Wrrcer ter Philippine Cc Ilect ion 4 ^6.P 2 0 f u worcesta-r PhlaOppine CoL' /j 4,' I;/ 'IO r-,, - I 1 I.4 I CHAPTER XX. ED)UCATION IN CUBA, PTO RICO, AND THE PHILIPPINES. By R. L. PIACKARD. I. CUBAt AN PORTO RIco. The statistics of thle institutions of plublic instruction, and those of 1priva-te elementary schools, in Cuba, t'aken froim official and other autheltic sources,.re placed at the beginning of the following compilation for the convenience of those who already know the history alld unlderstand the general social condition of affairs in the island. To otllers they can1 have, however, little significance without knowledge of thle colonial hlistory and of the kind of instruction which is given in tlhe institutions represelnted. To supply this inforInation the statistical review is followed by a historical sketch of the relations between the colonies and Spain —the origin and growth of the separatist tendencywhlicl is taken froin a (Gernman authority, and this is followed by a history of the educational, literary, and scientifiotl ovemlent in Cuba, from a Cuban source, together with plans of studies in the university and other institutions; then the testimony of competent judges as to the condition of education in the island at different periods from Humboldt's time downl to 1890 is given, and a summary of the whole evidence concludes the palper. The educational systemu of the Spanish colonies has,always been a subordinate part of that of the Peninsula, the same law-s governing both, and the royal orders and decrees have so coordinated the two that the professorate in both hlas come to form essentially one body. The universities of the colonies were modeled upon the famous ones of Spain, and, until recently, education retained its aristocratic or university character, no attention being paid to the general and public education of the masses. The educational system of Cuba consisted of the University of Havana and institutes of secondary instruction (colleges and seminaries) in the capitals of the provinces and in Porto Rico. The rector of the university was the immediate head of this system under the CaptainGeneral of the island, as representative. of the King. Royal orders and 909 910 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. decrees regulated the co-, duct of education, ap~poinlted teachers, created or changed the plaii of studies, and managed all. the other details of the institutions of public instruction, which alone could g~rant degrees. The degrees of the private institutions (colleges of the religrions or(lers) required verification before they could be accepeLtd ais validl and idlentifled with those of the public institutions. IDegrees of the University of Havana w ere valid in. Spain, and the degrees, of' bachelor of the secoI1(la-ry institutions in Cuba and Porto Rkico were sancetioned by the university. STATISTI.CS OF SUPERIOR AND) SECON1)AIZY INSTRUCITiON. The unirersity.-According to the 'annual report for 1888-89 the Royal University had 1,046 students for that year, of whom 167 were inscribed in the faculty of philosophy and letters; 187 in that of the natural sciences; 240 each in the law and medical faculties, and 214 in pharmacy. In Ihe three following years there were 1,009, 1,03(9, and l,0S3, respectively, showing little change. The exIpenlditllres for the first-nained year were 126,859 pesos,' of which 121,209 pesos were for salaries and 5,650 pesos were for material. The in1cone, largely from fees, was 77,7638 pesos, leavinig adeficit of 49,221-pesos. A full account of the university will be given below. By the law of 1880 an institute of secondlary instruction was esttablished in the ca~pital of each province, each of wNhich comprises a numlber of colleges and semina~ries in the, vicin~ity. Thus thc Institute of 11avana, has 28 colleges incorporatedl under it; that of Matanzas, 8; that of Puerto Principe, 1; that of Santa Clari, 1.8; that of Pinar del Rtio, 3, and that of Slantiago (le Cuba, 12. The following tables will show thme dletails of attendlance at these institutes lby provinces.2- The plait of stlldies will lbe given later onl. Ill1itif te of' IHaraa. 10(I,1('1or Bachelor Year.1 StiidelutMA Year. suet3 de-res erees. 180:h..............(:6:1......1887 —88............ 1, 752 204 1804-65............. 764. --- —-1889 —90............ 1,774 209 18654:;6. --- —------- 541...... 1890 -91............ 1,956 24:1 1866-67. --- —------- 683.......1891-92............I 1, 853 25:1 1886-87.............1, 804 186 1 The superior normal school for imale teachers, created in 1890, had 40 StudleIts the first year and 42 in 1891-920j that for females had 85 )students the first year arid 1793 in 1891-92. The, "professional" school of the island of Cuba (founded in 1855) had 43 students in 1890-91 and 51 I Accordinlg to Department (lirciilar No. 54, iss-nei by the U. S. Treas~ury April 1, 1898, the~ Cula-n peso$09. 2From La primera enseiianz7. en Ia isia de Citba. Por Jo96 Estehuan I~iiaa, Secretario dle ha Junta Provincial dle Instruccion Pfiblica do Ia liabaila. Ti~tbaana, 1893. EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. 911 the next year. It gives business degrees to superintendents or overseers and surveyors. Tlie professional school of painting and scull)tulre of Havana had an attendance as follows: 1867.-..-.. — -- ------- --- ---- --- --. -75 1887-88...-.... —. -—............................................... —. 502 1890-91.-.... —.. —............................................... 431 1891-92.-................................................................... 400 Tlhe plan of studies of this well-known school will be found in another place. Tlhe provincial school for artisans had 115 students in the day school and 316 in tile night school in 1890-91. A large number of "colleges of primary instruction" for boys,and girls is given for tile province of Havana by Sefior Liras, but without statistics, and several charity schools are also mentioned. Nine Sunday schools for poor girls and servant girls, conducted by women, were established in 1882-1884, and have been attended by over 5,000 young women since they were started, and have an attendance of from 30 to 100. Province of lMatizaas.-The colleges in this provilice have been established for the most part since 1850, but the statistics for some of tlhem ceased with 1868, the year of tlie insurrection. The institute of Matanzas was created in 1863. The atted(lance and degrees lhave been as follows: 'ear. Students. B lear. Stldents. ' a elr degrees. 1865-66...................... 257......... 1890-91...................... 367 51 1866-67...238...................1891-2.............. 396 43 1867-68.....................-. 1 08.......... 1892-93..................,. 371 4 40 1887-88........................................ 42 4 The expellditures were 13,650 pesos for salaries and 1,000 for mlaterial in the latter year; total, 14,650 pesos. There were 16 periodicals and newspapers in the province inl 1894. Plrorince of Santa Clara.-Tle institute was founded in 1882. Its activity is shown as follows: Year. Studlents Bachelor r.I Bachelor Year. student, trs. (Aar t rs. 1886-87....................... 334 56 1891-92...................... 331 31 1887-88.................! 0 34 1892-93............... 3 1 1R89-90....................... 329 29 1893-94...................... 339.......... 1890-91....................... 26 26 The expenditures were 15,900 pesos, 14,900 for salaries and 1,000 for material. There were 30 periodicals, ranging from a medical and scientific journal down to newspapers, in the province. Province of Puerto Principe.-Besides several private colleges of secondary instruction, the institute proper was founded in 1863, and was supported by the State until recently, but is now maintained by the provincial authorities. 912 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. Its recent history is shownl by the following tablle: Y;ar. Students. lcel Year. d Bachelor degrees. degrees. _ _..........-........ SG8 87....................... 113 17!1890-91..... 144 19 8SS7-88.................... 121 14 i1891- 92..................... 169 18 1889-90....................... 143 27 I I The institutes of Pinl:r del Rito and Santiago de Cuba had 145 and 255 students, respectively, in 1889-90-the last date of which we have oflicial reports. The bachelor degrees were 12 and 11 for that year. The institute of Porto Rico the same year lad 6( bachelor degrees conrirmed by the university. PRIMIARY EDUCATION. The following statistics are taken from the pamp)hlets upoll primary education in Cuba by Jos(' Esteban Liras, secretary of the provincial ilinta of public instruction of Hlavaia,. Each l)apll)hlet is devoted to a separate province, and gives the history of each school in the province, with statistics dowii to 1891, thus showing the development of elementary education. The public schools have, for the most part, been established since the mniddle of this century, after the law of 1842 came into effect, whlich provided for inspection, and created provincial committees. In 1833 tile schools which lhad been established in the whole island, mainly thlrough the efforts of the Sociedad Ecou6mica, were 210 for whites tand( 12 for colored, with an attendance of 8,460 whites and(l 486 colored, 8,946 in all. Of the white schools, 129 were for boys and 81 for girls, while the schools for tihe colored were equally divided. The total amnouint allotted for 1)ublic instruction was 40,499 Iesos. Normal schools were established after 1850, and by 1858 tlhe apl)ropriation from municipal fnd(ls for primary instruction was 156,910 pesos. In 1867 there were 752 public and 532 private schools, witlh an attendance of 27,780. The public schools cost tlhen 596,922 pesos. Thle insurrection of 1868 interfered seriously with education, anlll a great number of schools were (closed. It will be seen from the preceding tables relating to secondary education, and also from those that follow relating to elementary schools, that there is a hiatus from 1867 to 188 7, the former date just preceding the ten-year insurrection. The totals showing the population, the number of primary schools, and the attendance, together with an analysis of the census figures showing the percentage of whites and the illiteracy, are here given. For details of statistics by provinces the reader is referred to the tables below. In 1894 the population, total number of public and private schools, and their attendance, in the four provinces of Havana, Matan EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. 913 zas, Puerto Principe, and Santa Clara were as follows (the figures for Havana were those of 1893): Population................................................... 1,175,000 Public and private schools.............................................. 1, 255 Attendance............................................................. 47, 752 There was an increase from 1887 to 1894, as the following will show: 1887. 1894. Population......................................................... 1, 100, 222 1,175,000 Numrberof schools........................................................ 963 1,255 Attendance................................................................. 36,467 47,752 In the province of Havana in 1893 74.55 per cent of the population were white and 5.83 per cent of the entire population were receiving elementary instruction. In the province of Matanzas in 1887, the latest date for which there are available figures, the whites were 55 per cent of the population, and 60 per cent of the white and 93 per cent of the colored population could neither read nor write. In the province of Puerto Principe the whites formed 80 per cent of the population in 1887. Over 50 per cent of the white and 70 per cent of the colored population could not read nir write in 1894. In the province of Santa Clara 69 per cent of the population was white in 1887, and about 72 per cent of the whites and 90 per cent of the blacks could neither read nor write. The following statistical tables of primary inlstruction in the different provinces are taken froml the authority referred to above (Liras): P'ro'incc of Harana, fop ulation in 1893. Male. Female. Total. WVhite (native)......................................................... 191, 758 149, 094 340, 852: Colored.......................................... 50, 960 55,693 106, 653 Chinle e...................................... 5, 543 41 5, 584 Foreigners............................................................. 2,448 1,587 4,035 For-e~ign~ers.....B2, 448 1, 587 4, 035 Total............................................... 250, 709 206, 415 457,124 It results froml this that 74.55 per cent of the population in 1893 were white, 23.36 per cent colored, 1.23 per cent Chinese, and 0.86 per cent foreigners. Also 51 per cent-were miales, but a larger proportion of the native whites were males (56 per cent) thant the blacks (47 per cent), while 9 ) per cent of the Chinese and 61 per cent of the foreigners were of that sex, they beilg away front their natural habitats. Tlie statistics of primlary schools show as regards number: Ptblid schools. Private scliools. Public and private. 1867. 1887. 1893. 1867. 1887. 1893. 1867. 1887. 1893. For boy.................. 74 107 107 50 1 125 140 124 232 247 For girls.................. 66 82 91 78 i 83 190 144 165 281 For both sexes................... 11 2 21 16 2 21 27 Total................ 40 189 209 130 229 346 270 418 555 -ED 9(S -58 914 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. There was, therefore, one school to every 1,455 inhabitants in 1867; one to 1,080 in 1887, and one to 824 in 1893. There were 214 teachers il the public schools, 113 being males and 101 females. Seven were under 20 years of age; 97 were between 20 anll 40; 88 between 40 and 60, and 22 were over 65, and they received salaries vairying from 1,.500 to 300 pesos, only 2 receiving the former and 42 the latter. The attendauce was as follows: Public scho1ols. P lrivate scloo's. 1867. 187. 1893. 1867. 1887. '183:;. Wh ite: o s........................................ 5, 83, 995 4, 3:06 2, 497 2, 987 4, 614 Girls........................................... 2, 94 2,891 3,036 1.29L 2,628 5,790 Colored: i Boy1 s...............1............. 1,023 1,003 186 722 1,152 (.i a........................................... 810 Girls..810 1080 120 660 1,401 Toal.............................. 8, 028 8, 719 9,455) 4,094 6,997 i 12,957 These tables show^ that the total number of pupils in 1893 i: the public and private schools of the province was 22,412. It also appears that there was 1 pupil to every 32 inhabitlats in 1867; 1 to every 28 in 1887, and 1 to every 20 in 1893. But in the public schools alone there was I pupil to 48 inhabitants in 1867; 1 to 51 in 1887, and 1 to 48 in 1893. The tables show also that 2.07 per cent of the population of the province:litendedl the primnary public schools and 2.83 per cent the private, and that 4.90 per ent of the polulation received primary instruction. A school census of children up to 10 years for 1893 shows that the white boys were more numerous th:in the girls, being 23,326 to 21,844, while the colored were 8,121 boys to 8,266 girls. The total expense for public primary education in 1893 vwas 207,666 pesos, which was at the rate of about 22 pesos per pupil. A general summary ol primary instruction for the province of Havana i- shown in this table: 1867. 