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PLATO'S BIOGRAPHY OF SOCRATES
BY A. E. TAYLOR
FELLOW OF THE ACADEMY
Read March 28, 1917
THE paper which I have the honour of laying before my colleagues
of the Academy to-day is of the nature of a simple experiment, an
experiment which can make no claim to represent the results of
extraordinary research or profound speculation, but is, all the same,
in my own opinion well worth the making. Its immediate interest is,
no doubt, for the special student of the history of philosophic thought,
but it should also prove in some degree attractive to every one who
has a genuine interest in great literature, inasmuch as it aims at
throwing some light on the literary methods of a great philosopher
who was at the same time one of the world's greatest literary and
dramatic artists. The question of the relation of the Socrates who
figures as the protagonist in all the most widely known of Plato's
prose dramas to the Socrates who was a prominent figure in the
Athens of the last half of the fifth century B.C., is, of course, absolutely critical for the historian of Hellenic thought on the fundamental issues of science, ethics, and religion. It is also a question of
interest to the student of the history of literary forms. Even if we
are indifferent to the whole history of the actual development of
scientific thought, we can hardly as students of literature be equally
indifferent to the general problem suggested by the sudden appearance in the early years of the fourth century of a wholly new type of
prose composition, the 'o0KpaTrlKoA Xoyos or ' discourse of Socrates '.
About the fact of the emergence of this type of composition just at
this particular date there can be no conceivable doubt. Aristotle
comments on the fact that the 'Socratic discourse' is a distinct
literary form, in the Poetics 1447 b 2, where he associates it with the
versified ' mimes' of Sophron and Xenarchus and complains that the
Greek language possesses no generic name for the type, inasmuch as
the word 'mime' implies the use of verse, and is thus only appropriate to one species of a form for which prose is, as a matter of fact,
as suitable a medium as verse. What Aristotle took to be the distinctive characteristics of this literary form is clear from the two
remarks he makes about it. In the first place the recognition of the
community of form between the ' mime' and the ' Socratic discourse'
implies that, in Aristotle's opinion, the 'Socratic discourse' is distinguished by its ' realism'. For, as we know from the ancient notices
of the 'mimes' and can see for ourselves from Theocritus' brilliant
VIii                        A




2   PROCEEDINGS OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY


imitation of a 'mime' in his fifteenth Idyll, and again from the imitation of Herondas, it was just by their ' realism' that they were dist i nguished from other and earlier kinds of dramatic composition. It
i' s to the same purpose, as I take it, that Aristotle observes in his
Rhetoric 1417 a 19 that ' mathematical discourses'- presumably he is
thinking of such dialogues as that he quotes elsewhere, in which Zeno
and Protagoras figured as discussing the difficulties about the infinitesimal-do not exhibit '0r/7,' characters ', because they reveal nothing
of the rrpoatpEo-tr, the walk and conduct of the personages, whereas
' Socratic discourses' do exhibit 7j07 ' because it is about such matters
that the personages speak'. What this means is made clear by a
comparison with the passages of the Poetics in which Aristotle
explains rather more fully what he understands by adOos, ' characterization', and why, important as it is to the dramatist, it is less important than ' plot'. To the intending composer of a successful tragedy,
the plot or story must be the first consideration, because the primary
object of tragedy is to represent an action of a certain kind; it only
represents the persons who do the act or have it done to them because
it cannot represent the act in any other way, or, as he also puts it,
tragedy is not the representation of a man but' of action and life,
happiness and misery' (1450 a 16 if.; 1450 b 1 if.). Or, as we should
perhaps prefer to phrase it, tragedy is concerned directly with the
tragic situationt; with the personages who appear in that situation as
doing or suffering its concern is secondary. It has to do with them
only in so far as their being the sort of persons they are is an indispensable factor in bringing about the tragic situation or determining
its issue. Thus it shows us persons acting and by their action contributing to the kind of situation we call tragic. What kind of personality they have should be shown only by what they do. But a
man's g0os is not fully disclosed b     y the way i wwhich he bears himself in some specially tragic situation. To understand it you require
to know not only his acts but his 7rpoacpeo-ts,-his settled habit of
will,-in a word, his personality, and this is why rO0os is only
exhibited by 'discourses' in which it is made clear ' what some one
chooses or declines'.' Thus the Gorgias or Republic, from this point
of view, would be first and foremost a portraiture of 7'iO. Socrates,
Gorgias, Callicles, Thrasymachus are not exhibited to us by Plato as
contributors to some high tragic situation, but as engaged in quiet
and peaceful conversation, but from the course of the conversation it
is made clear what sort of things each of them would choose or
1 We might illustrate the point by considering how a modern novelist would
be likely to depict such a character as Hamlet.




PLATO'S BIOGRAPHY OF SOCRATES


8


decline, how each might be expected to bear himself towards the
issues between which life forces us all to choose. We do not see the
personages 'in act', but from their talk we gather what manner of
man (rroi6os T ) each of them is. If we put the two observations of
Aristotle together we may fairly gather that in his view the ScoKpaT71KCOr 6yos —and he seems always to mean by the words just those
specimens of the type which dwarfed all others by their superior
merit, the dialogues of Plato-is first and foremost a highly realistic
representation of character or personality. It is just in the fullness
with which it reproduces or ' imitates' a character that it differs from
drama proper, in which characterization is only valuable so far as it
is inseparable from the adequate presentation of the tragic situation.
And it is important to remember, what we sometimes forget, that
the ' characters' depicted in the ' Socratic discourse' are almost without exception notable personages of the actual history of the halfcentury from 450 to 400, so that when Aristotle insists upon the importance of making a ' character' o"/otov or 'like', he must be taken to
mean in the case of a figure in a ' Socratic discourse', not merely that
it shall be true to human nature, or consistent with itself (ut sibi
constet as Horace says), but that it shall be like its original, faithful
to the broad historical truth about the named and known man after
whom it is called, just as we should reasonably expect a novelist who
introduced Napoleon or Abraham Lincoln by name into one of his
works to make the figure not merely possible and self-consistent but
true to actual fact, and regard it as a defect in Thackeray that the
James III of Esmond, though natural enough, is wholly false to history.
We may reasonably infer, then, that Aristotle regarded the Platonic
account of Socrates as in all essentials a true and trustworthy representation of a great historical figure, just as we may infer from his
exclusive use of Plato as a source of information about the teaching
of Socrates that he looked on the dialogues as a faithful account of
the philosophical tenets of Socrates. In modern times, as we all
know, it has been the fashion to reject both these positions and to
hold that Plato not only fathered on Socrates a set of doctrines of
which he knew himself to be the author, but even provided him with
a largely fictitious biography, and invented an unreal personality for
him.   According to some theorists, things which Plato relates of
Socrates, such as e.g. the impression made on him in early life by the
work of Anaxagoras, really belong to the life and character of nobody
but represent the typical development of the philosophical character;
according to others the central figure of the dialogues is a mere
convenient 'mask' under which Plato conceals at pleasure himself,
A 2




4   PROCEEDINGS OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY


Antisthenes, unnamed disciples or opponents,-in a word any and every
one but the person whose name is on the label attached to the 'mask'.
When we set ourselves to answer the question which party is right in
this dispute, Aristotle and the mass of ancient readers or the moderns
of the last century, we shall find, as Socrates found about a different
question in the Republic, that a full and final decision requires us to
take a long and circuitous path on which every one can hardly be
expected to have the leisure or the special vocation to follow. But,there is also a 'short cut' which may lead to a probable conclusion,
and it is by this shorter road that I propose to proceed to-day.
Without troubling ourselves with wearisome researches into the
history of Greek philosophic ideas and terminology, we may put the
issue to ourselves briefly thus. Does the Platonic picture of Socrates,
if we study it as a whole, leave the impression of being the delineation of a 'type', or the result of superposing several portraits of
different men upon one another, or has it the character we should
expect in the lifelike dramatic reproduction of a highly complex and
individual personality? Are we really dealing with a genre-study, in
the style of Menander and the later comedy, or, as Aristotle seems to
have taken for granted, with a highly realistic portrait of an individual? The attempt to piece together the biographical statements
made in the different Platonic dialogues into a continuous narrative
ought at least to leave us in a position to give a probable answer in
the one sense or the other. Incidentally also, it may serve to show
how much of what is universally retained by the moderns as fact
about Socrates has no contemporary authority for it but that of
Plato, and ought therefore in strictness to be rejected as of doubtful
authenticity if we are sincere with the belief that the so-called
' Socrates of history' and the 'Platonic' Socrates are two and not one.
Before I proceed to the detailed execution of the task I have set
before me, there are perhaps two preliminary points on which a word
or two may not unprofitably be said. We may, for one thing, ask
what facts may fairly be taken as certainly known about Socrates on
authority independent of the assertions of Plato or any other of the
'Socratic men'. Under this head we may reckon, of course, any
information derived from really ancient inscriptions, together with
all that is fairly inferable from the caricatures of the Old Comedy,
which go back to dates when those Socratic men whose writings have
been preserved to us were boys or infants. Well-authenticated traditions of the late fourth century, derived from writers like Demetrius
of Phalerum and even Aristoxenus are similarly valuable when they
deal with matters not mentioned by the Socratic men, provided that




PLATO'S BIOGRAPHY OF SOCRATES


5


we are careful to distinguish in the case of biased witnesses, like
Aristoxenus, between the facts to which they testify and the interpretations they put upon them. A brief survey of the information still
derivable from these sources will show what our knowledge of
Socrates would amount to, if we set aside as possibly untrustworthy
what we are told on the authority of the two Socratics whose writings
have come down to us, or of later writers like Aristotle who appear
merely to repeat the Academic traditions.
From inscriptional sources we learn just one fact, which would in
any case be certain on the testimony of so good a chronologist as
Demetrius of Phalerum. The Marnor Pariuzm gives us the year of
Socrates' death as a fixed date from which to reason. From Aristophanes and his rival Ameipsias, both of whom produced comedies
in the year 423 in which Socrates played the leading part, we gather
that at this date, when Socrates was a man of about 47 or 48 he was
a sufficiently familiar figure to be made the object of burlesques
intended to ' catch on' as topical pieces, and that one notable feature
about him was his poverty; since this point was plainly very much
insisted on by both poets, we may perhaps go as far as to conjecture
with Professor Burnet that the philosopher had recently incurred
some notorious losses. From the play of Aristophanes, the Clouds,
we gather further that he was interested in mathematical, cosmological, and biological studies, and combined these interests with a kind
of private religion which enjoined an ascetic rejection of the good
things of this life and involved what were commonly regarded as
fantastic notions about the soul and the unseen world. From a later
notice in the Birds (1553 ff.) we may infer that these notions were of
such a kind that it was within the limits of legitimate parody to
represent Socrates as presiding over spiritualistic seances of the
familiar fraudulent kind at which his favourite follower Chaerephon
acted the part of the spirits evoked. According to the same play
(1282) a taste for Socrates was like wearing long hair and carrying
a thick stick, one of the marks of a pro-Spartan at Athens in the
middle of the great war. One other vaguer reference we get in the
Frogs (1492) when the poet falls foul of young folk who neglect the
playwright's art to sit chattering over crazy hair-splitting problems
with Socrates-by this time an elderly man of some sixty-four or so.
We may add to these notices one or two comic fragments of no
significance which accuse Euripides-an older man by at least ten or
twelve years-of being inspired by Socrates, and may or may not be
regarded as evidence in support of the later belief in the personal
friendship of the two most remarkable intellcrtuels of the time of the




