of the monarchical principle were mostly confined
to the Eastern States.
So you see that as early as 1790 there was a
great difference growing up between the leading
statesmen of the North and South, on the subject
of government. Indeed we may go back three
years further, and find these. very parties existing
in the convention that formed the Constitution.
There we find what we may call the Jeffersonian
and the Hamlriltonian parties pitted against each
other. The one, in favor of a government of the
people, with powers cautiously limited and clearly
defined in the Constitution. The other, in favor
of what they called "a strong government," with
similar powers to a monarchy, without its name.
We may say that the Jeffersonian idea was, that




THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.           19
the people are the masters of the government;
while the Hamiltonian idea was that the government is the master of the people. The conflict between these opposing ideas caused all the debates
in the Constitutional Convention.  But finally
the Jeffersonian, or the anti-monarchical party,
triumphed in the production of a democratic constitution.  The great disappointment which this
result gave to Mr. Hamilton, may be seen in a letter which he wrote to Mr. Morris, Feb. 27th, 1802,
where he says:'"Mine is an odd destiny. Perhaps no man in the United States has sacrificed or
done more for the present Constitution than myself, and contrary to all my anticipations of its
fate, as you know from the beginning, I am still
laboring to prop the frail and worthless fabric; yet
I have the murmurs of its friends no less than the
curses of its foes, for my reward. What can I do
better than withdraw from the scene? Every day
proves to me more and more that this Americar
world was not made for me."
In the above extract we find Mr. Hamilton chsa
racterizing the Constitution of his country as's 
frail and worthless fabric," and bitterly threatening to abandon his country forever. This was after the Constitution had been in operation fourteen years. His experience had certainly been a
very hard one for a man of his political principles.
Hle was an avowed monarchist. But his countrymen had, notwithstanding his earnest labors to
the contrary, established a democratic Constitution. Failing in getting his principles incorpo



20         THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.
rated into the Constitution, he next tried, as a
leading member of Washington's Cabinet, to give a
monarchical interpretation to a democratic constitution. This conduct on his part produced a murmur among the people, and caused the letter of
inquiry from Washington above referred to. IHis
disheartened and peevish letter to Mr. Morris,
from which I have given an extract above, was
written two years after the election of Mr. Jefferson to the Presidency, which event certainly
seemed to give a finishing blow to the Hamiltonian
ideas of government in the United States.  His
party had made a desperate effort to subvert the
Constitution under the presidency of John Adams,
which was terminated by the election of Jefferson
in 1800.
General Washington served his country as
President eight years, when John Adams was
elected to succeed him in that high office. During
Washington's term the HIamiltonians, who called
themselves "Federalists," and who embraced a
great majority of the men of wealth and high social position in the Northern States, were not perrnited to make any visible headway in subverting
the Constitution. The overshadowing popularity
of Washington kept down everything like the ambition of cliques and sections. But no sooner was
his Presidency at an end, than the " Federalists,"
the enemies of the democratic principle of government, showed the cloven foot of monarchism
again, and nearly every safeguard which the Constitationa throws,round the liberty of the people,




THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.          21
was disregarded and overthrown. Then it was
that the antagonism between the political principles of the leading statesmen of the North and the
South assumed a tolerably well defined shape in
the division of parties. Adams was originally a
democrat, and had performed most valuable service to his country in the Revolution which won
the independence of the American colonies. In a
letter to General Washington, dated Philadelphia,
LMay 8th, 1791, Mr. Jefferson thus feelingly alludes
to Mr. Adams' apostacy: "I am afraid the indiscretion of a printer has committed me with my
friend Ir. Adams, for whom I have a cordial esteem, increased by long habits of concurrence in
opinion in the days of his republicanism, and even
since his apostacy to hereditary monarchy and nobility; though we differ, we differ as friends."
Again Jefferson says: "1 Mr. Adams had originally
been a republican (democrat). The glare of royalty and nobility, during his mission to England,
had made him believe their fascination to be a necessary ingredient in government. He was taken
up by the monarchical Federalists in his absence,
and on his return to the United States, he was by
them made to believe that the general disposition
of our citizens was favorable to monarchy."
Under Mr. Adams' administration, the most
foolish and oppressive acts were passed by the
Federalist majority of Congress-among them tho
infamous "Alien and Sedition laws," which gave
the President power to banish all aliens from the
United States, or to lock them up in prison during




22         THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.
his pleasure-also to cause the arrest and imprisonment of any person who should write or speak
anything against the President or Congress. In a
word, these acts endowed the President with despotic powers, putting the liberty of every Democrat in the United States in jeopardy, and producing a reign of cruelty and terror which lasted to
the end of {r. Adams' administration.
As a specimen of the despotism of that Administration, we will mention the case of Hon. Mathew
Lyon, a Democrat and estimable citizen, who for
"ridiculing the ridiculous or idle parade" of the
President, was seized and thrust into a cold dungeon six feet square, where he was left freezing
and starving for a whole winter, and his liberation
then authorized only on condition of his paying a
fine of one thousand dollars.  The Federalists
everywhere ran riot in cruelty and mob violence.
One of the most distinguished patriots of the
United States, General Sumter, was brutally
knocked down and beaten, by one of the officers
and spies of the Administration, at the theatre in
Philadelphia, because he neglected to take off his
hat when it was announced that the President was
coming in. General Sumter was at this time an
old man, as ripe with honors won in the service
of his country, as with years. But neither age,
aor virtue, nor patriotism  afforded any shield
from the malice of the supporters of the kingaping President.
As a specimen of the monarchical spirit of those
times, we will give the following brief extract of a




THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.         23
public address made to the President, dated Boston, iMay Ist, 1798: "We, the subscribers, inhabitants, and citizens of Boston, in the State of Massachusetts, deeply impressed with the alarming
situation of our country, beg leave to express to
you, the chief magistrate and supreme ruler over
the United States, our fullest approbation of all
the measures, external and internal, you have
been pleased to adopt, under direction of divine
authority."
It is proper to mention that the only "alarming
situation of our country" at that time was the natural and growing indignation of the people at the
despotism of the party in power. The historian
of these events, John Wood, says: "During the
scenes of tyranny which were daily exhibited, the
Federal papers throughout the Union were filled
with an address to the President, complimenting
him upon his mildness and justice, the impartiality
of his administration, his attachment to liberty,
and his benevolence to foreigners."
The author above quoted says in another place:
"'These factions admired John Adams, because
John Adams admired the British constitution and
cursed the French republic. They bestowed unbounded panegyrics upon Alexander Hamrilton for
the same reason. They thought the administration and the government ought to be confounded
and identified; that the administration was the
government, and the government thc administration, and that the people ought to bow in tame
submission to its whims and caprices."




24         THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.
It does not need one to come from the dead to
tell you that during the last five years we had a
resurrection of the same party, which had lain in
its grave ever since it was driven from power in
1800, by the election of Mr. Jefferson to the Presidency. Its defeat and overthrow then was owing
to the patriotism and decision of the united South
under the lead of Jefferson and Madison. In opposition to all these unconstitutional and despotic
acts of the Federalists, these patriots drew up the
celebrated " Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of
1798," which were adopted by the Legislatures of
Kentucky and Virginia, and accepted by the whole
South, with as much unanimity as they were condemned by-the North. These resolutions are too
long to quote here, but their substance may be
given in a few words. They pointedly condemn
all the revolutionary and despotic acts of the
Adams Administration, as subversive of the free
government of the UInited States, and clearly set
forth all the powers of the Federal Government as
resulting from a compact, or agreement, between
independent and sovereign States, each State possessing "an equal right" to decide "for itself as
well of infractions as of the mode and manner
of redress."  As one of these sets of resolutions
was drawn by the very hand which wrote the Declaration of Independence, and the other by that
which wrote the Constitution of our country, they
were received by all the friends of free government
as the utterance of the highest wisdom and patriotism. The monarchy-aping Federalists raised a




THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.            25
wild outcry of alarm, but the friends of democracy
at once adopted the resolutions as thei written
creed. On the platform of these resolutions Jefferson was elected President, and the Federalists
hurled ignominiously from power.
No language can equal the violence and indeceney of the vanquished Federalists. For defeating their plans of revolution, Jefferson was denounced as an "infidel," a' "jacobin:" a "traitor,"
a "scoundrel."  These offensive epithets were
hurled at the head of the patriotic author of our
Declaration of Independence from pulpits, from
the legislative halls of the Northern States, and
from the columns of every Federal newspaper in
the land, just as similar indecent jeers are now
heaped upon the true followers of the great and
good Jefferson, by those who are trying to overthrow the democratic government made by our fathers.
The hatred of Jefferson, as of all the leading
statesmen of the South, which rankled in the
bosoms of the discomfited Federalistsj knew no
bounds.  It did not die with that generation.
The parents taught their children to hate, not
only the name of Jefferson, but the whole Southemr people.




CHAPTER  II.THE CAUSES OF THE WATR, CONTINUED.
IN continuation of the proofs that the enmity
between the North and' South, which resulted in
the war, was laid, at a very early period, in the
conflict of fundamental principles of government,
we will summon again the testimony of Jefferson
himself. In a letter, dated April 24th, 1796, addressed to the historian, Mazzei, and published in
the Paris llioniteur, January 25th, 1798, Mr. Jefferson says: " Our political situation is prodigiously
changed since you left us. Instead of that noble
love of liberty, and that republican government,
which carried us through the dangers of the war,
an Anglo-monarchic-aristocratic party has arisen.
Their avowed object is, to impose upon us the substance, as they have already given us the form, of
the British Government. Nevertheless, the principal body of our citizens remain faithful to the
republican principles. I should give you a fever
if I should name the apostates who have embraced
these heresies, men who were Solomons in council
and Sampsons in conflict, but whose hair has been
cut off by the Delilah of England. They would
wrest from us that liberty which we have obtained
by so much labor and peril; but we shall preserve
it.)




TH IE CAUSES OF THE WAR.        2 7
In another letter of a later date, Jefferson says:
"The Alien and Sedition'laws are working hard.
For my own part I consider these laws merely as
an experiment on the American mind, to see how
far it will bear an avowed violation of the Constitution. If this goes down we shall immediately see
another act of Congress at-tempt declaring that the
President shall continue in office during life, reserving to another occasion the transfer of the succession to his heirs, and the establishment of a
Senate for life."
This severe language of Mr. Jefferson is fully
borne out in a letter from  John Langdon to
Samuel Ringold, dated at Portsmouth, N. IH., October 10th, 1800, in which he says: "In a conversation between Mr. Adams, WMIr. Taylor, and myself, Mr. Adams certainly expressed a hope or
expeetation that his friend Giles would see the
day when he would be convinced that the people
of America would not be happy without an hereditary chief magistrate and senate, or at least for
life."
Now let us return and quote further from the
letter of Jefferson: "A weighty minority of these
(Federalist) leaders considering the voluntary conversion of our Government into a monarchy as too
distant, if not too desperate, wish to break off from
our Union its eastern fragment, as being in fact
the hotbed of American monarchism, with a view
to the commencement of their favorite government,
from whence other States may gangrene by de



28         THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.
grees, and the whole thus by degrees be brought
to the desired point."
This assertion of -Mr. Jefferson is fully sustained
by no less eminent an author than Mathew Cary,
who, in his celebrated work, entitled T'he Olive
Branch, gives a great many facts in relation to a
conspiracy in New England to break up the Republic as early as 1796. He says: "A Northern
Confederacy has been the object for a number of
years. They have repeatedly advocated in public
prints a separation of the States, on account of
pretended discordant views and interests of the
different sections. This project of separation was
formed shortly after the adoption of the Federal
Constitution. Whether it was ventured before the
public earlier than 1796, I know not, but of its
promulgation that year there is most indubitable
evidence. To sow discord, jealousy and hostility
between different sections of the Union was the
first grand step in their career, in order to accomplish the favorite object of a separation of the
States. For eighteen years, therefore, (i. e. from
1796 to 1814) the most unceasing endeavors have
been used to poison the minds of the people of the
Eastern States towards, and to alienate them from,
their fellow-citizens of the Southern States. Nothing can exceed the violence of these caricatures,
some of which would have suited the ferocious inhabitants of New Zealand rather than a civilized
and polished nation."
Here you have proofs that the war upon the
South was really began by New England as early




'ITE CAUSES OF THE WAR.          29
as 1796. In that yeax an elaborate series of papers was published in Hartford, in the StLe of
Connecticut, tunder the signature of "Pelgham."
These papers, iVx. Carey tells us, were the joint production of men of the first talents in New England.
The following extract from the first number of this
Pelham series of essays fully justifies all that either
5Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Carey has said of the malcontents of New England:
"The Northern States can subsist as a nation
without any connection with the Southern.  It
cannot be contested that if the Southern States
were possessed of the same political ideas, our
Union would be more close, but when it becomes
a serious question whether we shall give up our
Government or part with the States south of the
Potomac, no man north of that river, whose heart
is not thoroughly democratic, can hesitate what decision to make."
This, you must bear in mind, was written in
1796. It proves that the republican, or democratic principle of government, which was so tenaciously adhered to by the people of the South, was
the cause of all the cunning hatred and abuse
heaped upon them by the Federal monarchy-loving
leaders of New England. They deliberately proposed to destroy the Union then, because the South
was so C" thoroughly democratic."  Incompatibility
of "political ideas" was given as a sufticient reason
for maligning the character of a whole people, and
for desiring to break up the Union which had been




30         THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.
established by the Constitution only eight years
before.
As early as the above date, then, we must fix
upon as the starting point of a political and social
war upon the South, on the part of the Federalists
in the Eastern States, which went on gathering
and increasing in intensity of estrangement and
hatred, until it ripened, at last, into the late terrible strife. There is a good maxim which tells us
that "'continual dropping will wear a stone."  If
all the vile and all the false things which have been
published in Northern papers and books for the
last seventy years, or from 1796 to 1866, ostensibly
against the South, but really to make democracy
odious, were gathered into one work, it would
make a hundred volumes, each as big as a folio
Bible. Is it not a wonder that the fatal conflict
did not come before? The political peace, the
moral peace, the social peace of this Union was
broken by the old Federal party, more than seventy years ago. But the complete triumph of the
Democratic party over that pernicious faction saved
the country from an open rupture for the long period of sixty years.
The hatred of the South, however, engendered
by the old monarchist party of New England, could
never be worked out of the anti-democratic portion
of the Northern people. If the ground on which
their hatred rested was worn away by time, or
rendered no longer a, decent excuse for opposition, their leaders were sure to hunt up some new
issue on which to hang another chance of securing




THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.         31
the end they had in view. Thus, when there no
longer remained a chance or a hope of revolutionizing or changing the Government of the United
States into a form more congenial to the monarchical views of Hamilton and Adams, another excuse
was sought for by which the cherished objects they
had in view might be accomplished. After they
could no longer make headway against the democracy of Jefferson, the old Hamilton party hunted
round for some new issue on which they could
rally and keep alive their waning partisan strength.
They hit upon the negro. Not that they had in
their own hearts any peculiar love for him, or
any objection to negro subordination as it existed
in this country. A great many of the leading men
of their party had become rich out of the " slave
trade,"-that is, in bringing negroes to these
shores and selling them to the Southern States.
Negro subordination had existed also in every
Northern State; but the climate was so cold that
the negro was found to be unprofitable as a laborer, and so he was declared " free." But no State
did this for the reasons now given. Abolitionism
or negro equality, as now understood, did not exist
among the Federal leaders.  The negroes were
quite universally looked upon as an inferior and
helpless race, incapable of sustaining themselves as
civilized beings, and as every way better off under
the institution of servitude, as it existed in this
country, than they were in their own native Africa.
There they are all slaves to uncivilized heathen
masters. They live upon snakes and worms, and




32         THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.
lead a life that is only just above that of the brute
creation. Their lives also are entirely at the disposal of their barbarian masters. Sometimes as
many as three or four thousand of them are taken
out one after another, and butchered like so many
pigs, as a sacrifice to the negro divinities. The
most wretched negro in the Southern States was a
great deal better off, everyway, than he was in his
own native country. All well-informed people
knew this to be true. Therefore the great majority of good and intelligent men believed the institution of servitude in the Southern States to be a
real blessing. A comparison made between the
negro with a master and the negro without one,
almost always resulted in favor of the former, as
the happier of the two. Very few good people,
therefore, had any objection to the condition of
the negro in this country. It was conceded by all
candid observers that there was nowhere on earth
to be found another population of negroes so happy
and so contented as those of the South. Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and nearly all the
greatest and best men who fought against England
for our liberties, and who were the means of establishing the Government of the United States, were
5' slaveholders." They were not only great states.men, but they were celebrated for their moral and
Christian character.  And they were " slaveholders."  I have said that they considered the negro
as belonging to an inferior race, not entitled to associate with white people, except as a servant.
This had been the opinion of all Christian nations




THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.           33
for more than two thousand years. Indeed it was
the opinion of all wise men who lived in.the world
many thousands of years ago, even before the birth
of our Saviour. If any taught otherwise, they
were looked upon as ignorant dreamers, fanatics,
and as men of no standing in society. No respectable white man or woman would have associated
with a person who admitted a negro to be his
equal. This was the state of opinion, not only in
our country, but throughout the civilized world.
Even Massachusetts, no longer ago than 1836,
passed a law to imprison any justice of the peace,
or clergyman, who should be guilty of marrying a
white person to a negro. The laws of every State
in the Union wisely denied negroes an equality
with white people. I say this was a just and necessary provision in order to prevent what is called
mulattoism or mongrelism, that is, a mixture of the
white and black races, which history and experience have proved to be one of the greatest curses
that can befall society. Every nation on the face
of the earth where such a mixture has taken place
to any considerable extent, has declined in its
civilization, and gradually sunk down in ruin, as
if wasted by a slow poison. And that is just what
it was. God's punishment upon men for violating
his Lws. 




CHAPTER 111
CAUSES OF THE WAR, CONTINUED.
E' HAVE said that when the political descendants
of the old Federalists pitched upon the negro
question they were governed by no love for the
negro, but solely by their old hatred of democratic
principles. The very Northern States which, in
1787, voted against the immediate abolition of the
"slave-trade," a few years after led off the mad
crusade against the States in which so-called slavery existed by law, and under the protecting shield
of the Constitution of the United States. This
agitation was, virtually, a declaration of war against
the Southern States. It was, indeed, the beginning of hostilities. Of hostilities, unprovoked on
the part of the South, and having no foundation
even in any portion of Northern opinion, except in
that which was the hereditary foe of a democratic
form  of government.  This revival of the unfriendly and revolutionary spirit of old Federalism began in opposition to the admission of the
Stat:e of Missouri into the Union as a "slave"
State. This was in 1820. Ex-President Jefferson
at once saw that the negro question was only the
excuse, while the real motive was to reinstate the
lost fortunes of the old democracy-despising Fed



THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.           35
eralism. In a letter to General Laifayette, AIr. Jef
ferson said: "On the eclipse of Federalism with
us, although not its extinction, its leaders got up
the Missouri question under the false front of lessening the measure of slavery, but with the real
view of producing a geographical division of parties
which might ensure them the next president.
The people of-the North went blindfold into the
snare."
This was a very cunning dodge on the part of
the Federalists. By their avowed leaning to monarchism, and their hatred of the democratic form
of government which had been adopted by the
majority of the people, they had made their principles and their very name despised.  It was
therefore necessary for them to take a new name,
and to bring out some new issues in order to get
back into power.  But, whether under a new
name, or with professedly new objects, the real
object was the same. It was to overthrow democracy, and to carry out its long-cherished desire of
revolutionizing our government in fact, if not in form
I have shown that the sagacious and far-seeing
mind of Jefferson fully understood the plaons of the
Federalists when they hit upon the negro question
as a means of party agitation. I have already
quoted what he wrote to General Lafaystte, who
left his own country, France, and came to assist
our forefathers in their noble struggle for independeuce. In another letter iMr. Jefferson wrote as
follows: "The question is a mere party trick
The leaders of Federalism, defeated in theihi




36         THE CAUSES OF THE WARB
schemes of obtaining power by rallying partisams
to the principles of monarchism-a principle of
personal, not of local division-have changed their
tack, and thrown out another barrel to the whale.
They are taking advantage of the virtuous feelings
of the people to effect a division of parties by a
geographical line; they expect that this will insure
them, on local principles, the majority they could
never obtain on principles of Federalism."
While the old Federalists had ceased to openly
avow their design to break up our Government,
they cunningly sought the same object by arraying
one half of the Union against the other, on this
subject of the status of the negro.  So far as history informs us, this infamous trick was first suggested to the Federalists by a British spy of the
name of John Henry, who was sent to this country
in 1809, to lay plans to destroy the Union. Henry
was commissioned to assist in this work by the
British Governor of Canada, whose name was
Craig.
The following is an extract from Governor Craig's
letter of instructions to Henry:
"QUEBEC, February, 1809.
"I request you to proceed with the earliest convevance to Boston. *  *  *  The known intelligence and ability of several of its leading men,
must give it a considerable influence over the other
States, and will probably lead them in the part
they are to take. * * * It has been supposed
that if the Federalists of the Eastern States should




rpE CAUSES OF THE WAR.           3 7
be successful, and obtain the decided influence
which may enable them to direct public opinion, it
is not improbable that, rather than submit, they
will exert that influence to bring about a separation
from the general Union. *  *  *  I enclose a credential, but you must not use it unless you are
satisfied it will lead to more confidential communications."
The fact of this conspiracy between the agents
of the British Government in Canada, and the
leading Federalists of New England, came to the
knowledge of Mr. Madison, who was President of
the United States, and he laid all the proofs before
Congress. In his message to Congress on the subject, President Madison said:
"I lay before Congress copies of certain documents, which remain in the department of State.
They prove that, at a recent period, on the part of
the British Government, through its public minister here, a secret agent of that government was
employed, in certain States, more especially at the
seat of government in Massachusetts, in fomenting
disaffection to the constituted authorities of the
country; and intrigued with the disaffected, for
the purpose of bringing about resistance to the
laws, and eventually, in concert with a British
force, of destroying the Union, and forming the
eastern part thereof into a political connexion with
Great Britain."
The laying of these documents before Congress
created a great fluttering among the Federalists.




38        TIHE CAUSES OF THE WAR.
They contained the indisputable proofs of their
guilty intentions to overthrow the Union, if they
could not otherwise subvert the democratic form
of government established by the people.
I have said that the plan of subverting our Government, or overthrowing the Union, by agitating
the negro question, was probably first suggested
by this British spy and conspirator, Henry. HI[e
wrote back to the authorities who had employed
him in Canada, that although he found the leaders
of the Federalists of New England ripe for any
measure which could sever the Union, yet that he
found the sentiment of Union so strong among the
masses of the people that he doubted if it could be
immediately dissolved.  He suggested that the
best way to further this scheme of disunion would
be to get up some sectional domestic question on
which the prejudices and passions of the people
could be permanently divided. This, he was sure
would, in time, accomplish disunion. The sectional question at which he hinted was " slavery."
He did not miscalculate. It did its work. It accomplished disunion.
As I shall show you before we get through with
these pages, the great design that the British Government had, was to break down the glorious govErnment which Washington had fought to establish, and when they saw they could not do it by
open warfare, they resorted to deceit and trickery.
One proof of this may be found in the following
circumstance




THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.           39
Mr. Aaron Legget, an eminent New York merchant and a quaker abolitionist, declared that,
while in IMexico, at the time of the abolition of
"slavery" in the West Indies, he met Deputy Commnissary General Wilson of the British army, and
at that time an agent appointed by the British
Government to make the final arrangements connected with the abolition of " slavery " in the West
Indies, who told him that the English Government, in abolishing "slavery" in that colony, were
not moved by any consideration for the negro.
"Mr. Wilson said that the abolition of slavery in
the British colonies would naturally create an enthusiastic anti-slavery sentiment in England and
America, and that in America this would, in process of time, excite a hostility between the free
States and the slave States, which would end in
the dissolution of the American Union, and the
consequentfailure of the grand experiment of democratic government; and the ruin of democracy in
America would be the perpetuation of aristocracy in
England."* There has always been a party of men
in the Northern States who fully sympathized with
the wishes of England in this respect. Indeed the
whole progress of the abolition movement shows
that it has been a plot of British monarchists,
aided by a set of men in this country, to destroy
the Government as it was formed by Washington.
* The reliability of this statement is attested in a letter
written by Sidney E. Morse, Esq., of this city, to whom Mr
L. related it,




40        THE CAUSES OF TIlE WAR.
Sir Robert Peel said, when the $100,,000, 000 was
paid to "free the negroes in the West Indies, that
it was the best investment ever made for the overthrow of republican institutions in America." The
British aristocracy always seemed to feel and know
that negro equality would overthrow -our Government.
The statement of the spy, Henry, that he found
the leading Federalists of New England ripe for
disunion, but not the masses of the people, ought
to be noted. It goes to show that the great body
of the people all over the country are patriotic,
and if they go wrong, are misled by wicked and
ambitious leaders. When I refer to New England,
I only mean a majority of the leading men, who
have miseducated the people and deceived them.
Various causes have conspired to give them an opportunity to practice deception, particularly in
New England, which I will more fully explain
hereafter. But that section contains thousands of
sound and good men, wvho have ever been true to
the Government as it was formed. That they have
generally been in a minority is all the more honor
to their courage and patriotism, for it proves beyond question the sincerity of their political convictions.
The facts in the case, however, prove beyond a
doubt that, at the time to which we refer, the British conspirator, John Henry, was favorably received by the leading men in the Eastern States as
an agent for overthrowing the Union. The Federalists treated with him for this purpose. Mr.




TIHE CAUSES OF THE WAR.         41
Jefferson saw the full extent of their designs. In
a letter to Governor Langdon, he says:
"For five and thirty years we have walked together through a land of tribulation; yet those
have passed away, and so, I trust, will these of the
present day. The Toryism with which we skcuggled in 1777, differed but in name from the Federalism of 1799, with which we struggled also;
and the Anglocism (i. e. English monarchism) of
1808, against which we are now struggling, is but
the same thing in another form. It is longing for
a king, and an English ]ing rather than any other.
This is the true source of their sorrows and wailings."
In the war between the United States and England in 1812, the New England Federalists took
sides with England against their own country, so
far as they could without actually taking up arms
against the United States. Even John Quincy
Adams, a Massachusetts man himself, was compelled to confess that: "In the Eastern States,
curses and anathemas were liberally hurled from
the pulpit on the heads of all those who aided, directly or indirectly, in carrying on the war."  I
dwell on these matters to show you that there was
always a party in New England which was an
enemy to the Government of our country. At the
time of which I have been speaking, Caleb Strong
was Governor of Massachusetts. General Fessenden introduced the following resolution into the
Legislature of that State: "And therefore be it resolved, that we recommend to his Excellency, Ca



42        THE CAUSES OF THE'WAR.
leb Strong, to take the revenue of the State into
his own hands, arm and equip the militia, and declare us independent of the Union."
At this time Fisher Ames, one of the most caistinguished mren of New England, said: "Our
country is too big for Union, too sordid for patriotism, too democratic for liberty. Our disease is
democracy; it is not the skin that festers, our
very bones are carious, and their marrow blackens
with gangrene." Rev. Dr. Dwight said: "The
Declaration of Independence is a wicked thing. I
thought so when it was proclaimed, and I think so
still." One of the leading papers of Boston declared: "We never fought for a republic. The
form of our Government was the result of necessity, not the offspring of choice."  The Boston
Gazette threatened President Madison with death,
if he attempted to compel the Eastern States to
fight against England at that time. I could make
a large book with extracts from the leading men
and the principal papers of New E]ngland of those
days, showing that there was, through all that section, a wide-spread and a bitter hatred of our
democratic form of government, and of the Union.




CHAPTER IV.
THE CAUSES OF THE WAR, CONTIMUED.
THE admission of Missouri into the Union and
the restriction of " slavery" to a line south of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes, quieted the agitation of the question, so far as political parties
were concerned.  Other issues arose, however,
such as the bank, tariff, and similar questions
upon which political parties divided. But as those
issues were such as could be equally understood in
all sections of the Union, they did not fmrnish material for disunion. True, South Carolina, feeling
aggrieved with the tariff act of 1828, threatened to
nullify the law, but the timely modification of the
act prevented all trouble. It has been often represented that General Jackson secured the obedience of South Carolina by threats of force, but
the truth is, it was effected by a compromise. A.
great cry has been made over this act of nullification on the part of South Carolina, and I do not
intend here to do more than allude to it and say
that when nearly every Northern State not only
nullified, but carried into effect their nullification
of a plain law of Congress, it does not become
those thus guilty to upbraid South Carolina. The
act in relation to the return of "' fugitives from ser



44         THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.
vice," was openly and distinctly nullified Dy nearly
every Northern State.
The great contests on the bank, taiff, andl other
questions, were mainly fought out between the
years 1820 and 1840. During that time such patriots and statesmen as Jackson, Clay, Calhoun,
Webster, Woodbury, Silas Wright, Hayne, and
others, met in debate and contended for the mastery. However much these men differed, they all
loved their country, and could not bear the thought
of seeing it disrupted. But during the whole of
this time a wonderful change was going on in the
popular mind on the question of the negro race.
It seemed that no sooner had the Missouri question been disposed of, and the agitation banished
from the halls of Congress, than fanatics sprang
up all over proclaiming " the enormity of slavery
as a sin and crime against God." In 1821 Benjamin Lundy commenced the publication of the
" Genius of Universal EmancipLation," believed to be
the first out and out abolition paper in this country.  in 1823 the first abolition society was organized in England. This period in history, that is,
from 1820 to 1835, was characterized by a general
uprising of societies of all kinds. Large sums of
moneywere raised to spread the new doctrine that
"slavery was a crime," and that 1"slaveholders"
were " thieves" and "murderers." At first, as may
be naturally supposed, these slanders upon Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and other great and
good men, who had founded our Government and
whose -glorious memories were still fresh in the




THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.           45
hearts of the people, provoked difficulties.!Riots
broke out all over the Nocrth.  The natunlal instincts of the people, unperverted as they had been
as yet by abolition teachings, revolted at the doctrine of negro equality. They mobbed the prominent movers in it all1 over the country. The house
of Arthur Tappan, in New York city, was mobbed
in July, 1834. About the same time the chureh of
the Rev. Dr. Cox was attacked. A large hall was
burned down in Philadelphia. All these disorders
were directly owing to the revolting doctrines of
the abolitionists, which were utterly disgusting to
the public opinion of that day. Still these men
kept on, printing books, tracts, pamphlets, magazines, newspapers, etc., etc., and spreading them
gratuitously all over the country. They had now
gotten hold of that'"social question" which the
British spy, Henry, had suggested as the one
thing necessary in order to produce disunion.
The question, too, was one admirably adapted
to their purposes. The negroes were mainly in
the Southern States. The Northern people could
not be expected to understand a race of which they
knew but little. They must rely upon the reports
of newspapers, often printed by unprincipled men
or ambitious politicians, whose whole interest consisted in misrepresenting facts.  But above and
beyond all, there was another cause which contributed more than all others to aid the abolitionists.
The subject of the races of men had never been investigated. Mr. Jefferson had referred to this matter
and said it was "a' reproach to us that though fo'




46-        THE CAUSES OF THIE  WAR.
a century and a half we had had under our eyes
the races of black and of red men, yet they had
never been viewed as subjects of natural history."
And he went further, and said, "I advance it as a
suspicion only that the blacks, whether originally
a different race, or made distinct by time and circumstances, are inferior to the whites in the endowments both of mind and body."  Later investigations have proved beyond a doubt, that the nego and the Caucasian, or white man, are distinct
races or species of men. Whether they were originally made so or not, the Creator of all only knows,
but there is no doubt that they are so now, and if
different, of course we cannot expect the same
things of them. No one expects a goat to be a
sheep. No one expects a mastiff to be a hound.
If blacks and whites are not distinct races or species, then it would be proper and beneficial to
amalgamate with negroes, and to make them our
equals in every respect. The abolitionists, however, assume that there is but one human race,
and as that has been generally assented to, it gave
them a fine field for their delusion. How natural
for everybody to feel that if the negro is a man
like ourselves that he ought to have the same or
equal rights? And above all, if "slavery," "bondage," etc., has repressed his energies, kept him
down, and made him what he is, how much more
of a duty it is to lift him up and do him justice.
But all the pathetic stories of the abolitionists proceeded from a false basis. The negro was not a
man like the white man. He had never been so




THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.           47
elevated at any time in the history of his race as
the four millions in the Southern States. Our form
of society had civilized and Christianized the only
negroes that had ever been civilized or Christianized. This is simple historical fact, which no one
dare deny. But still, as no one met the abolitionists in this way, they had the field to themselves.
It is not until late years, not until the whole people
had been more or less deceived and corrupted,
that the question of distinct races was explained,
and the justice of legal and social distinctions between them not only avowed, but placed upon
clear grounds.
Now even the youngest child can see that it
would be wrong and cruel to ask or expect the negro to feel or act as we do, simply because the
great Creator of all has given him but one talent,
while he has given to us ten talents. It is our
duty, as the superior race, to care for these-people
whom God, in his Providence, has given us. We
should try to understand their natures, their capacities, and their wants, and then adapt our laws
so that they will be in the happiest, the healthiest
and best condition it is possible for them to attain.
That was what the Southern people tried to do,
and though no society is perfect, yet all must admit that the negroes were' better off every way before the war than now. A million, it is estimated,
have died in the effort to make them act like whit6
people. Every young person can see how wicked
it would be to take an ox and try to make it go as
fast as a horse, and yet it is no more sinful nor
4




48         THE CAUSES OF THE WAR,
cruel than to take the negroes and demand that
they shall act the same as white people. As it
would kill the ox to try to make him a horse, so it
kills the negro to try and make him a white man.
I have explained this at some length because it
is so important to understand it, and because it is
really so simple when understood that any one can
comprehend it. Every person can readily see how
cruel it would be to deprive all children of their
fathers and mothers, and yet it was no more cruel
than to deprive, at a single blow, every negro in
the South of the care and protection of his master
and mistress. Thousands of these poor creatures
have died of small pox and other loathsome diseases. H.undreds have starved to death or died
of exposure, and all because of the false teachings
of the abolitionists, who deceived the people, and
told them that society as it existed at the South
was " a sin and a crime."
The abolitionists, however, did not stop here.
They declared that the Government, as it was
formed by Washington, Jefferson, and Madison,
protected the Southern people in their form of society. And this was, of course, true; for it is not
within the bounds of reason to suppose that those
meln, all of whom were "slaveholders,"  would have
organized a government against themselves! I
have already shown you how the old Federalists
hated the Government; and you will now see how
this same spirit was breathed forth by the abolitionists.
William Lloyd Garrison, who has been called




THE CAUSES OF T:HE WAL.          49
the father of the abolition societies, inaugurated
his abolition movement by publicly burning the
Constitution of the United States. Many years
after this infamous act, he declared in a speech:
"No act of ours do we regard with more conscientious approval or higher satisfaction, than when,
several years ago, on the 4th of July, in the presence of a great assembly, we committed to the
flames the Constitution of the United States."
Again he says: "This Union is a lie! The American Union is an imposture -a covenant with
death, and an agreement with hell. I am for its
overthrow! Up with the flag of disunion!"
Wendell Phillips, the ablest and honestest of all
the abolition leaders, declared the object of the
agitation to be the overthrow of the Constitution.
He said: "The Constitution of our fathers was a
mistake. Tear it to pieces and make a better one.
Our aim is disunion, breaking up of the States."
A resolution passed at an annual abolition convention reads as follows: "Resolved, that the
abolitionists of this country should make it one of
the primary objects of this agitation to dissolve the
American Union."
Thus boldly and wickedly did these men assail
the Government of our fathers. You have no
doubt heard Mr.'Calhoun of South Carolina called
"the father of disunion," but the history I have
already given you shows that disunionism arose in
the North. Mr. Calhoun, in a speech in the Senate
of the United States, March 7th, 1850, delivered
while he knew himself to 1ce a dying man, said:




50        THE CAUTSES OF THE WAR.
"No man would feel more happy than myself to
believe that this Union, formed by our ancestors,
should live forever. Looking back to the long
course of forty years' service here, I have the consolation to believe that I have never done one act.
to weaken it-that I have done full justice to all
sections. And if I have ever been exposed to the
imputation of a contrary motive, it is because I
have been willing to defend my section from unconstitutional encroachments."
In a speech made by the same great statesman
in the Senate, nearly thirty years ago, that is in
1838, he said: " Abolition is the only question of
sufficient magnitude and potency to divide this
Union, and divide it it will, or drench the country
in blood if not arrested. There are those who see
no danger to the Union in the violation of all fundamental principles, but who are full of apprehension when danger is foretold, and who hold, not
the authors of the danger, but those who forewarLed it, responsible for the consequences. If
my attachment for the Union were less, I might
tamper with the deep disease which now afflicts
the body politic, and keep silent until the patient
was ready to sink under the mortal blows."
Jefferson Davis, in a speech in the United States
Senate, June 27th, 1850, said: "If I have a superstition, sir, which governs my mind and holds it
captive, it is a superstitious reverence for the
Union. If one can inherit a sentiment, I may be
said to have inherited this from my revolutionary
father."




THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.         51
It will thus be seen that at the very time that
the abolitionists were preaching up a mad crusade
against the Union, and educating a generation to
hate the Government of our fathers, Southern
men, the great leaders of the South were begging
and imploring that it might be preserved.




THE CAUSES OF THE WAR COSTINUED.
THE abolition movement, however, was destined
to undergo a change. The Garrisonian abolitionists, in educating a generation to believe that the
subordinate position of the negro was a sin and a
crime, had created a great moral power; but after
all it was more or less ineffective. The Constitution and Government of our forefathers were
so interwoven in the heart of every honest and
patriotic American, that the denunciations that it
was " a covenant with hell," only provoked disgust
or excited derision, and outside of the few delirious
fanatics whom they addressed, it exerted no influence. They might have preached a hundredl
years probably, and would never have destroyed
the relation of the races, or broken up the Union in
that way. But, as the Whig party dissolved after
the bank and tariff questions had, it was hoped,
forever been disposed of, the oldc Federal lHamiltonian element in that party looked around for
some new issue upon which to delude the people.
About this time, that is, from  1850 to 1854,
there came prominently into public view a cunning, crafty, and entirely unscrupulous politician
in the State of New York, by the name of William




THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.           53
h. Seward. He had been Governor of the State,
and was at this time Senator in Congress. He
was a Hamiltonian Federalist.  But more than
any other man he seemed to comprehend "the
situation."  HEe saw that the abolitionists had, by
their thirty years' education of the popular mind,
created a great hatred in the North against the
South, and he determined to use this to obtain
power. He had raised an excitement in the State
of Nbw York against the Free Masons to get power
there, and why might he not do the same thing
again on a larger scale. He went to work at this
with great cunning and subtlety. He saw at a
glance that Garrison's programme of the open denunciation of the Constitution and the Union
would not answer.  ir. Garrison said, and said
truly, "the Constitution protects slavery."
Alr. Seward inaugurated his plan of battle by declaring (see his Works, vol. iii. p. 301): "Correct
your error that slavery has any constitutional guarantees which may not be released and ought not to be
relinquished." Again says Mr. Seward (vol. i. p. 71),
"you answer that the Constitution recognizes property in slaves. It would be sufficient, then, to
reply that the constitutional recognition must be
void, because it is repugnant to the law of nature
a.nd of nations." Here Mr. Seward sets up his idea
of the laws of nature and of nations against the
solemn compact of our forefathers. But he went
further; he declared that there was an "irrepressible conflict" between Northern and Southern society, that " slavery must be abolished," that there




THE CAUSES OF THE WABo
was " a higher law" than the Constitution, that "it
was for the South to decide whether they would
have slavery removed gradually, or whether they
would have disunion and civil war."
Such was the wicked programme that this wily
politician laid out for the ruin of this country.
Garrison would have been willing to have separated
from the South and let her alone in the enjoyment
of her rights, but Mr. Seward aimed at nothing
less than seizing upon the Government through a
sectional party and consolidating in it all power
as the old Federalists had desired, and thus have
one despotic government over the whole country.
He accordingly organized his scattered forces in a
new party. On the 26th of September, 1854, a convention was called to meet at Auburn, the home of
Win. H. Seward, the object of which was announced
to be " to organize a Republican party which should
represent the friends of freedom," which means, of
course, the friends of negro freedom, for no white
men were deprived of thefr freedom then. This
meeting recommended that a convention of delegates from the Northern States only, be held
on the 4th of July, 1856, to nominate candidates
for President and Vice-President of all the United
States. This convention afterwards met, and nominated Fremont and Dayton.
When the Seward Republican party was first
organized, some of the abolitionists thought it did
not go far enough, but Wendell Phillips, with his
sagacity, saw that its programme was a cunning
one. He declared " that it was the first crack in




THE CAUSES OF THE WAR            55
the iceberg. It is the first sectional party ever
organized in this country. It is pledged against the
South."
This new party soon swept into it all those who
had been deluded by the abolition teachings. It
made loud protestations of devotion to "firee
speech, free press, and free men." It pretended to
more and better republicanism than the democracy, for it desired to apply republicanism to negToes. HEence it very properly got the name of
Black Republican, for it bore no more resemblance
to genuine republicanism than an old Federalist
did to a Jeffersonian Democrat.
And strange to say, this Tory, British party in
disguise actually seized hold of the name of Jefferson to delude the people. They even perverted
the glorious Declaration of Independence from its
plain meaning, and tortured it into an excuse for
negro equality. When Mr.. Jefferson said "all
men were created equal," he referred to his own
race and to no others, for if he meant negroes
then he was himself insincere, for he should have
"freed" his own on the spot, which he did not do.
In a word, there was no deception that this
party did not resort to. No effort to influence the
public mind was spared. The South was universally denounced, and when warned by democrats
that the Southern men would not live under a
government, which was to be administered to destroy them, they laughed the warning to scorn.
The North was strong enough, if all the States
could be secured, to elect a President in spite of




5 6       THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.
the South, and this they determined to do. If
they could accomplish this, they could revolutionize the Government by engrafting on it the monarchical doctrines of Hamilton and the negro
equality theories of Garrison, and so both would
be satisfied.  This, then, was the object of the
Black Republican party leaders. They desired to
overthrow the Government as it was formed. How
they succeeded this history will tell
About this time occurred the great Kansas excitement. This was a new territory west of the
State of Missouri. When it seemed probable that
it would be mainly settled by Southern men, the
people of New England organized "Emigrant Societies," and filled it up with abolitionists, so as to
prevent it from becoming what they called a slave
State. They also raised large sumns of money and
purchased arms and ammunition, and sent out
men there, prominent among whom was old John
Brown, to get up a war if they could.
The churches of New England were very active
in this business, and the abolition clergy all over
were zealous workers in inciting to bloodshed.
One minister, the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, declared that "S harp's rifles were better than Bibles," and "that it was a crime to shoot at a slaveholder and not hit him." All over the North, but
mainly in New England, this insanity was jPrevalent. Ministers of the Gospel distributedC guns
and rifles for the work of bloodshed. The North
was being slowly educated for the great war that
followed.




]tCHAPTE  I l.
THE ELECTION OF LINCOLN.
AVE already shown you that there has been,
here in the North, ever since the formation of the
Federal Government, a powerful party opposed to
the Union as it was formed. But during all this
long period, there was never a single statesman in
the Southern States who was not devotedly in
favor of the Union as it was organized by our patriotic forefathers. The South was united in its
admiration of the principles of government on
which the Union was founded. On this subject
the North was divided. The Democratic party
was attached to the Union, and was devoted to
the principles on which it was established, while
the Black Republican party was an enemy both to
the Union and the Constitution.
These Black Republicans, for many years, used
to mockingly call Democrats " Union-savers." Bu
as I have said, there were also two factions among
the Black Republicans themselves-one, that o~ the
fanatical abolitionists, and the other, the enemy of
the democratic form of government, as you have
seen in the history of the old Federalists. This
latter faction was an adherent to the exploded morn



58        THE ELECTION OF LINCOLN.
archical principles of Alexander Hamilton. They
wanted to destroy these States and establish one
gTeat despotic government, or empire, over all
this country. Their plan was foreshadowed in a
speech by Governor Banks of Massachusetts, in
1856, in which he said: "I can conceive of a time
when this Constitution shall not be in existencewhen we shall have an absolute dictatorial government,* transmitted from age to age, with men at
its head who are made rulers by military commission, or who claim an hereditary right to govern
those over whom they are placed."
NWhen the war broke out, this same Governor
Banks became a general, and in a speech made at
Arlington Heights, he pointed to the Capitol in
Washington, and said: " When this war is over,
that will be the Capitol of a great nation. Then
there will be nio longer New Yorkers, Pennsylvanians, Virginians, etc., but we shall all be simply
Americans."
The meaning was that the war would result in
the destruction of all the State governments, and
consolidate them into, one great despotic government. The same idea was expressed by Senator
Cameron, at a public dinner in Washington at
about the same time.
But both of these factions-that is, the abol.
itionists and the disciples of Hamiltonian mon* This was precisely the kind of government the Black
Republican party did force upon the country in the Adminis.
tration of Abraham Lincoln.




THE ELECTION OF LINCOLN.         59
archism, were agreed in their desire of revolutionizing the Government. Nothing that the South
could have done, short of an entire surrender of
their institutions and their rights as States, could
have satisfied them. The people of the Southern
States honestly believed that their society and
their lives would not be safe in the Union as administered by these men. The presidential campaign, which resulted in the election of Mir. Lincoln, had been conducted with such a spirit of
violence and malignity towards the South that
it might well alarm the people of that section.
An infamous and murderous work, known as
the " Helper Book," which had been published
one year before, and a hundred thousand copies
of it circulated by subscription of the leading
Black  Republican  members of Congress, was
the chief campaign document of. the Lincoln
canvass.  This horrid book plainly threatened
the people of the South with assassination and
death. It was full of such sentences as the following:
"kAgainst slaveholders as a body we wage an
exterminating war."
It counseled the North-" Do not reserve the
strength of your arms until you are rendered powerless to strike."
"We contend that slaveholders are more criminal than common murderers."
"The negroes, nine cases out of ten, would be
delighted at the opportunity to cut their masters'
throats."




Y THE ILECTION OF LINCOLN.'"Small pox is a nuisance; strychnine is a nui.
sance; mad dogs are a nuisance; slavery is a
nuisance; and so are slaveholders; it is our business, nay, it is our imperative duty, to abate nuisances; we propose, therefore, with the exception
of strychnine, to exterminate this catalogue from beginning to end."
A book of three hundred pages filled with such
horrid threats as these, and circulated as a campaign document in the canvass that elected Mr.
Lincoln, might well fill the South with alarm. I
have said that all the leading Black Republican
members of Congress subscribed for the free distribution of one hundred thousand copies of this
work. Mr. Seward gave it his especial endorsement, in a card which declared it "a work of great
merit."  The book had been preceded by speeches
from Northern politicians scarcely less brutal in
tone.  M1i. Giddings, a prominent politician in
Ohio, had said:
"I look forward to a day when I shall see a servile insurrection in the South. When the black
men, supplied with bayonets, shall wage a war of
extermination against the whites-when the master shall see his dwelling in flames, and his
hearth polluted, and though I may not mock
at their calamity and laugh when their fear
cometh, yet I shall hail it as the dawn of a political millenium."
The Hon. Erastus Hopkins had said: "If peacefti means fail us, and we are driven to the last ex







OLD JOHN BROWWN KILLING THE DOYLE FAMILY.        Pavte 61




TIE ELECTION OF LINCOLN.        6
tTemity, when ballots are useless, then we will.
make bullets effective."
For many years Northern pulpits and Northern
newspapers had teemed with such bloody threats
as these against the people of the South. And
less than two years before the election of Mr. Lincoln, "Old John Brown," a notorious murderer
from Kansas, who was a native of New England,
went into VTirgnia with a posse of assassins, for
the purpose of getting up an insurrection among
the negroes, to murder the white men, women and
children. Brown's gang was armed with pikes
made in New England, and with plenty of ammunition and fire-arms purchased by money secretly
contributed in the North. The whole plot was
discovered, and he was tried and hanged. The
execution of this admitted assassin produced a
fearful outbreak of threats and fury in the North.
Prayer-meetings were held in nearly all the
churches of New England, and indeed throughout
the West, to invoke the vengeance of heaven on
those who had caused the just penalties of the law
to fall upon one of the most pitiless murderers
ever known in this country. And yet bells were
tolled to glorify the memory of this fiend.
As my readers may not have heard of Brown's
terrible murder of 1Mr. Doyle and his two sons in
Kansas, I will relate it. He went to the house about
midnight with a gang of men, and told him that
he and his two sons were wanted as witnesses upon
an "Investigating Committee," and that they had
been sent to summon them. No sooner had they




62        TIE: ELECTION OF LINCOLN.
got them in the yard than they killed all t]hree mn
cold blood. The poor heart-broken wife and mother
of the murdered men went almost crazy with grief,
when the fiends returned to the house and threatened to shoot herself and only son. Mrs. Doyle
fell on her bended knees, and implored for mercy
for herself and only child. After a while the rillains left the poor woman and her son to the
sorrowful sight of the three corpses in their door
yard.
At a meeting in Massachusetts, attended by
United States Senator Henry Wilson, the following resolution was unanimously passed:
" Resolved, that it is the right and duty of slaves
to resist their masters, and the right and duty of
the people of the North to incite them to resistance,
and to aid them in it."
At Rochford, Illinois, a public meeting, called
by the leading citizens, unanimously " Resolved
that the city bells be tolled one hour in commemoration of John Brown."
Horace Greeley said: "Let no one doubt that
history will accord an honorable niche to old John
Brown."
Ralph Waldo Emerson declared that the hanging of this assassin "made the gallows as glorious
as the cross."
Again said Emerson: "Our Captain Brown is,
happily, a representative of the American Republie. He did not believe in moral suasion, but in
putting things through."
This terrible temper pervaded the whole North.




THE ELECTION OF LINCOLN.        63
A book of a thousand pages might be made of extracts from sermons, prayers, speeches and newspapers, of a similar character.
Can we wonder that, under such a state of
things, the Southern people should have felt it necessary to take some steps for their own safety?
In the midst of this wild excitement Mr. Lincoln
was nominated for the presidency by the party
which had so universally endorsed old John
Brown's murderous raid into Virginia. He was
nominated at Chicago, in a temporary edifice built
for the purpose, and, as if indicating the designs
of the party, called a "wigwam." Over the chair
of the president of the nominating convention was
placed a huge wooden knife twelve feet long, a fitting foreshadowing of the bloody designs of the
party putting him forward. At least the people
of the South so interpreted it; and they demanded some pledges, that the threats put forth
in the HIelper book should not be visited upon
them.
In answer to these reasonable demands, they
received only sneers, reproaches, and more threats.
When they declared that "unless they could
have their rights in the Union they would withdraw," they were answered, that "the North
could not kick them out of the Union." The truth
is, that war was resolved upon by the Black IRepublican leaders. I shall show you in another
chapter what cunning tricks were resorted to by
Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward to bring about what
was called "an overt act" on the part of the South




64       THEE ELECTION OF LINCOLN.
If I failed to lay this whole matter out truly before you, I should make myself a party to the
monstrous falsehoods which have been put forth
as history on this point. The whole Southern people had always been contented with the Union as
it was established by our forefathers. They never
talked of secession, except as a remedy for aggressions upon their constitutional rights. On the
contrary, in the North, as you have seen, there has
always been a busy and determined party, which
has been working to overthrow the Union, because
it hated the Constitution, and was at enmity with
the South from an old grudge, growing out of the
early conflict between the monarchical principles
of Alexander Hamilton and the democratic principles of Thomas Jefferson. This old hatred on the
part of the North, which had been brewing and
smouldering ever since the establishment of the
Government, was now recruited by the fiery and
fanatical element of abolition to such a degree that
the conflict, long threatened by the Northern malcontents, and dreaded by the South, burst upon
the country. Failing, as they thought, to receive
any guarantees of security and rest in the Union,
the Southern States determined to withdraw. All
but South Carolina came to this conclusion slowly
and unwillingly.




SECESSION.
Is the fall of 1860 Mr. Lincoln was elected
President by a party and by men such as I have
described in the last chapter. He carried every
Northern State except New Jersey, and received a
majority of the electoral votes, but not a, majority
of all the people. You know the President is
elected by the States, not by the people-that is to
say, each State gives as many votes for President
as it has representatives and senators in Congress.
Mr. Lincoln had a majority of these, but he was
nearly a million and a half in the minority, counting the votes of all the people. But although Mir.
Lincoln was elected by what is called State
iRights, yet he went to work at once to destroy
State Rights, as we shall soon see.
The Southern people were, of course, greatly
alarmed when the result was known. The party
coming into power had declared war against them.
True the Chicago Platform was cautiously worded,
but it is the spirit and temper of a political party
which give the true meaning of its purposes. I
have shown you fully what these were, from the
mouths of its leading men.
And I may mention here as a singular fact that




66               SECESSION.
Joshua R. Giddings, of Ohio, who was known all
his life as an out and out abolitionist, declared in
the Chicago Convention that its nominees could
not get the support of the abolitionists unless the
resolutions pledged the party to carry out the
doctrine that "all men are created equal." I have
already mentioned that the abolitionists meant by
this phrase to include negroes. The Chicago Convention, therefore, according to their own interpretation of its resolutions, was pledged to change
Southern society, and make the negro the equal
of the white man. How then can any Black Republican pretend that their own party platform
was not an open declaration of war upon the South?
Although they cunningly disguised their intentions by making a false use of a popular phrase,
they did not deceive the Southern people. They
instinctively knew that this party meant to overthrow their society, "peaceably, perhaps, if they,were permitted to do so, but forcibly if they must."
Mr. Seward himself avowed this sentiment in a
speech in the United States Senate, March 11th,
1850.
The means which the Southern States resolved
to resort to, in order, if possible, to save themselves
from this calamity, was what has been called secession-that is, to withdraw from the Union or
Confederacy. The States had all joined the Confederacy by their own act. There had been no
compulsion used, and it had been held by the
wisest and best men, both North and South, that
the States, having only delegated the exercise of




SECESSION.                6 7
certain powers to the Federal Government, could
resume them whenever they felt that their interests and welfare demanded it. If this was not
the case it was held that it made the Federal Government the judge of its own powers, and that is
the definition of a despotism.
I will now give you the opinions of some of the
old Federalists, as well as others, on the right of
secession. Josiah Quincy, of Massachusetts, was
one of the bitterest of a11 the Federalists, and it
only goes to show that the Black Republican
party is a lineal descendant of old Tory Federalism, when I tell you that this man, Josiah Quincy,
lived to a great age, and became a warm  supporter of Mr. Lincoln and the abolitionists. He
was a member of Congress during Mr. Jefferson's
Administration, and violently opposed that great
statesman. Mr. Jefferson saw the future greatness
of this country, and purchased all the Louisiana
Territory of France, which Mr. Quincy and the Federalists opposed. In a speech in 1811, against the
bill to admit Louisiana into the Union, 3Lr. Quincy
said that if it passed "it would be the right of all,
as well as the duty of some of the States to prepare for separation, amicably if they can, forcibly
if they must."  Some member called Mr. Quincy
to order for making a treasonable utterance, but
the House of Representatives sustained him.
One of the earliest as well as ablest constitutional lawyers in our country was Judge William:Rawle of Pennsylvania. As a statesman and a
patriot he ranked very high. General Washing



68                SECESSION.
ton appointed him District Attorney of the United
States in 1791, and afterwards tendered him a seat
ill his Cabinet. In his work entitled " Views of the
United States Constitution," Judge Rawle says:
"It depends on the State itself to retain or abolish the principle of representation, because it depends on itself whether it will continue a member
of the Union. To deny this right would be inc0onsistent with the principle on which all our political systems were founded; which is, that the people have in all cases a right to determine how they
will be governed. The States, then, may wholly
withdraw from the Union, but while they continue,
they must retain the character of representative
republics."
The same sentimlent was briefly expressed by
President Jefferson in these words: "States may
wholly withdraw their delegated powers."  And
again, in a letter to Dr. Priestly, in 1804, he said:
If the States west of the Alleghany declare themselves a separate people, we are incapable of a single effort to retain them. Our citizens can never
be induced, either as militia or soldiers, to go
there to cut the throats of their own brothers or
sons, or to be themselves the subjects instead of
the perpetrators of the parricide."
President Madison affirmed the same principle,
when speaking of the States as the parties to the
compact which formed the Union, he said: "The
parties (i. e. the States) themselves must be the
judges, in the last resort, whether the bargain
made has been preserved or broken."