1887. 1893. l'Po:lalltion........................................................ 392, 975 451, 528 457, 124 Ntuilerl ot' sciools..................................................... 270 418 555 Pnpi^ ls.... —.................. -.......................... 12,122 15,,716 26.732 Extenleses (plesom)............................................................. 179, 097 207,666 aTn llndes 4..::20 domestic pupil.-. I''orinc',of.l[rtt. a). l —I'opJ) tt io, 1867..................................................................... 194,595 1887...................2.......0...................................... 259 508 1891............2......................................................... 265, 025 In 1877 tle whites were 49 per cent and in 1887 55 per cent of the population, and the males were 57 per cent. In 1887 5 per cent of the whites could read only, and 35 per cent could both read and write. Of the colored population 1 per cent could read only, and 6 per cent conld both read and write; so that 60 per cent of the white and 93 per cent of the colored could neither read nor write. EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. '15 The following table gives the number of schools in 1887 and 189.1 IPublic schools. IPrivate schlools.j Both pnbic and private. 1887 1894. 1 887. 1894. 1887. j 1894. Boys....................................... 69 4 75 1 44 25 123 112 Girl................................................ 49 53 71 34 129 99 Both sexes.......................................... 19 24 1 58 5 Total......................................... 137 152 116 117 1 253 269 There were 156 teachers for the 152 public schools, with salaries ranging from 1,200 pesos to 150 pesos. There were 5,652 pupils in the public schools-3,442 boys and 2,210 girls-and 4,116 pupils in the 117 private schools-2,236 boys and 2,180 girls-making 10,068 in both. This makes 1 public school to 1,743 people, and 1 private school to 2,265 people. lThere was I pupil in the public schools to 47 inhabitants. SUM IMARY. 1887. 1 ]'4. Population........................................................................ 2 9,508 205 025 N um ber of schools............................................................... 253 269 P upils............................................................................ 9, (7 10, 068 Expenses (pesos)..................................................... 110, 262 133,514; 1867. 1877, I 1887. 1894. i....... _. _...., _ W hites............................................................. 38, 5 6 56,781 54,2 31........?hites.', 556 56, 7811.2... Colored..................................................... 23. 871 1. 464 13,558........ Total........................................ 62. 427- 69. 245 67,789 69, 061 The whites were 61 per cent of the. popul:Ition in 1867, 82 per cent in 1877, and 80 per cent in 1887. The males predonminl:ted, being 5.5. p1( cr (et ill Ii 67. 63 pe(r cent in 1877, and 53 per cent in 1887. The public elementary schools -were irs follows: 1867. 1887. i 1894. lBovs........................................................................ 17 1 20 Cirla................................................................. 8 15 17 Both sexes.............................................. 4 Total...................................................................' 25 32 j 41 Or 1 public school to 2,501 people il 1867; 1 to 2,118 in 1887; 1 to l!.84 in 1894. The private schools at the same periods were: 1867. 1887. 1894. Bovs................................................................ i 61 2 irl....................................................................... 9 1 7 Both sexes..............................................................27 26 Total.......................3.....................................21 34 5 916 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. Or 1 private school to 1,359 people in 1867; 1 to 1,027 in 1887; 1 to 908 in 1894. There were 42 teachers for the 41 public schools in 1894, with salaries from 1,500 pesos (1 teacher) down to 300 pesos (with 16 teachers). The attendance was: 1867. 1887. 1894. Boys............... 1.................... 1, 095 1, 032 986 Girls...................................................................... 277 158 801 Total.................................................................. 1,372 1,190 1,787 Or 1 pupil to 45 inhabitants in 1867; 1 to 56 in 1887; 1 to 37 in 1894. The private schools were as follows: 1867. 1587. 1894. Bovs................................................................. 397 277 281 Girls......................................................................... 148 320 507 T o ta l.............................................................................................. 5 45 597 788 Or 1 private school pupil to 114 people in 1867; 1 to 113 in 1887; 1 to 86 in 1894. In 1894 the attendance was: In the public schools........................................................ 1,787 In the private schools....................................................... 788 Total................................................................. 2,575 Therefore 2.58 per cent of the population were educated in tlle publlic and 1.14 per cent in the private schools-3.72 per cent in all. Over 50 per cent of the white and 70 per cent of the colored population can neither read nor write. The expenses of the public schools in 1894 were 33,548 pesos, so that each pupil cost 18 pesos, and each school 818 pesos. The summary shows as follows: 1867. 1887. 1894. Population................................................................... 62, 527 67, 789 69, 061 Nlumbler of schools...................................................... 4 6 7 Pupils........................................................................, 917 1,787 2,575 Expenses (pesos)........................................................... 27, 829 33, 548 P'rovince of Santa Clara. The history of primary education in this province may be said to have begun as soon as Velasquez founded the cities of Sancti Spiritus and Trinidad, because l3artolome, de las Casas took part in the founding of Trinidad, and he was among the first to instruct the young Indians. But the church instruction was a different thing from secular education, the beginning of which may be pult at 1712 in this province, as will be rela4ed in its place. Popu la tion. 1867. 1877. 1 18S7. 1894. W hites...................................................... 186, 297 205,694 244,344.......... Colored..................................................... 102,830 115,703 109,778.......... Total.................................................. 289,127 321,397 354,122 383,790 EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. 917 In 1867 64 per cent of the population were white; in 1877, 64 per cent, and in 1887, 69 per cent. The males were 56, 57, and 55 per cent for the same years. In 1887 2 per cent of the whites and 1.65 per cent of the blacks could read only, and 27.75 per cent of the whites and 10.52 per cent of the blacks: could both read and write. Public schools. 1867. 1887. 1894. Boys......................................................................... 50 123 ' 121 G irls......................................................................... 23 54 72 Both sexes................................................................................... 21 Total.................................................................. 73 177 214 _ ____. _....._...... There was, therefore, 1 public school to 3,960 inhabitants in 1867, 1 to 3,026 in 1887, 1 to 1,793 in 1894. Private sc(ool-s. 1867. 1887. 1894. Bo s...................................................................... 1 3 53 G irls......................................................................... 1 52 68 Both sexes........... 3 20 T tal................................................................... 28 92 141 There was 1 private school to 10,290 persons in 1867, 1 to 3,824 in 1887, 1 to 2,721 in 1894. Pl'blic Iand lprivate' schiools. 1867. 1887. 1894. Boys............................................................. 6 58 174 Girls.......................................... 3 i 108 140 Botl sexes........................................................................... 41 Total................................................................... 101. 269 355 There were 215 teachers for the 214 public schools, 132 male and 83 female, and their salaries ranged from 1,200 to 300 pesos. The public schools were attended by 4,694l boys and 3,395 girls, 8,089 in all, and the private by 2,279 boys and 2,329 girls, 4,608 in all, making a total attendance of 12,697 pupils. This makes 1 pupil in the ulblic schools to 47 persons, and in the private 1 to 83 persons. Tile total expelnses for the public schools were 150,644 pesos, so that each pupil cost 19 pesos, and eacli inhabitant was indebted 2.50 pesos for the public schools. SUMMARYr-PUBLIC SCHOOLS. 1887. 1894. Population............................................................. 354,122 383,790 Number of schools............................................................6 226 355 Attendance....................................................................... 9,889 12,697 Expenditures (pesos)...................................127, 431. 150, 644.. 12..4.1 918 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. The ouly statistics available for the two remaining prtovinces, Pillar dcl Rio and Santiago de Cuba, are from the Annario ofthehe Real Iniversidad, and are for the year 1888-89. They are as follows: Totnl Schools. Attendance. Total popula- -- - - - penDtion. P t. tal. ublic. Priate otate P l. otal. r itures. |I Pesoa. Santiago d1 C;uba............... 1, 010 110 76 1 86 0,031 1837l 7, 8 8 82,596 Pifiat del i.................... 229, 761 134 26 160 3, 565 732 4,297 77,63 POR'TO RICO. Education of all kinds was greatly neglected in Porto liico ultil 1837, many of the towns being without even a primary school, but since tile institution of the provincial committees on primary instruction in that year (incorporated in the Royal Academy of Belles Lettres in 1851) muncl progress has been made. In 18G1 there was a public school in every town, besides private ones in those of tle first and second class. The city of San Juan had in 1861 six public and four private schools, four of the first for girls and two for boys, and of the last, two for each sex, besides a seminary, founded in 1831, with three professorships proper to the ilstitution, and those of the French and English languages, lmathellatics, and design, which are supported by the Sociedad Econ6mica (le Amigos de Pais. According to a statement of the academy in 1852, the schools of the island were attended by 2,981 scllolars. A large number of tlie boys were (1861) sent to Europe and tlee United States for education. The young creoles are exceedingly apt scholars, and very few attain manhood without a knowledge of reading, writing, and arithmetic, as, unfortunately, despising mechanical pursuits, their great aim is to qualify themselves for clerkships. The education of the females was, until 1861, much less attended to, and many could not write.' But in 1878-79 only 5,200 pesos were in the estimates for public instruction in the island, and in 1887 only about 14 per cent of the popullation could read and write. In 1890 the populationl was 810,394, with 350,000 whites. We are fortulate ill being able to secure the following more recent information frolm Mr. F. A. Ober, a gentleman who has made a study of tlie West Indies, and whlose writings, giving the results of his ethnological and historical studies, are well known. From a text-book upon the geography of the island, by Don Manuel Quiniana y Corton, 1879, he quotes that there were in that year 363 primary schools in the island, attended by 12,144 pupils of both sexes, 256 of which were for boys and 107 for girls. (Tlhe population was then about 700,000, more than half of whom were white.) Education was compulsory and gratuitous for poor children, who were supplied with 'The Spanish West Indies, Cuba and Porto Rico, from the Spanish of Don J. M. de Ia Torre (Porto Rico, by J. T. O'Neill), by Richard Swaynson Fisher. [New York, 1861.] EDUCATION IN C(UBA AND PORTO RICO. books, etc. From a work by a Spanish officer, Doln -Manuel tUbeda y Delgado, upon the history, geography, and statistics of the island, published in 1878 ill Porto Rico, he takes the estimate for that year, which was 5,200 pesos out of 287,522 pesos for public works (fomento), and then quotes as follows: The advantages of I'orto Rico (as to educatioll) are ilot enlltal to thlose offered elsewhere in countries more civilized, becalse we e ack colleges all( institutions of instruction of higher grade. The total lack of ulniversities, institutes, anld. academies obliges fathers who desire to give their sons an educatioll (daughters nlot considered) to senld them to the Peninsula (Spain) and foreign countries, nit that there are not good professors here of mathematics, languages, music, etc., but they are not nulmrous; still, by means of periodicals, standard works, etc., (lie imay aclluire a great deal that is attaillnable in more polpular centers. There is at present in construction a butiding in which will ble installed the college of secondary instruction, directed by the Jesuit professors. This establishnlent is the only one of its class in the island, but fortunately it has given excellent results since (accordillg to one of the professors) those who obtain its degree of bacllelor of arts lnlay rank with the best of those who enter the universities. The stul die; are distributed in five courses, or years, as follows-;: First coiose.-Latin.aid Spanish gra nmar; C'hlistian dlloct, rin and salcred history-; principles of Iand exercises in arithmetic. Seconl c01ours.-,Latin allld Spanish grainnLar- notions of dlsfcriptive geograplhy; principles of:!nd exercises in geometry. Third coursc.-Exercises in analyzing and Latin tranislation: iflinitetts of (;reek; iiotions of general history; arithmetic and algebra. F1'olrtfi corsc.-Elenienlts of rhetoric and poetry, with exercis;es it comliparisen o select pieces, Latin and Spanish, and ill Ltin and Spanish conilosition; exercises ill Greek translation; history of Spain; elemellts of geomletry and plane trigonome.try. 1i'f1 cotr se.