6   PROCEEDINGS OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY


Peloponnesian war. Beyond this, out of all the anecdotes told of
Socrates by later writers from Aristotle onwards there appears to be
only one which comes with certainty from a source older than Plato
or Xenophon. Ion of Chios related in his memoirs that Socrates had
in his youth visited Samos in company with Archelaus, the successor
of Anaxagoras, who in the phrase of Diogenes Laertius translated
physics from Ionia to Athens'. As Ion also recorded anecdotes of
his meeting with Sophocles when the poet was one of the generals
dispatched to put down the revolt of the year 441-40, it is not
unlikely that his reference to Socrates means that Socrates and
Archelaus were serving in this campaign. The event would then
have occurred when Socrates was about thirty, thirteen or fourteen
years before the birth of Plato, and its remoteness will explain why
it does not appear among the few necessary absences of Socrates from
Athens recorded by Plato (Ion ap. Diog. Laert. ii. 22). Thus the
total information about the philosopher which can be regarded as
coming certainly from sources earlier than the fourth century and
independent of the group of much younger admirers whom he left
behind him at his death is exceedingly scanty and affords no material
for a real biography or an account of the real nature of his influence.
He had perhaps served in the campaign against Samos, had been
reduced to poverty by a time soon after the battle of Delium, and
apparently not earlier; he had a curious stare and an odd way of
rolling in his walk, was a great talker, and associated with persons
who were supposed to hold ' odd' spiritistic views, was 'the fashion'
with the young itjo-65r8iot at the time of the Sicilian adventure, and
was perhaps a friend of Euripides. That is in sum and substance all
we know independently of information supplied by men who were at
least forty years his juniors, and as it will be seen, it does not
amount to much. For the rest we have only the statements of Plato
and Xenophon, together with any traditions which can be traced
back to the 'Socratic men' or to the Pythagoreans with whom
Aristoxenus had associated, and in the case of the last-named source
of information we have constantly to face the problem of distinguishing between the traditions themselves and the malevolent interpretations put upon them by our Gewdhrsmann, Aristoxenus.
There is indeed just one more statement which should perhaps
be included in this summary. According to Isocrates, Polycrates,
the sophist who published, a few years after Socrates' death, the
defamatory pamphlet which perhaps opened the series of writings
about the philosopher's life and character, declared that Alcibiades
had been a 'disciple' of Socrates. Isocrates treats this as a gross




PLATO'S BIOGRAPHY OF SOCRATES


7


and palpable falsehood, thus, as Professor Burnet reminds us, showing
himself quite in keeping with the representations of Plato, according
to whom Socrates insisted that he had never followed the profession
of a teacher, and consequently had never had any 'disciples'
or 'pupils' at all.   That Alcibiades had been a young friend
of Socrates and influenced by him Isocrates does not, of course, deny.
(Isocrates xi. 5.)1
I come now to consider my more immediate subject-the biography
of Socrates as we could write it if we took Plato as our exclusive
source. Properly I mean, of course, the biography which we could
collect from the Platonic dialogues, but we must not omit from
consideration the one work in which Plato speaks of Socrates in
propria persona, the VIIth Platonic Epistle.  I do not propose here
to make any formal defence of the genuineness of this important
document. It is enough to say that the authenticity of the Platonic
correspondence-which we must remember was known to Cicero and
included in the edition of Plato's works by Aristophanes of Byzantium
-has been generally allowed by the best critical and historical
students, Bentley, Cobet, Grote, Eduard Meyer, and only denied by
writers on philosophy. That is to say, for the letters we have the
judgement of those who have no preconceived opinion of their own
as to what the philosopher ought to say in his correspondence,
against them the judgement of just the persons most likely to be
biased, thinkers with pet theories of their own about what is or is
not 'Platonic' in philosophy.  And for our particular document we
have also the verdict of the most important of those who have
doubted or denied the authenticity of other items in the collection.
Hence I propose to utilize it freely for my present purpose without
further discussion.2
The letter, if such a name can be given to what is really a public
or semi-public manifesto, was addressed to the Sicilian partisans
of Dion after his assassination by Callippus and aims at putting
new heart into a party which had lost its leader by an exposition
of the fundamental principles for the sake of which Plato had
intervened in Sicilian politics. Incidentally, to justify his cause and
exhibit the consistency of his conduct, Plato is led into an autobiographical retrospect of his earlier life and the way in which he had
been forced, so far as the public affairs of his own city were concerned,
1 It is noteworthy that Plato never calls himself a ' disciple'. In the careful
account of his early years which he sent much later to the partisans of Dion in
Sicily he calls Socrates simply an ' elderly friend' of his own (see pp. 8, 9).
2 For further discussion of Ep. VII see C. Ritter, Neue Udtersuchuwyen ilber
Platon, c, 7; Hackforth, The Authorship of the Platoiic Epistles, pp. 84 if,




8   PROCEEDINGS OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY


to desist from direct political activity. The main purport of the
narrative is that his original bent had been that of an active social
reformer. Twice in life there had seemed to be an opening for such
a reformer at Athens, on the reconstitution of the city with an
oligarchical constitution after the final extinction of Periclean
democratic Imperialism in 404, and again at the restoration of
the democracy by Thrasybulus and his friends. Plato would have
been ready to co-operate with either party in a real social reform, but
had discovered that each was bent on discreditable party ends. In
both cases what finally disillusioned him was the unworthy treatment
meted out to Socrates-the best and wisest of living Athenians.
Of the oligarchy of the thirty he says: ' There was a revolution in
the existing constitution, which was denounced as faulty on many
sides. The consequence of this revolution was... the establishment
of a body of thirty irresponsible magistrates. Now some of these men
were my own connections and relatives, and actually invited me to
take what might be considered my proper part in that administration.
My feelings were such as might have been expected in so young
a man. I supposed their management of affairs would begin with
a general reversion from an unprincipled to a righteous policy.
Consequently I observed very carefully how they would proceed.
But what did I find? Before long they had made the old constitution
seem like a golden age.  More particularly there was the case of
Socrates, an elderly friend of mine, whom I may fairly make bold
to call the most upright man of the time. They despatched him
and others to arrest a fellow-citizen illegally and bring him to
execution, hoping to implicate him in their proceedings nolentem
volentem. Socrates, however, disregarded the order and put his life
in jeopardy rather than make himself an accomplice in such wickedness. When I saw this and other grave indications of the same kind,
I was disgusted and withdrew from the evil of the times.' He then
goes on to add that he would have been equally ready to serve the
restored democracy, but for their equally reprehensible treatment of
Socrates. ' Not long after this the thirty and the whole system were
overthrown, and once more I was attracted, though more slowly,
to a life of public political action. The new time was, of course, one
of confusion and much happened which caused natural disgust, and
it is not surprising that in a revolution there should have been some
cases of excessive revenges on private enemies. Yet on the whole the
restored party showed notable forbearance. But unhappily certain
prominent and influential persons again interfered with my friend
Socrates and brought him before the courts on a wicked charge of




PLATO'S BIOGRAPHY OF SOCRATES


9


conduct wholly foreign to his character. I-le was prosecuted condemned and executed for impiety-he who had refused to join in the
old wicked proceedings in the case of one of their own exiled friends
at the time of their own exile and ruin.' 
The references throughout this passage are, of course, to the
incident of the illegal execution of Leon of Salamis, related more
fully in the Apologia, and thus serve to establish beyond all doubt
the historical truth of the story told there, as well as incidentally to
confirm the statement that Socrates, whom Plato is careful to mention
simply as a friend for whom he had a profound admiration, had no
regular 'disciples'. That this should be the only reminiscence of
Socrates in a correspondence which belongs to Plato's old age is
natural enough, since by his own account the affair of Leon was
an event which changed the whole current of his life. As a young
man he had aimed at the vocation of a practical statesman. He was
at first willing to enter public life as a supporter of the government
of the 'Thirty' until their attempt to make Socrates an accomplice
in their breaches of the lav opened his eyes to the real character of
their administration; later on, he was anxious to serve Athens under
the revived democratic regime, but was again disillusioned by the
enmity of Anytus and other persons of influence and position to
Socrates,-the specially shocking thing about their conduct being,
apparently, the ingratitude thus shown to a man who had put his
life in peril rather than commit an illegality against one of the
democratic partisans when it had been their turn to be under the
harrow. For it may be noted that Plato's indignation does not lead
him to deny that Socrates may have done things which would have
brought him within the scope of the law against so ill-defined an
offence as dorePetla, such as 'honouring unrecognized divinities'. He
does not, like Xenophon, maintain that Socrates had, in any case,
been a model of old-fashioned Athenian piety. What disgusts him
is that such an accusation should have been laid by the leaders of
a party for whose friends Socrates had incurred the heaviest risks in
their own time of misfortune. From the point of view of the
Athenian law, as Plato of course knew, the moral virtue which
Socrates had shown in the affair of Leon could be no defence to an
accusation of do-e'3eta. That real 'impiety' is identical with moral
turpitude is a maxim not from Athenian law but from Plato's own
philosophy. To borrow an illustration from a later and very difftlelnt
revolution, Socrates might well have been a Girondist but would have
had no truck with the 'Mountain'. We are now in a position to
Plato, Ep. VII. 324 c-325 c. 
A3 




10  PROCEEDINGS OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY


consider the actual statements about Socrates which occur in the
dialogues. In presenting them to you I shall do my best to make
my narrative as full as possible, so far as the facts go, and shall also,
of course, confine myself to statements of biographical fact, to the
exclusion of expositions of philosophical convictions except where the
omission would make the biography incomplete.
Socrates, then, was the son of Sophroniscus and his wife Phaenarete
and belonged to the tribe Antiochis and the deme Alopecae (for
Sophroniscus see e.g. Laches 180-1, for Phaenarete, Theatetets 149 a,
for the tribe, Apologia 32 b, and for the deme Gorgias 495 d). The
year of his birth is not specified, but it may be inferred from the fact
that he is made on the first page of the Apology to speak of himself
as ' more than seventy' that we are to suppose him born not later than
470 or the earlier months of 469. As to his social position, we learn
from the Theaetetus, the only place, except for a passing reference to
the First Alcibiades, in which any Socratic man mentions his mother,
that Phaenarete was a midwife. Her name is suggestive of good
family connexions, as we see from its appearance in the mock-heroic
genealogy of the 'immortal' Amphitheus of Aristophanes' Acharnians
(1. 49). Of Sophroniscus we are told rather more. His name occurs
more than once in the dialogues, and from the opening pages of the
Laches we learn that he was a family friend of his fellow demesman
Lysimachus, the son of the great Aristeides and, according to
Lysimachus, a man of some consequence and of high character.
From  the jest in Euthyphro 11 c where Socrates speaks of his
'ancestor' Daedalus, famous in legend for his skill in making statues
which could walk about, we see that Sophroniscus must have been
a member of an hereditary guild of sculptors. Unless we accept the
First Alcibiades as a genuine work of Plato, this is his one and only
reference to the calling of Sophroniscus, and unfortunately tells us
even less about the circumstances of the family than we should learn
about those of a modern eminent man in his early years from the
statement that his father was a Free Mason. The general impression,
however, which Plato's account leaves on us is quite inconsistent with
the popular conception of Socrates as a genius who rose almost 'from
the gutter' and untouched by the influences agitating the 'good
society' of his age. The remarks of the Laches imply at least that
Sophroniscus was a man of weight and influence in the affairs of his
deme or township, and there is nothing to bear out the view that
because he belonged to a guild which regarded Daedalus as its
'ancestor', he must have been something very much like a working
stone-imson or bricklayer. And, as we shall see, though with one... 