SECESSION.                6 9
Such, indeed, is the meaning of the celebrated
Resolutions of 1798, referred to in a previous
chapter, and on which both Jefferson and Madison
were elected to the Presidency.
But, whether a State had or had not the right
to secede, there never had been scarcely a difierence of opinion as to the right and the policy of
resorting to coercion. Ex-President John Quincy
Adams, in 1833, speaking of secession, said that
whenever that time arrived "it would be better
for the people of these disunited States to part in
friendship from each other rather than to be
held together by constraint."  In 1850, Mr. S. P.
Chase, now  Chief Justice, in a speech in the
United States Senate, declared that in "the case
of a State resuming her powers, he know of no
remedy to prevent it."  Even Mr. Lincoln and Mr.
Seward avowed this doctrine as late as April,
1861. In a despatch to  Mr. Dayton, our minister
to France, dated April 10th, 1861, Mr. Lincoln instructed Mr. Seward to say: "That he (the President) was not disposed to reject a cardinal dogma
of theirs (the seceders), namely, that the Federal
Government could not reduce the seceding States
to obedience by conquest, even although he were
disposed to question the proposition. But in fact,
the President willingly accepts it as true."
The late Mr. Edward Everett, Feb. 2dl, 1861,
said: "To expect. to hold fifteen States in the
Union by force is preposterous. *  *  *  If our
sister States must leave us, in the name of heaven
let them go in peace."




0o                SECESSION.
Again said Mr. Everett: " The suggestion that
the Union can be maintained by numerical predominance and military prowess of one section,
exerted to coerce the other into submission, is, in
my judgment, as self-contradictory as it is dangerous. It comes loaded with the death-smell from
fields wet with brothers' blood.  If the vital
principle of all republican governments is the
"'consent of the governed," much more does a
union of co-equal sovereign States require, as its
basis, the harmony of its members, and their
voluntary co-operation in its organic functions."
The leading newspaper organs of the Black lRepublican party held to the same views. The New
York Tribune, only three days before South Carolina seceded, said " that the Declaration of Independence justified her in doing so." Feb. 23d,
1861, the editor of the same paper, acknowledged
to be the exponent of the Blac'k Republican party,
said: "If the cotton States desire to form an independent nation, they have a clear moral right to
do so."
In the face of all this history, how could the
South imagine that the North would construe its
withdrawal to be an act of treason?  Much less
could it reasonably suppose that the North would
wage a relentless and exterminating war for an
act which our own leading statesmen and poll..
ticians have always admitted to be, in the last resort, a right. No fair-minded person can doubt
that the Southern States honestly believed that
they had a right —i  the language both of Wash



SEwCESSION.               71
ington and Jefferson-" to resume their delegated
powers."  They wished and intended to do so in
peace. Their act of withdrawal was, in no sense, a
declaration of war upon the Federal Government.
But the Federal Government made war on them
to have them remain, as the history soon to be related will clearly show. They offered and entreated peaceful negociation in relation to all the
property claimed by the Federal Government, located within the jurisdiction of the withdrawing
States. The forts which they seized, but which
they expressed a willingness to pay for, were originally built for the protection of the harbors and
cities of those States. They could not have been
built without the consent and co-operation of the
States within whose limits they were erected.
They were, indeed, partnership property; and
each of the States was an equal party in the ownership. The Federal Government, strictly speaking, was not a party in this ownership at all, but
was only the general agent of the real parties, that
is, the several States composing the compact of
the Union. These forts were the joint property
of all the States; but as they were designed each
for the protection of the States where they were
located, it was held that such forts necessarily
went with the withdrawing States to which they
belonged. If South Carolina deprived New York
of its share of the ownership in the forts in Charleston harbor, South Carolina also relinquished its
share of ownership in the forts in the harbor of
New York.




72               SECESSION.
But the seceding States expressed a desire to
settle all these matters by a _mutual and friendly
agreement. They avowed their determination to
inflict no wrong upon others, but only to resume.
the powers they had delegated, and govern themselves without the interference of the States which
they honestly believed had broken the compact
made by our forefathers.  They were neither
rebels by law nor by intention. They acted upon
what they believed to be their right, and upon
what had been the understanding of a very great:number of the ablest statesmen and patriots our
country has produced-and upon what was the
unanimous understanding of the States when they
adopted the Constitution.  Not a single State
wofuld have become a member of the Union had it
imagined that the Federal Government would ever
attempt to hold them in it by war and bloodshed.
Indeed when the States are held together by the
bayonet, the government is no longer a Uniion,
but a Despotism. It ceases to be the government
our fathers made, and becomes a tyranny like that
of Austria or IRussia.
The South, you see then,.made no war on the
North by separating from us. They simply exercised what they sincerely believed to be their
right, and what the ablest statesmen of the North,
and the wise founders of our Government, admnitted to be such. So far from imagining themselves traitors, they religiously believed themselves
patriots.




SECESSION.               73
Nor did the leaders of the party which opened
war upon them, believe them  traitors.  These
leaders, you have seen, were old disunionists.
Some of them had been talking and threatening
secession themselves for more than thirty years, as
their predecessors had for more than forty years
before. It was not love for the Union that caused
them to wage the war. It was hatred of the South
in some, a foolish, fanatical love of negroes in
others, and still in others a traitorous desire to
overthrow  the free Government of the United
States, and establish a consolidated or single government, after annihilating the sovereignty of the
States.
I am speaking of the leaders. The mass of the
soldiers were drawn into it, some by patriotic
motives, and some without a definite motive of
any kind. There was a wild and senseless exciternent, which drove  the whole communLty
madL  Men did not reason -they raved. The men
who attempted to reason were knocked down.
This was all a necessary part of the machinery for
working up the war. The cunning instigators
knew well that if the people were permitted to reason, and to talk dispassionately on the matter, -the
war fever could not be kept up a single hour.
When men know they have a bad cause, they do
not permit discussion, if they can help it. So the
Black Republican leaders contrived to have every
man in the North mobbed, who attempted to think
and argue on the subject of the war. Mien were
hurried or driven into the army like sheep into a




74               SECESSION.
slaughter-pen. The least intelligent were actually
made to believe that the South was making war on
the North, when all the time it was the North
which was waging war upon the South, as you
will see when we come to trace the conflict step
by step.








ALEXANDER HI. STEPHENS.
Page 7i




CHAPTERI  VIII.
THE POLICY AND OBJECTS OF SECESSION.
WHILE very little, if any, difference of opinion
existed at the South as to the right of secession,
there were many people who doubted the policy of
the movement. Prominent among these was tho
Hon. Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, who advised against the step. It was felt by such men that it
was going to place great power in the hands of the
Abolition party, who might then set themselves up
as in favor of the Union, and use the very prestige and power of the Government, which southern
statesmen had mainly created, to make war upon
them. They distrusted the peaceful professions of
the Black Republican leaders, who were talking
against coercion, and who were announcing themselves as willing "to let the South go."
As it has turned out,, it would seem that these
men were right; for the Abolition party did raise
large armies in the name of the Union, actually to
overthrow it-to subvert its form of government,
and to bring a doom on the southern people which
words cannot describe. However, the overwhelming impulse of the great majority of the Southern
people at the time of which we are writing was to
6




76  TIHE POLICY AND OBJECTS OF SECESSION.
get away from the North. They did not wish to
be associated any longer with a people the majority
of whom  could deliberately elect a man President on a platform of avowed hostility to their
States. They desired to get away from people
who would not keep their compacts.
Yet they wished the North no harm. The debates of the great leaders in Congress at the time
of withdrawing, prove that they went -more in sorrow than in anger. They evinced indeed a great
reluctance to go; but they felt that the North had
already sundered the political bands made by our
forefathers, and that there was nothing left for
them  but to go, or stay and acquiesce in the
overthrow of their Government. They chose to
go, declaring that their object was to preserve
and perpetuate the sacred principles of liberty
and self-government which our forefathers established.
General lRobert E. Lee, in a letter written since
the war, dated January 6th, 1866, says, "'.All the
South has ever asked or desired is, that the Union
founded by our forefathers should be preserved,
and that the Government as it was orioinally organized should be administered in puirty and
truth."  Now the Abolitionists could not say this.
They desired the Government, as it was formed,
overthrown.  General Lee desired the Government to remain just as it was.  Jr. Seward said
"No, Slavery must and shall be abolished."  Mr.
Lincoln stood on the same platform.
The great and overwhelming object the South




THE POLICY AND OBJECTS OF SECESSION.  77
had was to preserve to themselves the right of selfgovernment, and thus save themselves fiom. the
horrible consequences of amalgamation and social
death. They knew from their practical knowledge
of the negro that he belonged to a distinct species
of man; that his brain, his bones, his shape, his
nerves, in fact that every part of his body was differeTnt from the white man's. They knew that he
was liable to different diseases from the white man;
that he required the care and protection of the
superior race.  They knew that to equalize the
ra.ces was simply to follow the fate of Mexico and
Central America.
What a splendid country was Mexico while under
the control of the white blood of the pure Spanish
race! Now what is it, after the white blood has
all become mixed and diluted by amalgamation
with the black race?  When the black race held
its natural position of subordination to the white
race, MIexico was one of the richest and most
prosperous countries on the globe; but now it is
one of the meanest and most contemptible. The
white man's proud and glorious civilization has
faded out on the dead plain of amalgamation and
negro equality. The white blood has become so
muddy and polluted by admixture with the inferior
race, that no lapse of time can ever redeem that
population from the utter degradation and uncivi1ization into which it has fallen. So of all those
once rich and flourishing countries to the south of
the United States-since the abolition of negro
subordination to the white race, they have all




78.8 THE POLICY AND OBJECTS OF SECESSI(ON
fallen back in civilization, and sunken down in a
slough of social, political, and moral filth, and
wretchedness! It makes the heart sick to contemplate them.
The West India Islands which, under negro servitude, or when the white man was sole master,
were among the richest and most flourishing spots
on the globe, now, under negro equality, are the
poorest and most detested sinks of sorrow and
pollution that oppress the imaginaton of man.
To save the most beautiful and productive portion of our country from a similar terrible fate,
was the great motive which made the Southern
States desire separation from the abolitionized
States of the North. To save our country from
the terrible scourge of negro amalgamation and
negro equality, which the Black Republicans are
now forcing upon us, was a patriotic and sacred
thought in the minds of those who wished no
further union with the madmen who were determined to force the shame and horror of negro
equality upon us.
God only can tell what the consequences of this
amalgamation policy may be to the cause of liberty
and civilization! Unless the people arise and put
a stop to the further progress of the disgusting and
brutalizing notions of negro equality, we shall inevitably land at last where Mexico, the Central
American States, and the West India Islands have
gone already.  Negro emancipation and negro
equality are driving us on that fatal shore with
alarming rapidity. A mongrel nation, or a nation




THE POLICY AND OBJECTS OF SECESSION. 79
of mixed races, never yet remained free and prosperous.
The English, Irish, French, Spanish or Germans
may amalgamate without detriment, because they
are only different families of the same, or the white
race; but the negro being of a different and lower
race, the offspring of such a union are hybrids or
mongrels, and are always a weak, degraded, and
wretched class of beings-as inferior to the white
race as the mule is to the horse.
Such, then, were the points involved in the
policy and objects of secession. If the Northern
people could have understood the great wrong
they were forcing upon the South, they never
would have blamed her for seeking to save herself
from the degradation of amalgamation. But they
had, unfortunately, been made to believe that it was
wicked to hold negroes as inferiors of white people. They did not understand the horrible sin
and crime, disease and death involved in equalizing races. Hence they thought that the South
acted "without good cause."
They were made to believe that she resisted
Lincoln's election from mere spite, and from a
long cherished desire to break up the Union
While the real truth was, that the great mass of
the people of the South loved and cherished the
Union, and only withdrew from  it when they
felt themselves not only compelled to do so, but
actually driven out by the abolition party, who
came into possession of the Government, threatening to use it to bring upon them and their chil




80   THE POLICY AND OBJECTS OF SECESSION.
dren the most horrible doom that can possibly be
inflicted upon any people.
In the North, where there are but few negroes,
it is difficult to understand this subject, but if our
population were one half blacks, we would very
soon begin to comprehend what it meant to give
the negro the same rights as the white man.
Every child can see that in such a society only two
thinmgs are possible. Either one race or the other
would be master, or else they would be compelled
to fraternize-to mingle, and with that comes all
the horrible consequences we have just depicted.
In the light of subsequent events, nearly all
will now allow that the South made a mistake
when they demanded unconditional separation.
True, they had many reasons to lose faith in the
North, and to LSlieve they would stand by no
agreements if made. But if they had said all the
time, "we stand ready to resume our places in the
Union, when you of the North give us plain and
distinct pledges and guarantees that you will
abide by the Constitution and Union as they were
formed," they would have deprived Mr. Lincoln
and his party of nine-tenths of their capital.
They could not then have set themselves up as
"the Union party," while in fact they were the
real disunion party, and always had been. Nor
could they have made such a hue and cry about
"the flag," which they had denounced as a "flaunting lie."
Perhaps you never saw the verses on the American flag which the Black Republicans circulated




THIE POLICY AND OBJECTS OF SECESSION.  81
in 1854, just about the time they organized their
party. I will give you two of them:
"All hail the flaunting lie
The stars grow pale and dim,
The stripes are bloody scarsA lie the vaunting hymn.
"Tear down the flaunting lie,
Half-mast the starry flag,
Insult no sunny sky
With hate's polluted rag."
Now it does not look reasonable that a political
party which endorsed such poetry could have been
at all sincere in love for the American flag.
They simply put forth the cry of " the Union,"
And "the flag," to get the war started.  After
which they believed they could.use it to accomplish their real purposes, which were the overthrow of our form of government, and its revolution from a White Man's government to that of a
imongrel nation, in which negroes should have the
same rights as white people.
This is now  plainly  apparent, if it never
was before; and however mistaken the South
may have been as to the means used to avert this
calamity, no one not deluded with negro equality
will deny that they were justified in taking any
step which would save them  and their children
from such horrible consequences.




CHAPTER IX.
THE BEGINNING OF SECESSION.
THE first State which seceded, after the election
of Mr. Lincoln, was South Carolina. On the 20th
day of December, 1860, that State formally dissolved its connection with the Union, by a unanimous vote of a convention of the State.
This act produced great excitement and alarm
among the true friends of the Union in the whole
North. But by the leaders of the Black lRepublican party, or the party which elected Mr. Lincoln,
it was received either with cold indifference, or
with the too evident signs of suppressed delight.
President Buchanan promptly sent a message to
Congress, recommending such measures as he
hoped would stay the further progress of secession.
But a very large majority of the members were
Black Republicans, and they refused to take any
notice of his recommendations, or to suggest any
measures of their own to prevent the Union from
going. to pieces.
Indeed, President Buchanan, in his annual message, which had been transmitted to CongTess
eighteen days before South Carolina seceded, had,
anticipated the event, and had elaborately dis



THE BEGINNING OF SECESSION.       83
cussed the proper remedies, as well as the powers
of the Federal Government to deal with a seceding
State. Referring to these events since they transpired, Mr. Buchanan says: "To preserve the
Union was my supreme object. I was well aware
that our wisest statesmen had often warned their
countrymen in the most solemn terms, that our
institutions could not be preserved by force, and
could only endure whilst concord of feeling and a
proper respect by one section for the rights of another should be maintained."
This conclusion is sustained by President
Madison, who is called "the father of the Constitution," who said in the convention which made
the  Constitutionn: "Any government for the
United States, formed upon the supposed practicability of using force against the unconstitutional
proceedings of the States, would prove visionary
and fallacious."  So President Jackson said, in
his farewell address to the people of the United
States: "The Constitution cannot be maintained,
nor the Union preserved, in opposition to public
feeling, by the mere exertion of the coercive powers confided to the General Government."
Such, I could show you had I space, has been
the opinion of all the greatest and wisest statesmen of our country, ever since the foundation of
our Government. President Buchanan manifested
a sincere desire to impress upon Congress what
were the constitutional and proper means to be
applied to prevent the spread of secession. All
remedlies which the Constitution allowed, he was




84       THE BEGINNING OF SECESSION.
anxious for Congress to apply promptly, in order
to save the Union. H-ie was also anxious to impress upon Congress the wrong of attempting unconstitutional mleasures.
The point was clearly stated in his message in
the following language:
"The question fairly stated is, has the Constitution delegated to Congress the power to coerce a
State into submission which is attempting to withdraw, or has actually withdrawn from the Confederacy? If answered in the affirmative, it must be
on the principle that the power has been conferred
on Congress to make war against a State. After
much serious reflection, I have arrived at the conclusion that no such power has been delegated to
Congress, or to any other department of the Federal Government. It is manifest upon an inspection of the Constitution, that this is not among
the specific and enumerated powers granted to
Congress. So far from this power having been
delegated to Congress, it was expressly refused by
the convention which framed the Constitution."
A few days after the delivery of this annual message, President Johnson, then a member of the
United States Seprate, while debating with the
Black Republicans, said: "I do not believe the
Federal Government has the power to coerce a,
State; for by the eleventh amendment to the Constitution of the United States, it is expressly provided, that you cannot even put one of the States
of this Confederacy before one of the courts of the
country as a party."




THE IBEGINNING OF SECESSION.      85
The Attorney-General of the United States had
just before given an opinion, marked with great
ability and research, to the same effect. No Black
Republican member of either branch of Congress
attempted to combat these conclusions. But no
argument, no appeal to the solemn sanctions of the
Constitution could arouse a spark of patriotism in
the bosoms of the abolition party. Constitutional
remedies that would have prevented secession they
despised. One fact there is which will rise up in
judgment to condemn the Black Republican party
forever.  They could have preserved the Union
without the loss of a drop of blood, by just pledging themselves to administer the Government as it
had been administered by all of Mr. Lincoln's predecessors. All the South asked was equality in the
Union —that the Northern States should not take
away their rights.
In the last speech ever made in the Senate by
Jefferson Davis, on December 6th, 1860, he plead
for the Union in the following earnest langaageo:
"The Union of these States forms, in my judgnent, the best government instituted among men.
It is only necessary to carry it out in the spirit in
which it was formed. Our fathers made a Union
of friendly States. Now hostility has been substistituted for fraternity. I call on men who have
hearts, and who love the Union, to look the danger
in the face. This Union is dear to me as a Union
of fraternal States. Long have I offered proposiionsfor equality in the Union. Not a single Republican has voted for them. We have in vain en



86       THE BEGINNING OF SECESSION.
deavored to secure tranquillity, and obtain respect
for the rights to which we are entitled.  As a,
necessity, not a choice, we have resorted to the
remedy of separation. We have never asked for
concessions; what we wanted was justice."
It was very evident, however, soon after the meeting of Congress, in December, 1860, that the Black
Republican party were determined to do nothing.
Their plan was to let things drift until Mr. Lincoln
should come in on the 4th of March, 1861, and
keep their policy, whatever it was, a profound
secret. Seeing no chance for guarantees against
the amalgamation policy, five other States, in January, 1861, followed the example of South Carolina,
viz.: Misississippi, January 9th; Alabama, January
11th; Florida, January 11th; Georgia, January
19th; and Louisiana, January 25th. Those were
all the States that seceded previous to the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln. The other States remained,
hoping against hope, that some plan of adjustment
would yet be agreed upon.




CHAPTER X.
EFFORTS OF THE DEMOCRACY TO SAVE THE UNION.
WHILE the Black Republican party was doing its
utmost to prevent any pacific measure, or compromise, which should arrest the progress of secession,
the Democratic party exerted every power to save
the Union, and restore confidence and peace to the
country. Among the plans brought before Congress for this patriotic purpose, was a set of resolutions introduced by the venerable Senator Crittenden, of Kentucky. These resolutions are known
as "The Crittenden Compromise."  If passed by
Congress, they would have restored instant peace
and stopped secession. And their terms were a
perfectly fair proposition for a final settlement of
the whole difficulty.
If any section was to make a sacrifice it was tho
South, by the adoption of this Crittenden Conpromise. It proposed, in effect, to give up to the
North more than three quarters of all the territorial
domain belonging to the United States, when, in
point of law and justice, the South had an equal
right with the North in all these territories. But
the South offered to make this sacrifice of so much




88      EFFORTS OF THE DEIMOCRACY.
of her rights for the sake of peace, and for the sake
of the Union.
Mr. Crittenden, in presenting his compromise,
said: "The sacrifice to be made for the preservation of the Union is comparatively worthless,
Peace and harmony, and union in a great nation
were never purchased at so cheap a rate as we now
have it in our power to do. It is a scruple only, a
scruple of as little value as a barleycorn, that stands
between us and peace and reconciliation and
Union. And we stand here pausing and hesitating about that little atom which is to be sacrificed.'
But in vain did this patriotic Senator from the
South plead with the Black Republican party to
to take this little step to save the Union. Senator
Hale, of New Hampshire, declared "this controversy will not be settled here." He knew that his
party were determined to have war.  And this
was faurther proved by the fact, that while every
Democratic member voted for the Crittenden peace
propositions, every Black Republican member
voted against them.
But the Democrats, and the Southern members
of Congress, did not give up the effort to save the
Union even then. Mr. Clemens, of Virginia, introduced a resolution in the House of Representative.
to submit the Crittenden peace resolutions to tee
people of the United States.  This produced a
great flutter and alarm among the Black Republicans. They knew that if the people were allowed
to vote on the question, the resolutions would be
adopted. So they promptly voted down the pro



EFFORTS OF THIE DEMOCRACY.       89
position to let the people of the United States decide the question for themselves. Here again the
Democrats voted to submit the matter to the people, and every Black Republican voted against it.
[But even this was not all the Democrats did to
save the Union. Senator Douglas, after the Crittenden plan had been voted down, introduced another
proposition of his own, which was also voted down
by the war-wishing Black Republicans. Senatol
Douglas, on the defeat of his proposition, said:
" If you of the Republican side are not willing to
accept this, nor the proposition of the Senator
from Kentucky, Mr. Crittenden, pray tell us what
you are willing to do? I address the inquiry to
the Republicans alone, for the reason that in the
Committee of Thirteen, a few days ago, every
member from the South, including those from the
Cotton States (Messrs. Toonmbs and Davis) expressed their readiness to accept the proposition of
my venerable friend from lKentucky, as a final setflement of the controversy, if tendered and sustained by the Republican members. Hence the sole
responsibility of our disagreement, and the only
difficulty in the way of an amicable adjustment, is
with the Republican party."
WANhen all these measures for peace and union
had failed, Senator Douglas pointed to the side ol
the Senate Chamber where the Black Republicans
had their seats, and exclaimed with great energy-'"You want war." And so they did. Every act
shows that they wanted war. They meant to force
war upon the South. But you have not yet heard




90       EFFORTS OF THE DEMOCRACY.
of all the Democratic party did to save the Union,
and to prevent all the bloody horrors of war.
When every effort to induce the abolition menmbers of Congress to accept some terms of peace haid
failed, the noble old State of Virginia came forward
with a proposition to call a convention of one or
more commissioners from each State, to see if they
could not hit upon some plan whereby the Union
could be preserved. This proposition was received
like a' firebrand by the Black Republicans. But
seven of the Southern States immediately sent
their peace commissioners to Washington, and
there was such a clamor from the people throughout the North for peace, that the abolition leaders
were obliged to consent that the Northern States
should be represented in this peace conference.
But they diligently set themselves to work to prevent any men who really wanted peace from being
sent to the conference.
Carl Schurz, a notorious agitator and disunionist, from Wisconsin, telegraphed to the Governor
of that State-" Appoint commissioners to Washington conference-myself one-to strengthen our
side." By "our side," he meant those who were
opposed to any peace measures to save the country
from war, and preserve the Union. Senator Chandler, of Michigan, wrote a letter to the Governor of
his State, to the same effect, in which he profanely
declared, that, "Without a little blood-letting, this
Union would not, in his estimation, be worth a
curse."
The "Republicans" wanted "a little blood-let



]EFFORTS OF THE DEMOCRACY.        91
ting," in order to make as wide as possible the
gulf between the North and the South.  This
Peace Conference, therefore, was a failure, because
the abolitionists were determined there should be
no peace. I have already shown you that a portion
of these traitors were moved to this course because
of a blind and fanatical sympathy for negroes,
while others were impelled by a desire to overthrow this UInion of our fathers, and to establish
-one great despotic government on its ruins.
All efforts of the Democrats to make peace were,
therefore, in vain. They left no stone unturned to
save our country from the horrors of bloodshed
and war, and never gave up these efforts, until they
saw that nothing but "blood-letting" would satisfy
the revolutionary temper of the Black Republican
party. And they did not give up even then, but
kept on diligently trying to stay the black tide of
fanaticism  and death, even after the war had
begah.




CHAPTER XI.
THE FOCRMATION OF THE NEW CONFEDERACY.
WHILE the Black Republican members of both
Houses of Congress were thus closing up every
avenue to peace, six more of the Cotton States, as
I have stated in a former chapter, followed South
Carolina, and passed acts of secession. On the
4th day of February, 1861, these States assembled,
by their delegates, at Montgomery, Alabama, for
the purpose of organizing a provisional government. A provisional government is a temporary
organization, or one that is not intended to be
permanent. Of this provisional government Jefferson Davis was unanimously elected President,
and Alexander H-. Stephens, Vice-President. They
adopted a new Constitution, which was simply the
old Constitution of the United States, altered
essentially only in such parts as had been perverted and misinterpreted by the abolitionists.
And the main point was in relation to the status
of the negro. In the Confederate Constitution
his inferior position was distinctly recognized, so
that the abolitionists could no longer declare that
the Government intended to include him in the
ranks of citizenship. And this was, after all, the
turning point of the whole issue between the








JKFFERSON DAVIS.
kl u2g




FORMATION OF THE NEW CONFEDERACY.  93
North, as represented by Lincoln and his party,
and the South. The abolitionists desired to make
the negro a citizen. The South said, "iNo, this is
a White HMan's Government. It was made so by
our forefathers, and we will not submit to its overthrow."
President Davis; in delivering his address on
taking his seat as Provisional President, declared
distinctly that the design was not to make any
change in the system of government as originally
established.  In this speech he clearly showed
that he had no desire or expectation that the separation between these States would be permanentfor he referred to the fact that, as their new Constitution was substantially the old one, freed of all
chances for sectional quarrels, there was nothing
to prevent all the States which wished for permanent rest and peace, from joining them.
No doubt the wish and the belief was, that all
the States which preferred a real Union-just such
a Union as our fathers made-to one perpetually
vexed and torn by a degrading conflict about negroes, would ultimately unite their fortunes with
the new organization.  While the temper of the
abolitionists, or the Black Republicans, of the
North was savage, fiery, and full of blood, that of
the Southern leaders was calm and dignified. The
record I have already presented of the conflict between the two sections is proof of this, notwithstanding the many falsehoods told to the contrary.
In the last speech Mr. Davis delivered in the
Senate of the United States, he said, with a nild



94  FORMATION OF T'HE NEW CONIFEDERACY.
ness and dignity of voice and manner truly ennobling:
" But we have proclaimed our independence.
This is done with no hostility or desire to injure
any section of the country, nor even for our pecuniary benefit, but solely from the high and solid
motives of defending and protecting the rights we
inherited, and transmitting them unshorn to our
posterity. I know that I feel no hostility to you,
senators here, and am sure that there is not one
of you, whatever may have been the sharp discussion between us, to whom I cannot now say, in the
presence of my God, I wish you well. And such is
the feeling, I am sure, the people I represent have
toward those you represent. I therefore feel I but
express their desire when I say I hope, and they
hope, for those peaceful relations with you (though
we must part) that may be mutually beneficial to
us in the future.
"There will be peace if you so will it; and you
may bring disaster upon the whole country if you
thus will have it. And if you will have it thus we
invoke the God of our fathers, who delivered them
from the paw of the lion, to protect us from the
ravages of the bear; and thus putting our trust in
God, and our own firm hearts and strong arms,
we will vindicate and defend the rights we claim.
In the course of my long career I have met with a
great variety of men here, and there have been
points of collision between us. Whatever of offence I have given which has not been redressed, I
am willing to say to senators in this hour of part



FORMITION OF THE NEW CONFEDERACY.  95
ing, I offer you my apology for anything I may'ave done; and I go thus released from obligation,
remembering no injury I have received, and having discharged what I deem the duty of a man,
offer the only reparation im my power for any injury I have ever inflicted."
This is not the language of a conspirator or a
traitor I On the contrary, is it not rather the language of one who regretfully takes a step which
he feels that duty compels him to take? And with
what temper he was answered from the Black Republican side of Congress, let the brutal language
of Senator Chandler of Michigan, which we have
quoted in a previous chapter, answer.
After the Cotton States had withdrawn and
formed the new Confederacy, they expressed their
wish and determination to take no step that should
provoke hostilities, except what was absolutely necessary for their own safety and preservation. The
forts, arsenals, etc., situated within the limits of
the several retiring States, necessarily went with
the States, and, in reality, belonged to the States
as their own necessary defences. It is true they
were built with the joint property of all the States,
as I have shown in a former chapter, but then
they were built for the benefit of the several States
in which they were located, and not for the aggranlldizeluent and power of the Federal Government.
Each State held a certain jurisdiction over all
the forts, arsenals, post-offices, etc., situated within its own limits.
That is, the State of South Carolina has a cer



96  FORMATION OF T-E NEW CONFEDERACY.
tain jurisdiction over Fort Sumter, situated in its
harbor at Charleston, but it has no jurisdiction
over Fort Warren, located in the harbor of Boston.
And the State of Massachus.etts has a certain jurisdiction  over Fort Warren, but has none whatever over Fort Sumter, though the money of Massachusetts helped build Fort Sumter, as the money
of South Carolina helped build Fort Warren. It
is a part of the compact of Union between the
several States, that each State shall have these defences provided from the general fund; while, at
the same  time, each State retains a certain jurisdiction over all such United States works as are
located within its boundaries.
The United States has no right to deprive any
State of its jurisdiction over such works. To illustrate-when the State of New York ceded to the
United States the spot on which Fort Hamilton,
now called Fort Lafayette, is built, it reserved to itself a certain jurisdiction over the fort when built,
and expiessly provided that should the fort ever
be used for any purpose other than that for which
the State had ceded the spot, the whole should revert again to the State of New York. That is, if
the Federal Government should ever attempt to
use the fort for any other purpose than that of
the defence and protection of the city and harbor
of New York, for which it was built, the Federal
Government would lose all title to it, and the
whole become the lawful property of the State.
Wahen the Federal Government converted that
fort into a Bastile, under the administration of




FORIAUTION OF THE NEW CONFEDER.ACY.  9 7
Mr. Lincoln, it undoubtedly forfeited all title to
the property, had the State of New York strictly
insisted upon its rights.
These considerations show you in what light the
seceding States regarded the forts situated in
their harbors. You have been told by the Black
Republicans that those States, wheni they went
out, "stole all our forts," etc.; but the above facts
prove that " theft" is by no means a just or proper
word to apply. to their action in this respect.
Every State, at all times, and under all circnustances, has an undoubted right to take any steps
which are immediately necessary to protect the
lives and property of its people, from whatever
quarter the danger may come. Any State has just
as much right to protect itself from the threatened
illegal violence of the Federal Government, as it
has to protect itself from the invasion of Russia,
or any other power. Its right to exist as a State
carries with it the right to protect and defend that
existence. The Federal Government was formed
by the States for the purpose of giving greater
protection and security to themselves; and whenever it is certain that the object for which that
government was formed is sacrificed, and, instead
of being a protection, becomes an oppression and
a danger, it is the right and the duty of every
State thus threatened to do the best thing it can
for its own safety.
Suppose the Southern States had elected a
strictly sectional President on a programme of
bloody hostility to us here in the North —on a




98  FORMATION OF THE NEW CONFEDERACY
programme of threats to steal our property, and
murder our men, women, and children, if necessary, in doing it-should we not have had the undoubted right to take any step which we might
think necessary for our protection? If the South
believed that the barbarous and terrible threats of
the Helper Book, and of the leaders of the Black
Republicans, were to be visited upon them in the
Lincoln Administration, can we blame them for
attempting to provide against such a horrible outrage? Does any good man question their right to
put forth all the powers God had given them for
self-protection? Acting under this belief, were
they to be regarded as traitors and rebels?
Almost everybody at the North said, before the
beginning of the war, if Mr. Lincoln and his party
did really intend to do what the South declared
they did, then they would be justified in any course
they saw fit to pursue. It is now seen that they
have done just what the Southern leaders predicted
they would.




CHAPTER X.
MR. LINCOLN'S JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON  nd1
-NAUGURATION.
WHILE the Confederate Government was thus
being peacefully organized in the South, matters
in the North were in a state of doubt and uncertainty. No one knew what the policy of the new
President was to be further than they could gather
it from the platform and principles of the party
upon which he was elected. I have explained what
interpretation the South placed upon these, and
every effort was made by patriotic and conservative men to induce Mr. Lincoln to make an avowal
to quiet the country, and assure the Southern
States that he would not use the Federal Government to destroy their domestic institutions. But
all such efforts were in vain. Mr. Lincoln maintained an ominous silence up to the time of hiq
departure from his home at Springfield, Illinois,
for Washington.
But when he commenced his journey to Washington, he made such an exhibition of himself, by
speeches all the way along, as to leave no doubt
upon the minds of the Southern leaders that the
abolitionists had in him a convenient tool for all
the villainy they had threatened to carry o~nt




100 AMR. LINCOLN'S JOURNEY To WASHINGTON.
His progress to the capital of the United States
was more like that of a harlequin than the President of a great country. While the country was
agonized to its very heart, he amused the crowd
which came out to greet him on his way with jokes,
and. often, with low stories. He even made jests
that were at once surprising and disgusting to the
respectable portion of his own party. To a young
man who, in New York city, offered to measure
height with him, he replied, "No, I have not time
now to measure with you, but if you will bring on
your sister I will kiss her."  The whole style and
manner of the man was that of a low joker, rather
than that of a statesman- and patriot. When puLblicly questioned as to what he thought would be
the result of secession, he jocosely replied, "0, I
guess, nobody is hurt."
In no one of his speeches, however, did Mr.
Lincoln give the slightest indication of retracting
any threat which his party had made. When he
reached Philadelphia, however, he made a speech
which evidently showed that he was determined to
carry out the idea of "negro freedom" let what
would happen. Making use again, as he often did, of
Mr. Jefferson's phrase, "all men are created equal,"
he pointed to Independence Hall, where it was
first enunciated, and declared, that " he wouild
rather be assassinated on the spot than to give
it up."
Now, when we remember that he used these
great words as referring to negroes, and not as
Mt. Jefferson did, as applied to white men, we




ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
Page 100,








MR. LINCOLN'S JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON. 1 0
then see what a terrible significance there was in
t.his speech. ]Mr. Lincoln meant to say, "I will be
assassinated before I will give up my effort to carry
out my idea that negroes are equal to white
men." It was as much as to say, "I will change, I
will revolutionize this Government from  a white
manl's government to a mongrel government, in
which negroes shall be placed upon equality with
white men."  At the time he made this remark,
many people did not seem see the true meaning
of it, but they have since learned it, by sore experience.
At Philadelphia a singular and ludicrous incident occurred. Some one started the report, that
when Mr. Lincoln passed through Baltimore, he
would be killed; that a conspiracy existed in that
city to take his life. Instead of boldly meeting
the danger, if any existed, as a brave man and a
great man would have done, who had been elected
President of such a country, Ir. Lincoln appears
to have got greatly frightened, and instead of going directly to Washinglon, ran away friom his
family, and dodged through Baltimore in disguise.
As there never was any reliable evidence furnished
the public of the alleged designs upon Mr. Lincoln's life, it is generally believed that the story
was concocted to excite the North against the
South, and pave the way for war.
Mr. Lincoln's inauguration was a singular spectacle. For the first time in our history had any
President been afraid to meet the people face to face.
In passing along Pennsylvania Avenue, he was hid




102 MR. LINCOLN'S JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON.
from view in a hollow square of cavalry, three or
four deep. Troops were posted all over the city,
and sharp-shooters were stationed on the tops of
the houses. He delivered his inaugural address
surrounded by rows of glittering bayonets.
There was nothing in it to reassure the Southern
mind or give it the slightest reason,to hope for
safety. It contained a few cheap words of affected
fairness, but the heart of it was full of the temper
and doctrines of the abolition party.  He insinuated right in the face of the venerable ChiefJustice Taney, that he would not be governed in
his Administration by the construction of the Constitution as had been laid down by the Supreme
Court in the celebrated lDred Scott case, viz., that
negroes were not citizens. This was, in effect, reaffirming the Helper declaration of war on the
South, and so indeed her leading men regarded it.
The inaugural address of Mr. Lincoln, together
withl the selection of his Cabinet, now banished all
hopes of peace. The worst and most violent abolitionists were appointed by him to office. William
H. Seward, who had endorsed the Helper book,
declaring it a work of "great merit," was made
Secretary of State. Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio,
was made Secretary of the Treasury. Cassius M.
Clay, another endorser of the Helper book, was
sent minister to Russia. Joshua It. Giddings was
sent to Canada. This man had declared that "' he
wished to live to see the day when bayonets would
be placed in the hands of Southern negroes."
These are merely samples of Mr. Lincoln's ap



MrI. LINCOLN'S JOURNIEY TO WASHINGTON. 103
pointments. They observed very plainly his spirit
and temper, and the States that had hesitated to
secede now began to take steps in that direction.
The statesmen of Virginia had been decidedly
opposed to seceding, even after several of the Cotton States had withdrawn. Senator Hunter of
Virginia said: "If the Southern States can obtain
guarantees which will secure their rights in the
Union, it is all we ask." Governor Letcher, who
was then Governor of that State, said: "If the
North will respect and uphold the rights of the
States, the Union will be perpetual. Ex-Governor
Morehead of Kentucky, came to Washington for a
personal interview with Mr. Lincoln, in hopes that
he could induce him to make some public declaration to the effect that the terrible things threatened in the HIelper book, and in all the principal
speeches of the abolition campaign, should not be
carried out. But this patriotic visit, like many
other similar visits from distinguished Southern
statesmen, was in vain. Mr. Lincoln would give
no assurance-no hope. Governor Morehead is a
refined and accomplished gentleman, and the vulgar mannerin which he was received by Mr. Lincoln, both filled him with disgust and drove from
his bosom the last lingering hope that the country
had anything but evil to expect from such a man.
Governor Miorehead relates an incident that
goes to show what sort of a man Mr. Lincoln was.
He said that while conversing with him, MIr. Lincoln sat with his shoe off, holding his toes in his
hand, and bending them backwards and forwards
8




104 MR. LINCOLN'S JOURNEY ro WASHINGTONo
in an awkward manner. Such an exhibition of
low manners was, perhaps, never before known in
a President. Shortly after this Mr. Lincoln had
Governor Morehead arrested, and locked up for
a long time in Fort Lafayette at New York, without any cause whatever.
Mr. Lincoln had never been much in good society. While he was in Congress, his habit of telling low stories pretty effectually banished him frnom
the company of refined people. In his debate
with Senator Douglas, he made this remarkable
confession himself: "I[ am not a gentleman, and
never expect to be."
The Hon. George Lunt, of Boston, in his excellent work on "the Origin of the War," gives the
following portrait of Mr. Lincoln, intellectually:
"The new President was a person of scarcely
more than ordinary natural powers, with a mind
neither cultivated by education, nor enlarged by
experience in public affairs. He was thus incapable of any wide range of thought, or, in fact, of obtaining any broad grasp of ideas. Hlis thoughts
ran in narrow channels."  And the author might
have added, C' in low channels."
His messages and proclamations were shocking
specimens of bad sense and bad garmmar.
But I think that AU. Lincoln.must, after all,
have possessed a good deal of what is called mother wit. Without that it seems impossible to account for his having risen from his extremely low
origin to the posts he several times filled. IHe
had the misfortune not to know who his father




MR. LINCOLN'S JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON. 105
was; and his mother, alas, was a person to reftecb
no honor upon her child.  Launched into this
world as an outcast, and started on the road of
being without parental care, and without the advantages of even a common school education, he
certainly'was entitled to great credit for gaining
even the limited mental culture which he possessed. Running away from his wretched home
at the early age of nine years, to escape the brutal
treatment of the man who had married his mother,
and forced to get his bread by working on a flatboat on the Mississippi River, he unfortunately
contracted that fondness for low society and for
vulgar jests and stories, which he ought to have
known were out of place in the position he now
occupied.
We cannot wonder that a gentleman of Governor Morehead's refinement should have gone out
from that exhibition of toes in Mr. Lincoln's parlor, with a mind fully impressed with the unwelcome conviction that the Southern people had little to hope from the honor and justice of the in:
coming administration.




CHAPTER  XIII.
(C THE FIRST GUN OF SUMTTER."
LigmEDIATELY. after the inauguration of Mr. Lincoin, the Confederate Government appointed Commissioners to proceed to Washington for the purpose of negotiating for a peaceable settlement of
all matters connected with the forts and other
United States property situated within the seceded
States. Arriving in Washington, these Commissioners addressed a note to Mr. Seward, Secretary
of State, explaining the purposes of their embassy,
and expressing in the most respectful terms the
strong desire for an amicable and just understanding between the two sections. Mr. Seward answered, in language well calculated to deceive as
to the belligerent intentions of the Administration,
that at that moment it would be impossible to
receive these Commissioners in an official capacity,
but left upon their minds the impression that some
amicable adjustment would ultimately be entered
into.
And there these Commissioners remained deceived, from week to week, by verbal assurances,
which all turned out to be cheats and delusions.
For in the end, it was proved that all the time
Mr.f8eWard and Mr. Lincoln were holding these
7~  ~,,  I 




, THE FIRST GUN OF SUMTER."       107
Southern Commissioners contented in Washington, they were secretly planning and organizing
one of the largest naval war fleets to attack Fort
Sumter and Charleston, that is known to rmodern
history. While Mr. Seward was blandly exhorting
these Commissioners that they should be patient
and trustful, he was preparing to strike a fatal and
deadly blow, and lay the Southern cities in ashes.
3ie promised these Commissioners that no demonstration should be made upon Fort Sumter; and it
was cunningly given out in the Administration
papers, that the fort was about to be evacuated by
the Federal troops.
This was all a part of the general game of deception. ]For, even while these Commissioners were
trusting that the arrangements entered into between themselves and Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward,
to the effect that the Federal troops in Fort Sumter should have access to the markets of Charleston
for provisions, and that no attempt to reinforce
the garrison should be made, the most stupendous
preparations to reinforce, and to make war, were
secretly progressing. Fortunately for the honor
of the Southern Commissioners, Judge Campbell,
of the Supreme Court of the United States, was
the agent through whom this friendly verbal treaty
had been made. And after the mask fell from the
faces of Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward, Judge Campbell wrote to the latter, fully accusing him of his
whole course of fraud and deception in the matter.
To those grave charges Mr. Seward has never
dared to attempt an answer to this day. Judge




108      "THIE FIRST GUN OF SUMTER."
Campbell read to Mr. Seward a letter which ho
had written to President Davis, detailing the agreement entered into between Mr. Lincoln and the
Southern Commissioners; and 1Mr. Seward, pointing to the letter, said, " Before that letter reaches its
destination, Fort Sumter will.be evacuated."  At
that very moment he was making the most gigantic preparation not to evacuate it. When some
days had elapsed, and the fort was not evacuated,
Judge Campbell became uneasy as to the good
faith of Mr. Seward in all his promises, and wrote
him  a letter to that effect, to which Mr. Seward
telegraphed this laconic answer-" Faith as to
Sumter fully kept-wait and see." Judge Campbell and the people of Charleston had only to wait
six short days, and they did "see"-the largest
war fleet threatening the destruction of their city
that had ever traversed the waters of this continent before.
By the law of nations the appearance of such a
fleet these, under the circumstances, was a declaration of war. It needs not the firing of a gun to
make war. The putting of the first gun into a warship, with the design of using it against a city, or
a State, is a declaration of war against that city or
State. This fact was stated by the leading journals
of Europe in commenting upon these events at the
time they occurred. It was correctly held by them
that the war was opened not by the South, in firing upon Fort Sumter, but was fully begun by the
abolitionists of the North in the very act of fitting
out thatvast war fleet. To allow Mr. Lincoln's troops




'TilE FIRST GUN OF SUMTER."        109
to reinforce Fort Sumter would have been to put
the fate of the city of Charleston, with all its priceless treasure of life and property at the mercy of
the men in power at Washington, who had just
proved that they were incapable of showing the'least respect to their own most solemnly uttered
promises.
The preventing of the reinforcement of the fort
was held to be a necessary act of self-preservation.
Under the circumstances, it was not, properly
speaking, an act of aggression, but of sef-defense.
The first gun at Fort Sumter was not, then, in a
legal point of view, the beginning of the war. It
was morally begun by the abolitionists more than
thirty years ago. It was fully organized by the
formation of the Black Republican party, and the
election of Lincoln on the platform of the Helper
Book. And it was formally opened and declared
by the sailing of the great war fleet against Charleston.  The "first gun" of the war was the first
gun put into that war fleet. The "first gun" at
Sumter was only the first gun of self-defense. This
is the simple fact of the case stripped of all the nonsensical verbiage with which it has been surrounded by the abolitionists.
General Beauregard, in order to prevent Fort
Sumter from being reinforced by abolition soldiers,
opened fire upon it, on the morning of the 12th day
of April, 1861, at day-break. The firing was continued without intermission for twelve hours; the
fort under the command of 1Major Anderson, returning the fire constantly all that time. At dark




110      "THE FIRST GUN OF SUMTER."
the firing from the fort almost stopped, but it was
kept up by General Beauregard at intervals during
the whole night. At seven o'clock in the morning,
however, the fort resumed its fire; but shortly
afterwards it was seen that it was on fire, and Major
Anderson was compelled to run up a signal flag of
distress. General Beauregard immediately sent a
boat to Major Anderson, offering to assist in putting out the fire, but before it had time to reach
the fort, Major Anderson hoisted the flag of truce.
This was the whole of the famous bombardment
of Fort Sumter. Not a man was killed on either
side. When Major Anderson  surrendered his
sword, General Beauregard instantly returned it
to him, and permitted him on leaving the fort to
salute the United States flag with fifty guns. In
doing this, however, two of his guns burst and
killed four men.
It is a remarkable fact, that during the whole
time of the bombardment of Fort Sumter, Mr.
Lincoln's war-fleet, embracing two or three of the
most powerful United States sloops-of-war lay in
sight of all that was passing, without offering to
fire a gun or to render the least assistance to the
fort. The real object of all that warlike display
was to produce a battle-to force upon the South
the necessity of "firing upon the flag," as they
called it. Mr. Lincoln and Mir. Seward had calculated rightly upon the use they could make of such
an event in the grand scheme of raising an immense army.
The very night on which the news of the born




"THE FIRST GUN OF SUMTER.9"     111
bardment of Fort Sumter came, Mr. Lincoln was
particularly cheerful, and gave a reception at the
White House, at which he displayed more than his
usual vivacity. Two days after he issued his first
war proclamation.  It was the occasion of all
others that suited him and his party. Without
some such event as the bombardment of Fort
Sumter, it was imppossible for him to raise a respectable army to effect the grand scheme of abolition. The news of that bombardment was therefore received with delight by the whole abolition
party. Those who had been praying for such a
thing rubbed their hands for joy, exclaiming,
"' Now we have got'em! now we can make an end
of slavery!"
Then commenced the business of "working up
the Northern mind," as they called it. Then they
instantly started the " flag mania."  By a concert
of action the cry was everywhere shouted forth,
"the flag has been fired upon 1" Those who for
years and years had denounced the flag of our
country as " a flaunting lie," and " a polluted rag,"
ran out a flag from their window, or went into the
streets to mob every house which had not a flag
out. Men who saw, and dared to smile at the
bold and impudent hypocrisy of all this sort of
demonstration, were knocked down by the bullies
whom the Black Republicans had engaged to perambulate the streets for this purpose. In the beginning of this sort of display the whole was a
piece of sheer hypocrisy on the part of the leaders
of abolitionism. But gradually the thing grew




112     "THE FIRST GUN OF SUMTER."
into an absolute mania, and swept over the North
like a hurricane.
Many years ago, in the early history of New
England, what is now known as the witchcraft mania stained that section of our country with innocent blood. Hundreds who had always borne a
good character believed themselves bewitched.
Respectable men and women testified under oath
that they had seen certain old women riding
broomsticks a mile high in the air. These old
women were arrested and tried and hanged as
witches. The most remarkable part is, that many
of the accused admitted themselves to be witches,
and died on the gallows confessing that they were
witches, and that they had ridden on broomsticks
through the air.
All this monstrous delusion began, in the first
place, by the imposture of a few bad people, but it
went on until the thing grew to be a mania, infecting the whole community with a belief in witchcraft; and it was not until many innocent persons
had suffered death that it could be stopped. Now,
that was a case where a whole community became
insane on the subject of witchcraft. The ministers
of the Gospel were among the most deluded vietims of the insanity, and were the most zealous
advocates for the hanging of all who were accused
of witchcraft. But the mania at last passed off,
and all who had been engaged in the matter were
ashamed of the part they had borne in the fatal
business. Perpetual infamy attaches to the memory of those days.




'XTHE FI1SrT GUN OF SUMTTER."    1.13
Our war excite ment was not less a mania than
that of witchcraft. Started, in the first place, and
worked by a thousand cunninng tricks of bad people, and of abolitionists who were bent upon the
insane idea of making  negroes the equal of white
people, it was driven on until hundreds of thousands who had really no syipathy with the abominable objects of the war, were swept into  ts
bloody current. Hundreds of thousands of honest
soldiers who, in their own hearts, firmly believed
that the negro was best off in " slavery," enlisted
and risked their own lives in fighting to emancipate him.
Two-thirds of all our soldiers abhorred the idea
of negro equality, even while they were fighting for
it. Had they been allowed to follow the bent of
their own reason and their own sympathies, they
would a thousand times sooner have fought to
keep him  in his natural place of subordination
than to elevate him to an equality with themselves.
It was only through a great excitement, amounting to a nanzia, and through the most stupendous
deception, that they were drawn into the business
of fighting for the sole benefit of Samrbo.
As I have shown you in former chapters, the:ry
for the "flag," and for the "IUnion," was all an
hypocrisy and a cheat on the part of the Black
]Republicans. They had been long known as enemies of the Union, and as despisers of the flag of
our country.
And it was a cunning trick, precisely worthy of
Mr. Seward and Mtr. Lincoln, to cause the bom



114      "THE FWIST GUN OF SUXT'E.."
bardment of Fort Sumter, in order to "fire up tho
Northern heart," as they called it. The sole de.
sign of the whole thing was to " fire up the Northern heart" to fight the guilty battle of abolitionism. The war was gotten up with as much trick
and skill in management as a showman uses to get
the populace to visit his menagerie. Our whole
country was placarded all over with war posters
of all colors and sizes. Drums were beating and
bands playing at every corner of the streets Ninetenths of all the ministers of the Gospel were praying and preaching to the horrible din of the warmusic, and the profane eloquence of slaughter.
There was little chance for any man to exercise
his reason, and if he attempted such a thing he
was knocked down and sometimes murdered. If
an editor ventured to appeal to the Constitution,
his office was either destroyed by the mob, or his
paper suspended by " the order of the Government."  The moment the war opened for the
emancipation of the negroes, the liberty of the
white man was suspended.
The historian of these shameful and criminal
events needs no other proof that the managers
of the war knew that they were perpetrating a
great crime than the fact that they refused to
allow any man to reason or speak in opposition to
their action. The cause of truth and justice always
flourishes most with all the reasoning that argument and controversy can give it.  Whenever
men attempt to suppress argument and free
speech, we may be sure that they know their
cause to be a bad one.




CHAPTER XIV.
MLlR. LINCOLN'S FIRST CALL FOR TROOFS.
So far as the "firing on Fort Sunmter" had gone in
the way of getting lp an excitement in the North,
Mr. Lincoln's plans for inaugurating a great abolition war had succeeded to his satisfaction. But
there was a great legal difficulty in his way. The
Constitution gave him no power to raise a volunteer army for the purpose of fighting any of the
sovereign States of this IJnion. When in the convention which framed the Constitution a proposition was made to give the Federal Government
power to use military force against a non-complying State, it was unanimously voted down, and no
such power was ever given to the Federal Government in the Constitution.
MiVfa. Lincoln knew this very well, and after he
had made up his mind to call for 75,000 men to
fight the Southern States, he was at a loss to find
even the shadow of a legal excuse for such a call.
Bat; usurpers have rarely waited long without inventing some excuse for any action they wished to
perform. Mr. Lincoln did not wait long to find
an excuse for his extraordinary call for an army to
fight the States. iHe was not quite shameless
enough to pretend that the Constitution gave him




116  MR. LINCOLN'S FIIRST CALL 1FOR TROOPS,
any power to make such a call, but he hunted up
an old act of Congress passed in 1795, to enable
the Federal Governmient to assist the State of
Pennsylvania in putting down what is known as
"the whisky rebellion" in that State.
But unfortunately for 1Mr. Lincoln, that act of
1795 only provided for calling forth the militia to
suppress an insurrection   a'ainst a State government, and made no provision that can even be
used as an excuse for calling forth an army to
assist in suppressing an opposition to the Government of the United States, or in plain words, to
enable the Federal Government to  make war
against a State government.
President Buchaknan understood the import of
that old act of 1795 perfectly, and he said: " Under the act of 1795, the President is precluded
from acting even upon his own personal and absolute knowledge of the existence of such an insrarection. Before he can call forth the militia for
its suppression, he must first be applied to for this
purpose by the appropriate State aunthorities, in
the manner prescribed by the Constitution."
Mr. Lincoln's call for troops based on this old
act, therefore, was not only illegal, but it was supreimely ridiculous. We are not to suppose that;
he was really so ignorant as to imagine that the
act justified the call for troops to operate ag ain*st
the governments of States, which was p1assed for
the sole purpose of assisting States to put down
insurrections against their own Government. The
very fact that the act does not permit the Presi



MR. INxTCOLNT'S FITRST CALL FOR TROOPS. 11 
dent to send troops into a State to assist in putting
down an insurrection Which he may know to exist,
until cafled upon by the authorities of the State,
settles  the questioi forever as to the illegal and
criminal use which Err. Lincoln made of it.
His call for troops to resist thle acts of State
Legislatmrtes and Conventions of the people of the
States was, therefore, no more justified by the act
of 1795, than old John Brown's invasion of the
State of Virginia was justified by that act.
Mr. Lincoln's first call for 75,000 troops was received with a shout of joy by all the old enemies of
the UIJnion as our fathers made it in the North.
WJithl. the most indecent has-te they jumped to begin the slanghter. It was discovered that the
State of Masssachusetts had been qruietly preparing
for war, even before the election of Mr. Lincoln.
Indeed the'" Republican" party, during the Lincoln presidential campaign, was a military organization.  The infinite nimnber of " Wide-awake"
clubs were siamply so mlany military companies.
They had military drills in their secret lodgeroor'ms, were all uniformed alike with a sort of
military cape and cloak in their public parades,
and had their general officers, captains, lieutenants, etc.
In fact, the Black Republican party, or at least
th-tat portion of it which did all the work of the
presidential campaign, was a military organization.
In case of Mr. Lincoln's election they were delertermained to have war.  Soim-e, as they declared,
"to maLkY e an end of slavery."  Others, to over



118  MR. LINCOLN'S I'IRST CALL FORl TROOPS.
throw the sovereignty of the States, and carry out
the old Federalist hope of making what Hamilton
called "a strong governmentj" by which was, as
we have seen, meant, something like a monarchy.
But all sorts of Black iRepublicans were apparently
made happy by the prospect of war.
Mr. Lincoln's proclamation also aroused the
greatest excitement in the whole South. Every
abolition governor of course responded to the caL
for troops with great alacrity. But those governors who were alike opposed to abolition and secession promptly declared that under our Constitution and form of government, the President had
no power to make war upon a State for any cause.
Governor Magoffin, of Kentucky, informed Mr.
Lincoln that his State would "furnish no troops
for the wicked purpose of making war upon
States."
Governor Ellis, of North Carolina, though opposed to secession, telegraphed to Washington -as
follows: "I can be no party to this wicked violation of the laws of this country, and especially to
this war which is being waged upon a free and independent people."
Governor Jackson, of Missouri, replied to Mr.
Lincoln.: "Your requisition, in my judgment, is
illegal; unconstitutional, and revolutionary, and in
its objects, inhuman and diabolical."
Governor Letcher, of Virginia, who was also
opposed to secession, wrote to Mr. Lincoln that
his call for troops was "not within the perview of
the Constitution or the act of 1795."




MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST CALL FOR TROOPS. 119
Not until Mr. Lincoln's war proclamation did
the State of Virginia pass an act of secession.
The act of secession passed by Virginia on the
17th dclay of April, 1861, declared that:
"The people of Virginia recognize the American
principle, that government is founded on the consent of the governed, and the right of the people
of the several States of this Union, for just cause,
to withdraw from their association under the Federal Government, with the people of the other
States, and to erect new governments for their
better security; and they never will consent that
the Federal power, which is, in part, their power,
shall be exerted for the purpose of subjugating the
people of such States to the Federal authority."
There was nothing new in the principle here
announced. It is precisely the same as that of our
Declaration of Independence. It is precisely the
same as Jefferson urged in opposition to the old
monarchist party in this country. But the tide of
death and destruction was then let loose. It was
a grand and bloody carnival of those dark spirits
who had always hated the democratic government
of the United States. Those who hated the perfectly free system of government established by
our fathers, and those wild fanatics who were bent
on negro equality had united bloody hands over
what they meant to be the grave of the old Union
and the final overthrow of the democratic principle of government.




ICHE3PTER  XV.
THE iUSH OF TR00PS TO WASHINGTON.
I HAVE said that Massachusetts began to prepare
for war before the election of Mr. Lincohl. Governor Andrew of that State boasted of the fact
himself. So the troops of Massachusetts were the
the very first to jump into uniform at the call of
the President. They were passing through the
streets of New York, on the way to WJashington,
even before the President's proclamation had been
generally read. They did not march through the
the streets of New York City, so mnuch as they
skipped, and hopped, and jumped. They came on
screaming and yelling like Indians, and went
through the city, singing "John Brown's soul is
marching' on i"
Alas, it was too true that John Brown's soul was
marching on. For it was just that and nothing
more. It was to "finish the work of the martyr,
old John Brown," which they declared they were
going to do. John Brown's own raird was one
which appeared to be pretty much on his own hook;
but now we were to witness something of a similar
kind on a grander scale, and carried on by a Fed



TIHE RUSIH OF TROOPS TO WASHINGTON, 121
eral Administration, at the expense of the people
of the United States.
These Massachusetts soldiers, rushing on so hot
and clamorous towards the scene of bloodshed,
were a sad sight for any good man or true patriot
to witness. They were the representatives of the
very traitors and fanatics who, only a few years
before, had publicly burned the Constitution of
the United States in Boston, on theFourth of July.
They came from a State -which for a quarter of a
century had supported a'news]paper which flaunted'
the motto that, "[The Union is an agreeiment with
hell, and the Constitution a covenant with death."
The leaders of the party in Massachusetts fem
which these armed Puritans camle out, had cunningly instructed therm to say that they were going
to "fight for the Union."  That was the cry they
were told to keep up on the way; but in the gushing passion of their hearts they everywhere sung
out their real mission, to "revenge the martyr, old
John Brown 1"
A majority of these wild soldiers of Massachusetts comprehended nothing higher than tihat.
The leaders and politicians, whom they had left in
safety at home, cared nothing for old John Brown,
except so far as his name was useful to them iy.
pumping up the bitter waters of a strife which was
to end in the overthrow of the democratic priinciples of our Government.
A merchant of Boston, a man of prominence in
his State, said to the writer of this history during
the second year of the war: "This war will put




122  TIHE RJ'SH OP TROOPS TO WASHINGTON.
an end to democracy, and that alone will be worth
all the blood which is shed."  Alas, that so many
democrats should have run blindly into their trap.
As these NMassachusetts soldiers went on, daneing and singing, a great excitement was aroused,
and applause greeted them at almost every point
along the route, until they reached the city of Baltimore. In that city the march of the first installment of the abolition army was met with the resistance of what appeared to be the whole people.
The railroad track was barricaded so effectually as
to entirely prevent the passage of the cars, and
every street and avenue was blocked up by thousands of people, armed with stones and clubs, to
resist the advance of the soldiers. The soldiers
fired indiscriminately into the dense crowd of men,
women and children, which produced a scene that
was frightaffl to look upon, in which a number of
citizens and soldiers were killed.
For several weeks no more soldiers were allowed
to pass through Baltimore. The railroad bridges
in the vicinity of the city were all destroyed, so
that all the abolition troops were obliged to go
round through Annapolis on the route to Washington.
The war so long looked for, so long prayed for,
by the abolitionists, was now begun in earnest.
On the 19th of April Mr. Lincoln put forth another
proclamation to declare all the ports of the South
blockaded.
The new Confederate Government now formally
recognized the existence of war, and commenced




TIlE RUSH OF TROOPS TO WASHI NGTON.  123
in great earnest to prepare for the worst. Virginia, which had so long tried in vain to induce
the Black Republicans of Congress and Mr. Lincoln to accept the fair terms of compromise and
peace offered by the South, in the Crittenden resolu
tions, was now already swarming with hostile abolition soldiers. At that time Gen. Robert E. Lee was
a colonel of cavalry in the United States army, but
when he saw his native State invaded, he resigned
his commission, and at once assumed command of
the State forces of Virginia. A large force of Mr.
Lincoln's troops held Harper's Ferry in Virginia,
but were compelled to evacuate it in consequence
of the general rising of the Virginians to defend
their own homes. Before leaving, however, they
set fire to all the buildings, machine shops, and
other public structures. This took place on the
19th of April.
The next day Mr. Lincoln's soldiers were ordered
to use the torch in another part of Virginia. All
the works of the Norfolk Navy Yard were fired,
producing such a conflagration that the city of
Norfolk was with the greatest difficulty saved from
the devouring flames. All the ships, except one,
in the harbor, were fired and scuttled. The sword
and the faggot were now fairly launched upon
their long and terrible.errand of destruction. The
awful fact stared the whole South in the face, that
the only hope of protection against the objects of
the Black  tepublican party lay in its means of
self-defence.  A tremendous army was gathering
at Washington. The Black Republican members




124  THE RUSH OF TROOPS TO WASHINGSTON.
of Congress, and the papers of that party, breathed
only threats of appalling slaughter.  They were
going "to leave the ruts of their war-chariots so
deep in the soil of the South, that eternity would
not wear them  out."  That was the kind of language they habitually used.
At that moment the despotic designs of the
Lincoln Administration were f-lly revealed  in
events passing in Maryla nd.  That State, while it
passed resolutions against the invasion of sovereign
States by Federal troops, took no steps to secede.
Indeed the State Legislature passed a resolution
against calling a convention to discuss the propriety of seceding. But this was no protection
against the despotism agreed upon.r. the Black
Republican councils at WVashingtor. The mayor
and police of ]Baltimore were seizes) and plunged
into a military prison, where they were treated
with  a barbarity truly revoltiJ;g.  They were
not allowed the privileges whij alw.ways in civilized countries are permitted'io convicted murderers.
The constitution, la,  and courts of the State
were all stricken down by, single blow. The
State Legislature was dispel;. edl at the point of
the bayonet, and its membern- spirited away to distaut dungeons.  Private holuses were searched by
the officials of the usurpers at Washigton,. Private letters of ladies and gent-lermen were seized
and sent to WVashington to be read by Mr. Seward
and Mr. Lincoln as they sat upon their new throne
of usurped authority.  M en v, ore thrown into dun



'HiE RUSH OF TROOPS TO'WASHINIIGTOIN.  125
geons on the suspicion of having " symipathis" in
opposition to Black Republicans.  Any d:ased
wre\tch could easily procure the arrest of a gentleman, or. lady against whont he had a spite.  And
when the venerable Chief Justice of the United
States issued the writ of habeas corpus to bring
these victimns out to ascertain the cause of their
arrest-, Mr. Lincoln telegraphed  to his mili ary
tools to pay no respect to the orders of the Chief
Justice of the Slpreme Court of the United States!
So you see that the party had at last come fully
into power, which tried to establish a government
of monarchical powers after our Ievolution.  You
have also seen, in previous chapters of this history,
that the same Imonarchist party attempted to revolutionize or overthrow  the free government our
fathers (id establish, while it was in power from
1796 to 1800, under the Administration of old John
Adams. This party, so long hati:ng, so long Qpposing the free democratic government of our
cou.ntry, found in Abrahanm  Linco-ln  a willing' tool
of its revolutionary and despotic principles.
His official newspaper in Washington, edited by
a man of the most infamous poli-ical reputation,
by the name of Forney, did not scruple to confess
that the plan of revolutionizing our Government
bad been fully determined uLpon, ande in a leading
editorial he said: "Anoth er principle mutst certainly
be embodied in our re-organized forma of government.  The men who shape the legislation of this
country, when the war is past, must remember that
what we want is powzer and slrenigth.  The problem




126  THE RUSHE OF TROOPS TO WASHINGTON.
will be to combine the forms of a republican government with the powers of a monarchical government."
Here we find ]ir. Lincoln's own organ confessing
that they had fully entered upon the business of
changing the free government of our fathers into
a government possessing the power of a monarchy I
At the same time another leading Black Republican paper, the  orth Amnerican of Philadelphia,
said: "This war has already shown the absurdity
of a government of limited powers; it has shown
that the power of every government ought to be
and must be unlimited." 
Did ever the Emperor of Austria talk in language more contemptuous of a republican form
of government, or more laudatory of monarchical
power? So you see that not only the acts of lMVr.
Lincoln, but the tone and language of the leaders
of his party, were all in harmony with the idea of
despotic power. Under the cunning but hypocritical cry for the Union, these traitors were aiming,
not only at the eternal overthrow of the Union,
but at the destruction of the free system of government established by the patriots of the Revolution.




CHAPTER XVI.
THE FIRST GREAT BATTLE.
BE3oRE the great battle of Manassas, or Bull
Run, as it is generally called, there were several
smaller engagements between the Federal and
Confederate soldiers. The first of these occurred
at Bethel, in Virginia, on 10th of June, 1861. At
that place Colonel Mlagruder was intrenched with
a small force, when General Butler sent General
Pierce, of Massachusetts, to engage them. You
may be sure that General Butler did not go himself, for he made himself quite as remarkable for
always keeping out of the range of bullets himself,
as he did afterwards for his thefts and brutal
treatment of all men or women who fell as prisoners into his hands.
This attack upon  Colonel Magruder's force
proved most disastrous to the assailing party.
The Massachusetts troops met with a most ruinous defeat. At this engagement, Major Winthrop,
a most gallant Federal officer and estimable gentleman, was killed. The Confederate Colonel Iill,
of a North Carolina regiment, in his official despatch, referred to the daring bravery of Major
Winthrop with terms of soldierly admiration for
a brave enemy. M3Ijor Winthrop belonged to




128        TIIE FIRST GREAT BATTLE.
General B/utler's staff, and was in all respects a
most honorable contrast to his cruel and cowardly
commander.
Inmediately after this little battle of Bethel, a,rand.movement of the Federal army'was made
bowards  ichmond, which had then become the
capital of the new Confederate Government.  The
main column of the army under General McDowell
bore directly down upon the Confederate forces
under General Beauregard at Manassas.  In numbers and equipments it vas a splendid army, and
is supposed to have been at least four times as
large as the Confederate force  under Beaurecgard,
which it was marching against. The abolitionists
and all their sympathizers and supporters were
flushed withf the wildest ideas of a sudden and
complete over-throw of the "rebellion," as it was
called.
How sovereign States, which are in no sense subjects of any governmLent, can rebel, I have never
heard anybocdy attempt to explain. It is easy to
see how the Federal Governmzret, which exists
only by the limited and defined epowers delegated
to it by the real and only "' sovereigns," the States,
or the people thereof, can rebel against its makers
and owner4s, but that the makers, that is, the
States, can rebel against its creature, that is, the
[Federal G-overnment, is as foolish as to say that
the Creator of the world can rebel against the
creatures he has made. The word rebel is not applicable to sovereign bodies.  States may be guilty
of breakihng the compact which they have made




THE FIRST GREAT BA.TTLE.       129
with each other, but that is simply a breach of compact, and not a rebellion, because they are equal
sovereign communities. Least of all can the States
rebel against the Federal Government, because
that is not a party to the compact at all-but only
an agent delegated by the compact.
But those who rushed in to swell the ranks of
the tremendous abolition army did not reason so
far as this. All that the Black Republicans cared
about was the overwhelming and the destruction
of the Southern States. They did not stop to ask
whether their cause was just-whether the Constitution of our country gave to one section the right
to raise such a tremendous army to destroy the
other. Oh, no, such a thought never entered into
their considerations. They had a splendid army,
which they felt sure would march, almost without
interruption, to the capture of Richmond, and
thence on through the South to the Gulf of Mexico, if it pleased.
But when it reached Bull Run, a few miles from
Manassas, it was suddenly confronted, on the 18th
day of July, with the advance brigades of General
Beauregard's army at Manassas. The engagement
which took place resulted in the decided repulse
of General McDowell; so much so, that it convinecl him that Manassas could not be reached by
his army on that line, and a new, or what is called
a flank movement was at once resolved upon. So
three days after this defeat at Bull Run, General
Scott gave his orders to General McDowell for a




130        THE FIRST GREAT BATTLE.
grand advance of the whole Army of the Potomac
on Manassas.
So confident were the authorities at Washington of perfect success, that no secret was made in
any circles of the grand movement. Congress adjourned to witness, as one of the members said,'" the ftin of the battle."  All the roads between
Washington and Manassas were literally jammed
with noisy and jolly spectators going to witness
the -fight.  Besides members of Congress, and
high officials of the Administration, there were
ministers of the Gospel, gay women, and merchants and editors from Philadelphia, New York,
and Boston, all rushing, crushing, and joking along,
as though they were going out to a horse-racing,
instead of to the awful slaughter of their fellow
men. It was a grand and jolly picnic, with plenty
of rum, whisky, brandy, and champagne along
to be drunk at the general merrymaking and
jollification which was to be held after the tremendous and triumphant slaughter of human beings.
The idea of the defeat of this grand army seems
never for an instant to have entered into the heads
of these confident abolitionists.
General McDowell ordered his army to be in
motion at two o'clock on the morning of the 21st
of July. By nine o'clock the work of death commenced. The slaughter was terrible on both sides.
The surging masses, now rushing forward and now
falling back on each side, showed that the fight
was intensely desperate. The terrible and ceaseless roar of the cannon, together with the clouds




THE} FIRST GREAT BATTLE.        131
of smoke and dust which obscured the heavens,
clothed the whole scene with a woe as terrible as
the judgment day of the ungodly. It was Sunday.
A strange time and a strange occasion to be used
as a gala day by so many distinguished officials,
ministers of the Gospel, and other professed Christian people!
At mid-day it seemed that the Confederate
forces were surely being crushed by the vastly superior numbers that were constantly massed and
hurled against their shattered and mangled columns. There was a moment when the Confederate commanders evidently thought they had lost
the day, but their troops fell back sullenly, as if
they preferred to die on the field of battle rather
than yield to the foot of the invader. General Bee,
whose command seems to have been entirely overwhelmed by vastly superior numbers, rode up to
General Jackson and in despairing accents said:
"General, they are beating us back."  "Sir,"
coolly replied the invincible Jackson, "we'll give
them the bayonet."  At these determined words,
General Bee appealed to his overwhelmed and disheartened soldiers to stand their ground and meet
death rather than yield to the foe, and pointing to
General Jackson, he said: "See, there is Jackson standing like a stone wall!" It was from this
circumstance that General Jackson obtained the
name of "Stonewall," a name which he will wear as
long as the fame of his heroism survives; and that
will be as long as the memory of man lasts.
The example set by General Jackson and his




132        TIHE FIRST GREAT BATTLE.
men, of standing like a stone wall, under the most
terrible and deadly fire, together with his cool and
determined words, "Sir, we'll give them the bayonet," acted lilke magic upon the discouraged and
yielding  men under General Bee's command.
Again the Confederates, it could be seen, were
gaining ground inch by inch, and at three o'clock,
reinforcements having arrived under General 3'. E.
Johnston, decided the fate of the day.
General Bee fell mortally wounded at the head
of his command while gallantly leading it through
an open field.
The defeat of the Northern troops was complete.
It was more than a defeat, it was a route. An
army that an hour before was displaying the greatest confidence and heroism in battle was flying in
the wildest confusion and dismay. Panic-stricken
soldiers, and still more frightened members of
Congress, merchants, ministers, gay ladies, heads
of departments, teamsters, and loafers of every description, were all rushing, serambling, dashing
and tumbling along together in' frantic confusion.
The very horses seemed to partake of the general
fright.  Wounded  soldiers imploringly caught
hold of the carriages of members of Congress and
others, with grasps of despair, and were actually
beaten off with heavy blows upon their fingers.
Confederate cannon were roaring behind them.
Shot and shell hissing over their heads; while
Stuart's cavalry was hotly dogging the rear of the
Tlying legions.
Thus the defeated army not only ran back to




THE FIRST GREAT BATTLE.            183
Washington, but great numbers  actually  ran
through Washington, and kept up the flight until
the plains of Maryland and the hills of Pennsylvania were reached as asylums of safety.  Hundreds
of soldiers exchanged clothes with the negroes, in
order the more easily to effect their escape.
A:ll the champagne and other expensive wines
and liquors, taken out for the Congressional picnic, fell into the hands of the Confederates.  So
might Washington have easily fallen into their
hands, too, had they kept up the pursuit.  For
there was nothing to prevent the capture of Washington  after this deplorable rout at Manassas.
And why the Confederates did not follow up theii
great victory, and render it complete by the cap.
ture of Washington, remains the great mystery of
the war.  Rumor says that it was the wish of Gen,
Beau-egard, and also of General Jackson and
General Johnston, to push right on and take the
capital, but that they were withheld by the orders*
of President Davis.  So far did General Jackson
carry his feelings of disappointment that he actually tendered his resignation, but was induced
to reconsider that determination by the entreaty ot
* Since the first editions of this work were put to press
it has been ascertained that the general impression as to
President Davis' restraining General Johnston at the battle
of Bull Run has been incorrect. An advance was simply a
military impossibility. The reported resignation of General
Jackson has no better foundation.




134        THE FIRST GREAT BATTLIE
friends, aided by his religious conviction of the
justice of their cause.
The effect of the humiliating defeat at Manassas
was fearful indeed. Disappointment and mortification, however, are not the words to express the
state of the Black Republican sentiment and feeling at the North. Rage is the word. Every man
in the streets who did not joih in swearing eternal
vengeance against the South, was "spotted" as a
"rebel sympathizer."  Bands of noisy bullies paraded the streets, insulting and threatening every
man whose conversation was not as violent as the
rest. It was almost dangerous for a man to wear
the manners of a gentleman. Everybody was expected to rave. Black Republican sentiment was
especially severe on General Scott. It was declared that he was too old to manage such a campaign. Some went so far as to accuse him of being
at heart a "rebel," and of "wanting the South to
succeed."  There was, of course, not the slightest
justice in such a charge.
General Scott was not capable of comprehending the real design for which the war was waged,
nor of measuring the political magnitude of the
bloody events upon which the country was entering. He viewed the whole matter only with the
eye of a soldier, which is not often the eye either
of statesmanship or justice. But there was truth
in the complaint that General Scott was too old.
General M[cDowell also came in for his full share
of abuse. He was denounced as "incompetent;"
and the command of the Army of the Potomac was








GEN. GEORGE B. M[CLELLAN.
Page 13b




THE FIRST GREAT BATTLE.         135
conferred upon General George B. McClellan, who
had just won laurels in a small battle at Rich
Mountain, in Western Virginia, and who was probably the ablest general connected with the Black
Republican army. General McClellan at once set
himself to the work of repairing the broken and
utterly demoralized Army of the Potomac. It was
a long and laborious task, as this history will show.
Mr. Lincoln, in order to give a flourish of patriotism  to his war, had called Congress to meet
together in special session on the national anniversary of the Fourth of July. The result of the
battle of Manassas had shown that the South was
not to be subjugated in "sixty days," as many
shallow people had predicted. The army, or what
was left of it, was mostly three months' men, who
had volunteered to defend the capital. It was now
necessary to raise a large army for longer terms
of enlistment. But under the general belief existing that the Black Republican party intended to
carry out their negro equality principles, it was
difficult to induce men to enlist.
Some assurances on this point were absolutely
necessary, or else it was- doubtful whether the
Northern masses could be got into the war. Accordingly Congress, immediately after the battle
of Manassas, passed the following resolution defining the objects of the war:
"Resolved, That this war is not waged on our
part in any spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of conquest, or for interfering with the rights
or established institutions of those States, but to de10




136        TiEi FIRST GREAT BAITLE.
fend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity and rights of the several States unimpairedand that as soon as these objects are accomplished
the war ought to cease."
Upon the solemn promise embraced in this resolution, an army of 500,000 men was called for, and
an expenditure of $500,000,000 authorized by Congress to carry on the war. That this pledge was
shamefully broken after the men had been got into
the army, will surprise no one when it is remembered by what a mean trick Mr. Seward and Mr.
Lincoln had inaugurated the war itself.
To show still further how shamefully Mr. Lincoln deceived the people, we will quote from a letter written by Simon Cameron, Secretary of War,
in August, 1861, to General Butler, at Fortress
Monroe, wherein he says: "It is the desire of the
President that all existing rights in all the States
be fully respected and maintained. The war now
prosecuted on the part of the Federal Government
is a war for the Union, for the preservation of all
the constitutional rights of the States and the
citizens of the States in the Union."  All intelligent people knew that this was false, and that the
war was prosecuted for no such purpose. Yet it
served the object for which it was intended. It
deceived thousands and tens of thousands of ardent young men, and thus got them into the army.
After the object of the war was changed, they were
shot down for mutiny if they refused to fight to
free negroes!




CIAPTER  XVII.
CAIPAIGN IN THE WEST.
WHILE the events I have described were going
on in Virginia, the campaign in the West was moving on vigorously, though in a smaller way. At
St. Louis many citizens were shot down in the
street. In some instances women and children
were thus murdered by the Black Republican soldiery. The State had taken no steps towards secession. But as the laws of the States and the
property and lives of its citizens were already the
prey of soldiers in Federal uniform, it is certainly true that the Federal Administration began
the work of subjugating the State in earnest before
any signs of secession were apparent in the people
or authorities of the State.
Governor Jackson called out the Missouri militia,
who were encamped under the laws of the State at
a place called Camp Jackson, near the city of St.
Louis. These State troops were compelled to surrender to a superior force of abolition soldiers
under Captain Lyon, who was afterwards made a
general by Mr. Lincoln, and was killed not long
after at the battle of Springfield. Immediately
after this surrender, Gkovernor Jackson called for
50,000 volunteers for State defence. He appointed




138        CA'PAkGN IN THE WVEST.
Stirling Price Major General of the State forces of
7Missouri, and also appointed eight or nine brigadier generals.
On the 20th of June, 1861, General Lyon, at the
head of 7000 well armed and well drilled Federal
troops, started for the capture of Booneville. At
that place was stationed Colonel Marmaduke, with
about 800 State troops, poorly armed with'the
poorer sort of rifles and shot guns, with io cannon, and very little ammunition. Understanding
the superior force and equipment of the enemy,
and well knowing that it would be impossible for
eight hundred men poorly armed to stand against
8000 men well armed, Colonel Marmaduke ordered
a retreat. But this the men refused to do, declaring that they would not leave without giving the
foe, as they called it, "a peppering."  So they
stood their ground, with no commander but their
captain and lieutenant.  A fight ensued which
lasted nearly two hours, in which three Missourians were. killed and twenty wounded. while
the Federal loss was, in killed and wounded, over
one hundred. But "the barefoot rebel militia,"
as they were called, were forced to fly, after that
gallant little resistance.
There were several unimportant fights following
immediately this skirmish at Booneville. A man
who called himself Colonel Cook, a brother of the
infamous B13. F. Cook, who was hanged with old
John Brown in Virginia, had raised a force of
abolitionists, under the name of "Home Guards,'8
+o the number of  vn~tvf, one thousand. _Upon this




CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST.          139
force, Colonel O'Klane, with a small body of State
soldiers, fell one morning at daybreak, and almost
annihilated them, as they were asleep at the time.
Over two hundred were killed, while a much large
number were wounded, and over one hundred
taken prisoners. In this surprise the Missourians
lost four men, and twenty wounded, and they captured three hundred and sixty muskets.
But the first important battle was fought at Carthage, on the 5th of July, 1861, between the Federal army, commanded by General Sigel, and the
Missouri State troops, commanded by Governor
Jackson. After one of the most spirited engagements of the whole war, General Sigel was badly
whipped, and that, too, by a vastly inferior and
badly equipped force. The next day after this battle, General Stirling Price arrived at Carthage, in
company with Brigadier-General Ben. McCulloch,
a famous fighting officer of the Confederate army,
and also Major-General Pierce, of the Arkansas
State militia. These accessioiis added about 2000:men to the defensive army of Mfissouri.
The abolition army under the several commands
of Generals Lyon, Sigel, Sweeny, and Sturgis, had
united at Springfield. The Missouri army started
at once on the march towards Springfield, while,
at the same time,. the abolition  commanders
quickly marched out their army to meet it. The
Missouri force was a sorry sight for an army, in all
but desperate fighting pluck. A subordinate officer drew the following humorous picture of its
condition: "We had not a blanket, not a tent,




l140       CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST.
nor any clothes, except the few we had on our
backs, and four-fifths of us were barefooted. Billy
B3ariw's dress at a circus would be decent, comparecd with that of almost any one, from the majorgeneral down to the humblest private.  But we
had this preparation for battle, every one believed
that he was fighting in a cause the most sacred
that ever aroused the heroism of man."
This army consisted of five thousand three hun3dred infantry, with fifteen pieces of artillery, and
six thousand horsemen armed with nothing better
than flint-lock muskets and old shot guns, and
very few cartridge-boxes. One long day's march
brought this motley army to Wilson's Creek, or
as it is also called, Oak Hill, eight miles from
Springfield.  Here they rested for the night; and
the soldiers, notwithstanding their tedious march,
" danced around tJheir camp fires until a late hour."
In this army there were about one thousand Cherokee and Choctaw Indians, some dressed in the
regular Confederate uniform, and others in all
kinds of fantastic uncivilized gear.
The Federal army, under Generals Lyon and
Sigel, consisted at this time of about nine thousand men, well armed, among which was a thousand United States regulars, of the First and Second U. S. infantry, the Fourth U. S. cavalry, and
Second U. S. dragoons. General Lyon, learning
that the Missouri army was encamped at Wilson's
Creek, struck his tents at about four o'clock in the
afternoon, and marched slowly and silently along
until he arrived within an houl's march of the




CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST.         141
enemy's camp, when he halted in a little valley,
where his army slept upon their arms. The next
morning, at daybreak they were again ready to
march to the attack of the Missourians.
General Lyon now harangued his soldiers, telling
them that they were within a short hour's march
of the enemy, and that he should that morning
breakfast them  in their camp.  At sunrise he
reached the position he wanted, and immediately
opened the battle by attacking the Missourians at
two points, on their right and left. He led the
attack upon the right himself, while General Sigel
was to attack the left and rear. After passing
round a hill to get in position, General Sigel mistook a portion of' General Lyon's force for the
enemy and furiously began to pour shot and shell
upon it, and kept up the mistake until General
Lyon sent round a messenger to inform him of his
mistake.
Though surprised, the Missourians under the
command of General Ben. MeCulloch, were instantly made ready for the battle, and entered
into the fight, not only with courage, but with
the reckless desperation of men who preferred
death to defeat. In numbers and arms General
Lyon had a very great advantage. He also had
the still greater advantage of having effected the
surprise of Ben. McCulloch's army. But this latter benefit did not seem very great, as the Missourians were instantly at work resisting the foe.
It was a short but terrible conflict, in which Gen



142        CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST
eral Lyon was killed, and his army beaten and
put to a complete rout.
The retreat was conducted with a good deal
of skill and energy by General Sigel. By forced
maarches he reached lRolla, a distance of about 175
miles in a little over three days, allowing his soldiers only three hours and a half sleep every twenty-four hours.
This entire defeat and rout of the abolition army
in Missouri was regarded as almost the finishing
blow to that cause in the West. And so it might
have been, perhaps, but for a disagreement between General MeCulloch and General Price, in
consequence of which! General McCulloch took all
the Confederate force under his command and returned to Arkansas, leaving General Price alone,
with only the State troops of Missouri for the defence of that State. There is little doubt that,
had General McCulloch remained and acted in
conjunction with General Price and the State
troops, Missouri would, in a short time, have been
wholly cleared of the presence of the abolitionists.  Some time afterwards General MeCulloch
expressed his profound regret at what he called
his "great mistake in withdrawing from Missouri."
Losing the support of the Confederate forces,
General Price marched his State army of about
five thousand men for the Missouri River, receiving reinforcements of citizens all along the line of
his march.
Learning that the infamous bushwhackers and
rtffians, Jennison, Jim  Lane, and Montgomery,




CAMPAIGN. IN THE WEST.        143
were near Fort Scott, with a force of marauders,
plundering, burning, and murdering wherever they
went, he marched directly for that place. Fifteen
miles from Fort Scott, he met with Jim Lane, and
put him to an utter rout and flight, and then continued his march on to Lexington, where Colonel
Mulligan, with a Federal force, was strongly intrenched. At that place a desperate battle transpired, which, after fifty-two hours of uninterrupted
fighting, resulted in the entire defeat and surrender of the abolition force under Colonel Mulligan.
In General Price's official report of the battle,
he said: "This victory has demonstrated the fitness of our citizen soldiery for the tedious operations of a siege, as well as for a dashing charge.
They lay for fifty-two hours in the open air, without tents or covering, regardless of the sun and
rain, and in the very presence of a watchful and
desperate foe, manfully repelling every assault and
patiently awaiting my orders to storm the fortifications. No general ever commanded a braver or
better army. It is composed of the best blood and
bravest men of Missouri."
Just before this battle, General Fremont had
been appointed by Mr. Lincoln to the command
of the Department of the West. He inaugurated
his advent in Missouri with the most ridiculous
display of pomp, parade, and insolence. He behaved himself far more like an eastern bashaw
than like a general in a republican country. HI
put forth a swelling order proclaiming "the abolition of slavery" and the confiscation of the propetjy




144        CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST.
of all Missourians who adhered to the government
of their State.  So wildly did he behave himself
that President Lincoln felt himself compelled to
check his imprudence; and finally, he was, after a
short reigmn, removed from his command, for military incapacity, and for permitting immense swindling of the Government by his subordinates.
While the battle of Lexington was going on, an
army of jayhawkers, under Jim Lane and Montgomery, fell upon five hundred Missourians about
thirty miles above Lexington, who, in an almost
hand-to-hand fight, completely cut the jayhawkers
to pieces, and thus made two victories for the Missourians on that day.
But these brilliant victories described in this chapter, were nearly the end of the triumph of the Missourians over the abolition foe. An army of 70,000
men was ready to march under General Fremont,
and as General Price had no force to meet such a
tremendous army, and being without means of
transportation for even the whole of the small force
he commanded, and being almost out of ammunition, he was obliged to disband a portion of it, and
make the best retreat he could. Fremont had his
immense army already on the march, with the design of entirely surrounding the little force remaining under General Price; but the vigilant
Missouri commander defeated his project by boldly
sending out small forces to attack at two points
the advance columns of General Fremont's army.
In this he was entirely successful, for he made
such an impression upon the abolition force that




CAIPAIGN IN THE ~WEST.          14-5
Fremont halted and began to ditch. But General
Price gladly left the abolition general ditching,
and made the Vest of his retreat towards the Arkansas line.  His whole command, now  only
15,000 strong, crossed Osage River, which was
much swollen by recent rains, in two rude flatboats constructed by his men for the occasion.
Afterwards it took General Fremont sixteen days
to get across the same stream  on his pontoon
bridges.
General Price continued his retreat to Neosho,
a little town on the southern borders of Missouri,
where Governor Jackson had assembled the State
Legislature. At this place, after the people of
Missouri had been plundered and ravaged for
months by the marauding abolition army, the
Legislature passed an act of secession, and appointed delegates to the Provisional Congress of
the Southern Confederacy. The State was literally
driven out of the Union. We may sayfought out
of it. It was not the intention of the Legislature
to pass an act of secession, until it found the State
laws overthrown by the abolition army under the
pay of Mr. Lincoln's Administration.
The presence of the Federal army in Missouri,
against which the State authorities struggled so
long and so gallantly, was as great a crime on the
part of Mr. Lincoln and the Black Republican
party as the presence of the same kind of invading
army would be in New York or in Massachusetts
at the present time. The MIissourians were all theo
time fighting for the preservation. of their own




146    -   CA-MPAIGN IN THE WEST.
laws, and the protection of their own State. And
there was hardly a respectable native citizen of
the State, whose heart was not honestly and devotecily with General Price in his gallant but vain
struggle to drive the marauding abolition foe from
its borders.
The State was literally overrun with such ruffians as Jim  Lane, Montgomery, and Jennison,
the former friends and associates of old John
Brown in all his thefts and murders in Kansas.
For many months before the Legislature passed
the ordinance of secession, the native citizens of
Missouri had been pillaged and imprisoned in the
most cruel and brutal manner. The banks of the
State were robbed of their specie. The dwellings
of the wealthy were entered by freebooters in Federal uniform and stripped of their silver spoons, jew-.
elry, ladies' wardrobes, and all other valuables.
Their cattle were driven off, and either killed to
feed the abolition army, or given to the Germans
who assisted that army to invade and plunder the
native people of the State.
General Lyon, who was killed at the battle of
WVilson's Creek, was a Connecticut abolitionist of
the most bitter type. He had neither pity nor
mtercy for any white man who was not an abolitionist.  He was an excellent military officer, but
fanatical and cruel in carrying out his creed.
But under the military rule of General Lyon,
the people of Missouri were not so badly off as
they were under the brief but disgraceful reign of
General Fremont. Fremont carried things with




CAMPAIGN IN TIfE  WEST.        14 7
such a high hand that Mr. Lincoln was obliged in
a short time to remove him. As I have before told
you, he began by assuming the airs of some eastern bashaw or monarch. Some of his German
officers imprudently let slip the idea that Fremont
cared nothing for Lincoln or the United States,
but that he was going to establish an immense
German empire in. the West. Perhaps this had
something, to do with Lincoln's very sudden.removal of Fremont.
A gentleman describing a journey in Missouri at
that time, writes as follows: " God forbid I should
exaggerate; and were I willing to do so, things
are so bad that they could not be painted worse,
with all the coloring in the world. My whole journey to this place has presented harrowing sightswidows, wives, children, and the aged, standing
houseless by the wayside, their homes in flames
and ruins. You will ask if they are Missourians
who have done these things; you know the character of native Missourians too well, to think they
are. These destroyers are the valiant German and
Dutch heroes of Sigel; runaways from battle-fields,
who show their paltry spite to helpless little ones,
whose fathers and brothers are fighting for freedom of thought, word, and action. Heaven forbid
that the na me of Missourians should be placed on
such a record! Yet there are ambitious leaders
among them, who care not who perish so they may
rule. A German republic or empire is their dream,
and already their general (Fremont) is assuming
all the trumpery and airs of foreign courts -.




1463        CA~MPAIGN IN THE WESTo
already he travels in state, has a German body.
guard, tricked out in what appears to be the castoff finery of a third-class theatrical wardrobe.
When lie travels on the river, an entire steamboat
is not more than sufficient to accommodate the
majesty of Fremont; guards pace before his door
night and day; servants in gay livery hand round
Catawba on silver waiters; grooms and orderlies
flit about like poor imitations of the same class of
servants in German cities, while the ruling language of the court is very low Dutch, redolent of
lager bier and schnapps."
The suspicion that Fremont was secretly aiming
at a German  empire of his own in the Great WVest,
gained some little confirmation from his manner
of treating 1Ir. Lincoln's order for his removal.
At first, for several days, he resfused to be removed,
bhut gave orders to all his subordinates to allow no
one to reach his person.  This was to prevent
President Lincoln's order of his removal from being served on him. But after being satisfied that
it would be a vain attempt for him  to hold out
longer, he yielded. And after his removal, a considerable portion of his German soldie s mutinied,
and refused, for some time, to do further service in
the war.
it will probably never be known to what extent
this scheme for a German  empire under Fremont
had progressed, at the time of.Fremont's timely
removal by Mr. Lincoln, but there is no doubt that
those who were capable of sustainiing  the horrible
despotism of the abolition reign in Miissouri were
capable of enjoying the absolute rule of monarchy.




CAMPAIGN IN WESTERN VIRGINIA, AND THE BATTLE C.
LEESBURG.
JUST before the great battle of Manassas, General
MYIcClellan had won a brilliant little victory in a
battle at Rich Mountain, in Western Virginia, and
indeed General iMcClellan's whole campaign had
been so generally successful that the Northern
people looked upon him  as altogether the best
general on the Northern side. He was called the
" oung Napoleon," and there was no end to the
praise bestowed upon hinm, or to the confidence reposed in his generalship. But before he was withdrawn from Western Virginia to take command of
the Army of the Potomac, the campaign in the
former region was not, for some time, of a very
spirited character on either side. After the Confederate General Garnett was so badly defeated by
McClellan at Rich.1dountain, General Wise, who
had a small force in the Kanawha Valley, was
obliged to fall back a hundred miles, to Lewisbuarg, a retreat which he effected rapidly, destroying all the bridges behind him to prevent the pursuit of the enemy.
General Floyd was sent to check the march of
Colonel Tyler, who had invaded Western Virginia
11




150 tS CAMPAIGN IN WVESTEJN VIRGINIA, ETC.
from Ohio. This Colonel Tyler was familiar with
that whole region, having often, in former days,
been over it buying furs. The confident abolitionist said he would now "drive a big business in
rebel skins."  Colonel Tyler himself boasted that
he intended to capture Floyd's whole command,
and marched rapidly to meet him. An engagement took place near Cross Lanes, at which General Floyd whipped the boasting abolition colonel
very badly, capturing all his baggage, including
his private wardrobe. The Colonel himself, it is
said, was seen flying wildly a good ways a-head of
his frightened and retreating command.
But General Floyd's good luck did not last long.
His force consisted of less than 2000 men, and he
was, a few days after this decisive victory, overtaken by General Rosecrans, with a force of ten
regiments of infantry and several batterics of artillery. With this formidable asrmy General Floyd
was attacked in his intrenchments. Confident in
his superior numbers General Rosecrans at once
commenced an assault. But Floyd's men bravely
stood their ground from three o'clock in the afternoon until dark.  In five tremendous assaults
liosecrans' army had been completely resisted.
But when the night fell and put a stop to active
fighting, General Floyd withdrew his army across
the Gauley River, by means of a hastily built bridge
of logs, and made a successful retreat to Big Sewell Mountain, and thence to Meadow Bluff; securing his little army from all danger of being gobbled up by Rosecran's big force. Thus General




CAMPAIGN IN WEiSTERN VIRGINIA, ETC.  151
Rosecrans, besides losing many of his men and
several officers, was cheated of a victory of which
he felt he was sure.
After the defeat and death of General Garnett
at Rich Mountain, General Robert E. Lee was appointed to succeed hin. General Lee made preparations as speedily as possible to go to the relief of
General Floyd and Gen. Wise, whose small commands were entirely checked by the comparatively
large army of General Rosecrans. General Lee's
army, in all, numbered about fifteen thousand
men. With this force he marched directly to the
aid of the Confederate forces in Western Virginia,
and also to relieve the people of that region of the
outrages inflicted upon them by the presence of
the abolition army.
When he reached the points held by Generals
Floyd and Wise, he had in his command an army
of nearly 20,000 men. Hie halted in sight of General Rosecrans, and for ten or twelve days offered
that general battle. But at last Rosecrans disappeared one night, and retreated over thirty
miles to the Gauley River. For some reason General Lee made no pursuit. It was already fall,
and the deepening mud and the falling leaves in
that mountain region advertised the approach of
winter, and also the close of the campaign, for that
season, in Western Virginia.
General Lee was withdrawn from this field of
operations, and sent to superintend the coast defences of South Carolina and Georgia.  There
were, during the fall many brilliant skirmishes be



152  CAIPAIGN IN WESTERN VIRGINIA, ETC.
tween detachiments of the Federal and Confederato
armies, but no great battle. But through all that
section, all who did not profess sympathy with the
abolition cause, whether men, women or children,
were treated with the vilest indignity and outrage
wherever they were not protected by the presence.
of Southern soldiers.
For instance, there was a beautiful little village
on the Virginia bank of the Ohio River, called
Guyandotte. This place was suspected of having
given a welcome to some Confederate cavalry who
had been there and left; and when the inhabitants
learned that it was the intention of the Lincoln
army to destroy the town, they came out, both
men and women, waving white flags in token of
entire submission; but it was of no avail. The
town was murderously assaulted and fired, and.
not only old men, but women and children might
be seen jumping from the windows in wild attempts
to escape from the devouring flames. One woman,
with a pair of infant twins in her arms, rushed
madly out of her burning house into the street,
Where she was instantly killed by a stray abolition
bullet, which penetrated her brain.
While events like these were going on in Western Virginia, McClellan was still busy in recruiting, repairing, and drilling the Army of the Poto:
mac.  And Generals Johnston and Beauregard
were keeping watch of him from Manassas and its
vicinity. In vain, during those long weary months,
they tried to provoke another battle. Sometimes
they would approach in force almost within cannon




CAMPAIGN IN WEV]STERN VIRGINIA, ETC. 153
shot of Washington. But General McClellan could
not as yet be provoked to risk another engagement. The South laughed at him, and the North
scolded. But nothing could induce him to allow
the Army of the Potomac to move again until he
felt prepared for a sure victory.
So the summer and the fall wore away with no
startling event to relieve the long and tedious military stagnation of both the Federal and the Confederate Army of the Potomac, except the battle
of Leesburg, which occurred near the end of October, 1861. Leesburg was an important position,
as a key to the rich valley of the Shenandoah. At
this place was a force of four regiments of Confederates under Brigadier-General Evans. General
Stone had received orders from WVashington to
cross the Potomac River at Harrison's Island into
Virginia.  At the same time, Colonel Baker, a
member of the United States Congress from Oregon, was despatched to take a command under
Stone. Colonel Baker was a violent abolitionist,
but he won some distinction in the Mexican war,
and was said to be a brave and gallant officer. He
was put in command of all the Federal forces on
the Virginia side of the Potomac, and ordered by
General Stone to dislodge the Confederates from
Leesburg.
Colonel Baker's force was four or five times as
large as the little Confederate brigade at that place,
and the people at Washington waited in confidence
to hear that it was entirely gobbled up by Colonel
Baker  But alas, it turned out to be another Bfill




154  CAMPAIGN IN WESTERN VIRGINIA, ETC.
IRun affair on a smaller scale. The Confederates
fought against such vast odds with a courage that
amounted to desperation. Their whole number in
the engagement was only 1800, but they fired and
yelled and yelled and fired with such rapidity and
with such deafening noise as to make it appear to
the invaders that their number was ten times
greater than it really was.
Colonel Baker's whole army at last gave way,
and commenced a stampede down a hill that ended
with the river's bank. In vain their gallant leader
tried to rally his repulsed and frightened troops.
They went pitching, tumbling, rolling down the
steep banks. Throwing away their guns and knapsacks, they madly plunged into the river which they
had just crossed flushed with the faith of victory.
A large fiat-boat loaded with the wounded and
dying was swamped, and went to the bottom with
its whole freight of life. Through all the disastrous fight, Colonel Baker displayed the most
daring heroism and courage, and he was shot dead
at the head of his troops while vainly trying to
rally them to battle. The victory of the Confederates was complete; while the loss of the Federal
army was, in killed and.wounded, 1,300; 710
taken prisoners, among whom were twenty-two
commissioned officers, besides losing 1500 stand
of arms and three pieces of cannon.
This affair at Leesburg produced another- Litter
disappointmnent and mortification at Washington,
besides the deepest lament for the death of the
brave Colonel Baker.  So mad was the chagrin




CAAIPAIGN IN WESTERN VIItGINIA, ETC.  155
that it could only be appeased by some victim, and
General Stone was arrested. and sent to prison
without trial, specification, or charge; and after
suffering many weary months of incarceration, he
was let out, without even being informed why he
was put in. He was ordered, from Washington, to
advance across the Potomac into Virginia. That
order had proved a great mistake and a great calamity, and it is supposed that poor General Stone
was sacrificed in order to fix blame somewhere, so
that the public attention would be drawn from the
real authors of the mishap at Washington.
An incident occurred at the battle of Leesburg,
which serves to illustrate the horrible character of
the war, and how great ought to be the punishment of those who brought it upon our country.
In the spring of 1861, two brothers in Kentucky
who differed in politics parted, one to join the
Southern, the other the Northern army. They
shook hands, expecting never to meet again. After
the battle was over, Howard, who had joined the
Southern army, was looking for the bodies of
friends who had fallen, when he stumbled over one
showing signs of life. "Halloa," said the object,
in a husky voice, "Who are you?"  "I am a
Southerner," said Howard, "you are one of the
enemy. The field is ours."  "Well, yes, I have
some faint recollection of a battle, but all I remnemnber now is much smoke, a great noise, and some
one knocking me down with a musket, and - then I
fell asleep." Howard looked again, and lo! it, was
his brother'Alfred, and he had himself knocked
him down in the confusion of the battle.




CHAPTER XIX.
CAMPAIGN IN KENTUCKY.
I EAVE to tell you many sad and painful things
of the war in Kentucky. At the beginning of the
war, the Legislature of that State passed a resolution against secession, and also against abolitionism. It determined that it would remain neutral
in the bloody conflict, that is, that it would not
take sides with either party. While it justly condemned abolitionism and all its bloody and inhuman plans, it would not withdraw from the Union,
nor take any part with secession.  There is no
doubt that the most respectable portion of the
people of Kentucky strongly sympathized with the
South, but there was a numerous though lese
prominent class of people in the State who sympathized with the Lincoln party.
B]ut it was agreed that the State should remain
entirely neutral during the war. It was not in
the power of the State to prevent individuals from
leaving its borders and going, as their inclinations
led, either North or South. No doubt many did
so; buts still the official attitude of the State re-mained for some time faithful to its resolution of




CA MPAIGN -rIN KiNTUCKY.        15 (
neutrality. This neutrality the Lincoln party professed to be satisfied with, and promised to r zispect
it, but truth compels me to tell you that they broke
the bargain the very first instant they had power
to do so.
The friends of Mr. Lincoln were eunning, g  wateh
Ihl, and vigilant. Not only watchful and vigilant,
as u.scrapulous men generally are in a bad cause,
but they were full of hatred toward those who did
not sympathize with the Lincoln party. They
connived with the authorities in Washington to the
illegal arrest of some of the most respectable a-nd
peaceable citizens of the State, whose influence
they dreaded, and whose integrity they knew they
could not corrupt,
Among these, ex-Governor Morehead was seized
by the Lincoln authorities, and dragged out of his
own house at midnight, in the presence of his
frightened fainily, and spirited away out of the
State, in'violation of the most sacred laws of the
land. For a great a.any monthls he was kept
locked up in Fort Lafayette, denied any trial-not
even allowed to know why he had been seized, a:llci
refused the least privilege of communicating with
his friends. Governor Morehead does not know
to this day why he was thus seized. This cruel
outrage on the part of the Lincoln Admiinistration
produced a perfect storm. of indignation among all
the most respectable people of Kentucky.  The
truth probably was'hat Lincoln wanted to get out
of the way all the in. fluential men in Kentucky who
could not be swerved from the peaceful resolution




158         CAMPAIGN IN KEiNTUCKiY.
to take no part with either side in the bloody coWn
flict.
Soon after the seizure of Governor Morehead it,
was discovered that the Administration had hatched
a conspiracy to seize the -iHon. John C. Breckinridge, ex-Vice-President of the United States, Hon.
H-umlphriey Marshall, ex-member of Congress, Hton.
WVilliaim C. Preston, ex-United States minister to
Spain, Hon. Thomas B. 1ionroe, for more than
thirty years District United States Judge, Captain
John Morgan, and a good many more of the first
citizens of Kentucky.  Several of these gentlemen were apprized of the conspiracy against
their liberty, if not their lives, in time to get
off, and were obliged to throw themselves within the lines of the Confederacy for protection
and safety. Miessrs. Breckinridge, Marshall and
Morgan no longer hesitated to take up arms
against a power which had driven them from their
peaceful homes.
About the time the above crime of driving peaceable citizens firom their cherished homes was committed, it-was discovered the Lincoln Administration was about to invade and seize Kentucky on a
large military scale. There was a man by the
name of Rousseau at Louisville, in that State, who
was ready to sell himself to the cause of abolitionism, and he was commissioned a general, with
powers to get up a brigade to fight for iMr. Lin.
coln. At the same time it was discovered that the
abolition forces were about to' seize upon Paducah
and Columbus, important points in Kentaucky, for




CAMPAIGN IN KENTUCKY.         15 9
the purpose of permanently holding the State.
The Confederate general, Bishop Polk, discovered
this plan, and instantly moved and occupied those
places himself.
All idea of the neutrality of Kentucky was now
at an end. The State became the scene of the
wildest anarchy and violence. Wherever the Lincoln force prevailed there was no security for the
property or the life of a man who was known to be
opposed to the war. Governor Magoffin, who was
sincerely desirous of preserving the neutrality and
peace of his State, demanded that the Confederate
troops under General Polk at Columbus should be
withdrawn. General Polk replied that he would
promptly comply with this request, provided the
abolition army should be withdrawn at the same
time, and that guarantees should be given that it
would make no more attempts to occupy Kentucky.
But this proposition, which was agreeable to Governor Magoffin's sense of justice, was literally
hooted at by Mr. Lincoln and his party. The
truth is that the Lincolnites wanted Kentucky as
a base of supplies and operation against the Southern States.
On the 14th of September, 1861, the Confederate
General Zollicoffer wrote to Governor Magoffin as
follows: "The safety of Tennessee requiring, I
occupy the mountain passes at Cumberland, and
the three long mountains in Kentucky. For weeks
I have known that the Federal commander at Hoskins' Cross Roads was threatening the invasion of
East Tennessee, and ruthlessly urging our people




I (GyO      CAMPAIGN IN KENTUCKY.
to destroy our railroad and bridges. I postponed
this precautionary movement until the despotic
government at Washington, refasing to recognize
the neutrality of Kentucky, has established formidable camps in the centre and other parts of the
State, with the view first to subjugate your gallant
State, and then ourselves. *  *  *  If the Federals will now withdraw from their menacing position, the force under my command shall be immediately withdrawn."
Under the influence of William G. Brownlow, a
vulgar and desperate man, knowvn as "Parson
Brownlow," there were Lincoln clubs formed in
East Tennessee, of a number of unprincipled and
desperate characters like himself,  who formed a
conspiracy to burn all the bridges in their part of
the State, especially on the line of the railroad.
This was evidently a part of a general plan formed
by the authorities at Washington, of making a
strong invasion of the South through Kentucky
and Tennessee.
General Polk still held his headquarters at Columbus, Kentucky, when an army commanded by
General Grant, in numbers nearly three times as
large as Polk's force, marched to attack him from
Cairo. General Grant's army embraced a large
land force, and gun-boats and transports to act
in conjunction with it. It was said that General
Grant had men enough to "surround the rebel
arrmy in Kentucky."  It is affirmed that General
Grant was never known to risk a battle, except




CABMPA-IGN INI KENT'UCKY.      161
when he led three or four times as many men as
the enemy.
The battle between his and Polk's forces toolk
place at Belmont, a little village near Columbus,
on the 7th November. It was one of the fiercest
little battles of the whole war. For four or five
hours the conflict raged with the most deadly fury.
At length the Confederate officers, Colonel Beltzhoover, Colonel Bell, and Colonel Wright, of General Pillow's division, sent word to their commander that their regiments had used up all their
ammunition. General Pillow then instantly ordered
the use of the bayonet. Accordingly a charge was
made by the whole line, and General Grant's army
was forced back some distance into a wood; but
General Grant ordered up reserves, which in turn
forced the Confederates back again to their old
position. Twice again were Grant's soldiers forced
back at the point of the bayonet, and each time
the Confederates were obliged to yield again to the
heavy reserve force brought against them.
At last General Pillow ordered his whole line to
fall back, which it did in a most broken and disorganized manner. Grant's victory seemed complete. But just at this time reinforcements arrived
under the command of Colonel Walker, and General Pillow rallied his men to the battle again.
The whole conflict was opened again, if possible,
with greater violence than ever, and this time the
Confederates were entirely victorious.  Grant's
whole line gave way, and wildly fled before the hot
pursuit and yells of Polk's army. Grant's forces




162        CAMPAIGN IN KENTUCKY.
took shelter in his gun-boats and transports, which
were cut loose from their fastenings, and steamed
up the river with the utmost speed..But they got
off under the most fhurderous fire of the victorious
Confederates, which produced such consternation
oin the boats that many soldiers were pushed overboarcd, or were left entirely at the mercy of the
enemly.
In its flight, Grant's army left behind a great
number of knapsacks, blankets, overcoats, mess
chests, horses, wagons, and a large amount of ammunition and arms, all of which fell into the arms
of the victorious Confederates. It is a remarkable
fact, anid one by no means creditable to General
Grant, that, in his report of this battle, he dwells
at great length upon his decided success in the early
part of the day, but leaves out all direct mention
of his complete defeat and rout afterwards.
But this brilliant victory availed little for the
-Confederate cause in Kentucky. The Black Republicans were already massing an immense army
to operate in that State, and it was only a question
of time when the State would be entirely in the
grasp of the abolition foe.
A few days after this Confederate victory at Belmont, the enemies of the Lincoln war in Kentucky
enacted a very weak farce at a convention which
met at Russellville on the 18th of November.
After deliberating two days, this convention passed
a resolution to form a provisional government for
the State of Kentucky, with a view to joining the
Confederacy. The patriotic motives of the mem



CAMPAIGN IN KENTUCKY.          163
bers of this convention are not to be questioned.
Their worthy object was to preserve the ancient
liberty of the people of Kentucky, and to resist the
negro party, which was compassing the ruin of the
State. But it was then too late. The die was
already cast. The State was hopelessly involved
in the net of abolition treason. So many of its
own citizens were either deluded or brought into
the revolutionary plans of the Lincoln party, that
further resistance, for the time being, was vain.
No doubt many of the citizens of Kentucky assisted the very army that was conquering their
State, and preparing for the wholesale overthrow
of their property, under the delusion that they
were fighting for the Union. They have lived to
see their error. They now see, and the most frank
portion of them freely confess, that the object of
the war was to free negroes, and to overthrow the
Union of sovereign States as it was formed by our
fathers. It was a war led by men acting under
the inspiration of the political principles of that
old Puritan monarchist party of New England
which tried so long to revolutionize this government in the early days of the Union, of which you
have already had an account in this history. The
conduct of the Black Republican Congress, and of
the whole Black Republican party, since the close
of the war, proves that the war was neither for the
Union nor for liberty.
In November of this year an event occurred
which may justly be regarded as the most humiliating in the eyes of foreign nations that had ever




164        CAMPAIGN IN RENTITUCKY.
happened to our country. President Davis of the
Confederate States had appointed as ambassadors
to represent them  in England and ]France the
Hon. James AT. Mason, of Virginia, and the Hon.
John Slidell, of Louisiana. Both of these gentled
men had been United States senators. They ran
the blockade at a Southern port in the steamer
Nashville, and arrived safely at Havana.
Here they took passage on the Trent, a British
mail steamer for Europe. When only two days
out, the United States steam frigate San Jacinto,
Captain Wilkes, fired a shot across her bows, and
having learned that Messrs. Mason and Slidell
were on board, demanded that they be given up.
The captain of the Trent protested that Captain
Wilkes had no right to invade the flag of another
power on sea any more than he had on land, but
this plain and common sense view did not satisfy
a little mind like that of Wilkes. He was determined to seize Mason and Slidell, which he did,
and carried them to Fort WVarren in Boston Harbor.
When the abolitionists heard the news that these
gentlemen had been arrested, their joy knew no
bounds. There were no two men at the South
whom they hated more intensely, for they were
both able and uncompromising opponents of their
wicked scheme of putting negroes on an equality
with white men. The abolition papers fairly boiled
over in excess of joy. Congress endorsed the act
by a vote of thanks, and dinners and testimonials
were showered upon him as if he was the saviour
of a country.




