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1,
OF
COMMITTEE
ON ESTABLISHING A LINE OF
MAIL STEAMSHIPS
TO THE
WESTERN COAST OF AFRICA,
AND THENCE VIA THE
MEDITERRANEAN TO LONDON:
WITH
An  appellbix
ADDED BY THE
AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
WASHINGTON:
PRINTED BY GIDEON & CO.
1850.
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REPORT
NAVAL
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IS 
The memorial of Judge Bryan was referred
to the Committee on Naval Affairs, composed
of Representatives from the following States:
Fred. P. Stanton, Tenn.
Thos. S. Bocock, Va.
Robert C. Schenck, Ohio.
Emile La Sere, La.
Hugh White, N.Y.
Elbridge Gerry, Me.
E. Carrington Cabell, Fla.
John McQueen, S.C.
Lewis C. Levin, Pa.
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The Committee on Naval Affairs, to whom was
referred the memorial of Joseph Bryan, of Alabama, for himself and his associates, George
Nicholas Sanders and others, praying the establishment of a line of steamers from the United
States to the coast of Africa, designed to promote
the colonization of free persons of color, to suppress the African slave trade, to carry the mails,
and to extend the commerce of the United States,
beg leave to submit the following Report:
The proposition of the memorial involves an extension of that system, recently commenced by
Congress, which has for its object the creation of a
powerful steam navy, to be used in time of peace
in carrying the mails, and in effecting great public
objects, not to be attained by private enterprise
without the aid of Congress. How far it may be
desirable to extend this system will depend upon
the double consideration of the present condition of
our naval force, and the importance and feasibility
of the ends - to be accomplished by the measure.
As to the first of these, the committee will present
a brief statement of the facts material to a correct
understanding of the comparative extent of our present steam navy.
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In the report of Mr. Secretary Bancroft, made
to the Senate on the 2d March, 1846, the total
effective steam navy of Great Britain was stated, at
that time, to consist of one hundred and ninety-nine
vessels, of all classes; that of France numbered
fifty-four; that of Russia, without the Caspian fleet,
thirty-two; while the steam navy of the United
States could boast of but six small vessels, and one
in process of building; and of these one was for
harbor defence, and another a steam-tug.
Since that time, however, Congress has provided
for the building of four war steamers, and for the
establishment of several lines of steamships engaged
in carrying the mails, consisting of seventeen large
vessels, suitable for war purposes, and at all times
liable to be taken for the public service. Of these
latter, nine will run between New York and European ports; five between New York and Chagres;
and three between Panama and San Francisco.
Notwithstanding this increase in our force, it has
by no means kept pace with that of other great
commercial nations. The American Almanac for
the present year estimates the steam navy of France
at sixty-four steam vessels of war, besides a reserved
force of ten steam frigates now ready, and six corvettes and six small vessels nearly ready. The
French Government has also resolved to follow the
example of England in establishing lines of steamers, built so as to be easily converted into ships of
war, to be employed in commerce and for carrying
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mails, but being at all times subject to the requisition of the Government.
England, also, has added largely to her steam
navy, and has increased her lines of mail steamers,
giving evidence that she, at least, considers this the
best and cheapest mode of providing in time of
peace for the exigences of war. On this subject
the committee refer to the following facts, for which
they are indebted to the remarks of the Hon. T.
Butler King, of Georgia, made in the House of
Representatives, February 19, 1848.
By act of Parliament, 7 William IV, chap. 3, all
previous contracts entered into for the conveyance
of the mails by sea were transferred to the Admiralty. In the year 1839, the idea was conceived
that the vast expenditures required in naval armaments might be made subservient to the purposes of
commerce in time of peace. Accordingly, a contract was entered into with Mr. Cunard and his associates, for the conveyance of the mails from Liverpool, via Halifax, to Boston, in five steamers of
the first class, for ~85,000, or about $425,000 per
annum. It was stipulated that they should be built
under the supervision of the Admiralty, should be
inspected on being received into the service, and
certified to be capable in all respects of being converted into ships of war, and of carrying ordnance
of the heaviest description. Various stipulations
were entered into in this and other contracts of a
similar character, which placed these ships under
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the control of the Government; thus, in fact, mak —
ing them, to all intents and purposes, at the same
time a part of the mercantile and military marine of
the country.
In 1846, the Government enlarged the contract
with Mr. Cunard and his associates, by adding four
ships to run from Liverpool to New York, and increased the compensation to ~145,000, or about
$725,000 per annum.
In the year 1840, a contract was made by the
Admiralty with the Royal Mail Steamship Company, at ~240,000 sterling, or $1200,000 per annum, for fourteen steamers to carry the mails from
Southampton to the West Indies, the ports of Mexico on the Gulf, and to New Orleans, Mobile, Savannah, and Charleston. These ships are of the
first class, and are to conform in all respects,
concerning size and adaptation to the purposes of
war, to the conditions prescribed in the Cunard
contracts. They are to make twenty-four voyages
a year, leaving and returning to Southampton semi
monthly. Another contract has lately been entered
into for two ships to run between Bermuda and
New York. These lines employ twenty-five steamers of the largest and most efficient description.
In addition to the above, a contract was made,
1st January, 1845, with the Peninsular and Orien —
tal Steam Navigation Company for a line of similar
steamers, seven in number, from England to the
East Indies and China, at ~160,000 sterling, or
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$800,000 per annum. This line passes from Southampton, via Gibraltar and Malta, to Alexandria, in
Egypt; thence the route continues overland to
Suez, at the head of the Red Sea, from whence the
steamers again start, touching at Aden, Bombay,
and at Point de Galle, in the island of Ceylon, from
whence they proceed to Singapore and Hong Kong.
There is a branch line connecting with this, from
Point de Galle to Calcutta, touching at Madras.
A contract was made, 1st July, 1846, for a Pacific line of British steamers, four in number, run
ning fronm Valparaiso to Panama, touching at intermediate ports. This line connects overland, from
Panama to Chagres, with the West India line.
Besides these, there were, in 1848, twelve more
lines of Government steamers running between
Great Britain and the continent of Europe; making a
grand aggregate of one hundred and fifteen oceain
steamships fitted for war purposes. Very recently
the British Parliament has resolved to extend the:,
mail steamship system to Australia.
The committee do not propose that our Government shall attempt to emulate this vast network of
steam navigation, with which England has already
encompassed the globe. But it is believed that the
recent increase of our territory, on the Pacific and
in the Gulf of Mexico, forms an additional reason
for a considerable augmentation of our steam navy,
whether by a direct addition to the navy proper, or
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by the encouragement of lines of steam packets, to
be established by private enterprise under the auspices of Government. If the latter system should
be adopted, as already commenced, the ships will
be built under the inspection of a Government officer, at the expense of private individuals; they will
be commanded by officers in the navy, and will be
at all times available for the public service. It will
be the interest of the contractors to adopt, from
time to time, all the improvements which may be
made in machinery and in the means of propulsion,
and the ships will be kept in good repair. Besides
being commanded by a naval officer, each ship will
carry a sufficient number of midshipmen for watch
officers, and thus a very considerablelportion of the
personnel of the service will be kept actively employed, with the opportunity of acquiring the know
ledge and skill requisite to the proper management
of a steam navy.  A corps of trained engineers and
firemen will be attached to each ship, and no doubt
these would generally remain with her when the
ship should be called into the public service.
The committee are of opinion that it is highly desirable to have ready for the public service some
very large steamships of the description proposed
by the memorialist. They would have great advantages over small ships, in their capacity to carry
fuel sufficient for long voyages, and to transport
Jarge bodies of troops, and place them rapidly, in a
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fresh and vigorous condition, at any point where
they might be required.
But it is chiefly for the great and beneficent objects of removing the free persons of color from this
country to the coast of Africa, and of suppressing
the slave trade, that the committee are disposed to
recommend the adoption of the proposed measure.
The latter of these has been the subject of treaties
by our Government with other nations, with whom
we have engaged to maintain a large naval force on
the coast of Africa to assist in suppressing the inhuman traffic; while the emigration of the free
blacks has long been an object of great interest in
all parts of the country, and especially in the slaveholding States, where they are looked upon by the
whites with aversion and distrust. The policy of
all or most of these States has been to discourage
manumission, except on condition of the removal of
the liberated slave. In no part of the Union do the
free blacks enjoy an equality of political and social
privileges; and in all the States their presence is
neither agreeable to the whites, nor is their condition advantageous to themselves. In some of the
slave States stringent prohibitions have been adopted, and unpleasant controversies with free States
have been thereby engendered. The emigration of
this entire population beyond the limits of our country is the only effectual mode of curing these evils,
and of removing one cause of dangerous irritation
between the different sections of the Union.
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The committee believe it is expedient to aid private enterprize in the colonization of the western
coast of Africa, because it is the most effectual, if
not the only mode, of extirpating the slave trade.
The success of this measure will doubtless render
the African squadron wholly unnecessary, thus reimbursing a large portion of the expense attending
it, and at the same time better accomplishing the
object for which that squadron is maintained. -t
may be expedient for some one of the great naval
powers to keep a small force on the coast of Africa
to protect Liberia, for a limited time, against the
slave traders. But the attempt to suppress this unlawful traffic by blockading the coast has so signally
failed that it will probably soon be abandoned by
the great European powers. While the influence
of the Republic of Liberia has been shown in the
complete suppression of the trade along a coast of
several hundred miles in length, the combined squadrons of Europe and America have not been so successful on other portions of that unhappy shore. In
1847 no less than 84,356 slaves were exported from
Africa to Cuba and Brazil. In the opinion of the
committee, it is highly important to prevent the
further Africanizing of the American continents.
An opposite movement, so far as the free blacks are
concerned, is far more in accordance with the spirit
of the age, and with the best interests of all American Governments. T'he people of the United States
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have shown their strong aversion to the slave trade
by the provision in their Constitution against it, and
by their unremitting and vigorous efforts to suppress
it. The success which has already crowned the
infancy of Liberia, indicates the true mode of mak-.
ing those exertions effectual, while it opens up the
way for restoring the free blacks to the native land
of their fathers.
The committee beg leave here to present some
interesting facts which satisfy them that the territory of Liberia is eminently adapted to colored
emigrants from the United States; that the establishment of this line of steamships by the Government will be a powerful stimulus to the cause of
colonization, and will be the means of securing the
emigration of great numbers of free blacks; that the
slave trade will be substituted by a peaceful, legitimate, and valuable commerce, opening new sources
of enterprize and wealth to our people; and that
the civilization and christianization of the whole
continent of Africa may be expected eventually to
follow. The facts presented are collected chiefly
from the publications of the Colonization Society.
That portion of the western coast of Africa, called
Liberia, embraces a tract of country included between the parallels of 4~ 21' and 7~ north latitude,
extending about 400 miles along the coast. The
first settlement was made by free negroes from the
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Colonization Society, in the year 1820. The objects
of that society were   "Ist. To rescue the free colored people of the
United States from their political and social disad vantages."
"2d. To place them in a country where they may
enjoy the benefits of free government, with all the
blessings which it brings in its train.
"3d. To spread civilization, sound morals, and
true religion throughout the continent of Africa.
"4th. To arrest and destroy the slave trade.
"5th. To afford slave owners, who wish, or are
willing, to liberate their slaves, an asylum for their
reception."
The funds of this society have seldom exceeded
$50,000 per year, but they have purchased territory,
enabled nearly 7,000 free people of color to emigrate
to Liberia, and have made provision, for such of them
as required it, for 6 months after their arrival. In
July, 1847, an independent Government was formed,
which has been recognised by France, England,
and Prussia. Upwards of 80,000 of the natives have
become civilized, and enrolled themselves as citizens of the Republic. The Liberians have a flourishing commerce. They have not only succeeded
in suppressing the slave trade along their own coast,
but have also made treaties with several tribes,
numbering over 200,000 souls, for the discontinuance of the traffic.  They have purchased their
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territory from time to time of the natives, and are
gradually extending themselves up to the British
settlement of Sierra Leone and down to the Gold
Coast.
The interior settlements of the.purchased tracts
usually extend from about 10 to 30 miles from the
coast, and can easily be enlarged by purchase in
that direction at a moderate amount. In no instance
have the natives from whom the land was purchased
been required to remove their residences.   The
land in the immediate vicinity of the ocean in Liberia is generally low, and in some places marshy;
but there are some elevated spots. The land generally becomes more elevated towards the interior;
and in some places, within 50 miles of the coast, it
is quite mountainous. It is desirable for the colony
to become possessed of this back country as it is
much healthier than the coast, and when the emigration from the United States becomes extensive,
the mountain region will soon be occupied. The
natives are a fine, healthy, athletic race; and even
the emigrants to the lands on the coast have enjoyed
better health than the emigrants to some of our
western States in the first few years of settlement.
Liberia is on the "grain coast,: and is protected
from the scorching winds of the north and east by
ranges of mountains. The soil is fertile, and produces an abundance of Indian corn, yams, plantains,
coffee, arrow-root, indigo, dyewoods, &c. 
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Every emigrant is welcomed to the colony, and
receives a grant of 5 acres of land, besides which
he can purchase as much more as he pleases at 1
dollar per acre.
The climate is not suited to the whites. The
president and all the officials are colored men.
There are flourishing towns, churches, schools, and
printing presses. According to the statement of
the Rev. R. R. Gurley, who has recently visited the
colony, the people are highly moral, well conducted,
and prosperous, and the value of the exports of the
Republic is at present 500,000 dollars per annum,
and is increasing at the rate of 50 per cent. annually.
