OUR DANGER AND DUTY.
A
D I SC O U R S E,
DELIVERED IN TIlE
GLEBE-STREET PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH,
ON FRIDAY, DECEMBER 6TIt, 1850.
BY THE
REV. A. A. PORTER,
PAS T O.
PUBLISlI ED BY RE UE ST.
CHARLESTON:
LETTER-PRESS OF E. C. COUNCELL, 119 EAST BAY.
1850.
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PREFACE.
Our Southern clergy very rarely introduce political topics in their
pulpit ministrations   Devoted to their appropriate calling, they con secrate that sacred place to higher themes.   It cannot be denied,
however, that circumstances may arise which will justify the preacher
in departing from a line of conduct, in general, so proper and praise worthy.  Such, it seemed to the author of the  following discourse,
were the circumstances under which it was delivered. Profoundly
convinced that perils of the most alarming character threaten, with
utter ruin, all the Southern people value as men, and as Christians,
he felt the duty of the minister to be identified with the duty of the
citizen. The day on which it was delivered having been set apart
by the highest authorities of the State for humiliation and prayer,
with reference to our political relations, it would have been extremely improper not to have alluded to them, and unmanly to have
done so without expressing his honest convictions.
If the discourse should be read by any who will condemn its severity, the author can only say, that it was not born in him to feel, or
to speak tamely of injustice and oppression.   The blood of two
South Carolina patriot soldiers of the revolution, and of two patriotic
women, who endured their full share of trial throughout that contest,
mingles in his veins, and every drop of it runs in fire when the land for
which they served and suffered is assailed with injury and insult. A
little more than seventy-five years ago, on July 20th, 1775, our fathers
bent in prayer to God for their country against unjust legislation, and
rose with burning hearts to second their prayers with brave endeavors.
Let us disown our parentage, or emulate their example.
Some readers may judge, many points which have been introduced,
to require further illustration and argument.-The discourse was delivered to an audience as well informed on the subject as the author,
and he believes unanimous in their opinion.   He only designed, in a
brief and simple manner, to group together the leading facts of the
case, so as best to exhibit the necessity of "seeking help from God."
Had publication been expected, he would have endeavored to fortify
his positions with fuller argument and proof. 
li
D I S C O U R S E.
2 CHRONICLES, XX: 12.
" Oh our (God, wilt thou not judge them. for we have no might against
this great company that cometh against us; neither know we what to do;
but our eyes are upon Thee."
The circumstances connected with the text were these:When the Israelites came up from the land of Egypt to take
possession of Canaan, they were expressly prevented by the
command of the Lord, from invading the territories of Ammon, Moab, and Mt. Seir or Edom. This was because these
nations were of their own blood and kindred, —the Moabites
and Ammonites being descended from Lot, Abraham's brother's son, and the Edomites from Esau, the brother of Jacob.
The Israelites requested of these nations permission to pass
peaceably through their country, to the promised land, and beiDg refused, made a long and painful circuit through the wilder
ness, to avoid a conflict with them.
After the settlement of the twelve tribes in Canaan, they
were frequently attacked, and their country ravaged by these
hostile people. On the side of Israel, there was kindness, and
respect, in remembrance of their fathers, and of their common
blood. But, on the side of the children of Moab, Ammon and
Mount Seir, there were constant jealousies, enmity, and distur.
bance. One of their assaults upon their unoffending neighbors
was made while Jehoshaphat was King of Judah, and is recorded in this chapter.   Determined  by one effort, finally to
destroy, and exterminate the people of God, the three nations
leagued together, and uniting their forces, invaded Ju'lah by
the South West corner of the Dead Sea, and took possession of
Engedi, a frontier town of that tribe.  In this contest, Judah
stood alone. The ten tribes had separated from their brethren,
after the death of Solomon, and of them all, only the small
fragment of Benjamin adhered to the kingdom. In this crisis
J:V: 
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Jehoshaphat had reason to be alarmed. Three powerful nations, an eastern, middle, and western, were combined to overthrow his country, and its institutions. The other tribes, recreant to the obligations of religion, patriotism, interest and fraternity, left him to contend single-handed with the common enemies; and of the twelve tribes which should have been united
in their common defence, only one, and a portion of another
were faithful to duty, and to God. The King, sensible that all
human hope in such a case was lost, sought help from above.