CAMPAIGN IN KENTUCKY.         165
ll1 this shows how mad was the popular mind
at this time. ]People who had not lost their senses
told these maniacs that Captain TWilkes had violated a plain law of nations, and that Mr. Lincoln
would be forced to deliver the prisoners up. They
hooted at the idea. In due time, however, John
Bull was heard from. There was no parley. The
word came, "deliver those men up or fight." It is
useless to say that Lincoln and Seward backed
down at once. It was a very disgraceful spectacle
after all the boasting. The excuse given was that
we were too busy fighting the South to attend to
England at that time. "One war at a time," said
Mr. Lincoln. He and Mr. Seward were both determined that nothing should interfere with their
cherished designs against the Southern people.
They preferred a war with their own brothers
rather than any other that could be gotten up.
12




CHAPTER XX.
CLOSING EVENTS OF 1861, AND THE BEGINNING OF 1862.
I HAVEW now given you the principal military
events of the war up to the close of the year 1861.
Thus far the tide of victory seemed to be in favor
of the Confederates. Some events, however, not
yet named, gave great advantage to the abolitionists, as a basis of future operation.
A naval expedition, under the command of Commodore Stringham, started from Fortress Monroe
on the 29th of August, to attack the Confederates
at Hatteras Inlet, on the coast of North Carolina.
This expedition was entirely successful, capturing
fifteen cannon, 625 prisoners, and the Confederate
Commodore Barron.  On the 7th of November,
PorJ Royal, on the coast of South Carolina, was
captured by Captain Dupont. These events were
a great loss to the South, as they gave the North
excellent depots for naval and military operations.
There were also some military operations in
Florida. A regiment of thieves and bruisers raised
in the city of New York by "Billy Wilson," was
sent to Santa Rosa Island, in the harbor of Pensacola, as a beginning of abolition warfare in that
direction. This regiment was surprised one night
by a small force of Confederates, who set the New




BEGINNING OF 1862.          167
York bruisers flying, with their colonel, Billy Wilson, at their head. The Confederates, however,
being few in number, were obliged to retreat, after
burning the camp and all the clothing of WVilson's
regiment. This retreat was made so suddenly that
the Confederates were obliged to leave several of
their wounded behind, who fell into the hands of
the Wilson Zouaves, and by whom they were
every one inhumanly nzurdered. When their dead
bodies were recovered, they were all found to be
shot, through the head in a similar manner, besides
several wounds in different parts of their bodies.
Nor were the Confederates long permitted to
enjoy the fruits of their victories in Kentucky.
General Zollicoffer's army was short of provisions,
and he preferred to have it remain so to following
the example of the abolition commanders, who
seemed to enjoy plundering the inhabitants on
the line of their march. To such straits was General Zollicoffer reduced, that his soldiers were
obliged to live on a ration of beef and half a ration
of corn per day. And the corn had to be eaten
parched, as they had no meal, and no means of
making any. But the soldiers submitted to this
destitution without a murmur.
In this starving condition they fought a desperate battle at Mlill Spring on the 19th of January, 1862.  The abolitionists were led by General Thomas. At first the Confederates were suecessful, and supposed they had won the day; but
an accident turned their victory into an appalling
and ruinous defeat. General Zollicoffer's brigade




168           BEGINNING OF 1862.
pushed forward to the very top of the hill, just
over the brow of which it came upon an Indiana
regiment under the command  of the abolition
Colonel Fry. At first General Zollicoffer mistook
this regiment for a portion of his own command.
Colonel Fry's Federal uniform was covered by an
India rubber coat, and General Zollicoffer rode to
within a few feet of him before the mistake was
discovered by either party. In a minute Colonel
Fry raised his pistol and shot General ZollicoffeT
dead.
The fall of this brave officer produced    a gloom
that seemed for the moment to completely paralyze
his soldiers, who were all of his own State, Tennessee, and were devotedly attached to him personally. General Crittenden, who was General
Zollicoffer's senior in command, tried in vain to
regain what had been lost since the earlier part of
the battle.  Retreat was inevitable.  The halfstarved Confederates seemed to abandon hope,
and flew in confusion before the now victorious
enemy.
Just after the events above described, General
Grant ascended  the Tennessee River, with a
fleet of gun-boats and a powerful force to act in
conjunction with them. He took Fort Henry without much resistance, and at once turned his attention to Fort Donelson, where there was a considerable Confederate force under Generals Pillow,
Buckrner, and Floyd. This was a point which nature had strongly fortified, and General Pillow determined to hold it to the last moment possible.




1BEGINNING OF 1862.         169
General Grant's combined infantry and naval
forces were a formidable host indeed.
Grant commenced his attack early on the morning of the 13th of February..- He told his staff
that he would enter the fort before noon. But
the resistance of the Confederates astonished him.
When the curtain of night fell upon the bloody
scene, he really seemed to have the worst of it,
notwithstanding his immense superiority of force.
Of twenty gun-boats which he brought into the
engagement, five were sunk or crippled. So badly
was he punished, that he made no further assault
in force upon the fort until three o'clock in the
afternoon of the next day. He pushed his boats
up to within a few hundred yards of the fort, and
opened a murderous fire, which was met with a
determination which appeared to him miraculous.
His repulse was complete, and at the end of the
second day's battle he was forced to fall suddenly
back out of range of the Confederate guns, with
his fleet frightfully shattered and torn to pieces.
He was badly beaten, both in his naval and land
forces. But reinforcements were pouring into him
every hour by the thousand.
The whole Confederate force was but 13,000 at
the commencement of the fighting, and this number had been greatly reduced in the terrible confliet. Grant had been every day reinforced, until
he had about eighty thousand men —enough to
surround the little Confederate army several times.
Further resistance was useless. During the night
after the third day's battle, it was resolved to sur



170           BEGINNING OF 1862.
render the fort. But General Pillow and General
Floyd declared that they would not become prisoners, turned over their command to General Buckner, who sent a flag. of truce to Grant for an armistice to negociate terms of surrender.  A large
number of General Floyd's command, and a few
of General Pillow's, with all of Colonel Forrest's
cavalry, succeeded in escaping through the enemy's
lines during the night previous, and made their
retreat towards Nashville. But the surrender of
Fort Donelson rendered the surrender of Nashville, Tennessee, also necessary, as it left an uninterrupted passage for General Grant's gun-boats
up the Cumberland River to that city.
Nashville was evacuated in the wildest confusion.
Consternation and dismay seized the inhabitants.
Governor Harris imprudently rode through the
city, shouting to the inhabitants that the Federals
were coming. He hastily convened the Legislature, for Nashville is the capital of Tennessee, and
adjourned to Memphis, to which place the Stato
books and records were conveyed.
Nashville was one of the most polite and cultivated cities of the South. It was the abode of
wealth and refinement. Those who had known it
before it fell into the hands of the abolitionists,
and who visited it afterwards, remarked that the
saddest changes had taken place. All its previous
beauty and refinement had vanished. The abolition soldiers seemed to delight in violating the
wonted propriety and decency of the place. Nashville and vicinity was the scene of many of the, ex



BEGINNING OF 1862.           171
ploits of that dashing Confederate officer, Genera]
John H. Morgan. At one time he dashed into the
camp of a Federal regiment, and captured and carried off a train of wagons.
At another time, with about forty of his men, h
entered the town of Gallatin, about twenty-six
miles from Nashville, while it was in the possession
of the Federals, and marched directly to the telegraph office. He carelessly presented himself to
the operator, and asked, "What is the news?"
The operator replied that, "It was said that the
rebel scoundrel, John Morgan, was in the neighborhood," at the same time flourishing a pistol,
saying, "I wish I could see the rascal."  Morgan
replied, "Well, sir, I am Captain Morgan, and you
are my prisoner."  The valiant operator instantly
wilted, and begged that his life might be spared.
Captain Morgan told him  that he should not
be hurt, on condition that he would send such
despatches over the wires as he should dictate.
To this the operator was glad to agree.
Captain Morgan then sent various brief messages, and one among them to Prentice, the editor
of the Louisville Journal, offering to be his escort
on a visit he had said he would make to Nashville
about that time. Captain Morgan amused himself in this way until the arrival of the cars from
Bowling Green, when he, with his forty men, captured the whole train, taking five abolition officers
prisoners.
Captain Morgan often dressed himself in a Federal uniform, and performed some most amusing




172           BEGINNING OF 1862.
and daring feats. Once dressed in this fashion
he was riding along in the vicinity of Murfreesboro, Tennessee, when he discovered six Federal
pickets in a house, enjoying themselves, off of their
duty. Having on the coat of a Federal colonel,
he at once rode up to them, and roundly scolded
the sergeant for being thus, with his men, away
from their posts, and arrested the whole party.
Supposing him to be a colonel in their army, they
readily submitted, and delivered up their arms.
He marched them into the road, and taking an
opposite direction from the place where the Federal army lay, the sergeant said, "Colonel, we are
going the wrong way."  "No," was the reply, "I
am Captain Morgan, and you are my prisoners."




CHAPTER  XXI.
THE BATTLES OF SEILOH AND PITTSBURG LANDING,
WHILE these events were going on in Kentucky
ani Tennessee, the war was progressing somewhat
farther West and on the Mississippi River. In
Missouri, not far from the borders of the State of
Arkansas, at a place called Elkhorn, there was a
severe battle on the 8th of March, 1862. The Federal forces engaged were under the command of
Sigel and General Curtis, while the Confederates
were commanded by Generals McCulloch, Price,
and Van Dorn. The victory seemed to be with
the Federals, because the Confederates were the
first to withdraw, but the losses, both in killed and
wounded, were the heaviest on the side of the Federals.
In this battle the brave Confederate commander, General McCulloch, was killed, and General
Stirling Price was severely wounded. The death
of General McCulloch was a great loss to the
South, for he was one of the bravest and most
dashing of all the officers in that service.
At this time the abolition army began to make
strong demonstrations on the Mississippi River.
The State Legislature of Tennessee had removed
from Nashville to Memphis. At Madrid Bend and




174    SHILOH AN-D PITTSBURG LANDING.
at Island No. 10 in the Mississippi, above Memphis,
were stationed Confederate forces as remote defences of that city. On the 15th of March, 1862,
the Federals opened a furious bombardment upon
both of these points.
The Confederate defences at these places had
been constructed under the skillful supervision of
General Beauregard, and were of very great
strength. The Federals made the attack with five
iron-clad gun-boats and four mortar-boats. The
bombardment was kept up continuously night and
day for fifteen days, without producing the least
visible impression upon the Confederate works.
In that time the abolitionists fired three thousand
shells, and expended over one hundred thousand
pounds of powder, and the only damage they did
was to kill one Confederate soldier. But the abolitionists lost two gun-boats, or at least one was
sunk and the other disabled. Such were the facts
detailed in General Beauregard's official report to
the Confederate Government.
But at this critical moment General Beauregard
was called away to check a formidable movement
of the Federals to cut off his communications with
IRichmond, by an immense land force of 80,000
men, under General Grant, and another of 40,000,
under Buell.
The absence of General Beauregard from Island
No. 10 was the cause of its speedy reduction.
General McCall, who was appointed to the command of the post, was wholly incompetent for so
responsible a trust. The Federals had, with mi



SHIiLOHI AND PITTSBURG LANDING.    175
raculous energy and perseverance, cut a canal
across the peninsula formed by the remarkable
bend in the river, which was twelve miles in length,
and which enabled the Federal gun-boats to get
past the impregnable Confederate works at Island
No. 10, without much difficulty, especially since
the general who had taken Beauregard's place was
not over shrewd and vigilant.
This canal was truly a miracle. I have said that
it was twelve miles long, but this is the smallest
part of the wonder. It had to be cut through a
forest of large trees, which had to be "sawed off
four feet under water."  Through this canal two
of the Federal gun-boats slipped past No. 10 on
the night of April 5th, while the Federal commander, flag-officer Foote, adroitly held the attention of the Confederate general by an attack on
the opposite side.
Now the Mississippi was held both above and
below the island by the Federals, in large force at
both points. There was nothing left for the Confederate commander to do but to get off as speedily
as possible. This he did in the most unskillful
and disgraceful manner. He spiked all his guns
so imperfectly that they were in a short time unspiked and made serviceable to the abolitionists.
By this defeat the Confederates lost seventy cannon, most of them of the largest calibre, and a vast
amount of powder, shot, shells, and other valuable
munitions of war, besides about 200 of their soldiers taken prisoners. It was, under the circumstances, an irreparable loss to the South.




176    SHILOH ANV -PITTSBURG LANDING.
While these events were progressing on the
Mississippi River above Memphis, the forces were
gathering for an immense battle in Tennessee,
about ninety miles east of Memphis.  All the Confederate forces that were available were gathered
under Beauregard at or near Corinth, which is
situated at the junction of the M1emphis and
Charleston, and Mobile and Ohio railroads in the
State of Mississippi.
At this time General Albert Sidney Johnston was
also on the march with his army from Murfreesboro, to join General Beauregard at Corinth. The
junction of the two armies of Beauregard and
Johnston made a really splendid army, though
probably much less in numbers than the force
under Grant which was then encamped only a few
miles away, upon the west bank of the Tennessee
River. But it was not General Grant's intention
to attack the Confederates until he was reinforced
by Buell's army, which was then on the rapid
march from Nashville to join him.
Generals Beauregard and Johnston, being ap.
prised of this design, at once resolved to bring on
the battle before Buell's army could arrive to reinforce Grant.  Accordingly, on the morning of
Sunday, the 6th of April, one of the greatest batales of the war was opened, with General Johnston
the principal in command on the part of the Confederates. The battle commenced at daylight, and
by six or seven o'clock was raging along the whole
line of the two armies with terrific splendor. The
Confederates fought with a desperation that seemed




SHILOH AND PITTSBURG LANDING.    177
madness. Everywhere Grant's forces were driven
back, although they fought with the greatest courage and determination.  Their lines were contiziaaally broken, but they were constantly supplied
with fresh victims. Thus the battle raged with
unabating fury, the tide of victory, setting everywhere in favor of the South, when at two o'clock
General Johnston was mortally wounded, while
leading an assault at the head of his column. But
the battle was already gained, and the dying hero
breathed his last amid the wild shouts of the victory he had won.
The news of General Johnston's fall was kept as
long as possible from the army. Grant's forces
were pushed back to the river. One after another
of his positions were carried, until, by six o'clock in
the evening, his whole line was forced back to
Pittsburg Landing, where he was sheltered by his
gunboats. All of Grant's encampments, with an
immense amount of spoils, were in the possession
of the Confederates, who were the undisputed
masters of the field. They had three thousand
prisoners, including one division commander, General Prentiss, and several brigade commanders,
with many thousand stand of small arms, and vast
quantities of forage, subsistence, rmunitions of war,
and any quantity of means of transportation.
The number of General Grant's force in this
great battle was 45,000 men. The number of Confederates was less than 38,000. The Confederates
declared that they had to contend with Western
troops, and said, "had we fought against Eastern




1 8    SHILOH AND PITTSBURG LANDING.
or New England soldiers, we should have whipped
them in half the time." General Prentiss, when he
~was taken prisoner, said to General Beauregard,
"You have defeated our best troops to-day."
The Sunday night of this day's terrible tattle,
the Confederate troops slept on their arms in the
Federal encampment. In the meantime, General
Grant's army was in a most perilous condition.:His reserve line was entirely destroyed, and his
whole army crowded into a small circuit about
Pittsburg Landing. They were driven to the very
river's bank, and a surrender the next day seemed
inevitable. But during the night Grant was reinforced by more fresh troops than Beauregard had
in his whole command. Divisions under Generals
Buell, Nelson, Crittenden, Thomas, and McCook,
had all come just in time to save Grant's whole
army from surrender.
At six o'clock on Monday morning, a hot fire
from Grant told Beauregard plainly enough the
story of the arrival of ample Federal reinforcements. In an hour's time another deadly battle,
as fierce as that of the previous day, was raging
along the whole line,  For four or five hours
Beauregard's army repulsed every assault with
marvellous valor, several times pushing precipitately back even the columns of fresh troops which
were constantly hurled against them in such vast
superiority of numbers.
An English officer in the Confederate service,
writing a description of the battle, says: " In some
places we drove them  by unexampled feats of




SHILOH AND PITTSBURG LANDING.    1 9
valor, but sheer exhaustion was hourly telling upon
both man and beast. Until noon we retained the
ground heroically, but it became evident every
moment that numbers and strength would ultimnately prevail, so that although we had gained
everything up to this hour, a retreat was ordered.
Beauregard had prepared all the roads for this
movement. There was no hurry or confusion, but
everything was conducted as if in a review. We:. - Ir <flI back, leaving little of consequence behind, E -' Breckinridge and his Kentuckians
bringing up the rear. vT, thus in an orderly manner fell back about two miles, and obtaining a favorable position for our small force, reformed line
of battle, and waited several hours. Trhe enemy
did not stir; they seemed content to hold and not
pursue, and did not remove five hundred yards
from their original position of the morning. General John Pope was entrusted with the duty of following us up, but he acted very cautiously and
fearfully, contenting himself with capturing two or
three hundred exhausted and foot-sore Tennesseans, who lay down by the roadside."
With characteristic swagger and untruthfulness
General Pope telegraphed to Washington: "As
yet I have seen nothing but the backs of the
rebels." The simple truth was that he did not
venture near enough to see even their "backs."
This ended one of the most terrible battles ever
fught, either in ancient or modern times.




CHAPTER XXII.
THE, FALL OF NEW ORLEANS-INFAMY OF "BUTLER TEI
BEAST."
NEITHER the people of New 0-""S' nor the
Confederate Governmept -o i ichmond had any
fears whatever of New Orleans falling into the
hands of the abolitionists. But their dream of security was fallacious. An immense Federal fleet
had long threatened that city, without venturing
to make any demonstration against its defensive
works at Forts Jackson and St. Philip.
But on April 17th, 1862, Flag-officer Farragut
commenced bombarding the forts. His fleet consisted of forty-six sail, carrying two hundred and
eighty-six guns, and twenty-one mortars. Many
of these guns were of the most formidable size.
General Duncan was in command of the forts.
He had twelve gun-boats, one iron-clad, and a ram
war-boat called the Manassas. He was regarded
as one of the best artillerists in America. After a
terrible bombardment had been carried on against
him' for one week, he telegraphed, on the 23d of
April, that the Federals had made no impression
upon his works. It is said that 25,000 thirteeninch shell were thrown from  Farragut's mor



FALL OF NEW ORLEANS.          181
tar-boats, without doing the least damage to the
works.
But at half-past three o'clock on the morning
of the 24th of April, Farragut's fleet steamed up
the river, and, by an astonishing feat, absolutely
ran the gauntlet between the two forts, placing
the city of New Orleans completely at his mercy.
General Lovell, the commander of the Confederate
land forces, had a small force of Confederates in
the city, but he was requested by the civil authorities to withdraw without making any fight, to save
the city from the destruction of a bombardment.
This General Lovell consented to do, after some
hesitation, as it was certain that it would be impossible to remove the women and children in any
time that would be allowed by the Federal commander. Besides, General Lovell had no force,
and could get none, to save the city from either
destruction by bombardment or surrender.  It
was therefore agreed between him and the mayor
that the city should be surrendered, or rather left
for the enemy to enter without resistance. For
the Mayor refused to go through any ceremony of
formally surrendering the city.
Flag-officer Farragut was very rude and haughty
in his communications with the Mayor. For instance, the State flag of Louisiana floated from the
City Hall, and Farragut sent word that it must be
hauled down. This was not only an unreasonable
but a very foolish demand, as the flag was the emblem of State authority, and not that of the Confederate Government. Mayor Monroe refused to
13




182        FALL OF NEW ORLEANS.
haul down the State flag. The city was at the
mercy of the Federal commander, and he could do
what he pleased, but the flag would not be hauled
down by the order of the city.
Several days elapsed in this correspondence between Farragut and the Mayor. Farragut threatened to bombard the city with all the men and
women in it, if the State flag was not taken down.
But no Louisianian could be found to tear down
the State flag, even with these brutal threats of
destroying the city continually coming from Farragut.
At length he was brought to his senses, probably
by the fear that the transports freighted with Ben.
Butler and his army would arrive in time for that
notorious character to share in the honors of first
occupying the city. So on Tuesday morning, the
first of March, Farragut gave up all he had been
contending about with childish weakness for three
or four days, and sent some of his own men to tear
down the harmless State flag of Louisiana.
General Ben. Butler took possession as military
governor of the city on the Ist of May. Then
commenced a reign of insolence, despotism, and
terror, such as was never before witnessed in any
Christian or civilized country. Ben. Butler before
the war was a lawyer of a great deal of bad eminence, in Lowell, Massachusetts. He was considered a man of considerable ability, but utterly
destitute of integrity and honor. This reputation
was a thousand times more than confirmed by his
infamous rule in New Orleans. Even women and




FALL OF NEW ORLEANS,           183
young girls were subjected to the most scandalous
treatment and torture at his hands.
The private citizens were plundered, not only of
their gold, but of their jewelry, their silver-ware,
and all articles of value Butler could lay his hands
on. The elegantly furnished mansions of private
and merely business citizens were in many instances stripped of all their most valuable articles,
or taken possession of by some of the most brutal
and shameless of Butler's officers, and converted
into dens of debauchery and every other infamy.
Both men and women were savagely torn from
their families and sent to dungeons for such things
as laughing at Federal soldiers, and other harmless acts, which were never before treated as
offences by any civilized nation. In some instances
the dead were dug up by Butler's order, to see if
rings and other valuable jewelry had not been left
upon their person by the afflicted relatives. To
such an extent were these horrid deeds practiced
that the wretch obtained the cog-nomen of "Butler
the Beast," by the common consent of mankind —
a title which will stick to his infamous name as
long as the memory of the war shall last.
An English officer in the Confederate service
has the following remarks on the cruelty and brutality of Ben. Butler's rule in New Orleans: "The
rule of General Butler in New Orleans has been
forever rendered odious and detestable by his
many acts of cruelty, despotism, and indecency.
Nor shall I add more than say, that he has rendered himself contemptible to friends and foes




18-4        FALL OF NEW ORLEANS.
throughout the civilized world. His general orders are a mass of cruelty and folly-an eternal
monument of his base and indefensible character;
and in his persecution of womei, he has shown his
unmanly disposition and temper, beyond all former
example."
He imprisoned a Mrs. Phillips. on Ship Island,
on the charge of laughing at the funeral procession
of a Federal soldier.
The truth of the case was as follows: Mrs.
Phillips (wife of Phillip Phillips, formerly United
States Senator from Alabama) was standing on her
balcony; and when the cortege passed, many children in the next house, who had a dancing party,
ran to the balcony, and all began to laugh. She
was treated barbarously on Ship Island, and went
deranged; but Butler laughed at her sufferings,
but would not mitigate the punishment, saying
that'all women were strumpets who laughed at
Federal soldiers.' He -wished it to be believed
that he was fearless, yet he wore armor under his
clothes, slept on board ship, and was never for a
moment without an armed guard, whether in or
out of his house, while several pistols, ready cocked
and capped, lay beside him, and sentinels walked
within five paces of him. He had a large sign
placed in his office in the St. Charles Hotel, with
the inscription:'A she-adder bites worse than a male adder."'
This was the first time in the history of the
world where people were imprisoned for the harm



FALL OF NEW ORLEANS, ETC.        185
less folly of laughing at either the living or the
dead. Smiles were never before punished as a
crime. But the infamous tyrant who committed
these crimes against humanity and law, will be ret
paid for all his barbarity, by having the contempt
of the virtuous of all mankind while he lives, and
by having his very family and friends shrink from
the mention of his name, as " Butler the Beast,"
when he is dead.
]is deliberate murder of a young man by the
name of Mumford alone would stamp his name
with eternal infamy. William B. Mumford had
takea down a United States flag which some soldiers had placed there, and which was wrongfully
there because the city had not, at that time, been
surrendered, nor formally occupied by the Federal
army. And if it had been, the act of taking it
down was an act of war, and not a crime. But it
was il reality neither an act of war nor a crime.
And besides, it was done before Butler had formal
possession of the city. For this Butler ordered
him tc be hanged, and he was hanged. A more
cold-blooded murder never took place, and the
brave young man well said, when standing upon
"Beast Butler's" gallows, "I consider that the
mjanner'of my death will be no disgrace to my
wife an4 child; my country will honor them."
And so it will, when the name of this brutal assassin is placed in history by the side of the most
infamous criminals of the world.




CIHAPTER XXIII.
STONEWALL JACKSON IN THE SHENANDOAH.
AT about the time of the entrance of Butler
into New Orleans, there were some stirring events
passing in the Valley of the Shenandoah, between
Stonewall Jackson and the forces under the Federal General Shields. General Banks had been in
that region all winter, but supposing that General
Jackson had left the valley, he went off to Washington.
A correspondent who was with Jackson's army
at this time, wrote as follows: "When I hlst put
pen to paper I did not imagine that old Stonewall
intended moving in such fearful weathor; but
when it was known that the general's servant had
packed up, I knew we were all bound for a tramp
somewhere. His negro said, "Whenever I misses
massa a little while in de day, I allers kncws he's
prayin' a spell; whenever he's out all day I knows
we's going to move next day; but wher he stays
cut and comes back to have a long spell of prayin',
I knows dare's goin' to be a fought iomewhar,
mighty quick, and dis chile packs up ie walibles
and gets out ob de way like a sensihe cullored
pusson!"




-STONEWALL JACKSON.
go 196.








STONEWALL JACKSON IN THE SHENANDOAh. 187
The same writer who relates this anecdote, gives
the following interesting picture of the immortal
Stonewall Jackson:
"' Stonewall' may be a very fine old gentleman,
and an honest, good-tempered, industrious man,
but I should admire him much more in a state of
rest than continually seeking him moving in the
friont. And such a dry old stick, too! As for
uniform, he has none-his wardrobe isn't worth a
dollar, and his horse is quite in keeping, being a
poor, lean animal of little spirit or activity. And
don't he keep his aids moving about!  Thirty
miles iide at night through the mud is nothing of
a job; and if they don't come up to time, I'd as
soon fSce the devil, for Jackson takes no excuses
when duty is in hand.  He is about thirty-five
years o'd, of medium height, strongly built, solemn
and thoughtful, speaks but little, and always in a
calm, decided tone; and from what he says there
is no appeal, for he seems to know every hole and
corner o' this valley as if he made it, or at least,
as if it lad been designed for his own use. He
knows al. the distances, all the roads, even to cowpaths though the woods and goat tracks along
the hills. He sits on his horse very awkwardly,
(although: generally speaking, all Virginians are
fine horsenen) and has a fashion of holding his
head veryaigh, and chin up, as if searching for
something skywards; yet although you can never
see his eye for the cap-peak drawn down over
them, nothing escapes his observation.
"His movments are sudden and unaccountable;




188 STONEWALL JACKSON IN THE SHENANDOAH.
his staff don't pretend to keep up with him, and,
consequently, he is frequently seen alone, poking
about in all sorts of holes and corners, at all times
of night and day. I have frequently seen him approach in the dead of night and enter into conversation with sentinels, and ride off through the
darkness without saying,'God bless you,' or anything civil to the officers. The consequence is,
that the officers are scared, and the men love him.
What service he has seen was in Mexico, wh3re he
served as lieutenant of artillery.  At one Df the
battles there his captain.was about to withdraw
the guns, because of the loss suffered by the battery, and also because the range was too great.
This did not suit our hero; he advanced hts piece
several hundred yards, and' shortened the distance,' dismounted his opponent's guns, and remained master of the position."
An anecdote is told of this great comnander in
one of his Shenandoah battles agains; Banks.
Being dissatisfied with the manner in which one
of his cannon was handled, he jumped from his
horse, and giving the cannon a deadlyaim with
his own hands, he devoutly lifted hi eyes to
heaven, uttering this prayer, "The Lord have
mercy on their guilty souls," and gave lhe word to
F ire."
Jackson's small force of only twenty-(ne hundred
men was at a place called Kearnstovn, when on
the afternoon of the twenty-third of Vlarch, General Shields advanced upon them ir great force.
Jackson instantly formed his line oi battle, with




STONEWALL JACKSON IN THE SHENANDOAH. 189
Brigadier-General Garnett commanding the left,
while Ashby with his cavalry hel a the right, and
Jackson himself the centre. T[he battle raged
with fearful violence for four hours, d-g which
time Jackson's little bans  -`d"nded with unparalleled  l  — "   gamnst overwhelming numbers... —.. -seven o'clock in the evening he ordered a
retreat, after having lost five hundred men in killed
and wounded, three hundred prisoners, and two
cannon.
General Shields made no attempt to follow him
until the next day.  Though defeated, General
Jackson lost no baggage, and no officer of prominence in his command was killed. General Shields
lost several officers, and was himself badly wounded
in the arm by a shell. But he had achieved a
great glory in defeating Stonewall Jackson, for he
is, I believe, the only Federal general who has won
that rencwn.
But the skill and successes of General Shields in
the field did not save him from the persecution of
the abolitionists. Hie was blind enough to suppose that ihe object of the war was not to free
negroes, bt to simply enforce the laws of the
United States. He therefore did not use his army
to steal negoes, or to wantonly plunhmder and
destroy the pioperty of private citizens. And on
this account he whole abolition press literally
howled at him,notwithstanding he had saved the
Northern army;n the Shenandoah from utter annihilation in conuquence of the innumerable blunders of General ILnks. But his faithful adherence




190 STONEWALL JACKSON IN THE SHENANDOAH.
to the rules of civilized war, together with his refusal to use his army to catch negroes, caused Mr.
Lincoln's government to give him the alternative
of resigning or being removed.
WVhen he camle ack to Washington, with his
health shattered by his severe cnapaigns in the
mountains of Virginia, he met with Senator Sum
ner, of Massachusetts, in the presence of Mr. Lincoln.  Sumner at once began to upbraid him
for his course in not allowing negroes to come
within the lines of his army. General Shields replied that he had discovered that a great number
of the negroes that thronged the Federal camps
were simply spies, who remained within our lines
just long enough to learn all they were capable of
retaining, and then stole back to tell the Confederates all they knew.
He also stated that when he accepted a command, it was his understanding that the object of
the war was not to free negroes, but to preserve
the Union. Sumner replied that, "If the object
of the war was not to abolish slavery, there is no
object of the fight commensurate with the vast expenditure of life and property, and I would gc for
stopping it to-morrow." This remarlz was made in
the presence of Mr. Lincoln, and General Shields
was surprised that he said not one vord in contradiction of Sumner's statement that the sole object
of the war was to free negroes.
General MlcClellan, General Bv3ll, General FitzJohn Porter, as well as General Shields, lost their
commands, and were persecute,, because they in



STONEWALL JACKSON IN THE SHENANDOAH. 191
sisted on conducting the war on the rules recognized by all Christian nations, and also because of
their understanding that the object of the war was
to preserve the Union, and not to free negroes.
Thus was the Northern army stripped of four of
its very ablest generals, who were sacrificed to the
black and Diratical shrine of abolitionism.




CHAPTER XXIV.
EMiBARKATION OF THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC FOR THE
PENINSULA —EVACUATION OF YORKTOWNBATTLE OF WILLIAMSBURG.
WHInLE the events described in the last chapters
were progressing General McClellan was busy in
perfecting the Army of the Potomac for a grand
march against Richmond.  For more than six
months he had been wholly employed in perfecting
that great army. The impatience of Congress,
and the clamor of the abolitionized people, had
been continually raising the cry again of "on to
Richmond." But General McClellan rather pompously and boastfully declared we " were to have no
more defeats, no more retreats," and no amount of
clamor could induce him to move before he was
ready.
But early in the spring of 1862 he began to
think of placing his tremendous army in the field
of active operations. But a very great difficulty confronted him. The Black Republican leaders discovered that he was not an abolitionist.  They
furthermore saw that he was so popular with the
army that his views would naturally be to a great




EMBARKATION OF THE ARMIY OF THE POTOMAC. 193
extent shared by it. Then some Democratic papers had mentioned his name in connection with
the next nomination for the Piesidency. It was
at once seen that his very great popularity with
the army would render him  a formidable candilate. So they resolved upon his ruin, even if it
cost the North the price of its whole army. Northern preachers declared that the best thing for the
country would be McClellan's defeat.
Mr. Lincoln and his Cabinet were for having the
Army of the Potomac go over the old Bull Run
route on the way to Richmond. To this plan General McClellan was invincibly opposed.  The
question was finally referred to a council of the
chief officers of the army, by whom General McClelIan's plan of the Peninsular campaign was almost
unanimously recommended. But this was not the
end of his embarrassments. A new Department of
the Mountain, in Virginia, had been created to
make a place for General Fremont. Notwithstanding that General had conducted himself so badly
and foolishly in Missouri that the President was
obliged to remove him  from  his command, the
more violent leaders of Mr. Lincoln's party dogged
the President until he made a new place for him.
And now they insisted that, notwithstanding General McClellan was just moving to try to take
Richmond, ten thousand of his men under General
Blenker should be taken from him and sent to
Fremont's army away up to the mountains.
General McClellan so strongly remonstrated
against this act-setting forth that he already had




194 EMBARKATION OF THE ARMY OF THUE POTOMAC.
the smallest number of men he thought necessary
for his great undertaking-that the President
assured him that the men in Blenker's command
should not be withdrawn from his army. Notwithstanding this solemn promise of the President he
did order Blenker's division tu be sent to Fremont,
only the day before McClellan was to start on his
great campaign. [For this act of faithlessness Mr.
Lincoln pleaded the great "pressure upon him."
While General McClellan was solemnly reflecting upon this vacillation or treachery on the part
of Lincoln, a member of his staff said: " General,
the authorities at Washington are painfully afraid
that you will succeed in taking Richmond, and
therefore are stripping your army in the beginning."
McClellan replied, "' Such treachery seems impossible, and yet it does look like it."
But the preparations were fully made for the
transportation of the Army of the Potomnac to the
Peninsula. The Peninsula is an isthmus formed
by the James and York Rivers. It is from seven
to fourteen miles wide, and about fifty miles long.
To reach it the grand army went in transports
down the Potomac to Fortress Monroe, which is
seventy-five miles land march, over the Peninsula
to Richmond. The van of the grand army started
for Fortress Monroe on the 17th of March, 1862.
Division after division left as fast as the transport
boats could be loaded. It was a grand sight. The
whole transport fleet consisted of over four hundred steamers and sailing vessels, which had to
carry an army of one hundred and twenty-one




EiM:BARKATION OF THiE AEMY OF THE POTOMAC. 195
thousand, five hundred men, with fourteen thousand animals, forty-four batteries, together with
wagons, ambulances, pontoon trains and all the
other vast appointments for so tremendous an
army.
It took from the 17th of March to the 2d of
April to transport this vast army from Washington
to Fortress Monroe.  It at once commenced its
march towards Yorktown on the way to IRichraond.
At Yorktown was a Confederate fort, which had
just been re-enforced by General Johnston, the
Confederate commander.  General McClellan's
plans for forcing those works were entirely frustrated by want of support from Washington. His
intention was to make a naval and land assault
upon the place at the same time. The navral part
of the combined attack was to be executed by
Flag-officer Goldsborough; and the land attack
he assigned to, General McDowell's corps.  But
Flag-officer Goldsborough wrote General McClel
lan that he could send no naval support to him,
and on the very day when he expected McDowell's
corps he received an order from Washington that
that part of his army had been detached from his
command, and retained at WTashington.
This was a heavy blow to McClellan. The same
member of his staff who had addressed him on a
former occasion in relation to the jealousy of the
Administration, said: "You see how it is, General;
it is certain that you are not to be supported in
this campaign."
14




196      EVACUATION OF YORKTOWX3.
There was now nothing left for McClellan to do
but to undertake the siege of Yorktown. This
work he commenced at once. Wvhen on the fifth.
of May he had succeeded in finishing his works
necessary to commence firing upon the fort, it was
discovered that it was evacuated by the Confederates.  This fact called forth many unfriendly
remarks from the Abolition press. A siege which
had been rendered necessary by the withdrawal
of expected support from Washington, and had
been executed with so much skill as to force the
Confederates to evacuate the fort without risking
a fight, was still the subject of unfriendly criticism
in the government organs.
The Confederates evacuated Yorktown on the
3d of May. It was General Johnston's design to
retreat with his whole army to the defences of
Richmond. To General Longstreet was entrusted
the duty of defending the rear of the army and of
worrying the advancing columns of McClellan as
much as possible.  For this purpose General
Longstreet made a stand at Williamsburg, about
fifteen miles from Yorktown.
At Williamsburg the Confederates had somewhat extensive works, called Fort MagTuder.
Though it was no part of the Confederate plan of
the defence of Richmond to hold this fort after
McClellan had passed Yorktown, yet it was a good
place to inflict some chastisement upon the invading army without any risk whatever to the Confedcrate army. So at this point on cthe fifth of Miay a
bloody battle occurred. The No rthern forces en



BATTLE OF WILLIAMfSBURG.        19 7
gaged were I-Hooker's division, Smith's division, a
part of Couch's, and Hancock's brigade, and the
rear of the Confederate army, commanded by
Longstreet.
The battle was opened by I-Hooker directly in
front of Fort Magruder. The fort kept up only a
sufficient show of resistance to thoroughly engage
the attention of General Hooker, while the wily
General Longstreet poured in a rapid succession
of attacks upon his left flank, which gave Hooker
more than he wanted to do all day, and which, but
for the arrival of General Kearney's division at
five o'clock in the afternoon, would have resulted
in the destruction of General Hooker's whole division. During the battle the Confederates steadily
but slowly forced back the invaders over two
miles. Both sides fought with determined bravery.
But Longstreet  so skilfully handled his troops
that he inflicted a terrible punishment upon the
Federals, with a comparatively small damage to
his force. General Hooker's loss was one thousand
seven hundred men, six field pieces, several thousand stand of arms and several hundred prisoners.
At nightfall the battle-field was in the possession
ef the Confederates.  At two o'clock the next
morning, after securing whatever booty the field
afforded, Longstreet commenced  to fall back
towards the main body of the Confederate army,
which was then many miles ahead of him.
The Federals made no haste to follow. They
did not even enter Williamsburg in force until
towards evening the next day, sixteen hours after




198       BATTLE OF WILLIAMSBURG.
the Confederates had left it. But as Longstreet
was without transportation he was obliged to
leave his wounded behind in Williamsburg. It is
rather a mortifying thing to reflect upon that the
Federal commander took occasion from this fact
to claim a victory; when the plain truth was that
Longstreet had turned round and dealt the advance columns of McClellan's army a terrible blow,
and then pursued his march, with very little loss
to himself, and considerable booty from the foe.
Enough of such victories would not have left
MeCClellan a single soldier to march back to Washington. The number of Federal soldiers engaged
in the battle could not have been much less than
forty thousand, while Longstreet had but twenty
thousand in the fight.
The gallant Colonel Lomax of the Nineteenth
Mississippi regiment was killed while leading a
most daring charge against Dan Sickles' brigade;
and his negro recovered the body in the Federal
lines, and carried it several miles on his back, and
conveyed it to Richmond to the bereaved wife, to
keep a promise he had made-" that he would never
let his master's body fall into the hands of the
enemy."
Up to the time that abolition demoralization
reached the Southern negroes their hearts were
with their masters and their masters' cause. In
almost every town in the South they gave balls,
parties and fairs for the benefit of the Confederate
soldiers and sent thousands of dollars, of clothes,
blahkets, shoes, &c., for "MTassa and de boys ia




BATTLE OF WILLIAMISBURG.       199
Varginny." In Vicksburg the negroes gave a ball
which realized a thousand dollars, and freely gave
it all for the Confederate cause. Indeed, it was
their custom to boast "dat de Soofern colored
man can whip a Norfern nigger wid de Yankee to
back him."




CHAPTEBR XXV.
DOrNGS OF STONEWALL JACKSON IN THE SHENANDOAH
VALLEY.
ALTHOUGH the Northern newspapers tried to keep
a good face on the fight at Williamsburg, there was a
settling doubt on the minds of the people as to the
way matters were going in the field. The initial
battle in [he campaign had evently been adverse
to the North.
But McClellan continued to push forward his
columns, until by the 16th of May his advance
divisions had reached the point known as the
"White House," the head of navigation on the
Pamunkey River, eighteen miles from Richmond.
General Johnston had already withdrawn his
whole army behind the line of the Chickahominy
River, and it was evident that he had determined
to fight his great and decisive battle from the immediate defences of Richmond.
To act in conjunction with McClellan a fleet of
Federal gun-boats, under the command of Commodore Rodgers, sailed up the James river. The
fleet met with no opposition until it reached Fort
Darling, on Drury's Bluff, about twelve miles from
Richmond. But at that place, after a four hours'
engagement with the guns of the fort, it was compelled to haul off with several of the boats badly




DOINGS OF STONEVWALL JACKSON.    201
damaged. Now we have the situation of all the
]Federal force acting for the taking of Richmond.
The gun-boats on the James!River twelve miles
from the city, and McClellan's army resting on the
Chickahominy, eighteen miles distant.
But here MBcClellan's offensive movements, as I
shall show you, really ended, and he ever after had
to act on the defensive. The Federal forces, instead
of being concentrated for a decisive battle, were
scattered about at great distances from each other
in four distinct armies. There was the Army of the
Potomac on the Peninsula in Virginia, then in
Western Virginia there was the Army of The Mountain, created expressly' to make a command for
Fremont, to stop the ceaseless threats and clatter of
the more violent of the abolitionists. Then there
was the Army of the Shenandoah, under General
Banks, and the ]Department of the Rappahannock,
under General McDowell.
Now, when the authorities at Washington saw
the position in which they had placed McClellan's
army they began to feel the necessity of doing
something for the protection of Washington. For
it was evident that, if McClellan's army was destroyed, there would be nothing to prevent the
whole Confederate force from marching directly on
Washington, as lRichmond, in that event, would
be effectually relieved from danger.
It was therefore resolved, at this eleventh hour,
to consent that General McDowell should march
to reinforce McClellan on the Chickahominy. But
some of the "Republican" papers were careful to




202    DOINGS OF STONEWALL JACKSON.
say before hand that, if the army of the Potomac
should prove successful, it would be through the
hand of General McDowell: notwithstanding that
they had before abused that General for the defeat
of Bull Run.
General McDowell, at the time we were speaking
of, had an army of thirty thousand, at Fredericksburgh. For the purpose of enabling him to march
to attack Richmond with McClellan, General Shields'
division of ten thousand men was ordered frnom the
army of General Banks to go to McDowell, which
made his effective force over forty thousand men.
The 26th of May was set as the time when McDowell's column was to move. But before it had
been pushed more than ten miles from Fredericksburg, the shrewd commander at the head of
the Confederate army, General J. E. Johnston,
quickly saw the nature of the movement, and it
was easy for him to stop it. He had only to give
the word to Stonewall Jackson, who was already.up in that region to make one of his dashing campaigns down through the valley again to put a stop
to all reinforcements to McClellan from that quarter, or any other.
At this time Banks' army was at I-arrisonburg.
Fremont was at Franklin, on the other side of the
mountains, in'Western Virginia. But a brigade
of his department, under Milroy, was on its way
to reinforce Banks. Jackson, in the first place, by
a rapid march of seventy miles threw his gallant
force against the command of Milroy and  Blenker
combined and drove it back.




DOINGS OF STONEWALL JACKSON.    203
General Fremont rushed to their assistance, but
Jackson, leaving some cavalry to deceive Mlilroy,
suddenly retraced his steps, and joined General
Ewell, whom he had left in the valley with ten
thousand men. General Banks, supposing th ti
Jackson was engaged over the mountains in Western Virginia, was quietly making his way towvards Fredericksburg, unconscious of danger. On
the morning of the 22d of May, however, Banks
heard Stonewall Jackson's guns in his rear.
IEwell was sent to seize Winchester, General
Banks' great depot of army stores, while Jackson
attacked his advance at Front Royal. Banks was
not only completely outwitted, but seemed to lose
all self-possession. He did not retreat, he flew,
and never stopped until he got on the north bank
of the Potomac. It is said he made the remarkable time of fifty-three miles in forty-eight hours.
Immense stores of all kinds fell into the hands of
the Confede'rates. It was one of the most brilliant
exploits of the war, and made the name of Stonewall Jackson famous.
When the authorities at Washington heard that
Stonewell Jackson was at WVinchester, and then up
at Harper's Ferry again, they were wild with another alarm, and instantly ordered McDowell to
face about, and instead of marching to attack
RichlYlond, to fly up the Shenandoah to protect
Washington. President Lincoln had been heard
to boast that he had "set a trap for Jackson."
But now he was trembling with the fear that he
should fall into the trap himself.




204    DOINGS OF STONEWALL JACKSON.
Now there was a combined force of thirty thou.
sand men, under Fremont and Shields, in a grand
chase to catch Jackson, with his sixteen thousand.
But he outwitted all his pursuers. Fremont intended to go down on one side of the Shenandoah
River and Shields on the other, and thus cut off
Jackson's retreat. Ashby's cavalry, however, held
Fremont in check. It was during this retreat that
General Turner Ashby, one of Virginia's most chivalric sons, fell while leading a gallant charge at
the, head of his command. Jackson kept on in his
course until he arrived at Cross Keys, where he
turned upon Fremont, soundly whipped him, and
then crossed the Shenandoah River at Port Republic, blurning the bridge behind him, and, falling
like a thunderbolt upon Shields' command, almost
annihilated it.
Thus ended Jackson's brilliant Valley campaign,
and with it ended all idea of the frightened Mr.
Lincoln of sending reinforcements to McClellan.
Jackson's little army had become so "everywhere
present" that the abolitionists at Washington began to shake as soon as they heard the name of
Stonewall Jackson mentioned.




CHAPTEIR  XXVI.
BATTLE OF Cc FAIR OAKS,9 OR ~THE SEVEN PINE5,  AND
"GAINES' MILLS.
GENERAL MCCLELLAN'S situation on the banks of
the Chickahominy was a critical, if not a painful
one. Whethether from necessity or over-caution, he
was certainly painfully inactive. The disappointment in not receiving the co-operation of McDowell's army might well paralyze him, for he would
never have been caught in the situation he found
himself placed in, had it not been a part of the
plan of the attack upon Richmond from that point,
that McDowell should be sent to co-operate with
him.
General Johnston having succeeded in his skillfally devised trick to prevent the union of McDowell's with McClellan's forces, determined at once to
strike a decisive blow by an attack upon McClellan in his situation at Seven Pines and Fair Oaks
Station, on the banks of the Chickahominy River.
The attack was to commence on the morning of
the 31st of May. To General D. H. Hill and General Longstreet was entrusted the attack upon
McClellan's front, while General Huger was to
assail his left flank, and General G. W. Smith
his right. Srmith, Longstreet, and Hill were all




206              FAIR OAKSi
promptly in position at eight o'clock, but they had
been ordered to wait and not begin the attack until they heard Huger's forces firing on the left.
They waited impatiently for two hours for the signal gun of Huger. The cause of his delay was a
dificulty in crossing the river, a fact  wich was
at the time unknown to Generals Longstreet and
Hill.
At ten o'clock General Hill advanced and opened
the battle by attacking 3McClellan's front, which
was pretty well entrenched, and therefore the
assailing Confederates met, not only a determined
resistance, but a most murderous fire. Soon, however, a brigade of Johnston's army succeeded in
gaining a position partially in the rear of  icClellan's redoubts or breastworks, and commenced a
furious flank-fire upon them, which in a short time
drove the Federals out, leaving their guns in the
possession of the Confederates.
But all this time nothing was heard of Magruder; and General Gustavus W. Smith, who was to
attack McClellan's right flank, in consequence of
the course of the wind, heard nothing of the muusketry of Hill andi Longstreet, and did not learn
until four o'clock in the afternoon that a battle
had been going on all day. He had been all the
time nervously waiting for Magruder's signal gun
to begin the battle.  But when he learned. the
facts, he immediately threw his men forward with
such force and fury as to drive everything before
them.
The most desperate courage was displayed by




BATTLE OF FAIR OAKS.           207
both armies; but the results of that day's terrible
battle were in favor of the Confederates. But
General Johnston, the commander-in-chief of their
forces, was so severely wounded that it was a long
time before he was able to take the field again.
An English officer in the Confederate service,
from whom I have before quoted, says of this battle: "As I rode through the enemy's camp, viewing the destruction on every side, I met Frank,
one of Longstreet's aids, looking as blue as indigo.'What's the matter, Frank?  Not satisfied with
the day's work?'  I enquired.'Satisfied be
hanged,' he replied.' I saw old Jeff. Davis, MIallory, Lougstreet, Whiting, and all of them, a little
while ago, looking as mad as thunder. Just to
think that -Huger's slowness has spoiled everything! It is true, Longstreet and Hill fought
magnificently, as they always do, and have gained
a brilliant victory; but had Huger obeyed orders
we should have demolished the enemy. As it is,
their right is routed and demoralized, and we have
gained nothing more than a brilliant victory."
In General Johnston's report of this battle, he
says: "We took ten pieces of cannon, six thousand stand of arms, one garrison flag, four stand
of regimental colors, a large number of tents, besides much camp equipage and stores. Our loss
was four thousand two hundred and eighty-two
killed, wounded, and missing; that of the enemy
is stated in their journals to have been ten thousand, although no doubt that figure is far below
the truth."




1 0408      BATTLE OF PAIR OAKS.
President Davis issued a short congratulatory
address to the army which had so gallantly won
this victory, closing with these words: "You are
fighting for all that is dearest to rman; and though
opposed to a foe who disregards many of the
usages of civilized warfare, your humanity to the
wounded and the prisoners was the fit and crowning glory of your valor. Defenders of a just cause,
may God have you in his keeping."
On the 12th of June, just twelve days after
this battle, which was followed by the retreat of
McClellan's army, General Ben. Butler issued the
following impudent and lying bulletin  in New
Orleans: " On May 31st, ]Richmond was evacuated,
and General McClellan took possession of the city!
General Banks had driven Stonewall Jackson
headlong to the foot of General McDowell, who
before this has probably kicked him over the border. So ends the drama!-it is enough."
I am ashamed to confess that this is only a
specimen of the misrepresentation and falsehood
with which the people were insulted by certain
of the Northern press and Northern generals during the whole progress of the war.
After the wound of General Johnston; General
Robert E. Lee, who was then acting as chief of
the war department in Richmond, was appointed to
Johnston's place as commiander-in-chief of the
Army of Northern Virginia, though the immediate
command of the forces in the field fell upon Gen3ral Longstreet when Johnston was disabled.
The battle-field of " Fair Oaks" or " Seven Pines"




GEN. ROBERT E. LEE.
Page'M








BATTLE OF GAINES' MILLS.      209
is only six miles from Richmond, and so after the
Confederate General had delivered his severe blow
he retired his army within the lines of the defences
of that city, and McClellan's troops at once reoccupied the ground from which they had been
driven by the day's battle.
After this battle some time elapsed without any
active operations on either side worth mentioning.
But in this pause General Lee was busy in preparing to deal a decisive blow to the invaders. He
decided to concentrate all the available force of
the Confederate armies at Richmond. This plan
involved the withdrawal of Jackson from  the
Shenandoah. To put McClellan and the authorities at Washington off their guard he made a feint
of reinforcing Jackson in the Shenandoah valley
at the very time he was bringing his whole force
to Richmond.  This movement he cunningly
masked by detaching a division, under General
Whiting, and sending it off to join Jackson. At
once the rumor flew over the North that Lee was
preparing to invest Washington. Lincoln, McClellan, Congress, and everybody in the North were
deceived; for all this time Jackson with a force
now increased to twenty-five thousand men was
secretly and rapidly marching to reinforce Lee at
lRichmond. So skilfully did Jackson conceal his
march that neither Banks, Fremont, nor McDowell
had any idea that he had left the valley of the
Shenandoah, and were all the time making prodigious preparations to keep him off of Washington.
15




210       BATTLE OF GAINES' IILLS.
In the meantime Lee sent that bold cavalryman,
General J. E. B. Stuart, with fifteen hundred troops,
to make a raid round the whole circuit of McClellan's army. This bold undertaking was a perfect
success. The whole North was startled with a re
port that Lee was in McClellan's rear. And Lee
was put in possession of a perfect knowledge of
the position of the invading army, and at once
ordered a general forward movement.
General Jackson had already arrived at a point
where he could sustain the attack commenced by
the rest of the Confederate forces. On the afternoon of the 26th June, General A. P. Hill crossed
the Chickahominy River at a place called Meadow
Bridge, while the divisions of Longstreet crossed
at Mechanicsville Bridge, with the intention of
marching down the north bank of the river together for a general attack upon McClellan's lines.
But they had no sooner crossed the river than
they were confronted by General Fitz John Porter's
corps which held a strongly intrenched position.
A short but bloody conflict took place at this
point, in which the Confederates were repulsed
with fearful loss, for the number of men engaged.
The engagement did not cease till nine o'clock at
night, when each side occupied the same position
that it did at the opening of the engagementThe next morning at day break the Confederates
renewed the attack upon McClellan's forces, then
posted at Gaines' Mills. This position was admirably chosen and heroically defended. All day
the waves of battle surged to and fro, and thousands








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THE CHARCSE OF THE TEXAS BRIGIDE AT GAINE8 MILLS. Prtge all.