PLATO'S BIOGRAPHY OF SOCRATES


11


notable exception the Platonic dialogues prefer to depict Socrates
either in ripe manhood or advanced age, it is regularly assumed in
them that he had the entree to the ' best' society of all kinds, where
he was admitted by the most eminent men of the time as an equal,
and that he encountered the most distinguished representatives of
thought and letters from the non-Attic Hellenic world on terms
of perfect equality. In particular it seems clear that we should be
wrong if we read into Plato the modern notion of Socrates as having
been all through life hampered by poverty. It is true that Plato
does depict him as exceedingly poor at the close of his life. He
makes him say in the Apology that the highest fine he could pay
would not amount to more than a mina. But we must recollect
that he also expressly ascribes this poverty to his lifelong devotion to
a spiritual quest which left him no time to serve tables, and also
that the close of the Peloponnesian War had been followed by a financial collapse in which even the richest had suffered badly. To take
only two or three familiar instances, the famous wealth of the families
of Callias the XaKK67rXovros, and of Nicias vanished in the confusion
of the year of anarchy, and we find Lysias (xix. 15) dwelling in the
peculiar tone of pathos appropriate to the law-courts on the straits to
which Phaedrus of Myrrhinus had been reduced. It is true that we
begin to hear of Socrates' want of means in the Republic, where the
scene is laid somewhere in the early years of the Archidamian war,
and that the fact of his poverty is treated as notorious by the comic
poets in the year 423. But, as Professor Burnet reminds us, Socrates
was still serving as a hoplite the year before 423 at Delium and the year
after at Amphipolis, and this means that until then at any rate he was
decidedly not in any dire poverty. In fact one may reasonably conjecture that he must have suffered some rather sudden and considerable loss between the affair at Delium and the attack of the comic
poets on him in the following year. Indeed the iteration with which
Aristophanes returns to this topic is rather difficult to explain if the
impoverishment of Socrates was not a recent event. There is at any
rate no reason to suppose that in his early life he was cut off from
sources of culture by want of means or the need to earn his bread.
In fact, in the one dialogue in which Plato professes to be dealing
with the youth of Socrates, the Parmenides, he represents him as
having as a matter of course free access to the society of one of the
most prominent men of affairs of the period, Pythodorus son of
Isolochus, who figures in Thucydides as being in his riper age a person
of first-rate importance all through the Archidamian war. Given an
initial reverse after the battle of Delium, when we take into account
A4




12  PROCEEDINGS OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY


the growing financial pressure caused by the failure of the great
Sicilian expedition, the land-blockade of Athens and the gradual
destruction of her sea-power in the Decelean war, and the crazy Terrorism of the ' Thirty, and remember that for many years at any rate
before his death Socrates had wholly devoted himself to his spiritual
' vocation ', we can readily see that no inference can be drawn from
his poverty in 399 to the wealth and social position of his parents or
to his own financial position in the first forty years of his career.
The more reasonable question would be how such a man, after such
a career, could be so much as able to keep himself supplied with food
and even in a position to pay a fine of as much as a mina without
asking for time. And it is clear that in the Apology Socrates means
to say that he could pay this much down on the spot, since he does
not supplement the offer, as was customary when an offender could
not discharge the penalty immediately, by the suggestion of imprisonment until the fine has been paid.
We may, I think, infer that the Platonic notices are probably
a sufficient basis for the statements about the family of Socrates
which we find in the later writers appealed to by Diogenes Laertius;
in particular, there appears to be no real evidence that Socrates himself had ever followed statuary or any other craft. Plato's assertions
about his youth and early manhood at least imply that he had from
the first abundant leisure to satisfy his passion for ' science', and the
late story of the figures of the Graces which were shown to visitors to
Athens as the work of Socrates prove only that these figures were
shown in a much later time as such, but nothing more.1 It is also
worth while to note that Xenophon, who is still regarded in what
may be called 'official' quarters as so trustworthy an authority on
the facts of Socrates' life, never refers to his parentage or names either
Sophroniscus or Phaenarete, except in the one brief passage in
Hellenica I, where he refers to the behaviour of Socrates in the affair
of the trial of the generals who had commanded at Arginusae. There
he speaks of the philosopher for once as XW)KparCT     ZopovtCOKov
40ijvaOos. In the one other place outside his ' Socratic discourses'
I It is true, as Professor Gardner reminds me, that Pausanias appears to have
seen these statues (Paus. i. 22. 8; ix. 35, 2). But in the former passage all that
he says is that the group was currently ascribed to Socrates (Kai Xadparas SoKpadr
7rolfj-a T rov ZCupoVL'Kov X;yovaS), so that he can hardly be presumed to be speaking
with certainty on the point. See the full discussion of the point in Frazer,
Pausanias's Description of Greece, vol. ii, pp. 268-72, where the author comes to
the conclusion that Socrates certainly did not execute the 'original relief',
though he admits the possibility that he may have made a copy of it.




PLATO'S BIOGRAPHY OF SOCRATES


13


where he refers to the philosopher-the story in Anabasis iii. 1 of
Socrates' disapproval of his connecting himself with the adventure of
prince Cyrus, he says only ' Socrates the Athenian', evidently presupposing that the person so described will be too well known to his
readers to require any further specification. The earliest allusion to
the craft of Sophroniscus, outside Plato, is, so far as I know, that of
Timon of Phlius, who calls Socrates a XtOoeoos (Timon ap. D. L.
ii. 19). At the risk of deserting chronological order it may be as
well to deal at this point with the one other piece of information
Plato gives us about Socrates' family affairs. As we learn from the
Phaedo Socrates was married to a lady of the name of Xanthippe,
who survived him, and had by her three children, two of whom were
quite young at the time of his death, and the third no more than
a lad (Apology 34 d). The names of the children are never mentioned by Plato, and here, for once, we are indebted to Xenophon
for a piece of real information. From him we learn that the name
of the son who was a 'lad' at the time of his father's death was
Lamprocles. (The names of the two younger, Sophroniscus and
Menexenus may possibly have been mentioned in the dialogue on
distinguished ancestry ascribed to Aristotle, of which I shall have
to speak in a moment, or Diogenes Laertius may have got them
from the third-century biographical writers to whom he also refers
for his statements about the family of Socrates.)
It has very properly been observed that both the name Xanthippe
and the names Lamprocles and Menexenus have a highly aristocratic
sound.  From the opening monologue of Aristophanes' Clouds we
gather that a name with 'hippos' in it was thought to stamp its
bearer as of the caste of 'Vere de Vere', and we may remind ourselves that the masculine Xanthippus was a name in the famous
house of the Alcmaeonidae, and was borne by the father of Pericles.
When I come to say something about the social connexions of
Socrates, it will, I think, be made clear that Plato's account presupposes a close relation with the family and immediate circle of
Pericles himself, and this may have something to do with the name
of Socrates' wife. It is, as Professor Burnet has pointed out, another
indication of the social position of Xanthippe that the second, not
the eldest, son of the family bore the name of the paternal grandfather. The name Lamprocles, which obviously belongs to the nomenclature of high society, was presumably bestowed in honour of some
relative of Xanthippe,-possibly her father. Thus it seems to be
fairly clear that Socrates, to use the vulgar phrase, 'married above
him'. I need hardly remind you that the stories of the shrewishness




14  PROCEEDINGS OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY


of Xanthippe find no confirmation in Plato. All that he records of
her is her conduct on the day of Socrates' death which, as he describes
it, is that of an affectionate woman of ordinary intellectual capacity,
who can only take in the one thought that she will never see her
husband again. Nor is there anything in the account to suggest that
Socrates was indifferent to his wife. Since Xanthippe is said to have
been ' discovered' in company with Socrates when his friends were
admitted early on the morning of his last day, she had presumably
spent the night before with him in the prison, and his famous instructions for her removal appear to be dictated partly by the desire to
save her from a complete breakdown, partly, as he himself remarks
later on (Phaedo 117 d), by the correct anticipation that in any case
the actual scene at his death would be almost intolerably trying to
the nerves of more than one member of the party. The presence of
his wife and child would no doubt have made it quite unbearable.
It must be remembered that there is an interval in the Platonic
narrative immediately before the execution scene in which Socrates
has a last interview with his family, so that the pulpit-rhetoric which
has been spent on making out a contrast between the ' hardness' of
Socrates and the affectionateness of Our Lord, who provided for His
mother in His last moments, is as false to fact as offensive to
Christian feeling. Xenophon also says nothing to the discredit of
Xanthippe except that, like many devoted mothers, she had a
'temperament' which sometimes called for patience on the part of
her husband and her son. The source of the popular conception of
Xanthippe seems to be the anecdotes of her high temper told by
Diogenes who does not even say where he got them. As he is known
to have used the gossiping Alexandrian writers Satyrus and Hieronymus of Rhodes, as well as the deliberate slanderer Aristoxenus, they
presumably have no better authority behind them.
It may possibly be that the Phaedo throws some light on the
quaintest of all the traditions of a later age about the family life of
Socrates. There was a story, which we meet both in Diogenes and
in Plutarch, according to which Socrates had two wives, Xanthippe
and Myrto, who is sometimes called a daughter, sometimes a granddaughter of Aristeides the Just. The gossips were undecided
whether Myrto was the earlier or the later wife, and some of them
said that Socrates lived with both at once, alleging as an explanation
a ridiculous story that the Athenians were so badly hit by the
decrease in population in the later years of the Peloponnesian war
that they legalized bigamy.  The story is told by Aristoxenus,
Hieronymus and Satyrus, and has usually been dismissed as one of




PLATO'S BIOGRAPHY OF SOCRATES


15


the characteristic rhodomontades of the first-named author.l But it
also seems to have been related-so far as the mere ascription of two
wives to the philosopher goes-in the doubtfully authentic Aristotelian dialogue on Distinguished Ancestry and by Demetrius of
Phalerum. The authority of Demetrius seems to me too great to
permit of the simple rejection of the tale as a pure fiction. Hence it
seems to me not without some significance that according to the
Phaedo, Socrates at his death left a baby in arms behind him. For
we are told that when the friends of Socrates arrived at the prison
they found Xanthippe with her 7raoi&ov there. The only explanation
of the presence of the child that is at all natural is that it was a baby
too young to be left by itself. (According to the Apology Socrates
left two sons who were then 7rai&a, but we hear only of one who
actually spent the last night in the prison.)   This indicates two
things, the remarkable physical vigour of Socrates, who must have
begotten the child when he was well on at least towards seventy, and
the considerable disparity of age between himself and Xanthippe.
If we bear in mind the age at which a woman of Southern Europe
ceases to bear children,-Plato fixes it, as you will remember, at
forty,-we may infer that Xanthippe must in all probability have
been a good thirty years younger than her husband. As Lamprocles
is said in the Apology to have been j7  Ze~iLpatKov at the time of his
father's death, it is natural further to suppose that his birth fell in
the first year or two of Socrates' married life with Xanthippe. In
We have the following versions of the story:D. L. ii. 26. Aristotle says that Socrates married two wives. By the first,
Xanthippe, he had Lamprocles, the second, Myrto, daughter of Aristeides the Just,
he married without a dowry, and by her he had Sophroniscus and Menexenus.
(Chronology, as well as the testimony of Plato, shows the falsehood of this version
of the tale. Possibly D. L. has quoted ' Aristotle' wrongly, placing Xanthippe
first instead of second. But in that case the story becomes inconsistent with the
account of Xenophon who refers to Xanthippe as notoriously hard to manage in
his Symposium, and obviously therefore means her and no other to be the mother
of whose high temper Lamprocles complains in Memorabilia ii. 2.)
Plutarch, Aristeides 27. Demetrius of Phalerum, Hieronymus of Rhodes,
Aristoxenus, and Aristotle-if the dialogue 7rep' evy'evfla is genuine-say that
Socrates cohabited with Myrto, the granddaughter of Aristeides. He had indeed
another wife, but took Myrto in addition as she was widowed, and in great poverty.
Athenaeus xiii. 556 a. Socrates is said by Callisthenes, Demetrius, Aristoxenus to have had two wives, Xanthippe and Myrto a great-granddaughter of
Aristeides; Aristotle rEp; e-yevEdas is the common source for the story.
D. L. ii. 26. 'Some' say that Myrto was the first wife, others, including
Satyrus and Hieronymus, that he was married to both at once. For the
Athenians, anxious to make good the losses in the male population, made
a psephism that a man should be legally married to one Athenian woman, but
beget children by a second also.