Not only will the slave trade be abolished by the
establishment of colonies of free colored people on
the coast of Africa, but, as already intimated, these
colonies will be the means, at no distant period, of
disseminating civilization and Christianity throughout the whole of that continent. Already, a great
many of the natives have placed themselves under
the protection of the Liberians, whose knowledge of
agriculture and the arts inspires confidence and
respect.
As a missionary enterprise, therefore, the colonization of Africa by the descendants of Africans on
this continent, deserves, and no doubt will receive,
the countenance and support of the whole Christian
world.
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Two points are now regarded, both in Europe
and in this country, as settled truths, viz: 1st. That
the planting and building up of Christian colonies
on the coast of Africa, is the only practical remedy
for the slave trade. 2d. That colored men only
can with safety settle upon the African coast.
That the free negroes of the U. S. will be induced to go in large numbers to Liberia, if a quick
and pleasant passage by steam vessels be provided,
and suitable preparation be made for them on their
arrival, by the Colonization Society, cannot admit
of any doubt.
The funds of that society, augmented probably
twenty fold, will then be available, almost exclusively, for the comfortable establishment of the emigrants in their new homes-the expense of transportation chargeable to the society being merely
nominal.
It is estimated that there are no less than 500,000
free colored people in the several States, and that
the annual increase therein of the black race is
0,OOO000 per annum. With respect to slaves, who
may hereafter be manumitted, no doubt such manumission will, almost in every instance, be upon the
condition that the parties shall avail themselves of
the opportunity of emigrating to Liberia.
The committee do not propose that the emigrants
should be landed in Liberia and then left to their
own resources. Liberia is at present incapable of
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receiving and providing shelter, subsistence, and
employment for any great number of emigrants who
may land there in a state of destitution. It has been
the practice, heretofore, for the Colonization Society to provide for the colonists, whom they have sent
out, for 6 months after their arrival, and the cost of
such provision has averaged $30 per head, in addition to the cost of transportation.
A large amount of money will be required to settle the colonists in the first instance comfortably in
their new homes. But there is no doubt, that if the
Government establish the proposed line of steam
ships, the people of the different States, and the
State Legislatures, will at once turn their attention
to the subject of colonization, and that large appropriations will be voted, and liberal collections made,
in aid of that object. The State of Maryland has
already appropriated and laid out $200,000 in this
work, and the Legislature of Virginia has lately appropriated $40,000 per year for the same purpose.
But these sums are insignificant in comparison to
what may be expected, if the Government shall give
its high sanction to the colonization of Africa, and
provide the means oftransportation by a line of steam
ships. In that event, the whole mass of the people,
north and south, who for the most part do not appreciate the rapid progress, and the high capabilities of Liberia, will quickly discover the vast importance of colonization, and will urge their represen
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tatives to adopt measures adequate to the exigency
of the case and the magnitude of the enterprise.
There is good reason to anticipate, that important
assistance will be rendered to the emigrants, not
only by the missionary societies of Europe, but also
by those governments which have taken an interest
in the suppression of the slave trade, and which are
desirous of opening channels for their commerce,
and marts for their manufactures, on the western
coast of Africa.
It is estimated, that by the time when the first
two ships are to be finished and ready for sea, there
will be a large body of emigrants ready to take
passage in them, and that for the next two years
each ship will take from 1000 to 1500 passengers on each voyage, or from 8,000 to 12,000 in each
of those years. To furnish each family, intending
to devote themselves to agricultural pursuits, with a
dwelling-house suitably furnished, and a piece of
land of sufficient extent cleared and planted, together with the necessary agricultural implements and
a stock of provisions, will, it is calculated, cost the
society a sum equal to $30 or $40 per head for each
emigrant, allowing each family to consist of five persons.  The cost of establishing families intending
to follow trading and mechanical pursuits, will be
somewhat less than the above estimate for agricultural families; but the average cost for the whole of'
the emigrants may be estimated at $50 per heads
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including all the expenses of transportation, making
a total of from $400,000 to $600,000 per annum,
for the first two years.
As the colony increases in population, and the
interior of the country becomes settled, any number
of emigrants that may be sent out will be readily
absorbed, as there will be a demand for all kinds of
laborers, mechanics, and domestic servants, and it
will be unnecessary to make that provision for them
which is now indispensable.
The Colonization Society will, as heretofore, so
regulate the emigration as to send out only suitable
persons, and keep up a due proportion between the
two sexes.
By the compact between the Colonization Society and the Republic, made when the society ceded
its territory to the Republic, ample power is reserved by the society for the protection of emigrants
who may be sent out by them. Moreover, the au thorities invite emigration, and each emigrant re;ceives a donation of a tract of land.
The establishment of prosperous colonies on the
western coastof Africa will, doubtless, tend greatly,
in the course of time, to the augmentation of the
commerce of this country. It appears that British
commerce with Africa amounts to no less than 5
millions sterling, or about $25,000,000 per annum.
The belief is now confidently entertained in Great
Britain, that an immense commerce may be opened
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up with that continent, by putting an end to the slave
trade, and stimulating the natives to the arts of
peace.
The commerce of Africa is certainly capable of
great extension, and it is worthy of observation, that
the proposed steamers will open entirely new sources
of trade.
On this subject the committee beg leave to sub mit the following particulars, from which the future
resources of this vast undeveloped region nmay be,
to some extent, anticipated.
Palm oil is produced by the nut of the Palm tree,
which grows in the greatest abundance throughout
Western Africa. The demand for it, both in Europe and America, is daily increasing. The average import into Liverpool of palm oil for some
years past has been at least 15,000 tons, valued at
~400,000 sterling.
Gold is found at various points of the coast.  It
is obtained by the natives by washing the sand
which is brought down by the rivers from the mountains. An exploration of the mountains will probably result in the discovery of large quantities of the
metal. It is calculated that England has received,
altogether, $200,000,000 of gold from Africa.  Li
beria is adjacent to the "Gold Coast."
Ivory is procurable at all points, and constitutes
an important staple of commerce.
Coffee, of a quality superior to the best Java or 
Mocha, is raised in Liberia, and can be cultivated
with great ease to any extent. The coffee tree
bears fruit from thirty to forty years, and yields an
verage of ten pounds to the shrub yearly.
Cam w6od and other dye woods are found in
great quantities in many parts of the country. About
thirty miles east of Bassa Cove is the commencement of a region of unknown extent, where scarcely
any tree is seen except the cam wood.
Gums of different kinds enter largely into commercial transactions.
Dyes of all shades and hues are abundant, and
they have been proved to resist both acids and light.
Pepper, ginger, arrow root, indigo, tamarinds, oranges, lemons, limes, and many other articles which
are brought from tropical countries to this, may be
added to the list. Indeed, there is nothing in the
fertile countries of the East or West Indies which
may not be produced in equal excellence in West ern Africa.
The soil is amazingly fertile. Two crops of corn,
sweet potatoes, and several other vegetables, can be
raised in a year. It yields a larger crop than the
best soil in the United States. One acre of rich
land well tilled, says Governor Ashman, will pro duce three hundred dollars' worth of indigo. Half
an acre may be made to grow half a ton of arrow root.
"An immense market may be opened for the ex
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change and sale of the innumerable products of the
skill and manufactures of our people. Africa is estimated to contain one hundred and sixty millions
of inhabitants. Liberia enjoys a favorable geographical position. She is protected by the great Powers
of Europe. The Liberians have constitutions adapted to the climate, and a similarity of color with the
natives. They will penetrate the interior with safety,
and prosecute their trade in the bays and rivers of
the coast, without suffering from the diseases which
are so fatal to the white man. Liberia is the door
of Africa, and is destined to develope the agricultural and commercial resources of that continent, besides being the means of regenerating her benighted millions."
The foregoing remarks have related entirely to
the advantages of the proposed measure. It is possible some scruples may be entertained in regard
to its constitutionality.'his, the committee think,
cannot be reasonably doubted. The Government has
already adopted this mode of providing a powerful
steam navy, at the same time giving incidental but
important encouragement to great commercial interests. In this instance, the effectual suppression of
the slave trade and the withdrawal of the African
squadron by the substitution of a number of mighty
steamers regularly plying to that coast, afford a motive and a justification which do not exist in regard
to any one of the lines already established.
It was the opinion of Mr. Jefferson that the
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United States had power to establish colonies for
the free blacks on the coast of Africa, and he de —
sired its exercise. Chief Justice Marshall and Mr
Madison concurred in this opinion. And it is to be
observed that the first purchase in the colony of Liberia was made by the Government of the United
States. The opinions of the leading jurists of our
day do not appear to differ from those of tile great
founders of the Constitution, who believed not only
that indirect aid to the cause of colonization may be
given in accordance with that instrument, but that
the Government has power to establish the colonies
themselves. The proposition of the committee does
not, by any means, go to this extent. It goes no
fuirther than recently adopted and still existing operations of the Government, while it is believed to
rest upon far higher and better grounds of support
Nor does it involve any merely sectional considerations. The committee have, therefore, refrained
from expressing any views which might be considered favorable to the peculiar interests either of the
North or of the South. The question of slavery,
now the cause of so deep an excitement, is not, to
any extent, either directly or indirectly involved.
The Government of the United States, it is admitted on all hands, has no power to interfere with that
subject within the several States. Neither does the
proposition at all interfere with the question of emancipation. This is wholly beyond the jurisdiction of
the Federal Government, and belongs exclusively
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to the people of the several States, and the individual slaveholders themselves. But the removal of
the free blacks to the coast of Africa is a measure in which all sections) and all interests, are believed to be equally concerned.
From the foregoing considerations, the committee believe it to be wise and politic to accept the
proposition of the memorialists, with some modifications which meet with their approval.
Instead of four ships, it is proposed to make the
line consist of three, which shall make monthly
trips to Liberia, touching on their return at certain
points in Spain, Portugal, France, and England,
thus: one ship will leave New York every three
months, touching at Savannah for freight and mails;
one will leave Baltimore every three months, touching at Norfolk and Charleston for passengers,
freight. and mails; and one will leave New Orleans
every three months, with liberty to touch at any of
the West India islands. They will proceed directly
to Liberia, with liberty to touch at any of the
islands or ports of the coast of Africa; thence to
Gibraltar, carrying the Mediterranean mails; thence
to Cadiz, or some other port of Spain, to be designated by the Government; thence to Lisbon;
thence to Brest, or some other port of France, to
be designated as above; and thence to Londonbringing mails from all those points to the UJnited
States.
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The measure proposed by the committee contains the following stipulations and provisions, to
wit:
Each ship to be of not less than 4,000 tons burden,
and the cost of each not to exceed $900,000. The
Government to advance two-thirds of the cost of construction, from time to time, as the building progresses-the advance to be made in five per cent.
stocks payable at the end of 30 years-such advances to be repaid by the contractors in equal annual instalments, beginning and ending with the
service. The said ships to be built in accordance
with plans to be submitted to and approved by tlhe
Secretary of the Navy, and under the superintendence of an officer to be appointed by the Secretary
of the Navy, and to be so constructed as to be convertible, at the least possible expense, into war
steamers of the first class. The ships to be kept
up by alterations, repairs, or additions, to be approved by the Secretary of the Navy, so as to be at
all times fully equal to the exigencies of the service,
and the faithful performance of the contract.
Each ship to be commanded by an officer of the
Navy, who, with four passed midshipmen to serve as
watch officers, shall be accommodated in a manne
suitable to their rank, without charge to the Government. The Secretary of the Navy at all times
to have the right to place on board of each ship two
guns of heavy calibre, and the men necessary to
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serve them, to be accommodated and provided for
by the contractors.
The Secretary of the Navy to exercise at all
times such control over said ships as may not be
inconsistent with these terms, and to have the right
to take them, or either of them, in case of war, for
the exclusive use and service of the United States,
on paying the value thereof; such value, not exceeding the cost, to be ascertained by appraisers
mutually chosen by the Secretary and the contractors. The Secretary also to have power to direct,
at the expense of the Government, such changes in
the machinery and the internal arrangements of the
said ships, or any of them, as he, at any time, may
deem advisable.
The contractors are further required to stipulate
to carry, on each and every voyage they may make,
so many emigrants, being free persons of color, and
not exceeding 2,500 for each voyage, as the American Colonization Society may send; the said society paying in advance $10 for each emigrant over
twelve years of age, and $5 for each one under that
age; these sums to include the transportation of
baggage, and the daily supply of sailors' rations.
The contractors also to convey, free from cost,
-such necessary agents as the Government or the
Colonization Society may require, upon each one
of said ships.
Two of said ships to be finished and ready for
25
I 
26
sea within two and a half years, and the other within
three years, after the execution of the contract.
The Government to pay forty thousand dollars
for each and every trip; and to exact ample security for the faithful performance of the contract, besides taking a lien on the ships for the repayment
of the sums advanced. The contract to continue
15 years from the completion of all the ships.
To assist in forming a correct judgment as to the
fairness of this compensation, the committee present an estimate of the probable cost of running the
said ships.
The cost of the ships at $900,000 will be $2,700,000. Upon this amount, interest should be calculated at 6 per cent.; for, although the contractors
will pay the Government but five per cent. on the
portion advanced, the balance supplied by the contractors, must be estimated at the rates in New
York and New  Orleans, which are above six per
cent.  Six per cent. will be a fair average  for the
whole.
The depreciation of this kind of property is estimated variously, sometimes as high as ten per cent.
per annum on the total cost; but as these ships
will be substantially built for war purposes, it may be
estimated at a lower rate.