"And Jehoshaphat feared, and set himself to seek the Lord,
and proclaimed a fast throughout all Judah." The whole people, sympathizing in the alarm and anxiety of their rulers, responded unanimously to this proclamation. They gathered
themselves together, out of all the cities of Judah to ask help
of the Lord. On the appointed day of the fast, the King stood
up in the congregation, in the house of the Lord, and uttered
for himself and people the following prayer. " Oh Lord God of
our fathers, art not thou God in heathen? and rulest not thou
over all the kingdoms of the heaven? and in thy handI is there
not power and might, so that none is able to withstand thee?
Art not thou our God, who didst drive out the inhabitants of
this land before thy people Israel, and gavest it to the seed of
Abraham, thy friend forever?  And they dwelt therein, and
have built thee a sanctuary therein for thy name, saying, if,
when evil cometh upon us, the sword, judgement, or pestilence
or famine, we stand before this house and in thy presence, (for
thy name is in this house) and cry unto thee in our affliction,
then thou wilt hear and help.  And now, behold! the children
of Ammon and Moab, and Mt. Seir, whom thou wouldest not
let Israel invade, when they came out of the land of Egypt;
but they turned from them, and destroyed them not, behold,
how they reward us, to come to cast us out of thy possession,
which thou hast given us to inherit. Oh our God, will thou
not judge them? for we have no might against this great company that cometh against us  neither know we what to do:
but our eyes are upon thee."
The prayers of an injured people in a righteous cause were
instantly heard.  Before the assembly was dismissed the Spirit
of the Lord came upon one of the Prophets, and he was corn 
5
missioned to announce the following message, " Thus saith the
Lord unto you, Be not afraid, nor dismayed by reason of this
great multitude, for the battle is not yours, but God's. Ye shall
not need to fight in this battle, set yourselves, stand ye still, and
see the salvation of the Lord with you; Oh Judah and Jerusalem, fear not, nor be dismayed; to-morrow go out against
them, for the Lord will be with you."  Accordingly when the
army of Judah moved early in the morning against their enemies, it is said "the Lord set ambushments against the children
of Ammon, Moab, and Mt. Seir, which were come up against
Judah; and they were smitten. For the children of Amlmon
and Moab stood up against the inhabitants of Mt. Seir, utterly
to slay and destroy them, and when they had made an end of
the inhabitants of Seir, every one helped to destroy another."
It would seem probable that these guilty confederates, aware
of the approach of Jehoshaphat's troops in the early dawn, had
set ambushments for themn. But, from some mistake in the
gloom of the morning, the men of Moab and Ammon, attacked
their own allies of Mt. Seir. Coming up, perhaps, from opposite sides, after they had destroyed the Edomites, each, in the
confusion and din of the battle, mistook the other party, for a
supporting division of Judah's troops, and thus continued the
contest among themselves, " every one helping to destroy another." This result will not appear in itself improbable, if we
remember the hour of the day,-that these troops being of different nations were to a great degree strangers to each other,and that the discipline of ancient armies was very imperfect,
and different from modern, each man after the battle had commenced fighting pretty much alone, and without regard to his
comrades or commanders. But, however natural and probable
this event may have been in itself, the Prophet had lifted the
veil of Providence, and shown that it was brought about in answer to prayer; by the hand and will of Almighty God, which
work unseen, and goverin the hearts, and conduct of men according to His own high and sovereign pleasure,-And, my brethren, as He did then, so He may again defeat the counsels of
the unjust and thwart the projects of evil, by turning their hands
against one another, and engaging them in a destructive conflict among themselves, while those who were designed to be 
their victims have nothing to do, but to " stand still and see the
salvation of the Lord."