16  PROCEEDINGS OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY


that case Socrates must have been about fifty at the least when he
married a wife of probably under twenty.  Now in view of the
regular practice in Greek communities it is hard to believe that
a man intending to marry at all would have waited until this age to
do it. Such conduct would be especially surprising in Socrates who
had if anything a weakness for pluming himself on the fidelity with
which he conformed to the Nomos of his city, and is not likely to
have forgotten that begetting sons for the city was a universally
recognized civic duty. (Even the tale which represents him as having
two wives at once is careful to assert that he takes the second to comply with the imaginary special law enjoining bigamy-i.e. as a duty
imposed on him by the State.) Hence it seems to me not improbable
that, as the data drawn from the Apology and Phaedo suggest,
Socrates was a widower when he married Xanthippe. In that case,
in view of the evidence of the Laches for the intimacy of Sophroniscus
with the family of Aristeides, it would not be at all surprising if
he was married as a young man to one of its members, as Demetrius
of Phalerum, and just possibly Aristotle, asserted. The reason why
we hear nothing of such a first wife in Plato or Xenophon would
be simply that their knowledge of Socrates of course did not go
back to his early manhood. As it is, we should not know from
Plato whether Socrates had ever been married to Xanthippe if it
had not been necessary to mention her for the purposes of the
Apology and Phaedo.
To return from this digression to the main theme of my argument.
Nothing is recorded by Plato of the early boyhood of Socrates beyond
the one fact that the famous 'warning voice' attended him even in
childhood (EK cratLiS  dpatplevov, Apology 31 d), a fact which has
an important bearing on Plato's ascription to him in later age of other
signs of the temperament of a visionary and on Aristophanes' burlesques
of him as an occultist. Beyond this we hear no more of him from
Plato until he is already a man though a 'very young one', when we
get a glimpse of his special interests from the professedly autobiographical narrative of the Phaedo and again from the introductory
pages of the Parmenides. Both sketches agree in representing him
as at that time principally interested in the latest mathematical and
physical theories of the early science which was just on the verge of
eclipse by the new light of sophistic humanism. According to the
Phaedo he was acquainted with and originally an enthusiast about
'what they call natural science' (l-Tropia 7repi vUoecos), but much
perplexed by the hopeless incompatibility of the results to which
it had led in different hands.  Thus he knew both the Ionian




PLATO'S BIOGRAPHY OF SOCRATES


17


cosmology which assumed a flat earth and the theories of the Italian
Pythagoreans which required a spherical earth (Phaedo 97 e), and was
anxious for a true theory of the planetary motions (ib. 98 a); he was
also hesitating between rival biological theories which we can recognize
as those of the Ionian type, represented at the time by Archelaus
and Diogenes of Apollonia, and the Italian, of which the Phaedo
specifies the doctrines of Alemaeon of Crotona and Empedocles (96 b),
and above all was specially interested in the problems raised by Zeno
about the one and the many (Phaedo 97 a). It was presumably at
this period also that he laid the foundations of the knowledge of
geometry which Plato consistently ascribes to him in the Meno,
Phaedo, Republic and elsewhere, and Xenophon rather admits than
denies. In particular, as we all know, it was, according to the
Phaedo at this date that he came under the influence of Anaxagoras
in whose book he expected, for a time, to find a consistent teleological
doctrine of astronomy and cosmology, and it was a direct result of
his disappointment with the failure of Anaxagoras to carry out the
implications of his own principle that mind is the source of the
order in the universe, that he, still as a young man, resolved to
look for truth 'in propositions' and thought out the method of
'hypothesis' and the doctrine of the participation of things in
Forms. These statements are borne out by the Parrmenides, where
we meet Socrates again as a very youthful man and find him
expounding this very doctrine about Forms and 'participation' to
Parmenides and Zeno as a recent discovery of his own (Parm. 130 b
azvrros  i ovrTo 8tipro'al cy X2eyetl; ' did you draw this distinction for
yourself? ').
As I am not expounding any theory of the philosophy of Socrates
in the present paper, it is perhaps more to the point to call attention
to the presuppositions of the dialogues just mentioned about the
company in which Socrates was at home thus early in life. The
Phaedo distinctly presupposes acquaintance with the followers of
Anaxagoras, who, we must remember, belonged to the Periclean circle,
as it also implies in another passage knowledge of the eminent
Pythagorean Philolaus; the Parmenides shows Socrates to us as an
habitue of the house of Pythodorus son of Isolochus, whose prominence
as one of the leading men of affairs in the regime of the Imperialistic
democracy is familiar to the readers of Thucydides. It is from his
acquaintance with Pythodorus that Socrates is brought into contact
with the Eleatic philosophers, and that the Pythodorus in question
is the well-known admiral and politician is made certain by the
statement of the First Alcibiades that Pythodorus son of Isolochus was
A 5




18  PROCEEDINGS OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY


a pupil of Zeno.l Most of the dialogues depict Socrates at a later
period of life, but they all agree in representing him as well known
and highly thought of by the most distinguished society of the
Periclean democracy. Thus, in the Laches, dated shortly after the
battle of Delium, we find Socrates on terms of familiarity with both
Nicias and Laches and highly thought of by both of them not only
for his personal courage but for his thorough understanding of
military professional matters. He is equally familiar, to judge from
the Protagoras, with the brilliant wits who formed the entourage of
Callias son of Hipponicus, and grandson of the famous 'millionaire'
of the time of the Persian wars; the Timaeus represents him as
consorting as an equal with the elder Critias 2 and the rising, though
not yet fully mature, Syracusan statesman Hermocrates as well as
with Timaeus himself, who is described as being at the very top
of the tree in astronomy and having in his past life filled the most
important offices in his native state, apparently before the overthrow
of the domination of the Pythagorean order in the cities of Magna
Graecia.3 It should be specially noted that he is represented as
persona grata in the houses of men who are typically representative
of the Periclean regime, such as those of Cephalus, and the family to
which Plato himself belonged. This would naturally mean that he
was welcome in the house of Plato's step-father Pyrilampes, whose
close connexion with Pericles is proved by the malicious allusions of
the comic poets who represented Pyrilampes as keeping a petite maison
for Pericles and his misses. Thus, from Plato's representation, we
should conclude that Socrates had been on friendly terms with many
of the most prominent 'Whigs', as Professor Burnet has called the
party who, without ceasing to be loyal to the democracy, disapproved
of the inferior men who guided its fortunes after the death of Pericles.
Even the notorious friendship for Critias the oligarch probably comes
under this head, as Critias had always figured as a democrat until his
moral character was ruined by his entrance into the coterie of the
'Thirty'. The general effectf Plato's am    t on     wnm
the impession that he wishes us to think of Socrates as being from
th          person of a sound social standing, mingling on equal
terms with the best societ of te Periclcan ra               ted
1 Alcibiades I. 119 a.
2 That Professor Burnet is right in his identification of the Critias of the
Timaeus should really need no proof.
I Timaeus 20 a, where every word should be read with attention. Even if we
could get over the palpable absurdity of supposing that the poems of Solon were the
' last novelty' at any time in the life of Critias 6 r-Wv rpLaKOvra what is said here
shows that the Critias meant is an old man with a great public career behind him.




PLATO'S BIOGRAPHY OF SOCRATES


19


from a very earl age to th   ursuit of science, a l  ain   not,
afrthe              ome modern wr ers, as a kind of lebeanand
illiterate                artis       an. i  ence, though I do
not wish here to suggest an opinion either way on the genuineness of
that singular work the Menexenus, I see nothing out of keeping with
Plato's standing 'hypothesis' about the manner of life of Socrates in
the suggestion made there of a personal intimacy with Aspasia and
consequently with Pericles. The point is not wholly unimportant in
connexion with the satire of the Republic and Gorgias on the Imperial
democracy (in the Gorgias it will be remembered the person of
Pericles is not spared), and the comments of modern expositors on
the political attitude revealed by these passages. That this almost
unqualified censure of Athenian democracy is meant by Plato to be
taken as representing the attitude of Socrates himself seems to me
quite certain. The passion which breathes through the passages in
question is wholly absent from books like the Politicus and Laws,
where another than Socrates discusses the merits and faults of
democracy. It is directed not against democracy in general but
against the very special form of democracy which Pericles had created,
a democracy which is primarily commercialized, bent on the capture
of the world's trade,' and, secondarily and by consequence, committed
to a policy of Imperialistic expansion, and its bitterness is far too
intense to represent the moral verdict of a thinker looking back on
a vanished state of things. It is dramatically right only in the mouth
of a disillusioned brave old man who has lived himself through the
age he is denouncing, has seen and perhaps once believed in its
promise and lived to witness its inevitable collapse. It is equally
clear that this vehement arraignment of the Imperial democracy-and
indeed of Pericles himself-as wanting in respect of a sound moral
basis is not meant to be the judgement of an ' outsider' from the
lower orders. It is intended as the final pronouncement of one who
had known the leaders of the movement and thoroughly understood
their purposes, and found them all, on mature reflection, deficient in
the one thing needful in a true leader-genuine statesmanship.
What Plato tells us of the early manhood and prime of Socrates is
connected with two main topics, his military exploits, and the famous
utterance of the Delphic oracle which more than anything else formed,
as Professor Burnet has said, the turning-point in his career. The
former subject may be dealt with first in a few brief sentences.
Socrates, for all his mysticism, was not one of the mystics in whom
1 Like the ' Imperialism' (so-called) of our own financiers and commercial
monopolists, within and without the United Kingdom.




20  PROCEEDINGS OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY


transcendental emotion is most regularly aroused by loneliness and
the contemplation of nature. He and Wordsworth, in spite of some
marked points of resemblance, are in this respect mystics of radically
opposed schools, the urban and the rustic. It was not the 'sleep that
is among the lonely hills' that induced in Socrates the mood of
interior stillness and reflection of the soul back upon herself, but the
busy noise and hum of man. Hence, except when on active service
he was the most home-keeping of townsmen, devoted to the crowded
streets of Athens with even more than Johnson's devotion to the streets
of London. The 'trees of the country side' in his own language
' had nothing to say to him'; even a short excursion to the Isthmus
to see the Games was so contrary to his habits, that it is regarded as
worth chronicling (Crito 52 b). Apart from this one occasion, he was
only absent from Athens when his duty as a citizen took him into the
stricken field. This seems to me more like the peculiarity of an
actual man than the invention of a dramatic genius imagining
a fictitious character. It may, of course, be said that the whole
modern romantic feeling for nature is a thing unknown to the Hellenic
world,-only we have the choruses of Euripides, Socrates' elder contemporary, to prove the opposite, and in particular the lyrics of the
Bacchae show us how potent in ancient times, as well as in our own,
was the association between lonely nature and the spirit of mysticism.
Yet there is a type of mind, less common than the other and perhaps
not likely to be imagined by one who has had no actual contact with
it, in which the roar of traffic, the restless scuffling of the human
ant-heap and the 'wilderness of bricks and mortar' are still more
potent than the silences of nature to make the soul realize her own
essential solitude and render her apt for the communication of the
beatific vision. Francis Thompson with his vision of the shining
' traffic of Jacob's ladder pitched between Heaven and Charing Cross'
is an example, and Socrates would seem to have been such another.
In the Symposium, when the vision suddenly overmasters him, he is in
the act of making his way along the streets to a dinner-party of the
gayest.  It is another touch, true enough to our nature, that the
visionary quality goes in him hand-in-hand with the soldierly, as it has
done with men like Gordon and others. It is from no idle fancy that
Plato represents the most famous of these 'rapts' as taking him when
he was serving in the trenches before Potidaea. We are meant to feel
that in the serene courage of Socrates in the face of the foe, of which
Alcibiades is made to say that it far surpassed that of Laches on the
disastrous day of Delium, there is just a touch of the unearthly.
Socrates is strong and daring and above everything else serene in the