-Psychology, logic, mioral phllilosophly elements ot' physics and cheilnistry; outlines of natural hlistory. IHaving completed these prescribedl stuldics, inr luding a coutrse. in l'Frnchnl, il whatever year desire(, studeiits obtain the degree of,bachelor of arts. There is also a preparatory course for studemits of the first year. lhe average number of pnpils. examined for entrance is 173, of whlich number ablout 123 are allpproved and 50 rqjected. The averalge numn er of graduates with the degree of bachelor is 15. About one-third the students. more or less, are residlents an(l twothirds from the outside. The Jesuits also conduct a seminars-. witil:11 average.atted(lanco of 8 scholars. There is.lso an athenaeum, which occasionally holds lmblie. debates, scientific lind literary, witlh gratuitous classes for its nmemberls. There are also ill the capital (San Juan) 23 schools, with an average attenldan(.cc of 1,107 pupils, divided as follows: One superior for boys and 1 for girls; 4 elementary for boys and 4 for girls; 3 private for boys and 3 for girls, and 1 for aldullts; 2 primary schools [besides 6 in the stlburbs. The estimates were 18,244 plesos in 1878]. In the capital also we find several charitable institutions where gratuitous instruction is given, notably (1) the Casa de Beneficencia, constructed in 18111-1847 w-ith donations froam the people of the province, and which gives asylum to an average number of 140 boys and 120 girls, who are given primary instruction as well as tauight lusic, and for whom tllere are workshops in which they are taught shoemaking, carpenter work, tailoring, and cigar making for boys, alld needle work, washing, etc., for the girls, under the direction of eighteen Sisters of Charity. (2) The College of San Ildefonso, erected lby the charitable efforts of benevolent bodies, occupies a vast edifice, in which poor girls to the number of 36 are educated ilp to the age of 20 years, and there is rooml for 24 boarders besides olitsid(e scholar.s, 920 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. all under the direction of the Sisters of Charity. Under their guidance also is the school for infants, in which an average niunber of 150 children of both sexes are instructed, the agre limit being from three to seven years. There is also a military school with the Captain-General as director, and the chiet of battalion occupying the barracks as subdirector. In 1879 eleven papers were published in the island. The island is divided into seven departments besides the capital, and the total number of schools for these inl 1878 was 274 for boys and 103 for girls-the attendance is not given —with an allowance ill the estimates of 30,882 plesos. There is a scientific and literary society in Ponce and another in lMIayagiiez, where there is a public library of 756 volumes. Mr. Ober gives estimates for education for 1894-95 and 1896-97, which included the institute, normal school, the atheneuln of Porto Rico and lyceumi of Mayagiiez, amoutting to 63,966 pesos in the former year and 69,776 in the latter, but primary education does not appear in the list. Elemleltary istruction in Porto Rico. —The latest statistics of the elementary schools of Porto Rico are those for 1898, prepared by Dr. Carbonell, secretary of 1" Fomento," of the island, and obtained through the lkindness of Prof. Mark W. IIarrington.' These statistics are as follows: Ytntmber of schools. Northern district: I'ublic schools........................................................ 258 Private schools........................................................ 28 Southern district: Public schools........................................................ 252 Private schools........................................................ 16 otal................................................. 554 The sapme gentlemaln h]1as furnished the Bureau. of IEducation with a proposed plan of staudies which was submitted to the " representative of public instruction of the United States in Porto Rico " by Seflor AMiguel 1Rodrig Sierlra, the argument for which sets forth the previous deplorr ble condition of the schools and teachers in that isl;and. The latter had no due respect or soc'ial position and were not free agents to develop their schools. The governlllment was tyrallnical and tlle adminisitration torpi(l. The teachers were -without protection, the schools without supervision, -without books alnd scientific material sllited to their needs. The prealnllle conittains this curious appeal: ''And we, the teachers of all iperioils; we who Ihave consecrated our youth to the service;of the great caulse of teachilg; we who have lost oalr time in dedicating it to great things lnder a corruplt system; we, in short, who, for love, of our neighbor and solely for the country which gave us birtl, Ihave succeeded ill supplementing by our earnestnless the deficiencies of the system, are worthy,and deserve, if the new Government wishes to do justly, to l)e conceded liberty in the teachers' chair and to be permitted to teach from texts selected bly us freely. The American Government should concede to us all that is necessary, as directors of childhood anlld youth in Porto Rico, to form citizens worthy of the respect of the sons of Washilgton, among whom we now number ourselves." ___ EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. 921 Attendance. Northern district: Boys................................................................. 9, 942 Girls................................................................. 6, 457 Southern district: Boys................................................................. 9,132 Girls..................................................... 4, 207 Total attendance.................................................... 27, 936 Cost. Pesos. Northern district.......................................................... 167, 347 Southern district.......................................................... 164,020 Total, in Porto Rican money........................................ 1331, 367 Children of school age. Northern district: Boys................................................................. 31, 141 Girls................................................................. 29, 649 Southern district: Boys................................................................. 34, 224 Girls................................................................. 30, 681 Total of school age.................................................. 125, 695 Total attenda-nce......................................................... 27, 938 Children withoait schools........................................... 93, 757 The following interesting table shows the growth of elementary instruction in Porto Rico from 1864 to 1881, and is taken fromn the report of the secretary of the governor-general to the minister, made in the latter year, which is published in the Compilacin Legislativa (le Prinmera Ensei-ianza, de la Isla, de Puerto Rico, by D. Juan Macho Moreno (Madrid, 1895), a work which contains everything relating to the laws, regulations, p)rogramilmes, forms, etc., of elementary ed(ucationl in the island. It will appear from tlhese statistics that the increase in the iiumber of schools was insignificant from 1867 to 1878, but from that date to 1881 it was rapid. l'ublic, schools. Attendance. E: penditi it res. I)ate. Boys'. Girls'. Total. Boys. Girls. Total. Personal. 'Material. Total.! esos. I Pesos. Pesos. 1864............ 74 48 122 2,396 1,092 3,488 35,542 1,535 36,857 1867............ 240 56 296 7. 543 1,929 9, 472 90,834..........i 90, 834 1869............ 246 67 313 6,192 1,937 8,129 8, 13. 88,133 1878............ 238 91 329 7, 523 3, 474 11,097 103,078 26,378 129,456 1880............ 328 104 432 10, 736 4,482 15, 218 1412, 454 48,704 191,158 June, 1881...... 372' 112 484 18, 025 6, 095 24, 120 181.334 70. 621 256. 955 July, 1881...... 3841 117 501 18, 025 6, 095 24,120 191,424 71,245 262,669 From the same work we take a few specimens of subjects of exatllilation programmes for teachers of elementary schools, to show the quality ' The Porto Rican peso is equal to 65 cents il United States money. 922 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. and scope of the preparation required. Passing over the programme on Christian doctrine and sacred history, those upon pedagogics, grammar, geography, arithmetic, history and physics, agriculture, industry and commerce, calligraphy, and orthology are all very full. For example, in morals instruction is to be given in the following subjects. Only a very few examples are taken out of many: - 20. Obligations of man to his body and person; self-defense; immorality of suicide. 21. Obligations of man to work; evils of idleness. What are temperance, sobricty, chastity, and the opposite vices? 22. Duties of men to each other; obedience; benevolence. 23. Obligations to one's equals: urbanity, gratitude, fulfillment of promises, 25. Obligations to aid our fellow-creatures. 27. The duty of pardoning injuries; immorality of lbate and vengeance. In pedagogics the teacher is examined, among other things, as to10. Importanice of attention; methods of awakening and maintaining it. The will, freedoml, moral sentiments, moral science. Instincts, passions, good habits; pernicious effects of scandal upon tlie pupils. There are several sections upon methods. In algebra the subjects embrace equations of second degree, proportion, roots, logarithlms, etc. In the applications of geonetry are surveying and surveying instru11ents. In drawing there is the use of the scale, and many examples in the lifferent orders of architecture, and in physics such subjects as11. Gases; atmospheric air: its physical properties; how it is shown to have weight; the barometer; Magdeburg hemispheres. 14. Molecular adhesion of solids and liquids; capillarity; the more common phenomena duo to capillarity; endosmosis and exosmosis. 20. Light: hypotheses for explaininig its nature; propagation. velocity, and intensity of light; photometers. 21. Refraction of light; its laws; phenomena dependent upon it; prisms and lenses; division of lenses by their curvature, and effects they produce with the luminous body in different positions. 29. Object of chemistry; chemical classification of bodies; analysis and synthesis; reagents; combinations and mixtures; affinity; composition of the air; Lavoisier's experiments on air. 30. Extraction of gold and silver. These examples are sufficient to show the grade of questions asked. The programmes were publisled as late as 1893. HISTORICAL SKETCH. The preceding figures, as remarked' at the outset, are unintelligible unless we know the social and political condition of the country as in outgrowth of its history, and we proceed to give the latter. The same men who conquered Mexico and Peru settled Cuba and Porto Rico. Indeed, Cortes engaged his men in Cuba and took ship there for the mainland, and tlat island "has," as Humboldt says, "a EDUCAtTION IN (IT BA AND PORTO RICO. 923 charm that is wanting to the greater part of the New World. It presents remembrances linked with the greatest names of the Spallish monarchy, those of Christopher Columbus and Hernando Cortes." It is curious to inquire what manner of men they were lwho, altlhough a mere handful, ventured almost witlhout hesitation to explre and conquer vast unknown countries. We observe the contrast between the Spanish conquistadores, the utterly bold, determiined, large-minded adventurers, and the English and Dutch colonists of the next century on the northern seaboard. These latter had little of the conquering spirit about them. They left their native country to better tllemlselves iln a quiet way andl to trade, andl their ideas were principally limited to tile unambitious parts they had to play. Their lnatural leaders staye(l at home to attend to the promoting and finalnciering of the colonial interests instead of leading ex l)ori-ng parties in tle wilderness. This contrastcro)s out in rmalny wa(ys. (lovernor Wintlrop wan(ers three or four miles away from his companionJs aId passes anl anxious night alone in tile hut of a fiienldly Indian. A hundred years before, a Spanish monk thought nothing of undertakinlg an expedition of a thousan d mliles in a wild country abounding in s;vages, and the English never un(lertook any such expedition as Coronado's march. They were not explorers bunt settlers, and only moved illland, as timre went Oln, by a process of extrusion-by the same ris a ftCryo whlich drove them front Europeso it canine about that all the soutlhwestern partl of the United States received Spanish names as tile Nortlhwest was named by the other exploring nation, the Frenclh. After three centuries tlhe requirements of a political situation.stirred up the descendants of the British colonists to conquest, and they promptly dispossessed tile Mexicans of their broad territories, and then the (liscovery of gold ill California awakened the auri sacra Jfmes which ledl tlle ill hordes to the Pacific coast ill the congenial search for suddenl wealth. There wa-s, hlowever, one poillt of resemblance between the Spaniards of the sixteenth century andl the English of the seventeenth. Botll felt a~ respoiisibility for tle lost souls they fancied they h:ad foullnd, and were zealous for the conversion and, incidentally, the education of the Indians. VlWherever the Spaniards went they carrie(l the university with them. No matter how narrow and perverted the education of the monks may have been, there w-as still in it a reminiscence, of the humanities, if in nothing else than the monkish Latin they used, and somne of thle conquistadores themselves were imbued with letters. Even the private soldier Bernal Diaz was able to write his recollections of the mighty deeds he had witnessed, and he left an account which historians have used as an autlhoritative document. Like superiority of birth, superior education gave (as it still gives) an intellectual superiority of view, which was due to the European university, whose root fibers, when traced, will be found to penetrate that buried civilization from which all moderll civilization hlas sprung, which once dominated the world with grandeur and 924 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. magnificence, and yet filled it with beauty and taste. The humanities give a culture for which no modern innovation, such as exclusively scientific studies, which are purely objective and mechanical in their essence, and therefore not tending to culture, canl ever be a substitute; and it is perversion to regard such an abstraction as "science" as a new Muse, illstead of the laborious handmaid of civilization, which she really is. So vwherever the Spaniards came they brought culture, and it is interestitig to note that to them this. continent owes its first universities and first l)rinting presses. Printing was done in AMexico a century before it was introduced into New EIllgland, and even in far-off 5Ianila a history of the martyrdom of certain missionaries was printed at the College of Sal Tomnas in 1634, six years before the printi~ng press was set up at tlarvard(. The university at Lima is eighty years older than HIarvard. This culture, corrupted as it was by imonkish narrowness, resulted in timhe, after thle institutions had become multiplied, in turninlg out scllolars, historians, poets, statesmen, generals, at1lid presidellts of republics, of the native races, besides scientific writers wlho have ilade original investigatiolns of the geology, botany, and milleralogy of their countries. The Ellglisll, too, in thle next century, brouglllt tie university withl thlem, alld Elnglish Cambridge sunpplied a llierarchy of culture whichl kept the colony out of barbarism. Thle university redeemed thle EIglislh colonies, alnd the democratizing and equalizing plublic-school systems came latter. The mnost original work of thle seventeenth century in New England, Eliot's Indian Bible, -was a child of Cambridge, aiid its existence was dcue to tile samie missionary spirit that a(tuated the Spanish moniks and the Spanish kil giis, whose pereml)tory orders to the settlers to care tenderly for tile Inidians, treat theml kindly, educate them, and convert them to the Catholic fiitli reapl)ear ill royal letter after letter. 