You cannot fail to see the striking parallel between the circumstances of Judah in this contest, and our own this day.
Their God is our God, and the God of our fathers. As in their
case, so in ours, the Lord did drive out the inhabitants of this
land before our ancestors and gave it to them, and to their seed
for a possession. As their fathers were, so were ours the people of God,-faithful Christian men, who encountered the perils,
of the wilderness and war, to find a home where they might
worship God, and serve Him without fear. And they dwelt
herein, and have built sanctuaries herein, for the name of the
Lord, saying, "if when evil cometh upon us, we stand before
thy house, and in thy presence, and cry unto thee in our affliction, then thou wilt hear and help." The Episcopalians and
the Puritans from England, the Calvinists from France, and
the Presbyterians firom Scotland, and Ireland, brought with
them their Bibles and their Ministers, the Gospel and the
Church, and here founded a Christian commonwealth in the
name of God and for the glory of Christ,-And we are still a
Christian people. Our sunny land is covered all over with Christian sanctuaries. The great mass and body of our citizens profess the faith of Jesus-to say the least, we have in proportionto
our numbers, as many churches, ministers and members, as
the North: weare as consistent in our walk, as pure in doctrine,
and as strict in discipline. Our Sabbaths are as well observed
and our Bibles as much reverenced. We as truly believe in
Christ Jesus, and call upon the name of the Lord.
Again, those who are combining to destroy us, are those of
our own blood and kindred, to whom we have, in time past,
shown kindness and respect. Their ancestors and ours were
brethren, and sprung from the same race. We have never invaded their territory, nor assaulted their institutions. The war
of the Revolution was principally on their account, and in our
full measure we helped them to fight it. The last war with
England was chiefly for the protection of their interests, and
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we faithfully stood by them in that. When the South was
much the larger and stronger, she gave them, as the free gift of
her imperial generosity, a vast territory which now forms for
them five large and powerfuil states. When Louisiana was
acquired, it was all subject to our institutions; but four-fifths of
it were taken by them, and only one-fifth left for us. By the
next increase of territory we got the swamps of Florida, and
they the district of Oregon, six times as large. Texas was all
ours but by the arts of political cunning, a third of it has been
taken from us,-And of the last annexation from Mexico, every
acre, every foot, every inch, every hair's breadth, has been appropriated to themselves-and that while we contributed our
full share of men and means to acquire it. It matters little to
say, if it be true, that this has been done without infringing the
letter of the Constitution and laws. If my neighbor, by stratagem and management, deprives me of what in equity and justice is mine, yet in such a way as not to render himself amenable to the statute against fraud and robbery, the wrong is none
the less grievous, my injury is equally severe, and the proof of
hostility in him is just as palpable. On every principle of right
and justice we were entitled to share in the benefits of the war
with Mexico, as we had shared in its burdens and perils and
losses. According to the fundamental terms of the Union in
which all the States are equal, we ought to have had a portion
of its profits. The lives of friends and fathers and brothers,
who fell on every bloody field of Mexico, deserved some poor
recompense. The form of our social institutions, and our habits and interests as an agricultural people, especially require an
extensive territory. But the North may enlarge her territory,
extend her institutions, increase her resources, enlarge her power and wealth, provide a home for her children, cover this broad
continent with her greatness and glory, but we, condemned, despised, robbed, wronged, and degraded, must be shut up and
confined, weak, poor and helpless, until we fill up the narrow
limits of our prison, and then stifled and crushed by our own
growth, die, and rot.