Besides this, an allowance must be made for repairs. New boilers will be required every six years,
and the substitution of these for the old ones not
II
! 
27
only causes loss of time, but also injury to the ships
involving much expense.
The rate of insurance for this species of property is high. The committee are informed, that the
steamships Ohio and Georgia pay 81 per cent.
Add the expense of running the ships, viz., fuel,
wages of the crew, provisions, stores, dock charges,
harbor dues, agents, pilotage, light-house dues, &c.,
which cannot be estimated at less than $50,000 per
voyage, considering that the distance to Liberia,
and thence home, via Madeira, Gibraltar, Cadiz,
Lisbon, Brest, and London, is about 12,000 miles;
and that each voyage, with the necessary delays in
the various ports, will occupy about three months.
Statement of expenses.
Interest on $2,700,000, at 6 per cent. -
Depreciation and repairs, 10 per cent. -
Insurance 7 per cent.  -       -      -
Cost of running the ships, $50,000 per
voyage, 12 voyages per annum,       -
Total annual expense-$1,221,000
Profits.
Estimating 1500 passengers for
each voyage, and 12 voyages
per annumn, we have 18,000
passengers. These, $10 for
adults and $5 for children,
.w
$162,000
270(000
189,000
600,000 
28
may average a profit of $:
each, making        -
Government pay
5341000
Balance of expense over Government pay
and profit of emigrants  -       -      $687,000
Thus it will be seen that the contractors will
have, of their probable expenses, more than twothirds of a million, or $57,250 each voyage, to be
made by commerce and passengers, independent of
the Government pay and the profit from the Colonization Society. It is quite evident that any further
profit, beyond the ordinary rate of interest at 6 per
cent., will be contingent upon the success of the
enterprise in stimulating commerce with the United
States at the points regularly touched by these
steamers.   The  contractors have confidence in
this, and the committee do not doubt that their confidence will be rewarded to a reasonable extent.
It will be observed, that as the Colonization Society now pay for the transportation of emigrants
to Liberia, in sailing vessels, no less than $30 per
head, the proposed arrangement will make the actual cost eventually less than this, even adding the
amount to be paid by the United States for this service, to the amount to be paid by the said society,
without estimating the receipt from mails, which
will probably be large.
- $54,000
- 480,000
I 
At the commencement of operations, when it is
estimated that the first two ships will carry out 1000
or 1500 emigrants for each voyage, the cost will be
little more than it is at present, while the passage
will be quicker, pleasanter, and healthier, offering
great inducements to emigrants, and placing them
upon the shores of Liberia in a sound and efficient
condition.
As the capacity of the colony to receive a large
number of emigrants increases, the ratio of expense
will be diminished; and it cannot be doubted, that
eventually, as the number of emigrants will increase,
the cost of transportation will relatively diminish.
The committee do not recommend the acceptance of the proposition of the memorialists, that
they shall be permitted to import the produce of
Liberia inito this country free of duty; on the contrary, it is believed to be better, for obvious reasons,
to enter into no such stipulations, but to confine the
remuneration, whatever it may be, to a direct pay mnent of money.
In the above estimates, the committee have en deavored, as far as possible, to arrive at just con clusions; while at the same time, in view of the
great public objects to be attained by the establish ment of the proposed line of steamships, they have
not deemed it inconsistent with the just liberality of
the Government, that those who have had the sa gacity to conceive, and who have the ability faith
29 
30
fully to carry out this noble project, should have at
least a contingent opportunity of deriving a hand
some profit from their enterprise. Considering the
hazards involved in it, the committee believe their
estimates to be fair and just to both parties.
The committee report a bill accordingly, to which
they ask the favorable consideration of the House.
Reported from the Committee by
FRED. P. STANTON,
Chairman.
WASH1NGTON,,ug. 1, 1850.
I 
APPENDI1X,
ADDED BY THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
From the Executive Comnmittee of the american Colonization So  ciety, to thefriends of Colonization throughout the U. States.
The foregoing Report, emanating from the Committee on Naval
Affairs of the House of Representatives, U. S., we commend to
your earnest attention.
The subjects embraced therein are worthy the most zealous cooperation of all who value the institutions of our country, and
who are willing to establish on the coast of Africa the only means
which, under the blessing of God, may bring light out of gloom,
order out of disorder, mind out of instinct, civilization out of barbarism, and heaven-born truth out of Pagan superstition and
cruelty.
This able and comprehensive Report has been read by us with
much pleasure, and we cannot doubt will be highly instrumental
in calling out the assistance of legislators, both National and State.
The cautious and wise manner in which our Society is to derive the most unexpected and ample assistance, fills us with
admiration, and inspires us with hopes in its entire success.
Without arrogating to ourselves the pretension of adding to
said Report, we only avail ourselves of the occasion of its circulation, to give a few extracts from the opinions and sentiments of
some of our wisest statesmen and purest patriots.
M. ST. CLAIR CLARKE,
from Ex.  Com. Col. Society.
WASHINGTON CITY, tugust, 1850. 
Letterfrom Hon. ELISHA WHITTLESEY, one of the Vice Presidents
of the tmerican Colonization Society.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT,
Comptroller's Office, July 20th, 1850.
MATTHEW ST. CLAIR CLARKE, Esq.,
Member of the Ex. Corn. Col. Society, Washington.
MY DEAR SIR: Judge Joseph Bryan and his associates have
petitioned Congress for some aid and assistance to establish and
maintain a line of steamers to the western coast of Africa, and
you express " a desire to have a few remarks from me on the
probable benefit resulting therefrom to our great and good Society,
for which we have so long labored."
You very properly restricted me to a few remarks, and those
to the subject of Colonization.
The Committee on Naval Affairs, to whom the memorial was
referred in the House of Representatives, will, without doubt,
establish in their report the importance of the measure, as connected with the increase of our steam navy, so essential to our
defence in time of war, and to our commerce with Africa. This
commerce will be great, beyond the most extravagant calculation
that has been made.
My attention was first drawn to the subject of African colonization at the annual meeting of the Society in 1823, when listening to the remarks of the Hon. Robert Goodloe Harper, and
others. From that time to the present, my belief has been, and
now is, that an " all-wise Providence" will accomplish, through
the institution of slavery in this country, the civilization and
Christianization of Africa, by the agency of this Society and its
kindred associations. The Republic of Liberia invites those who
wish to give freedom to the human beings they hold in bondage
to do so, without any excitement, commotion, or opposition. An
acceptance of the invitation violates no right, alarms no fear,
wounds no feeling, awakens no jealousy. One party is relieved
from a heavy responsibility, and the other enjoys, in the land of
32
I11
I 
their fathers, civil and religious freedom. Every intelligent emigrant fromt this country is a missionary to, and an instructor of,
his brethren.  Africa will be Christianized when parts of Asia
will be in heathen darkness.
The plan ranks with the most important of those of the interesting age in which we live; and, if patronized by Congress, will
richly bless two continents. There has been no colony so prosperous, or that has achieved so much within the same space of
time, as the colony of Liberia; and it is a remarkable fact, that
during a period of thirty years, since the first expedition was fitted out to Afiica, not a life has been lost by shipwreck.
If this Congress shall co-operate in this great national interest,
it will stand immortalized on the page of history.
Most sincerely yours,
ELISHA WHITTLESEY.
Letter from the Hon. R. J. WALKER, one of the Vice Presidents of
the american Colonization Society.
WASHINGTON CITY, July 23, 1850.
DeAR SIR: I have received your letter of last week, on behalf
of the Executive Committee of the American Colonization Society, addressed to me as a Vice President of that Society,
requesting my views as to Mr. Bryan's memorial for the transportation, by steam vessels, of our free blacks to Liberia.
I have had no time to examine the details of the plan, but as
regards the main question, I most fully concur in the policy of a
removal of our free blacks to Liberia, through the instrumentality of steamships, and with the aid of the Government of the
United States.  Thle plan presented seems to me free from all
constitutional objections. It seems, also, to be perfectly practicable, and its successful execution  would  confer incalculable
blessings upon our country.   Indeed, I have ever regTard(d colonizatiun and abolition as antagonist nmeasurtes, ad that the suc            3~~~~~~~
3
33 
34
cess of the first would overthrow the latter, and thus rescue our
beloved country from the danger of disunion.
Very truly your friend,
R. J. WALKER.
M. ST. CLAIR CLARKE,
Ch. Ex. Corn. of.m. Col. Soc.
Extract of a letterfrom Gov. WRIGHT, of Indiana.
INDIANAPOLIS, INDIANA, July 3d, 1850.
To the Executive Committee of the Col. Society  GENTLEMWIEN: Your circular, containing a copy of Mr. Bryan's
memorial, came to hand a few days ago, and 1 have no hesitation
in saying that Mr. B's plan, or any other good plan, of forming
a line, or lines, of transport to draw off our free people of color,
will meet with general favor in our State.
And some movement of the kind is much needed; for the youth
of the free States are growing up ignorant of the meuits of colonization, and very sceptical as to its final success. This has been
produced by the labors of men in the North who have never investigated the subject, and who have poured contempt on all
your attempts to colonize-they have been too successful in indoctrinating the youth of the North. A want of faith in the enterprise, or confidence in its final success, will soon paralyze all your
efforts in the North; for in a few years the unbelief of our young
men will become confirmed, and when they grasp the reins of
government, which they will do in the course of time, African
colonization will be discarded by the North.
The best remedy that can be devised for the above ignorance
and scepticism, among Northern men, will be a bold and decided
movement on the part of the General Government, which will
-look directly toward the separation of the colored race from the
white race, and the erection of the colored people into an independent commonwealth. 
35
This movement will confound the opponents of colonization in
the North; it will send a thrill of confidence through the hearts
of all our friends; it will compel the people to think and talk on
the subject of a national colonization enterprise, and it will compel each newspaper in the land to speak out on the subject. Discussion is all we want, for then we can make thousands of friends;
in short, we can indoctrinate the nation with our opinions, "and
opinion rules the world."
As to Mr. B's plan, we are willing that he and his friends shall
have the monopoly of the African trade for a time; but that monopoly should be so guarded as to make it a source of wealth to
Liberia, and not a drain on the wealth of that Republic, or be
calculated to retard her progress.  The East India Company has
been a stupendous leech on British India, from which it has
drawn untold millions, and under whose management India must
become impoverished, and made dependent on England.
The interest of colonization requires that we foster Liberia, and
not impoverish her. If Mr. B. is to be remunerated for his trouble, and doubtless hlie should be paid, and well paid, let the
American people pay him, and not Africa.  So plan the scheme
that it will be the interest of the free man of color to go to Africa,
and this "an be best accomplished by making Liberia a wealthy
commercial nation.
It would be well to blend the Colonization Society and Mr. B's
company into one association, if possible, and procure liberal provisions from the General Government, granting large powers for
forming settlements and trading stations on the coast of Africa;
but having no power to hold real estate in Africa, except a few
acres at proper points on the coast for factories, around which
colonies might be established, which, growing into states, would
in due timte take their place among the states of the Liberian confederacy.
I know of no enterprise of this age that we, as Americans, 
36:
should be so willing'to take hold'of as one man, with nerve and
energy, as that of the settlement of Libejia.
As one citizen of this nation, I would be willing to make all
'my contributions, and devote' the last dollar of my means, to the
colonization of the black man of' this country to Liberia.
I have the honor to be,
Yours, most respectfully,
JOS. A. WRIGHT.
Rev. WILLIAM McLA IN,
Sec..dm. Col. Soc., Washington City.
Opinions of Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, and Chief Justice Mar        shall, and others, on the colonization of.frica.
The following extracts from an Address to the Legislators andPeople of Virgionia, published in the thirty-third Annual Report
of the American' Co'loni'z'ation Socie'ty, Jan. 15,'1850, shows the
progress of the question in Virgin'ia:
The  Governor of the Commonwealth having in his late  message recommended the'American Colonization Society to the particular attention of the Legislature, and the subject having been
referred to a select committee, whose report is daily anticipated,
it seems a fitting time to remind the Legislators and citizens of
Virginia of some f'clts touching'the origin and history of an institution which is attracting the regards and challenging the admiration of the civilized world.  It must endear this institution to
Virginians, and strengthen'their confidence in its wisdom, to be
reminded that it comes commended to the present generation by
the authority of our most patriotic and sagacious statesmen, and
the deliberate successive acts of our Legislature.
It' claims for its authors Thos. Jefferson, author of the Declaratioin of Independence, Edmund Pendleton and George Wythe,
high in the first rank of their countriy's orators and jurists-the
Mansfield and the Hale of Virginia-George Mason, perhaps the
I 
37
wisest statesman to whom Virginia has given birth, and Thomas
Ludwell Lee, who was deemed by thei Legislature of 1776 their
fit associate. These gentlemen were appoinrited; by the first Legislature after tl-he Declaration of Independence to revise the laws
of this State. This committee proposed a comprehensive plan of
colonization.  The emancipation feature in this plan was probably the reason of its failure.  The seed of the Colonization Society had nevertheless been sown, which springing up after the
lapse of a few years, and pruned of its excrescences, began to
grow and bear fruit.  Its first fruit was the plan of Dr. Thornton,
(a Virginian,) in 1787, to colonize the free colored people upon
the coast of Jfrica.  This being the su.ggestion'uf of a private indi.
vidual had no visible results.  A few years afterward the Colony
of Sierra Leone, consisting of slaves who had taken refuge in the
British army during the Revolutionary war, was established.