'IThe English, like the Spanlia'rds, showed a solicitude for thle welfare of the souls of the nlatives, but it was iwnanifested on a smaller scalle, corresponding with the differenlce inl magnlitud(e between the Spailish conlquest and the early 'English emigration. As was relnarked at thle outset, it is importamit to know the anltecedents. of a p)ol)pulatiom in wllic:hl an educatiolal systell is established, and it is therefore worth wllile to give a sunmm.ary of the political history of the Spanish colonies, and so obtaill an i(lea of' thle character of the colollists, in order to und(erstanld thle material upon which education has had to work. A sumllnary of tile kimid lesire(l is given by Ferd. Blumentritt, tIle Germnan etlhnologist, in ail article upon the history of thle separatist tendency (Separatismus) in the Spanish colonies, in the D)eutsche lhundschau for July, 1898, whichl is of especial iunterest, as it gives particulars of the character and motives of the earliest emigrants to the Spianisl colonies wluich are not brought out in tile commonly known hlistories of the conquest. The article was written EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. 925 before the events of 1898 deprived Spain of the last of her colonies; and the author says: The names of Columbus, Balboa, Cortez, Pizarro, and Magellan are well known to all. Who of us when a boy did not read of the adventures and heroic deeds of the conquistadores and also of the cruelties they inflicted upon the natives of the New World? From these youthful recollections, and from the influence of the newspapers-often partisan and often misinformed-comes the judgment of the educated portion of our people upon the Spanish colonial relations, a judgment that amounts more or less to this: That the Spaniards, by their " devilish cruelty," have brought the inhabitants of their colonies to despair and revolt. Others see in the financial exploiting of the colonies by the mother country, or in the rapacity and dishonesty of the Spanish officials, the ground and inducement for a war of separation. Much in these views is erroneous, but one feature of them, even if not directly expressed, is true, namely, that only the Spaniards themselves are to blame for the efforts of the colonists to become independent of the imother kingdom. If one is inclined to regard this severe charge against Spain as unjust, let him answer the question: Why is it that it is only in Spanish colonies that separation finds so many supporters? And this further question: How is it that the desire for indepdendence is found in such widely separated countries with such different organizations and lopllations as New Spain, South America, the Antilles, andl the Philippines, manifesting itself in the suicidal fanaticism of white, yellow, brown, and black insurgents all over the Spanish colonial empire front the earliest times until now? The various colonies never had the same social organization, nor were they in the same economical or political conditions. In Mexico, Peru, and New Granada there were Indian farmers in the highlands and negroes on the coast. Ill Venezuela. there were the region of plantations, where negroes p)rd(ominated, alid the llanos where the mixed race of the Llaneros ruled the steppes. The La Plata country had its Gallchos; the Antilles were the best represeltatives of the plantation system; while the Philippines had their Malay and Chinese mixed bloods, governed by Spanish religious orders-a variegated picture of different races alnd social organizations-anid yet from all lhas come the same cry: ' Out withl the Spaniards! Freedom from Spain!" It is therefore clear that the sied of separation was carried riirm Spain to her colonies, and that not recently either, bult ltiore thall three hundred years ago. For it was not the example of tle )Declaration of Independence of the United States of America. that started the idea of separation among the Spanishl colonies, although this example of the Anglo-Amlericans was a powerful aid, but the idea was already present. Spanish separation is not the result of the wicked example of the Yankees, but is the consequence of a process continuing through several hundred years, which we will trace fromn its beginning in the following sketch: When the Spaniards settled the Greater Antilles and also established colonies on the mainland, in 1493-1520, the Government had only drawn the outlines of tlhe relatio(ls between the new settleuments and the miother country, allowing the settlers themselves the greatest liberty. Spanish cities were founded on American soil by Spanish citizens, who transplanted to the New World the free municipal constitutions of their native land. The citizens elected their representative city governments and officers (alcaldes, mayores), just as they hlad done in Spain, and their privileges as independent cities were confirmed by the King. A feudal nobility arose in the midst of the plains, where the Indian villages were divided among the conquerors as fiefs (enconmiendas), and a title of nobility often went with these fiefs like, e. g., that of Marqlus del Valle, which was given to Cortez, the conqueror of Mexico. By the great emigration to the New World the population of Spain was notably decreased, altholgh not to so great an extent as is stated in some works, and yet the Government of Castile made no objection to the principle of emigration. I speak of the 926 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. Government of Castile because the crowns of the two Spanish empires, Castile and Aragon, were not united upon one head (that of the Emperor Charles V) until 1516. The Castilian Government took the position that only subjects of Castile should be allowed to settle in the New World, and even this permission had exceptions, for emigration was strictly forbidden to converts from Judaism and Mohammedanism and to all persons who had been punished by the Inquisition and their descendants. All these restrictions, however, were more or less evaded, for we find foreigners in the lists of the conquerors, who must, therefore, either have been naturalized as Castilian citizens (as was the case with Magellan, for example) or they were permitted to go by the Government, which, indeed, sometimes took then into its own service, of which there are numerous instances. Neither could the emigration of baptized Jews and Moors and their children-the so-called " new Christiaus "-or of those undler the displeasure of the Inquisition be prevented. On the contrary, these two classes formed the main contingent of thle emigrants, at least in the first half century of Spanish colonization, in spite of the combined vigilance of the church and the Inquisition. It is difficult for us now to imagine how those unfortunates, who were seeking an asylum in the New W\orld, could have succeeded in escaping the sharp watch of the Holy Office and have reached the shores of America unmolested, for there were spies of the Inquisition on every ship. Yet not hundreds, but thousands, of those poor people made their escape, and we will cite two facts in proof of the statement, although many more could be given. NWhen Hernando Cortez was summonled froml New Spain the Government wished to enforce the prohibition of the emigration of new Christians. Accordingly an enumeration of them was taken throughout the whole viceroyalty as a preliminary to returning them to Spain, but the matter went no fuirther, because the number of new Christians and of those under the ban of the Inquisition was found to be so astonishingly large that the decree of removal to Spain was not carried out through fear of a revolt. There were still more of these suspected subjects in Peru, a fact which shoull not excite our wonder, because Ieru was the most remote of all the Spanish colonies in America, and it was natural for these marked men to endeavor to get as far as possible from the mother country, although even in that Ultima Th7le of Spanish America freedom of opinion was not tolerated, and the Ioly Office was represented in Lima by a tribunal of the Inquisition as early as 1570. So to Peru flocked crowds of Portu. guese New Christians, either directly from Portugal or from Brazil, where converted Jews and Moors and their childrcn were held in slavery. These Portuguese "New Christians" were especially the objects of the zealous care of the Holy Inquisition, because, on aIccolunt of their business talents and their enterprise in mining, they soon acquired more wealth than the Spanish 'Old Christians." We meet these Portuguese Jews (or "Jlldaizing Portuguese") in all the auto dafe;s of Lima, and, notably, on the occasion of the great ceremony of January 23, 1639, which was conducted with the customary pomp. Seven of the accused appeared upon white horses and with palm branches in their hands. They were the fortunate ones who had succeeded in proving their innocence. Fifty were condemned to Wear the garment of disgrace, the symbol of heresy, the "'San benito." Among those condemned to death was Don Manuel Bautista Perez, who was noted for his wealth. lie owned the house still known in Limat as "Pilate's house." The silver mines of Iluarochir6, celebrated for their productiveness, belonged to him, besides two large plantations. lie was found guilty of Judaism, and was condemned on that account and as a leader of the Judaizing Christianis. With him were burned eight wealthy merchants and one of the best physicians of his time land country, Don Francisco Maldonado, a native of Tncuman (now Argentine), all being condemned for heresy and Judaizing. At the atto da fj of November 17, 1641, fourtee.Judllizing Portuguese figured, and the Inquisition applied to the audiencia of Lima to expel the Portuguese, who were all more or less suspected of Judaizing, from the colony. Accordingly, the viceroy, Don Pedro de Toledo y Loira, Marquis (le Mancera, required all the Portuguese in the colony to report to the authorities to obtain passes and go to Brazil or elsewhere EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO lICO. 927 out of the colony. Six thousand of these people reported in accordance with this order, but by a large bribe they obtained a repeal of the decree and remained thenceforward in the country. The complaints of Judaizing decreased every year; yet in 1745 a wealthy landowner named Don Juan de Loyola died in the prison of the Inquisition, his servant having charged him with the offense of Jndaizing. There was, therefore, a class of men among the first emigralts who had no feeling of attachment or of grateful remembrance for the Spanish home they had left; but on the contrary felt only fear for every thing that came from Spain-her officials. her heresy judges, and her laws. These New Christians transmritted their aversion to Spain to their children, and as the latter became incorporated with the Old Christian enigrants and the Indians a caste was formed which, prominent by its numbers, intellectual activity, and wealth, would have become a dangerous ferment oven if left to itself, but which was reenforced by a second emigration of dissatisfied masses. This second wave of Spanish emligration was a consequence of the fall of Spanish liberty. Before the period under consideration the Spanish States possessed extraordinarily liberal constitutions (the Fueros),'which f;ar surpassed the English system of the time in respect of popular rights. We, in mliddle Europe, have given the nickname of "Spanish'" to the stiff Burgundian etiquette introduced by Philip the Fair and Charles V into Spain, and by this rebaptism have got the false idea that this court etiquette was a national peculiarity of the Spanish people. As a matter of fact, however, before the entrance of the Hapsburgers into the Government, a tone of familiarity prevailed in the intercourse between the King and his subjects ill Spain. In the sessions of the Cortes the deputies of the "third estate" criticised the King and his court with a freedom that would make the hair of a president of tlle Rcichsrath of the present day stand on end with fright; yet neither the presidents nor the speakers of those days who expressed their opinions of their princes so openly were in danger of being accused of treason, and even Isabella the Catholic and her crafty husband never made any attempts to curtail the popular rights or even to trench upon theum. This was reserved for the following emperor, Charles V. Charles had inherited the crown of Castile in 1506, when he was 6 years old, and in 1516, after the death of his maternal grandfather, Aragon also became his. Born and brought up in Flanders, he first visited Spain in 1518, where at every step he and his Burgundian followers succeeded in wounding the national pride of the Spaniards at the same tinle that they broke the customs of the two realms. Then followed oppressive taxes, which were called for by- C'hrles's contest for the RomanGerman imperial throne. The discontent became general and broke out in a revolt which is generally called the revolt of the comuneros, a name taken from the great confederation of the cities known as tlle Junta Santa, or Comunidad, whiclh was formed on July 29, 1520, at Avila. This confederation was the work of the " third estate," but at its head was a nobleman, Don Pedro Lase de la Vega, and tile army of the federation was commanded by another noble, Don Pedro de Giron, and a high church dignitary, the bishop of Zamora. played a conspicuous and unexpected rlde in a military capacity. There is no doubt that the whole nobility and clergy would have ranged themselves on the side of the comuneros of the junta had it not, in its petition of right of October 20, 1520, lpresented to the Emperor an amendment to the constitution, together with other petitions and complaints, which proposed to remove the nobility from the whole machinery of the Government and hand over all Government affairs to the "third estate." The author of this radical-democratic constitution was, it should be said in passing, the aristocratic president of the junta himself. In answer to this attack upon their privileges the high nobility and clergy placed their property and power at the disposal of tile Emperor, and the comuneros were defeated in the battle of Villalar on April 23, 1521. From this time on Charles began to rule despotically in Castile, which, witl Aragon, had possessed the freest constitution in Europe up to that time. The Cortes were, indeed, summoned as before, but they played nearly the same part as the Senate ill the time of the Roman emperors. 