I need not go into an argument to show that they have taken
measures to cast us out of the possessions Divine Providence 
has given us to inherit.* HIe must be blind who does not see
that the tendency of our federal legislation, the prevailing public
opinion at the North, and the policy of leading politicians, are
hostile and destructive to our interests and institutions. Not
only abolitionists, technically so called, but the entire and unanimous North, are opposed to any extension of slave territory, or
increase of the number of slave States. The most sober and
candid men there openly avow their conviction that the federal
government ought, as far as possible, within the limits of the
Constitution, to discourage and oppose slavery-that its legislation and policy ought to take that direction-that, as far as it
can be done without violating express provisions of the Constitution, its immense power and influence should be brought to
bear upon our system, to destroy it.  Thus, that instrument,
which was designed to cherish, protect, and sustain all portions
of our country, equally and alike, is to be strained as far as
possible in one direction to benefit one section, and in another
direction to ruin another-and Christian men can calmly sanction this monstrous injustice and oppression! Oh, pitiable humanl nature of ours, which even the wondrous Gospel cannot
redeem from the blindness of its prejudices, and selfishness, and
sin!
An increasing and powerful party has assaulted, and avowed
their determination to destroy the fundamental forms and institutions of our social fabric. The plain and palpable provisions
of our political Constitution are openly set at nought, and rendered null and void. Millions of our property have been taken
from us, in open violation of law, and the safety and value of all
the rest injured and diminished. Our citizens have been mobbed, imprisoned, and murdered, while peaceably claiming their
rights according to acknowledged law.  Societies and combinations are formed to subvert our social system and institutions,
* Not the least evil inflicted on the South, by the slavery agitation, is the
consequent emigration of the more timid and far-seeing of our people to the
North, in order to escape a threatening future.  If the statistics of this emigration were collected, they would astonish ourselves, with its extent and
importance.  I can hardly blame the refugees.  When  a form of society to
which, above all others, peace is essential, is constantly attacked and rudely
shaken, it is time for those who live under it to look about them.
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and to rob us of our property. Secret emissaries and seditious
publications are employed to disturb our domestic tranquillity,
and endanger our property and lives. The basis upon which
our entire social and political order, our wealth, our civilization,
our customs and habits, our prejudices, our present prosperity
and our future prospects, are established and depend, has been
attacked and weakened.   We  are harassed with an agitation
which sends anxiety and disturbance into every home and every
family in our land. And when these invade the household
quiet, and haunt the fireside, the life of a people becomes intolerable. We feel the very foundations of our social and domestic structure shaking beneath us. Every dollar of property,
acquired in years of toil and labor, is threatened with measures
which would utterly destroy its value and beggar us all. We
are made to tremble for our wives and little ones. The altars
of our religion are threatened with desecration. The land of
our birth, which our fathers baptized with their blood, and which
contains their sacred ashes, we scarcely feel to be our own;
and, ere long, we may be driven from it as exiles, or slain upon
it as martyrs. For twenty years, in the face of reason and religion, in violation of law both human and Divine, of right
moral and political, of their own solemn compacts and our acknowledged rights, of honor, justice, and good faith, they have
driven, with increasing zeal, strength, and success, towards but
one point-our utter ruin-ruin individual,  domestic, social,
economical, political, religious-total, remediless, final.
"Against this great company that cometh against us we have
no might." Wheresoever we turn, on whatsoever side we look,
we are weak, powerless, and helpless. It seems to me madness to think of an armed resistance, by this State alone. Rashness is not courage, and to die for our country is not to save it.
We have no might in our sister Southern States. They do not
see or believe the danger which threatens them and us; or, misled by corrupt demagogues, and deluded by evil influences,
they stand aloof from the contest   Of the twelve tribes of our
Southern Israel, South Carolina is the Judah, alone, solitary,
the one faithkil to herself and to all, to truth and right and
dtty.
2 
10
We have no might in the Federal Government; for in every
branch of it the North has the majority, and even free soil holds
there the balance of power. Our defence has for a long time
been in the Senate of the United States Congress. But now
we have lost our equality, and our last stay is broken there.
In every department of the General Government, anti-slavery
has the power. It can not only enact and enforce such measures as it pleases, but the immense patronage and resources of
the Government are at its control. It can not only suck the lifeblood from us to fatten itself, but, what is infinitely worse, employ it to corrupt mean men among us to conspire against their
own country for its downfall. And he knows nothing of political intrigue who doubts for a moment that this will be done.