BATTLE OF GAINES' MILLS.       2 1
of brave men on both sides bit the dust. The sun
was just sinking down in the West as if to hide
its face from the ghastly scene. The Confederates
greatly exhausted had sought the cover of a piece
of woods, and McClellan apparently mistaking
their silence for defeat moved a heavy mass of infantry to their attack. The advance was beautiful.
The long lines of splendid infantry, sent up cheer
upon cheer as they advanced. The Confederates
crouched closely to the ground, and when the Federals arrived within a hundred yards, they poured
a deadly volley in their close ranks, then rising
with unearthly yells, and dashing through the
smoke of battle fell upon them with the bayonet,
the pistol and the bowie knife.  The Federal
columns fled in confusion.
The battle, however, was not ended. McClellan's artillery still occupied a commanding hill and
was sweeping the field with canister and grape.
The wise forethought of Lee had provided for this
emergency. The gallant Texas brigade of General
Hood had been held in reserve. All at once a wild
shout arose! It was the Texans with their gallant
commander on foot, leacding them  in the final
charge. On they came like an avalanche. Nothing
could resist them. They charged among the redoubts and guns, and soon MIcClellan's line was
broken beyond recovery. A hand to hand conflict
ensued.  Clouds of: dust, smoking woods, long
lines of musketry, the deafening roar of artillery,
were mingled in the wildest confusion, but the
Confederates were victorious. Slowly, and sullenly




212 1'    BATTLE OF GAINES') MILLS.
the long dense lines of McClellan retired under
the cover of the darkness.
Scarcely had the roar of the cannon ceased at
this point before the sound of Stonewall Jackson's
guns broke upon the ear. lHe had fallen upon
McClellan's rear almost while that officer had been
dreaming that he was in the Shenandoah.  His
line of retreat was cut off! Thus ended the battle
of Gaines' Mills.
The same English officer whom I have often
quoted in this history has made the following remarks upon the results of that terrible battle: " The
field was a rich booty. I myself counted fifteen
magnificent brass and bronze field-pieces, with
caissons and horses and dozens of cannoneers exactly as they were left by their vanquished owners.
Camps, clothing, thousands of prisoners, and immense quantities of small arms, banners, drums.
Many of our troops lay fast asleep where they had
halted, some of them using a dead Federal for a
pillow! The destruction was awful; and if many
guns fell into our hands, the heaps of blue-jackets
around them told that they had been bravely defended. Many horses were shot; and the enemy
finding themselves unable to carry off the pieces,
had deliberately cut the throats of the uninjured
animals to prevent them from  falling into their
hands. The ground around the cannons was dyed
purple. Judging from the placid countenances of
many, [ thought they were only sleeping; but on
closer inspection invariably discovered a small




BATTLE OF GAINES' MrILLS.      213
hole in the side of the head, made by the unerring
bullet of our sharp-shooters!"
But if Lee had won a great victory, it had been
at an immense sacrifice of life, and the loss of some
of his bravest officers. Among them, Major Robert
Wheat fell while gloriously charging at the head
of his Louisiana Battalion. With tones of anguish
it was whispered around by his comrades: "Poor
Wheat is gone." tHis dying words were: "The
field is ours, as usual, my boys. Bury me on the
battle-field."
Alas, how many such brave and patriotic men
have fallen in this cruel and wicked abolition war?
How many happy homes made desolate?  How
many kind hearts broken? Will the just Maker of
men ever forgive the fanatic wretches who brought
about this unnatural, this terrible conflict?




CHAPTE]R  XXVII.
MoCLELLAN'S JRETREAT.
WITH this last defeat all General McClellan's
plans for taking Richmond were suddenly brought
to an end, and his genius was taxed to keep his
whole force from being gobbled up by Lee's victorious army. There was no alternative left but to
retreat through the great swamp to the banks of
the James River, where he could enjoy the protection of his gun-boats —those friendly supports
which had so often saved General Grant from annihilation in the Western campaigns.
This retreat for the James River was therefore
commenced immediately, and was conducted, as
the Confederate commanders confessed, with consummate skill. After McClellan succeeded in getting the remains of his army to the James River,
the Confederate General Hfood remarked: "If
Grant, or any other Federal general, except
McClellan or Sherman, had had the conducting
of that retreat, we should have caught the whole
army."
Lee vigorously pursued the retreating Federals.
His advance column overtook a portion of McClellan's rear on Sunday, the 29th of June, at Savage's
Station, on the York River railroad. A sharp foar




IoCLELLAN'S RETREAT.          215
hours' battle took place at this point  The Federals had strongly entrenched themselves, for the
purpose of checking pursuit, and as soon as Lee's
column came within range, they poured forth a
murderous fire. After three or four hours of des
perate fighting, the Federals were driven out of
their trenches, and made double quick retreat to
overtake the rest of the army. The Confederate
General Griffiths, of Mississippi, a skillful and
heroic officer, was killed in this engagement.
At daybreak the next day, Monday, June 30th,
the pursuit of the retreating Federals was resumed
by Lee's victorious army. But McClellan was conducting that retreat with matchless energy and
skill, and Lee's forces had not proceeded many
miles when they were surprised at a place called
Fraizer's Farm, by a portion of McClellan's army
which was skillfully covered by some sedge pines,
which completely hid it from the view of the pursuing hosts. At the very first fire batteries of sixteen heavy guns opened upon the advance columns
under General Hill. Instantly the Confederates
rushed bravely forward into the very jaws of
death. From several lines of battle they received
the most murderous fire of musketry. The battle,
though short, was one of the most deadly of the
war.
Swinton, in his excellent history of "The Campaigus of the Army of the Potomac," says of this
conflict: "Finally Randall's battery was captured
by a fierce charge made by two (Confederate) regiments, advancing in wedge shape, without order,




21 6         McCLELLAN'S REfTREAT.
but with trailed arms. Rushing up to the muzzles
of the guns, they pistoled or bayoneted the cannroneers. The greater part of the supporting regiment fled; but those who remained made a savage
hand-to-hand bayonet fight over the guns, which
were finally yielded to the enemy."  It is truly
appalling to think of the slaughter of so many
brave men on both sides, and all for the sake of
forcing upon the negro a condition which he neither asked for nor knew how to enjoy.
The following is a story which an English officer
gives of a talk with an old negro the day after the
battle of Fraizer's Farm: " Returned from viewing as much of the field as was possible in the
darkness, I observed a light in Fraizer's house,
from which also there was smoke ascending. Feeling somewhat cold, and, as I expected, found it
occupied by many of the wounded.  Before the
fire sat a middle-aged negro, wrapped up in a
blanket and shivering.
"'What's a-miss, uncle,' taking a coal to light
my pipe.
"' De Lor' bress you, massa! de chills, de chills.'
"'Were you here, uncle, during the fight?' I
asked, taking a stool.
"' No, sar! dis chile was in de woods 1 de best
place, I tink, when dem ar bullets come a-whistling
an, singing roun' yer head. Was I scart, eh? I
tink I was scart-it was worse nor half-a-dozen
scarts to this darkie. Well, you see, massa, it was
dis way. When ole massa hert the Lincumubites
was comin roun deso diggins,'Pete,' says he,




MfoCLELLAN'S RETREAT.          217'I'se gwine t Richmon, and I wants you ter see
to things, an' mind de Lincumbites don't run off
wid anything; they won't hurt you,' says he,' but
if dey only catches me, I'm a gone chicken.' Weel,
massa, one ebenin while I eat supper, up comes a
whole lot of Lincumbites, and says dey,'Whar's
de master, nigger?''In Richmon,' says I, an'
went on eatin; but a big fellow says to me,'Hi,
nigger, yer wanted out here,' and I went out.'Eow  many chickens has yes got?' says one.' Who's dem turkeys'long to?' says another.' If
yer don't bring me some milk, I'll burst yer head,'
says one in de crowd.' Pull dat bed out here,'
says another.'Tuch him  up wid de bayonet,'
says another, and case I couldn't begin to speak to'em all, somebody kicks me on de shin, and I runs
in de house. One of de men wid traps on shoulders comes and makes'em kind o' quiet, but I find
out dey hab stolen my supper, and de bed, and de
chairs, and didn't leave me my ole pipe!'
"'If dis is de Union folks, tinks I, dey won't
suit dis darkie, sure! So after dey stole all de
chickens, and de turkeys, and de cabbage and taters, I tought it was about time for dis chile to
leave. So I packs up two or tre things in a handkercher, and puts out.' Halt dar!' says a big feller, wid a gun.' Where's yer gwine, darkie,' says
he.'I gwine to lRichmon,' says I,'to massa, to
get something to eat.'
"' 0, yer tick-headed nigger," says he,' doesn't
yer knew we's de great liberation army ov de norf
and come to set all de niggers free?'




218         MoCLELLAN S RETREAT.
"'I'se a free colored pusson, any how,' says I,'and kin go anywhere I'se a mind,' and was gwine
to pass him, when he hits me wid de guon, and two
sodgers seizes me by de scruff ob de neck, and
hauls me up before de kernal.'
"' Where did you cotch de contraban'?' says he,
smoking a cigar, big-like, and frowing out his legs.'C'se a free man, sar,' says 1.
"' Hole your tongue,' says he, getting kind o'
red;'if dese people doesn't know de blessin' of
liberty, dey must be taught, dat's all.''Take him
off to de guard house, sargent,' says he,' and kase
I said I'se free, de sargent begins and kicks de
cloth out ob my pants.''And dare dey hab me, massa, more nor a week,
feedin' me and lots ob odder darkies on black
beans and pork massa's hogs won't eat. But when
I hears de firing going on-now's de time for dis
chile, says I, and I gets out ob de way right smart
for an ole darkey. Fust I gets to de right, but de
bullets fly so mighty thick I runs off somewhat
else; den one ob dem big screechin' things comes
along, and I begins to say my prayers mighty fast;
den while I lay behind a tree, our folks comes up,
makin' a big noise, and I lays berry close to de
groun'; but I get mighty scart, and runs clar into
de swamp, and dar I stays until just now, when I
crawls home agin, shiverin' in every jint. Don't
talk to me, massa, ob de norf. I knows how it isdey only wants to work de life out ob de colored
folks, and den dey gives'em deir free papers, to
let'em starve. Dey can't fool dis chile-he knows




McCLELLAN'S RETREAT.           219
more nor he wishes to know'bout de great norfern liberation army.'
"De darkies better stay wid ole massa, and lib
as he libs, and hab doctors to look afer'em, and hab
dimes to spend. Dem Yanks is big fools, and dey
tink they's good as us, but dey ain't half as good
as some darkies, if dey is white folks and talk
big!"
Now this old negro was a fair specimen of the
spirit with which the darkies generally regarded
the abolition army. They were a thousand times
more happy and contented than they will ever be
again. It was hard work to teach them to hate
their masters. It has cost us nearly a million of
white men's lives, and four or five thousand millions
of dollars, to force upon them what they did not
want, and what they can never learn to use with
benefit either to themselves, or to the superior
white race.
After the last battle, at Fraizer's Farm, McClellan retreated during the night to a point where the
right wing of his army rested under the protection
of the Federal gun-boats in James River. His
front was strongly intrenched in an admirably
chosen spot at Malvern Hill. Never was a position
better calculated for defence, or for delivering a
terrible blow to an attacking force. This was
McClellan's last stand, for he could go no further,
except to fall entirely back to the bank of the
River, under his gun-boats.
The Confederate forces at the battle of Malvern
Hill were under the command of General Ma



220         McCLELLAN'S RETREAT.
gruder, who ordered his infantry to charge in the
very face of McClellan's formidable breastworks,
behind which a hundred cannons, of the heaviest
calibre, were in position to rain a perfect showei
of grape and canister down through the open
space, over which the Confederates must pass to
reach them. But, at Magruder's mad command,
the brave fellows rushed forward at full run, while
instantly they were met by a murderous fire from
McClellan's breastworks, which mowed them down
like grass.
They were not merely repulsed, they were
murdered. Again Magruder ordered fresh victims
for the same slaughter, and again the gallant men
rushed forward only to be killed. Still a third
time the foolish command was given for more men
to take the place of so many already slaughtered
in the fruitless attempt. A soldier who was in
McClellan's army at that time says: "I never saw
such courage as those Confederate boys displayed
at Malvern Hill. We were in a position where we
could mow them down just like winrows, but on
and on they kept coming, until the heaps of their
dead might have been used as breastworks, could
they have been reached without meeting the same
certain death of their gallant comrades who had
gone before i"
Thus the work of death went on until the merciful darkness put a stop to the slaughter. MeClellan's works had not been carried, but the Confederates occupied the field, and pushed forward
their pickets to within a hundred yards of his guns.




MoCLELLAN'S RETREAT.          221
During the night McClellan withdrew as secretly
as possible, and retreated to the bank of the River
at Harrison's Landing, a position which was covered by his gun-boats.
This was the last battle of his disastrous retreat, and the end of his Peninsular campaign.
Never before had so many stupendous plans miscarried. Never such great expectations brought
so poor a termination. Instead of taking IRichmond his whole army narrowly escaped destruction, and nothing at last saved it from  being
captured but the gun-boats in James River.
Some idea of the spirit which animated the Confederates may be judged off from the following incident. Major Peyton, a Confederate officer, while
leading a regiment in one of the charges at Malvern
Hill, had a young son, only fifteen years of age,
struck down by a cannon ball. The boy in his
agony cried out:
"cHelp, father, help me!"
"When we have beaten the enemy," was the
father's stern reply. "I have other sons to lead to
glory. Forward men!"
But a few minutes elapsed before another cannon ball lay the father bleeding by the side of his
son.
Never did a more gallant people draw a sword
than these Southern men.




CIHAPTER  XXVIII.
THE INAUGURATION OF A REIGN OF PLUNDER AND ARSON.
AFTER the failure of the Peninsular campaign
Mr. Lincoln issued a proclamation calling for
300,000 more soldiers. The people of the North
were generally discouraged, that is, the abolitionists
and all who sympathized with them began to doubt
their ability to subjugate the South. The Black
Republican press was bitter and abusive. It was
hard work to raise more soldiers, and it was only
by paying immense bounties that any recruits
could be obtained.
But there was, however, a fresh hope dawning
in the bosoms of the abolitionists.  Hitherto
MicClellan's commanding influence enabled him to
impart a certain moral restraint upon the army,
and to keep its action somewhere within the rules
of civilized warfare.
But that influence was now gone. The war was
to be changed to an almost universal crusade for
theft and plunder. Revenge and cruelty were to
take the place of civilized warfare.
By a general order from Washington the military commanders were directed to seize all the
property they could find belonging to citizens of
the Southern Confederacy. This order caused all




REIGN OF PLUNDER AND ARSON.    2 23
Europe to look upon the North with a degree of
surprise and contempt, for it was a violation of the
rules of civilized war.
While MIcClellan's campaign on the Peninsula
was progressing, all the fragments of the abolition
armies in Northern Virginia, under Banks, Fremont, and McDowell, which had from time to time
been cut to pieces by Stonewall Jackson, were
consolidated into one army, under the command
of General John Pope. This was called the "Army
of Virginia."  The plan of forming this army was
in the first place started by the more ultra of the
Black Republicans, with the hope of checking the
popularity of General McClellan, upon whom they
were convinced they could not depend, to carry
out the uncivilized plan of warfare now determined
on. They had also cherished hopes that this army
might work its way round and snatch from McClellan "the glory" of taking Richmond. This accounts
for the evident satisfaction expressed by some of
the more open-mouthed of these abolitionists when
it became evident that McClellan would not take
Richmond.
Pope inaugurated his campaign by a general
order entirely worthy of his own brutal nature and
of the savage instincts of those who had commissioned him. Pope's appointment to the command
of this new "Army of Virginia" was dated June
26th, the day before McClellan's battle at Gaines'
Mills. The infamous order above referred to was
dated July 23d, 1862. It commanded all his subordinate officers to immediately arrest all citizens
16




224     REIGN OF PLUNDER AND ARSON.
of the Confederate States within their reach, and
make them take an oath of allegiance to Lincoln,
and give satisfactory security for keeping it, or be
banished from  their homes and driven farther
South, and, if they ventured to return to their
homes, to be treated as spies, that is, to be shot.
The object of this barbarous order was simply to
get hold of the private property of the Southern
people.  His order was couched in the most
bombastic language, declaring that his headquarters should be in the saddle, and ridiculing all
such ideas as lines of retreat and base of supplies.
This was intended as a cut at McClellan, and was
greatly relished by all the shallow people who
could be taken by the swagger of such an ignorant
gasconader.
He also declared that his soldiers should not be
employed in guarding " rebel property." This was
looked upon as general order for arson and plunder.
It gave great delight to all those malignant creatures known as "radicals."  Indeed, Pope's brutal
order, which was most congenial to his own bad
heart, was evidently inspired by the leading Black
Republicans of Washington.
But General McClellan at once saw that such an
order, proceeding from the commanding general
of the new Department of Virginia, would be regarded as a general license for plunder and robbery,
and would result in the overthrow of all discipline,
and therefore of all efficiency in the army.
So to save his own army from demoralization
from such a cause, he immediately issued an order




EIGN OF PLUNDEmR AND ARSON.    225
of an entirely different character, in which he used
the following words: " The idea that private property may be plundered with impunity, is, perhaps, the worst that can pervade an army. Marauding degrades as men and demoralizes as soldiers all
who engage in it, and returns them'to their homes
unfitted for the honest pursuits of industry. The
General commanding takes this occasion to remind
the officers and soldiers of this army, that we are
engaged in supporting the Constitution and laws
of the United States, and in suppressing rebellion;
that we are not engaged in a war of rapine, revenge
or subjugation; that this is not a contest against
populations, but against armed forces and political
organizations; and that it should be conducted
by us upon the highest principles known to Christian civilization."
Three weeks from the date of this order General
McClellan was virtually removed from command.
Creditable as it was to him, as a man and a general, it cost him his command; and the brutal and
ignorant Pope was, for the moment, the pet and
hope of Mr. Lincoln and his party.
Nor can we be surprised at this, for McClellan
had, in his order, entirely mistated the objects of
the war. iHe had correctly set forth the rules of
civilized warfare, and had well defined his own idea
of the objects of the war; but his notions of the
objects of the war and those of Lincoln and his
party were widely different. It was "a war of
rapine, revenge and subjugation;" it was a war
"against populations," and it was not the design




226     REIGN OF PLUNDER AND ARSON1o
Df those who were waging it that it'should be
sonducted upon the highest principles known to
Christian civilization." This was General McClellan's idea, but it was not the idea- of Lincoln,
Seward, and the party they represented.
No one, therefore, can be surprised that McClellan lost his command after the publication of
the humane and enlightened order to his army.
Between him and the leaders of the war, there was
certainly a very great conflict of opinion. Just as
much of a conflict as there is between civilization
and barbarism_, or between cruelty and humanity,
or vice and virtue.
So McClellan's army was taken from him, and
was removed from the Peninsula and sent to act
in conjunction with Pope. At the same time, General Halleck, an old army-officer, who had been,
up to this time, employed in the West, was brought
to Washington and placed in the position of Commander-in-chief, much to the disgust, of nearly
every one of the best officers in the Northern army.
But the "malignants" at Washington must have a
fit tool of the despotism and cruelty which were
now to be the fixed policy of the Administration.
McClellan could not be used for such a tool, Halleck and Pope could.
One of Halleck's letters closed with these brutal
words: " Our armies will ere long crush the rebellion in the South, and then place their heels upon
the heads of sneaking traitors in the North."  By
sneaking traitors he meant all the patriotic men who
loved the Union our fathers made and refused to




REIGN OF PLUNDERi AIND ARSON.    22'
be roped into the bloody ranks of abolition deas
potisnm.
Governor Stone of Iowa in a public speech at
Keokuk said: "I admit this to be an abolition
war and it will be continued as an abolition war;o long as there is one slave at the South to be
made free. I would rather eat with a nigger,
drink with a nigger, live with a nigger, and sleep
with a nigger than with a Democrat."
Such vulgar language shows the hate and bitterness that filled the hearts of the abolitionists.
About this time the abolition papers were filled
with articles asserting that the war would never
be successful until Mr. Lincoln declared all the
negroes of the South free. Of course he could not
free the negroes until after he had conquered the
Southern people, for they would not, until then, be
within his control. But still the abolitionists were
clamorous for the act to be done. Mr. Lincoln
and Mr. Seward, however, were not yet ready to
throw off the thin mask of conservatism, under
which they commenced the war. But they had
wrought up the Northern people to a pitch of fury
and made them ready to endorse the cruel and inhumail mode of warfare we hav3 described, and
the next step was soon to follow.




CHAPTER XXIX.
THE SECOND BATTLE OF MANASSAS OR BULL ItUi.
GENERAL POPE'S reign of plunder and persecmu
tion was of short duration, as was also his insolent
boasting. He had been reinforced by a considerable portion of Milc'Clellan's army, and had certainly men enough under his command, if he had
possessed the skill to handle them. But unfortunately for him  General Lee had despatched
Stonewall Jackson to look after him.
When Jackson's force left Richmond for the
Rappahannock again, which had already been the
scene of so many of his victories, some of the Confederate officers sarcastically said' "Lee's short
of rations again I Jackson's detailed to go to the
commissary!" By the "commlissary" was meant
General Banks, for Jackson for some time supported his army off of stores taken from that general. Hence Banks was called "Jackson's coimmissary," by the Confederate soldiersa.
And it so happened that, in this new campaigm,
Jackson first struck that portion of Pope's army
which was stationed under Banks, at a place
known as Cedar Mountain. A battle took place
on the afternoon of the 9th of August, which, ater
a fierce fiighlt, resllted in the total defeat and rout




SECOND BATTLE! OF MANASSAS.      229
of the Federals, who, however, were not followed
more than two miles when Jackson ordered a halt
for the night.
jackson's force in this battle was 8,000. That
of the Federal general was 15,000. The Confederates lost six hundred killed, wounded, and miss[ng, while the Federals lost about two thousand.
Jackson captured five hundred prisoners, fifteen
hundred stand of arms, two Napoleon guns, twelve
wagon loads of ammunition, and several wagon
loads of new clothing. It was quite true that Banks
had been acting as Jackson's commissary again.
General Pope, who had boasted that he should
make his head-quarters in his saddle, was completely out-manceuvred and entrapped every way.
One night General Stuart swept round his camp
and burned it, capturing three hundred prisoners,
and very nearly captured Pope himself. All of
his public and private papers fell into Stuart's
hands, not even excepting his coat and pantaloons.
I forgot to mention that in the battle of Cedar
Mountain, that Jackson's victory was not gained
without a great and irreparable loss, in the death
of General Charles H. Winder, who was one of
the bravest and most gallant men in the Confederate army.
The next heard of Stonewall Jackson after the
battle of Cedar l~ountain, was that, with a force of
20,000 men, he was far up the valley towards the
head-waters of the Rappahannock River, where he
had been sent by Lee on one of the most adven



230     SECOND BATTLE OF MANASSAS.
turous if not dangerous undertakings of the whole
war. The object was to actually get in the rear of
Pope's army, cut off his communications, and destroy his stores. The danger of this experiment
was that it would place Jackson's army between
two great Federal armies, Pope's on one side, and
that of the immediate defences of Washington on
the other. This very plan shows that Lee held
the generalship of both Halleck and Pope in great
contempt.
Jackson's army was marched with such secrecy
and rapidity that his own officers could not comprehend the nature of the movement. "Said one
of these: "'Let us look facts fully in the face.
Hiere we are marching in the rear of an enemy
more powerful than ourselves, far from all supports, liable to be broken up by superior numbers
from Washington, on the one hand, or literally annihilated should Pope face about." Another replied: "'Tis just like him; no one can imagine
what he is about; it was so in the valley and elsewhere-plenty of marching and fighting, and
mighty little to eat, except what we chanced to
capture."  Replied a third: "As to rations, I
know not what we shall do; we are on half allowance now, and to-morrow we shall have to fast and
fight as usual. I heard that the commissary-general spoke to Jackson about it, but he simply replied,'don't trouble yourself, the enemy have a
superabundance-their depots are not far ahead."'
Events proved that Jackson's estimate for abundance to eat was right, for a few hours' march




SECOND BATTLE OF MANASSAS.       231
brought his army to a place called Bristoe's Station,
which was the first railroad depot connecting with
Pope's rear. On the sudden appearance of the
Confederates, Pope's guards escaped towards Manassas, and spread the alarm. Manassas was an
immense depot of Federal stores of all descriptions. In a few hours Jackson's army was luxuriating in this vast depot of abundance. Everything was captured without even a skirmish.
Jackson found himself in possession of "nine cannon, seven full trains heavily laden with all kinds
of stores, ten first-class locomotives, fifty-thousand
pounds of bacon, one thousand pounds of beef,
two thousand barrels of pork, five thousand barrels of superfine flour, vast quantities of hay, oats,
corn, thirty thousand loaves of bread, an immense
amo.unt of hard bread, and all kinds of ammunition, etc."
The telegraph was found to be in good working
condition, and the rejoicing Confederates telegraphed to Alexandria, which was the largest Federal depot of war stores, calling for an immediate
supply of artillery and wagon harnesses, with other
like things which the Confederates most needed.
The Federal commandant, having no suspicion
that the despatch was from Stonewall Jackson's
men, sent forward a heavily laden train, with all
the articles called for, and these all fell into the
hands of the Confederates.
All this mischief had been done by Stonewall
Jackson, when Pope had no suspicion that he was
within sixty miles of the place. In the mean time




232      SECOND BATTLE OOF MANASSAS.
General Lee was hurrying the march of the main
body of his army to support the new position
gained by his advance, under General Jackson, on
the very spot at Manassas, where the first great
battle of the war had taken place two years
before.
General Pope also had been aroused to the true
state of things, and at once hurried forward his
whole force to the same point. In a characteristic
bombastic speech to his army, he boasted that he
should "bag Jackson this time!"
Jackson had made the best of the brief time in
throwing up defensive works, and preparing for
the fierce conflict which he knew must soon come.
It was no part of his plan to retreat, and indeed it
was Lee's instruction for him to keep his position
until he should arrive with the main army.
On Wednesday, the 27th of August, 1862, a portion of Pope's advance, without knowing, came
within reach of Jackson's guns at Manassas Junction, and was driven back in confusion. All the
next day Pope's army was pouring around him.
That night Jackson removed his whole force from
Manassas Station to the old battle-field of Manassas, where he was a little nearer to Longstreet's
division, which he knew to be approaching in the
direction of Thoroughfare Gap, and where he
would also have a better position for either attack
or defence. There was skirmishing and a good
deal of pretty serious fighting, all day Friday,
August 29th, but the decisive battle did not take
place until Saturday morning. Lee's whole army




SECOND BATTLE OP MANASSAS.    c233
had arrived and was in position for another terrible
battle on the old blood-stained field of Manassas.
General Pope threw forward a heavy force upon
Lee's right, when that wily commander at once fell
back with that portion of his army for the purpose
of leading General Pope to suppose that he was
retreati ng. The shallow Pope fell into the' trap,
and in his great joy, telegraphed to Washington
that Lee was "' retreating to the mountains."  The
news was flashed all over the North, and the bulletins of the newspapers were blazing with tidings
of a great victory won by Pope over Lee.
In the meantime Pope drove forward what he
supposed to be a pursuit of the flying Confederates; but, as the result proved, drove his own
army into the jaws of destruction. He had gone
in this pursuit but a short distance, when he met
the most deadly fire from nearly all Lee's artillery,
which was concealed in the forest. Instead of retreating, Lee had simply withdrawn his left flank,
while his right remained intact, and therefore the
commencement of General Pope's pursuit was
really the beginning of the most dreadful and decisive battle of the campaign. The conflict was
bloody but short. It was Bull Run over again.
Speaking of the way the Confederates fought, a
Northern correspondent says: "They came on
like demons emerging from the earth."  The Federal army was not only defeated-it was routed,
and the disorganized mass of soldiers had to trust
for safety to their own heels or horses.
General Pope did not stop his flight until he was




234     SECOND BATTLE OF MAN'ASSAS.
safe within the defences of Washington. A correspondent in his army for a Baltimore paper put
his loss at 32,000 men, killed, wounded and missing.
Lee paroled 9,000 prisoners.
Thus ended poor Pope. Never did a man set
out with so'much bombast and swagger, and never
did any man fall so fast and so low. Even the
brutal school of abolitionists who had placed such
hopes in him, and who had rejoiced so much at
his inhuman programme for the war, were heartily
ashamed of him. He fell to rise no more. He is
to this day the laughing-stock of men.




CHAPTER XXX.
LEE IN MARYLAND-BATTLE OF ANTIETAM.
WITH the ridiculous failure of General Pope, the
Ae"rmy of Virginia" which had been created to
blot out " the Army of thbI Potomac," passed out
of existence, and the old name of "the Army of
the Potomac" was a power again, and McClellan
was reinstated in command.
It was a bitter pill for the Administration to
take, to put forward General McClellan, after they
had so publicly insulted and belittled him. But
the cry of "Washington is in danger!" was reverberating over the North. Mr. Lincoln and his
Cabinet were trembling with fear.  And it was
seen that the army demanded McClellan again.
For although he had not, at this time, been formally removed, he had been put under a cloud, a fact
which caused a universal discontent, in the Army
of the Potomac especially. Indeed, there was no
alternative for Lincoln but to reinstate McClellan.
Virginia had been cleared of Federal troops, and
Lee was preparing to march into Maryland, with
a view of pushing his army into Pennsylvania.
Th3o result of Pope's campaign had really been to
put the Administration at Washington completely
on the defensive.




236           LEE IN MARTYL ND.
On the fourth day of September, G eneral Lee
actually crossed the Potomac iRiver, into the State
of Maryland.
Whether General Lee had any object in this
movement further than to possess himself of the immense Federal army stores at Harper's Ferry, and to
replenish his commissary department generally, is
very doubtful. Lee invaded Maryland with three
army corps, commanded respectively by Generals
Jackson, Longstreet, and Eill.
Jackson was to -march directly for Harper's
Ferry, while. Hill and Longstreet were entrusted
with the responsibility of watching and holding in
check General McClellan in'any effort he might
make to protect the Federal force at Harper's
Ferry.
General McClellan had only been reinvested
with command twelve days when this movement
on Lee's part was made. To keep MtcClellan from
reaching Harper's Ferry, Longstreet was directed
to march directly to Hagerstown, in iMaryland, and
there to wait until McClellanl's movements should
develop. Immediately General McClellan moved
his entire force in the direction of the mountains
which Lee %uspected he would, and to provide for
whioh Lee. sent General D3. H. Hill to check him.
Hill's instructions were to hold a certain point at
all hazards until Jackson had reached Harper's
Ferry..  That point is known as Boonsboro' Gap.
At this place a severe battle occurred. At first
the Confederates, being greatly outnumbered, were
being terribly pressed, and the Confederate Gen



LEE IN MAtRYLANDT           237
oral Garland was killed, but at -length reim::forcements arrived under General Longstreet, anld the
fighting was desperate on both sides. When night
shut down upon the bloody scene the two opposing
armies occupied the same position they did in the
morning at the opening of the battle.
But the Confederates had gained their object,
which was to prevent reinforcements from reaching
H[arper's Ferry.
While the battle was progressing at Boonsboro'
Gap, General Jackson was capturing Harper's
Ferry. During the night he placed his heaviest
gmns in position, and in the morning opened upon
the place from all directions. At half past seven,
A. M., the place surrendered. The Federal commander, Colonel Miles, had one of his hips shot
away in the engagement.
Jackson tools twelve thousand troops, twelve
thousand stand of arms, seventy-three pieces of
aritillery, and over two hundred wagons.  This
surrender took place on the 14th of September.
General Lee, perceiving that IleClellan was massin g his whole force, united his army as far as
practicable at a point near Sharpsburg, about
eight miles to the west of Boonsboro' Gap.  At
this place occurred, on the 17th of September, the
memorable battle of Antietam, which takes its
name from the beautiful valley where it was fought.
General Lee was strongly posted, but he had
not over forty-five thousand men, while the Federal army numbered nearly a hundred thousand.
MhcClJellan commanded in person, while under him




238          BATTLE OF ANTIETAM.
were Generals Burnside, Porter, Hooker, Sumner,
Franklin, Meade, Sedgwick, and Pleasanton, coma
mander of cavalry.
The battle was opened by an assault, upon Lee's
left which was held by Stonewall Jackson. Hooker
led the attack with eighteen thousand men well
posted in the high grounds where Jackson lay with,
a force of only four thousand. In that day's terrible
fight nearly one half of these brave fellows were
left dead upon the field of slaughter. The whole
force of both armies was soon at work in one of
the fiercest conflicts that occurred during the war.
The very earth shook all day with the terrible
shock of battle. The tide of success was now with
one side, and now with the other, until each must
have welcomed the friendly night which put a stop
to the horrible slaughter.
The Federal historian of the Army of the Potomac, Swinton, admits that the fortunes of this day's
dreadful fighting were rather with the Confederates, notwithstanding the vast disproportion of
numbers, and his opinion is sufficiently sustained
by the fact that during the nig-ht, McClellan disappeared from the front, leaving his dead unburied
on the sanguinary field where they had poured out
their blood so heroically.
The loss of the Federals in this battle was, in
killed and wounded, twelve thousand five hundred
men:  That of the Confederates was over eight
thousand. All day of the 18th of September, both
armies were too much exhausted to renew the
deadly strife. And during the night of that day




BATTLE OF ANTIETAMo          2 3 9
General Lee withdrew across the Potomac, without an effort on the part of McClellan to prevent
him. On the 20th General McClellan commenced
to cross the river into Virginia, but no sooner was
one column across than it was badly repulsed and
driven back into the river by General A. P. Hill.
Thus ended all attempts to follow up Lee, with
the immense stores he had gained by his brief
campaign in Maryland. Of Lee's return to Virginia, an abolition paper bitterly said: "He leaves
us the dbris of his late camps, two disabled
pieces of artillery, a few hundred of his stragglers,
perhaps two thousand of his wounded, and as
many more of his unburied dead. Not a soufid
field-piece, caisson, ambulance, or wagon, not a
tent, a box of stores, or a pound of ammunition.
He takes with him the supplies gathered in Maryland, and the rich spoils of Harper's Ferry."
If General Lee's intention in passing into Maryland was simply to gather supplies, his campaign
was a great success; but if, as was and is generally believed, he meant to make a stand on that
side of the Potomac, as a base of operations against
the North, then he signally failed. For the battles
which McClellan had delivered against him, though
not victories, had caused him to recross into Virginia, and give up the invasion of the North.
But the campaign cost McClellan his command.
The abolition leaders, who were but too glad of an
opportunity to destroy him, seized upon the fact
that Lee, with his inferior force, had done so much
damage, and escaped safely back into Virginia.
17




240          BATTLE OF ANTIrTAM.
One day, while McClellan was sitting in his tent at
Beckertown, conversing with General Burnside,
he received the following despatch from WashingS
ton:
"General Order, No. 182.
" WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE,
"WASHINGTON, NOv. 5th, 1862.
"By direction of the President of the United
States, it is ordered that Major-General McClellan
be relieved from command of the Army of the Potomac, and that Major-General Burnside take the
command of that army.
"By order of the Secretary of War."
General McClellan coldly read the dispatch, and,
handing it to Burnside, said: "Well, Burnside,
you are to command the army."
Thus ended General M~[cClellan's military career
_m the great abolition war.
Just previous to the removal of General McClellan on the 22d of September, Mr. Lincoln had
issued what he called his "preliminary Proclamation of Emancipation," that is, he announced that
if "the rebels," as he called them, did not submit
on or before the 1st dayeof January, 1863, he would
issue an edict, "freeing all their slaves, and would
pledge the Government to maintain that freedom."
Of course Hr. Lincoln had no more right to do all
this than he had to issue a decree making himself
Dictator for life. I have shown you on page 136
how solemnly he declared that the war was prose



BATTLE OF ANTIETAM.         241
cuted "to preserve the rights of the States," and
now when only a year had elapsed, he completely
falsifies his own word.
No man ever lost such a glorious chance for immortality as General McClellan did, when he did
not resign his commission in the army upon this
announcement being made. Thousands of brave
and gallant boys had enlisted under the solemn
promise first made by Mr. Lincoln, and if General
SMcClellan had set an example of resigning, it
would probably have produced such an effect in
the army that the abolitionists would have been
compelled to withdraw it. If they had been thus
forced to give up their negro freedom idea, we
shculd soon have had peace, for they would never
have prosecuted the war for any other purpose.
General McClellan, however, did not resign.
Yet the effect of the proclamation in the army
was very great. We shall refer to it in another
chapter.
After the battle of Antietam Mr. Lincoln had
visited the battle-field, and an incident, entirely
authentic, is related, showing with what levity and
indifference he viewed the scene of the dreadful
carnage and slaughter.
"There," said McClellan, who was riding by his
side, "we buried eight hundred gallant and noble
fellows."
Mr. Lincoln, scarcely glancing at the spot, exclaimed,
"Mac, did you ever hear Major P. sing Old Dan
Tucker?"




242         BATTLE OF ANTIETAM.
The general shook his head in evident sorrow at
such desecration of the newly-made graves about
him, when Mr. Lincoln, calling to Major P., who
was riding a few rods in the rear, insisted that he
should sing "Old Dan Tucker" for General McClelIan, and it was done.
If this statement was not authenticated beyond
doubt, I should hesitate to put it in here, for never
before over the fresh graves of a battle-field did
one whose heart ought to have wept tears of blood,
indulge in such unfeeling, such unholy jests




CHAPTER XXXI.
BLOODY DOINGS IN THE WEST.
IT is necessary to go back a little to give some
account of the way the war was progressing in the
West.
On the very day when Lee won the great victory
at the second battle of lManassas, there was a battle going on at Richmond, in the State of Kentucky. The abolition government at Washington
had never relaxed any of its energy in that section.'Indeed its military movements in that section were
quite equal to those in Virginia in magnitude.
The stupendous project had already been formed
of driving out the Confederate forces from Kentucky, Tennessee, and all the States west of the
Mississippi, and then of cutting down through the
Gulf States into the very heart of the South.
Grant was " pegging away," as Mr. Lincoln would
say, in Mississippi, McClernand and Buell in Kentucky and Tennessee, while there was another
Federal army operating in Missouri and Arkansas.
It was necessary for the Confederate Government to do something to distract the plans which
were gradually ripening for the subjugation of
these more Southern States. The scheme hit upon
was to make some bold raids through Kentucky,




244     BLOODY DOINGS IN THE WEST.
and threaten Cincinnati and the State of Ohio, for
the purpose of dividing the strength of the Federals, which was setting so strongly South.
Early in the month of August, the Confederate
commander in Kentucky and Tennessee, General
Kirby Smith, ordered a strong force to move
northward, for the purpose of carrying out the
scheme above stated. On the 29th of Aug-ust it
reaeched the little town of Richmond, where lay a
considerable Federal force nunder General Nelson.
A severe battle followed, in which the abolition
army in that region was quite as badly whipped
as it was at Manassas in Virginia the same day.
This defeat of Nelson at Richmond left General
Smith a clear track through Kentucky to Lexington, at which city he arrived on the 4th day of
September. As his army passed through Lexington it received the wildest display of welcome,
especially from the ladies. The rule of the abolition commanders in that region had been brutal
in the extreme, and Smith's presence was therefore
hailed as a sign of protection and safety from further outrage. When General John {Morgan's cavalry, which was in Smith's command, reached the
city, it is said that the demonstrations of welcome
were perfectly deafening. In that place this gallant officer was again in the presence of his own
neighbors and friends.
When it became known in Cincinnati that General Smith had won the battle of Richmond and
penetrated as far towards the Ohio line as Lexington, the people of that city were wild with fear.




BLOODY DOINGS IN THE WEST.       245
The whole city instantl~ becami a camp. People
going from their houses to their places of business,
or from their places of business home to their
meals, were seized by the abolition officers and
pressed into the army.
At the same time that General Smith entered
the State of Kentucky from the line of Richmond,
General Bragg came into the State with another
Confederate army in a more easterly direction,
from  Knoxville and Chattanooga. But General
Smith's orders in marching so near to the Ohio
line were to menace, not to attack. After making
this demonstration he was to fall back to co-operate with Bragg's army.
This cunning demonstration of the Confederates
in Kentucky had the desired effect. It caused the
Federals to evacuate East Tennessee and Northern Alabama.
On the 17th of September, General Bragg fell
upon a force of abolitionists at Mumfordville, and
captured about five thousand prisoners, with a loss
of less than a hundred of his own men. On the
8th of October he had a severe battle with nearly
the whole Federal army in Kentucky, at Perryville, which was not a decided victory to either
side, though Bragg claimed a victory. He captured fifteen pieces of artillery and took a large
number of prisoners. But his mistake was in risking the battle at all with only part of his own
army, for the commands of neither General Smith
nor that of General Withers were with him at the
time.




246     BLOODY DOINGS IN THE WEST.
Ascertaining that the Federals had been rein.
forced during the night, General Bragg withdrew
early the next morning to Harrodsburg, where he
met Generals Smith and Withers.
While Bragg was thus backing and filling, and
losing his opportunity, General Buell's army was
swelling to dimensions so far beyond that of the
Confederates that it became evident that he must
beat a retreat.
This he commenced on the 12th of October, carrying with him an immense amount of stores and
munitions of war. It was painful to witness the dismay of the Democrats and better sort of people of
the region round about Lexington, when they saw
that they should no longer enjoy the protection of
the Confederate army. Women and children were
everywhere seen crying and wringing their hands.
They declared that they preferred to die rather
than again be subjected to the brutality and cruelty
of the abolitionists.
Thus ended that Confederate campaign in Kentucky. Though it had done some gallant fighting
and won no mean victories, yet it was nearly fruitless of the great advantages it might have won had
General Bragg pushed his opportunity as Stonewall Jackson, and other Confederate commanders,
would, no doubt, have done.
The people of Kentucky were in a strangely divided andl unhappy condition during the whole
Wvar. Mien like George D. Prentice, the editor
of the Louisville Journal, a prominent paper in
that State, took strong sides with the abolitionists.




BLOODY DOINGS IN THE tVEST.      247
While professing to hate abolitionism, they threw
all their influence in its favor, and gave the strongest support to a man who had no other object but
the abolition of "slavery," and the subversion of
the democratic form of government established b
the great men of the Revolution.
While the events above described were taking
place in Kentucky, active scenes were transpiring
further South.  General lRosecrans, a Federal
commander of what was called the Army of the Mississippi and Tennessee, was entrenched, with fortyfive thousand men, at Corinth. The Confederate
commands of Generals Van Dorn and Price united
and marched to Corinth, for the purpose of engaging Rosecrans. It was a desperate and foolhardy undertaking, to attack an entrenched armyso greatly superior in numbers. The Confederate
forces were under the command of General Van
Dorn. The battle was opened on Friday morning,
October 3d, 1862. Under General Van Dorn were
Generals Price, Lovell, Maury, and Herbert. Van
Dorn's assault was made with tremendous power,
The Federals were pushed slowly back for nearly
two hours under the admirably handled batteries
of General Lovell's corps.
But Rosecrans had been driven into his fortifications. Still the Confederates drove him beyond
his first line of fortifications, back within his second. This was the condition of the two armies
when night put a stop to the fearful carnage.
Van Dorn was elated, and telegraphed to Richmond that he had gained a great victory. -But he
knew not yet the strength of Rosecrans' works.




248      BLOODY DOINGS IN THE WEST.
The next morning before daylight (General Van
Dorn still commanding), General Price commenced firing with his artillery, at a distance of
only four hundred yards in front of the enemy's
entrenchments. Soon Lovell, Price, Maury, and
Herbert were all hotly at work. The Confederates
fought with the same desperation they had displayed the previous day, but it was a useless struggle. After performing prodigies of valor, and after
a horrible slaughter of some of the bravest men
that ever entered a battle-field, Van Dorn ordered
his troops to fall back. But this order was not
given until three o'clock in the afternoon. From
daylight to this hour he had kept his little army in
one of the fiercest and most unequal combats evel
witnessed. But when he gave up and fell back,
Rosecrans made no attempt to follow him, which
showed that he, too, had had enough of fighting
for the time.
While these bloody scenes were being enacted.
in Tennessee, the northwestern portion of the
State of Missouri was the theatre of the most horrible guerrilla warfare. Under the despotic rule
of the Lincoln General Schofield, and the murderous cruelties of an infamous scoundrel by the
name of Colonel McNeil, the people of that section
had been goaded into uncontrollable madness.
One act, of the many atrocities of McNeil, will
forever stamp his name as one of the most hardened wretches that ever lived. A so-called Union
man by the name of Andrew Allsman was missing.
McNeil issued an order that unless Allsman was




BLOODY DOINGS IN THE WEST.       249
found in ten days he would shoot ten Confederate
prisoners. The ten days elapsed and Allsman was
not found. In vain the citizens and the Confederates protested that they had not harmed him, and
knew nothing of his whereabouts. But McNeil
was determined to have a feast of innocent blood.
So he took ten innocent citizens of MissoVri to
slake his cannibal appetite. In vain did their
wives and friends plead! The ten men were inhumanly slaughtered as a revenge for the absence of
the one man Allsman. Afterwards the man Allsman turned up alive and well!
He had been absent of his own will and motion.
But the ten innocent men were in their graves, as
an everlasting monument of the infamous cruelty
and butchery of abolition rule in Missouri.
This wretch MIcNeil, it is said, is still living and
is now one of the, leading spirits c4 the Abolition
party in the State of Missouri. He is a fit instrument of the abominable despotism of the abolitionists of that State, where clergymen, who refuse
to take a certain illegal and ridiculous oath, are
ruthlessly dragged out of their pulpits, and ifcarcerated in dungeons, or forbidden, under the
most outrageous penalties, to preach the Gospel
of Christ.
When these scenes are rehearsed, in future
times, they will be regarded as the darkest and
bloodiest events that disgrace the history of mankind. They have already caused the name of the
United States to be repeated with a chill of ilorror
throughout the civilized world.




CHAPTER XXXII.
GENERAL BURNSI)E'S BLOODY CAMPAIGN.
WVE now return to relate the progress of the war
in Virginia. After it was known that Burnside
had succeeded McClellan in the command of the
Army of the Potomac the abolition press struck up
the old cry of " On to Richmond." Burnside was the
new pet of the hour. All at once the Abolitionists
discovered that he was just the man for the occasion. Though nobody ever imagined that Ambrose
Burnside was anything more than the most common
of common place mortals, now he was pushed into
notice as a very great man. We shall soon see
what very small timber is sometimes used to make
great men.
On taking command General Burnside at once
applied himself to the task of changing the base
of the army to Fredericksburg, on the Rappahannock River. This strange movement astonished
the authorities at Washington, as they could not
possibly see the object of it. He, however, persuaded them that he had discovered the true plan
to defeat Lee, and take Richmond. This plan was
to leave a small force to make a show of crossing
the Rappahannock, near Warrenton, as a feint to
deceive Lee, and make him believe that the Fed



GENEIRAL BUItNSIDE'S BLOODY CAMPAIGN. 251
eral army was about to throw itself into Virginia,
and then by a rapid march to throw. his whole
army across the river at Fredericksburg.  This
movement General Burnside thought would catch
Lee in a trap. Though even in case his trick were
successful nobody but the cunning Burnside could
see the trap. The idea of Ambrose Burnside attempting to catch Robert E. Lee in a trap carries
with it a certain amount of amusement.
The whole nature of Burnside's movement was
as well known to Lee as it was to himself. But
the Confederate commander did effectually deceive
Burnside by making him believe that he had sent
a large portion of his forces down the river.
General Burnside commenced throwing his
pontoon bridges across the Rappahannock at
Fredericksburg on the night of the 10th of December. The whole movement was visible to the eye
of Lee's troops posted on the bluff which overlooked the whole town on the river.
Lee designedly made but a feeble resistance to
Burnside's crossing, just enough to impress that
weak man with the idea that none but a small
Confederate force was in his front; for Lee was
just as anxious to get Burrnside on his side of the
river as Burnside was to get there.
The whole of the 12th day of December was
Dccupied in the passage of Burnside's army across
the Rappahannock, and at night he occupied
Fredericksburg. The news flashed over the North
of Burnside's great victory; he had successfully
crossed the Rappahannock and had taken Fred



252 GENERAL BURNSIDE'S BLOODY CAIPAIGN.
ericksburg! The abolitionists and their sympathizers were wild with joy. It was said that "the
right man had been found at last." Large sums
were bet that Burnside would be in Richmond
in ten days.  How  far it was to Richmond,
or how he was to get there, were'questions which
they did not think upon. Their wild imagination
jumped him into Richmond.
Burnside imagined that on the morning of the
13th of December, after his troops had enjoyed so
quiet a night in Fredericksburg, he should make
short work with what he believed to be the fraction
of Lee's army before him, if indeed Lee did not fly
during the night. He little comprehended the fact
that the whole of Lee's army was anxiously waiting
to receive him.
The sun that morning rose clear, but a dense fog
hung over the town of Fredericksburg until nearly
nine o'clock. Lee's men on the bluffs and hills
around could distinctly hear Burnside's officers
commanding and marching their men about in the
fog. As soon as this foggy veil lifted, Burnside
ordered his men to attack. Lee at first returned
the fire slowly and on certain points of his line
gradually fell back for the purpose of drawing Burnside's army out into the inevitable jaws of death
that awaited it. Lee was personally on the battlefield all day. WVhen the firing began in the morning he might have been seen quietly riding along
the whole front, and finally taking up his position
on the extreme right of his lines, where Stuart's
horse artillery was posted, and which was already




GENERAL BUIRNSIDE'S BLOODY CAMPAIGN. 2`53
hotly at work with Burnside's left flank, commanded by General Franklin.
But Bu3aside was himself two miles fiom the
battle-field, on the other side of the river, viewing
the scene with a glass from the top of the "Phillips
HEouse."
It must have been an awful sight to him, for his
men were not only shot, they were mowed down.
Every charge they made was repulsed with the
most terrible slaughter. Actually his army was
not so much fighting as being murdered. No men
ever fought more gallantly, and no brave fellows
were ever slaughtered more mercilessly in consequence of the stupidity of the general commanding. Lee had so placed his army on and around
those heights that whichever way the invaders
turned they met sure destruction. Lee's whole
force was only eighty thousand men, while Burnside's army numbered one hundred and fifty thousand men. But had it been three hundred thousand the results of that day's battle would have
been the same. The more that Burnside saw how
his attacks were repulsed, the more determined he
seemed to be that his men should be slaughtered.
Towards night he became so irritated that no one
received a civil answer friom him.
Nearly all of his division commanders were able
and experienced generals, and they fought with a
heroism that won the admiration of even the
enemy. General Hancock led five thousand men
into the fight in the morning, and before it closed
he had lost two thousand and thirteen, of whom




254  GENERAL BUTRNSIDE'S BLOOLY CAMPAIGN.
one hundred and fifty-six were commissioned officers. Burnside's total loss was twelve thousand
three hundred and twenty-one, killed, wounded,
and missing. An English officer, who was in this
battle on the Confederate side, in giving a description of it says: "Our total loss was, two thousand."
The same writer says: "Again and again were the
Federals re-formed, and advance succeeded advance as fresh regiments rushed over heaps of
slain, to be themselves torn in an instant into manr
gled and bleeding shreds. The position was unassailable-a sheet of flame streamed across our
whole front, and destroyed everything mortal that
approached it. The sight was horrible. It was
not a scientific battle, but a wholesale slaughter of
human beings for the caprice of one man (Burnside) who, two miles across the river, sat upon the
heights, glass in hand, complacently viewing the
awful panorama below."
Thus ended Burnside's horrible slaughter. It
ought not to be called a battle on his part-it was
a slaughter-pen. This new road to Richmond had
ingloriously terminated in a grave-yard.
For two days Burnside's mangled and bleeding
army lay quiet in the valley, without making any
attempt to renew the engagement. It has been a
matter of surprise that Lee did not follow up his
victory by attempting to drive the Federal army
across the river, by which lhe might have captured
a considerable portion of it, had the attempt been
made at daylight the next morning. But he probably supposed that it was. Burnside's intention to




GENERAL BURNSlDR'S BLOODY CAMPAIGN. 255
renew the fight, in which case he expected to be
able to pretty nearly annihilate the abolition army,
without any considerable loss of his own men.
This saving the lives of his men seemed always to
be a paramount study of the Confederate commander.
But, in the darkness of the night of the second
day after the slaughter, Buruside withdrew his
whole force over the river, and was safe from the
reach of Lee. In one day he had won an immortality of shame. If Pope had proved himself a
failure, Burnside had proved himself a disgrace to
the profession of arms.
And the shocking Vandalism of his army in
Fredericksburg proved that he was zorally as deficient in the qualities of general as he was intellectually. The town was literally sacked and pillaged.- It was barbarously destroyed. Even the
churches were wantonly defaced. Arson, robbery,
the insult and torture of women and children, were
the only monuments of Burnside's generalship.
The army correspondent of the New  York
Tribune rejoiced in giving the following record of
abolition barbarity: "The old mansion of Douglas
Gordon-perhaps the wealthiest citizen in the vicinity-is now used as the headquarters of General
Howard, but before he occupied it, all the elegant
furniture and works of art had been broken upt
and smashed by the soldiers. WVhen I entered it
early this morning, before its occupation by General Howard, I found the soldiers of his fine division diverting themselves with the rich dresses




256 GENERAL BURNSIDE'S BLOODY CAMPAIGN.
found in the ladies' wardrobes; some had on bonnets of the fashion of last year, and were surveying themselves before mirrors, which an hour
afterwards were pitched out of the windows and
smashed to pieces upon the pavements; others
had elegant scarfs bound round their heads in the
form of turbans, and shawls around their waists."
The soldiers had also helped themselves to all
such things as spoons, jewelry, and silver plate.
Never since the march of the Hluns and Vandals
was an army permitted to commit such robberies
of private property.
It would be certain death for soldiers to commit
such thefts under a general who meant to conduct
the war upon the recognized rules of civilized warfare.
After his disgraceful defeat, General Burnside
floundered about in the mud up and down the
banks of the Rappahannock for nearly a month,
when he became satisfied that many of the officers
in his army held him in great contempt, and he
determined at once to make an example of them
for daring to distrust his ability.
So he, with one bold stroke, dismissed from the
service of the United States, Generals Hooker,
Brooks, Newton, and Cochrane; and removed
from  command in the Army of the Potomac,
Generals Franklin, W. F. Smith, Sturgis, Ferrerc,
and Colonel Taylor.
On this order the madman posted to Washington, and demafnded of the President an approval
of his removal of all these officers, or accept his




GENERAL BUrNSIDE'S BLOODY CAMPAIGN. 257
own resignation. Of course the President could
not hesitate a moment, so he immediately accepted Burnside's resignation, and appointed General Hooker to his place as commander of the
Army of the Potomac.
Thus, exit Burnside I




CHAPTER  XXXIII.
MR. LINCOLN'S CAMPAIGN IN THE NORTH.
I PROPOSE now to refer to the course which Mr.
Lincoln's Administration pursued towards all in
the North who differed from it. It has always
been held that it was not only the right, but the
duty, of every citizen to oppose the policy of any
Administration, when he thought it wrong. Indeed, every patriotic person will work with zeal
and energy to change any existing Administration
whose policy he thinks ruinous to the country.
It was soon discovered, however, that Mr. Lincoin did not intend to allow any opposition to his
policy. ]His organs called his administration of the
Government the Government itself, and accused
everybody of "opposing the Government" who
protested against his unconstitutional acts. The
war he was waging was not so much a war against
the South as it was against the democratic and
republican principle of government.  Hence he
was determined to put down the spirit of liberty
wherever he found it.
The first warfare on these principles in the
North which Mr. Lincoln indulged in was an
assault on the freedom of the press. In July, 1861
he ordered that all the leading Democratic papers




MR. LINCOLN'S CAIPAIGN IN THE NORTH. 2.59
in New York city be denied circulation in the
mails. This was one of the most arbitrary and
tyrannical acts ever committed, but, strange to say,
it was generally endorsed by the abolition newspapers, though their editors had been howling
themselves hoarse for years in favor of a "free
press."
This act was followed by a general attack upon
the Democratic press all over the North. As if by
a preconcerted signal the abolitionists excited
mobs to attack and destroy Democratic printing
offices wherever there was one that protested
against Mr. Lincoln's usurpations.  In some cases
Democratic editors were killed, in others badly
injured, and in a great many instances their offices
were destroyed and their types cast into the street.
I am glad to say, however, that in some cases
these cowardly mobbers got what they richly deo
served. One of these mobs attacked the office of
The Democrat, a paper published at Catskill, New
York, when Mr. Hall, the editor, getting a hint of
their approach concealed himself in his office, and
as they began to pelt the windows with stones and
brickbats he took deliberate aim and fired a whole
charge of small shot right into the thighs of one
of the leading mobbites. He jumped and yelled
fearfully, and his companions, not expecting such
a reception, ran away as fast as their cowardly
legs could carry them.
I only regret that there were not a great many
more of these mobs served in the same way.
It would occupy a book five times as large as