928 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. The first consequence of the fall of Spanish liberty upon trans-Atlantic possessions was an emigration in great numbers of malcontents and compromised persons to the new gold fields. Thus another element hostile to the mother country was added to the New Christians, which brought to the New World only bitter recollections of the home left behind, recollections that were handed down to the latest descendants, so that, for example, when a revolt against new monopolies occurred in Socorro, New Granada, in 1781, the insurgents took the name of comuneros. Therefore, in the first three or four decades of Spanish colonization, streams of emigrants reached America who had no special attachment to the old country, and who cherished only the animosity of malcontents toward the actual Government and the form of government itself. Besides these revolutionary constituents, the Spanish population of the New World was conposed also of a great number of adventurers who had left Spain only out of ambition and avarice. Long before Castilian liberty was buried on the battlefield of Villalar, Ferdinand, King of Aragon, who was carrying on the government in Castile for his uncle Charles, had taken care tha;t the conquerors of the New World should not use the prestige of their achievements for establishing their own sway. Isalella the Catholic never had the remotest idea that it was possible for Columbus to create a kingdom for himself across the ocean by breaking away from Spain. The suspicious Ferdinand, who respected nothing except his religion, scented treason and defection everywhere, and he directed his efforts to removing the conquistadores fiom the possessions which they had conquered with their owil strength and at their own expense and danger, and replacing thcem by mere officials who would le subservient servants of the Crown. The King was displeased when the conquerors of a district ruled it as governors, and every pretext was seized upon to withdraw the patents that had been granted, or, if that was impossible, by the subdivision of the whole districts, to restrict the governorship of the conquistadores at least in area. These latter tactics were followed in the case of tlhe faiily of C(olumbus, whose inherited domlain was much diminished by divi(ling Cuba. In the case of Vasco Nuiez de Balboa, the famous discoverer of the Pacific, the (rown listened to the compllaints of dis.;atisfied colonists and used them to displace Balboa. But this was mnot enoiugh. Balboa was still too dangerous as a private Iman, andl so he had to (lie by the hand of the executioner. Everyone remelmblers what kind of thankls Cortez received for the conquest of Mexico. Nor (lid tlhe storm of royal displeasure snlite only the lofty trees to the ground. The removal of the conquistadores from the offices lwhich they had aclquired on tile strength of their patents as conquerors became reduced to a, syst;ml that reached high and low indifferently. So that there was not only no sentiment of attachment to the old country among the conquist:dores, but they cherished fielings of resentment which reminds one dlecidedly of tlle modern separatist sentiments of the Cubans, so strong were the feelings of the conlquerors against their thankless fatherland. Thus all three of the elements which constituted the white population of the Spanish colonies were not well disposed toward Spain. The conquistadores, the new Christians, and the colllnneros were:all alike disposed, in the first decades of Spanish colonial rule, to sever from her the lands they had conquerell for Spain. The first undoubted illustration of this condition of affairs is afforded by the history of New Spain in the year 1526. Cortez had been summoned to Spain after experiencing a series of petty annoyances from the officials who had been sent over by Charles V. He obeyed the sulmmons and journeyed from the city of Mexico to the coast to take ship at Vera Cruz for Europe. Before his departure from the capital, deputations from the cities he had founded in New Spain had come to him and urged him to resume the government of tlme colony. He refused to accede to this request, and on his journey from Mexico to Vera Cruz lie had to receive deputations at every stopping place, from the feudal lords and citizens, who reiterated the request, and some even went so far as to urge him to allow himself to be proclaimed king of New Spain, but he reimained true to his allegiance. EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. 929; These same ideas of independence are met again twenty years later inl the camlv of Gonzalo Pizarro in Peru. When that brave brother of the conqueror of the Incas was urged by the colonists to make armed resistance against the officials whom' Charles V had sent to Peru, he had no idea of renouncing his King. lie wanted to draw his sword against the government and its representatives because, in his own view and that of his companions, the home Government had acted illegally an(d arbitrarily against the colony. But at tlhe outset one of his best officers, Franciscode Carvajal, advised him to direct the revolt not simply against the viceroy but the King of Spain himself, "for" said he, "if you once take arms against either king, you can never lay them downI again." Carvajal was no common adventurer, but had been a major in the royal army and had taken a conslicuolls part in the battle of Pavia. How bitter must have been thle feeling among the Spaniards in the colony when the resentment at oppression could drive a. royal officer to high treason of the worst kind! In tlhe course of the civil war that ensued the separatist tendency became more firmly established, and at the same time Carvajal found ~an ally in the Councilor Cepeda, a main who could say, "The power of all kings comles from tyranny and usurpation, " a very striking remark for those times. Carvajal added, "I would' like to see Adam's will, so as to know if Charles V and the Qiueen of Castile are set down in it as rulers of Peru." Pizarro deci(led at tlhe last moment to separate entirely from the King, but it was too late; he fell in battle, and his head was struck off as that of a rebel. So, too, in La Plata a revolt of the conquista(lores against the royal officers broke out, which was subdued with difficulty. More noteworthy was the rising of Lope de Aguirre (1559-1562), whose letter of renunciation to Philip II was published by Humboldt in his Travels Through the Equinoctial Regions. In it occurs the following passage, which is often quoted by modern separatists: "Christian King, you' -have been ungrateful to me and my comrades. I believe that everything that is reported to you from here deceives you, because the distance is so great; but I counsel you to be more just to tlle faithful vassals whom you have here, because I and my comrades are weary of seeing the injustice and violence which your governors and officers commit in your name. We have decided to obey you no longer and no lotnger reyjard ourselres as Spaniards. We are fighting with all our might against you because we will not submit to the tyranny of your officers, who dispose of our' property and honor as they please in order to provide places for their sons." The preceding examples show how little love there was for the nmotler country' existing in the first Spanish colonists, and others could easily be added it support of them, and tle feeling thus early engendered served as na guide for the succeeding generations, and all tile more because immigration from Spain fell off after the end' of tile sixteenth century, so that the discontent of the first emigrants became thecommon property of the Spaniards wllo were born in the land-the creoles. It would doubtless have disappeared in time if the Spanish Government had not, by its colonial policy, set up a dividing wall between the European and the American Spaniards, and thereby produced those unpleasant relations between creoles and Spaniards that greatly promoted the desire for independence on the part of the Spanish' Americans. It is not necessary to say that at first there was no di fference between Spaniards bornr in America and those who were natives of Spain, either in social intercourse or political positions, but the way in which the home Government took to itself the conduct of all public affairs of the colonies by sending over the higher officials to take charge' must alone have led to the feeling that European Spaniards were something morethan the American, a view that in course of time became a dogma with the European Spaniards, in which the most intelligent of them have come to believe. Every European Spaniard regards himself as the representative of the nation when he' visits the colonies, and looks upon the native-born Spaniards or creoles as a lower caste which lie is called upon to govern. This idea that the European Spaniards: ED 98- 59 EDUCATION REPORTt 1897-98. were to exert an unassailable supremacy over the creoles is hardly a thing of national origin, but first arose through the continuous influence of the governmental system and then became an integral constituent of the Spanish national character. That this is so is shown by the example of the Canary Islands. These African islands were settled by the Spaniards just before the time of Ferdinand, and when the colonization of America began the Canaries were already regarded as part of European Spain, as they are to-day, and so it has come that the Canary Islanders have always regarded themselves as Spaniards, and a separatist there would be regarded as insane or be a laughingstock. There is no doubt that if America had been discovered and taken possession of by the Spaniards about 1420-1140, the impassable gulf between Spaniards and creoles, which sooner or later was to lead to a bloody separation, would never have existed. The first colonists, and even Isabella the Catholic, never expected that the transmarine kingdom w ould come to be a possession of the Spanish Crown and a charitable institution for European officials. As has already been remarked, the first Spanish colonists carried to America all the liberties they had enjoyed in their Castilian fatherland. They bore to the new world not only their language, their manners, and their religion, but also all the political organizations of their European home. They had no intention of becoming the living portion of a Spanish estate, but were engaged in founding sister provinces. Above everything else their civic autonomy and constitutional form of government were sacred to them, and to renounce these rights seemed to them like an insult to their Spanish name. Without doubt they would have eventually created conditions like those of the English colonies of North America, i. e., colonies with their own constitutions. That there were tendencies in this direction is shown by the fact that up to 1550 we often hear of procuradores (deputies from the cities) meeting to discuss affairs of public importance, especially petitions and complaints to the King, so that the individual colonies had their cortes like those of Castile and Aragon, with the difference that in the colonies only the third estate was represented (a circumstance that throws a clear light upon the democratic tendencies of the first emigrants) and that this assembly did not take the name of cortes perhaps because the two other estates were not, as such, represented in it. Against this spirit of independence the Spanish Government directed all its powers, after the death of Isabella the Catholic, whose ideas were strongly constitutional. It will be, perhaps, objected that her conduct toward Columbus was not entirely free from the ingratitude which her husband and successor showed to the great discoverers and conquerors. It must not be forgotten, however, in passing judgment upon these circumstances, that the privileges which had been granted to the discoverer of America not only limited the rights of the Crown very materially, but often were opposed to the spirit of Castilian liberty. The encroachments of Isabella upon the patented rights of Admiral Columbus were all for the benefit of the settlers and colonies, like, for example, the edict of April 10, 1495, which allowed all Castilians to settle in the newly discovered lands. Also, the governor which she sent to Santo Doimingo, Don Nicolas de Ovando, acted in a spirit of liberty when he granted to all the cities of that island the royal privileges of the commoners of Castile, which Columbus had withheld from them. Ferdinand's regency altered fundamentally this policy of liberty. At his instigation a board called the Casa de Contraciln was created at Seville, which at first only was to supervise the trade and shipping to and from the New World, but which gradually assumed control of all colonial affairs to the exclusion of all other Castilian officials, depriving the Cortes also of any opportunity of participating in the affairs of the Indies (the colonies). After the battle of Villalar the Council of the Indies became the supreme authority in regard to all Spanish estates. Through this Council the throne exercised its absolute power over the colonies, even though the Castilian Cortes still retained some of their ancient rights. The Council of the Indies labored to undermine tle liberties of the Spanish-American communes and to EDUCATION IN CUBA ANI) PORTO RICO. 931 make the government of the colonies more and more bureaucratic. This undertaking would probably have been foiled by the resistance of the colonists if the white population had been as stable at first as it was later. But since the seizure of those immense territories which constituted the Spanish colonial empire was effected in from sixty to one hundred years, while the direct immigration from Spain between the years 1550 and 1860 