We have no might in the guarantees  and provisions of our
Federal Constitution.  One of its most express stipulations is
openly, boldly, successfully, and with impunity, violated and
despised.   Northern State Legislatures have made it a penal
offence to execute it. Their officers have arrested and their
mobs murdered  those who  attempted  to enforce it.  One
of their leading statesmen, a former President of the United
States, declared that, in certain cases, they can effect their final
object and abolish our institutions, under a half dozen clauses
of the Constitution. There is no question but they can do this,
by indirect measures, without at all infringing the letter of the
Constitution. And when has the world ever seen a dominant
and fanatical majority restrained in its purpose by the forms
and technicalities of the law?  It breaks through them all, and
tramples them under its feet in scorn and contempt. But, this
aside, the act of outrage and plunder which has denied the
South any share in the new territory, will enable them, very
soon, to increase their number so greatly, as to change the Constitution according to its own provisions, and according to their
own pleasure; and thus, in legal form, to destroy us at a blow.
The Constitution is but a paper barrier, which one blast of
breath from a Northern mob would blow to the winds.
We have no might in the friends of the South and of the
Constitution as it is, in the Northern States thenmselves. Many
have hoped that the abolitionists would be checked and restrain ed, by their own fellow-citizens who better understand and re 
11
spect our rights.  I have no such hope.  Twenty years have
passed awsay, and nothing of the kind, to any purpose, has been
done.  Now and then, as recently, anti-abolition meetings have
been held in the large cities, a great deal of gas burnt and breath
wasted, and that was all. The abolition party has constantly
increased in numbers, respectability, influence, violence, and
courage. It controls the elections in many of the States-in
New-York, the largest, and in Massachusetts, the most enlightened and religious. Our so-called friends there are themselves
itt the ninority. They have not the power to help us, if the
will.   Moreover. these friends of ours there, who are tlhey?
They are themselves conscientiously opposed to our institutions,
to all extension of our system, and to the increase of our number and power. In this the entire North is unanimous. This
is only to work our ruin in another way.  These friends are
themselves enemies, only of another kind. I believe we have
there some sincere, true, and faithful friends, but they are few
and powerless. They are quiet, thoughtful men, who are never heard or seen, and seldom felt.
Besides, those who hope so much from these friends, utterly
mistake, in my opinion, the nature of the conflict through which
we are now passing.  It is not a mere political contest-not a
struggle with fanaticism, or a rivalry and contention for power.
It is a conflict of systems-of two radically different and antagonistic forms of society-of two modes of political life 
which must result either in separation, or in the destruction of a
one. It is like a conflict between two laws of nature-between
life and disease; they must be separated, or the death, the destruction, of one is inevitable. In the womb of our confederacy
were conceived two children-a Jacob and an Esau, and they
"struggle together within her."   "Two  nations are in her
womb, and two manner of people shall be separated from her
bowels." "And when her days to be delivered are fulfilled,
behold, there will be twins in her womb.''*
* It seemns too plain for argument, that two fundamentally different sys.
terns of civil institutions cannot long exist in a consolidated nation. The
history of the world furnishes no example of it. The stronger system will, 
12
We have no hope in the principles of our adversaries.    non
of their principles is, that the majority has the right to governconstitutions, laws, right, justice, and what you please, to the
contrary notwithstanding. This is their fundamental idea of
political right. It is evidently synonymous with the maxim,
" might makes right;" and as they have the might, whatever
they choose to do, and can do, they may do. —Another of their
fundamental principles is, that our Union is not a confederacy
of sovereign nations, but a fusion and consolidation of all into
one nation and people. Hence no portion of our country has
indefeasible rights which the others dare not invade and subvert if they please. Our State Constitutions have not even the
force of a village charter, and our State Governments are nothing more than a local police.-Another is, that each man's conscience-his own individual idea of what God requires-is to
him the supreme and sovereign rule of conduct; that is, each
and every man is his own pope, king, law, government, and
religion. Hence it is nothing what the Constitution of the
country, the law of the land, or the letter of the Bible, requires 
he has a "higher law" in his own bosom, which overrides them
all. If he, in his own individual conscience, thinks them wrong,
then hlie may without question violate, despise, and resist them
This principle was virtually avowed by a Senator in Congress,
approved by others his colleagues, sanctioned by his constitu
ents, and applauded by multitudes. These men can swear a
solemn oath to support the Constitution of the United States;
and swear it, believing, the while, as they pretend, that it vio
in the natural and necessary course of things, overwhelm the weaker, and
conform it to itself. There is no power to prevent this. Human society
and institutions are governed by natural laws, which the statutes and constitutions of politicians may resist, but not defeat. In a confederacy of in.