260 MR. LINCOLN'S CAMPAIGN IN THE NORTIH
this one to give the details of Mr. Lincoln's campaign against the Democratic newspapers of the
North. Not less than three or four hundred were
either denied the use of the mails, or mobbed. In
Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri they were completely crushed out.
M!r. Lincoln, however, did not stop with sup.
pressing the freedom of the press. He hated freedom of speech just as much. Mr. Seward seemed
to relish the work of sending people to Btastiles
without any charge being made against them. Up
to December, 1861, a period of little over seven
months from the time the war began, three hundred
and fifty-one persons had been sent to the different
military prisons by order of Mr. Seward alone,
whose names were known and registered. Besides
these there were one hundred and fifty more,
known to have been arrested, whose names could
not be ascertained, for after a time they gave
orders that the names of those arrested should be
kept secret.
The number of persons arrested in the East by
Lincoln and Seward during three years of the war
was estimated at ten thousand! Taking the whole
North and the number could not lhave been less
than thirty thousand!
A great number of females were among the
prisoners. In many cases there seems to have
been no ground for the arrest but an anonymous
letter, some private gossip or the gratification of
some old personal or political grudge.  Every
abolition politician seized the opportunity to per



MR. LINCOLN'S CAMPAIGN IN THE NORTH. 261
secute his Democratic neighbors.  Thousands of
letters were sent to Mr. Seward urging him  to
arrest individuals whom the writers accused of
" disloyalty." One minister of the Gospel in Westerm  New York wrote thirty letters to Seward in
two months giving him  in each letter lists of
"traitors" to arrest.
All sorts of means were resorted to to intimidate
people from  expressing their opinions.  In New
York city the writer saw several copies of the
following circular sent to ladies, to frighten them
into submission to Lincoln:
HEADQUARTE~RS OF THE UNION VIGILANCE COMMITTEE, 1
New York, April, 1861.
MADAM: As a person favoring traitors to the Union, you
are notified that your name is recorded on the Secret List
of this Association, your movements are being strictly
watched, and unless you openly declare your adherence tG
the Union, you will be dealt with as a TRAITOR.
By Order,
33    Sec etary.
At the same time the abolition papers were
filled with mysterious threats.  It was stated that
lists of prominent "traitors" in New York city,
who opposed Mr. Lincoln's policy, had been made
out, by a secret detective police which "the Government" had formed. These spies, pimps and in.
formers dogged the footsteps of every man whom
they suspected of bold and unqualified opposition
to Mr. Lincoln and his party.  - The abolition
papers were joyous over these evidences of " vigor"
as they called the illegal arrest and imprisonment




262 MR. LINCOLN'S OAMPAIGN IN THE NORTH.I
of persons without any trial or charge being made
against them. The New York Tribune, one of the
loudest yelpers for (negro) freedom, declared that
"the system of detective police was bearing the
happiest fruits."
All this time, while Democratic newspapers were
denied the use of the mails or mobbed, and while
thousands of Democrats were being thrown into
loathsome dungeons, for simply opposing the
policy of Mr. Lincoln's Administration, the Boston
Liberator continued to flaunt the motto, " The
Constitution is a league with death and a covenant with
hell."  Mr. Lincoln not only did not object to that,
but it transpired afterwards that he was at that
very time a subscriber, reader, and supporter of
this paper!
But I have not began to tell as yet one-half of
the outrages perpetrated during this " reign of terror" in America. I must give you a few samples
of the multitude on record.
On the Sunday of February 9th, 1862, as the
Rev. Mr. Stuart, of St. Paul's Episcopal Church,
Alexandria, Va., was officiating at the altar, a brutal officer, with a file of soldiers, seized him, and,
wrenching the prayer-book out of his hand, dragged
him from the altar, and through the streets, in his
robes of office. The charge against him was that
he did not pray for Mr. Lincoln! It is believed
that about one hundred clergymen in all were
arrested. One, Rev. J. D. Benedict, of Western
New York, was seized at night, and spirited away
in a carriage, and finally confined in the Old Capi



MR. LINCOLN'S CAMPAIGN IN THE NORTH. 2603
tol Prison, at Washington.  His offence was
preaching a discourse from Christ's Sermon on the
Mount, " Blessed are the peacemakers."
Judges were arrested. In some instances dragged from their judicial seats to the dungeon, and
kept for months in prison, and then discharged,
no crime being alleged against them.
Ladies were seized and imprisoned, subjected to
nameless insults, forbidden the visits of friends,
and hurried from prison to prison by Mr. Lincoln's
satraps. The case of a Mrs. Brinsmade may be
mentioned. This lady came to New York from New
Orleans, and went to Washington to visit some
friends. While there she was arrested and brought
on to New York city, and kept in a station-house
for forty days, by order of John A. Kennedy, Superintendent of the New York Police.
I ought to have mentioned that the Police De.
partment of New York had been the most service.
able tool of Mr. SeWvard's tyranny.  Its superin.
tendent, Kennedy, was a man of low and vulgar
instincts, who seemed to rejoice when he had some
one to persecute. HEe was a native of Baltimore,
Maryland, and never seemed so well pleased as
when making war on those whom he charged with
C" sympathizing with the South."
This is the man who had seized Mrs. Brinsmade,
and he boasted that the police station was just
"the place for her."
Kennedy had been appointed provost marshal,
and no one could have been better fitted for the
dirty work of tyrants. Among the appliances of




64 MRp. LINCOLN'S CAMPAIGN IN THE NORTH.
torture which he kept for his victims was a place
called " Cell No. 4." The Black Hole of Calcutta
or the prison hulks of the Revolution could
scarcely compete with it. It was only about three
feet wide by six in depth. A pine board had been
nailed across one end as a pillow, and there were
neither bed-clothes, mattress, nor straw-nothing
but the naked floor for a bed. The door was composed of iron bars tightly riveted together.
It was the dirtiest, filthiest place possible to be
conceived of. It swarmed with vermin, which
ran riot over the unfortunate victims confined
there, who could neither lie down nor sit down
for very agony. In the hottest and most stifling
weather, sometimes three persons were confined in
this three by six cell at one time!
On one occasion a young man was arrested for
refusing to give his name to an enrolling officer.
KENNEDY. —" What is your name?"
YOUNG MAN.-" Well, I decline to give my name."
KENNEDY.-" Oh, you do. Well, I think you will
give it before being here a great while."  (Rings
his bell.) " Here, officer, take this man down stairs
and give him No. 4."
The iron door swung upon its ponderous hinges,
and in went the young man. In less than fifteen
minutes his cries were heard, and going thither,
he was found in profuse perspiration, the vermin
crawling over him and tormenting him beyond oxpression! He was glad to give his name to escape
Kennedy's torture.
I have now to relate what seems most astound



MR. LINCOLN'S CAMPAIGN IN THE NORTH. 265
ing of all. Even boys and young children were
arrested, and imprisoned for months and even years.
In September, 1861, a poor newsboy, named George
Hubbell, was arrested on the Naugatuck Railroad,
and sent to Fort Lafayette, for selling Democratic
newspapers! In December, 1862, a boy seventeen
years of age was released from the same Bastile,
whose only known cause of arrest was that his
fatIher was an ardent Democrat of Connecticut.
In Kentucky, a school of boys was seized and required to take what was called "the iron-clad
oath." Most of them, I am sorry to say, got frightened, and submitted; but two brothers, named
Woolsey, stoutly refused, and were sent to jail,
where Lincoln kept them for over two years.
This showed the right spirit. We ought always
to be willing to go to jail for our principles, and to
yield our life even before we will give them up.
If everybody who was arrested by Lincoln and
Seward had followed the example of these noble
boys, they would have been compelled to send so
many to jail that their prisons would have been
too small to hold them, and they would have seen
such pluck exhibited that they might have got
frightened, and given up their usurpations.
As I have said, Democratic editors were arrested
and sent to these Bastiles. Mr. J. A. IceMasters,
editor of the New York Freeman's Journal, was not
only thus arrested, but carried hand-cuffed through
the streets to Fort Lafayette. Mr. F. D. Flanders,
editor of the Malone Gazette, and his brother Judge
J. R. Flanders, both prominent men opposed to Lin



266 MR. LINCOLN'S CAMPAIGN IN THE NORTH.
coln's policy, in Franklin County, New York, were
also arrested, and confined by order of Mr. Seward
in Fort Lafayette.  No doubt, he thought he
would by this means stop the bold little paper
which Mr. Flanders published.
But in this I am happy to say he was mistaken;
for his wife, a brave and talented woman, seized
the pen herself, and with great energy and deteruination kept the paper going while her husband
was in prison for opinion's sake. The name of
this lady, Louisa B. Flanders, ought to become as
historic as that of the brave woman of the Revolution, who, at the battle of Monmouth, when her
husband, who was a cannoneer, was shot down,
seized the ramrod and loaded the gun herself.
All through this war, it is the noble women, whether
North or South, who seem to have grasped, as if
by instinct, how horrible is the crime of trying to
degrade and debauch our race to a level with
negroes.
The character of the prisons where Democrats
were confined was entirely on a par with " Cell No.
4." In Fort Lafayette rats were at one time very
numerous. One night a prisoner was awakened
by finding several on his bed-clothes, and at another time felt one nibbling at his toes. At Camp
Chase, Columbus, Ohio, there was also a political
prison, where five or six hundred prisoners were
sometimes confined at a time. The prison was
awfully filthy, alive with lice and vermin. A man
was found dead in the dead yard one morning,
covered all over with vermin. Two men got into




MR. LINCOLN'S CAMPAIGN IN THE NORTH. 267
a scuffle one day, trying their strength, when the
guards shot among the prisoners, killing an old
man namsd Jones from West Virginia.  These
prisoners, it should be remembered, were convicted of no crime, did not even know why they
were arrested, but were simply held to gratify
some one's spite and malice.
Sometimes people were arrested for the most
trivial causes. For instance, Mr. David C. Wattles,
of North Branch, Mich., was arrested, and sent
all the way to Fort Lafayette. And for what?
Why; his children had raised upon a pole an old
shirt, which had been dyed red by straining blackberry j'uice through it. Some one on the strength
of this reported that Mr. Wattles had raised a secession flag, and without a why or a wherefore, he
was kept in Fort Lafayette five months! Dr. L. MV
Ross, of Illinois, was  arrested  and kept for
months in the Old Capitol, at Washington, because
he had been seen in the public street to draw his
finger under his nose. It was reported to Seward
that this was the private signal of a secret organization, but it was found afterward that no such organization existed I
Early in 1861, almost the entire Legislature of
Maryland had been arrested.  The Police Cormmissioner of Baltimore, Mr. Charles Howard, and
his associates, had also been sent to Fort M]fcHemry,
by order of General Banks. Afterwards the editors of the Baltimore Exchange, subsequently the
Gazette, together with many other prominent citizens of Maryland, were seized and immured in




268 MR. LINCOLN'S CAMPAIGN IN THE NORTH.
Bastiles, where some of them remained nearly two
years.
So great had these outrages become, both on the
press and upon persons, that the fall elections of
1862 were generally carried by the Democrats.
Horatio Seymour was nominated for Governor of
the State of New York, by the Democratic party.
Hie was a gentleman of the highest social character and position, and deservedly popular. He was
pledged to restore the freedom of the press in the
State at all hazards. On this ground he received
the united and earnest support of all Democrats,
and was elected.
When Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward heard of
this, they were a little cowed; and as they did not
wish to provoke an issue with the gTeat State of New
York, they did just what they had done when John
Bull demanded Messrs. Mason and Slidell-they
backed down. Before the day of Mr. Seymour's
inauguration, January 1st, 1863, they issued an
order, allowing all papers to circulate in the mails
as usual. Thus there had. something been wrenched
from the usurpers.
They also thought it prudent to relax a little in
their system  of arbitrary arrests. Mr. Seward,
after boasting to Lord Lyons that "he could ring
one bell on his right hand, and arrest a citizen in
New York, and another bell on his left, and arrest
a citizen in Ohio," turned the matter of arrests
over to Stanton, of the War Department, who instituted a kind of mock trials before military com



MR. LINCOLN'S CAMPAIGN IN THE NORTH. 269
missions, by which they tried to give a semblance
of legal form to their usurpations.
It must be confessed, however, that the stoppage of Democratic newspapers and the large
number of arrests had produced the effect that
Lincoln and Seward anticipated. It prevented a
full and free development of public opinion, which
would, no doubt, have put Mr. Lincoln and his
party out of power. It operated on the timid, and
thousands were roped in and made to serve the
purposes of the abolitionists by the cry of " supporting the Government."
Such was the real effect of Mr. Lincoln's campaign in the North.




CHAPTER XXXIV.
THE  BATTLE OF MURFREESBORO-DOINGS IN THE
WEST, ETC.
LEAVING the Army of the Potomac for awhile,
let us now return to Tennessee and see what has
been passing there. The Confederate army, under
General Bragg, to the number of about thirty
thousand had been resting at Murfreesboro for
more than a month.
There General Bragg was resting in happy, but
not over useful, security, when, on Friday, the 26th
of December, he was startled, as from a dream,
with tidings that Rosecrans had broken up his
camp at Nashville, and was marching rapidly upon
him.
Bragg's pickets were driven in in that very afternoon. The next day, December 27th, Rosecrans
made a feint attack to feel the position of the Confederate army, but General Wheeler's cavalry
gained his rear and captured a good many wagons
and a number of prisoners. But the great battle
did not really begin until the morning, the 31st of
December, when General Bragg ordered an adlvance. It was an impetuous one, and the position
of Rosecrans' line upon which the assault was
made, wavered, and finally broke and fell back.




BATTLE OF MUEFREESBORO.        271
Before noon Bragg captured five thousand prisoners, thirty pieces of cannon, five thousand stand
of arms, and a large number of ammunition
wagons. The right wing of Rosecrans' army was
driven back over five miles. Thus matters stood
when darkness shut down upon the battle-field.
The next day neither party made any sign of renewing the fight. Bragg telegraphed to Richmond
that he had won a great victory. It was the 1st
day of January, and he said, " God has granted us a
happy New Year." The next day Rosecrans showed
no sign of either retreating, or beginning the fight
again. But he had made the best of the two days'
rest which Bragg had given him, and to a naturally
strong position he had hastily added strong defensive works.
At three o'clock of that day General Bragg
opened an assault upon the Federal lines again.
It was the beginning of another terrible battle, in
which, after a desperate struggle, the Confederate
forces were repulsed, and lost about all they had
gained before. But night fell upon both armies
occupying nearly the position they held in the
morning.
The next day was a cold rain-storm, and neither
army made any movement. But towards evening
General Bragg heard that his enemy was receiving
reinforcements; and, that night he withdrew the
Confederate army to a place called Tullahoma,
twenty-two miles from Murfreesboro.
At the very time these battles were going on in
Tennessee the Confederates gained some important
19




272       DOINGS IN TIlE WEST, ETC.
victories in Texas, by which they retook the City
of Galveston, which had for some time been in the
hands of the abolition army.
Alternate Confederate victories and reverses
were transpiring throughout the West and South;
but as yet no visible impression had been made
upon what was called "the rebellion." Indeed,
thus far, the general tide of victory had been
almost everywhere in its favor.
The abolitionists were discouraged. Many in
the North who had given their influence to the
cause began to waver, and the hearts of the most
sanguine were despondent.
For a long. time the siege of Vicksburg had been
going on without any favorable results. Millions
of dollars had been expended, and a great many
lives lost, but no positive gain had been realized.
Indeed, the Confederates had been generally winners on the Mississippi River and: its approaches.
They had a strong hold at Port Hudson, three
hundred miles below Vicksburg and sixteen miles
above Baton Rouge, which had long proved itself
too much for all the fleets of abolition gun-boats.
About this time the "Indianola" and the "Queen
of the West" fell into the hands of the Confederates.
On the 15th of March, 1863, a desperate effort
was made to take this place. An immense fleet of
gun-boats, under the command of Admiral Farragut, was moved against it, and after a terrible
fight, Port Hudson was still the Sebastopol of the
Mississippi. The Federal fleet was forced back
terribly shattered, torn and exploded.




DOINGS IN THE WEST, ETC.      273
A gloomy malice settled upon the faces of the
abolitionists. All things appeared to go wrong.
Among the other things which they had looked for
before this, was a general uprising of the negroes
to murder their masters and mistresses. But the
negroes had shown a decided leaning against the
abolitionists. The following specimen of darkey
lingo is reported, and is a fair specimen of the
general temper of the negroes, before the abolitionists had corrupted them.
There was a very old gray-haired cook in an
Alabama regiment, who would follow his young
master to the war, and had the reputation of a
saint among the negro boys of the brigade; and
as he could read the Bible, and was given to
preaching, he invariably assembled the darkies on
Sunday afternoon, and held meetings in the woods.
He used to lecture them unmercifully, but could
not keep them from singing and dancing after
"tattoo." Uncle Pompey, as he was called, was
an excellent servant, and an admirable cook, and
went on from day to day singing hymns among
his pots round the camp-fire, until a battle opened.
When the regiment moved up to the front and was
engaged, Uncle Pompey, contrary to orders, persisted in going also. One day he was met by
another darkey, who asked:
"Whar's you' gwine, Uncle Pomp?  You isn't
gwine up dar to have all de har scorched off yer
head, is you?"
Uncle Pompey still persisted in advancing, and,
shouldering a rifle, soon overtook his regiment.




274       DOINGS IN THE WEST, ETC.
"De Lor' hab mercy on us all, boys! here dey
comes agin! take car, massa, and hole your rifle
square, as I showed you in the swamp! Dar it
is," he exclaim ed, as the Yankees fired an overshot, "just as I taught! can't shoot worth a bad
five-cent piece."' Now's de time, boys!" and as the Alabamians
returned a withering volley and closed up with the
enelny, charging them furiously, Uncle Pompey
forgot all about his church, his ministry, and
sanctity, and while firing and dodging, as best he
could, was heard to shout out:
"Pitch in, white folks, Uncle Pomp's behind yer.
Send all de Yankees to the'ternal flames, whar
dar's weeping and gnashing of-sail in Alabamy;
stick'em wid de bayonet, and send all de blue
ornary cusses to de state ob eternal fire and brimstone I Push'em hard, boys! —push'em hard;
and when dey's gone, may de Lor' hab marcy on
de last one on'em! don't spar' none on'em, for de
good Lo'd neber made such as dem, no how you
kin fix it; for it am said in de two-eyed chapter
of de one-eyed John, somewhar in Collusions, dat
-Hurray, boys! dat's you, sure-now you've gob'em; give'em, goss! show'em a taste of ole Alabamy!" etc.
The person who saw Uncle Pompey during this
scene was wounded and sat behind a tree, but said,
although his hurt was extremely painful, the eloquence, rage, and impetuosity of lPomp, as he
loaded and fired rapidly, was so ludicrous, being
an incoherent jumble of oaths, snatches of Scrip



DOINGS IN THE WEST, ETC.       275
ture, and prayers, that the tears ran down his
cheeks, and he burst out into a roar of laughter.
Such a state of feeling as this among the negroes
was certainly most discouraging. to those who impatiently expected to see them cutting the throats
of Southern women and children.




CHAPTER XXXVo
GENERAL 00OOKER S CAMPAIGN.
WE now return to the Army of the Potoma&c
General Hooker had spent full three months in
re-organizing and bringing that army out of the
wretched chaos and demoralization in which it was
left by General Burnside. It must be confessed
that General Hooker put forth a great deal of
energy, and evinced a great deal of executive
ability in repairing that army. When he had
concluded his labors in that direction, and was
about to commence operations in the field, he pronounced it "the finest army on the planet." It
numbered one hundred and thirty-two thousand
men of all arms, with an artillery force of four
hundred guns.
To meet this tremendous army Lee had not over
fifty thousand men. Again abolition faith ran
high. The " On to Richmond" shout, for the fifth
time, reverberated over the North. To doubt that
Hooker would take 1Richmond in less than twenty
days called down upon the sceptic the suspicion
of "disloyalty." And many a man was mobbed
for simply venturing to entertain a doubt of abolition success that time.




GENERAL IOOrER'S CAMPAIGN.        277
General IHooker certainly began with a great
promise of success. ~His army outnumbered Lee's
almost three to one, and never was an army better
equipped.  In this respect, too, his advantages
over Lee were quite as great as his very great excess of numbers. And all his plans for the decisive
battle, up to the very hour of its first gun, prospered wonderfully. His army crossed the Rappahannock at several points, and concentrated at
Chancellorville, Which place General Hooker himself reached on the night of Thursday, April 30th,
1863.  He immediately issued an order to his
troops, couched in language not much calculated
to inspire the respect and confidence of men of
good taste and good sense. He said: "The enemy
must either ingloriously fly, or come out from
behind his defences and give us battle on our own
ground, where certain destruction awaits him."
His conversation was of the same boastful style as
his order. He said: " The rebel army is now the
legitimate property of the Army of the Potomac.
They may as well pack up their haversacks and
make for Richmond; and I shall be after them."
This talk is precisely like Hooker.
An intelligent writer remarks that, "Lee, with
instant perception of the situation, now seized the
masses of his force, and with the grasp of a Titan,
swung them into position as a giant might fling i
mighty stone from a sling."
Hooker's line of battle, formed on Friday evening, was five miles in extent, on ground of his own
choosing. In this.position he awaited an attack




2718     GENERAL HOOKEIeS CAMPAIGN.
from Lee on Saturday morning,,May 2d. But Lee
simply showed very active signs of beginning an
attack, while he, with great secrecy and despatch,
sent Stonewall Jackson, with a force of twenty
thousand men, to flank Hooker by assailing his
right and rear. This plan was executed with such
celerity and skill, that Hooker had no suspicion
that he had not the whole of Lee's army before
him until he heard Stonewall Jackson thundering
and crashing into his rear. He fell upon Hooker
like an avalanche, and drove this portion of his
army before him in utter rout and confusion. The
blow was dealt with such power that everything
fell before it.
The Federal historian of the campaigns of the
Army of the Potomac says: "TThe open plain
around Chancellorville now presented such a spectacle as a simoon sweeping over the desert might
make. Through the dusk of night-fall a rushing
whirlwind of men and artillery and wagons swept
down the road, and swept past head-quarters,
and on towards the fords of the Rappahannock;
and it was in vain that the staff opposed their
persons and drawn sabres to the panic-stricken
fugitives."
The Confederates had won a sudden and a great
victory, but at a cost which was really a greater
loss to them than twenty great battles, for Stonewall Jackson was mortally wounded while riding
over the battle-field in the dark, by his own men,
who mistook him for a stray Federal.
I shall not pause here to speak of the shock




GENERA, AL IOOKER'S CAMPAIGN.    279
which the news of Stonewall Jackson's death gave,
not only to Lee's army and the Confederate States,
but to the whole world. For he had won a fame
which will last as long as valorous deeds command
the admiration of mankind.
Lee received the news of Jackson's fall before
daylight on Sunday morning, and the messenger
who brought the sad news said: "It was General
Jackson's intent to press the enemy on Sunday."  General Lee replied, with deep emotion:
"These people shall be pressed to-day."  General Stuart temporarily was entrusted with Jackson's command, and at daylight he opened the
attack with the battle-cry, "Charge, and remember Jackson!"
The charge was impetuous, and threw the enemy
back in great confusion.  At the same time,
Lee attacked Hooker's centre, and in a short
time his whole line was forced precipitately back.
By ten o'clock Hooker's defeat was complete,
and -the Confederates occupied the field. at Chancellorville.
General Hooker made two or three abortive
strategic movements to regain his lost fortunes.
His fate was sealed. The enemy whom he was
sure to "bag,'" had whipped him unmercifully, and
now it was even a serious question whether he
would not himself be "bagged" by Lee's comparatively small army. But he succeeded in retreating
across the river, and found safety only in flight.
He had lost seventeen thousand two hundred and
eighty-one men, nineteen thousand stand of arms,




280      GENERAL HOOKER'S CAMPAIGN.
and a vast amount of ammunition. Lee's loss was
less than ten thousand men. Hooker was obliged
to leave his dead and wounded in the hands of the
Confederates. He retreated until finally he brought
up precisely where McDowell, Pope, and Burnside
had before him, in the defences in front of Washington. He went out as proud and as boasting as
Lucifer, and came back as badly fallen. All his
division commanders despised his generalship, and
there were none to do him reverence. His command was finally taken from him and given to
General Meade, who had been a division commander under McClellan.
Military matters now remained in a quiet state
until the first week in June, when General Lee began to move northward again. All doubt as to
his real intention vanished when it was announced
that his infantry had crossed the Potomac and that
his cavalry was in Pennsylvania. The North was
again aroused by frantic appeals for help from
Wiashington. " The capital in danger" had again
taken the place of the cry of "On to lRichmond."
Crowds of soldiers again rushed to Washington.
Lee marched with his veterans straight across
Maryland into Pennsylvania, and occupied Chambersburg. No officer or soldier was allowed to
commit any depredations, and the people, not used
to seeing such soldiers, laughed at the "barefooted
rebels," and the women jeered them from the sidewalks. On the morning of the 30th of June, when
General Lee's army left Chambersburg in a north



GENERAL HiOOKErt'S C(AMPAIGN.     281
erly direction, a panic seized the whole surrounding country.
People ran away in droves from  Harrisburg,
Pittsburg, and even from Philadelphia money and
valuables were sent on to New York. In Pittsburg five thousand men were set to work building
forts to protect the city.
General Lee finally concentrated his forces near
the town of Gettysburg, and here, on the 1st of
July, 1863, commenced perhaps the most important battle of the war. On the 1st day, MajorGeneral Reynolds, of the abolition army, was
killed, and the Confederates took some 600 prisoners and ten pieces of artillery.
The next day remained quiet until about four
o'clock in the afternoon, when General Longstreet
commenced the attack by a heavy cannonade. The
day's work, on the whole, was favorable to the
Confederates, but in the meantime the Federal
army had been reinforced, and was concentrated
in a strong position on Cemetery Hill, used as a
burial place by the citizens of Gettysburg.
The real contest was to drive General Meade's
troops from this position. At one o'clock on the
3d of July, General Lee concentrated all his guns
upon it. The cannonade was terrific.  The shower
of shot and shell went crashing and smashing
through the graveyard with fearful effect. The
slaughter among the Federal troops was fearful,
but they held the ground manfully. About three
o'clock the Confederates prepared for a gralad
charge upon the position. Never was their'   a




282      GENERAL HOOKER'S CAMPAIGN.
braver or more gallant charge. Though hundreds
of cannon mowed through their ranks a swath of
death, these war-worn veterans heeded them not.
They thought themselves invincible, and rushed
into the very jaws of death, if thereby they could
save their beloved land from the abolition destroyer.
]But in vain. No mortal men could withstand this
tempest of leaden and iron hail. Slowly they fell
back, but without dismay or confusion.
The Federal army was too much shattered to
follow; indeed, so far as the battle was concerned,
it was a drawn game. It was only in its effects
that it was disastrous to the Confederates. General Lee was short of ammunition. He had expected to capture it from his enemies. But failing
in that, was forced to fall back for supplies.
It was slow work, for besides his prisoners, ho
had an immense train of wagons, horses, mules,
and cattle, captured in Pennsylvania. Still he
pursued his course without any serious attack
from the Federals, and safely crossed the Potomac
with his captures.
An amusing incident is related of this retreat,
which serves to show the fidelity of the negro
character when uncorrupted. General Longstreet
passing one day, observed a negro dressed in a
full Federal uniform, with a rifle at full cock, leading along a barefooted white man, with whom he
had evidently changed clothes. General Longstreet stopped the pair, and asked what it meant.
"Wall, massa, you see," said Sambo, "de two
sojers in charge of dis here Yank got drunk, so




GENEIRAL HOOKElR'S CAMPAIGN.         83
for fear he might git away, I jis took car of him
myself."
This was spoken in a most consequential manner.  If any abolitionist could have seen this
negro, so-called slave, thus leading a white Northern soldier, alone arnd of his own accord, he would
no doubt have been greatly disgusted.




CHAPTER XXXVI.
THE SIEGE OF VICKSBURG.
WE must now return to the West. The cry of
opening the Mississippi tRiver had been second
only to the demand of taking Richmond.  The
Confederates, after the loss of their fortifications
further up the river, had fortified the city of Vicksburg in the most substantial manner. The town
is built upon high bluffs, and is well adapted for
defence. General Win. T. Sherman had attacked
it in December, 1862, but had been so badly repulsed that he was glad to abandon the job.
As this General Sherman loomed up very largely
afterwards, it may be proper to say that he was an
officer of the old army in the Mexican war, and
when this one broke out, was President of the
Military Academy of Louisiana. He came North,
however, and joined Mr. Lincoln's army, and has
made a name which will be forever associated with
cruelty and barbarism.
After he was repulsed at Vicksburg, he took
some vessels of Admiral Porter's fleet, and steaming up the Arkansas River, took a Confederate
fort at Arkansas Post, and many guns and prisoners.




A       "
GEN.  WM.  T.  SHERMAN.           i
Page 2854








THE SIEGE OF? VIOKRSII Go       285
After General Sherman's failure to take Vicksburg, General Grant was placed in command of
the forces for its reduction. To take it in front
was impossible.  So General Grant spent three
months or more in making experiments to flank
it. His first plan was to cut a canal on the west
side of the river, to cut it off, but the waters came
near drowning his own men, without harming the
Confederates in the least. Then the abolition papers came out with the terrible announcement
that General Grant was going to cut a new channel for the Mississippi, from Lake Providence to
the Gulf of MIexico! But General Grant also
failed in this. He then tried to cut a canal from
the Yazoo River to a point south of Vicksburg.
But in all these efforts to change the face of nature
General Grant was unsuccessful.
However, during this time Admiral Porter kept
up the excitement by the operations of his fleet.
Waiting for a night dark enough to suit his purposes, he took five iron-clads, the Benton, Pittsburg, Carondelet, Lafayette, and Louisville, and
several transports, and resolved to run by the
Confederate batteries. The whole fleet was so
managed that it made not so much noise as a ripple of a single oar. Thus noiselessly, breathlessly,
they dropped along down the river, until, when
directly opposite the city, bomb! went the signal
gun on the heights of Vicksburg, and in an instant
all the batteries opened upon them. The scene
was terrific.  The blackness of the heavens was
illuminated with the lurid flames vomited from
20




286       THE SIEGE OF VICKSBURG.
the mouths of the cannon in the numerous bate
teries along the shore.
But. the instant Admiral Porter saw that he was
discovered, he gave command to put on the steam
and run the gauntlet —a feat which was accomplished with the loss of the transport Forest
Queen, and with more or less damage to the
whole fleet.
After the guns of Vicksburg were passed, there
were no other Confederate works on the Mississippi, until they reached Grand Gulf, twenty-five
miles south of Vicksburg. There were no Confederate soldiers stationed in the space between
Vicksburg and Grand Gulf at the time of Porter's
running past Vicksburg, and yet, for two weeks,
he amused himself by sailing up and down the
river, and throwing shells into the houses which
were occupied almost exclusively by women and
children. This was not only a needless cruelty,
but it was a violation of the laws of civilized warfare. It was simply the murder of women and
children.
Grand Gulf was an important point, and Admiral Porter made up his mind to take it, if possible.
One morning he gave an early order to move upon
it, but was answered by the captains, that their
men had not yet had breakfast. To which Porter
replied-" 0 never mind about breakfast; we will
take the place in half an hour, and breakfast afterwards."
The Benton led the attack, then followed the
Carondelet, the Pittsburg, the Louisville, the Tus



THE SIEGE OF VICKSBURG.        287
cumbia, and Lafayette. The line of battle was
so formed as to pour a cross fire upon the Confederate works. For five hours the battle raged
without a moment's cessation, and without producing the least visible impression upon the Confederate batteries. But the Tuscumbia was destroyed,
the Benton terribly riddled, and indeed the whole
fleet wore a most ragged and ruined aspect. The
thing that Porter promised should only be half an
hour's job before breakfast, proved to be not only
an all day's job, but even an impossible task.
The passage of Admiral Porter's fleet of gunboats down the river in safety now emboldened
General Grant to transfer his armies south of
Vicksburg, and march to the attack of Vicksburg
in the rear. On the 30th of April, his army, having gone down on the west side of the river,
crossed and landed at Port Gibson, and commenced
its march to Vicksburg. The Confederates were
overpowered, and forced to fall back, and were defeated in several severe engagements. One Federal
column took possession of Jackson, the capital of
the State of Mississippi, and burned and pillaged
the town in a most shameful manner. They gutted the stores, and destroyed what they could not
carry off. Burned the Roman Catholic Church, the
principal hotel, and many other buildings.
Seeing the danger in which Vicksburg now
stood, General Jos. E. Johnston tried to organize
an army for its relief, but he was not successful.
General Pemberton, the commander of the Confederate forces in Vicksburg, was now compelled




288        THIEE sIEE OF VICKSBUIIG.
to fall back to his defences, and await General
Grant's siege. In the mean time, Grant drew his
lines tighter and tighter around the fated city.
He made an effort to carry it by storm, but was
)(beaten back with terrible loss.
The condition of the city, however, was becoming every day more fearful. Food was becoming
scarcer and scarcer. Women and children were
tompelled to live in caves to escape being killed by
the bombshells that were continually bursting
about them. This could not last always. General
Johnston could not raise an army strong enough to
attack General Grant in the rear, so that there
was but one thing for General Pemberton to do.
He must surrender. It was a terrible ordeal, but
there was no escape. So on the 3d of July, General Pemberton proposed an armistice, and on the
following day, surrendered his army as prisoners
of war, to be allowed to go to their homes, but not
to serve again, unless regularly exchanged. The
offcers were allowed to retain their side-arms and
their servants.
This was a terrible blow to the Confederates.
They lost over 20,000 prisoners, guns, military
supplies, &c., besides the control of the Mississippi
River.  General Pemberton was greatly blamed
for his alleged bad management.
There was, indeed, one place further South,
Port Hudson, under General Frank  Gardner,
which still held out. In March, as I have stated,
Admiral Farragut had attacked it, but was repulsed
with the loss of the Mississippi, one of the largest




THE SIEGE OF VICKSBURG.        289
vessels in the Federal Navy. General Banks, who
now commanded at New Orleans in place of General Butler, had also attacked it twice; but as large
portions of his troops were negroes, the Confederates had easy work in whipping them.  The
abolitionists tried to make the world believe that
the negro troops fought bravely at Port IHudson, but it is not sp. They were forced into a
bad position, where they were mowed down mercilessly.
Of course, after the fall of Vicksburg, General
Gardner saw that all attempt to hold out longer
would be fruitless. So he surrendered to General
Banks.
The Mississippi River was now open from its
source to its mouth. Its loss to the Confederates
was mainly owing to the fact that it cut them off
from Texas, whence they received many supplies,
and opened a large extent of country to the vandalism and plundering of the abolitionists.
These outrages upon private property are the
great stigma upon the Northern army, or rather
upon the Northern generals; for soldiers are not
expected to understand the rules of war. A lady,
writing of her treatment by Grant's army, says:
" They loaded themselves with our clothing, broke
my dishes, stole my knives and forks, broke open
my trunks, closets, and, finally, burned our ginhouse and press, with one hundred and twenty-five
bales of cotton, six hundred bushels of corn, six
stacks of fodder, a fine spinning machine, and five
hundred dollars worth of thread, &c., &c."  Such




290        THE SIEGE OF VICKSBURG.
recitals really make the heart sick, and yet this is
only one out of a thousand such instances,
I will give one more; for this is a case in which
the parties were personally known to the writer.
A few miles back of Vicksburg lived a rich
planter, whose accomplished wife was a daughter of
one of the wealthiest and most respectable citizens
of the State of Connecticut. This family had remained quiet upon the plantation during the war,
and although naturally and justly sympathizing
with the South in its wrongs, had taken no active
part in the strife. The planter was a man of great
wealth, and was very happy in the society of a refined and happy family.
A few days after the fall of Vicksburg, one of
Grant's regiments, while on a plundering tour, came
across this peaceful and unoffending planter and
his family. The soldiers at once entered the house
and commenced to steal every article of value'
which they could lay their hands upon. They tore
the lady's watch from her bosom, and the rings
fom her fingers. There was not a work-box, nor
a bureau drawer in the house that was not rifled..
Every article of wardrobe belonging to the lady
and her little girls was stolen. Even the shoes.and stockings were taken from her own and her
children's feet. Family miniatures were taken, for
their gold settings. Not so much as a silver teaspoon escaped the vigilance of these abolition
thieves.
Every article of food, even to the last pound of
pork in the house, was also stolen. In vain the








/t~ ~        ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~,,x"x,
ALI O.
ABOLITION OFFICERS DRIVING NEGROES FROM THE PLANTATIONS.    Page 291.




THE SIEGE OF VICKSBURG. -       291
lady entreated the wretches to leave her some
food for her children. The only answer she received was the most brutal oaths, with threats that
they would "bayonet the brats unless she held her
tongue." After they had swept the house of every
article of value, they went to the barn and stole
several horses, and all the cows; and there being
several hogs, which, as they could not drive them
off, they stuck their bayonets through, and left them
dead in the yard!
They drove off all the negroes, except two old
females who were too feeble to travel.  So unwilling were some of these negroes to leave the plantation that they had to tie them together, and threaten
to bayonet them, and thus forced them away under
kicks and blows. A short time after the pillage of
this plantation the estimable lady died of a fever
brought on by the fright and hardship to which
she had been exposed; and in a few days more her
youngest child, an infant, followed her to the
grave.  Her surviving daughters are now with
their grand-parents in Connecticut.  They will
grow up to hate the name of an abolitionist, as they
will that of a fiend. So, in hundreds of thousands
of broken hearts all over the land, the name of
abolitionism will be coupled with thief, robber and
murderer as long as time shall last.
The driving off negroes from the plantations was
no uncommon occurrence throughout the South.
The negro is, naturally very much attached to his
home, and when the abolition officers came among
them and told them they were free to leave their




292       THIE SIEGE OF VICKSBURG.
masters and they did not do so, they often became
very angry with them, and compelled them to enjoy
what they called "the blessings of freedom."
These "blessings," it has been proved, consisted
mainly of "disease and death."
The Hon. Mr. Doolittle of Wisconsin, an abolition Senator in Congress, has stated that good
jnudges estimate that one million of negroes have
perished since the war began, and appalled by
those facts, Mr. Doolittle, like an honorable and
humane man, is disposed to pause and reflect before
he endorses further inhumanity towards these innocent and suffering people.




CEIAPTElR XXXVII.
THE NAVAL DEFEAT OFF CHARLESTON-GENERAL GILLMORE'S REPULSE.
No place had been such an eyesore to the abolitionists as the hated city of Charleston.  They
regarded it as "the cradle of the rebellion" and
had vowed all sorts of vengeance upon it, even to
blotting it out forever from the face of the earth.
Several efforts had been made to reduce it. General Hunter had felt of it and came away satisfied.
The truth was, that General Beauregard, who had
planned its defences, was one of the ablest military
engineers in the world, and it had been made well
nigh impregnable. Strong forts had been built to
guard all its approaches and the chief channel had
been obstructed by rows of piles, among which
were scattered numerous torpedoes.
Chagrined at their repeated defeats to take the
city the abolitionists finally conceived the barbarous idea of destroying the harbor of -Charleston by sinking in the channel a large number of
vessels laden with stones! The strong current of
the water, however, made another channel just as
good as the old one, so that this piece of abolition
malignity miscarried.
It would not do, however, to let this little city




294  THE NAVAL' DEFEAT 0FF CIIARLESTON.
thus defy the power of the whole North. So Mr.
Lincoln's Naval Department went to work and
built a large number of iron-clad vessels at the
expense of many millions of dollars, for the reduction of Charleston. On the 7th day of April, 1863,
they steamed up the harbor very gaily, under the
command of Admiral Dupont, who, no doubt,
thought the city would fall soon into his hands.
But in this he was mistaken, for the Confederates opened upon him from all their batteries
and rained such a torrent of shot and shell upon
his fleet that he was glad to beat a hasty retreat.
So thick was this iron-hail that as many as one
hundred and sixty shots were counted in a minute I
The Keokuk was sunk and over half of the fleet
were more or less disabled. The flag-ship, the
Ironsides, was rendered helplkss. No injury had
been done to the Confederates whatever, so that
all this vast preparation and expenditure of money
had amounted to nothing.
The abolition Governmen't at Washington now
resolved to try the effect of a formidable land-force,
and General Quincy A. Gillmore was entrusted
with the command. It was declared that Fort
Sumter must be taken at all hazards. So in July
General Gillmore with a large army began the
siege of Charleston. He landed on Morris Island
and tried to take Fort Wagner, a strong Confederate work on the north end of the island, but was
terribly repulsed and glad to abandon the job.
Gillmore finding he could not succeed in this
way fell back on siege operations. He got an im



GENERAL GILLMIORE'S REPULSE     295
mense cannon that would carry a ball five miles,
and calling it the " Swamp Angel" set it to work,
throwing shell right into the city of Charleston
among the women and children and hospitals containing the sick. When General Beauregard protested against this violation of civilized warfare,
Gillmore told him very insolently to remove his
women and children and sick out of Charleston.
This pleased the abolitionists of the North very
much, for they never seemed so happy as when
some one of their Generals was performing some
act of brutality.
General Gillmore fired away for weeks and
weeks, until finally the Confederates abandoned
Fort Wagner and all of Morris Island. No effort
had been spared to reduce Fort Sumter, and on
the 24th of August General Gillmore telegraphed
that it was a "shapeless and harmless mass of
ruins." If this were so it only need to be occupied,
but "shapeless" as it was the Confederates, under
Major Elliot, still held it.
~However, Admiral Dahlgren, now naval comrmander in Charleston Harbor, made a demand on
General Beauregard, on the 7th of September, for
its surrender. The General, in his most polite
French style, sent word to Mr. IDahlgren "to come
and take it."
The Admiral determined to do so; and, accordingly, on the very next night, sent off an expedition
of some twenty small boats and five hundred men
to take it by surprise! Major Elliot, however, was
not the man to be taken by surprise. He saw the




2 96     GENERAL GLLMORE'S REPULSE.
approaching expedition, and reserving his fire
until the enemy were within a few yards of the
fort, he fired into them a devouring fire. Instantly
the bay was lighted with signals, and all the Confederxate batteries opened upon the barges. Some
of the men gained the parapet of the fort; many
fell in trying to scale the wall; some were
drowned, and the balance were glad enough to get
away.
The Confederates did not lose a man, but captured five boats, over a hundred prisoners, and
five flags, one of them said to have been the identical flag that Major Anderson had lowered in
1861, and which Admiral Dablgren felt so sure he
was going to raise on this occasion.
The abolition authorities pretended to continue
the siege after this, but it was virtually abandoned.
The northern people got sick of hearing about
Charleston. It had been taken so many times,
and Fort Sumter had been captured so often, that
it became a standing joke.
Unquestionably its defence had been one of the
most gallant and noble on record.




CHAPTER XXXVIII.
GENERAL MORGAIN'S RAID INTO THE WEST-THE BATTLE
OF CHICKAMAUGA.
WE must now return to the West, and notice
the closing events of the year 1863 in that section.
General John H. Morgan, the bold cavalry man,
whose exploits we have already mentioned, had
gathered together a force of two thousand mounted men, and four pieces of artillery, and on the
4th of July started on an expedition into Indiana
and Ohio.
iHe advanced very rapidly; and on the 8th of
July, after throwing the cities of Louisville and
Cincinnati into a great fright, he stood upon the
soil of Indiana. He rode rapidly through the
State, destroying railroads, government stores,
&c., and struck the Ohio line at a place called
Harrison. By this time thousands of armed men
were in pursuit of him, and finding himself hotly
pursued, he tried to cross the Ohio River near
Belleville. Part of his command succeeded in doing so, but a good number were taken prisoners.
AMorgan himself, with a few trusty followers, succeeded in cutting their way out, but were- pur



298 GENERAL MORGAN'S RAID INTO THE WEST.
sued, and, finally, being surrounded near Wells3
ville, surrendered.
It was thought by the abolitionists a terrible
thing for the Confederates to invade the North,
though all right for the North to invade the South.
General Morgan and his command were denounced
as "felons" and " murderers;" and, though I think
that his expedition was a reckless and even foolhardy one, for he was going into a populous country, where the people for self-defence would be
compelled to concentrate and cut him off, yet it
was not so criminal as the abolition raid upon
the South, for it had the fact of retaliation to
justify it.
Not so, however, thought the abolitionists. It
was their ox that was gored now, and in their rage
they refused to regard General Morgan as a
prisoner of war, and sent him and twenty-eight of
his officers to the Ohio Penitentiary. Here they
were subjected to every possible indignity. First
they were stripped naked and washed by negroes.
Then their hair was cut off close to the scalp.
After which they were put in solitary confinement.
General Morgan, however, was not idle in
prison. On the 20th of November, he and six of
his officers escaped. They had dug out of their
cells with small knives, after weeks and weeks of
patient toil. He left this motto behind for his
abolition tormentors, "Patience is bitter, but its
fruit is sweet."
After the escape of General Morgan, the rest of
the prisoners were treated with still greater rigor.




THE BATTLE OF CHICKAMAUGA.       299
Their food consisted of only three ounces of bread
and a pint of water per day I When the physician
remonstrated with their brutal jailer, the wretch
replied, "They do not talk right yet."  He went
into the cell to taunt one of them, Major Webber.
"Sir," said the Major, I defy yout. You can kill
me, but you can add nothing to the sufferings you
have already inflicted."
The spirit of these men was unconquerable, even
in their direst calamity.
It will be remembered that after the battle of
Murfreesboro, between General Bragg and General Rosecrans, that the Confederate forces had
fallen back to Tullahoma.
After the fall of Vicksburg, of course, troops
could be spared to reinforce Rosecrans.  It was
soon ascertained that General Rosecrans with
70,000 men and General Burnside with 25,000
were concentrating against General Bragg. Burnside was covering General Rosecrans' rear by occupying Knoxville. In the meantime Cumberland
Gap was surrendered by the Confederate commander without firing a shot.
General Rosecrans now had all his plans matured
for a grand battle. So on the 19th of September
he opened the great battle of Chickamauga. The
first day was little more than heavy skirmishing,
but on the 20th the battle opened with tremendous
fury. Bragg had been reinforced with Longstreet's
corps from General Lee's army, and never was a
battle-field more hotly contested. At length, late
in the evening, the Confederates made one of their
21




300     THlE BATTLE OF CHICKAMAUGA,
sweeping charges and carried everything before
them. lRosecrans was not only defeated but routed,
and had it not been for the coolness of General
Thomas his whole army would probably have been
captured. As it was, it fled in dismay to Chattanooga where it had entrenchments. General Bragg
took 8000 prisoners, 54 cannon and 15,000 stand
of small arms. It was one of the most decisive
Confederate victories of the war.
Poor General Rlosecrans! The battle also ended
his military career.  The abolitionists had now
made it a rule to depose every General who lost a
battle, and Rosecrans, who is believed to be a pretty
good military man, was now sacrificed to their
clamor.
General Grant was now appointed to the command of the Mississippi Department. He commenced at once his old plan of superior numbers.
He brought two corps from the Army of the Potomac, and called General Sherman, with the ~Vicksburg army, from Memphis.  General Bragg on
the contrary did just the reverse of this. He sent
General Longstreet off on an expedition to take
Knoxville.
General Grant at once availed himself of this
mistake and commenced his plans to defeat General Bragg. After a good deal of manceuvering on
both sides the battle of Missionary Ridge was
fought, on the 24th of November, in which General
Bragg was defeated with the loss of 6000 prisoners
and 40 cannon.
In the meantime General Longstreet had had




THE BATTLE OF CHICKAMAUGA, ETC.   301
bad luck on his ]Knoxville expedition. General
Burnside was strongly fortified there, and though
Longstreet made a gallant assault upon him he
was not strong enough to take his forts. In the
meantime, as soon as Grant had defeated Bragg,
he sent reinforcements to Burnside, who then assumed the offensive, and Longstreet was compelled
to retire towards the Virginia line.
This ended the principal nmilitary events of
1863.
There had been some skirmishing between Generals Lee and Meade in Virginia, and once General
MSeade started out with a great flourish of trumpets
to capture Lee's army. But after marching a day
or two and taking a look at it, he was glad to fall
back.
At Sabine Pass, the dividing line between
Louisiana  and Texas, the  Confederates had
achieved a brilliant little naval victory. Five
Federal gun-boats steamed tup the Pass, and were
opened upon by the Confederate batteries. Two
of them were captured, and the others beat a
hasty retreat.
Generals Marmaduke and Sterling Price had
also made efforts to gain a foothold in Missouri,
and engagements had taken place at Springfield,
Missouri, and Helena, Arkansas, but the loss of
life was of no avail.  General Steele had been
sent into Arkansas with a strong force and had
taken Little Rock, the base of the Confederate
supplies. This secured Missouri, for the time,
against farther invasion.




302   TlHE BATTLE OF CHICKAMAIUGA, ETC
When Congress met in December, 1863, it made
General Grant Lieutenant-General of the armies
of the Inited States. HLis success at Vicksburg
and Missionary Ridge had made him the hero of
the hour.




GEN. ULYSSES S. GRANT.
Page 302.








CH~APTER XXXIX.
THE CONFEDERATE NAVY AND PRIVATEERS.
ONE of the greatest difficulties the Confederates
labored under from the beginning was their want
of a Navy. Almost all the abolition successes at
the commencement of the war were owing to gunboats.  The South had never been a mechanical
or manufacturing people, but had yielded all these
advantages to the North, content to pursue their
course as planters and farmers. They saw now,
when their Social life was in danger, how important these vocations were to their defenide.
Lincoln declared a blockade of all Southern
ports and the North exerted every effort to make
it effectual. President Davis tried to overcome
somewhat of the inequality between his people and
the North by issuing letters of marque, that is, he
commissioned privateers, just as our fathers did in
the wars of 1776 and 1812 against Great Britain.
This has always been held to be legitimate warfare, and yet the abolitionists styled the Confederate privateers " pirates," and said they would not
treat them as prisoners of war. When, however,
they captured some they never dared to carry their
threats into effect.  If the Confederate cruisers
were "pirates" then Paul Jones and thousands of




304  TTHE CONFEDEATE NAVY AND PRIVATEERS.
the heroes of 1776 were pirates also. But such
trash ought to deceive no one.
One of the most gallant and startling events of
the war was the sudden attack of the iron-clad
ship Virginia on the Federal fleet in:Hampton
lRoads in 1862. This vessel was formerly the U. S.
frigate Merrimac. She had been sunk by the Federals in 1861 at Norfolk when they abandoned the
Navy Yard at that place. The Confederates raised
her, changed her name to the Virginia and plated
her over the top like an ark, with railroad iron.
It was the first iron-clad vessel the world had
ever known.
On the 8th of March she steamed out of Norfolk
Harbor. The United States had four vessels in
Hampton Roads, the Minnesota and Roanoke, large
steamers, and the Cumberland and Congress, sailing vessels.
On she came, that queer-looking black ark, taking no heed, to the right or the left. She steered
directly for the Cumberland. The Congress fired
a broadside into her, but the balls danced from
her sloping sides like hail-stones.  When she
came within range of the Cumberland, that vessel
opened her guns upon her. But in vain. Her
iron armor was invulnerable. The Virginia did
not fire a shot. But with her monster iron prow
now plainly visible made direct for the Cumberland. Crash! went the timbers, and soon down,
down went the Cumberland with all on board.
The Virginia then turned to the Congress. But
the commander of that vessel, fearing the fate




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CONVFDET)RATE NAVY AND PtIVATEERS.  305
of the Cnmberland, ran her ashore.  She then
steamed for the Minnesota, but that vessel had got
aground, and the Virginia could not. reach her.
She fired some shots into her without effect, and,
as night was now coming on, she steamed back to
Norfolk.
The next day the Virginia came out and confronted the Monitor, a new species of war vessel
invented by a Mr. John Ericsson. This vessel has
been described as "an iron cheese box set on an
iron raft, and the whole set on a light hull shaped
like a bark canoe."  The fight between these two
strange vessels lasted several hours, without any
material damage to either. At last the Virginia
returned to Norfolk. She had twisted her prow
in sinking the Cumberland, or else the little Monitor might not have got off so easily. The colmmander of the Virginia, Franklin Buchanan, was
wounded, and afterwards she was placed under
the command of the gallant and noble Commodore
Tatnall.
Both of these vessels finally ended their career
without lurther glory. The little Monitor went
down in a gale off Hatteras, while the Confederates were compelled to blow up the Virginia
when they evacuated Norfolk, as she drew too
much water to take her up the James River.
Notwithstanding all the drawbacks under which
the Confederate Seecetary of the Navy, Mlr. Mal:
lory, labored, it must be confessed he lad achieved
great results. He had been chairman of the Naval




306  CONFEDERATE WAVY AND PRIVATEERS.
Committee in the U. S. Senate for many years, and
his experience there was invaluable to him.
In the short space of two years he had purchased and equipped forty-five war vessels; had,built twelve wooden and fourteen iron-clad vessels, besides having in progress of construction
twenty more.
Several privateers, too, had been fitted out, and
had done great damage to Northern commerce.
And yet, though Great Britain and France recognized the Confederate States as belligerents, that
is, as a government in fact, they refused to allow
their vessels to take prizes, that is, captured ships,
into neutral ports.
This was a serious drawback upon the Confederate cruisers, for it left them no course but to
destroy the captured vessels. An immense number of Northern ships were thus destroyed.
One of the first vessels got afloat by the Confederates was the Sumter, under the command of Admiral Raphael Seommes. Then came the Florida,
and afterwards the Alabama and Georgia. The
abolitionists charged that all these vessels were
fitted out with the knowledge and connivance of
the English Government, for the purpose of driving all American ships from the sea.
It is impossible to say whether such was the fact
or not. But certain it is it had that effect.  No
Northern man scarcely dared to send a ship to sea,
for the Sumter, or the Alabama, or Florida, was
pretty sure to polnce upon her and destroy her.
Sometimes when one of these saucy Confederate




CONFEDERATE NAVY AND PRIVATEEIS.  307
cruisers would approach our coasts, whole squad
rons of vessels would start out to catch her, but
after a fruitless search would return home as wise
as they went.
it would require a good deal of space to detail
all the movements of these daring Confederate
privateers. Sometimes they would be heard of in
the Atlantic Ocean, and the next time they were
heard from, they would be in the Indian Ocean,
or the Cape of Good Hope, or in the China Seas,
or the South Atlantic. They gave the North an
infinite deal of trouble.  Finally, the Alabama,
while under the command of Admiral Semmes,
engaged in a fight with the UTnited States steamer
Kearsarge, Captain Winslow. The Kearsarge was
too much for her, and she was sunk.. But Admiral
Seommoes escaped, and was picked up by an English
vessel and taken to England. This escape of
Semmes made the abolitionists very mad, and to
tell the truth, I think they have owed him a great
grudge ever since.
The Confederates at last tried to build two large
iron-clad rams in England, with which they expected to be able to break the blockade. But the.
earnest efforts made by Mr. Adams, the abolition
minister in England, induced Earl Russell to seize
them, though it is said it was done on suspicion,
and not from any valid evidence that they were
destined for the Confederates.
This was after Lincoln had issued his so-called
Emancipation Proclamation.  Before that the
British Government seemed disposed to favor the




308  CONFEDERlATE NAVY AND) PRIIVAT:E:ERS
Confederates.:But after Mr. Lincoln made the
war distinctly for negro equality, then the monarchists in England looked upon Mr. Lincoln as
simply carrying out their policy on this continent, and were disposed to favor him. Indeed
the abolition papers openly stated that the UInited
States Government could not receive the sympathy
of the monarchical countries of Europe until they
came out distinctly for abolitionism.
This, no doubt, accounts for the change in the
course of the British ministry. They ignored the
Treaty of Paris, which requires that a blockade
in order to be binding shall be effectual. But it
was notorious that the Confederates always had
more or less egress and ingress from their ports.
At one time the steamers ran almost regularly
from Charleston and Wilmington.
It has been well said that the South not only
fought the North, but the whole world, leagued.
together in deadly warfare against the democratic
and republican principles of liberty. The monarchists of Europe knew that to degrade whites to
a level with negroes was the first step for the
re-establishment of monarchical institutions in
America. It was, in fact, the secret mine underneath the government of George Washington,
which would blow it to atoms.