PLATO'S BIOGRAPHY OF SOCRATES


21


hour of danger, an' ideal warrior', just because, like Galahad, he is at
heart even more saint than man-at-arms. Plato names three of these
campaigns, that of Potidaea (431-430), that of Delium (424), and
that of Amphipolis (422), and presumably these were the only three
(Apology 28 e) of any note, though it is curious that we hear nothing
of any military service of Socrates after 422. As he would not be
officially a yEpov exempt from further service until 411, the explanation may be that during the ten years in question there was no land
fighting serious enough to demand the calling up of men of advanced
middle age. Why nothing is said of service in the Archidamian war
itself except in 431, 424, and 422 is a further question. Possibly
Socrates may have taken his part in the other years in the defence of
Attica against the regular annual invasion of the Peloponnesian forces.
Hence Plato would have no occasion to mention the fact in recording
the occasions on which his hero left Athenian territory. It is hardly
credible to me that the philosopher, who was in the very prime of
physical strength when the war began, should have been called on for
no military service except in the years specified by Plato.
As for the details supplied about two of these campaigns, we know
from the Symposium that what seems to have been Socrates' principal
experience of the 'illuminative way' came to him in the camp before
Potidaea, on the occasion when he stood in a 'rapt' rooted to one spot,
through the whole of a summer day and night. Plato, who puts the
narrative in the mouth of Alcibiades, further records that Socrates
showed the highest valour in actual fighting and saved the life of
Alcibiades, who had been wounded in the engagement. The prize for
valour was bestowed on Alcibiades, though he himself urged on the
generals the claims of Socrates, and ascribes their selection of himself
to a rather unworthy reason-regard for his datfcoa, i.e. the weight
which his name carried with the Srjos, partly no doubt on account of
his illustrious birth, and partly because he seemed to be marked out
as successor to Pericles in the capacity of uncrowned despot of Athens.
Thus Plato at least wishes us to believe that Socrates was more than
a mere average good soldier, he was a man who merited what corresponded to our V. C. and only failed to get the distinction by an act
of favouritism  on the part of the authorities. (For all this see
Symp. 220 c and e.) In connexion with the famous 'rapt' it is
worth noting, as I have said elsewhere, that, unless Plato is falling
into a small anachronism the story implies that the nickname 6 OpovTrarrjs, with which Aristophanes makes such play in the Clouds, was
already commonly given to Socrates as early as 430, for there would
be no point otherwise in Alcibiades' statement that the ' word went




22  PROCEEDINGS OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY


round that SKKpar7qs /povritw'Co  rt EntrTKe. We might fairly infer
from this that Socrates was already known as the head of a schoolfor the qpovTraTrrjT implies the Ofpovrtio-rpLov —at the beginning of the
Archidamian War, and the evidence of Aristophanes points in the same
direction as he introduces the fpovTiL-crTpto as if it was already a wellknown and familiar institution, not something invented by himself
and requiring an explanation. But the consideration of this point is
better deferred for a moment. It is also an excellent touch, which
many modern editors have done their ignorant best to remove from
the text, that the persons who showed the chief curiosity about Socrates'
singular behaviour were 'Ionians '-men from the home of purely
secular science where trances and ecstasies were unfamiliar. Of all
the mistaken 'emendations' of the passage the worst is that German
one which turns the Ionians into Paeonians, inhabitants of a region
where 'possession' must have been too familiar a thing for the 'rapt'
of Socrates to cause any special remark.
The conduct of Socrates in the panicky retreat of the Athenian
forces from Delium is described for us in two passages of Plato. In
the Symposium-the imaginary date of which dialogue is some eight
years after the event,-Alcibiades, speaking of the matter as an
eye-witness, says that as he retired himself on horseback he fell in
with Laches and Socrates who were, of course, serving as hoplites,
that Socrates showed himself much the more self-possessed (e'0pcov)
of the pair, bearing himself exactly as Aristophanes had represented
him as doing in the streets of Athens, and that it was due to his
coolness that Laches himself, as well as Socrates, came off unhurt
(Symp. 221 b). A similar account is given by Laches himself in the
dialogue named after him. Indeed Laches goes further in his commendation for he says, 'He accompanied me in the flight from Delium,
and I may tell you that if every one had done his duty as he did, our
city would never have fallen on that calamity' (Laches 181 b).
It is notable that, for whatever reason, Xenophon tells us nothing
whatever about any of these military exploits: for all we learn from
him Socrates might never have come within sight of a stricken field,
though one would think a brief reference to the philosopher's deeds as
a brave and loyal soldier would have been much more valuable in
a professed apologia for his life than many chapters of the moralizing
small talk with which Xenophon abounds. Thus Plato is really our
only authority for the campaigns of Socrates (the one later story
about them, that he saved the life of Xenophon at Delium is plainly
only a confused doublette of what the Symposium says about his rescue
of Alcibiades before Potidaea, and is shown to be false by the simple




PLATO'S BIOGRAPHY OF SOCRATES


02


consideration that if Xenophon was old enough to fight at Delium he
must have been between forty and fifty when he joined the enterprise
of Cyrus —orep drorrov, as the mathematicians say). The only really
consistent position for those who believe Plato to have freely invented
biographical incidents for the hero of his prose dramas is that of
the extremely' vigorous and rigorous' German critic who has had the
courage to declare that this military record is from beginning to end
pure fiction-though what the object of the fiction could be it is not
easy to say.
I turn now to the other chief point of interest,- Plato's account of
the philosophic ' mission' of Socrates. It is plain that according to
Plato the turning-point in Socrates' inner life was the deliverance of
the famous oracle which assured Chaerephon that Socrates was the
greatest of all the ' wits' of the age (for that is what rofoTraros
means in the language of the Periclean age). As we have seen,
Plato's account represents Socrates as being in his early manhood an
enthusiastic student of science and the author of a philosophical
'hypothesis' by the help of which both the puzzles raised by the
doctrine of Anaxagoras and the perplexing mathematical questions
first brought into clear light by Zeno might be successfully met.
He is careful to let us know that the greatest men of an earlier
generation had formed the highest expectations of Socrates' future
eminence as a philosopher.  Such expectations are put into the
mouth of Parmenides with reference to the promise of Socrates' early
youth (Parm. 130 e, 135 d) and again into that of Protagoras
(Protag. 361 e), the context in the latter passage showing quite
clearly that Protagoras had formed his opinion, which he had
'already expressed to many persons', not from the conversation
reported in the dialogue, but during that first visit to Athens on
which he had made the acquaintance of Socrates, who figures in the
dialogue as already quite well known to him. As Professor Burnet
observes, this visit must have been earlier than the foundation of
Thurii in 444 B.c., or Protagoras would hardly have been chosen
by Pericles to assist in drawing up the constitution of so important
a colony. So that we are taken back again to the early manhood
of Socrates. And although the imaginary date of the Timaeus is
shown by the allusions of the Republic to the youth of Polemarchus
and Lysias-they are both called veav'ol-Ko  according to the best
text in Republic 328 d-and by the presence of Cephalus in that
dialogue-to fall somewhere in the earlier years of the Peloponnesian
war, when Socrates would be a man of rather over forty-the way
in which he is accepted as an equal by Timaeus, a Pythagorean of




24  PROCEEDINGS OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY


the highest distinction both in science and in politics (Tim. 20 a)
points in the same direction. The suggestion is that Socrates would
as he grew to manhood become distinguished as the central and
dominating figure in a regular school or band of associates devoted
to the prosecution of science and the higher knowledge in general.
According to Aristophanes this is just what he was in the year 423,
with Chaerephon as one of the most devoted members of the coterie.
Xenophon also knew of the existence of this organization,-which
according to Aristophanes had not only common scientific pursuits
but a common table,-for it is clearly they, and not the 'rich and
leisured young men' who collected about Socrates in later life from
pure enjoyment of his talk, whom he means when he speaks of the
sophist Antiphon as wishing to rob Socrates of his ' associates'
(ovvovoaao-ra's). That the ' association' is that of the central personality of the school with less advanced students is distinctly implied
in the comment which Antiphon makes on the unwisdom of not
charging a fee for the orvvova'a (Mem. i. 6. 11), and more than merely
implied when Socrates in his reply describes himself and his friends
as in the habit of 'unrolling together the stores of the old wits
which they have left us in the books they have written' (ib. 14).
A life of this kind is, in fact, just what Plato makes Parmenides
or Protagoras prophesy for Socrates, and it is implied by all the
rules of artistic composition that the prophecy had its fulfilment.
Thus I think it plain that Plato wishes us to think of Socrates as
having been the regular head of an organized school. The natural
thing, to quote Professor Burnet again, would be that he should succeed
his own teacher Archelaus as the head of the school founded by
Anaxagoras. But it is plain, not merely from the character of the
special doctrines ascribed to Socrates by Plato, but from the prominence of Pythagoreans like Cebes, Simmias, and Phaedondas among
the associates who were still connected with Socrates at the time of
his death, from his friendship with Pythagoreans such as Timaeus,
Philolaus, Theodorus, and Echecrates, and from the hesitation
ascribed to him in the Phaedo between the Ionian type of cosmology
taught by Anaxagoras and the Italian views of which Philolaus
would probably be the source, that the ' school' under Socrates must
have become more than half Pythagoreanized, not to mention that
the burlesque in the Clouds seems to mean that many of its members,
including Socrates, practised the ascetic Pythagorean 'rule of life'.
In Plato, whose dialogues mostly deal with Socrates as a man either
in the early forties or in advanced life, we naturally do not hear
much of this side of his activity, and are clearly meant to think of




PLATO'S BIOGRAPHY OF SOCRATES


25


him as having abandoned the retirement of the study for a general
mission to preach 'attention to the affairs of one's soul' to the
Athenian public, though the group of special philosophic associates
reappear in the Phaedo where we see the old man after his mission
has been brought to an end by the sentence of the dicastery. As
we all know, the change which made Socrates into a missionary to
Athenians at large is said in the Apology to have been due to the
utterance of the Pythian prophetess. So it becomes important to
discover, if we can, the date at which Plato assumes this oracle to
have been given. Of course the significant thing about the whole
proceeding is not the very obvious answer of the oracle, but the fact
that the question was asked. I do not know how it may strike any
one else, but to my mind the very asking of the question by Chaerephon implies that, when he put it to the god, Socrates was not only
already a man with a considerable reputation as one of the 'wits',
but the recognized president of a society to which Chaerephon
belonged. Hence the very fact that the sense of the oracle was taken
by Chaerephon seems to me to indicate that the famous question was
asked not merely to gratify Chaerephon's personal curiosity but on
behalf of a body of 'associates' anxious to get the approval of
a more than human authority for their estimate of their chief. This
is a point on which every man must decide for himself according to
his own conceptions of the probable in a matter of human psychology,
but if my own judgement on the matter is a sound one, it is significant
that the associates should attach such special importance to the
verdict of the Pythia. This can hardly be explained by the supposed
general reverence of the Hellenic world for the oracle at Delphi. At
Athens the oracle was for sound political reasons an object of suspicious dislike. It 'laconised' as shamelessly throughout the Archidamian and Decelean wars as it had formerly ' medised' and was
afterwards to 'philippise'. The real ground for the application to
Delphi would rather be that the inspirer of the Pythia was Apollothe central divine figure of Pythagorean religion. (To be sure the
god of Pythagoras was the Delian, and it is at least highly possible
that Apollo of Delos and Apollo of Delphi were originally distinct
deities belonging to different peoples, but the sense of the difference
would be lost long before the time of Chaerephon.   The poetic
legends relating the progress of Apollo westward over Euboea, Attica
and Boeotia to the already famous shrine of Pytho, where he entered
as a conqueror, in fact, look like a deliberate attempt to fuse two
distinct deities into one single figure.) As to the date when the
oracle was given, a terminus ad lquem may be inferred from comparison