dependent and sovereign States, in which the Federal Government_possess
ed limited and well defined powers, and the sovereignty and rights of the
several confederates were scrupulously respected, it might be possible for
various forms of social institutions to exist in the different States. But it
must be obvious to a candid observer, that there is a rapid tendency in our
confederacy towards consolidation, and that the Federal Government is even
now virtually absolute. 
lates the law of God; and swear it, determining in their own
conscience that they will not keep their oath.*
Another of their principles is, that the spirit, that is, the design and meaning of the Constitution may be violated, provided the letter of it is not. This, strange as it may seem to
you, was plainly and expressly avowed by leading clergymen
of New England. They confessed that the constitution of the
United States, as to its spirit, was on our side; but the designs
of the Abolitionists could be effected without violating its letter
and ought to be- I state this fact without comment. It shows
you what to expect from the most learned, influential and
professedly pious men of that party.
Another of their principles is, that utility is the rule of right.
This is the doctrine which for a century has been taught in
schools, colleges and churches, to many of their people.t  It
* At a public meeting recently held in Boston, Mr. Curtis cited a resolution from the report of a meeting held in Faneuil Hall, declaring that, "Constitution or no Constitution, law or no law, no fugitive should be taken from
Massachusetts;" and another, justifying opposition to the death, of the issuing warrants. He read an extract from Theodore Parker's sermon,justifying
the shooting of a United States Marshal in the service of a warrant-and
one proposing alnd defending thefalsification of a juror's oath. 
The late President Adams left on record the following sentiments: " The
bargain between freedom and slavery, contained in the Constitution of the
United States, is morally and politically vicious, inconsistent with the principles upon which alone our revolution can be justified; cruel and oppressive,
* * * and grossly unequal and impolitic. * * * The consequence
has been that this slave representation has governed the Union. (!) Benjamin, portioned above his brethren, has ravened as a wolf; in the morning he
has devoured the prey, and at night he has divided the spoil. It would be no
difficult matter to prove that almost every thing which has contributed to the
honor and welfare of the nation has been accomplished in despite of them, or
forced upon them; and that every thing unpropitious and dishonorable, including the blunders and follies of their adversaries, may be traced to them.'"
And this man could secretly record this opinion of the Constitution and Union, in his diary, and take his seat in Congress sworn to support them! And
his friends and admirers are not ashamed to publish and applaud the fact!
If President Adams could do this, what may we not expect of others?
t The theory of morals supported by Paley, and taught by Dr. Dwight
and others in New England, which makes utility the foundation of right;
and that of Edwards and Emmons which teaches that benevolence, or "love
to being in general," is the essence of virtue, are not so unlike as they ap.
pear to be. The first is simply utility to myself,-the second, ulility to oth
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necessarily and invariably degenerates into the practical idea
that "gain is godliness" —that profit is right-that money  is
virtue. -ftence a mercantile firm of New York, which is part
owner of a leading religious newspaper, a rabid and violent
abolition sheet, could have the dishonesty to send out a circular
disavowing abolition sentiments. Why do they not withdraw
their support from that paper? It is profitable. Why do they put
out such a circular? It is gain-utility is the test of right.