On the 31st December, 1800, the House of Delegates of Virginia passed almost unanimously the'following resolution:
"Resolved, That the Governor be requested  to correspond
with the President of the Ullited States on the subject of purchasing lands without the limits of this State,,whither persons
obnoxious to the laws, or dangerous to the peace ol Society, may
be removed."
In  compliance with this resolution, Mr. MoNROEo addressed
a letter to Mr. Jefferson, dated Richmond,  15th June,  1801, in
which he says: " We perceive an existing evil which commenced
under our colonial system, with which we  are not properly
chargeable, and we acknowledge the extreme difficulty of remedying it.  At this point the mind rests with suspense, and surveys
with anxiety obstacles which become more serious a: we approach
them.  To lead to a sound decision, and make the restilt a happy
one, -it is necessary that the field of practicable expedients be
opened on the widest possible scale.; under this view of the subject, I shall beg leave to be advised whether a tract of land in
the western territory of the United States can be procured for 
38
this purpose, in what quarter, and on what terms? You perceive
that I invite your attention to a subject of great importance, one
which in a peculiar degree involves the future peace and tranquility and happiness of the good people of this commonwealth."
On the 8th of November,  1801, Mr. JLFFERSON replied in a
long letter, in the course of which he goes on to discuss the practicability and expediency of procuring territory on our western
or southern frontier, and concludes with asking, would we be willing to have such a colony in contact with us? It is impossible,
he adds, not to look forward to distant times, when our rapid multiplication will expand beyond those limits, and cover the whole
northern if not the whole southern continent with a people speaking the same language and governed with the same laws. Nor
can we contemplate with satisfaction either blot or mixture on
that surface.
He then gives the preference to the West Indies, and among
these islands to St. Domingo, in consideration of their being
already inhabited by a people of their own race and color, and
having a climate congenial with their constitution, and being
insulated from other descriptions of men. Africa, he concludes,
would offer a last and undoubted resort, if all others more desirable should fail us.
On the 16th June, 1802, the House of Delegates of Virginia
passed the following resolutions, which were agreed to by the
Senate on the 23d:
"Resolved, That the Governor be requested to correspond
with the President of the United States for the purpose of obtaining a place without the limits of the same, to which free
negroes or mulattoes, and such negroes or mulattoes as may be.
emancipated, may be sent or choose to remove as a place of asylum, and that it is not the wish of the Legislature to obtain the
sovereigity of such place."
In December, 1804, Mr. JEFFEaSON addressed a letter to Gov
I 
39
ernor Page of Virginia, in which he says, the island of St. Domingo, our nearest and most convenient resource, is too unset.
tied to be looked to for any permanent arrangements. He then
suggests whether the inhabitants of our late purchase beyond
the Mississippi, and the National Legislature, would consent that
a portion of that country should be set apart for the persons
contemplated. And not yet seeming to despair of Africa, he
adds, my last information as to Sierra Leone is that the company
was proposing to deliver up their colony to the Government.
Should this take place it might furnish an opportunity for an
incorporation of ours into it. This led to the following resolution
of the House of Delegates on the 3d of December, 1804:
"Resolved, That the Senators of this State in the Congress
of the United States be instructed, and the Representatives be
requested, to exert their best efforts for the purpose of obtaining
from the General Government a competent portion of territory
in the country of Louisiana, to be appropriated to the residence
of such people of color as have been or may be emancipated in
Virginia, or may hereafter become dangerous to the public safety.
Provided, That no contract or arrangement respecting such territory shall be obligatory on this Commonwealth, until ratified by
the Legislature."
This resolution was sent by Governor Page to the Representatives of Virginia.
Our difficulties with France and En,,gland now supervened,
and arrested at this point these interesting proceedings.   But
there was at least one eminent politician whose mind was not
diverted from the contemplation of this subject by the approaching war with England. In January, 1811, Mr. Jefferson said, "I
have long ago made up my mind upon this subject, and have no
hesitation in saying I have ever thought it the most desirable
measure for gradually drawing off this part of our population.
Going from a country possessing all the useful arts, they might
be the means of transporting them among the inhabitants of 
40
Africa, and would thus carry back to the country of their origin
the seed of civilization, which might render their sojourning here
a blessing in the end to that country. NOTHING IS MORE TO BE
WISHED THAN THAT THE UNITED STATES WOULD THEMSELVES UNdERTAKE TO MAKE SUCH AN ESTABLISHMENT ON THE COAST OF
AFRICA. Exclusive of motives of humanity, the commercial
advantages to be derived from it might defray all its expenses."
A treaty of peace having been concluded with Gr(at Britain in
1815, the public mind reverted with increased interest to the
scheme of colonization.
In the mean time Dr. Finley, Bishop Meade, Frank Key, &c.,
had been anxiously pondering the subject of Afi ii,an colonization.
These, with other persons of like mitids, assenmbled in the city of
Washington onl the 21st of December of the same year, and recommended the formation of the American C( lonization Society.
Mr. CLAY was chairman of the meeting, and stirring addresses
were made by him, and by Messrs. CALDWELL and RANLOLPH, of
Roanoke.   A committee was appointed to pre.-enrt a memlIorial to
Congress. asking their co-operation; John Randulph was on that
committee. The society held its first meeting on thle 17th of
January, 1817, and elected its officers. Hon. BUSHROi) WASHINGTON was made president, and among the thirteen vice-presidents
were CLAY, CRAWFORD, JACKSON, and JOHN TAYLOR, of Virginia.
The committee of the society prepared a memorial to Congress,
which was referred to a committee of the House of Representatives, who made an able report, concluding with resolutions recommending negotiations with the great states of Europe for the
abolition of the slave trade, and an application to Great Britain to
receive into the colony of Sierra Leone such of the free people of
color of the United States as should be carried thither. And should
this proposition not be accepted, then to obtain from GIeat Britain
a stipulation, guaranteeing a permanent neutrality to any colony
established under the auspices of the United States upon the coast
of Africa.
I
i 
41
On the 3d of March, 1819, Congress passed an act, authorizing the President of the United States to make such arrangements as he might deem expedient, for the safe keeping and removal out of the United States of such persons of color as might
be brought into any of the States under the act abolishing the slave
trade, and to appoint agents upon the coast of Africa for receiving
such persons. Agents were accordingly appointed by the Government, who, acting in co-operation with the agents of the society, purchased territory, and established the colony.  This purchase was made in 1822, by an age(nt of the society, and Captain
Stockton, of the navy, on the part of the Government of the United
States.  From that moment the course of the colony has been
steadily onward,'"through evil and through good report," until it
has taken its place among the independent nations of the earth,
under the denomination of the "Republic of Liberia."
To return from this digression to Virginia.   An  auxiliary
society was formed in Richmond in November, 1823, at the head
of which was placed the Hon. JOHN MARSHALL, (clarum et venerabile nomen,) who continued to preside over its deliberations, and
to gui(le it by his wise counsels, to the day of his lamented death.
He was succeeded by the Hon. JOHN TYLER, late President of the
U[tited States. The Richmond society, by its able reports, its
energetic agencies, and its stirring appeals, was instrumental in
diffusing information and procuring contributions, which rendered
very valuable aid in a time of need to tilte Parent Societv at
Washington.  It also obtained from the Legislature, in 1825 and
1828, donations in clothing at,d iml)lements of agriculture, which
supplied very opportunely pressing wants of the infant colony in
Africa. The Colonization Society, at this period, had a task of
great delicacy to perform.  The questions growing out of tbhe admission of Missouri into the Union had fearfully agitated the
whole country, and threatened to overwhelm this benevolent enterprise in ruin; but by following the chart of her original principles with the strictest fidelity, and steering between the rock of
indifferentism on the one hand, and the whirlpool of abolitionism 
on the other, she was enabled, with the blessing of Heaven, to
weather the storm. At this critical juncture were heard above the
roaring of the tempest of fanaticism tht voices of her gallant
commanders, Madison and Mars-hall, cheering her onward in her
noble mission.
Mr. MADISON, in a letter dated Jan. 16, 1832, said, " the Society had always my best wishes, although with hopes of success
less sanguine than those entertained by others found to be better
judges, and I feel the greatest pleasure at the progress already
made by the Society, and the encouragement to encounter remaining difficulties afforded by the greater and earlier difficulties already
overcome. I cherish the hope that the time will come when the
dreadful calamity which. has so long afflicted our country, and
filled so many with despair, will be gradually removed, and by
means consistent with justice, peace, and the genpral satisfaction;
thus giving to our country the full enjoyment of the blessings of
liberty, and to the world the full benefit of its great example."
Judge MARSHALL, in the same year, said, the removal of our
colored population is a common object, by no means confined to
the slave States, although they are more immediately interested in
it. The whole Union, he adds, would be strengthened by it, and
relieved from a danger whose extent can be scarcely estimated.
Here we have the authority of the "father of the Constitution,'
and its greatest expounder, both of whom thought the object contemplated by the Colonization Society so important that it demanded the interposition of the General Government, and both
regarded the public lands as a proper resource of effecting it.
General Brodnax, in the session of 1832 and 1833, reported a
bill devising ways and means f.r deporting free negroes, and such
as may become free in Virginia, to Liberia. The bill proposed
an appropriation of $35,000 for the present year, anid $90,000
for the next, to be applied to this purpose. It passed the House
of Delegates, but was East in the Senate. Notwithstanding this
42
k
i 
43
discouragement, the subject was again moved, and on the 4th
of March, 1833, an act passed the Legislature, appropriating
$18,000, and constituting the Governor, Lieutenant Governor,
and 1st and 2d Auditors, a board of commissioners for carrying
its provisions into effect. This act, as was predicted at the time,
was rendered utterly inefficient by the restrictions with which it
was encumbered.
In 1837, the Board of Managers of the Virginia Society?
seconded by petitions from several auxiliary societies, presented
a memorial to the Legislature, asking for an act of incorporation,
and an amendment of the act of 1833, so as to make its provisions available; and on the 13th of February, of the same year,
the report of the select committee, declaring these petitions reasonable, was agreed to by the House of Delegates, and a bill
ordered. For want of time, or some other cause not known, this
bill did not become a law. And now, in 1850, Mr. Dorman has
reported a bill to the same end, founded upon the recommendation in the message of Governor Floyd.
Such is believed to be a just account of the history of the idea
of colonizing our people of color, from its first conception until its
full development in the American Colonization Society. It is not
within the scope of this address to write the history of that
Society-its unparalleled success is not now questioned by any
unprejudiced man. Mr. Gurley, who was commissioned by the
General Government to visit Liberia and investigate its condition,
is just returned, and is now preparing an elaborate report, illustrating the commercial and other interests of that young Republic;
his testimony to its present prosperity and the greatness of its
future prospects is most decisive and encouraging. Neither is it
a part of my plan to cite the authority or acts of the several
State Legislatures, fourteen of which have given the Society their
approbation; and one, Maryland, has made it a part of her permanent policy, by establishing and cherishing with annual appropriations the colony of Maryland in Liberia. Nor will I now
0 
44
insist upon the bt refits, social, political, and moral, that are conferred by this Society upon the white race in America, and upon
the black race upon both continents.   Let it -uffice to say that
we have in our mid-t, in the persons of our fiee colored people,
an evil of enor7zous magnitude. That this evil has increased, is
increasing, and ought to be dimninished, ev,ry body admits.  When
Mr. Jefferson proposed his plan of colonization, there were only
about 10,000 free negroes in Viiginia-now the number is estimated at 60,000, and is increasing."
JOINT RESOLUTION for abolishing the traffic in slaves, and for the coloniza tion of the free people of color of the United States -Proposed February 11,
1817, by a committee tof the House of Reprcsentatives.
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of dmelica in Congress assembled. That the Pre -idet.t be, and
he is hereby, authorized to consult and negotiate with all the (Governments where ministers of the United States atre or shall be accredited, on the means of effecting all entire and imineditte abolition of the traffic in slave>.   Anid, also, to enter into a conrvention with the Gover Jiment of Great Britain for receiving into the
colony of Sierra Leone such of the free people of color of the
United States as, with their own con-ent, shall be carried tt,ither;
stipulating such terms as shall be most beneficial to the colonists,
while it promotes the peaceful interests of Great Britain and the
United States.  And should this proposition not be accepted, then
to obtain from Great Britain and the other maritime powers a stipulation, or a formal declaration to the same effect, guarantying a
permanent neutrality for any colony of free people of color which,
at the expense and under the auspices of the United States, shall
be established on the Aftican coast.
Resolved, That adequate provision shall hereafter be made to
defray any necessary expenses which may be incurred in carrying the.preceding resolution into effect.
NOTE.-No proceeding took place in the House on these resolutions at this session.
0
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The committee consisted of Mr. Pickering, Mr. Comstock, Mr.
Condict, Mr. Tucker, Mr. Taggart, Mr. Cilley, and Mr. Hooks,
on colonizing the free people of color of the United States.
NINETEENTH CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION,
February 18, 1825.
The following resolution was submitted to the senate of the
United States, by Mr. RurFus KING, of New York:
Resolve(y, That, as soon as the portion of the existing funded
debt of the United States, for the payment of which the public
land of the United States is pledged, shall have been paid off,
then, and thenceforth, the whole of the public land of the United
States,  ith the pett proceeds of all future sales thereof, shall constitute or form a fund, which is hereby appropriated; and the faith
of the United States is pledged that the said fund shall be inviolably applied to aid the emancipation of such slaves, within any
of the United States, and aid the removal of such slaves, and the
removal of such free people of color, in any of the said States,
as, by the laws oj thIe States, respectively, may be allowed to be
emancipated or removed, to any territory or country without the
limits of the United States of America.