CHAPTER XL.
EVENTS IN THE NORTH IN 1863.
I CANNOT dismiss the events of the year 1863
without referring to political affairs in the North,
for it must be borne in mind all the time that
Mr. Lincoln was carrying on two wars, one against
the South and the other against everybody in the
North who had the independence and courage to
differ from him.
All who did not fall down and worship Mr. Lincoln were denounced as " traitors," " Copperheads"
and " rebel sympathizers," and no punishment was
thought too severe for them.
On the Ist of January, 1863, Mr. Lincoln issued
his long announced " Emancipation Proclamation."
In other words, he declared in the style of a
dictator that all the negroes in the South should
be "free" to do as they pleased, to go where they
pleased, and to be as lazy and useless as they
pleased. And he declared that he would use the
army and navy of the United States to protect them
in these " rights." That was a part of the meaning
of this abolition Proclamation. But it was even
more. It really meant the amalgamation of the
races  It was the first step in the direction of de



310     EVENTS IN THE NORTH IN 1863.
grading and destroying the masses of the people
by poisoning them with negro equality.
This " free" negro edict was followed by various
acts of Congress authorizing the use of negroes as
soldiers in the army. The abolitionists had been
clamorous for this from the beginning, and they
were now having things entirely their own way.
This use of negroes to fight the South was the
vilest, meanest and most barbarous act of all that
Lincoln and Seward were guilty of, for it comprehended all crimes. Besides it was a confession
that twenty-five millions of white men in the North
could not whip eight millions in the South.
But the real object of the abolitionists was to
degrade the white soldiers to a level with negroes,
and familiarize the people with their amalgamation
policy.  They got up flags to present to these
negro regiments. Even women, calling themselves
ladies, I am ashamed to say, were guilty of this
disgusting business, and in New York they presented a flag to a negro regiment as a memento,
to use their own words, "of love and honor from
the daughters of this metropolis." This revolting
spectacle actually took place in Union Square,
New York, and the women were " the fashionables,"
so called, of Fifth Avenue! Future ages -will
scarcely be able to believe that such madness
could have existed among otherwise sane people.
Lincoln and Seward had now completely thrown
off their masks, and openly falsified all their
solemn pledges. It would seem as if they would
have broken down the war by their bold negro




EVENTS IN TIIE NORITH IN 1863.    311
equality policy, but about this time the " greenback
fever" began to be felt. Everybody was getting
rich on paper money. Most cunningly had the
finances of the country been conducted. Instead
of taxing the people to carry on the war, the abolition Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Chase, had
brought about a general suspension of specie payments, and issued paper-money, which was declared by Congress "a legal tender,!" right in the face
of the Constitution, which stated that nothing but
gold and silver should be a legal currency.
This paper money was issued in floods, and with
it the North was corrupted. With it high bounties
were paid for soldiers, as volunteering for an abolition war was not even thought of. True, some
of the more reckless of the abolition journals said,
that as soon as Mr. Lincoln issued his Emancipation Proclamation, the roads would swarm with
volunteers. But no one saw them.
The effect of Mr. Lincoln's negro edict in the
army was very marked. In the winter of 1863, the
soldiers in some instances were almost in a state
of mutiny. Their letters home to their friends
were very desponding. Desertions were numerous.
A young soldier, writing to his mother, January
10th, 1863, from Camp Slocum, says: " One of the
sweetest comforts of my life, while lying on the cold
damp ground here, is to hear from you. Mother
I tell you I am sorry that I ever enlisted. Not that
I am  afraid to fight for my country; no, no, I am
willing to fight for the Stars and Stripes, but not
for the nigger. If I was home again, I would
22




312     EVENTS IN THE NOR.TH IN 1863.
never leave you until forced to do so, by seeing the
rebels before our chestnut trees."
This letter is only a sample of scores and scores
that I might quote, if my space allowed. It is sufficient to show, however, that the private soldiers
knew how they had been swindled by Lincoln and
Seward. But it was too late then to remedy the
mistake they had made. Their officers, generally,
kept a strict watch upon them; and some were
shot for mutiny, because they said they did not
" want to fight to free negroes."
The effect of the Lincoln proclamation was very
great all over the North, and produced a decided
reaction against his Administration and the war.
But again Mr. Lincoln resorted to every effort to
control public opinion, and to try to make it appear that it endorsed him.
In April, an election for Governor came off in
the State of Connecticut. The Democrats had
nominated as Governor, Thomas H. Seymour. Now
Mr. Lincoln and his party hated Gov. Seymour
with all their might, for he had denounced their
war from the beginning. No man was so beloved
by the Democracy of Connecticut.  When the
Mexican war broke out, he volunteered to fight the
enemies of his country; and he it was, who, at the
final charge on Chapultepec, cut down the Mexican flag with his sword, and raised the Stars and
Stripes in its place.
When Mr. Lincoln commenced his war upon the
South, some abolitionists in Hartford used Gov.
Seymour's name without his consent at a war








HlON. CLEMEN'l' L. VALLA1NDIG$EAM.
Page M




EVENTS IN THE NORTH IN 1863.     318
meeting; but he came out at once in a bold letter
and told them they had no business to do it. They
thought he would not dare to speak out. But they
mistook their man. They then talked of mobbing
him; but they knew there was too much fight in
him, and so the cowards kept away.
The Democrats did a good thing in nominating
him, and right nobly too did they labor to elect
him. They were sure of success; but Mr. Lincoln
thought it would be a death-blow to him to allow
it, so he sent home some two or three thousand
soldiers from his army to defeat him. As it turned out, it was these soldiers' votes that defeated
Mr. Seymour.
Early in the year, General Burnside had been
appointed to the command of "the Department of
the Ohio," which included the States of Ohio, Kentucky, Illinois, and Indiana. As there were elections for Governor to come off in the first two of
these States, one in October and the other in August, it does not require a good guesser to tell
what he was sent there for.
He commenced his despotic cource by arresting,
on the 5th of May, the Hon. Clement L. Vallandigham. Mr. Vallandigham had been a member of
Congress since 1861; and no one did the abolitionists hate more cordially than he, and for no
other reason than because he opposed the policy
of Mr. YLincoln's Administration. They knew that
the Democrats intended to nominate him as their
candidate for Governor, in October. Hence they
wanted to break him down. So they trumlped up




314     EVENTS IN THE ~NORTH IN 1863.
charges that Mr. Vallandigham had " talked treason" in some of his speeches, and they tried him
before "a military commission," which sentenced
him to imprisonment. But Mr. Lincoln did not
exactly dare to put him in prison, for it is doubtful whether it would not have been torn down,
and Mr. Vallandigham released, so great was the
indignation of the people. So Mr. Lincoln thought
it was c" a smart joke," no doubt, and sent Mr.
Vallandighaml across the lines into the Confederate
States.
Mr. Vallandigham quietly pursued his way to a
seaport, and sailed for Canada, where he remained
some time. He was defeated in October for Governor, though the Democrats made a gallant effort
to elect him. Mr. Lincoln's "men and money"
were too much for them. After awhile Mr. Vallandigham returned of his own accord to Ohio, despite of Mr. Lincoln's order of exile. They at first
talked of arresting him again, but did not venture
to do it.
In Kentucky, General Burnside's "political
campaign" was equally serviceable. In that State
the Democrats had nominated the venerable Hon.
Chas. A. Wickliffe, a name known and honored
throughout the whole country. On the 30th of
July, just three days before the election, General
Burnside declared martial law  in the State.
Several Democrats, who were running for Congress, were arrested and Burnside ordered that
no "disloyal men" should be allowed to vote;
but as all Democrats were ca'   " disloyal,) he




EVENTS IN THE NORTH IN 1863.    315
might as well have ordered that no Democrats be
allowed to vote. In some counties no one was
permitted to cast a vote for Wickliffe.  The result
was a defeat, or rather there was no election helcL
Never was there a more complete overthrow of tI:e
ballot-box. Shameful as it was, the abolitionists
gloried over the result.
But this does not begin to exaust the chapter
of General Burnside's tyranny. All over the West
there existed a complete "reign of terror."  No
Democrat's life or property was safe, if he dared
boldly to doubt the wisdom  of Mx. Lincoln. In
1862, after the mails had been reopened to Democratic papers, a new process had been resorted to,
to injure their circulation and break them down.
It was held that any commander of a Department,
or provost marshal, could prohibit the circulation
of any paper in his district, which he regarded as
detrimental. This, of course, was an invitation to
every petty provost marshal to turn upon the
Democratic newspapers.  Its effect was also to
stimulate mobs, and Democratic editors all over
the West were insulted and outraged, and their
offices often destroyed.
Some were killed for the defence of the right of
free speech. At Dayton, Ohio, the home of Mr.
Vallandigham, Mr. Bollmeyer, the editor of the
Dayton Empire, was deliberately shot dead by all
abolitionist, and a jury of his own county actually
cleared the assassin!
General [Burnside also turned his attention to
suppressing newspapers. On the 1st of June, ho




316     EVENTS IN THE NORTH IN 1863.
issued an order suppressing the publication of the
Chicago Times, a leading Democratic paper in tho
West, and also one suppressing the circulation of
the New York W/orld, in his Department. In this
movement, General Burnside made the savme mistake he did at Fredericksburg; he got whipped.
The Democrats of Chicago were determined to be
fooled no longer by Mr. Lincoln's satraps. So the
editor of the Times, Mr. Story, called a meeting of
citizens in front of his office to see how the Democrats felt about it.
The upshot of the whole affair was, that they
sent word to Mr. Lincoln that if he did not rescind
the order of his man Burnside, and allow the
Chicago Times to be published, then there should
no Republican or abolition paper be allowed to be
published in that city. And the Democrats went
to work quietly and determinedly to carry out
their threat. Mr. Lincoln, however, backed down,
when he saw the pluck displayed, and so Mr.
Burnside had all this splurge for nothing.
The interference of the little provost marshals,
however, continued, and for a long time all Democratic papers were denied circulation in Missouri
and Kentucky. Mr. Lincoln never yielded his
warfare on the freedom of the press, only when
compelled to do so. IHe seemed to feel by instinct
that he stood no chance if free discussion was
allowed.
So greatly had the Democrats of the West suffered from the minilions of arbitrary power, that
they organized a society called the "Sons of




EVENTS IN THE NORTH IN 1,863.    317
Liberty," for self-protection. But even th:is was
used against them; for it was denounced by the
abolitionists as " a secret organization to overthrow
the Government," and many of its leaders were
arrested and cruelly imprisoned. Three of these,
Messrs. Bowles, Hiorsey, and Milliken, were sentenced to death by a "' military commission," and
only escaped death through the clemency of President Johnson, after his accession to office.
I must now turn to some  remarkable events
which occurred in the city of New York, in July.
Mr. Lincoln was in great want of soldiers at this
time. Men would not volunteer to fight to put
themselves on an equality with negroes. So Congress passed a rigorous conscription act, which
would compel men to go whether they wanted to
or not. The abolitionists had hesitated to put it in
force, knowing how unpopular it was.  Finally,
after deceiving the people several times by false
alarms, they suddenly, one Saturday afternoon, set
the fatal wheel in motion.
Many citizens of New York woke up on Sunday
morning to find their names in Lincoln's army list,
for every man was declared a soldier from the moment his name was drawn, and liable to be shot as
a deserter if he got out of the way.
The pent-up wrath of the people now broke out.
The war had always been unpopular in New York
city, and when the firsiL announcement was made,
that the people were resisting the draft, the greatest excitement occurred. The abolitionists were
ter-ibly frighteened. A good many ran away fion




318   IEVEN'TS IN THE NORTH IN 1863.
the city.  Others hid themselves. The drafted
men first destroyed the enrolling offices, burning
them to the ground, and came very near killing
Klennedy, the police superintendent.
Like all popular outbreaks of this kind, it ran
into every form of riot and outrage. The popular
heeling seemed to regard with peculiar hatred the
negro, as if he were the cause of the war and all
the trouble resulting from it, while in fact it was
the abolitionists and not the negro who were responsible.
The rioters burnt down the Negro Orphan Asylum, hung negroes to the lamp posts, and sometimes threw them into the docks. Boys particularly seemed to be engaged in the rioting. The
writer of this was all through the city at all times
of the day and night, during the continuance of
the trouble. On one occasion he saw a crowd,
and asked a little boy what it meant. "Oh, it is
nothing but a dead nigger," was the reply. This
shows how callous to human suffering even children may become in times of war and bloodshed.
These riots continued for four or five days, and
it was fully a week before complete order was restored. All the stages and cars stopped running,
and the stores and shops were closed. Men and
women peeped cautiously out of their doors and
windows, for fear bullets might hit them. Fires
were burning almost constantly, and together with
the ringing of the bells and the tramp of soldiers,
lNew York city seemed like a military camp.
If the matter had been taken hold of properly at




EVENTS IN THE NORTH IN 1863.   319the start it might have been soon disposed of.
But the mayor of the city, an abolitionist by the
name of Opdyke, was afraid to go in the street.
Governor Seymour hurried to the city as fast as
he could, and by calm words and a firm policy
soon brought order out of chaos. The abolitionists, however, tried to thwart his endeavors, and
with some troops under Colonel Harvey Brown,
friom the forts in the harbor, shot down a good
many innocent people.
The whole story of the riots can be easily
surmmed up. They did not originate in a desire to
harm any one, but simply to inform Mr. Lincoln
that New Yorkers would not be dragged into the
army to fight to free negroes.  After they got
under way, bad men used the confusion to rob,
plunder, and steal.
One thing, however, these riots did do. They
settled the draft in New York city. For though
Mr. Lincoln sent on a large force, and threatened
great things, yet no man, I believe, was ever taken
out of New York city for the war, without his consent. The Common Council was forced to offer
large bounties, and to get by buying what they
could not secure by force.
During this year, too, the abolitionists did all
they could to stimulate the war feeling in the North
by alleged cruelties on the Federal prisoners in.
the South, and particularly at Andersonville,
Georgia. I have not space to go into a detail of
this matter here, but it is certain that if Northern
soldiers were suffering in the South, the abolition




320    EVENTS IN THE RNORTH IN 1868,
authorities could have got them out of it any day
by exchanging prisoners, which the Confederates
were anxious to do. The truth was, however, that
the abolition government at Washington purposely
reftised to do so. They said the thirty or forty
thousand Confederates the North had would go to
recruit the Southern army, while in the case of the
Federal prisoners their terms were mostly out and
they would not probably re-enlist.
No doubt a good deal of hardship was experienced, but I saw soldiers who were in Andersonville nine months, who came out as healthy and as
rugged as when they went in. Persons who were
filthy and did not take care of their health, of
course, suffered and died.
Southern officers confined at Chicago, Illinois,
and Elmira, New York, however, declare that they
were more cruelly treated than the Federal prisoners in the South. I will not stop here to more
than say that I believe from all I know, that General Winder, was a humane man and did all
that his limited means would allow for the Federal
prisoners at the South, and I am fully satisfied
that the abolitionists intentionally got up their
horrible stories in order to inflame the the Northern
mind and keep it up to the work of abolishing
"slavery."  In fact this atrocious design was
boldly avowed in a printed pamphlet, gotten up,
with horrible cuts, for Northern circulation.




THE OPENING EVENTS OF 1864.
ANOTHER year hlad now rolled around, and yet
the South was not whipped. The year 1863 had
closed with gloom to the Confederates. But still
their spirits seemned as firm as ever. The year
1864 opened more auspiciously. General Rlosser's
raid into Western Virginia in January, and Pickett's expedition against Newbern, North Carolinas
in February, had both been successful, and materially assisted in dispelling the despondency.
But greater operations than these were soon to
transpire favorably to the Confederates. General
Sherman, with thirty-five thousand men, started
early in February on an expedition from Vicksburg, marching eastwardly. He was supported by
the cavalry of Generals Smith and Grierson, and
it is supposed his design was the capture of TMobile; but he failed utterly. General Forrest fell
upon the Federal cavalry and cut it to pieces, and
General Sherman, having advanced as far as Mer
ridian, Mississippi, and finding himself without
support, retraced his steps.
Finding he could not conquer, he fell to marauding and pillaging. While at Meridian he sent out
detachments and burnt or desolated Enterprise,




322        OPENING EVENTS OF 1804.
Quitman, Hillsboro, Canton, Decatur, Lauderdale
Springs, and other towns in Mississippi, destroying the provisions of the inhabitants and robbing
them of their valuables. It is said he drove off
not less than 10,000 negroes from the plantations,
many of whom were taken to Vicksburg and forced
into the army.
The next unlucky expedition the Federals attempted, was that commanded by a rampant abolition officer, one General Truman Seymour. He
tried to penetrate the interior of Florida, but having marched as far as Olustee, he was there met by
General Finnegan, with a small Confederate force,
who whipped the negro-loving general so severely
that he ran almost back to Jacksonville before he
stopped.
I have now to relate a still more remarkable defeat. This time it is General Banks, whom Stonewall Jackson so soundly whipped in Virginia. Mr.
Lincoln had sent General Banks to New Orleans,
in place of Butler. In March, he concocted, in
connection with Admiral Porter's fleet, an expedition up the lRed River against Shreveport. The
real object of this movement was "to steal cotton,"
but General Banks called it a military expedition.
When General Banks arrived at a place called
Mansfield, he found something in his path. It
proved to be Generals Kirby Smith and Dick Taylor, with an army. A battle took place, in which
General Banks was literally "whipped out of his
boots." He fell back to a place called Pleasant'Hill, and there he got whipped again the next day.




OPENIJNG EVENTS OF 1864.       323
At night he ran away, and did not stop until he
got under the shelter of Admiral Porter's fleet at
Grand Encore. From thence he fell back to Alexandria, and was in a great hurry to get back to
New Orleans.
Admiral Porter, too, came very near being
caught with all his fleet. The lied River fell very
suddenly, and he could not get his boats over the
rapids at Alexandria. So he was forced to dam
up the waters of 1Red River, which he did as
speedily as possible, and thus he got his boats
away.
Thus ended General Banks' military exploits,
for he soon after returned to Massachusetts, where
they elected him to Congress.
Besides these marked successes of the Confederates, they had been very active with their cavalry.
General Forrest, after defeating Smith and Grierson, had moved into Kentucky, going even into
Paducah and Columbus. Mosby was almost every
day surprising the Federal outposts in the vicinity
of Washington.
Colonel John S. Mosby was one of the most
daring partisan chiefs in the Confederate service.
He was here, there, and everywhere. Intimately
acquLainted with all the country about Washington,
he scarcely allowed the abolition crowd there a
chance to sleep. Time and again they had tried
to catch him by all sorts of devices, but he was too
much for them every time.
I have now to relate one of the most remarkable
episodes of the war. On the 28th of February,




824        OPENING EVENTS OF 1864,
General Kilpatrick, with 5000 pickced men, started
on a raid to Richmond. When he set out vague
hints were given in the abolition papers that the
country would soon be startled by great events.
This man, Kilpatrick, was a low, brutal fellow
and well adapted to any vile work, as we shall
see before we get through with what we are
relating.
After he reached Beaver Dam, near Richmond,
he divided his force into two parts, which took
different directions. One portion he commanded
himself.  The other was placed in charge of
Colonel Ulric Dahlgren, a giddy, foolish, impulsive
young man, who probably did not even realize
what a criminal errand he was on.
Kilpatrick reached the outer defences of Richmond, and though there was scarcely any force to
resist him, he seems to have got frightened, and,
satisfied with boasting that he had seen Richmond,
galloped off towards the Peninsula.
Dahlgren, more impulsive and fool-hardy, resolved to fight, and though there was nothing but
a regiment of boys, mostly clerks in Richmond, to
oppose him, yet he was badly whipped and tried
to retreat. His command broke up into squads.
Riding along, he saw a few Confederates, and supposing they were skulkers, he shouted,'; Surrender!"
"Fire," cried Lieutenant Pollard, who commanded the young men, and the next moment
poor Dahlgren was dead.
And now comes the remarkable part of this




OPENING EVENTS OF 1864.         325
story. From papers found on young Dahlgren's
body, it was discovered that the object of the expedition was to release the Federal prisoners confined in Richmond, to destroy and burn the city'.
and kill Jefferson Davis and his Cabinet!
It is not necessary to give these papers in fill
here, but the above is their purport. The abolition
papers denied the authenticity of these documents,
and declared that they were forged by the Confederates.  It certainly seems almost impossible to
believe that such a horrible crime as the cool
and deliberate murder of Davis and his cabinet
could have been contemplated, and yet, if the
alleged papers are authentic, there is no room to
doubt it.
Upon this point I will quote the authority
of iM.  E. A. APollard, the Southern historian.
He says: "Yankee newspapers, with consistent
hardihood, disputed the authenticity of these papers. The writer, whose relative was engaged in
the affair, and who himself was familiar with all
the incidents relating to these papers, may assert
most positively that there is not a shadow of
ground to question their authenticity. He saw the
originals. In half an hour after they were found,
they were placed in the hands of General FitzHugh Lee; and the soiled folds of the paper were
then plainly visible. The words referring to the
murder of the President and his Cabinet were not
interlined, but were in the regular context of the
manuscript. The proof of the authenticity of the
papers is clinched by the circumstance that there
23




3 26       OPENING EVENTS OF 1864.
was also found on Dahlgren's body a private notebook, which contained a rough draft of the address to his soldiers, and repetitions of some of
memoranda in the papers. The writer has carefully examined this note-book —a common memorandum pocket-book, such as might be bought in
New York for fifty cents-in which are various
notes, some in ink and some in pencil; the sketch
of the address is in pencil, very imperfectly written, as one who labored in composition, crossed
and re-crossed. It does not differ materially in
context or language from the more precise composition, except that the injunction to m-urder
the Confederate leaders is in the rough draft
made with this additional emphasis,'kill on the
Sp.ot.'
Right here the terrible thought comes up, if this
be true, these men would never have dared to attempt the deed referred to, if it had not received
the open or secret sanction of higher authority!
People may doubt whether Lincoln and Seward
could have been guilty of even such a thought;
but when we remember into what monsters fanaticism has transferred men in all ages of the world,
we are prepared to believe anything possible.
How many thousands of people have been killed
in cold blood by men, while lifting up their hands
to heaven, and claiming they were doing God
service.
And this abolition fanaticism or delusion is no
exception to the general rule. How many otherwise good people have been led to sanction war,




OPENING EVENTS OF 1864.        3 2 
and a11 sorts of cruelty, to crush out what they believe, or think they believe, is a sin. This whole
war shows how abolitionism brutfifes mankind, and
crmshes out all the generous traits of humanity
from those who have come thoroughly under its
fluence.




CHAPTER  XLII.
GENERAL GRANT S "c ON TO RICHMOND."
GENERAL GRANT, who was now Lieutenant-General, had formed his plans for a grand advance Cf
all his armies during the first week in May, 1864.
He had concentrated nearly all his troops into two
grand armies. One under his own command to
march on Richmond, and the other under General
Sherman to advance to the capture of Atlanta.
His first move was to send off various supporting expeditions. One, under General Sigel, was
sent down the Shenandoah Valley against Lynchburg, and another, under General Butler, was sent
by way of Fortress Monroe, to take Petersburg.
If these expeditions had been successful, General
Grant might have had an easy time of it. But we
shall see they were not.  His forces numbered
nearly two hundred thousand men of all arms;
General Lee's army numbered about fifty-two
thousand.
On the 3d of May, General Grant set his tremendous army in motion. A train of 4,000 wagons was a proof of the vast host on the march.
Grant's intention was to cross the Rapidan River,
and march his army directly to Gordonsville,




GENERAL GRANT'S " ON TO IICIIM:OND." 329
which, if once accomplished, would place his army
between the army of Lee and Richmond. The
fact that General Lee offered no objection'to his
passage of the river, impressed General Grant with
the idea that the Confederate commander would at
once retreat with his whole army to Richmond.
When, therefore, on Thursday morning, the 5th
of May, Grant found a Confederate force in his
front, at a place known as the Wilderness, he imnagined it to be a movement of the retreat of Lee's
army. It was not, however, long before he found
his fatal mistake. In Lee's initial movement, before the real battle commenced, Grant lost 3,000
men. And when the darkness of the night put a
stop to the fierce conflict that raged for hours,
Lee's forces occupied the same ground they did at
the beginning. Grant had been manfully repulsed
at every point; and his men slept on their arms
that night to be ready to renew the engagement
in the morning. Lee was also waiting to open the
battle in the morning. Both generals were, therefore, determined to open the fiery ball the next
day. But Lee was ahead of his antagonist; and
while Grant was preparing to strike, he deaJ the
first terrible blow. Then followed one of the most
deadly and terrible battles which occurred during
the whole war. General Lee here inflicted a terrible chastisement upon General Grant. Grant
lost 15,000 men, and Lee about 7,000. It was a
great victory for so small an army to win over one
Bo vastly its superior in numbers.
The historian of the Army of the Potomac sp.eak,




330 GENE RA,1. GRANT'S "ON TO RICHMOND."
ing of the battle, says, that General Grant "avow.
edly despised manleuvering.  His reliance was
exclusively on the application of brute masses, in
rapid and remorseless blows, or as he himself
phrased it,'in hammering continuously."' But in
this instance the hammer itself was broken by
Lee's superior generalship.
After this fatal experiment of " hammering" in
the Wilderness, where he had hammered so many
thousand of his own men to death, General Grant
withdrew as secretly as possible with a view of
reaching Spottsylvania Court House, where he
would be between Lee's army and Richmond-that
is, provided Lee would remain where he then was,
in order to accommodate him. B3ut to General
Grant's very great surprise and discomfiture, when
he arrived in the neighborhood of Spottsylvania,
he found Lee was there before him. So without
any attempt at manoeuvering, he here set to work
again to hammer his way through Lee's lines.
But everywhere was he thrown back with fearful
slaughter. And thus he hammered away for twelve
days and nights, without making the least impression upon Lee's lines, and only getting his own men
killed.  The ground was literally covered and
heaped up with the dead.
The result of this hammering on the two battlefields of the Wilderness and Spottsylvania was
a loss of forty thousand men, who were ignominiously' slaughtered by incompetent generalship.
General I eade's official report admits a loss of
thirty-nine thousand seven hundred and thirty



GENERAL GRANT'TS'ON TO RICHIMOND."  331
one; and his report does not include the losses of
Burnside's corps.
The soldiers of the Army of the Potormac were
not very secret in their denunciations of Genera
Grant. They called him a " butcher," and but fo
the popularity of several of the division commanders there woulld have been very great difficulty in
~persuading the army to fight under Grant. So
terribly had his army been cut to pieces in these
battles of the Wilderness and Spottsylvania that
he was obliged to send for reinforcements before
attempting a further march towards Richmond.
On the night of the 20th of May, General Grant
set his army on the march again towards Richmond. The next day brought him to the banks
of the North Anna River, where he found a portion of Lee's army in his front. But Lee made
just opposition enough at this point to impress
Grant with an idea of his weakness, and then retreated to the South Anna. To this point General
Grant marched with the fullest confidence that he
would meet with no serious check. But he was
doomed to a very sad disappointment; for he soon
discovered that Lee had so mancauvred as to place
the very centre of his army between the two wings
of Grant's army, thereby cutting the abolition
army in two in the middle.
Out of this trap into which he had so proudly
marched, Grant beat a very hasty retreat.  He
was forced to re-cross the North Anna River, and
take a circuitous and tedious route in another direction. The only thing he had accomplished in




332  GENERAL GRANT9S " ON TO RICHMOND.99
six days of painful marching was to get a great
many of his men killed.
General Grant withdrew as secretly as possible
from the North Anna, on the night of the 26th of
May. His direction was south-east towards the
Chickahorminy River. It was on the banks of this
river that the next great battle was fought, at a
point called Cold Harbor. This place proved to
be another of Grant's slaughter-pens, where he
hammered his own gallant men to sure destruction
without making the least visible impression upon
the enemy. In a single assault of Lee's lines, he
lost thirteen thousand men, while [Lee did not lose
as many hundreds. And when General Grant gave
the order for another assault, the whole army, as
one man, refused to obey his order.
The historian of "The Campaigns of the Army
of the Potomac," who was a spectator of the
events he describes, says of the order for another
assault: "The order was issued through these
officers to their subordinate commanders, and
from them descended through the wonted channels; but no man stirred, and the immobile lines
pronounced a verdict, silent yet emphatic, against
further slaughter."
It is, perhaps, the only instance on record where
a whole army of such vast numbers refused to
obey orders. But the soldiers knew that by obeying the order they simply devoted themselves to
destruction. They had ceased to feel any respect
for General Grant, and although they were Lrave
and gallant men, they positively reftsed to be




GENERAL GRANT'S  "ON TO RICHMOND." 333
iarther slaughtered by what they believed to be
incompetent generalship.
In this short march from. the iRapidan to tho
Chickahoiminy, Grant had lost between sixty and
seventy thousand men. It is safe to say that a
skillful general would have accomplished the same
march with one-fifth of that loss. In these battles
Grant lost twenty thousand more men than Lee's
whole army numbered.  The reinforcements he
received between the Rapidan and the Chickahominy amounted to more than Lee's whole army.
The history of these battles affords a very striking illustration of the very great difference between
good and bad generalship. Grant's theory was
that he could afford to slaughter three of his men
to kill one Confederate. But in these battles the
proportion of his slaughtered was greater than
&hat. It was more tthan three to one. And all he
had gained was a position in front of Richmond,
which, after a few days, he was obliged to abandon for the precise spot adopted by McClellan
two years before.
On the night of the 12th of June, Grant began
to withdraw from the region of Cold Harbor, in
front of Richmond, and commenced his march
across the Peninsula to the James tRiver. The
distance was fifty-five miles, which brought him. to
the James a little below Harrison's Landing, the
seene of General McClellan's operations.  This
maroh was completed, without opposition on the
part of Lee, in two days. On the 16th of the
month Grant's whole army was on the south side




334 GENE'-RAL GRANT'S "'ON TO RIICHMIONDD,
of the James, and prepared to take the same steps
for the capture of Richmond which McClellan had
fixed upon at the time he was ordered from Washington to withdraw his army from the Peninsula.
In an effort to take Richmond from this point,
the first thing to be done was to take the city of
Petersburg, which is twenty-two miles south of
Richimond, and was the outer line of the defences
of Richmond. The Lynchburg Railroad, James
River Canal, and Danville Railroad connected this
place with the west and south-west sections of the
country from which Richmond largely drew its
supplies.
Grant felt sure that he would be able to seize
this city before Lee's army would be there to defend it.  In this calculation he was doomed to
another bitter disappointment, for no sooner did
he begin his " hammering" process than he found.
the same invincible anvil of Lee's army was there
to throw back his blows. After "pegging away"
two days, during which time he lost six or seven
thousand of his men, on the morning of the 18th
of June he ordered a general assault of Lee's lines,
which resulted in his complete repulse everywhere,
with a terrible loss of life. The failure was such
a disastrous one that even Grant gave up, for the
time, his favorite "hammering"' process, and fell
to entrenching his army before the city of Petersburg, and began to attezmpt something like manceuvring.
The first effort, however, made after completing
his entrenchmlents, proved a very dicsastrous one.;




GENERAL GRANT9S 4 ON TO BICHMOND.'9  335
as Lee, by a bold dash, swept down through a portion of his lines and captured several entire regiments and one of his most powerful batteries.
General Grant exhausted two weeks in fruitless
raids and assaults, in every one of which he was indeed greatly the loser. In this way he lost between 15,000 and 20,000 men, without inflicting
any considerable damage upon Lee.  Indeed he
had literally worn his own army out again. Swinton says: " Indeed the Union army, terribly
shaken as well in spirit as in material substance,
by the repeated attacks on entrenched positions it
had been called on to make, was in a very unfit
moral condition to undertake any new enterprise
of that character."
Grant was at last convinced that it was impossible for him to carry the city by assault. So there
was no resource left him but to give up again his
"hammering" system and to go to digging.  So he
kept busy for five or six weeks in constructing and
arming defensive works. Among other things an
extensive mine was dug under a portion of Lee's
works, which was to be exploded, as it was thought,
with the most disastrous consequences to the Confederates.
Grant fixed upon the morning of the 30th of July,
for the exploding of this mine, and for a general
assault upon Lee's lines through the opening which
the exploded mine was to make. The explosion of
the mine took place at half-past four in the morning. The shock was terrible, and vast masses of
earth were thrown more than two hundred feet into




336  GENERAL GRANT'S "ON TO RnICHMOND.
the air. The only damage done was to surprise
the Confederates for a few minutes, when thea
made the best possible use of what turned out td
be a great folly on the part of General Grant.
The explosion produced a huge crater one hundred and fifty feet long, sixty feet wide, and thirty
feet cdeep. Through this opening in Lee's works
Grant undertook to push his assaulting column.
In this assaulting column was a brigade of negroes
under Burnside, which led the van, and which, on
meeting a fierce fire from Lee's works, fled wildly
back, and doubled up upon the white troops behind them in such a manner as to produce a scene
of fright and confusion, that would have been
laughable if it had not been so terrible. An army
correspondent, who witnessed the whole affair,
said, "blacks and whites tumbled pell-mell into
the hollow of exploded earthworks-a slaughterpen, in which shells and bombs rained from the
enemy's lines, and did frightful havoc. Failing to
advance, it soon proved almost equally difficult to
retreat, though parties of tens and twelves, crawling
out, ran back as best they could. Above four
thousand were killed or captured."
Such was General Grant's first attempt at strategy against Lee. With herculean labor, he produced an immense hole in the earth, which served
no other purpose than a frightful slaughter-pen
for his own men.  In September, he made an
attack with a portion of his army on the defences
of ]~ichmond north of the James River. But here
he met with another decided repulse. This ended




GENERAL GRANT'S "ON TO RICHMOND."  337
General Grant's offensive movements for somr
months.
It will be remembered I stated, that when General Grant started for lRichmond, in May, he sent
off General Sigel to take Lynchburg, and General Butler to take Petersburg.  Both of these
expeditions signally failed.  General Sigel got
severely whipped by General Breckinridge, and
General Beauregard, who had came up from
Charleston, soon disposed of Butler. Butler, as
usual, made himself the laughing-stock of all sensible people. At one time he telegraphed that "he
held the key of lRichmond." But iao one ever saw
"the key," except Butler, and he only in imagination.
Grant, however, did not give up his design of
capturing Lynchburg. So he sent General David
Hunter to take it; but Hunter not only got badly
whipped, but seems to have become awfully frightened. He not only ran away, but did not stop
until he got into Western Virginia, where he arrested two editors for speaking disrespectfully of
his campaign.  HIe found time, however, in his
flight, to burn the Virginia Military Institute, with
its library, &c., Governor Letcher's dwelling-house,
and to commit several other outrageous and fiendish acts.
The defeat of Hunter opened the Shenandoah
Valley again; and General Jubal Early, who now
commanded on Stonewall Jackson's old battle
fields, came rushing down the valley, capturing
Winchester, Martinsburg, Harper's Ferry, and,




338  GENERAL GRANT'S "ON TO RICHMOND.0
crossing the Potomac, started another panic in the
North. Some people thought General Lee was
coming again with his whole army.
General Lew. Wallace, a bitter abolition general,
who commanded at Baltimore, went out to whip
Early, and met the Confederates at a place called
Monocacy, but was so badly beaten, that he did
not stop running until he got safely back to Baltimore, where he barricaded the city.
The troops under Generals Early and Breclkinridge now scoured over Maryland, capturing railroad trains, the cavalry, under the daring Harry
Gilmore, coming almost to the Pennsylvania line.
For a few days General Early threatened Washington, some of his troops actually firing shots
into the city. He burned the houses of Governor
Bradford and Montgomery Blair of Maryland, in
retaliation of Hunter's devastations in the valley,
and then started off with his stores across the
Potomac.
General Grant now resolved upon savage measures, the like of which had never been known in
civilized warfare. He entrenched his army before
Petersburg, and then detaching two corps, sent
them, with a heavy force of cavalry, all under
General Philip Sheridan, to the Shenandoah Valley. These troops, with the remains of Hunter's
army, made a force that it was impossible for General Early to contend against. He was driven out
of the valley with heavy losses of guns and men.
And now General Sheridan, with the instincts
of savage warfare, determined to utterly devastate




GENERAL GRANT'S "ON TO RICHMOND."  339
this beautiful valley. He therefore set his troops
at work, and the result is given in his own official
report to Gen. Grant as follows: " Woodstock,
Oct. 7. I have destroyed over two thousand barns
filled with wheat and hay and farming implements;
over seventy mills filled with flour and wheat; have
driven in front of the army over four herd of stock,
and have killed and issued tj the troops not less
than three thousand sheep. This destruction embraces the Luray Valley and Little Fort Valley, as
well as the main Valley." In one place he states
that "he burned all the houses within five miles
of a spot" where one of his men had been murdered, but why innocent women and children
should have their houses burned over their heads,
even if one of his men had been murdered, no one
not a savage by instinct can tell.
Whether the description of this terrible devastation be above or below the facts, we give the
authority on which it rests.  Thousands were
reduced to the verge of starvation, and many would
have perished but for the timely relief of the benevolent.
General Early and his troops, incensed by the
brutal devastation of the valley, made superhuman
efforts to chastise Sheridan, and in one engagement severely defeated him. But they could not
hold their ground. Sheridan greatly outnumbered
them, and falling upon them again, drove them to
Staunton. This, I believe, closes the chapter of
military movements in the sadly stricken and impoverished Shenandoah Valley.




CHtAPTER XL:IIf.
SHERMAN'S 4 ON TO ATLANTA."
I NAVE noW to relate General Sherman's part of
the campaign which General Grant had planned.
His headquarters were at Ringgold, in the northeastern part of Georgia, and he had not less than
100,000 men in three grand divisions, under the
command respectively of Generals Thomas, Schofield and IcePherson.
The Confederate army was under the command
of General Joseph E. Johnston, and did not number more than half of General Sherman's force.
It was strongly entrenched at Dalton.
General Sherman began his march for Atlanta
about the same time that Grant started for Richmond. When he got to Dalton, he took a good
look at General Johnston's position, and as he did
not like the appearance of it, he determined not to
attack it. So he moved his army in a roundabout
way to Resacca. Johnston, seeing the movement,
was too quick for;him, and when Sherman's army
arrived there, they found the Confederate comnmander ready for them.
General Sherman now tried an assault upon
General Johnston's works, and considerable bat



SHERMAYNS'5 ON TO ATLANTA."     341
ties took place on the 14th and 15th of May. General Sherman was badly repulsed, and General
Johnston took up his retreat in a leisurely manner
in the direction of the Etowah River. Again General Johnston assuned such a strong position that
General Sherman did not dare to attack him, but
tried the flanking process again.  Compelled to
fall back once more, General Johnston now took a
strong position n on the  enesaw Mountain.
Here he held his ground for a month. General
Sherman tried in vain to dislodge him, and on the
27th of June made a general assault of his whole
force upon Johnston's lines.  Ie was everywhere
repulsed, with great loss, the Confederates, in
somae instances, rolling stones down the mountain
sides upon the Federal troops.
Finding it impossible to carry Johnston's posi-.
tion, Sherman again resorted to his flanking movements. He marched his army around the mountain, and Johnston was now compelled to fall back
across the Chattahoochee River. It was now the
4th of July.
It was about this time that the Confederate
General Bishop Leonidas Polk was killed by a
shell while taking a survey of General Sherman's
position. At the opening of the war, he took off
the robes of his ministerial office and went heart
and soul into the contest to save his country from
the pollution of abolitionism. He remarked only
a short time before his death, "I feel like a man
who has dropped his business when his house is
on fire, to put it out, for as soon as the war is over
24




342      SHERMAN'S "ON TO ATLANTA."'
I shall return again to my sacred calling." He
was a brave, good man, and beloved by all who
knew him.
The Southern people were very much chagrined
at the loss of territory. All northern Georgia was
now in the possession of Sherman's army, who devastated it without mercy. Some of the finest
vlwheat growing districts of the South, and these
almost ripe for harvest, had fallen into the enemy's
hands. Besides these, iron rolling mills and Government works of great value, on the Etowah
River, had been abandoned.
General Sherman now crossed the Chattahoochee River, and General Johnston was compelled
to fall back to the defences of Atlanta. This city
was a very important position for the Confederates.
Here they manufactured  a great many of their
army stores. It was well fortified, and if properly
defended, ought to have held out for a long time.
There were now general murmurs of dissatisfaction against General Johnston for retreating before
Sherman. People in the South said he ought to
fight, and not be forever falling back. I do not
pretend to decide this question, but a great many
persons now think that if he had been let alone, he
would have whipped General Sherimancu. HE:owever,
President Davis thought he was not doing exactly
right, and so he removed him from command, and
appointed General John B. Hood in his place.
General HIood was comparatively a young man,
from the State of Texas, but was renowned as a
great fighter  HEle it was who, at the head of the




SHERMAN'S "ON TO ATLANTA."      343
Texas brigade, stormed McClellan's position at
Gaines' Mills, and turned the tide of battle in that
day's fight.  He had lost one leg in the service,
and was very popular in the army.
As soon as he was appointed to the command,
he determined to fight General Sherman. He attacked him on the 20th and 22d and 28th of July,
and in each engagement punished him severely,
capturing guns, colors, and prisoners. He then
fell back to the defences of Atlanta, where General
Sherman did not dare to molest him. There is no
doubt that Sherman's army was now in a critical
position. It could not take Atlanta, nor could it
retreat. Just at this time General HIood sent all
his cavalry off to operate on Sherman's rear, and
break up his line of communication.
When General Sherman heard of this, he conceived the bold idea of throwing his army south of
Atlanta, and cutting off General Hood's communications. The absence of the cavalry rendered this
movement now possible, and before General Hood
could recall them, he found himself compelled to
evacuate Atlanta. He was forced to blow up the
Confederate foundries and factories and destroy
immense quantities of army stores of all kinds. It,
was a sad day for the people of Atlanta, for they
knew theyT were to fall into the hands of a remorseless military chieftain. It was the 1st of September when Atlanta was evacuated by Hood, and
thus in four months, with a vastly inferior force to
General Grant, General Sherman had achieved
the object he aimed to accomplish.




344      SHERMIAN'S " ON TO ATLANTA."
General Sherman did not despise "manceud
vring," and though a cruel warrior, he had disc
played military genius of a very high order.
His march from Ringgold to Atlanta was a scene
of desolation. Houses were fired, churches pillaged, towns sacked, and hundreds of men, women
and children were compelled to seek shelter in the
mountains. It pains me to write of such Vandalism. But Sherman told the people that this year
he would only take their property. But next year,
if the war continued, he would take their lives.
At one place he captured some four hundred
factory girls, and forcing them to get into army
wagons, transported them north of the Ohio River,
far from home and friends, there to remain during
the war. What became of these poor girls I cannot tell, but when they arrived at Louisville, Kentucky, they were in a most destitute condition. It
is cruel enough to exile men, but when hundreds
of young women are thus torn from their home
and friends, the act is worse than inhuman —it is
barbarous.
The abolitionists of the North, however, were so
crazy with joy over the capture of Atlanta, that
they did not stop to rebuke the wrongs inflicted
upon innocent people.
General Sherman signalized his capture of AtS
anta by further displays of his cruelty. He at
once ordered that all the white inhabitants should
leave the city-should be driven from their homes,
men, women, and children, without any regard to
age or sex. None were spared. Those who would




SHERMAN'S " ON TO ATLANTA."      345
take the Lincoln oath were sent North. Those
who would not must go South. Then commenced
an exodus such as the world had never before
known. For ten days a steady stream  of men,
women, and children-tottering age and prattling
nfancy-poured out of the desolated city. They
could take only a few articles of clothing, some of
the simplest implements of cooking, and just
enough food to support nature. All the rest of
their worldly effects they were forced to leave to
the tender mercies of General Sherman's soldiers.
General Hood protested against this as " a crime
against God and humanity." But Sherman heeded it not. The Mayor of the city denounced it as
"C wanton cruelty."  General Sherman's brutal retort was, "war is cruelty;" and thus these poor
people were driven forth to suffer and to starve.
How many little children died from exposure I
cannot say. But, no doubt, scores of darling babes
perished. Some, it is said, died by the roadside;
and many a feeble old grandfather cried his very
last breath away as he turned his back forever upon
his lost home.
General Hood finding himself out of Atlanta,
now started upon one of the most remarkable
military movements of the war. It was bold in
conception; and if it had been successful, would
have been the most brilliant affair of the war.
Marching past Atianta, he struck for Chattanooga.
General Sherman sent General Thomas back with
a strong force to check him, and so stubbornly did
the Federal fortes defend some of the mountain




346      SHERMAN'S ~ ON TO ATLANTA."
passes that General Hood did not succeed in
reaching his destination.
He then crossed the mountains into Northern
Alabama, and  started for Nashville.  General
Thomas, seeing the danger that menaced him,
hastened to its defence.  He collected a large
army, and adding to the already formidable defences of the city, awaited Hood's attack.
Hood's advance was at first a splendid success.
On the 30th of November, he whipped General
Schofield in a severe battle at Franklin, and then
marched directly for Nashville.
Thomas was not only strongly fortified, but his
forces far outnumbered HIood's. The Confederates
fought several brilliant engagements, in which it
is acknowledged they performed prodigies of valor.
In one of these engagements, General Pat Cleburne, the commander of the Irish Brigade in the
Confederate Army, was killed.  His loss was a
severe one, for he was not only the idol of the
army, but was always in the thickest of the fight.
It was now the middle of December.  The
weather was unusually cold and rainy, combined
with snow and sleet. General Hood's men suffered fearfully. On the 16th, he was compelled to
fall back.  In his retreat he lost very heavily;
and had it not been for some blunder on the part
of Thomas in forwarding pontoons to cross the
Tennessee River, his reverses might have been
much greater. Thus ended the year 1864 in the
West.




CHAPTER XLIV.
- PIESIDENTIAL ELECTION AND OTHER EVENTS OF
1864.
F'UR years had now rolled around since the
Presidential Election of 1860: and oh! what a
four years of blood and sorrow they had been to
our country! The great conspiracy against our
Democratic and Republican system of government
had now been fairly successful. You will recollect
what I showed to you in the first chapters of this
book, had ever been the design of the monarchical
or anti-lRepublican party in America. They wished
to make the States mere dependencies or provinces, and to erect a great centralized government
at Washington, which should be, in all but the name,
a despotism. The few nabobs of New England
wanted to rule the whole country, and place
everybody under tribute to the cotton lords of that
locality.
Such had come to be nearly the case. The vast
patronage which Mr. Lincoln now wielded was
greater than that of any king on the earth. He
had an army of over a million of men to do his
bidding. He had thousands of officials scattered
all over the country in the persons of postmasters.




344    THEl PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIO.N, ETC.
assessors, tax-collectors, revenue officers, provost
marshals, detectives, spies, informers, and every
species of vermin known to the worst ages of despotism. If he needed more, he had only to manufacture more paper money to purchase them. The
four years of his Administration had been a period
of the most shameless extravagance and corruption. Vice reared its head everywhere. Millions
and millions of money had been squandered upon
government favorites, through contracts for the
army and navy.
There seemed to be a general mania for stealing,
for defalcations, and robberies.  Mr. Dawes, an
abolition Congressman, from  Massachusetts, declared that'"the public treasury had been plundered in a single year as much as the entire current
yearly expenses of r1VI. Buchanan's Administration."
Even women, and those too relatives of Mr. Lincoln's family, were found to have interests in contracts! Members of Congress, professed ministers
of religion, broken down gamblers, nasal-twanged
abolitionists, all classes and conditions, were mixed
up in these shameless robberies.
So fearful had these corruptions become, that
Congress was fairly shamed into investigating and
denouncing them.  A committee was appointed,
and their report made a volume of over one thousand pages. I will quote what an abolition paper
said of this report: "It is a monstrous boolc —monstrous in its hugeness, monstrous in the ugliness
of its revelations, monstrous in the devilishness of
its cantents. The truths therein shown, by sworn




THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION, ElTC.   849
and legal testimony, are infinitely stranger than fiction. This monstrous book is the Record of Infamy! It will stand attesting to the nation and
the world the blighting, scorching, scathing ignominy which the nation and the world can heap
upon those who would lie, cheat, and steal from
their country!"
When we remember that all this was done by a
party that claimed to be the representative of
"' great moral ideas," that was engaged in crushing out "' a great sin," we can easily see how hollow were the professions of its leaders. They were
using the delusion about negroes not only to overthrow the Government, but to rob and plunder the
people, and rivet upon the masses the chains and
slavery of a huge public debt. Mr. Lincohi's great
banker, who made, it is said, over a million of dollars in selling government bonds, issued a parmphlet declaring "that a national debt was a national
blessing." And at this very time, and while he
was building a mansion to live in, rivaling the
palaces of the kings of Europe, the poor women of
New York, whose husbands had died in the war,
were starving to death for want of food!
But "greenbacks," as Mr. YLincoln's paper money
was called, ruled the hour; and when the abolition convention, to nominate a candidate for the
Presidency, met in Baltimore, in June, no one was
mentioned except Mr. Lincoln. Some of his party
wanted another candidate, but the machinery was
too perfect. For Vice-President, they put on Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, in order to show to




350 a  THE PRESIDENTIAL ELEmCTION, ETc.
the people, as they said, that their party was isto
sectional, but national. Mr. Johnson had been
very strongly opposed to secession, and had refused
to go with his State. They also insisted on calling
themselves "the Union Party," and under this deception got thousands of votes.
The Democratic Convention met at Chicago, on
the 29th of August, and nominated, for President,
General George B. McClellan, of New Jersey, and
for Vice-President, George H. Pendleton, of Ohio.
Neither the nominations nor the platform were
such as pleased the entire Democratic party. General McClellan was admired as a gentleman and a
Christian soldier, who had refused to turn the war
into one of plunder and arson. But he announced
himself for the prosecution of the war, while a
great many Democrats wanted peace. They were
willing to trust their Southern brethren in settling
the future of our Government, on a basis of a perfect equality of the States. They did not believe
that one State had the right to lord it over another. But that as our Government was formed
by a convention, wherein each State acted without
coercion, so only could it be perpetuated.
However, all these differences were thrown
aside, in view of the great importance of getting
the abolition party out of power. Democrats forgot that they differed, and went to work with heart
and soul to defeat Mr. Lincoln, believing that if
they could elect General McClellan, they would yet
save their country from the perils of consolidation
and abolitionism.




THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION, ET      851
It was soon discovered, however, that no fair
election was to be allowed. No sooner had a paper
in Baltimore raised McClellan's name for President
than it was suppressed by Mr. Lincoln. Most of
the States had passed laws to allow the soldiers to
vote in the army. Nearly all of these votes were
controlled by the abolition officers. In New York,
however, an effort was made to secure a fair return
of the soldiers' votes; but Mr. Lincoln caused the
agent of New York State, Colonel North, to be arrested, and kept him in prison until after election
Thousands of soldiers who wanted to vote for
M]cClellan were deprived of doing so.
But the queerest movement I have yet to state.
Three days previous to the election, General Butler,
the famous " hero of New Orleans," was sent to New
York to take command of troops there, and large
reinforcements were sent with him. When he arrived, he put on the same pompous swagger that
had made him so ridiculous in the Crescent City.
He took a large hotel for his headquarters; had telegraphic wires carried to his room, and stationed his
orderlies around his hotel, as if he was in camp.
lHe then commenced his "campaign" by sends
ing for a gentleman whom he had heard had
spoken against him. The next day, when the
Democratic papers got hold of it, they made all
manner of fun of Butler. I think, on the whole,
he did not lilke the atmosphere of New York; for
right off after the election, he slunk away between
two days, I believe, and was not heard of much
for some time afterwards.




352    THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION, ETC.
It has always been somewhat of a mystery why
Butler was sent to New York. The abolitionists
pretended that they feared a riot on election day;
but as there was not the slightest danger of that,
it has been suspected that if the election went
against them, they intended to seize power at once,
and prevent the inauguration of General McClellan. In fact, this was actually threatened by some
of the more ultra of the abolition papers.
The result, however, was all that Mr. Lincoln
could have desired.  General McClellan carried
Kentucky, Delaware, and New Jersey. All of the
rest of the States voted for Mr. Lincoln, and so
the abolition party had another four years' lease
of life.
For a long time it had been intended to make an
attack on Mobile. So in July, Admiral Farragut
and General Granger began to make preparations
to that effect. The battle opened on the 5th of
August. There were two forts guarding the entrance to the harbor, Forts Gaines and Morgan.
Farragut's guns were too much for them, for he
passed them in spite of their brave fighting, and
cut them off from the city, so that they were compelled to surrender.
Farragut, however, was not through with the
fight yet. The Confederates had an iron-clad ram
called the Tennessee, and with this they gave battle to Farragut's whole fleet. It was one of the
fiercest fights of the war. But the odds were too
great for the Tennessee, and after a terrible conflict, she surrendered. Her commander was Frank



THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION, ETC.    353
Ein Buchanan, who commanded the Virginia in her
fight with the Monitor in Hampton Roads. Farragut lost many men, and the monitor Tecumseh,
which was blGwn up by a torpedo.
WVi]mington, too, had long been an eyesore to,
the Federals; for despite all their efforts to blockqde itl, they had never succeeded, and vessels ran in
and out almost daily. The only way to shut up
Wilmington was to take Fort Fisher, a strong work
on the east mouth of the Cape Fear River. So
the famous General Butler was sent with a land
force along with Admiral Porter with a fleet to
take it.
General Butler now conceived the grandest idea
of the age. He thought he would blow Fort Fisher
into little bits of pieces by exploding a sbip filled
with three hundred tons of powder-as near to it as
he could float it. So the experiment was tried, and,
lo! "nobody was hurt."  There was a great dull
sound like that of a dying earthquake, and that
was all. Porter now bombarded the fort with his
fleet, and declared that he had silenced all the guns.
Gen. Butler then sent his troops ashore to assault
the fort from the land side, but did not dare so
much as to set foot on shore himself. His troops
marched up to the fort, and, it is said, killed one
old horse, and returned, stating that the fort could
not be taken. Butler then re-embarked all hands,
a,nd sailed for Fortress Monroe.  He was now
laughed at more than ever, and called the "hero
of Fort Fisher."