They may do any thing that is advantageous. If a lie is profitable, lie. If injustice is lucrative, be unjust. If wrong
yields the most money, or gains the election, or promotes our
interest, or benefits others, then wrong is right.*
If we consider the spirit of our enemies, we are equally without hope. It is self conceited, reckless and fanatical. Full of
the idea of their own superior intelligence and wisdom, and regarding us as semi-barbarians, they are deaf to reason and argument. Set on fire by one idea, they are driven by it as the
chaff before the storm. The history of the world proves that
there is but one limit to the excesses of fanaticism.  Nothing
but the strong arm of power can tame it.  Blind, reckless, invincible, it may be chained, burned, martyred, exterminated —-but
it never stops-Its victim or itself, must perish. And we must
make our choice.
ers. In both it is the same quality, utility or advantage, that determines an
action to be right.  The curious inquirer into the remote and  hidden, but
real causes of things, may find in these, formerly prevailing doctrines of
New England, the explanation of much that is peculiar in its character.
*A missionary of the American Home Missionary Society, (a Northern,
but not Abolition association,) in one of the Slave States, (they are careful
not to tell us which) wrote back thus, "there is only one thing that hinders
our entire happiness, and that is the curse of Slavery. But of this I may not
now speak. God grant that our conduct while here, may not go to sanction this evil. But to come out openly, and avow hostility to the' sacred' institution would be to thwart all hopes of doing good, and insure us a speedy
passport from the country." This from a Christain missionary defies remark.
A Northern clergyman going into Italy, not long since, took with him a
number of Bibles for distribution in that country, and, to evade the laws, put
them into a jar, and had the jar labelled as containing sweatmeats, and as such
passed it into the country!! It is humiliating to hear of, or to mention, such
things. But the South ought to know the kind of men she has to deal with. 
15
" We have no might against this great company that cometh
against us; neither knovw ue qvhat to do."  Our most sagacious statesmen are perplexed and doubtful. No plan has yet
been proposed which seems to promise us a safe issue. It is
"a day of trouble and distress, a day of wasteness, and deso
lation, a day of darkness and gloominess, a day of clouds and
thick darkness."
But I trust we can say in truth "our eyes are upon the Lord
God of our fathers.'" He is " God in heaven, and rules over all
the kingdoms of the earth, and in His hand there is power and
might, so that none is able to withstand Him." "It is nothing with him Him to help, whether with many, or with them
that have no power. Help us, oh Lord our God; for we rest
on Thee, and in Thy namne we go against this multitude.   Oh
Lord, Thou art our God; let not man prevail against Thee!"
I trust our eyes are upon Him, in truth, in sincerity, in humble
sense of our dependence, and in earnest desire that He may
guide us in this day of perplexity, and deliver us from these
threatening dangers.  I firmly believe that in this contest, truth,
justice, and right are upon our side. And if final success is
not ours also, it will be because our unbelief, ungodliness, and
impiety have provoked the anger of the Almighty. It is not
enough that our cause be just.  We must defend it also with
clean hands and a pure heart. It is an eternal truth, that God
rules among the nations of the earth, setting up one and casting down another. It is equally true that He punishes a sinful
people, and visits national iniquities with national judgements.
And we dare not hope for His protection and help, if we do not
seek them by a true repentance, and believing prayer. We are
plainly powerless to help ourselves. Our only hope is in the
righteousness of our cause, and the favor of Almighty God. To
secure this the Christain people of this land must humble themselves before His gracious throne. A penitent, pardoned, and
prayerful nation is invulnerable.   The gates of hell cannot
prevail against it. The Lord will gird it with strength unto
the battle; then will it beat its enemies small as the dust before the wind, and cast them out as the dirt itn the streets. In
the day of its extremity some prophet of the Lord will be authorised to stand uip before it and say "ye shall not need to 
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fight in this battle, set yourselves, stand ye still, and see the
salvation of the Lord with you; fear not, nor be dismayed, for
the battle is not yours but God's." "Hear me oh Judah and ye
inhabitants of Jerusalem: Believe in the Lord your God, so
shall ye be established; believe His prophets, so shall ye prosper."