Extract of a letterfrom the Hon. James iladison to the secretary of
the society, the Rev. R. R. Gurley.
MONTrELIER, December 29, 1831.
DEAR STR: I received in due time your letter of the 21st ultimo,
and with due sensibility to the subject of it.  Such, however, has
been the effect of a painful rheumatism on my general condition,
as well as in disqualifyiing my fingers for the u,,e of the pen, that
I could not do justice' to the principles and me asures of the
Col(,nization Socie-ty, in all the great and various relations they
sustain to our own country and to Africa," if my views c.f them
could have the value which your partiality supposes.   I may obh
serve, in brief, that the society had always my good wishes,
45 
46
though with hopes of its success less sanguine than were entertained by others, found to have been the better judges; and that
I feel tile greatest pleasure at the progress already made by the
society, and the encouragement to encounter remaining difficulties afforded by the earlier and greater ones already overcome.
Many circumstances at the present mroment seem to concur in
brightening the prospects of the society, and cherishing the hope
that the time will come mhen the dreadful calamity which has so
long afflicted our country, and filled so many with despair, will be
gradually removed, and by means consistent with ju-tice, peace,
and the general satisfaction; thus giving to our country the full
enjoyment of the blessings of liberty, and to the world the full
benefit of its great example. I never considered the main difficulty of the great work as lying in the deficiency of emancipation,
but in an inadequacy of asylums for such a growing mass of population, and in the great expense of removing it to its new home.
The spirit of private manumissions, as the laws may permit and
the exiles may consent, is increasing, and will increase; and!here
are sufficient indications that the public authorities in slaveholding States are looking forward to interpositions in different forms,
that must have a powerful effect. Wilh respect to the new abode
for the emigrants, all agree that the choice made by the society is
rendered peculiarly appropriate by considerations wh'ch need not
be repeated; and, if other situations should not be found eligible
receptacles for a portion of them, the prospects in Africa seem to
be expanding in a highly encouraging degree.
In contemplating the pecuniary resources needed for the removal of such a number to so great a dista.nce, my thoughts and
hopes have been long turned to the rich fund presented in the
western lands of our nation, which will soon entirely cease to be
under a pledge for another object. The great one in question is
truly of a national character, and it is known that di,tinguished
patriots, not dwelling in slaveholding States, have viewed the object in that light, and would be willing to let the national domain
be a resource in effecting it.
Should it be remarked that the States, though all may be in
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47
terested in relieving our country from the colored population, are
not all equally so, it is but fair to recollect that the sections most
to be bte nefitted are those whose cessions created the fund to be
disposed of.
Extract of a letter from the Hon. John Marshall, Chief Justice of
the United States, to the Rev. R. R. Gurley, dated
RIcHMOND, December 14, 1831.
The great object of the society, I presume, is to obtain pecuniary aids.   Application will undoubtedly be made, I hope
successfully, to the several State legi-latures, by the societies
formed within thlem, respectively. It is extremely desirable that
they should pass permanent laws on the subject; and the excitement produced by the late insurrection makes this a favorable
moment for the friends of the colony to press for such acts. It
would be also desirable, if such a direction could be given to State
legislation, as might have some tendency to incline the people of
color to migrate. This, however, is a subject of much delicacy.
Whatever may be the success of our endeavors to obtain acts for
permanent aids, I have no doubt that our applications for immediate contributions will receive attention.  It is possible, though
not probable, that more people of color may be disposed to migrate,
than can be provided for with the funds the society may be enabled to command. Under this impression I suggested, some years
past, to one or two of the board of managers, to allow a small additional bounty in lands to those who would pay their own passage, in whole or in part.  The  su,ggestion however, was not
approved.
It is undoubtedly of great importance to retain the countenance
and protection of the General Government. Some of our cruisers
stationed on the coast of Africa woul(l, at the same time, interrupt
the slave trade-a horrid traffic, detested by all good men-and
would protect the vessels and commerce of the colony from pirates
4 
48
who infest those seas. The power of the Government to afford
this aid is not, I believe, contested.  I regret that its power to
grant pecuniary aid is not equally free from question   On this
subject I have always thought, and still think, that the proposition made by Mr. King, in the Senate, is the most unexceptionable, and the most effective, that can be devised.
The fund would probably operate as rapidly as would be desirable, when we take into view the other resources which might
come in aid of -it; and its application would be, perhaps, less exposed to those constitutional objections which are made in the
South, than the application of money drawn from tihe trea.slry
and raised by taxes. The lands are the property of the United
States, and have heretofore been disposed of by the Government,
under the idea of absolute ownership.
adcts and Resolutions of State Legislatures in relation to
Colonization.
STATE OF VERMONT.
Vermont Legislature, Jov. 1S, 1827.
On the petition of the Vermont Colonization Society, the committee reported a resolution, instructing their Senators and Members in Congress to use their exertions in procuring the passage
of a law in aid of the objects of the society; which was read and
adopted.
STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
Resolutions, 1831.
1. Resolved, That the Legislature of Massachusetts view with
great interest the efforts made by the American Colonizgtion So,
ciety, in establishing an asylum on the coast of Africa for the free
people of color of the United States; and that, in the opinion of
this Legislature, it is a subject eminei,tly deserving the attention
and aid of Congress, so far as shall be consistenrt with the powers
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of Congress, the rights of the several States of the Union, and the
rights of the individuals who are the objects of those efforts.
2. Resolved, That our Senators and Representatives in Congress
be, and they are hereby, requested, in the name of the State of
Massachusetts, to solicit the assistance of the General Government to aid the laudable designs of that society, in such manner
as Congress, in its wisdom, may deem expedient, and is consistent with the provisions of the Constitution of the United States.
STATE OF NEW YORK.
Resolutions of the Senate,.pril 13, 1832.
Mr. TALLMADGE, from the select committee to which was referred the memorials of the State Colonization Society, and of
William A. Duer and others, of the city of New York, reported
the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted:
Resolved, That the Senate applaud the motives, and approve
the objects, of the American Colonization Society, and have full
confidence in the fidelity, discretion, and ability, of its executive
officers.
Resolved, That, as the said society proposes to remove or mitigate existing evils, and prevent or diminish apprehended dangers,
it deserves the confidence and encouragement of the American
people.
Resolved, That the Senate commend the said society to the consideration and patronage of the citizens of this State.
Resolved, That these resolutions be transmitted to the honorable the Assembly, for their consideration.
The resolutions passed the House of Assembly with hardly a
dissenting voice.
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STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA.
Resolution, 1829.
Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
Commonwealth of Pennsylhania in General -dssembly met, That, in
the opinion of this General Assembly, the American Colonization
Society eminently deserves the support of the National Government; and that our Senators be directed, and that the Representatives in Congress be requested, to aid the same by all proper and
constitutional means.
STATE OF DELAWARE.
Resolutions.
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the State
of Delaware in General assembly met, That it is requisite for our
prosperity, and, what is of more important concern, essential to
our safety, that measures should be taken for the removal from
this country of the free negroes and free mulattoes.
Resolved, That this General Assembly approve the objects of
the American Colonization Society, and consider that these objects
deserve public support, and that they ought to be fostered and
encouraged by the National Government, and with the national
funds.
Resolved, That the Senators of this State in Congress, with theRepresentative from this State, be requested to approve and promote, in the councils of the nation, measures for removing from
this country to Africa the free colored population who may be
willing to emigrate.
Resolved, That the Speakers of the two Houses be requested
officially to sign these resolutions, and forward a copy to each of
our Senators, and a copy to our Representative in Congress.
50
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STATE OF MARYLAND.
Resolution of the House of Delegates, 1818.
BY THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES, Jan. 26, 1818.
Resolved, unanimously, That the Governor be requested to communicate to the President of the United States, and to our Senators and Representatives in Congress, the opinion of this General
Assembly, that a wise and provident policy suggests the expediency, on the part of our National Government, of procuring,
through negotiation, by cession or purchase, a tract of country,
on the western coast of Africa, for the colonization of the free
people of color of the United States.
STATE OF VIRGINIA.
Preamble and resolution, 1816.
Whereas the General Assembly of Virginia have repeatedly
sought to obtain an asylum, beyond the limits of the United States,
for such persons of color as had been, or might be, emancipated
under the laws of this Commonwealth, but have hitherto found
all their efforts for the accomplishment of this desirable purpose
frustrated, either by the disturbed state of other nations, or do
mestic causes equally unpropitious in its success, they do now
avail themselves of a period when peace has healed the wounds
of humanity, and the principal nations of Europe have concurred
with the Government of the United States in abolishing the African slave trade, (a traffic which this Commonwealth, both before
and since the Revolution, zealously sought to terminate,) to renewt
this effort; and do, therefore,
Resolve, That the Executive be requested to correspond witf
the President of the United States, for the purpose of obtaining a
territory on the coast of Africa, or at some other place not within
any of the States or Territorial Governments of the United States,
to serve as an asylum for such persons of color as are now free,
and may desire the same, and for those who may hereafter be
51 
emancipated within this Commonwealth; and that the Senators
and Representatives of this State in the Congress of the United
States, be requested to exert their best efforts to aid the President
of the United States in the attainment of the above object: Provided, That no contract or arrangement respecting such territory
shall be obligatory on this Commonwealth until ratified by the
legislature.
Passed by the House of Delegates, December  15th; by the
Senate, with an amendment, December 20th; concurred in by
the House of Delegates, December 21, 1816.
STATE OF LOUISIANA.
1834.
A resolution, recently presented to this body, proposing the appointment of a joint committee to take into consideration the expediency of promoting the emigration of free people of color from
that State to Liberia, was adopted by a vote of twenty-two against
eleven.
STATE OF TENNESSEE.
Report and resolution, 1818.
Your committee are of opinion that such parts of said memorials
and petitions as ask this General Assembly to aid the Federal
Government in devising and executing a plan for colonizing, in
some distant country, the free people of color in the United States,
,are reasonable; and, for the purpose of effecting the object which
they have in view, the committee have draughted a resolution,
which accompanies this report, the adoption of which they would
recommend.
Mr. Willis, from the same committee, submitted the following
resolution, which was read and adopted:
Resolved by the General.ssembly of the State of Tennessee- That
the Senators in Congress from this State be, and they are hereby,
instructed, and that the Representatives be, and they are hereby,
requested, to give to the Government of the United States any
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53
aid in their power in devising and carrying into effect a plan which
may have for its object the colonizing, in some distant country,
the free people of color who are within the limits of the United
States, or within the limits of any of their Territories.
STATE OF KENTUCKY.
Report and resolutions, 1827.
The committee to whom was referred the memorial of the Amer  ican Colonization Society, have had that subject under conside  ration, and now report:
That, upon due consideration of the said memorial, and from
all other information which your committee has obtained touching
that subject, they are fully satisfied that no jealousies ought to
exist, on the part of this or any other slaveholding State, respecting the objects of this society, or the effects of its labor.
Your committee are further well assured that the benevolent
and humane purposes of the society, and the political effects of
those purposes, are worthy the highest consideration of all philanthropists and statesmen in the Union, whether they'be citizens of
slaveholding or non-slaveholding States. It is believed by your
committee that the memorial itself is well calculated to present
the subject in a proper point of view, and to interest the public
mind in the laudable objects of that society. They, therefore,
refer to the same as a part of this report.  Your committee recommend the adoption of the following resolutions:
Resolved by the General assembly of the Commonwealth of Kentucky, That they view, with deep and friendly interest, the exertions of the American Colonization Society in establishing an
asylum on the coast of Africa for the free people of color of the
United States; and that the Senators and Representatives in Congress from this State be, and they are hereby, requested to use
their efforts to facilitate the removal of such free persons of color
as may desire to emigrate from the United States to the colony in
Africa, and to ensure to them the protection and patronage of the 
General Government, so far as shall be deemed consistent with
the safety and interest of the United States.
Resolved, That the Governor be requested to transmit a copy of
the foregoing resolution to each of our Senators and Representatives in Congress.
Joint resolutions.
During the year 1828 the following joint resolutions passed the
Senate of Kentucky, with only three dissenting voices:
Resolved, &c, That our Senators and Representatives in Congress be requested to use their best endeavors to procure an appropriation of money of Congress to aid, so far as is consistent
with the [Constitution of the] United States, in colonizing the free
people of color of the United States in Africa, under the direction
of the President of the United States.
2. That the Governor of this State be requested to transmit a
copy of the foregoing resolution to each of our Senators and Representatives in Congress, and to the Governors of the several
States.
STATE OF INDIANA.
Preamble and joint resolutions, 1829.
Whereas the members of the present General Assembly of the
State of Indiana view with unqualified approbation the continued
exertions of the American Colonization Society to ameliorate the
condition of the colored population of our country, and believing
that the cause of humanity and the true interest of the United
States require the removal of this people from amongst us more
speedily than the ability of the Colonization Society will permit:
Be it resolved by the General assembly of the State of Indiana,
That our Senators and Representatives in Congress be, and they
are hereby, requested, in the name of the State of Indiana, to
solicit the'&ssistance of the General Government to aid the
laudable designs of the Colonization Society, in such manner as
Congress in its wisdom may deem expedient.
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Resolved, That the Governor be, and he is hereby, requested
to forward a copy of the foregoing resolution to our Senators and
Representatives in Congress.
STATE OF ILLINOIS.