shows a rapidly decreasing annual list, it came to pass that upon the discovery or conquest of a new region a rapid emnigration took place from colonies already settled. Thus the greater part of the colonists of Santo Domingo went to Cuba, Jamaica, and terra firiat; those of Cuba flocked to Mexico, while the Mexican settlers went to Peru and the Philippines, etc. In this way is to be explained how it was that, in spite of the hostile feelings of the colonists toward Spain, only isolated risings, but never a uliversal, common, serious resistance to the Spanish Crown took place. Meanwhile, it should be said that the Crown and the Council of the Indies showed great wisdoml in the selection of the officers for America all through the sixteenth century. Nor were the offices then sinecures for the favorites and parasites of the Madrid Government. The seventeenth century, however, is for Spanish America one long, starless night. The policy of Philip II now began to bear its fruit in the mother country as well as in the colonies. Spanish absolutism had gradually accustomed the Spaniards to rely entiely upon the church and state for their very existence, and no longer to venture and act by their own initiative and at their own danger and expense. To be an officeholder or a priest was the only alternative for those who had any aspirations; and since there were not enough official positions and preferments in state and church in Spain to supply the demand, America was called upon to take care of the excess. These officials knev- nothing of fidelity to their trust or zeal for duty, but regarded their positions as a mleans of enriching themselves at the expense of the state, or rather, at the expense of the natives, for the colonies were not maintained by contributions from the mother country. Even in the first half of the seventecnth century the creoles manifested a deep hatred against the Spaniards. The Irish Dominican (Gage, who lived in Spanish America a long time, wrote in 1625: ' It would be very easy to arouse the creoles to make common cause with an enemy of Spain.l for they are harshly treated; and whenever they have cases il court the judges are always on the side of the European Spaniards and against them. They regard this condition as intolerable, and to such an extent that I have often heard them say that they would rather serve any other prince than the King of Spain." These hostile feelings broke out il an insurrection in Mexico in 162-1; the viceroy was taken prisoner, and it was only through the intervention of the native-born clergy tltat the creoles were prevented froml declaring their independence. This contemptuous slight bore heaviest upon the descendants of the old conquerors, and it was moreover unlawful, since under the law they were to be preferred in filling all offices. The same Gage who was quoted above says: " In Lima there are descendants of Pizarro, in Mexico land Oajaca is the family of the Marquis dlel Valle (Cortex), and there are besides families belonging to the noble houses of the Girons, the Alvarados. and Guzmans, or collateral lines of the highest nobility of Spain, but no lmember of any of these families holds any office of honor or any high position. They are rather treated with contempt by the European Spaniards, as if they were not capable of self-government; and are looked down upon as inferiors, barbarians, or Indians." This language is heard to-day from the Philippine islanders. The Spaniards usually answer charges of this kind by saying that so and so many creoles have occupied such and such civil, military, or clerical offices. It ought to be said, however, that these creoles, although born in America, had lived and studied a long time in Spain, and so had ceased to be regarded by the Spaniards as real creoles. Such, for example, was the minister of war in the last.administration of Canova del Castillo, General Azcarraga, who was a Philippine islander, but had been in Spain from his youth up, and so was it with other creoles who held high offices in Spanish America; either they were "Americans only by 932 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. accident," or they united themselves closely to the European Spaniards and sought to hide their birthmark by unadulterated Spanlish principles. The Blourbons indeed introduced a better government inlto the colonies, and endleavored to restrict the plundering of the Indians and creoles; but the increasing numnber of official positions brought over anll always increasing nlumbler of Spanish office seelkers just at the time thle creoles were awakening froin the long spiritual torpor in which they ha:d lain fromn 1570 to 1720. The earliest Spanish emigrants imust have been an intellectualllly aective set of people. This is an inferenlce from the fact that, a:s ablove mllelltioned, it was for the most part political refugees or malcontents who founded the cities with Spanish nalies in the co(untries they conlquered and plandered. But we have another proof of the fact in the rich literature of the Conquest. We read with a:stonishment the reports of plain, common 5sol(iers and lmerchants, and( find in their presentations clearness of expression and a sharp lookout for everything worth notiing. later there was a reaction, the creoles lived at ease ill their city oluses or oil their haciendas, while ignorance and idleness were forced upon theum by the Spaniards. The small attendance at the colleges also speaks for their intellhctual indolence at the period mentioned, although their ignorance Iprobably was not so great as would be indicated by a story tol ldy the often quoted G'age, who relates that a prominent creole at (hillpas once asked hill ift' the same sin shone ill England as in Allmerica. Spanish Americans of the p)resent day defend(l this mental inactivity of their alncestors by pointing out that they were excluded from all offices, and they were wise to lead an indifferent and idle life rather than pursue studies which wouldl only subject tlhem to the suspicion uof the governing caste, as is to-day the case in the Pliilippi-les, where the educated natives are regarded(l as suispicious characters. 'Ihe revival in culture and knowledgre which the creoles underwent in the eighteenth century is not to be clreditel to the nmother colintry, but is a consequlence of foreigll influence. The Spanish Goverimnent had ta.ken every pliecanution to guard its colonie:s againist foreigners, bult the force of circumnistances proved too strong. The numerous wars which Spain was always carrying on frequently interrupted the relations bletween the mother country and the colonies; and since the latter, thlanks to Spanish colonial policy, hald no domestic induiistries of their own, but were obliged to depend on Spain for manyl things that mliight easily h:ive been produced at home, the hlome government found itself compelled in war times to grant individlal colonies permission to relieve their most pressing needs lby trading abroad. Although this permission was oly granted as cases arose, yet it was slfficieiit to establish friendly relations between the colonies and other countries, according as Spain was in alliance with England, Holland, or France, and these relations were continued, after normal conditions were resumed, under the formu of an extensive smnuggling. This smuggling is of importance not omly in the history of the trade of Spanish America, but because the creoles, by the intercourse thus established with other countries, came to learnl foreign languages (especially English anid French), and their intellectual horizon was wildened by conltact with foreigll literatures, and all this happened just at the time when the qluality of the officials who were sent to the colonies from. Spain was deteriorating. Zabala says of them: ".Most of theml canme fromI the provinces of Spain with no other property than a coat, a pair of breeches, and three shirts. Maniy of themn could hardly read, anld had no other knowledge of the world and affairs than what they llad picked tup on the voyage. *: Many of them believed that there was no other king but the King of Spain, and no other language than Spanish." This description is evidently colored by the hatred of a Mexican for Spaniarrds, but Spaniards themlselves like the l)uke of Almodovar, )oll Toinas de Comiyim, Fray Augustin do Santa Maria, and the Jesuit P. Vicente Alemanl, s:ay even worse things of thle King's officials than Zabala. It can now easily ble seeni how dangerous it mus11t havoe been for the Spanish r6gime which was only founded upon aulthority, when the rich creoles not only regarded the representatives of the motherland with the hlatred of the oppressed toward the EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. 933 oppressors, but also looked down upon them from a consciousness of their own intellectual superiority. Their fate seemed to them all the more pitiful and their lot the more unworthy when they heard the Spaniards boasting of their own superiority and the inferiority of the Americans. The administration of the King's favorite, Godoy, contributed especially to bring the Spanish rule in America into equal hatred and contempt, for this upstart sent to the colonies the worst of all officeholders-men who openly declared with utter vcyiicism that their own enriching was the only object they had in view in taking office. * * I have hitherto spoken only of creoles, and that because the war of independence in all the Spanish colonies was only carried o0l by whlite natives, the insurrection of Father ilidalgo excepted. This latter insulrrection, of colored men alone, was, however, not successful, nor did the separatist movement meet with a successful issue until the creoles declared their independence of Spain. The Indian farmers of Central America and the region of the Andes were so indolent that they could hardly be induced to take part in the war of independence. They had not, it is true, been too well treated by the creoles, but for the most part they stood to them in much the same relation as the peasants of La Vendode sustained to their seigneurs, and were, therefore, inclined to take the part of their lords, even if they had no very clear idea of tlle cause of their quarrel. The Spaniards had prepared, it is true, a most admirable code of laws for the protection of the Indians, but the officials )paid no attention to legal requirements and simply regarded the Indians as objects of plunder, like that corregidor who compelled the Indians under his authority to buy from hinm thousands of pairs of spectacles. No reasonable Spaniard could explect love and gratitude from people who had first been robbed of their liberty by his people and then condemned to everlasting servitude. Also, Spanish absolutism caused the Indians to lay all the blamee for their sufferings upon the Government, although the creoles were occasionally the immediate cause. Il vain had Spain founded her sway upon caste, envy, and the ancient principle divide et impera. At the very moment when this system ought to have withstood the supreme trial it failed completely. The common oppression which was shared by the white, the yellow, the brown, and the black man alike produced a reaction to which the Spanish dominion succumbed. The negroes (speaking now of the eighteenth century) played only an insignificant part il the war of independence; they only appear in any force in Venezuela. The Spaniards:tarmed them against the rebels, but they finally joined the latter. As they were mostly slaves and freedmen, without education or knowledge, they simply furnislhed food for powder for both parties. It is different nowadays in Cuba, when a small fraction of the negroes have raised themselves from the condition of laborers by virtue of a certain degree of education, mostly of a political character, which gives them a great influence over their fellows, an influence which is devoted to the dissemination of an unyielding and uncompromising separatist sentiment. These educated negroes, especially the mulattoes and all mixed bloods, said to themselves, as soon as they had eaten of the tree of political knowledge, that they could only attain to influence and position in the land of their birth when the colonies had become independent. In fact, it is hardly conceivable that the European Spaniards, who regard even the creoles as inferiors, would ever have intrusted either high or medium offices to negroes and other people of color, for that would infringe the unwritten law of the Spanish national pride. The Spaniards even regarded it as impossil)le that the creoles should ever subordinate themselves to colored men, and yet during the war of independence of their colonies on the mainland they lived to see creole nobles under the command of colored generals and chieftains, so powerfully had the hatred of the Spanish oligarchy fostered a spirit of comradeship among the Spanish Americans; and as soon as these colonies became independent States the spectacle was seen of an Indian, Don Benito.Juarez, becoming President of the Republic of Mexico. If Mexico had remained a Spanish colony, Juarez could never have 934 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. risen above the position of some subordinate office, even if he could have olbtained that. From the nature of the Spanish colonial system, and the narrow-mindedness of the Spanish national character, it was the demand of self-respect for intelligent and educated colored men to strive with all their might for the severance of their native land from Spain. The Spaniards can not understand this attitude of the colored races. They complain of their ingratitude, showing how they hald brought Christianity and European civilization to the Indians and negroes and always treated them kindly, far differently from the English, who erect an impassable barrier between themselves and the natives and do not concern themselves about either their salvation or education. Foreign writers, too, even those who have livedl a long time in Spanish colonies, speak in the same way, and point out that in Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines the colored races live in an idyllic condition compared with the natives of English or Dutch colonies. But all these encomiasts forget that the whole Spanish colonial system signifies a policy which makes great promises ald awakens ambition, but does not keep its promises and disappoints the aroused ambition. The man of color in the Antilles who is satisfied with the condition of a peasant and laborer can always enjoy an idyllic existence, but if he betakes himself to study and is ambitious to play a political part in his home, or aspires to a higher office than that of a clerk, he will find his career completely closed. W'hy do the Spaniards take so much trouble to raise the colored people to the level of their civilization, only to