26     PROCEEDINGS OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY
of the Platonic Apology with the Charmides and the Clouds of
Aristophanes. The Apology tells us that the widespread influence
of Socrates on the rich and leisured lads, which was one of the excuses
for his prosecution, arose accidentally out of his self-imposed mission
of detecting the vain pretences of the different professors of special
' knowledge ', and that it was the oracle which set him upon this task.
Of course, as Professor Burnet says, in the Apology Socrates treats
the business of the oracle with scarcely veiled humour, but even the
humorous version which he is made to give of its influence on his
career would be the silliest of jests if the chronological facts about
his biography did not admit of such a construction. It follows that
the oracle must have been given, according to the view which Plato
wishes us to accept, before Socrates had attained his vogue as
a Mentor of youth. Now the Charmides assumes that he was already
known in this capacity as early as 430 B. c., for it opens with Socrates'
own statement that as soon as he returned from his service at Potidaea,
he at once made for his ' accustomed haunts '-the palaestrae-and
made inquiries about the condition of 'philosophy and the young
men' during his absence.  (Incidentally also, this gives us a date
about which Plato is not likely to have been mistaken for the beginning of Socrates' closer acquaintance with Charmides and thus corrects the absurd statement of later writers that Plato, the near
relative of Charmides, was twenty years old before he came into
contact with an eminent man who had been the friend of his uncles
and cousins before his own birth.) The response of the oracle was
therefore given before the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, i.e.
when Socrates was under forty, and the fact that there were at
that date persons who thought it worth while to ask Apollo whether
he was not the very foremost of the 'wits' can hardly mean less
than that he then held a perfectly definite position as the leader
of a group of largely Pythagorean adherents.  We need not, of
course, suppose that the story of the Apology means that Socrates
never had any personal influence over any single youth of promise
before this date. The famous tale of Alcibiades in the Symposium
expressly lays stress on the point that the admiration of Alcibiades
for Socrates began when the former was a mere child. This, in
fact, is the real excuse for the extraordinary methods Alcibiades
professes to have attempted in his anxiety to gain Socrates' full confidence and affection. That even a drunken Alcibiades should relate
what he does of himself is incredible unless we bear in mind that
' the man can afford to smile at the extravagance of the mere boy'.
This particular connexion must thus be much earlier than the relation




PLATO'S BIOGRAPHY OF SOCRATES


27


of Socrates to the viot in general as an admired Mentor, as is actually
presupposed by Plato's story.  For a relation which began in the
mere boyhood of Alcibiades must go back to a time well before the
battle at Potidaea in which Alcibiades was serving in the Athenian
cavalry. But if even Charmides had not attracted any special notice
from Socrates until 430 we may be sure that at that time the circle
of young men and lads who admired him cannot have been a very
extensive one, though we see from the dialogue (Charm. 153 d) that
it already included Critias. Of course it must have required some
time for Socrates to extend his personal influence outside the group
of lads with whom the friend of Alcibiades would naturally be
familiar,-such as the connexions of Pericles' intimate Pyrilampes.
In fact in the Laches it is distinctly implied that the public fame
of Socrates as a person widely admired among the vEot does not go
back beyond the years just after the battle at Delium. That battle
is the latest event alluded to in the dialogue and it is natural to
suppose from the strength of the impression that Socrates' conduct
in the retreat has made upon Laches, that we are to assume the
facts to be quite recent. Yet Lysimachus, the son of the great
Aristeides, an old friend of Socrates' family, observes (Lach. 180 e)
that though he had heard a good deal of talk from the 'lads' about
a certain Socrates as a wonderful being, it had not yet occurred to
him that the Socrates of their admiration was the son of his old
friend Sophroniscus. We are thus plainly to suppose that the
influence of Socrates on the 'young men of rich and leisured families'
began with a connexion with Alcibiades which must go back to some
time not much later than 440 B.c. (This point is further implied in
the introductory narrative of the Protagoras, where Socrates and
Alcibiades are already fast friends at a time when Alcibiades is only
beginning to show the signs of puberty (Prot. 309 b), and also by
the tacit assumption in the Symposium narrative that Socrates was
at the beginning of this friendship still young enough for the romantic offers of Alcibiades not to be a patent absurdity. The whole
story is, in fact, thoroughly ill-conceived unless we think of Alcibiades as little more than a romantic child just old enough, as he
says himself, to be allowed to go out alone, and Socrates as still quite
a young man, at the outside not much over thirty. In the Protagoras
itself, the date of which must be supposed to be at any rate some
years before the great war, we find Socrates standing in a rather
similar relation to his young friend Hippocrates, and before 430, he
is already on close terms of intimacy with Critias. In 430 he makes
the closer acquaintance of Charmides, who is then (Charm. 154 b)




28  PROCEEDINGS OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY


a /#tpaKlov. Early in the war-though the year cannot be fixedwe find, as is only natural, that he is a close friend of the step-sons
of Pyrilampes, Adeimantus and Glaucon, and friendly with two
' lads' Polemarchus and Lysias, sons of Cephalus, whom he would
naturally know, if I am right in the assumption that he was a member of the Periclean circle, from the fact that Cephalus was an important protege of Pericles. But it is not until after 424 that we hear of
that extensive influence upon which the charge of 'corrupting the
youths' was ultimately founded. That the very year after Delium
should have seen the earliest burlesques of the comic poets on him,
and that Aristophanes should have made him double the character
of a scientific saint of the Pythagorean type with that of a 'teacher
of the youths' —(there is, in fact, only a forced connexion between
his performances as a geometer and hierophant of strange gods and his
miseducation of Pheidippides)-seems equally to show that his popularity with the veot had just been greatly augmented and was a
novelty to the average Athenian in the year of the Clouds. The
topical caricaturist does not select for his subject facts which have
already been familiar for years, and if the comedians with one accord
fell on Socrates just at a particular time, he must in some way have
done or suffered something very recently to recommend himself to
their notice. Hence I think we may infer that Plato means us to
suppose that at least two of the things made prominent in the Clouds,
Socrates' poverty and his popularity with young men at large, were
new things in 423. (The same remark would not apply equally to the
activities of the fpovrto-rTptov. They were a more private affair, of
less interest to the mass of spectators in the theatre, and would hardly
have served of themselves for the material of a successful comedy.)
It should, of course, be noted that the construction of the Platonic
dialogues as a whole conforms to this conception of the life of Socrates
as exhibiting three successive stages, one in which he appears mainly
as a student, a second in which his great interest is to bring to naught
the pretended wisdom of the ' wits', and a third in which he is mainly
the counsellor of younger men. Thus the Parmenides and the reminiscences put into his mouth in the Phaedo belong to the opening of the
earliest period, the Timaeus and the central books of the Republic
show us Socrates at a further level of the same development, whereas
the Protagoras, the Gorgias, and the first book of the Republic are
dramatic exhibitions of his power as a critic of' those who pass for
wits'; in the Charmides, Laches, Euthydemus, Meno, and elsewhere
he is chiefly the wise and affectionate older adviser of young men of
promise. But Plato plainly means us to understand that the interests




PLATO'S BIOGRAPHY OF SOCRATES


29


of one of these 'periods' could be continued into another. Thus in
the Timaeus Socrates listens with absorption to just such speculations
as those which, according to the Phaedo, had charmed his youth.
But that dialogue is represented as being held only two days after
the conversations in the Republic, where Socrates is partly the unmasker of the pretender Thrasymachus, partly the guide, philosopher
and friend of Glaucon, Adeimantus, and the other young folk among
dramatis personae. Similarly the ecstatic peculiarities of Socrates
are said by the Apology to go right back to his earliest youth, but
we find an intentional stress laid on them in the Symposium, the
assumed date of which is 416, and the Phaedrus, a conversation
which must be taken to be held after 416, as it not only criticizes the
Xoyot of Lysias, thus implying his return from Thurii to Athens, but
dwells on the rising fame of Isocrates as a writer of Xoyot which display a real capacity for philosophy. Just as in the one dialogue
Socrates, in advanced middle age, can recapture all the ardour of his
first youthful enthusiasm when he speaks to a fit audience about the
'fair among ten thousand and altogether lovely', so in the other,
the same topic rouses him into a state of 'inspired madness' at
a date when he must be thought of as already an official yE4pov;
though he died a man of seventy, we are to suppose, he was none
the less one of the 'lads who never grow old '.1 He does not usually
speak, when Plato brings him into company with the wise of this
world or the eager youth of the last quarter of the fifth century,
of his lover-like devotion to Beauty or of the Forms, but the reason is
that his audience would not understand, not that he has forgotten; the
outbursts of the Symposium and Phaedrus, like the briefer passionate
utterance of the Republic about the Form of Good which is our spiritual sun, are reminders which harmonize with the story of the Phaedo
that in prison, with his public life at a close, the old man's thoughts went
wholly back to the theory he had devised for himself in the early days
when he haunted the school of Archelaus and sat at the feet of Zeno.
Of the outward facts of Socrates' life after the campaign of Amphipolis down to the year of Arginusae Plato cannot be said to tell us
anything. Probably there was not much to tell. A man over fifty
was not likely to be called up for what campaigning there was in
these years, and, according to the repeated assertions of Plato,
Socrates' 'sign' held him back from active politics. We may suppose that as the aims of the Athenian democracy were more and more
revealed as irrational and unscrupulous expansion, empire over every
Socrates, too, might have said with that other immortal youthful ypwv,
Sir John, You that are old consider not the capacities of t& khat are young.
4  ~t 




30  PROCEEDINGS OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY


one and at any price, Socrates' judgement of the Periclean system,
hard as it had long been (to judge from the language Plato thinks
appropriate to him in the Republic), became harder. In the Republic
Imperialistic democracy, though declared the worst system of government short of sheer personal tyranny, is in detail treated in the main
with a detached humour; Socrates smiles at its licence and jobbery.
In the Gorgias his language is that of invective, and the name of
Pericles appears on the list of those false statesmen who had taught
Athens nothing but folly and wickedness. Yet it is curious, and so
curious that one feels it must be true, that in the Symposium Alcibiades,
the very incarnation of the reckless and haughty spirit of the democracy, on the very eve of the fatal and final enterprise in which the
ijplts of the 'tyrant city' undid itself, is still the loved personal
friend of the philosopher, and speaks of the influence Socrates can
still exercise over his better nature in the strongest terms. It is
even more singular that in the dialogue which passes the heaviest
censure on all the democratic ideals and their creators, the Gorgias,
Socrates definitely declares that whereas the love of Callicles is given
to the Demos of Athens and the Demos of Pyrilampes (Plato's own
handsome half-brother), his is reserved for 'philosophy and Alcibiades'.
This is all the more significant that the imaginary date of the conversation seems to be the year after Arginusae, as there is an allusion
to a recent occasion on which Socrates had ' made himself ridiculous'
by not knowing how to put a matter to the vote in the assembly as
it was his business to do, being one of the prytanes. (As the Apology
makes it a capital point that Socrates had never held any office
except that he was a member of the f3ovXi7 at the time of the trials
of the Arginusae generals, this must be the occasion to which the
Gorgias refers.) The sentiment about Alcibiades uttered at such
a time cannot well mean less than that Socrates, like Aristophanes,
who produced the Frogs in the very year when Socrates was a
3ovXEvrTsr, was prepared to recall Alcibiades on his own terms-which
is as much as to say that he was ready to see him the real monarch
of Athens —as the one hope of salvation for the city, a view
so distasteful to the mass of the Sr/os that though the Frogs is
clearly written principally to urge it, Aristophanes has to pretend
that his object in the play is to damage the literary reputation of
Euripides, and to make his real point only at the very end and, as it
were, by accident. (At least this is how I should explain the singular
fact that after all that has been said against Euripides' frail heroines,
his monodies and metrical licences, Euripides and Aeschylus come
out so evenly.aleanced on their poetical merits that the decision, ' 