Joint resolutions of the Illinois Legislature to transport the free
persons of color from the United States to dfrica; passed session
of 1847-'8.
Whereas efforts have been made to create the impression that
the citizens of the free States desire to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists by law; and whereas
such efforts are likely to create discord and jealousy among the
several States, and weaken the bonds of our glorious Union; and
whereas we desire most earnestly to undeceive our brethren of
the Southern States on the subject, and manifest our fraternal
regard for them, and to contribute all in our power to assist in
relieving them of the burden of slavery, in the manner best suited
to their feelings and interests; therefore,
Be it resolved by the Senate, the House of Representatives concurring herein, That our Senators in Congress be instructed, and our
Representatives requested, to employ all constitutional means in
their power to procure ample resources by the Federal Government to remove all such free persons of color as can be induced
to emigrate to Liberia, or elsewhere in Africa, and to provide for
-their necessary wants.
Resolved, That the Governor be requested to transmit a copy
of the above preamble and resolution to each of our Senators and
Representatives, with a request that the subject be brought before
Congress.
Note.-New  Jersey, Connecticut, and several other States
have adopted resolutions similar to the above; and in most of
them the resolutions have been repeated from time to time, down
to a recent date.
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Extracts from the report of the Committee of the House of Repre  sentatives on Commerce on the subject of adfrican Colonization.
Feb. 28, 1843.
The necessity of making some provision for the colonization
and settlement of the free colored population of this country began, at an early period, to attract the attention of the public.
During the administration of Mr. Jefferson, the State of Virginia
made an application to the General Government for aid in this
purpose. That State desired to originate some measure which
should provide an asylum for this population, either on the coast of
Africa, or in some other appropriate region beyond the limits of
the Union. Resolutions were more than once adopted by its
Legislature, expressive of the interest which the State felt in the
subject, and of the importance attached to it; and at length the
Governor was directed, in 1816, when Dr. Finley was employed
at Washington in his memorable enterprise of establishing the
American Colonization Society, to correspond with the President
for the promotion of that design. The assistance of the Senators
and Representatives of the State was invoked to the same end.
The Society was founded in December, 1816. It comprised
many eminent individuals from the several States; was characterized by its freedom from sectional distinctions; enlisted the aid of
men from every quarter of the Union; and was generally received
and applauded as a beneficent and highly national undertaking.
Its design, as set forth in an article of its constitution, was
to act " in co-operation with the General Government and such
of the States as might adopt regulations on the subject." Virginia, Maryland, Tennessee, and Georgia were the first to respond
to the invitation invoking their assistance. They passed resolutions recommending the subject to the country, and generally
announced their accordance in the opinion, expressed by Mr.
Jefferson, that it was desirable the United States should undertake
the colonization of the free people of color on the coast of Africa.
About half the States of the Union have expressed their de
i 
cided approbation of the scheme of African colonization, and the
citizens and Legislature of Maryland have proceeded to plant a
flourishing colony at Cape Palmas. Through the efforts and under
the influence of the American Colonization Society, nearly
twenty eligible tracts of country have been purchased between
Cape Mount and Cape Palmas, and on many of them promising
settlements established. The enterprise is demonstrated to be
practicable, and capable of indefinite extension. Though the
colonies embrace but a few thousand emigrants, their salutary
influence is widely felt, and many thousands of the native population have sought their protection, submitted to their laws, and
enjoy the advantages of their instruction. Able and disinterested
citizens of the United States have, from time to time, devoted
themselves to their interests, and, under the authority of the
colonization societies, have assisted them to frame their social
institutions, their government and laws.  They exhibit to the
eyes of a barbarous people the model of a free, temperate, industrious, civilized, and Christian society.  They have legislative
assemblies, courts of justice, schools, and churches. Though
having enjoyed in this country but very imperfect means of improvement, and left it with small means, they have done much
for themselves, and much for civilization and Christianity-have
enacted laws for the extirpation of the slave trade, and, wherever
their rightful authority exists, executed them with vigor; they
have successfully engaged in agriculture and in lawful commerce;
they have opened the way for many Christian missionaries, of
different communions, to the heathen tribes, and afforded them
protection and facilities in their work. In fine, Liberia aud the
Maryland settlement at Cape Palmas present themselves to this
country and the world, not only as eligible asylums for our free
colored population, and for such as may become free, but as
republican and Christian States, informed by the elements of
indefinite growth and improvement, capable, duly countenanced,
and guarded against the interference of unfriendly powers, of
rising to honor and greatness, and of diffusing the influence of its
laws and example over wide districts of Africa.
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The annual imports from western Africa into this country pro'bably exceed a million of dollars, and into Great Britain are about
four millions. The palm oil trade, now becoming of great value,
had hardly an existence twelve years ago, is rapidly increasing,
and may be increased to an almost indefinite extent. Hitherto,
the slave trade has been at war with all improvement and every
kind of innocent commerce. Its cessation will be succeeded by
the cultivation of the soil, and the growth of trade in all the varied and valuable productions of the African climate. It is of
infinite importance that the natives of Africa should be convinced that agricultural labor, and the substitution of lawful trade
for the infamous commerce in human beings, will be for their advantage; and that, in their intercourse with them, our own merchants should possess every privilege granted to those of England, or any other nation.
The establishment of a commercial agency, (as recommended
by Dr. Hall,) to reside in Liberia, and occasionally to visit, in a
Government vessel, various points on the coast, to ascertain the
best sites for mercantile establishments, to form conventions and
treaties of commerce, and for the suppression of the slave trade
with the principal chiefs, to take charge of the stores and other
property sent out for our ships of war, to guard the rights and
interests of our seamen, and secure for American vessels a free
and unrestrained right of trade at all important stations, the committee would recommend as an object urgently demanded by
interest and humanity.
The time has arrived, in the opinion of the committee, when
this subject of African colonization has become sufficiently important to attract the attention of the people, in its connexion
with the question of the political relations which these colonies
are to hold with our Government.
Speech of the Hon. Henry Clay.
Jit the 31st dnniversary of the American Colonization Society,
held at Washington, January 18, 1848, the Hon. HENRY CLAY,
in the course of his speech, made the following remarks:
i 
It is now nearly thirty years since Mr. Finley, Mr. Caldwell,
and some other gentlemen, met by agreement with a view to form
a Colonization Society. I was one of that number. We did not
intend to do more or less than establish on the shores of Africa a
colony, to which free colored persons with their own voluntary
consent might go. There was to be no constraint, no coercion,
no compulsory process to which those who went must submit: all
was to be perfectly voluntary and unconstrained in any manner or
degree. Far, very far, was it from our purpose to interfere with
the slaves, or to shake or affect the title by which they are held
in the least degree whatever. We saw and were fully aware of
the fact that the free white race and the colored race never could
live together on terms of equality. We did not stop to ask whether
this was right or wrong: we looked at the fact, and on that fact
we founded our operations. I know, indeed, that there are men,
many of them of high respectability, who hold that all this is prejudice; that it should be expelled from our minds, and that we
ought to recognise in men, though of different color from our selves, members of our common race, entitled in all respects to
equal privileges with ourselves. This may be so according to
their view of the matter; but we went on the broad and incon testible fact, that the two races could not, on equal terms, live in
the same community harmoniously together. And we thought
that the people of color should be voluntarily removed, if practi cable, to their native country, or to the country at least of their
ancestors: there they might enjoy all those blessings of freedom
and equality of condition which to them were impossible here.
Our object, let me repeat it, was limited to the free; we never
thought of touching in any manner the title to slave property.
We hoped to be able to demonstrate the practicability of coloniz ing them; and when that should have been demonstrated, those
who owned slaves might avail themselves of it or not-might
send liberated slaves to Africa or not, precisely as they pleased.
All our purpose was to establish, if we could, a colony of free
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colored men, and thus to demonstrate to the world that coloniza tion was practicable.
It has been truly stated, that from the day of its formation to
the present hour, the Society has been surrounded with difficul ties. It has had to stand the fire of batteries both in front and
rear, and upon both flanks. Extremes of opinion and of action,
which could unite in nothing else, united in assaulting us. Those
who cared for the-safety of the institution of slavery assailed us
on one hand, while the Abolitionists assaulted us on the other.
But on what ground should either oppose such an enterprise?
Our ground in regard to both was total non-interference. We
meant to deal only with colored persons already free. This did
not interfere with the projects of the Abolitionists. For myself,
I believe those projects to be impracticable; and I am persuaded
that if the same energy and effort which have been expended in
getting up abolition movements, had been directed to the work of
colonization, a vast amount of benefit would have resulted to the
cause of humanity and to the colored race. Why should they
attack us?  We  do not interfere with them.  Their project is to
emancipate at one blow the whole colored race. Well, if they
can do that, then our object begins. The office of colonization
commences only where theirs would end.  The colored race being here in the midst of us, and not being capable of enjoying a
state of equality with the whites around them, our object is to
carry them to a place where they may enjoy, without molestation,
all the benefits of freemen. Here is no incompatibility; and in
point of fact we have thus far gone on our way without disturbing
any body, either on the right or on the left.
But it is said that our Society is incapable of effecting any great
object. That our aims can never be accomplished without aid
from the State governments, or unless the General Government
shall send out of the country all the free blacks. It is our purpose to show the power of colonization, in competent hands, fully
to carry out the benevolent ends we have in view, to work all the
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great results for which this Society was formed. Our purpose is
to demonstate to the American people, that if they choose to take
hold of this great project in their State Legislatures, or otherwise,
the end sought is practicable, and the principle of colonization is
competent to carry abroad all the colored population who shall be
emancipated. That demonstration has been made.
The separation of free colored people from the white race is a
measure recommended not only by the mutual and the separate
good of both, but by the prospect that Africa, which has so long
lain in barbarism, worshipping unknown and forbidden gods, may
thus be brought to the light and blessings of Christianity. Those
who met to form this Society saw not only that great good would
accrue from their design to the colored race, by elevating their
character, and restoring them to the possession of rights they
never can enjoy here, but that it would be a probable means, in
the end, of carrying to Africa all the blessing of our holy religion,
and all the benefits of our civilization and freedom. What Christian is there who does not feel a deep interest in sending forth
missionaries to convert the dark heathen, and bring them within
the pale of Christianity? But what missionaries can be so potent
as those it is our purpose to transport to the shores of Africa?
Africans themselves by birth, or sharing at least African blood,
will not all their feelings, all their best affections, induce them to
seek the good of their countrymen? At this moment there are
between four and five thousand colonists who have been sent to
Africa under the care of this Society; and I will venture to say
that they will accomplish as missionaries of the Christian religion
more to disseminate its blessings than all the rest of the missionaries
throughout the globe.  Why, gentlemen, what have we heard?
In the colony of Liberia there are now twenty-five places of pub lic worship dedicated to the service of Almighty God, and to the
glory of the Saviour of men; while thousands of the neighboring
heathens are flocking into the colony to obtain a knowledge of the
arts, and who may ultimately receive the better knowledge which
Christianity alone can bestow. 
These are the great purposes we had in view when a few of us
met to form this Society.  As soon as a purchase of territory had
been effected by the agent we dispatched to Africa for that pur pose, the first colonists, about twenty-five years since, left the
American shores, and were safely transplanted to the land of their
ancestors.
I know it was then urged, as it has been since, that other places
might have been selected with equal advantage. I do not con cur in that opinion.  Look at the expense alone.  It has been
stated in your report that the sum of fifty dollars is sufficient to
cover the expense of transporting one emigrant to Liberia, and of
maintaining him there for six months after his arrival. To what
other position in the known world could he be sent at so cheap a
rate? Not to the Pacific; not to Oregon; not to Mexico. Then
consider the advantages of this position in point of navigation:
remember the shortness of the voyage. When these things are
duly considered, it must be evident that to no other spot on the
face of the globe could the free coloredpeople be sent with 80 much
propriety as to the coast of dafrica. Besides, in any other place
that might be selected, you would deprive yourselves of accomplishing those high moral and religious objects which, in Africa,
may be so confidently hoped for.
But, again, it has been said that the object of carrying all the
free colored race from this country to Africa is one which the
Government itself, with all its means, could not effect.  Now, on
that point, let me state a fact by way of reply. If I am not mistaken, the immigration from abroad into the port of New York
alone, in the course of the last year, was fully equal to the annual
increase of the free colored population of the Union, and yet all
that was done voluntarily, and in most cases without any, or with
very little aid. The fact rests on the great motive which, to a
greater or less extent, governs all human action.   Why is it that
the Germans and the Irish have thus flocked to our shores in numbers to meet the annual increase of our free colored people not
only, but, as I believe, that of the slave population also?  They
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come in obedience to one of the great laws of our nature; they
have come under that efficient motive which propels men to all
enterprises- the desire to better their condition. A like motive
will sway the free blacks when enlightened as to the real facts of
the case. If they reach the shores of Africa, whether by their
own means, or by the aid and agency of others, their position will
be physically, morally, and politically better than by any possibility it ever can be here.  It is not our office to attempt impracticabilities; to amalgamate two races which God himself, by a
difference of color, besides other inherent distinctions, has declared
must be separate, and remain separate, from each other. And if
such be of necessity their condition here, to send them to Africa,
not by coercion, but with their own free consent, is surely the
best practicable mode of doing them good. And here I would say
to those in both extremes of opinion and of feeling on the subject
of slavery-I would say to all men-why  should the free people
of color of these United States not have the option of removing
to Africa, or remaining where they are, just as they themselves
shall choose? That is all we attempt. We wish to describe to
him the country, to facilitate his emigration to it, and then leave
him to his free choice. And if after this he chooses to go, why
interpose any obstacle in his way? In reply, it is said to be an
act of cruelty to send him there. The climate is represented as
inhospitable; he will be exposed to inevitable sickness, and will
probably soon find a grave on that distant shore. To send a colored man out of the United States to a country like that is held
up as an act of the greatest inhumanity. But, happily, our records
bear the most grateful testimony to the reverse of all this.  Let
us for a moment compare the mortality of Liberia with that of the
colonies planted on our own shores. Within the first seventeen
years from the settlement of Jamestown, in Virginia, nine thousand
colonists arrived, ~150,000 sterling were expended in transporting
them from England, yet at the end of that period but about
two thousand of them remained alive. All the rest had fallen 
64
victims either to the climate, or to the tomahawk of the savage,
or had perished from other causes. Then look at Plymouth.