exclude them from office and honors, and even represent them in the press as intellectually deficient? People who are so thrust aside and subjected to such contemptuous treatment can not be expected to exhibit much regard for the Spaniards, for the rule of thle latter means for them only humiliation and slavery, a perpetual helotism, whi(ch at mnst is ameliorated by kindly personal relations between the two races. ~ ~ In the days of her sovereignty upon the Continent Spain did everything to hinder any mercantile or industrial advance of the colonies by a shortsighted guardianship. The number of ships for the carrying trade between the mnother country and the colonies was strictly fixed. So, too, strict rules were establisheld which restricted the free cultivation of all plants which could flourish in tho colonies, so that in many regions only certain products could be exported. This was still more true of industries, although it must be said that certain flourishing industries in Spain itself (such as the silk culture of Valencia.) were ruined by foolish legislation. The Americans endeavored to recoup themselves for the damages inflicted upon them by the mother country by anl extensive systemn of smuggling with foreign countries. In this way they became accustomed to procure all the products of industry front abroad, and busied themselves only with agriculture and cattle raising. The first Spanish immigrants had brought with them their home industries, but these as well as those of the natives, became disused, not front the indolence of the Americans, but from the force of circumstances, which, in this case, was the colonial system of the Spanish Government. The smuggling system was fateful for the Spanish rule, for it brought not only wares, but new ideas, into the land, particularly the reflection that the foreigners were wiser and better people than the Spaniards, who had, up to that time, been considered the first nation of the world. The great profits that the plantation owners made by smuggling created the desire to have their external trade regulated by law, and this wish was fulfilled by the really glorious Government of Charles III. Unfortunately, the relief of trade was combined with the introduction of monopolies, the most oppressive of which was that of tobacco, and Humboldt has shown in several places how the tobacco monopoly was one of the measures that extended the discontent with the Spanish rule into circles which would otherwise not have cared whether they were subjects of Spain or citizens of a free state. The restriction of agriculture and free trade by monopolies not only produced discontent in the colonies, but it suggested to England, which was interested in both the legitimate and EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. 935 the smuggling trade with them, the policy of fomenting this discontenlt, witlL a view either to acquire the colonies herself or convert them into firee states. The younger Pitt followed this plan, which his successors did not allow to fall into neglect. The Spanish colonies, therefore, even by the middle of the eighteenth century had become revolutionary in sentiment, )but many of the discontented still adhered to the dynasty and were reluctant to sever all the bonds that united them with the mother country, while the radicals were in doubt what should be done with the colonies in case of separation; they thought of creating empires and kingdoms, but could not decide whence to derive the emperors and kings. The revolt of the present Uinited States finally pointed out the way they ought to follow. The treaty between Spain and the Yankees, too, taught them thalt it could not be an unpardonable sin-a criimei vefatidlnt-for a colony to rebel against the oppressions of the mother country. The example of the English colonies also sllowed them-anld this was the most important lesson of all-the form of government which is best suited for independent colonies.' In this way all anxiety a.s to who should rule in the free states was as removed. Spain could still h'ate retained her hold upon her colonies if the constitution of 1812 had remained; but the reaction which Ferdinand VII introdunced into Spain upon his restoration in 1811 took away from the Spanish-Americans all confidence in the permanence of the liberties that hadl been granted them;, and they preferred independence to an uncertain future. The Spaniards, however, learned nothing front the rebellion of their continental colonies. The refusal of political rights in Cuba remained, as before, the rule of their colonial policy; political reforms were grallted oly when they were fo(rcibly extorted by insurrectionsthat is to say, when they were too late-and Iroduced in the minds of the natives the illeradicable colnviction of the ill will and envy of the mother country. Among foreiglners the separatist sentiment of the Spanish Americalls is explained as being dlue to the plundering of the colonies by Spain, a statement which is only true in a sliglit degree. In the first place only a few of the colonies have lhad ain excess of income over expenllditures, nd in the second place even this did not all go to Spain, bult was applied to making good the deficit of less fortunate colonies, just as to-day the expelnses of tlhe Spanish Guinea islands are defrayed out of the budget for the Phililppines. Flor many decades Spain has lhad no income from either Cuban or Porto Rico. In the nineteenth century the Spanish colonies have been plundered in the fiullest sense of the word, not by Spain, but by Spanish officials. These officials in the two centuries preceding thle present wvere more or less permanent, a condition that has changed since the introduction of the constitultional system in Spain. Every new ministry now dismisses the hligher and most of the lower officers of the former re(gime and replaces them with its own partisans. As ministries change frequently in Spain there is a constant going and coming of officials in the colonies, %whbereby the interests of the mother country are seriously affected. The officials are consequently induced more th:an ever to lay up something for a rainy day, and they never have time enough to acquire a thorough knowledge of either the colonial lands or peoples. As the Roman provinces were made to pay the debts of the aristocratic procconsuls and propraetors, so have the Spanish colonies served to provide places for the faithful allherents of the changing parties in 'Madrid and their parasites. It is this lpeculiarity of Spanish l;olitical life that maklies usefuil reforlms so difficult, if not impossible. The noble and conscientious colonial minister, Don Segismundo Moret, was cilompelled to yield to the storm of odium which lie aroused because the reforms which heinaugurated in Cuba were real reforms. The Spanisll officials in the colonies are thle most extreme reactionaries even when they are the wildest radicals at home, because they know that every reform must check their abuses; so that the maintenance of the old colonial system is for them a. question of existence. Every effort at reform was represented by them as a separatist nmovelmen tc in disguise, so that an unfavorable prejudice against reforms and reformers was created in Spain, and the latter were as much harrassed in their native country as the " dlenma EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. gogues" and liberals once were in Germany. It seems never to have occurred to the Spaniards that such proceedings would only intensify anti-Spanish and separatist feelings, else they would never have forced such a loyal people as the natives of the Philippines have always been to an insurrection. All that is said in the preceding article might be repeated, word for word, ill describing the history of Cuba alone in the lpresellt century, after enlightenment had become diffused. The intolerable nature of the oppression and contemptuous treatment of the Cubans by the Government officials led to insurrection after insurrection. In 1860 Anthony Trollope remarked that the Cubans had lost all their rights save that of being taxed. Before this century began, or rather before the English occupation of Havana in 1762, there is little of event in the history of Cuba for the preseilt purpose. The population was small, not exceeding 170,000 even as late as the middle of the last century. The attacks of French, Dutch, and English pirates, buccaneers, and naval expeditions against Cuba and Porto Rico continued at intervals from Drake's time down to the end of the last century. T'he industry and commerce of the islands were of little importance until after the English occupation, after which date the cultivation of sugar, tobacco, and, later, coffee, became sources of wealth, and with free trade there was a general awakening. In the aristocratic slave-holding community arose a growing interest in the intellectual novement in Europe, which was prompted everywhere by the French revolution and its consequences. Cuban literLature and culture took a patriotic form, and the leading men in the intellectual.movement of the island took a practical part in endeavoring to regenerate a community which had no education for the common people, and where, consequently, a most undesirable Iand dangerous conditiol of life and morals prevailed.' HISTORICAL SKETCI OF EDUCATIO IN N CUBA. We are able to give an outline of the history of Cuban education from the work of Aurelio Mitjaiies2 lupon the developmlent of literature and science in Cuba down to 1868. Tlie work is mainily levotel to the literature and particularly the poetry of tile island; but, as the author justly remarks, some account of the state of education of the country is essential to understand the beginnings of its intellectual activity. He divides the history of the intellectual movement in Cuba into two epochs, separated by the memtorable government of Gen. Luis de las Casas, which begal in 1790. Before that period there was no constant 1 Before the strict rule of Governor General Tacon the streets of Havana were very unsafe from highwaymen, who were assassins as well as in the way of business. When one of the preceding governors was appealed to for police protection, he replied, ' "You should do as I (lo; never go out after dark." 2 This author was a wealthy - oung Cuban gentleman, who, after graduating at the University of Havana, passed several years in Spain, where he devoted himself to literature. He returned to Cuba and died tlere, of consumption, before reaching his thirtieth year. The present work is posthumous. EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO.93 937 and regular development of culture, but the investigator only finds isolated instances of educational efforts scattered through three, centuries, during which time, neither the Government nor the municipalities founded a single free, school for the common people. After the adIministration of Las Casas, however, to which, as in this work of 1AIitjanes. all Cuban writers, refer as an epoch-niaking one, arid especially after the foundation of the Sociedad,.Economnica, the conditions changed anld real dIevelopment began, always, howev-er, by private initiative. That there were no elementary 1)ublic schools in Ciluba up to the e11( or the last (century is not surprising, hofwever, when wre compare the condlitioll of other countries in this reslpect with that of Cuba. Thus President ]Ezra. Stiles, of Yale, records in his diary under date of July 17, 1 794: This (lay I was v-isited Iby 1. iTalleyrand Perigord, bishop of Antun, etc., and -11. JBeaumez, inicnber for the district of Atrrs. The_- bishop) has written a piece on cduicationi, andi originated the b.ill or- act in the. National Assembly for setting tip schools aall over France for diffusing education and letters among the plebeians. I desired theni to est;i-miate thieproportion of tho(se wh-o conl](1not reati in F'rance. 14. Beanrnez saidl of 25,0C0.(i00 lie jnidged 20,000,000 (0111(1 not re~ad. Tue bishop (Correeateti it and Said 18,000,000. At that same thime, it should be remembered, fintellectucal arctivity7 literary, philosophical,, anid scientific, the outgrowth of superior education, was at one of tile high culminating points of its history in France. E1'vemi in Havana, up to the beginning of the last century, there were no public elememitary schools, and the need of them became so evident that by the iunuificence of a citizen (Ca raballo) the Bethlehemite fathers opened a school where reading, writing, and arithmetic were, taught, which was attended lby 200 lpupils. In Villa Clara a, school was inl existenee 5in-e the fouindatiomiiof thetowntii 1689. InI17112the philanthropic Don Juan Conyedo, of Rem umedios, opened a tree school there, all( another in 1757 at Carmnen. Another was opened at Arriaga in 1 759; but on the death of Conyedo these schools were closedl. IDon Juan Felix de MNoya reopened that at Carmen, altil the, municipality in 1775 voted tiweidy-five dollars a year, for the supp~ort of the other; but both ceased to olperate definitely in 1787. In 1771 Matanzas, sevenity-eight years after its foundation,7 authorized its governor to engage a school-teacher in Ilavan a. Nor were secondary studies of a. high character in the last cenitury. Then, and subsequently, too, as the historaian Bachiller, quoted by Mitjanes, remarks, more attention was paid to the pretentious forin than the sulbstanlce, aimd the title of acadleiy or institute was given to institutions which were hardly more than primary schools, which held out inducements of a speedy preparation for tile university. At that time, it should be remembered, the Ilatliral sciences had not reached the importance they subseqjuenitly attained, and the study of philosophy required time royal permission, so that secondlary inistruction was reduced to a superficial study of the humntanities, especially Latin, which occa 93~)S. EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. pied the leading place on account of its use in fitting for the university, and because teachers of Latin were easily found among the clergy, who were the principal factors of education at that period. All this may be said without detracting from tile praiseworthy efforts andll antiquity of somle institutions like the Chapter of Havana, whllich, in 1603, convinced of the need of a teacher of grammliar, voted a. hunidred ducats for the support of one who slhold teach Latin, but as the planl did inot nIeet with the royal approbation they were obliged to drop the project, only to revive it afterwards with a larger salary. In the same year tile municipality provided for continuing classes in grammar by a monk of the convent, which had been suspended. In 1607 Bishop Juan (le las Calbezas Altamnirano founded tile Tridentine Seminary, the citizens ofl'riiig to pay plalt of the expenses annually. Thle secular clergy also