CHAPTER XLVo
GEN. SHERMAN'S MARCH TO SAVANNAH AND GOLDSBORO
WE left General Sherman with his army at Atlanta. He now conceived the bold idea of marching it directly for the sea-coast -at Savannah or
Charleston. He had left, even after sending off
General Thomas, not less than fifty-five or sixty
thousand men, and the Confederates had no forces
to contend with him except the local militia of
Georgia and a few troops on the sea-coast.
On the 12th of November General Sherman
evacuated Atlanta for his grand march. Hie supplied his army with sixty days' rations of hard
bread and took along several thousand beef cattle;
for all else he told his soldiers they must live off
of the country, that is, by stealing and plundering.
Before leaving Atlanta he completed the work of
destroying the city by fire, and had it not been for
the influence of a devoted Roman Catholic priest,
who went among his soldiers and restrained them,
there would probably have been scarcely a single
house left standing. Rome was also burnt.
Genieral Sherman began his march by throwing
out his cavalry in all directions and threatening
several places at the same time; and this deception




SIERMP,5AN'S TMA]RCH TO SAVANNAH, ETC.  855
he kept up during his entire march. The main
body of his troops really never deviated far from
the shortest route to Port Royal or Savannah.
After reaching Milledgeville, the capital of Georgia, he threw out strong detachments, threatening
both Macon, on the south, and Augusta, on the
north, while his main column moved directly for
the coast. General Wheeler, with some Confederate cavalry, had several skirmishes with Kilpatrick of Sherman's army, but beyond this there
was little or no fighting.
It seems to have been Sherman's intention at
first to go to Port IRoyal, where reinforcements
under General Foster, and supplies for his army
awaited him; but in order to do this he had to
cross the Savannah River. General KIilpatrick,
however, in trying to do this, was badly repulsed,
and so General Sherman lost no time in moving
further south.
General Foster now tried to open cormmunications with Sherman, and moving out a force to
wards the Savannah River, was met by General
Gustavus W. Smith, with a few Georgia militia
who fought so gallantly tfiat Foster was obliged to
give up his design, and allow Sherman to work out
his own deliverance.
Sherman now moved qulickly to the south of
Savannah, and on the 13th of December assaulted
and captured Fort McAllister, one of the outer
defences of the city, and thus opened his way to
Ossabaw Sound, where the Federal fleet was awaiting him.




356  SHERMAN:S MARCH TO SAVANNAH, ETCo
This march of Sherman's had been marked with
more than his usual destruction. Dead horses,
cows, sheep, hogs, chickens, turkeys, together with
corn, wheat, cotton, books, paper, broken crockery,
and fragments of every species of property, strewed
the roads in the path of his army. He had stolen
thousands of negroes, mules, and horses, and destroyed over two hundred miles of railroad.
In a few days he determined to attack Savannah.
It was held by General Iardee, with about 15,000
troops, altogether too small a number to contend
with the great army opposed to it. So General Hardee one night quietly evacuated the place, blowing
up the Confederate vessels and destroying such
stores as he could. Sherman was very angry when
he saw how nicely the Confederates had slipped
out of his hands, for he thought certainly that he
had them secure.
He now remained in Savannah about a month,
recruiting and preparing his army for another
march. This time he intended to move northward
towards Columbia, the capital of South Carolina,
and strike the coast at or near Goldsboro or Wilmington, in North Carolina.
For many miles he had a severe march through
the swamps and thickets which cover the low
lands of the Carolinas. The Confederate forces,
once more placed under the command of General
Jos. E. Johnston, were also being organized to oppose him. Still, by the middle of February, he
reached Columbia, with but little oppo.sition.
And here a scene occurred which the pen of




SHERMAN'S MARCH TO SAVANNAHI, ETC. T 357
history almost refuses to record.  Ever since
General Sherman had entered South Carolina, he
had "shut his eyes," if he had not given express
orders for the commission of the acts of savage
atrocity with which his path was now marked. It
had been supposed that he was cruel enough,
heretofore, but now there seemed to be no restraint
whatever upon hlis soldiers.
Columbia was one of the most beautiful cities of
America. It was the residence of the wealthiest
and most refined people of South Carolina. They
were justly proud of their city, and took every
pains to preserve it from  destruction.  When
General Sherman's army was known to be' near,
General Wade Hampton, who commanded the
cavalry for its defence, at once evacuated the city,
so as to give Sherman no excuse for bombarding
it. The mayor of the city went out to meet his advance forces, and formally surrendered it to Colonel
Stone, of the Fifteenth Corps, who assured him
that the city should not be harmed while he had
command. And it was not. This was about nine
o'clock A. M. of the 17th of February. About
eleven o'clock the head of Sherman's main column
reached the city, and then the work of destruction
commenced.
WVoe unto men who wore gold watches, or had
on good coats, boots, or shoes. They were stlrippod
off instantly. Stores and houses were broken open
and pillaged, and no one interfered with the riotous soldiers. About one o'clock P. M., to add to
the horrors of the scene, the inhabitants were
25




368   SHERMAN'S MALRCI TO SAVANNAn, ETC.
startled by the cry of "fire."  The citizens rallied
and subdued it.  Soon there was another fire.
Again they rallied and put it out. During all this
time Sherman and his officers were in the streets,
but did nothing to check the lawlessness of the
soldiers, who now destroyed the fire engines, and
chopped the hose into pieces with their swords or
pricked it with their bayonets, so as to render it
useless.
Night now added to the horrors of the scene.
As many as twenty fires were burning at a time,
and the lurid flames lit up the sky for miles and
miles. The soldiers carried from house to house
vessels containing some liquid, like spirits of turpentine, saturated with which they made balls of
fire, and with these sent the devouring flame from
dwelling to dwelling.
A writer describing this fearful scene says:
"Old men and women and children were to be
seen often, while the flames were rolling and raging
around them, while walls were crackling and rafters tottering and trembling, in the endeavor to
save their clothing and some of their more valuable
effects. They were driven out headlong, pistols
clapped to their heads, violent hands laid on their
throats and collars, and the ruffians seemed to
make little distinction in their treatment of men
or women. Ladies were hustled from their chambers with the strong arm, or with the menacing
pistol at their hearts.  A lady undergoing the
pains of labor had to be borne on a mattrass out
into the open air to escape the fire. It was in vair




SHERMAN'S MARCH TO SAVANNAH, ETC.  359
that her situation was described to the incendiaries
as they applied the torch to her house. They beheld the situation of the sufferer and laughed to
scorn the prayer for her safety. Another lady was
recently confined. Her life hung upon a hair.
The demons were apprised of the facts of the case,
They burst into her chamber, took her rings from
her fingers, plucked the watch from beneath her pillow, shrieked offensive language in her ears, and so
overwhelmed her with terror that she lived but a day
or two."
At one time the people sought the churches for
safety; but the abolition fiends drove them from
these refuges, and they were forced to seek the
open park of the city. Even here they were not
allowed to rest, for these devils incarnate amused
themselves by throwing firebrands among the weeping women and children that crowded and crouched
in the enclosure.  At a single. blow thousands
of people were homeless; and the' morning of the
18th of February dawned upon a city of blackened
and smouldering ruins.
Sherman had this time done his work thoroughly.
All the business portion of the city, the main
streets, the old capitol, &c., were only a. pile of
rubbish and brick. The long chimneys looked
like grim  sentinels of the ravages of uncivilized
warfare. The stately trees that lined the streets
were blasted'and withered, and broken furniture,
rich paintings, works of art, all that a refined taste
and, elegant culture could have wished, laid seattered over the streets. On every side were de



360  SHERMAN'S- MARCH TO SAVANsAH) ETC.
spairing, weeping, and helpless women and chil
dren, in groups, reduced at once from plenty and
luxury, so that they had neither food to eat nor a
place to lay their heads.
But I will draw the veil over this horrible scene,
and pass on. It is proper here to say, however,
that General Sherman  afterwards, apparently
shocked by the excesses of his soldiers, denied that
he ordered the burning of Columbia, but alleged
that it took fire from burning cotton, which had
been ordered to be set on fire by General Wade
[Hampton. Of course General HIampton was not
the man to rest under such an imputation; and he
accordingly wrote a letter giving an account of the
burning of Columbia substantially as I have written it, in which he says, "I assert what can be
proved by thousands, that not one bale of cotton
was on fire whenhe (Sheriman) took possession of
the city. His assertion to the contrary is false,
and he knows it to be so."
To this letter General Sherman has never made
any reply; but Gen. Hampton, seeing some other
assertions to the same effect, wrote a letter to a
member of Congress, asking for a committee to investigate the matter; but the abolition Congress
did not dare to face the music. So they said General:Hampton was "a rebel," and under cover of
this mere subterfuge, keep on repeating the falsehood in their histories, that General Hampton
caused Columbia to be burned.
But this will not succeed. General Hampton is
well known to be incapable of a falsehood, the soul




SHERMAN'S MARCH TO SAVANNAH, ETC. 3 61
of honor and chivalry. He comes from the best
liberty-loving stock of our Revolution. His grandfather, Gen. Wade Hampton, was a gallant officer
in the war of 1776. His father, Colonel Wade
Hampton, was aid-de-camp to General Jackson, at
tho battle of New Orleans; and General Hampton
himself, when he found that the abolitionists had
determined to invade the South, raised a legion, and
marched at once to Virginia. Though a man of
great wealth, he left his splendid home of luxuary
and art, and campaigned it all through the war
like a common soldier.
From  Columbia, General  Sherman's  army
marched  northward toward Charlotte. All along
his army had been preceded by a gang of men
called "bummaers," who robbed, plundered, and
murdered wlth impunity. A 1 more graceless set of
scamps never went unhung. Some of these General Sherman said had been killed after capture;
and he wrote to General Hampton a very impudent
letter, stating that he would hang man for man.
General Hampton wrote back that he knew nothing of the killing of any of his " foragers," as he
called them; but he gave him fair notice, that if
he hung a single Confederate soldier, he would
hang two Federals; furthermore, he told General
Sherman that he had directed his men to shoot
down any abolition soldier found burning houses,
and that he should continue to do this as long as
he (Sherman) disgraced the profession of arms by
destroying  private dwellings.  " Your line of
march," said General Hampton, " can be traced by




362  SHERMAN'S  MARCH TO SAVANNAHI, ETC.
the lurid light of burning houses; and in more
than one household there is an agony far more
bitter than death-a crime too black to be mentioned."
This bold talk convinced General Sherman that
he had a man to deal with, who would stand none
of his barbarity, and who would do what he
said he would. He never dared to hang any Confederate as he threatened, and soon afterwards
made his army behave rather better. He pursued
his way towards Fayetteville, North Carolina, and
finally came up with General Johnston's forces,
who attacked him near Averysboro, on the 16th of
March, and drove back his advance. On the 19th,
another fight took place at Bentonsville, Johnston falling back with his forces towards Raleigh.
Sherman now marched into Goldsboro, where he
met the Federal fleet and army transports, and
rested his men, after the vilest plundering tour on
record.
He had mowed a swath of fire right through the
country.  Besides burning Columbia, he had
wholly or partially destroyed in South Carolina the
villages of Barnwell, Blackville, Graham, Bamrnberg,
Buford's Bridge, Orangeburg, Lexington, Alston,
Pomana, Winnsboro, BlackstacIcs, Society Hill,
Camden, and Cheraw. Along the line of his march,
there was scarcely a house left standing from the
Savannah River to the Pedee!




CHAPTER XLVI.
EVENTS OF 1865. GENERAL LEE S SURRENDER.
EVENTS in the opening of 1865 flew along thick
and fast. It was evident now that nothing short
of remarkable good fortune could save the Confederates from defeat. Still they stoutly held out.
They believed so sincerely in the justice of their
cause, and had such undoubting faith in their generals, that they refused to look defeat in the face
or even to think it possible.
General Grant, after Butler's failure at Fort
Fisher, sent General A. H. Terry, with a large
force and Admiral Porter's fleet, early in January,
to reduce it. Porter bombarded it fiercer than
ever, and then General Terry assaulted it with a
strong force. The Confederates fought with the
most determined bravery, but were overpowered
and forced to surrender.
Wilmington, of course, soon followed, and now
the last remaining port through which there was
any chance of running the blockade was gone.
Charleston had been evacuated when Sherman
took Columbia. The gallant city had after all
never been taken, but fell only as the result of a
flank movement.




364            EV:ENTS OF 1865.
About this time various efforts were made to.
wards effecting a peace. Mr. F. P. B]lair, Senior,
went to Richmond to see the Confederate President, and through his exertions IMr. Davis ap.
pointed three commissioners, Messrs.    M.  T.
Hunter, A. H. Stephens, and J. A. Campbell, to
confer with the United States authorities;  Mr.
Lincoln would not allow these commissioners to
come to Washington. So on the 3d of February,
he and Mr. Seward met them in a steamer off Fortress Monroe.
Congress had just at this time passed a so-called
amendment to the Constitution, which was intended to legalize Mr. Lincoln's free negro edict. Mr.
Lincoln and Mr. Seward would offer no terms of
peace, except upon their accepting this negro
equality overthrow of the Government. Of course
they could do no worse if the war continued, and
while there was life there was hope. The South,
therefore, rejected Mr. Lincoln's -insulting proposal to get down voluntarily to a level with their negroes. If forced by the fortunes of war into that
position, they at least determined not to go there
willingly.
This so-called amendment to the Constitution
was in fact no amendment at all, but the introduction of new matter into the Constitution.  The
power to control the negro population in the different States had never been given to the Federal
Governmrent, hence it could not be amended. Besides it was a ustr pation, to change the Constitution when eleven States had no voice in the matter,




9.
/I I 7/.  At~/////////~~/A, I                                                                ce/l/~~/ C~'~'////








EVENTS OF 1865.           365
and afterwards compel them to submit to it at the
point of the bayonet. This consolidation of power
at Washington, however, was just what the monarchical abolition party desired.  This "amendment," fully carried into effect, changed the whole
character of our system of government, and made
the States simple provinces ruled over by a central
power. The desire of Alexander Hamilton, who
wished to blot out the States, was really accomplished. So we see how exactly this so-called Republican party corresponded with the Tory, Monarchical, Federal party against which Mr. Jefferson
so earnestly warned the country.
All hopes of peace having now been banished
from men's minds, the tug of war was soon again
to commence.  Grant's army around Richmond
had been for a long time inactive, with the exception of severe and heavy skirmishes, sometimes on
one end of the line and sometimes on the other.
It was evident now that the Confederates were
suffering severely from the want of supplies. General Sherman's terrible march of plunder and firo
through Georgia and the Carolinas, and General
Sheridan's destruction of the Virginia Canal, had
cut off the sources of General Lee's supplies.
JDuring the whole of the winter of 1864-65, the
daily rations of Lee's soldiers were only a pound
of flour and a quarter of a pound of meat. Nothing but a miracle could keep an army together
under such circumstances.
The spring of 1865 therefore opened gloomily
enough. The abolitionists had a million of men




366            EVE]NTS OF 1865.
in arms against the South; while the South had
really less than one quarter of'chat number, and
these for the most part reduced to half rations.
It was therefore evident that the South, after
one of the most gallant and glorious struggles ever
made by any people on the face of the earth, must
soon yield to the overwhelming physical force
which the abolitionists had combined against her.
Hdad General Lee a well-provisioned army, one
half as large as General Grant's, the results would
have been different.
In the month of March, however, he saw plainly
that there was no way open to save his little army
but to get his half-starved men out of the trenches
in front of Richmond, and leave that city to be occupied by the abolition army. But how was he to
get out?  Every point was occupied by an immense army, entrenched in works which Grant had
been almost a whole year in building.
On the morning of the 25th of March, General
Lee made his first attempt to break through the
Federal lines, at a point known as Fort Steadman.
The fort was surprised and taken, and for a short
time the Confederates swept everything before
their furious assault. Their victory was of a short
duration, for they were soon forced to retire before the overwhelming nmnbers and the impregnable works which confronted them. Lee's loss in
this attempt was about twenty-five hundred men,
and Grant's about the same. But while that number was a great loss to Lee's little army, it was of
no importance whatever to Grant. In his vast




EVENTS OF 1865.            36 7
army twenty-five hundred men would not be
missed.  He could have slaughtered as many
thousands and yet remained vastly the superior of
his antagonist in point of numbers.
On Sunday morning, April 2d, General Lee sent
a despatch to President Davis that he should that
night evacuate the defences of Richmond. This
news reached Mr. Davis while he was at worship in St. Paul's Church. It is said that as he
walked out of church his face bore the too evident'
marks of the unwelcome nature of the despatch.
As soon as the darkness of night shut down,
Lee commenced the withdrawal of his entire army.
It was effected with so much secrecy and skill that
Grant had no idea of what was going on until the
Confederate army, numbering about twenty thousand men, was sixteen miles away on the road towards Danville.
Indeed Grant had no idea of Lee's movement
until the next morning the sky was illumined and
the earth shook with the blowing upo of the ironclad vessels in the James River, and the burning
of the Confederate warehouses in Richmond. So
at last the abolition army occupied Richmond
without capturing it.
General Grant, however, bestowed little attention upon Richmond; all his energies were directed
to the pursuit of Lee.
Before General Lee abandoned Richmond, he
gave orders that large supplies for his army should
be sent forward from Danville to Amelia Court
Rouse, and there await his arrival. These sup



368             EVENTS OF 1865.
plies reached their destination on Sunday afternoon; but the officer in charge received a dispatch
from President Davis in Richmond to bring the
train immediately to that place, as the cars were'to
be used to transport the personal property of the
Confederate Government. The officer stupidly su1pposing that the order called for the contents of the
train at Richmond, pushed on with the loaded cars;
and so when Lee went to Amelia Court House, he
found himself entirely in want of supplies for his
army.
All hopes of escape were now dashed in an instant to the ground. He was compelled to remain
the best part of two days at this point to provide
his army with the means of preserving life. This
pause was fatal; for on the afternoon of the Ith
of April, Sheridan's cavalry, eighteen thousand
strong, overtook his rear, at a place seven miles
distant from Amelia Court House. Directly behind
Sheridan was coming an overwhelming force of the
abolition army; and Lee's troops were literally in
a condition of starvation. They had commenced
the retreat on one ration a day, and now they were
reduced to less than half a single ration a day. An
eye-witness of these harrowing scenes says-" Towards evening of the 5th, and all day long upon
the 6th, hundreds of men dropped from exhaustion, and thousands let fall their muskets from inability to carry them any further."
On the evening of the 7th of April, General Lee
received a letter from General Grant, asking for
the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia




EVENTS OF 1865. i           369
General Lee replied, asking what terms General
Grant had to offer. To which he returned the answer, that he should require the following terms:
"All officers to give their individual paroles not
to take up arms against the United States, until
properly exchanged; and each company or regimental commander to sign a like parol for the men
of their coremands. The arms, artillery, and publie property to be stacked and packed, and turned
over to the officers appointed to receive them.
This will not embrace the side-arms of the officers,
nor their private horses or baggage. This done,
each officer and man will be allowed to return to
his home, not to be disturbed by the  Tnited States
authorities so long as they observe their paroles, and
the -laws in force where they may reside."
General Lee at once accepted these terms; and
on the -10th of April, 1865, Grant and Lee met at a
farm-honse, and completed the arrangements of
surrender. It was a sad and touching sight. Stalwart men who had faced death in a score of
battle-fields wept like children.  Others broke
their muskets in very rage.  Thousands crowded
around their noble chief, to take him once more by
the hand. Words could not express his feelings.
With tears pouring down. both cheeks, General
Lee commanded voice enough to say, in the simplest language of the heart, " Men, we have fought
through this war together. I have done the best
I could for you."
There is but little more to be written of the war.
When  President Davis received General Lee's
26




370        -    VENTS OF 1865.
dispatch, that Richmond must be evacuated, he
had with all convenient speed moved the archives
of the Confederate Government to Danville. Here
he awaited news from Lee, and was of course overwhelmled with grief when he heard the fatal story
of his surrender.
In the meantime General Sherman had been
pushing General Johnston. He had forced him
fi-om Raleigh, from  whence he had fallen back
towards Hillsboro. When Johnston heard of Lee's
surrender, he knew that all further resistance was
useless. He and General Sherman arranged terms
of surrender, which recognized the rights of the
States, and which in effect restored the old Union,
just what the abolitionists declared in 1861 they
were going to fight for. No sooner, however, did
they hear of it, than they raised a hue and cry in
the North perfectly deafening. Sherman was every
where denounced in the most bitter language,
and the authorities at Washington rejected the
terms he had made with Johnston.
Soon after this, Mobile capitulated, and the last
week in May General Kirby Smith, commanding
the Confederate troops west of the Mississippi
River, also surrendered all his forces to General
Canby.
The last fight of the war occurred on the 13th
of May, at Brazos, in Western Texas, between a
Federal regiment and a band of Confederates.
The Confederates won the day; so in the first and
last battles they were victorious!




CHAPTER XLVII.
THE ASSASSINATION OF M"R. LINCOLN.
THE war had ended.  Four weary years of
bloodshed and misery had passed away.  The
abolitionists had subdued " the rebellion," as they
nicknamed the resistance of the South to their
revolutionary projects; and now Mr. Lincoln was
brought face to face with an' issue which he could
no longer dodge, or upon which he could no longer
prevaricate.
Would he consent to allow the Southern States
to resume their old places in the Union, or would
he use the power now in his hands to compel them
to relinquish their State laws and institutions?
He had told the world in the commencement of
the war that " the condition of each State and each
person would remain the same, whether the war
succeeded or failed." But would he stand by his
word? No one except those blinded by an insane
admiration of the man expected it.
His falsehoods and broken pledges would make
monument of infamy before which any honorable
man would have hid his head for shame. On the
4th of March, 1861, he declared "that he had no
lawful right to interfere with slavery, nor any inclination to do so." In July, 1861, he endorsed




372   THE  ASSASSINATION 0  MAIR. LINCOLoN
the resolution that c" the war was waged to preserve the rights and equality of the States unimm
paired."  On the day before the extra session of
Congress adjourned in 1861, and when he was trying to get troops, he told Mir. Mallory, of Kentucky,
that " the war was carried on by him on the idea
that there was a -Union sentiment at the South,
which, set free from the control of the Confederate
Government, would replace the States in the
Union. If there were not," then, he said, "the
war is not only a wrong, but a crime."
In his Inaugural Address he declared that the
"endurance of our political fabric depended upon
the right of each State to control its domestic institutions."  Yet January 1st, 1863, he issued a
proclamation declaring that he would use the army
and navy to prevent this "'endtrance of our political system."  On the 12th of.Decomber, 1862, he
wrote to Fernando Wood of New York, that " if
the people of the Southern States would cease resistance and submit to the Constitution of the
United States, then the war should cease on the
part of the United States."  But July 18th, 1864,
he published "To whom it imsay Concern," in which
he declared that he would listen to no terms of
peace from the South, which did not agree to the
abandonment of their rights under the Constitution!
Mr. Lincoln had played his part -well. Witlh. a
cunning that passes humnan comlprehension he had
gone just fast enough and not too fast for the saLfe
accomplishment of his purposes. As war had irn
creased the ]hate of the people, Mr. Lincoln found




TIlE ASSASSINATION OF MBi. LINCOLN.  n3he could take a step or two further, and so he had
gone on from  one thing to another, until his
record, as we have shown above, was that of a
trickster, a falsifier, and an oath-breaker.
Such, after the false and lying flattery of the
hour passes away, must be the candid judgment
of history on Abraham  Lincoln. I do not give
this view of his character and acts as any justification for what I am about to relate occurred to him,
for private individuals have never, in organized
society, the right to take the punishment of crimes
in their own hands. That belongs to the law. I
feel it a duty, however, in writing this history, and
particularly for the sake of the young, to show
them what sort of a man Mr. Lincoln really was.
Thousands of pages have been written to extol his
virtues and praise his name, simply because he was
the representative of the abolition delusion, but it
is the record of history which time can never blot
out that his career as President was a shameless
four years of deceptions, falsehoods, and crimes
against liberty.
No sooner was lRichmond evacuated than Mr.
Lincoln paid it a visit. He was received in gloomy
silence by its citizens, and after gratifying his curiosity by staying a few hours in the deserted residence of Jefferson Davis, he returned to Washington.
While in Riichmond he had a conference with
Judge John A. Campbell, in relation to the restoration of Virginia to the Union. The details of
this conference are as yet unknown, for but one of




374   THE ASSASSINATION OF MR. LINCOLN.
Mr. Lincoln's letters bearing upon it has ever been
published. All patriotic men who desired to see
our country restored were in hopes that Mr. Lincoln would allow the Virginia Legislature to meet
and make arrangements for that purpose.
In his interview with Judge Campbell he agree
to do so, and gave orders to General Weitzel, then
in command there, to allow the members to come
to Richmond, upon the terms that they would restore the State to the Uinion.
When Mr. Lincoln, however, returned to Washington, he again deliberately broke his promise,
and while the whole country was congratulating
itself upon the adoption of a policy which would
heal the wounds the war had made, it was startled
on the afternoon of the 14th of April with the
news that Mr. Lincoln had refused to allow the
Virginia Legislature to meet, in fact, had given
General Weitzel positive orders to prevent it. Thus
had Virginia, the grand old State of Washington
and Jefferson, been completely stricken down as a
commonwealth. The fact of driving the Confederate Government from Richmond did not affect
the dignity and sovereignty of Virginia, but this
last act blotted out the State and reduced her to
the condition of a province of the Federal Government.
It was, however, the last order that Mr. Lincoln
lived to promulgate. That very night he visited
Ford's Theatre in Washington, Ad was killed by
a pistol shot fired by one John Wilkes Booth.
Booth had entered the tlheatre unobserved, and




THE ASSASSINATION OF MR. LINCOLN.  375
making his way to the President's box, took deliberate aim and fired, then dropping his pistol and
drawing a knife, jumped from the box to the stage
of the theatre, and, brandishing his weapon,
cried, "Sic semper tyrannis.* Virginia is avenged."
And, in a moment, before the people could recover
from their fright, he dashed across the stage, out
of the back door of the theatre, and jumping upon
a fleet horse that he had awaiting him, was soon
lost in the darkness of the night.
At about the same hour of the night a man had
applied at the residence of Mr. Seward, Secretary
of State, and desired to see him, but was refused,
as Mr. Seward was ill from the effects of an injury
he had received a few days previously, by being
thrown from his carriage.  The man, however,
refused to take no for an answer, and knocking
down the servant who opened the door, pushed
his way up stairs to Mr. Seward's room. Here he
was met by one of Mr. Seward's sons and an attendant. He stabbed both so severely as to disable them, then rushed upon Mr. Seward and cut
him  so badly about the face and neck that his
life was for several days despaired of, but he finally
fully recovered. Mr. Lincoln lingered but a few
hours.
As the news of these deeds spread, the country
was fairly wild. The excitement of the war had
been nothing to the fierce gust of passion that now
swept over the land. The imagination of every
* So always with tyrants.




3976   THE ASSASSINATION OF MR. LINCOLN.
abolitionist formed a thousand conspiracies. For
over two weeks the real actors in this tragedy
were veiled in profound mystery.
Mr. Lincoln's friends and adherents made the
most of the circumstances.  All sober-minded
people felt deeply pained that the soil of America
should be stained with an assassination, but they
could not help thinking that the Holy Bible had
taught us, " Be not deceived. God is not mocked.
That which a man soweth, that shall he also reap."
Many of the abolition clergy, however, declared
that Providence had raised up Booth to remove
Lincoln, as it was evident that he was going to be
"too lenient with the rebels."
The funeral of Mr. Lincoln was gotten up in the
most magnificent proportions. No monarch was
ever buried with such pomp and expense. No one
then even dared to protest against the ridiculous
display. His body was borne on a funeral car costing some twenty thousand dollars, and exhibited
to the people in all the principal cities from Washington to Springfield, Ill., where he was buried.
The foolish abolitionists seemed to think that they
were going to cheat history out of telling the
truth about their hero, by the grand display they
made.
I will now return to Booth and his fate. John
Wilkes Booth, who had shot Mr. Lincoln, was a
young man of no ordinary character. He was the
son of Junius Brutus Booth, the celebrated actor,
and was born in Maryland. He was noted for his
generous, manly deportment, and was dearly be



THE ASSASSINATION OF IR. LINCOLN.   371
loved by all his associates. He- had a faculty of
winning people to him. His personal appearance
is described as remarkably beautiful. "' His chest
was full and broad, his shoulders gently sloeping, and his arms as white as alabaster, but hard
as marble.  His dark eyes, lofty, square forehead, crowned with a weight of curling jetty
hair, gave him a countenance at once striking and
haughty."
When he left the theatre, after firing the fatal
shot, he was accompanied by but one attendanta simple-minded young fellow, named Harold, who
seemed always to do his bidding.  In jumping
from the box to the stage, he had broken a boneo
of one of his ankles, and this retarded his flight.
As it was, he had succeeded in making his way
through Lower Maryland, and across the Potomac,.and was quietly resting at night in a
barn, near Bowling Green, in Virginia, when a
force of twenty-five men, which had been sent
from Washington, under Lieutenant-Colonel Conger and Lieutenant, Baker, to search for him,
surrounded the barn, and demanded his surrender.
Booth replied with defiance. They then threatened to fire the barn. Harold got frightened and
wished to surrender. Booth generously let him
out of the barn; but so afraid were these twentyfive soldiers of one unarmed boy, that they insisted
he should put his arms out of the barn first, and
have them shackled! Booth was now alone, and
determined to sell his life as dearly as possible.




3 78   THE ASSASSINATION OF MR. LINCOLN.
Again the demand was made upon him to surrender. Again he refused.
"Draw off your men," he shouted to Colonel
Conger, "and I will fight them singly. I could
have killed you six times to-night, but I would not
murder you."
And no doubt, protected by the barn, he could
have done as he said. The barn was now fired,
and while it was burning, a man named Boston
Corbett, one of Conger's men, took deliberate
aim, and shot him. He lingered a short time
and died. His last words were, "Tell mother
I died for my country. I thought I did for the
best."
His body was taken to Washington, and the
savage abolitionists gloated over it with cannibal
ferocity. As I have said, this vile delusion transforms men into brutes. They not only refused to
turn the body over to his weeping mother, but
they tore out its entrails, and threw them to the
hogs. His skull was placed in some museum, his
heart preserved in spirits, his spinal column given
to some medical college, while the balance of his
remains were deposited no one knows where!*
Such is abolition Christianity!
When John- Brown was tried and executed, his
remains were placed in a decent coffin and handed
over to his friends. Yet "slavery" is said to have
made the South semi-savage.
* These statements were made by Hon. B. G. Harris, of Maryland, withont contradiction, in a speech onl the floor of Congress,
J..-   16th, 1866.




JOHN WILKES BOOTH.
Page 87&








THE ASSASSINATION OF MR. LINCOLN.  3179
Whatever history may say of the crime of John
Wilkes Booth, he was surely no common murderer.
It was from no thirst for blood, no mean personal
revenge, no expectation of gain or reward, that he
took the life of Abraham Lincoln. Indeed he sacrificed all that a young man might hold dear.
Behlind him he left a letter, in which he showed the
marks of a mind that comprehended fully the political situation of the country. H:e referred to the
wrongs the abolitionists would inflict upon the
negro by their insane course, and concluding it,
said:
"Right or wrong, God judge me, not man. I
love peace more than life. Have loved the Union
beyond expression. For four years have I waited,
hoped, and prayed for the dark clouds to break,
and for a restoration of our former sunshine. To
wait longer would be a crime. All hope for peace
is dead. My prayers have proved as idle as my
hopes. God's will be done. Igo to see and share
the bitter end."
The investigations of the War Department
seemed to reveal a plot or conspiracy, in which
Booth, as the master spirit, had involved several
persons. The individual who had. stabbed Mr.
Seward proved to be one Louis Payne, and besides him Harold, a man named Atzerott, Mrs.
Surratt, Dr. Mudd, and one or two others, were
tried by a Military Commission, and the first four
weie condemned and hanged. The others were
sent to the Dry Tortugas.
This body was an illegal court, and had no




380   THEi ASSASSINATION OF MR. LINCOLN.
more right to try the prisoners before it thai
the people of WTashington had to lynch them.
Their execution was in law  murder.  But the
abolitionists were so raving crazy at the time
that nothing else would satisfy them.  They were
all executed in the most indecent haste, being
allowed but twenty-four hours after their conviction, to prepare for death.
One singular fact in connection with all these
remarkable scenes, such as, I trust, America will
never again be called upon to witness, remains to
be mentioned.  There was no coroner's incquest
held on Mr. Lincoln's body; no legal evidence taken
as to the manner of his death, nor was a single person accused of connection with it ever brought into
a court of law, nor is there to this day any legal testimony whatever as to the manner of his death, the cause
of it, or who klilled him.
All we know of it is such evidence as was furnished the public by a military tribunal, which was
managed in such a one-sided, arbitrary and insulting manner, that the Hon. Reverdy Johnson, the
counsel of one of the prisoners, left "the Court" in
disgust, his self-respect not allowing him  to remain where all just rules of evidence were set at
defiance, and where respectable lawyers were continually subjected to the insults of ignorant and
brutal military officers.




(CJIAPTFER XLVIII.
FTE CAPTURE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS.
WREN Mr. Davis heard of General Lee's surrender at Danville, he immediately started for North
Carolina, where he met and had a consultation
with General Johnston. He then left for Charlotte,
where he remained until after the news arrived
from Washington of the rejection of General Sherman's terms of surrender. He then crossed the
State of South Carolina, and reached Washington,
G(eorgia, attended by a few friends and a small
escort of cavalry who had belonged to General
Morgan's brigade.
Here Mr. Davis heard for the first timne of his
wife and family, who had left Richmond more than
a month previous to his own departure., They
were intending to go to the coast of Florida, and
sail for Cuvba.  1r. Davis himself intended to
work his way across the Mississippi River, and to
make such further resistance as he could, "in
hopes," as he said, " to get some better terms for
the South than surrender at discretion."
At iTashington, however, Mr. ]Davis heard fearful rumors of the robberies and outrages which
gangs of disbanded soldiers were perpetrating' upon




382   THE  CAPTURE OF JEFFERSON DAVISB
defenceless people, and being pretty well convinced
that Mrs. Davis was in danger, he resolved to go
to her succor.
He rode seventy miles in a single day, in order
to reach his family, and believing that they were
in real danger, resolved to travel with them for a
few days, until they got out of the region that was
infested with deserters and robbers.
In the early morning of the 10th of May, a month
after the evacuation of Richmond, Colonel Pritchard, of the Michigan cavalry, surrounded the little
camp of Mr. Davis and his family, near Irwinsville,
Georgia, and made them all prisoners.  Some one
started the falsehood that Mr. Davis tried to escape
in his wife's clothes, and this ridiculous story was
telegraphed all over the North, for the especial
delight of. the abolitionists.  Colonel Pritchard's
official report, however, did not confirm the story,
so this abolition falsehood fell to the ground.
Mr. Davis and his family were taken to Macon,
Georgia, and thence to Savannah, where they were
placed on board a vessel, which at once sailed for
Fortress Monroe. Here he was separated from his
family, and placed in a casemate of the fort, under
a strong guard, his wife and family being sent back
to Savannah.
For a long time Ir. Davis was shut out entirely,
om public view. H-Ie was placed in solitary confinement, allowed to see no one, to have no books
except the Bible and prayer-book, and fed for
some time upon the poorest rations of a common
soldier. His wife, too, was denied all access to




TIH:Ef CAPTURE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS.   383
him, and prevented from  even writing to him.
Two soldiers were ordered to pace his cell day and
night; and as this treatment had not reached the
sublimity of cruelty, another torture was invented.
An order came from Washington that Jefferson
Davis must be shackled!
WVhen the officer, with the blacksmith and his
assistant, came in with the shackles dangling in his
hands, Mr. Davis exclaimed"My God, you cannot have been sent to iron
me."
" Such are my orders," replied the officer.  "Do
your duty, blacksmith," he continued.
In a moment the weak and emaciated form of
Mr. Davis seemed to be tranformed into that of a
giant's strength, and with that superhuman power
which only frenzy can impart, he seized the blacksmith and hurled him across the room; then with
scorn and indignation on his pale, quivering lip, he
fiercely said:
" I am a prisoner of war. I have been a soldier
in the armies of America, and I know how to die.
Only kill me, and my last breath shall be a blessing
on your head. But while I have life and strength
to resist, for myself and my people, this thing
shall not be done."
A file of soldiers were now brought in, and seizing Mr. Davis, of course the struggle was soon
over, and this last act of abolition infamy and barbarity was consummated.
In a few days it was discovered that Mr. Davis
would not survive tander this treatment, and as he




384   THE CAPTURE OF JEFFE RSON DAVIS.
was rapidly sinking, an order came for the removal
of the shackles. Since then he has been in prison,
denied his liberty, and refused a fair and speedy
trial, such as even the vilest criminal is entitled to,
It is extremely doubtful whether the abolitionists will ever dare to bring him befQre a fair tribunal; for in that case they would themselves be
proved the traitors and rebels which they accuse
him of being. After awhile he will probably, under some pretext, be allowed his liberty, and thus
will end the last act in the four years' tragedy of
sorrow and bloodshed, which abolitionism, by its
mad and sinful crusade, has inflicted upon our
beloved country.
Whether the UJnion of our fathers, the Government as it was formed, can ever again be restored,
remains to be seen! Yet that ought to be the supreume object to which every American, old and
young, should now devote hlis life. Let every
young man, then, register a solemn vow in Heaven,
that, if God spares his life, he will devote it to the
sacred duty of rolling back this abolition monarchical revolution-to spreading the truth in relation to it, and thus educating a generation to hate
it.
If every person, who loves the simple and Christian principles of republican government will
thus do his duty, that Almighty Power which
" chaste s only to heal," will not forsake our country, nor give it over forever into the hands of
those who "fear not God, nor regard man."




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NEGROES AND NEGROES AND NEGRO "SLAVERY
The First an Inferior Race-The Latter its Normal Condition.
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Turs is a popular work, adapted to general circulation, and meeting with a rapil sale.




TE NATURE AND CHARACTER of the FEDERAL GOVERNMENT
i'ng a Review  of Judge Story's Commentaries on the Constitution  of the — United  States.  By  AB-EL  P. UPSIP UR.   Octavo,
134 pages.  Price, $1:00.
this is considered the best essay defining the powers of the Federal Government ever,ten. Judge Upshur, its author, was Secretary of the Navy iunder President Tyler, and was: d at the bursting of the great gun on board the Princeton in 1842. He was a very able
LETTERS OF MAJOR JACK DOWNING,;he Downingville Militia, on 6,incolnand the.War."9  With Portrait
-f the Major, anid seven other Capital Illustrations.  12mo.9 254,ages. Price, $1 25. -.
This is a humorous series of Letters, written- in Yankee Style, which appeared in the
CASIAN and Dav-BooxK during the time they were denied the use of. the mails. The
nstown (Pa.) Democrat says:-"This book contains.more fun than anything that has
le its appearance since the war commenced." The Baltimore Post says; —" The Book is
th three times its price."
SUB GENATION. -
e Normial Relation of the Races.- An Answer to;" iscegenation.
l'2mo., 72- pages.- Price, 25 iCenits:,This book was suppressed by Gen. Wallace in Baltimore, during the War, and the Book-,r fined $100 for selling it.
-TE COPPERHEAD XMINSTREL.
i'hoice Collection of Democratic Poenms -and Songs for: the use of
Clulbs and the Social Circle. 60 pp, 12mo., 96 pages. Price; 25 Cts.
This popular Songster has had a wide circulation, and -is the only one of the kind now
red to the public.
THE DEMO0CRATIC ALMANAC.'olitieal Compendium  for 1866. 12mo., 96 pages,  Price, 20 Cents-.'This Manual for 1866, to be. continued regularly each year, contains full Election
urns for 1860, 1864 and 18.65; List of Newspapers suppressed by the Lincoln AdministraChronology of 1865, of 3Battles, Acts of Congress, &c., &c. -It contains matter to be had,here else, and is valuable and important to have at any time.
THE DEMOCRATIC ALM-ANAC,.olitical Compendium  for 186T. l1mo., 9.6 pages. Price, 20 Cents.
This Almanac, for 1867, contains full and Official Returns of all the Elections for 1866,:.pared with previous ones, the most important Acts of Congress, President Johnson's Veto
isages, Lists of both:the Old and New Congres;s, Statistical and other important informaand.also a List of the Arbitrary Arrests made by Mr. Lincoln, compiled expressly for
Democratic Almanac for 1867. This list contains the names, cause of arrest, and term of
risonment of each prisoner, so far as can be ascertained, and' is the most remarkable docnt in the History of Lettres de Ctchet  ever published; -:.
All books sent post-paid on receipt of price.
VAN EVRIEE[  H3 0RTON &   0.,  Publ sheris,'i No. 162 Nassau St., New York.




Agk A ~A ~ A  AA~AAAA AA~ A  A~_Jk A A A & A A & A~ A ~ A ~ A       A        AAAA A A~
White -Men 1Must Rule America!NEW- D-YORE:DYBO. F 3    RD 3 887-. TuE NaEW ZYo a DAY-BooK enters upon the threshold of 1867 with a larger circulatior
than that of any Democratic paper published in the world, and that circulation is steadily
i increasing and extending in every direction. It has never been the organ of mere "part3
Democracy," bat rather the exponent of those liberal principles of human Governmen:
which our-forefathers wrung, with bloody sweat, from the tyrants of 1776. Standing oi1
the foundation of the Declaration of Independence, that " all (white) men are createG
equal," and therefore entitled to equal rights, it is opposed to all forms and degrees of
special legislation that conflict with this' grand cenitral TUTH- of Democracy, and ove;
all, and above all, does -it combat that monstrous treason to American libertyli
which, thrusting the negro element into our political system, must of necessity wreck the
whole mighty fabric left n us -by our fathers.. God has created white men superior, and
negroes inferior, and therefore all the efforts.of the past five- years to abolish H-is work,
and equalize with negroes-every_ law- violated, every State Constitution overthrown,
every life sacrificed, and every dollar expended, are necessarily just so many steps towards national suicide; and the simple and awful problem now upon us is just:thisshall we recover our reason and retrace our steps, or march on to Mongrelism, social: anarchy, and the total ruin of our country? 
THne DAY-BOOK, therefore,- demands the restoration of the "IUnion as it was,"-a
n: ion of co-equal States upon the.white basis-as the only hope, and the only means possible under heaven for saving the grand ideas of 1776-the fundamental principles of
I American liberty —and if the real friends of freedom, and. the. earnest believers in that
sacred and glorious cause in which the men. of the Revolution offered up, their lives, will
now labor to expose the ignorance, delusion and treason of the Mongrel party, it will
succeed, and the white Republic -of Washington be restored- again in all its original
beneficence and granduer.
THE DAY-BoOK will, however, hereafter be more than ever devoted to all the varied
purposes of a news paper. Concious that it reaches thousands of families who take no other
journal, beyond perhaps their local paper, it willcontinue and improve its " NEws or TiER4
WEEItZ" Summary, so as.to present' a transcript of the World's events in each issue.
Its "FAMILY DEPARTMENT" will embrace the best original and selected stories. Its
" AGRICULTURAif,DEP ARTEEN T  will be fully sustained, and being the only. paper of its;
class made up EXPRESSLYfOr Country circulation, it is confident that it is worth doublef
the price of a weekly hurriedly reprinted from a daily. It gives full and com-e'
plete Reports of the.gENw YoR-K and ALBANY CATTLE M&RKETS;- GRAIN, PnOVISION.and COTTON MARKETS, and a WEEKLY REVIEw  OF FINANCIAL MATTERS, together with.
the MIARKETs, by TELEGRPAH, from NEsw ORLEANS, CHICAGO, CHARLESTON, PHILADELPHIA, &C,, &c., up to the time of going to press.
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but has relied upon the individual exertions of patriotic men, and the inducement of reducing its prices to CLUBS, so as-to give the subscriber the benefit of the commission
usually taken by agents. It is furnished to CLUBS AT COST PRICES, and every person who approves of its principles is requested and urgedto act for it in his own neighborhood, get up Clubs and send on subscriptions.
THE DAY-BooK and OLD GUARD for 1867 will be sent together for $4 50. THE. OLD
GUARD will be sent in place of extra copies, if desired, by enclosirig fifty cents extra.
-Address, giving post-office, County and State in full,
VAN EVRIE. HORTON & CO., Publishers, -
No.- 162 Nassau Street, New  Yoro.r
l~~~~~... V== T T=                                              ==T.vVV 9'y'WT   I  1



OPINIONS OF -THE PRESS-'!~  NEw Yonu DAY-Boo. —Perhaps there is no -paper in the country that har1,red so hard during the last three years in the cause of true Democracy as THE,W YoREx DAY-B OOW.. Truthful,.bold, outspoken, it has never hesitated to call the,olition miscegen crew-by their proper names:.. It has always opposed and ~deunced the outrageous and disgraceful fusion scheme of the policy men the
mocratic p.arty is Ufortunately cursed with in:every State in the Union, and
mugh its warnings have to a great extent beeni unheeded, its. predictions have
vays proved true.. One'of the first papers to be suppressed by the order of the
partedfllinois saint, it has after all persecution, arisen from its ashes, andphcenix
e,-is stronger and  ore-vigorous to-day than: ever before. As a commercial paper,
wE DAY-Boox stands at the head of the column, and its stories and anecdotes are:.a high order. Our advice to Democrats of the Old School, who desire a paper
-t will please them, is to subscribe at once for THE DAY-30oo0x.-[Delphis (Ind. )
Snes.
CmE NEW YORK:-DAY-BOOki. -This sterling publication comes to us regularly, and: come.to b Iregarded by us as a desideratimrin our Sanctum. The Editor, Dr.
[a Evrie, is one of the ablest as well as one of the boldest politicalwriters of whom
hve any kriqwledge.:He designates things by their right names, and dares- to;rd the lion in his den.- When:we first became a reader of TuE  DAY-Boox, years
o, we were astonished at the audacity (as we then viewed the subject) of the poc
ions assumed in its columns on the question of "slavery." It fearlessly promulted the doctrine that the social subordination, miscalled slavery, of the negro inierica, was -his normal condition, a position in society exactly suited to his condin, capacity and wants; that his relation to the white or superior race was one diced and shaped by Him who planned our being, and governs the destinies of nahbE;in acorda nce with the enlightenment thereof, and their conformity to,His
7s;- and that to interfere with this relation was an innovation upon His wisdom,
a would entail untold disaster upon both races. All this we have verified during
past five years. Indeed, the present editor of THE DAY-Boox0, in commenting
on a correspondence written by ourself in 1856, for that paper, predicted in a 
pposed contingency, very nearly the, same character of a war, together with its
iults, as has disgraced the American name during the first half of this decade.
-EDAYi.-BooK was, of course, under the ban during the war, as all papers and all
sons were, who were possessed of the manhood and honesty to say that black
i not white. It is now, however, out in all its wonted vigor, pouring huge vol-.of. reason' land common. sense into the ranks of'disunion Abolitionism.fayette (Oregon)- Courier. —




-THE ONLY DEMOCRATIC MAGAZINE PUBLISHED IN THE UNITED STATESt
Vol. V.  ACAIN ENLARGED!!  1867.
T I-IE  O  ) D — GUA I D.t  ~o~I~I~  ~azatiae,
Devoted to Literature, Science and Art, and the Political Principles of 1776 & 1787.
Ca.. CHTA INCiEY — 7 BUER, ]Editor.
TIRE success of THE OLD GUARD has been as remarkable, as it ought to be gratifying, to th.
friends of'a true American literature. It has steadily doubled its circulation each year of itl
publication, and its publishers have foulnd it necessary to annually enlarge it, to meet the ful
expectations of its patrons, as well as.to realize their own ideal of A'FIEST-CLASS FAMILY ANi
LITEIARY MAGAZINE, combined with "sound political principles. To still. further carry oul
this.design, THE OLD- GUJRD for 1867 will be printed on new: type throughout, an(
ENLARGED SIXTEEN ADDITIONAL PAGES, making in all nearly ONE THOUSAND PAGES of readj
ing matter yearly for the low price of three dollars I Arrangements have also been made t(
secure the very best literary-talent of the country. Wnm. Gilmore Simms, Esq., of S. C., th'
peoor of Cooper and Irving, will commence in the January No. a thrilling Romance; written
expressly for THE OLD GUARD, entitled, " Joscelyni: a Tale of the Revolution "-taking the
reader back to the birth of the American principle of government, and introducing him to thi
rebels of 1776. John.Esten Cooke; Esq., of Va. (authorof " Surryof Eagle's Nest," &c., &c.)l
will furnish a series of graphic sketches, entitled, "The Battles of Virginia " while oul
present corps of contributors, with some nev ones,  11il  continue to furnish articles-making
the Magazine second to none in point of literary attraction and ability.
Politically, THE OLD GUARD will stand in the future as in the past, faithfully guarding the
Constitution as it camefrom the hands of Washington, without acquiescing in any of the sub,
versions, uvnder the title of. amendments."  It will be continued upon the grand idea thai
"all is not lost" while virtue and intelligence rehmain with any portion of the people. It will
assert, as it has for-the past four years of its existence, in the face of Bastiles and threats' o:
mobs and imprisonment, the sacred truth, that among a free people, the only " final arbiter'i
is consent, and that the sword is "I the final arbiter" of nothing but despotism. Confidently
relying upon the patriotic support of all who would discourage the circulation of that pestileny.
literature which has sown broadcast the seeds of sectional hate and animosity, THE Orl) GUAHRn
steps upon the threshold of the New Year with firm anticipations of increased circulation and
an enlarged sphere of usefulness.
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The slight advance in Club rates over last year is more than doubly repaid in the additional pages and increased
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r   Agents wanted in every County of the United States to get Subscribers for THE OLD GUARD. For term:
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Back Volumes of The Old Guard.'THE  OLD  GUARD. Vol. 1, 1863, contains Steel Portraits of Horatio Seymour, Hon. C. L. Yallandigham, Gov. Parker, of New Jersey, Hon. D. W.Yoorhees, Hon. J. A. Bayard, Hon. F. Wood, Hon. B. Wood, and Hon. G3. W.
Woodward. Pp. 288, octavo.. Price, $2 50.
Among the important articles in this volume is a translation, entire, of the celebrated
Declaration'of Rights, put forth by the French nation, six years after the formation of our
Constitution.
rHE  OLD GUARD. Vol. 2, 1864, contains Steel Portraits of Mayor Gunther, T. H. Seymour, J. W. Wall, E. B. Olds, R.-B. Taney, Alex. Lonu  S. S.
Cox, G. J. Tucker, R. M. Price, G. H. Pendleton and Daniel Holsman. Octavo, 284 pp. Price, $2 50.
Among the valuable articles in this volume is one entitled, "Civilization in the Free and
Slave States," giving statistics as to the moral, social and pecuniary condition of the people.of each section-a startling article to'many readers; another, entitled, "Nullifiers of the
North," giving the Personal Liberty Bills of each Northern State; in another article the Alien
and Sedition Laws are given, together with Acts of Virginia in.relation thereto. " A History
of Northern Disunion" is also contained in this volume; also the Acts of the Conventions
of New York and Virginia in adopting the Federal Constitution, &c., &c.
THE OLD GUARD.  Vol. 3, 1865, contains.the New Novel by Dr. T. Dunn
English, in full, entitled, " The Peer and the Printer;" also, Valuable Political Articles. Octavo, 572 pp. Price, $3 00.
Among the important articles in this volume we may mention "The Civilization of the
Tropics," "Have States a Right to withdraw from the Union?" "Our Colonial and State
Unions," "The American Races," "History of the Northern War of Tariffs on the South,"
"' White Supremacy and Negro Subordination," " Massachusetts and Virginia, " " Sketch of'the Rise and Progress of Puritanism," "History of Old Brown," by President Johnson;
" The Crimes of New England, "The South Poor in Cash, the North Bankrupt in Honor,"
"The Crimes of Modern Philanthropy," " The Meaning of the Phrase, People of the United
States," "Singular Records of the French Bastile," "Aphorisms on Government and Liber"ty,." The Author of the Federalist Copperheads,. -" Spirit of Freedom in the English Parliament, from 1641 to 1796," "Camp Lee, Richmond."
THE OLD GUARD.  Vol. 4, 1866, contains Steel Portraits of General R. E.
Lee, Stonewall Jackson, J. %. Johnston, Beauregard, Ewell, Longstreet,
Wade Hampton, Polk, Sterling Price, G. W. Smith, J. E. B. Stuart, and A. P.
Hill. Octavo, 768 pp. Price, $4 00.
This volume also contains, besides valuable political and literary articles, the popular
story of " Bertha Seely, the Heroine of the Old Dominion," by Professor Peck, of Georgia,
giving the inside of Virginia life during the great Civil War.
* * These volumes contain discussions on all the prominent topics of the day.
They form of themselves a most useful and valuable POLITICAL LIBRARY, which
no person who desires to be posted; or to have a magazine of facts, with which
to confound his political opponent, can afford to be without. They may be said
to be indispensable, not only to the politician and political student, but to the
Merchant, Farmer, Mechanic, and all who desire to be politically intelligent.
B3esides political reading, however, they contain a vast amount of literary imatter,
gossip, hum6r, poetry, satire, &c., &c.
42r The entire set will be sent, postage paid, to any part of the United States,
for $11 00:
VAN EVRIE, HORTON & CO., Publishers,
162 Nassau Street, New York.




For twenty-five or thirty years the Abolitionists have deluged the country withl innumei
ble books, pamphlets and tracts, inculcating their false and pernicious doctrines. Littlei
nothing has ever been done in the same way towards-counteracting their influence. The(
sands now feel that such publications are indispensably necessary. In order to supply wt
it is believed is a wide-felt want, the undersigned havie determined toissue a series of "AX
Abolition Tracts," embracing a concise discussion of current political issues, in such a chiand popular form, and at such a merely nominal price for large quantities, as ought to secro
for them a very extensive circulation. The following numbers of thes.e Tracts' have hb
issued:
No. 1.-ABOLITION IS- NATIONAL DEATH; or, The Attempt to E'qiu
ize Races, the Destruction of Society. Pp. 32. Price 10 -Cants.
The object of this Tract is to show to the deluded victims of the Abolition theory, thi
could it be reduced to practice, it must result in social disintegration and national death.
No. 2.-FREE NEGROISM; or, Results of Emancipateion in the North ar
the West India Islands; with Statistics of the Decay of Commerce, Idl)
ness of the Negro, his Return to Savagism, and the Effect of Emancip!'
tion upon the Farming, Mechanical and Laboring Classes. Price 10 Ot,
Pp. 32.  
This is a brief history of the Results of'Emancipation, showing its wretched and miseral
failure, and that Negro Freedom-is simply a tax upon White Labor. The facts in relation 
the real condition of the-Freed -Negroes-in -Hayti, Jamaica, &c., have been carefully su1
pressed by' the Abolition papers, but they ought to be laid before the public, so that the evi
which now afflict Mexico, Hayti Fand all countries where the Negro-equalizing doctrines haI
been tried, may be known and understood.
No. 3.-THE ABOLITION CONSPIRACY; or, a Ten Years' Record of tl
"Republican" -Party. Price 10 Cents. Pp. 32.:
This Tract embraces a collection of extracts from the speeches and Writings of Wili"a
Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Abraham Lincoln, William H.'Seward, S. P. Chase, Horal
Greeley, John P. Hale, and many others, giving the origin- and object of'the Republici
Party and the H'elper Programme, with the sixty-eight Congressional endorsers, &c.
No. 4.-THE NEGRO'S PLACE IN NATURE. A Paper read before tl
London Anthropological Society. By Dr. James Hunt, President of tb
Society. Octavo, 32 pp. Price10 Cents.
This is a scientific exposition, in a popular form, of the Negro's positioni in the scale
creation, without any reference to political or party questions. It is'an admirable Tract
place in the hands of "Republicans6' to start them on the way "to get a knowledge of ti
truth."
No. 5.-THE SIX  SPECIES OF MEN.-With Cuts representing the Type 
of the Caucasian, Mongol, Malay, American Indian, Esquimauxn  an
Negro. Octavo, 32 pp. Price 10 Cents.  
This is one of the most important Tracts in.the series, as it presents, in popular form, tl
radical and organic differences between the several races or species of men, as well as tlt
fundamental laws which govern all animate creation. Some of the objections to the doctrih
of distinct species of men are also noticed.
~..  These Tracts are sent, postage paid, for ten'cents single copies,, or one dollar' p
dozen; or five -dollars per hundred, by express. Democratic Committees, Association
&c., ordering one thousand at a time, will be furnished them at exactly costprice.
VAN EVRIE, HORTON & CO., Publisersg,
162 Nassau Street, New York.4
Agents Wanted to sell the above, and all our Publications