History records that in less than six months after the arrival of
the Mayflower, full half of all who landed had been destroyed by
disease, want, and suffering. Now, compare with these efforts at
British colonization the results of our settlement at Liberia.  In
twenty-five years, since the first emigrants landed from the United
States, the deaths amounted to but twenty per cent. of the entire
number, being far less than died at Plymouth in six months; far
less than at Jamestown in seventeen years. The deaths at James town were in seventeen years more than four times as numerous,
in proportion, as at Liberia in twenty-five years. There is then
nothing in the climate to discourage us, nothing in the alleged
dreadful mortality of the colony to frighten us.
But it is said we have done very little. All the great enter prises of man have had small beginnings. The founders of Rome,
if we may believe the tale of tradition, were suckled by a wolf.
Jamestown and Plymouth both languished for years after the
period to which I have already referred. Yet now, what land is
there on the broad surface of the habitable globe, what sea spreads
out its waste of waters, that has not been penetrated and traversed
by the enterprise, the skill, and the courage of our New England
brethren? And on what battle-field, in what council chamber, can
a single spot in our vast country be found where the Virginian
character has not displayed itself in its gallantry or its deliberative
wisdom? I repeat it; all the greatest enterprises of man have had
small beginnings. Our colony is but twenty-five years old; it
has received already between four and five thousand colored emi rants, besides hundreds more of recaptured Africans; all of which
have been sent there by order of this Government. Immense
numbers of the natives are crowding into the colony to obtain the
benefits of education, of civilization, and of Christianity. In addition to all these, there are many thousands more in the United States
now seeking the advantages of colonization through the means
4
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65
held out by this Society. As far then as we have gone, GOOD IS
DONE.
Is it not better that those four or five thousand emigrants should
be ther(, than that they should have remained here?  Is it not
better for themselves, is it not better for us?  Every year the
progress of our colony becomes more and more cheering; and,
with every firee African sent over to it, those prospects brighten,
and so much [nore of good is done.  True, we have done all we
desire to do.   Glad should we be should every free colored
man throughout all the States go there, and become free indeed.
But it requires time to accomlplish great national affairs.  The
creation ot'f a nation is not the work of a day or of a century.   For
two or thiee ceuti,ries the en!,liyo nation of the Israelites remained
captives in E;gypt.  But whn this G(,vernlment, or the Stale gove,nments, shaill le,,d the ent rlirise their powerful aid, its progress
will riot be so slow.   And when the colony shall have made  further advances, it w 11 be self-sustaiiied and increased by its own
commerce a[ld maritne.  I speak not, of course, of any unconstitutional aid.  Inciderta!l aid, at least, mqy be given it in strict
accordance with the Constitution.  On this subject the legislature
of Marylind has set us a noble example.   She cherishes her infant colony with the utmost solicitude and care.  When other
States of the Union shall do the same, the cause of colonization
will experience a vast acceleration.
During, now, a period of twenty-five years, without power,
without revenue, without aid, save the voluntary contributions of
the charitable and humane, has this Society continued its labors.
During that pe iod it has carried on a defensive  war.  It Las
made treaties.  It has purchased territory, and that to a large extent; owning, now, some three hundred and twenty miles along
the western co,ast of Africa, throughout the whole of which extent
(w.ih one dark exception) the slave trade has been suppressed.
And in this contiexion I may be permitted to remark, that if the
Governments of Europe and of the United States, who have united
their efforts for the suppression of the slave trade, would consent to
5 
66
lend but a small portion of the navies tWey now, at so great a cost,
maintain off the.frican coast infurtherance of that design, to the
great object of colonization, they would prove much more successful than they have hitherto found themselves in putting an end to
that detested traffic. I believe that no other means will ever prove
so operative and effectual to that end as the covering the entire
coast of that quarter of the globe with colonies of free colored men..
Then would all be united, by sympathy for their outraged country-.
men, in heartily advancing a design which commends itself to
every feeling of the black man's heart.
And now, in conclusion, I should fail of expressing the feelings
which are rising in my bosom, did I not congratulate you, gentlemen of the Society, on the eminett success which has already
crowned your benevolent labors. A new republic has sprung into
existence under your auspices. Yes; a free, representative, constitutional republic, formed on the model of our own beloved institutions. A republic, founded by black men, reared by black
men, put into operation by the blacks, and which holds out to our
hope the brightest prospects. Whether we look at what has already been done, or lift our eyes to the future and cast them down
the long vista of coming time-when we may anticipate, as we are
warranted to do, the dissemination over a large part, if not the
whole, of Africa, of our own free government, our love of liberty,
our knowledge of Christianity, our arts, and civilization, and domestic happiness-when we behold those blessings realized on that
continent, which I trust in God we are long, long destined to enjoy on this, and think how the hearts of posterity will be gladdened by such a spectacle-how ought our own to exult in hope and
to swell with gratitude?
Go on, then, gentlemen; go on in your noble cause. For myself, I shall soon leave you and this stage of human action forever.
I may never occupy this chair again; but I trust that the spirit
which originated and which has sustained this Society will long
survive me, and that you may long continue, now that our African republic is at length born, to discharge the offices of guardian 
67
ship, and aid, and co-operation, and ever give to the interests of
African freedom, civiliz e.,, and social happiness, your best energies and most fervent prayers.  From this auspicious hour, even
to the end of time, or until,he great object of the amicable separation of the two races shall have been fully effected, may others
spring up to take your places, and to tread ill your steps. And,
finally, invoking on this great and good cause the blessing of that
God without whom nothing is strong, nothing is holy, and whose
smiles, I believe, have hitherto been extended to it, I bid you a
cordial farewell."
Resolutions del;vered and proposed by Hon. R. W. Thompson, Hon.
R. J. Wa(lker, Hon. Josenh R. Ingersoll, Hon. R. M. JlcLane,
Hugh JkIaxwell, esq., and others.
i At the 32d annual meeting of the American Colonization Society, held at Washington, January 16, 1849, the Hon. R. W.
Thompson, of Indiana, offered the following resolution, which was
adopted:
"Resolved, That the history of the past year, as developed in
the report which has just been read, has strengthened our confidence in the great principles of the Colonization Society, and that
in their purity and strength we see satisfactory evidence of their
ultimate triumph.' "
The Hon. ROBERT J. WALKER, Secretary of the Treasury, with
some appropriate remarks, introduced the following resolution:
"Resolved, That in founding a new republican empire on the
shores of Africa, introducing there civilization and Christianity;
in banishing the slave trade from a large portion of its western
coast, and accelerating its expulsion from that whole continent;
in opening commerce and intercourse with the savage tribes of
the interior, soon to be followed, by a rapid advancement in their
condition; in laying the foundation of a system destined to facilitate the ultimate separation of the two races of Ham and Japhet
. 
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in this Confederacy, by universal consent, for the advantage of
both, and the gradual and peaceful restoration of the former to the
land of their forefathers, regenerated by the light of Christianity,
and trained in the principles of our free institutions: and especially
in fixing a basis upon which the friends of religion and humanity,
of freedom, of the Constitution, and of the Union, can every where,
in every State, north and south, east and west, unite their efforts
for the advancement of the happiness of both races, and at the
same time accomplish the glorious  purpose of preserving the
harmony and perpetuating the union of the States; the American
Colonization Society, embracing the whole country and all its
parts, has established a claim upon the efficient aid and zealous
co-operation of every lover of his country and of mankind.' 
The Hon. J. R. INGERSOLL, of Pennsylvania, seconded the
resolution, and addressed the meeting thereupon, after which it
was adopted.
The  Hon.  ROBERT M. McLANE,  of Maryland,  offered the
folioring preamble and resoluti(,ns, which were adopted:
"Whereas the institution of domestic slavery in the United
States exists as the creature of local municipal law, so recognised
and respected in the Federal Constitution: Therefore'Resolved, That in all action affecting this institution in its social or politicAl aspect, the American citizen and  -tatesman who
reveres the Federal Union, has imposed upon him the most solemn
obligations to respect in spirit and letter the authority of such local
and municipal sovereignties, and to resist all aggressive influences
which tend to disturb the peace and tranquility of the States, that
may have created or sanctioned this institution.
"Resolved, further, That the efforts of the American Colonization Society to facilitate the ultimate emancipation and restoration
of the black race to social and national independence are highly
honorable and judicious, and consistent with a strict respect for
the rights and privileges of the citizens of the several States wherein the institution of slavery is sanctioned by municipal law.' 
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HUGH MAXWELL, esq., of New York, was called upon, and
having made an address, offered the following resolution, which
was adopted:
"Resolved, That the influence which the scheme of African colonization exerts to suppress the slave trade, to spread the English
language and the principles of republican government, and'to open
new markets for American products, and extend American
commerce, should co Trmend it to the favorable consideration of
the respective State Legislatures and of the General Government."
Opinion of the Hon. Daniel Webster on colonizition at the expense
of t.Ie General Government.
The Hon. DANIEL WEBSTER, in his great speech in the Urited
States Senate, 7th of March, 1850, spoke as follows:
" I have one other remark to make. In my obseivations upon
slavery as it has existed in the country, and as it now exists, I
have expressed no opinion of the mode of its extinguishment or
melioration.  I will say, however, though I have nothing to propose on that subject, because I do not deem myself so competent
as other gentlemen to consider it, that if any gentleman from the.
South shall propose a scheme of colonization to be carried on bythis Government upon a large scale, for the transportation of free.
colored people to any colony or any place in the worldl, I should
be quite disposed to incur almost any degree of expense to accomplish that object. Nay, sir, following an example set here more
than twenty years ago by a great man, then a Senator from New
York, I would return to Virginia, and through her bfor the benefit
of the whole South, the money received from lands and territories
ceded by her to this Government, for any such purpose as to relieve, in whole or in part, or in any way to dimil ish or deal beneficially with, the free colored population of the Southern States.
I have said tlhat I honor Virginia for her cession of this territory.
There have been received into the Treasury of the United States
eig,hty millions of dollars, the proceeds of the sales of the publiclands
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ceded by her. If the residue should be sold at the same rate, the
whole aggregate will exceed two hundred millions of dollars.  If
Virginia and the South see fit to adopt any proposition to relieve
themselves from the free people of color among them, they have
my free consent that the Government shall pay them aniy sum of
money out of its proceeds, which may be adequate to the purpose. I
Extracts from a letter from Commodore STOCKTON to Hon. Daniel
Webster, dated.I(irch 25th, 1850.
"Yonder is Africa, with her one hundred and fifty millions of
miserable, degraded, ignorant, lawless, superstitious idolaters.
Whoever has stood upon her sands, has stood upon a continent
that has geographical and physical peculiarities which belong to
no other of the great divisions of the globe.   The latter appear,
upon the face of them, to have been adapted to draw out the energies of the natives in their inequalities of temperiature, soil, and
surface, inviting the ingenuity and enterprise of man to overcome
them, and in the varieties of their products tempting the interchanges of commerce; thus affarding  iu,ple encoura,gement to the
progress of civil and social improvement.   But Afiica is still, as
of old, a land of silence and of mystery. Like the interminable
dreariness of her own deserts, her m(ral wa. res of mind lie waiting for the approach of influences from a'roai d.  No  savage people have ever advanced to a civilized state without intercommunication with others. All the continents of the world have, in
-their turn, been occupied and civilized by means of colonies; but
in no one of them did it appear so inevitably necessary, fi'oni a
previous examination of circumstances, as in that of Africa. It is
plain to the very eye, that Africa is a land to which civilization
must be brought. The attempt has been made over and over
again by devoted missionaries and others to penetrate that land,
and seek to impart the blessings of civilization and Christianity to
her savage hordes.  But the labor has been spent in vain.  The
white man cannot live in Africa. The annals of the Moravians,
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of Cape Colony, of Sierra Leone, of Liberia, contain the records
of the sacrifice of some of the best men that have lived to grace
the pages of any people's history, in the vain attempt to accomplish something for her redemption through the instrumentality of
white men.   Who, then, is to do this work?
Let now any calm, reflecting spectator of the present state of
the world be asked to look at Africa, and then, from among the
nations, point ouit the people best calculated to do this work-and
when his eye falls upon the descendants of the sons of that continent now in America, will he not say, These are the people appointed
for that work?
Let us not be impatient or presumptuous. These African people are passing to their destiny along the same path which has
been trod by other nations, through a mixture of hardship, of endurance; but in a land of light, and amid a civilized society.
They are preparing to accomplish a work for their native continent, which no other people in the world can accomplish. Their
plain mission is, ultimately to catrry the gifts of society, of religion,
of government, to the last remaining continent of the earth, where
there blessings are totally unknown.  Their work is a great one,
as it would seem to be connected essentially with the final and
universal t;iumph of civilization and Christianity in the world."