PLATO'S BIOGRAPHY OF SOCRATES


31


which of them is to be sent back to the upper world is made, as if
by a whim of Pluto, to depend on the sudden and unexpected question
what they think of Alcibiades. Aeschylus is really triumphant, not
as a better poet-it would be rash to be too sure that even Aristophanes
himself really thought him so-but because he advises compliance
with the moods of the ' lion's whelp.')
From the time of the battle of Arginusae on to the weeks which
saw the actual 'Passion' of Socrates, Plato tells us nothing of his
doings apart from the two stories of the Apology about the affairs
of the trial of the generals and of the arbitrary execution of Leon of
Salamis, and these two stories are only told for the special purpose
of showing that the philosopher was equally ready to risk his life in
the cause of righteousness, whether against an angry populace or
against a little ring of oligarchs. There is no Platonic dialogue
which seems to assume as its imaginary date any year in this unhappy
interval, with the probable exception of the Meno, which refers (71 c)
to a previous meeting between Socrates and Gorgias. As the opening
lines of the Gorgias (447 a) seem to imply that Socrates is supposed
in that dialogue to be meeting the famous rhetorician for the first
time, this may be taken as indicating that the conversation with Meno
is thought of as subsequent to the interview described in the Gorgias,
but there is nothing to show how much later it is supposed to be.
It cannot be after the departure of Meno from Greece to join the
campaign of Cyrus. Now Meno, as we learn from the Anabasis,
reached Cyrus at Colossae in the spring of 401, and we must presumably allow some time for the collection of the motley band of
Highlanders whom he brought with him. Hence we cannot suppose
the imaginary date of his conversation with Socrates at Athens to be
later than some time in 402, and it may be earlier. The other point
to be considered is that Anytus is present at the meeting. As
Socrates did not retire from Athens with the democrats who withdrew
to the Peiraeus and other quarters, but remained in Athens throughout the anarchy, whereas Anytus went into exile with Thrasybulus,
we must date the dialogue either before the end of 404 or after the
amnesty of the following year. Since the violent outbursts of Anytus
and his solemn warning to Socrates of the danger into which his free
criticism of democracy and its leaders is likely to bring him are
clearly meant to be indications of the feeling which led to the philosopher's prosecution, and since this danger was likely to be a very
much greater one after the reign of terror and the short civil war
than before the oligarchy had shown the lengths to which it was
prepared to go, the latest imaginary date assignable to the dialogue




32  PROCEEDINGS OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY


seems to me the most natural. Hence, apart from the dialogues
which connect themselves with the actual trial and death of Socrates
(Apology, Crito, Euthyphro, Phaedo, Theaetetus, Sophistes, Politicus),
the Meno seems to be meant as the latest 'imaginary conversation'
of Socrates among the Platonic dialogues. So far is it from being, as
Gomperz fancied, an apology to the 8ijuos! for the free handling of
democratic statesmen in the Gorgias, that part of its purpose seems
to be to show that the leaders of the restored democracy were even
more intolerant than the oligarchs where philosophy was concerned.
The oligarchs had attempted to shelter themselves by entrapping the
iustissimus unus of the age into complicity, the restored democrats
were ready to take his life because he criticized their idols.
Of the events connected with the actual prosecution and death
of Socrates, Plato has much to tell us which is too well known for
repetition here. Only it should be noted that Plato is really the sole
contemporary who has anything of importance to tell us. From
Xenophon's Memorabilia (iv. 4; iv. 8) we learn that the actual
prosecutor was named Meletus, that Socrates made no previous
preparations for his speech in his own defence, and (i. 1) that the
formal accusation was one of religious offences and corrupting the
youth. We are also told in Bk. i of certain charges of a general
kind, such as teaching his associates to contemn the existing 'laws
and usages' by ridiculing the use of the lot in appointments to office,
weakening the influence of parents over their children, and saying that
no kind of occupation is discreditable, and of the ihore specific and
rational accusation of being responsible for the offenes 'of Alcibiades
and Critias; but these accusations are ascribed so loosely to an unnamed
'accuser' that it is not even clear whether Xenophon means they were
actually urged by the prosecutors or only figured in the pamphlet-war
about the character of Socrates which was started after his death.
For the rest the Memorabilia throws no light whatever on either the
prosecution of Socrates or his death. Even the famous incident of
the attempted rescue from prison and Socrates' refusal to avail himself
of it, much though it would have been to the writer's apologeti~
purpose, is not even mentioned. The brief Xenophontic Apo
it is true, mentions this, but in so obscure and hurried a
that we should not know with any certainty what is meant
four words ' when his friends had a mind to steal him away' (rWv
EratpoWv KKXE'aI fPovXopitEoo avT6v), but for the Crito of Plato,
which is manifestly the source of the allusion. For the rest the
contents of the tract are mainly palpable borrowings from the Apology,
Crito, and Phaedo of Plato, except for two not very happy additions




PLATO'S BIOGRAPHY OF SOCRATES


88


or corrections. The first of these is the remarkable and comical statement, alleged to depend on the authority of Socrates'friend Hermogenes,
that Socrates' object in making a defence which was really a defiance
was to ensure his own conviction and so escape the weakness and
disorders attendant on old age-hardly a creditable motive or one
likely in a man vigorous enough to have left a baby in arms behind
him. The other is an illuminating example of the author's regard for
verisimilitude. Apollodorus, obviously the person described in the
Phaedo as breaking down in the death-scene and nicknamed the
'softy' (6d /aXaKos'), a passionate admirer of the master but otherwise
a simpleton', says Xenophon, exclaimed, What I cannot bear Socrates,
is the in ustice  fyo   excution'   To whic      is related i
Socrates aMest-giF?-e~ienT            ad
Socrates aWns"-re  okingg  is rlSB   ~eatd.^i 'Would you rather see
me executed deser've y.       ls, of course, simply a doublette of
Plato's pafithetVi1 e touch about Socrates toying with the curls
of Phaedo. But which version of the story is the more likely to be
correct? In Plato there is a real point to the incident. Phaedo is
a lad who still wears his hair long, and Socrates accompanies a remark
that these fine curls will be cut off to-morrow as a sign of mourning
by a playful gesture meant to help him to imagine his young friend
as he will look when he has lost his locks. Apollodorus the 'softy'
is the narrator in Plato's Symposium. We then learn that he was
a boy (Synmp. 173 a) or rather ' still a boy' when the famous banquet
took place in 416. I.e. he was born some years before that date, but
at the time when he repeats the story he is-as the words implya man who has been spending some three years in constant and daily
attendance on Socrates. This implies that Socrates is still alive and
that, consequently, if the 'softy' had ever any curls to lose, they had
all been shorn long before the final scene in the prison. The act of
Socrates, as represented by Xenophon, is thus pointless, and also has
no kind of connexion, as the corresponding act in the Phaedo has,
with the speech which accompanies it. Such an illustration of
Xenophon's methods may fairly justify us in being highly sceptical
about any incidents related by him for which we cannot find support
in the Platonic dialogues which, as I hold, though this is not the
place to argue the point, he has drawn on very freely in all his
'Socratic' writings.1
For the ' three years' and the long interval between the occurrence of the
banquet in 416 and the recital given by Apollodorus see Sympos. 172 e. For the
evidence that the nickname of Apollodorus was really o t(LAaK'o, not as most
editors give it, 6 vamKo'r, see Burnet's text of Synlpos. 173 d, alld his remarks in
his annotated edition on Phaedo 59 a 9, which seem to me quite conclusive.
Indeed Xenophon's epithet eSdrdqs (Apoloy. 28) strikes ine as an intentional allusion
to the nickname paXaKcdr.




$4  PROCEEDINGS OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY


It will be seen, I think, that the result of our examination is that
Socrates, as he appears in Plato's dialogues, comes before us as a person
with a pretty full biography and a career in which we can quite readily
discern the different stages, and a very definite and strongly marked
individuality. There are at least five strains combined in his complex
personality: (1) from his earliest manhood he has been a votary of
science and a haunter of the circle of the ' wits' of the Periclean age,
and it is just his prominence in this character which, by prompting
the question of Chaerephon to Apollo, has led to his assuming the part,
so familiar to us, of apostle of the doctrine that virtue is knowledge
of the good and that this knowledge is the one thing needful; (2) he
is a man of immense physical vigour, full of life even at the age of
threescore years and ten, and has behind him a record of military
service and shrewdness of judgement in military affairs which is of the
most distinguished kind and caused his opinion to be valued by
the military experts of his day; (3) he is a distinct opponent of
Periclean 'imperial' democracy, whose opposition hardens into bitterness and something like unfairness as he grows older, and the upshot
of a commercialistic imperialism  is more visibly manifest in fact;
(4) he is a 'saint' of the Orphic type, and an illumine, a seer of
visions and subject to 'rapts'; (5) and yet, unlike the mystics of all
but the first order, he is kept sane throughout by that sense of humour
and the due proportion of things which his enemies mistake for a mere
sly pretence, and call his 'irony'. It is this, before anything else,
which makes him a sweeter and saner Hellenic prototype of our own
Carlyle. Carlyle, in fact, is in many respects a kind of Socrates
manque, driven by failure to exercise the gift of seeing things in their
right proportion, and above all by failure to exercise 'irony' upon
himself, into alternations of high-flown raptures about the eternities
and immensities with moods of that unqualified pessimism which the
Phaedo calls 'misology'.  A good deal more might be inferred if it
were part of my purpose, as it is not, to take into account what Plato
tells us about the doctrines of the man and the known philosophical
leanings of the group whom both Plato and Xenophon name for us as
his life-long 'comrades'. But, as I have already said, it is Plato's
account of the life and personality of his hero, not his statements
about his views on science and philosophy, which is my topic this
afternoon. The question at issue is just this, whether such a character
and such a biography impress us as a vivid and dramatically true
reproduction of a living original, or as the free invention of an artist
anxious to draw an imaginary picture of an ideal sage. My own
thesis is that on the second supposition it is unintelligible why Plato
should have imagined such a host of small biographical details and




PLATO'S BIOGRAPHY OF SOCRATES


35


succeeded in imagining them so well that, though they are scattered
through a long series of works the composition of which, as no one
denies, must have ranged over the best part of half a century, there
are no discrepancies to be detected, and again that the peculiar
combination of marked personal characteristics is most unlikely to
have been thought by Plato or any one else necessary to the character
of a typical and ideal wise man, and is therefore only explicable on
the supposition that what Plato has given us is a brilliant reproduction
of an actual original who was 'an original' in the colloquial, as well
as in other senses, of that word. You may test the soundness of this
conclusion, if you wish, very simply. If we want to know how Plato,
in the full maturity of his powers, imagined the 6 philosophic' type,
he has given us the opportunity to do so. The' Eleatic stranger' of
the Sophistes and Politicus is actually introduced to us in the opening
sentences of the former dialogue as an excellent sample of the type,
and, as he is anonymous, Plato is not compelled to adjust the portraiture to the known biography or personal peculiarities of any one.
This personage is far from being like Berkeley's Hylas or Hume's
Cleanthes a mere figure-head, a mouthpiece for a theory propounded
for discussion, and nothing more. As any attentive reader will perceive he has a real individual manner of his own-but it is hard
to imagine any figure less like the Socrates whom we find sibi constans
from his youth as described in the Phaedo and Parmenides to his
prime in the Republic, his middle age in the Symposium and his death
in the Phaedo. To me the theory that we are dealing in these
dialogues with a type or an imaginary figure sounds as wild and
unnatural as it would be to maintain e.g. that Whistler's portrait
of Carlyle was meant to represent the painter's notion of a typical
man of letters, or that Pope had no actual contemporary before his
mind when he sketched the character of ' Atticus'.
As a brief pendant to what has gone before, and by way of comment
on the dogma which still persists in our own country, that it is from
Xenophon we must collect the facts about Socrates, I may subjoin
a brief statement of the strictly biographical facts or unfacts recorded
by Xenophon. None of them, it will be observed, definitely include
anything in the way of biography belonging to the earlier period of
Socrates' life which might not have been directly copied from the
Platonic dialogues which were indubitably used for Xcnophon's
Apologia, as Xenophon himself all but tells us in the opening
sentences of the work.   Socrates was the son of Sophroniscus
(Hellenica i. 7. 15); he had a son who was called Larnprocles, and
a wife, with a temper of her own, whose name, Xanthippe, is once
occasionally given in the Xenophontic ~Sympjostum (ii. 10).




36  PROCEEDINGS OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY


A list of his 'associates' is given which seems to be taken direct
from the Phaedo, only that Chaerephon, who died before the trial
of Socrates, as we learn from Plato, is added. Further, he was a
friend of Callias, son of Hipponicus (mentioned as the host of
Protagoras in the dialogue Protagoras), of Glaucon, Plato, Charmides,
and, though Xenophon wishes us to think this connexion temporary,
of Alcibiades and Critias, whom he sought in vain to correct of their
faults of self-will and hatred of discipline. He was well versed in the
higher mathematics and astronomy of his time (Mem. iv. 7. 3 and 5),
though he did not think such knowledge of practical service for most
men. He was exceptionally punctilious in performing the ceremonies
required by the religion of the state, and 'practised' more than
mankind in general in the way of offering prayer and sacrifice on
his own account. He believed in oracles and prognostications in
dreams, and regarded his own peculiar 'sign' as a kind of oracle
private to himself. But when we ask for something more definite
than these generalities in the way of biography, the Memorabilia
furnish us with remarkably little. We learn (Miem. i. 1), as we are
also told in the Hellenica, that Socrates was ECrLT-rr',r,  or chairman
for the sitting of the assembly in which the proposal to deal with the
Arginusae generals en bloc was made, and that he refused to put the
proposal to the vote. (This is related without the further details given
by Plato in the Apology.) That in the oligarchic reign of terror Critias
and Charicles, fearing his censures of their proceedings, forbade him
to converse with the young, and that Socrates, under a show of deference to their authority,' chaffed' them about the absurdity of such
a vague prohibition, but was dismissed with a threat. Whether he
obeyed the order we are not told. That Antiphon the sophist, at
some unspecified time, tried to draw away the companions with whom
Socrates was accustomed to study the writings of the 'wits of old'.
That Socrates admired the apologue of the 'choice of Heracles',
which had been worked up into a show-declamation by Prodicus.
That he once tried hard to make up a quarrel between Chaerephon
and his brother Chaerecrates. That he advised a friend who had lost
his means of support in the year of anarchy to set his women-folk at
remunerative work. That he found for the wealthy Crito a useful
factotum to protect him from blackmailers. That he prevented
Plato's brother Glaucon from making himself ridiculous by trying to
cut a figure before the EKKXr/o-ta while he was still in his teens. This,
says Xenophon, he did from friendship to Charmides and Plato,
where the mention of Plato must be an inadvertence, since the
Glaucon of the Republic is already a young man who has distinguished
himself in battle, and a fast friend of Socrates at a date when Plato




PLATO'S BIOGRAPHY OF SOCRATES


37


must have been a baby, though the statement about Charmides would
fit in well with Plato's account that Socrates was attracted to him as
early as 430, if it were not for one allusion which seems to show that
Xenophon is thinking of the incident as happening during the
Decelean war (Mem. iii. 6. 15).1 This is quite incompatible with the
assumptions of the Republic in which Glaucon is said to have distinguished himself in a battle at Megara fought at a date when
Cephalus the father of Lysias was still alive, and Lysias himself a
mere veavIa-Koo.
It is a more interesting point, and one which might help to
explain some things in Socrates' later life that Xenophon says it was
he who first persuaded Charmides to enter politics (Mem. iii. 7. 1),
but when we find that the arguments of Socrates are made to
turn mainly on the value of self-knowledge as a preparation for
public life we are forcibly reminded of the discussion of self-knowledge in Plato's Charmides, and we have also to ask ourselves at what
date the advice can have been given. It is definitely stated that
Charmides, who was only just old enough to be called petpaKLfov
in 430 (Charm. 154 b), was an davjp dio6Xoyos when Socrates urged
him to shake off his shyness, and that Socrates had been struck by
the sound advice he had been known to give in private to c those who
are employed in the state's affairs' (Menz. iii. 7. 3). Clearly, then,
we are to think of him as at any rate a man of some thirty years or
more. This brings us down to so late a date that it is incredible
that the facts should not have been remembered by the democrats
who prosecuted Socrates and have been a much more plausible charge
against him than most of the matters which seem to have been
brought up at his trial, since Charmides was at the head of the
oligarchical Committee set up in 404 to administer the Peiraeus, and
with Critias fell in battle against the majority of his fellow-citizens.
Yet from Xenophon's own silence it appears that no one had made
it a grievance against Socrates that he had actually persuaded the
man to take up public life! Hence I fear the incident is probably
nothing more than a pleasing story founded on the charming Platonic
description of Socrates' interest in Charmides as a youth. Thus the
Memorabilia are wholly silent about most of the characteristic facts
of the life of Socrates, as related by Plato, before the year of
Arginusae, and add nothing fresh of a biographical kind except the
story that Critias and Charicles tried to restrain his sarcastic com1 Glaucon complains that his uncle (i.e. Charmides) cannot be persuaded to
entrust the management of his affairs to him. Charmides is thus thought of as
a full-grown man of position at the time when Socrates first came into contact
with Glaucon,




38  PROCEEDINGS OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY


ments on their administration, (the much more important incident of
the arrest of Leon is not mentioned), and the representation of his
wife, who is not named, as a woman with a temperament.
From the Symposium, which purports to be an account of a gathering
in the year 422, we might gather that Socrates was on friendly terms
with the millionaire Callias (as we know from Plato), that his wife's
name was Xanthippe, that he used to dance, as Hobbes used to sing,
in strict privacy for bodily exercise, that he jestingly professed to be
proud of his skill as a pimp and go-between between ' wits ' and the
pupils by whom they made a living (an idea which seems to be taken
directly from Plato's Theaetetus) and of his personal attractions. (Here
again we seem to have a clumsy development of a theme from the speech
of Alcibiades in the Symposium of Plato, a work to which Xenophon
makes constant and undisguised allusions throughout his own piece.)
Further that, just after the production of the Clouds, be it remembered, there was a popular jest that he was a fpovrLiTr7', who
studied ' the things aloft ', and a joke of some kind about his studying
geometrical problems turning on some point about a flea, and that
he spoke eloquently about the difference between the heavenly and
the earthly Aphrodite (again a palpable reminiscence of the speech
of Pausanias in Plato's Symposium). I have not taken into account the
rival possibility that it is Plato's dialogue which borrows touches from
Xenophon, partly because I do not think any reader of the two
works, unaware that such a theory has been mooted, could possibly
doubt on which side the indebtedness lies, but partly because I hold
that the question can be settled if necessary by a single case in which
Xenophon's language is unintelligible except as an allusion to Plato's
work. In Xenophon ii. 26 Socrates is made to apologize for a vivid
metaphor by saying, 'Va Kalt Ey) E'V 1OpyLElOtS prjfcaoiv Ei'ry, if I too
may use the high-flown language of Gorgias.' No one in the preceding
part of the work has used any Fopyleta pr41uara at all; everything has
been said in the simplest language of every day. The ' I too' must
therefore allude to something in a composition against which Xenophon
is pitting his own. He means-though the statement is quaintly
untrue-that he, no less than some other, can make his characters
talk the dithyrambic language of Gorgias when he sees fit. If he
usually makes them speak like men of this world, it is from choice,
not of necessity. Against whom the attack is directed is seen at once
from a comparison with Plato's Symposium 198 b, where Socrates says
that the high-flown speech of Agathon, to which he had just listened,
reminds him of Gorgias, and pretends to be unable to keep the oratory,
now that it has come to his turn to make his panegyric of Eros, at
this margnificent level.




PLATO'S BIOGRAPHY OF SOCRATES


Xenophon's Symposium thus contributes no single fact to the
biography of Socrates, though it is interesting as giving a picture
of his outward appearance and his social manner which, so far as
it goes, justifies the burlesque of Aristophanes and shows that the
writer cannot have thought the brilliant portrait of Plato's Symposium a pure invention of the imagination. The Apologia, apart from
the points for which it has been cited already, mentions the famous
response of the Delphic oracle (~ 14) as a matter which Socrates had
spoken of in his defence before the dicasts, but makes him treat it
quite out of character. He boasts and brags in a fashion which
would have been certain to secure his condemnation and is quite out
of keeping with the modesty he elsewhere observes in Xenophon's
writings no less than with the keen sense of humour ascribed to him
by Plato. He is also made (~ 20) to profess, contrary to the tenor
of his whole life, to be a 'specialist' in education (rovro yap tao-atv
Ed2 iu xeieX7K6os), much in the fashion in which Protagoras makes the
same claim in Plato. Presumably Xenophon thought this kind of
thing in keeping with the.LeyaaX7yopia, the 'lofty tone' which he
professes to have found in 'all previous narratives' of the trial and
death of Socrates,-that is to say, if he had chosen to be more outspoken,-in the Apology, Crito, and Phaedo. Of genuinely biographical information the little tract is wholly empty.
Finally, we have, of course, in the Anabasis the one really valuable
addition to the information supplied by Plato, that Socrates (iii. 1.
5-7) doubted the wisdom of Xenophon's volunteering for the expedition of Cyrus and sent him to Delphi to consult the oracle, obviously
in the hope that he might change his mind.
If we omit the merely anecdotal from this recital, we are left with
the following statements: Socrates, son of Sophroniscus, had a wife
called Xanthippe and a son Lamprocles; he exercised a good deal of
influence over Charmides and some temporary influence on Alcibiades
and Critias. At some unknown date the Delphic oracle told Chaerephon that he was a model of all the virtues. He had some advanced
knowledge of science and also claimed to have a peculiar private
oracle. He belonged to a circle which studied the writings of the
'older wits'. In 422 it was a popular jest that he had propounded
a geometrical problem somehow connected with fleas. In the year of
Arginusae he presided over the assembly in which it was proposed to
try all the generals together and refused to put this proposition to
the vote. In the oligarchic anarchy of 404 he remained in the city
but was reprimanded by Critias and Charicles for the imprudence of
his sarcasms about their administrative methods. In 402 or very
early in 401 he disapproved of Xenophon's Asiatic adventure. IHe




40  PROCEEDINGS OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY


was put to death after a long life on the charges of religious offences
and of having a bad influence upon younger men. In all this only the
name of Lamprocles, the reference to the joke about the flea, the
story of the reprimand by the Thirty and the personal anecdote
about his advice to Xenophon himself add anything to the statements
of Plato. It is obvious that Xenophon has really furnished us with
no materials from which to make a story of his hero's life. The only
datable biographical events of any importance, beyond the mention of
a name or two, belong to the last six or seven years of Socrates' career.
(The reference to the response of the oracle is undated, and it is not
from Xenophon that we obtain the materials for fixing its approximate date.) There is nothing whatever to show us under what
influences Socrates had grown up, except a list of his friends from
which-again not by any help afforded by Xenophon but by comparison with Plato-we can infer that some of the most intimate of
them were Pythagoreans. If we compare these meagre results with
the pretty full and careful account of Socrates, his family, and his
history already deduced from the dialogues of Plato, we are driven
to the conclusion that if Plato's narrative is dismissed as imaginative
fiction, not only the doctrines of Socrates but the events of his life,
except for one or two which occurred after he was 65, are shrouded
in impenetrable mystery. 'Socrates the man '-to speak after the
fashion of the modern writer of ' personal paragraphs'-is as much
an C unknown X' to us as 'the Socratic philosophy'. On the other
side, if we may trust Plato's accounts we have, I maintain, not only, as
Professor Burnet, myself, and others have contended, a coherent exposition of a philosophical theory of high originality, obviously intended
to meet just the problems which were perplexing Athenian minds in
the middle of the fifth century, the time of Socrates' early manhood,
but also a rather full and particular narrative of the life and personal
traits of the man who devised this philosophy: the account is contained in a whole series of works written at intervals during a period
of probably at least forty years, yet no serious discrepancies are to be
found in it, even when we try it by the severe standard of demand
for truth not only in casual statements on points of fact but in the
inferences which result from combination of such casual statements.
Is it necessary to put into words the only conclusion to which all the
facts point? The ' historical Socrates', as he has been called, must
be found in the full and faithful portrait, drawn with careful attention to fact, of a great thinker by another great thinker who, by
God's grace, was also a master of dramatic portraiture. The portrait
is that of the actual son of Sophroniscus; nearly every 'historical'
touch in it is known to us ultimately only on the faith of Plato.




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