Extract from a letter from the Hon. EDWARD EVERETT to the
H,n. Simon Greenleaf, President of the Society, dated Cam  bridge, 28th May, 1849.
"I have for many years felt an interest in the subject of African colonization. In the winter of 1831, the Legislature of Massachusetts passed a resolution, requesting the Senators and Representatives of the Commonwealth in Congress to lend their
efforts in support of the American Colonization Society.   I was
led at that time to investigate thie subject with some care, and I
came to the conclusion that the work which tihe Society had undertaken was of the highest interest and iporaance, second to
no one of the enterprises undertaken by the philanthropy of the 
72
age. The views entertained by me at that time are set forth in
a speech before the Society, in the Hall of the House of Representatives at Washington, made on the 16th of January, 1832.
"' These impressions were renewed and strengt hliened a few years
since, when it became my duty, in another capacity, to maintain
the rights and interests of the colony of Liberia, in my official
correspondence with the B,itish Governmente at L,ndon.
" Since that time, the recognition of' the politi al independence
of Liberia, by the leading European powers, is an event well calculated to lead thoughtful persons to contemplate, with new
interest, what seems to me one of the most important occurrences
of the age-the appearance of a new Republic'oni the shores of
Africa, composed of citizens who by birth aie (the, greater part
cf them) our own countrymen; but who will carry tt) the home
of their ancestors means and facilities for promoting the c(ivilization and Christianization of that continent, which Providence has
confided to them, and to them atone.
"It is unfortunate, for the cause of colonization, that it has
been considered mainly in direct connexion with the condition of
the descendants of Africa in this country.  But great as this
object is, it seems to me subordinate to a direct operation upon
Africa itself; the regeneration of which, I cannot but think, is
the path appointed by Providence for the elevation of the descendants of Africa throughout the world.   1 am led to the opinion, from all the inquiry I have been able to make, that the difficulty
of effecting the regeneration of Africa is exaggerated; that a large
part of her population is susceptible of the hbghest forms of civi,
lization; that the arts of life, as we understand them, already
exist in many parts of the continent to a much gre-ater extent
than is commonly supposed; that the interior slave trade is the
great obstacle which prevents its speedily taking a high place in
the family of nations;  and that nothing would  so effectually
remove this cause of demoralization and barbarity as the intro
duction of Christianity, and with it the languages, improved arts,
and commerce of Europe and America.
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"These effects have immediately begun to show themselves,
wherever the African coast has been colonized from countries
disposed in good faith to abolish the slave trade; and I confess I
see no other mode for effecting the object."
MONROVIA, (LIBERIA,) JSfay 17, 1850.
DEAR SIR: I have just returned from the windward coast, and
find here the U. S. bri, Bainbridge, on the eve of sailing for the
Uaited States, via Porto Praya.  Capt. Slauighter has been kind
enough to allow me an hour to send a letter or two by him. I
therefore avail myself of the opportunity to send you a hasty note,
to say that we have at length succeeded in securing the famed
territory of Gallifias to this Government, including all the territories between Cape Mount and Shebar, excepting a small slip of
about five miles of coast in the Kellou country, which will also
soon fall into our hands.
For these tracts we have incurred a large debt, and we'confidently look to you to aid us in meeting these liabilities at maturity.
Had I not deemed it absolutely important to secure the Gallinas,
to prevent the revival of the slave trade there, I would not have
paid the price demanded. The purchase of Gallinas and the
neighboring tracts will cost us about $9,500.
The chiefs were aware of the object of the purchase, and urged
strenuously the sacrifice, as they consider it, they must make in
abandoruing forever the slave trade, and demanded a large sum as
an equivalent.  In addition to the amount stated above, we have
obligated ourselves to appoint commissioners immediately to settle the wars in the country, and open the trade in camwood, ivory,
and palm oil with the interior tribes; and also settle among them,
as soon as convenient, persons capable of instructing them in
the arts of husbandry.   This will also cost us a considerable sum,
which will no doubt be returned in the end by the advantages the
trade w ill give. Still the present outlay will be, I fear, more than
equal to our ability.
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The schooner "David C. Foster" has arrived safely, and the
emigrants, as far as I have learned, were landed in good health.
We have no further news worth communicating.
Yours, in haste,
J. J. ROBERTS.
Rev. W. MCLAIN, Washington.
NOTE.-This purchase makes the coast of Liberia 700 miles in
length, along the whole course of which the Slave trade was formerly carried on to a great extent.
Extracts from the leading article in the african Repository and
Colonial Journal for Mlty, 1850, (the official org,n of the  Colonization Society,) on the establishment of the proposed line of
Steamer?s.
The Colonization Society undertook to found a colony, to
which the colored people might find it advantageous to emigrate.
This has already been done.  The work has been slow in its progress, as it were piling one stone upon other, till now the foundation is laid deep antid wide. The Republic is sufficiently well
established to recei- - a large number of emigraits yearly: there
is room enough for them, and every thing invites them there, aind
these four steamers afford the facilities for their reaching there.
It now only remain fer ton United States Gov( rnment to adopt,
fo.ter, and encoorag- this -'-crk, and it will be done.
The great ends to be e,tablished present considerations of
sufficient importance to induce the Government to comply with
the prayer of the memorial.  When  these steamers are started
the United States squadron on that coast may be withdrawn.  It
now costs upwards of $384,500 to maintain that squadion a
year.  These four steamers, and the emigrants carried out by
them, will annually accomplish a thousand fold more for the suppression of the slave trade, than the squadron ever has or ever
can accomplish! There cannot be a doubt of this. Does the
United States Government desire the suppression of the slave
trade? Undoubtedly. Here then is the way in which it may
be done.
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We may ask another question. Is it desirable that American
commerce should be extended? Undoubtedly. Here then is a
way in which it may be done. The 150,000,000 inhabitants of
Afiica, now all naked, must be clothed, and will be as civilization
advances among them. They must have the means and appliances
of agriculture and the mechanic arts.  And in return for all these,
they have all the rich and varied productions of tropical climates!
How shall this work be accomplished? How shall Africa be civilized? How,shall a market be opened there for all the articles
manufactured in the United States, and for the surplus productions of our soil? How shall the inexhaustible treasures of that
immense continent be brought to supply our wants, and increase
our wealth and our glory?
By  Colonization-by  carrying out the plans and measures
which the Society has adopted and been struggling to achieve.
Already more than 80,000 of the natives have put themselves under the laws of Liber'a, and are ris,ing in the scale of humanity.
Already there is a large demand for the productions of this
country.
When the transported population of Liberia shall be 50,000 or
200,0O', l   a will present a market for our surplus manufactures,
and bread  ti,ffs, of imnmense value.  A line of settlements on the
coast will commrrand the commerce of the interior.  If that power
is held by men sent from this country by a large and liberal policy, nurtured and grown up uinder our institutions, and by our
fostering care and aid, in establishing themselves in Liberia, they
will ever be inclined to trade with this country, and thus open to
our merchants those wide fields of wealth! The amount asked
by the Company from the Government for carrying the mails,
would not affect injuriously one  single interest of the country, and
it would be more than repaid with interest by the advantages of
the commerce to be secured thereby.
The advantages whiuh would be enjoyed by the people of the
United States as the result of the removal of the free coasted
people, and the separation of the races, would be immnense. The
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blessings to them would be incalculable.  They dwell among us,
but they are not of us.  They do not enjoy,  anid the prospect irs
they neter can enjoy here, true liberty I We provide for them a
means of escape from these depl)reing circum:tances,  and place
them in a situation were nothing, can prevent them from rising to
the highe.t elevation of which they are capable.
Under these circumstances, what i's the duty of the Government to do? To sit.till and lose the golden opportunity? No,
this is not, this cannot be, the wis, st policy! Motives of honor,
of benevolence, of justice, of patriotism, demand a different
policy.
Let it be remembered that the legislation of our country touching the extinction of the slave trade, confeired upon her a glory
as imperishable as the Coa,-titutio(n her,elf.  A just regaid to our
national character calls for a persev rance in that I)olicy, until its
wisdom aid b, ni,nity shall be vindicated in the full accomplishment of its ends; the giving to Africa civilization and the arts,
and a lawful commerce!
Extracts fiom the July No. of the Jf'ican Repository.
In all parts of the country we perceive that the friends of
Liberia look upon this four-st, amships scheme as fraught with
immense promise. The public seiitimrnent of the country is decidedly in favor of colonization, and of national and State appropriations for carr ing it on.
We think there are indications that the State Legislatures
will render assistance to an almost unlimited extent.  When it is
made manifest that colonization can an 1 will be prosecuted on a
scale of grandeur and magnificence equal to its merits, the whole
country will unite in favor and liberality.
We have thle control of the number of emigrants who may be
sent in these steamships.   We are not bound to,end any specific
number.   They are bound to take as many as we want to send.
But we shall take good care not to send more than the Republic
tan safely receive; nor more than we have the means of paying
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tne passage of, and comfortably settling in Liberia? This is our
safe-guard.
Let it be remembered, that it will be some two or three years
before the steanlship)s will be ready for operation.   Ttis will give
time foar consideration, for preparation, and for gathering up the
resources for a grand demon-tratiotn of what can be done.   The
work is worthy of a nation's energy! why may we not hope that
it will receive it?
Does any one say, "the time has not yet come?"  Are you
sure of it?  Is not this the day of great things?  How rapid has
been the march of improvement during the last few years! Who
can predict what i. next to comie?'s it not a fact that the Government of Liberia is now firmly e-tabli.hed?  Do they not  ant
more citizens of education an(l iniflxence? Are there not thousands of acres of the richest land there, waiting for cultivation?
Have me not all been for years lookiig to the time when the work
of colonization should be carried on with means and resources
adequate to the greatness, of the work?  How much longer, then,
shall we wait before we make the attempt to sumrmon these
means, and enter on these etilarge,d operations? Has not the
time fully come?  We are per uaded it has.
At the annual meeting of the American Colonization Society,
on January 16th, 1.50, the Hon. H  N[zy ('LAY was elected President of the Society, and the following gentlemen were elected
Vice Presidents:
1. General John H. Cocke, of Virginia.
2. Ddniet Webster, of Massachu etts.
3. Clarles F. Mercer, of Florida.
4. Rev Jeremiah Day, D D., of Connecticut.
5. Theodore Freliighitiysen, of New York.
6. Lo(iuis McLane, of Baltimore.
7. Moses Allen, of New Yoik.
8. General W. Jones, of Washington.
9. Joseph Gales, of Washington.
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10. Right Rev. Wm. Meade, D. D., Bishop of Virginia.
11. John McDonogh, of Louisiana.
12. Rev. lames O. Aridrews, Bi.,hop of the M. E. Church
13. William Maxwell, of Virginia.
14. Elisha Whittlesey, of Ohio.
15. Walter Lowrie, of New York.
16. Jacob Burnet, of Ohio.
17  Dr. Stephen Duncan, of Mississippi.
18. William C. Rives, of Virginia.
19. Rev. J. Laurie, D. D., of Washington.
20. Rev. Wm   Winans, of Mississippi.
21. James Boorman, of New York.
22. Henry A. Foster, of New York.
23. Dr. John Ker, of Mississippi.
24. Robert Campbell, of Georgia.
25. Peter D. Vroom, of New Jersey.
26. James Garland, of Virginia.
27. Right Hon. Lord Bexley, of London.
28. Willard Hall, of Delaware.
29. Right Rev. Bishop Otey, of Tennessee.
30. Gerard Ralston, of London.
31. Rev. Courtland Van Rensselaer, of New Jersey.
32. Dr. Eodgkin, of London.
33. Rev. E. Burgess, D. D., of Massachusetts.
34. Thos. R. Hazard, of Rhode Island.
35. Dr. Thomas Massie, of Virginia.
36. Major General Winfield Scott, of Washington.
37. Rev. A. Alexander, D. D., of New Jersey.
38. L. Q. C. Elmer, of New Je-sey.
39. James Railey, of Mississippi.
40. Rev. Geo. W. Bethune, D. D., of Philadelphia.
41. Rev. C. C. Cuyler, D. D., of Philadelphia.
42. Elliot Cresson, of Philadelphia.
43. Anson G. Phelps, of New York.
44. Rev. Leonard Woods, D. D., of Massachusetts.
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Jonathan Hide, of Maine.
Rev. Beverly Waugh, Bishop M. E. Church, Baltimore.
Rev. Dr. W. B. Johnson, of South Cajolina.
Moses Sheppard, Baltimore.
Bi-hop Mcllvain, of Ohio.
Rev. Dr. Edgar, Nashville, Tennessee.
Rev. P. Lindsley, D. D., of Tennessee.
Hon. J. R. Underwood, of Kentucky.
Rev. J. J. Janeway, D. D., of New Jersey.
H. L. Lumpkin, Esq., Athens, Georgia.
James Lenox, of New York.
Bishop Soule, D. D., of Tennessee.
Professor T. C. Upham, of Maine.
Hon. Thomas Corwin, of Ohio.
Hon. Thos. W. Williams, of Connecticut.
Hon. Simon Greenleaf, of Massachusetts.
Rev. John Early, D. D., of Virginia.
Rev. Lovick Pierce, of Georgia.
Hon. R. J. Walker, of Mississippi.
Samuel Gurney, England.
Charles McMicken, Esq., Cincinnati, Ohio.
John Bell, M. D. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
(
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