gavc lessons in Latin and miorals, as Conyedo (li(l, who I)repared students for the priesthood ill Villa Clara, and later Fr. Antonio Perez de Corcho, who gLave lectures on philosophy inL the monastery of his order. By the bull of Adriain VI, of Al\pril 28, 1522, the Scholatria was established at Santiago de Cubla for giving instruction in Latin, and by his will, dated May 15, 1571, Capt. Francisco de lParadas left a considlerable suml for the founldation of a school ill Bayamo, whlich, in 1720i, was intruste(l to the chllarge of two monks of San DTomingo, in whose hands the estate increased. In 1689 tile College of San Ambrosio was established in Ha-vana witll twelve bursarships, for the purpose of prep.aring young 1inen for the church, )but it (lid not fulfill its purpose, and subsequently received tile severe censure of Bishop Heclhavarria Yelgiieza on account of its defective education, which had become reduced to Latin and singing. Fr. Jos( Maria Penelvar opened a clhair of eloquence and literature in the convent of La Merced il 1788, which also was not a success. After these attempts thle foundation of a Jesuit college in HaEvana gave a new impulse to education. From the first, according to the hlistorian Arrete, quoted by Mlitjanes, the priests of this order had observel the inclination of the inliabitants of Havana toward educliation, anld Pezuela states in his History of Cutba that tile municipality ill 1656 wisled to establish a college of tlhe order, but the differences between the Jesuits and the prelates in the other colo-nies had been so frequent that the bislops alid priests in lIavana opposed tlie plan. BEt as tile population increased the demands for the college multiplied, and in 1717 a citizen of Havana, Don Gregorio I)iaz Angel, contributed `40, 000 in fulnds for the support of the college. Thle necessary license was obtained in 1721; thlree miore years were spent in selecting and purchasing the ground, when the institution was opened under the lname of the College of San Ignacio. The old college of San Ambrosio, which had been ulnder the direction of the Jesuits since its establishment in 1689, was thenr united with it, although the old college still retained its distinctive character as a foundation school for the church. EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. 939 As early as 1688 the ayuntamiento (or city council) of Havana applied to the Royal Government to establish a university in the city, in order that young men desirous of study might niot be compelled to go to the mainland or Spain. This request was furthered by Bishop Valdls, and finally, by a letter of Innocent XIII of September 12, 1721, the fathers of the convent of S. Juan Latran were authorized to found the institution desired, and after some years of preparation it was opened in 1728, but the chairs of morals, philosophy, and canon law were filled previously by the Dominicans even before the funds were available. The university, by the order received, was to have been modeled upon that of Santo D)omingo, but finally the task of preparing the regulations for the new university was intrusted to the fathers above mentioned by:a royal letter in 1732, and they were approved by the university authorities, the Captain-General, and in Siain by the Council of tile Indies, on June 27, 1734. The rectors, vice-rectors, counselors, and secretaries were to be Dominicans, a condition that produced innumerable rivalries and disputes until 1842. Tlhe first professors were appointed to tleir positions without limit of time. Afterwards they obtained their places by competition and for a term of six years only. The first rector, Fr. Tomnuis de Linares, was a1lppointed by tile King in 1728, but his successors were elected by the university authorities and were renewed annually. Among the early rectors were Bishop Morell, of Santa C1ruz, and the renowned Cuban orator. Rafael del Castillo. Unfortunately, for a century the university was lan insignificant element of culture and was only useful as a sub ject of boasting on tle part of Spain that she had introduced her civilization oil this side of the water and on that of tlte Cubans tlat they were advanlcilg in sciences and arts. Several causes tended to restrict tile value of the university. In the first place, it was modeled on a sixteenth century pattern. The Aristotelian system prevailed in its entirety. The professor of mathematics was to teach, besides practica.l arithmetic, whlicl consisted of the first four rules witl the a(trca, elementary geometry, trigonomtetry, and astronomy and its "deductions for the use of our lord the Kin-l." There were polemical and civil architecture, geography, the sphere, mechalics, optics, etc. These subjects slould have beeni included in the course of philosoply, and there were few students, even of the four rules and the anrea. The philosophical system was the scholastic, with its eternal slumulas, and involved system of logic and its defective ideas of physics. The course lasted three years, the first two of which were occupied with logic and the Aristotelian philosophy. But the university would not have benefited much more if it had been modeled upon a Spanish university of the eiglteenth century, because thle mother country was on the low scientific level to whiclh the deadly politics of the Austrians had reduced her. WAhen Charles III urged the rectors of universities in Spain to reform education lie was told that it was impossible to depart from the Aristotelian system or follow the innovations of Galileo and Newton, 1)4UV EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. because they were -not hi. accord with iniviolable tradlition. Furthermiore, it was not always possible to find. suitable teachers fin Cuba. For this reason the chair of miathematics was vacant for a long. ( time. Sometimes the (lovernmneiit refused to adop~t very tsieful idleas on behalf of the iuniversity, either by niegligencee or igniorance, or for economic-al reasons. Thuts thierectoriinl1761, petit-ioniedfor thieerectioiI of a chiair of experimental p)hysics, which was refused, and two of miatheinatics,7 onfly one of which was granted. A niew 1)laii of study was (Irawli uip, in view of the pressing nieed of reform, but was allowed to lie unnoticed. In 1795 Doni Jose' Aungustin Cabtallero miade anl adldress inl thme section of scienice land arts of the Sociedad Econ6inica, in which hie (Ieplored the backward condition of education, 'which, lie saidl, retarded and embarrassed the progress of the arts and, sciences without, however, anly fault onl time lpart of the teachers, who could omily obey and. execute their instructions. Onl motion of Sefilor Caballero a representation was made to the King, by a comm-ittee of the society, of the necessity of reforming education in the island, begin. fling with the university. The committee declared, aniong other thing(s, that no mathematics was taught., nor chemistry, nor practical anatomy. Genereal Las Casas supl))ortedl this motion, but the Grovern. mient took no action. The same indifference, or worse, Was manlifested. by the, Spaniish G1overnment fin other lparts of America,. 1It reftused to permit the foundation of academiles, or universities, or chlairs of math. emuatics, law or pilot schools (the latter being pure luxuries, the decreer said). The cacique Don Juan Cirillo dle Castilla emldeavore (lduring thirty years to obtain lpermnissioii to establish a college for Indians1 InI his niative count~ry, but (lied finally in Madlrid without obtaining it. The archbishop of Guatemala left m-oney by his will for establishing a chair of mnoral philosophy, but the minister dlirecte(d the moniey to be senit to Spaini, it hiavinig been. improperly (levised,].r as hie declared. Charles [V prohiibited time esttablishmenit of the Uniiversity of Merida ill Maracaibo onl the groiumd that hie dlid not deeni it expedient that enlightenment should beconme general in America,. Tfhere were other instances of time same policy in Chile anid Peru; andl yet, notwithstanding all thjese restrictiomis-, Hu tmboldt observed "1a grea~t iiitehlec.tual movement aild a youth endowed with a rare faculty for hearunimg the sciences-a sure sign of the political anid moral revolution that was ill preparation." lIn Santiago dle Cuba the seminary of San IBasilio Magno was founded by Bishop Francisco G4erdimiimo Vald('s in. 1 72.2,for eccle-siastical studies, with an endowment of 12,000 lpesos. Thuis establishment, however, dlid not coinme into operation until the latter part of thme last century. More important was the foundation of the college andl seminary of San Carlos and San Ammbrosio in Havanla inl 1773, which was not destined exclusively for the education. of ecclesiastics, but included three courses of philosophy and letters preparatory to, and besides, time higher faculties of theology, law, and mnathiematics, the last two of which, however, were miot opemmed umitil the beginninig of the present century. EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. 941 Education being in suchl an unsatisfactory condition, it Is not to be eXpectedt that literature and science should have, received much encouragetnent in the thlree centuries preceding the present. Mitjates, howevel-, shows tllat printing was introduced in Santiago (le Cuba in 1698, lbut was soon discontinued, not to reappear for a century. In Havana lrlactically no p)rintillg was done until 1720, and then only onl an insignificaiit scale. Poetry appeared in the sixteenth century in the form of a comedy with tle strange title "Tlhe good ill lieaven alid thie wicked oi earthl," which was presented on St. John's day anll( was long remembered for other reasolns tllall the merits of the play. The narmes of several versifiers, with the subjects of their pocelms an(l criticisms of tlheir styles, are given in Mlitjalles's work, from w-hich it appears that they suffered from the pedantry, nmysticism, aind affectation with which readers of sonie of the Eilglish poetry of the seventeenth century are famili-ar, and they were imitators of Spanisll writers of thle period. The attacks of the buccaneers uponl Cuban towns were frequent in the seventeenth cenitury.and the conflicts with themn formed tihe subject of some of tlhese early poemns, while earthquakes furnished an occasional theme in the following century, which was sometimes ihumorously treated. But about the middle of the last century more serious literary work begins to appear with thle account by Bishop Morell of the English attempts in America and hlis history of the island alld the church of Cuba, which work is lost, and Arrate's hlistory of Cuba, which remained in manuscript ultil 1830, wh]len it was published by thle Sociedad Econ(6mica. It gives the history of the island down to 1761, but is not now of inlportance. The work of two other historianls, 1Urratia and Vald( s, are criticised by Mitjanes, who closes his review of this pleriod with notices of certain preachers who were celebrated for tlleir eloquence. In 1789 there was 1)rillte(l at ItavaJ)a a work onl natural history by l)on Antonio l'arr1 which was illustrated by drawings, there being no good engravers in tlhe island at that time. The work al)ppears to have been of no great Imerit, but its account of tile fishes gave it value. The author was commissioned by the (lovernlment and the botanical garden of Madrid to make collections for the cabinet of natural history at Madrid. The second el)och in the intellectual history of Cuba began with the administration of l)on Luis de las Casas, whose name is held in grateful remembrance by Cubans, and who inaugurated a new era by his zealous and noble enthusiasm in promoting intellectual and educational activity. He founded the first literary periodical ald the Sociedad Econ6micsa (sometimes called Patridtica) de IlHabaiua, which has been the first mover in all the advances in the material interests and education in the island. With him cooperated ain eminent physician, Dr. Romay; Arango, the distinguished writer on economics; Caballero; Penalver, archbishop of Guatemala; and many others. The Sociedad Ecolndmica was charged by a royal order with the care of education in 942 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. Cuba. An inventory was taken of the primary schools in 1793 and a deplorable state of affairs was found. In Havana there were only 39 schools, 32 of whicl were for girls, and the instruction was of the worst, nothing but reading being taught in many of them which were in charge of colored women. The society then founded two free schools for the poor of both sexes. The society met with much opposition, in part from Bishop Trespalacios, who was envious of Las Casas, but it succeeded in founding schools with the help of the religious orders, particularly thle school of the Beneficencia in 1799 and the Ursulines in 1803. It endeavored to establisl memblers of tle order of San Sulpicio, which had met with such success in education in New Orleans, but without result. Outside the capital, gratuitous instruction for the people did not exist except in isolated cases, due to individual efforts, principally of the clergy. Ill 1801 the sociedad took another school census and found the number of schools in the city to be 71, with 2,000 pupils, most of whicll were not under the Government and were taught by ignorant colored women who had neither method nor order. Recognizing these fatal defects, tlhe society endeavored to induce the Government to issue regulations reforming tlhe schools and providiug faithful, competent, and interested teachers, but without result. In 1816 the section of cducation was formed and the (lovernment granted $32,000 for primary instruction, and at this time some improvement in the condition of tlis branch was made. But notwithstanding the efforts of individuals, the funds were insufficient for the growing needs, and some of the new schools had only an ephemeral existence. Secondary and szuperior edlcation.-The society also devoted its energies to opening new branches of study in higher education. In 1793 it was proposed to found a chair of chemistry, and a subscription of $24,615 was immediately raised, but owing to the difficulty of finding a professor in Europe the clair was not filled until 1819. The apparatus was brought from Europe, and after some delay quarters for a laboratory were found in the hospital of San Ambrosio. Tle first professor was Don Jost Tasso. The society in 1794 formed a plan of secondary instruction which included mathematics, drawing, physics, chemistry, natural history, botany, and anatomy. (The date and scope of tllis plan are noteworthy. Its spirit is quite modern.) The creation of a botanic garden was proposed in 1795, but the plan did not meet, with such enthusiasm as the chemical laboratory, which, it was lloped, might be of use to the sugar industry. The course of anatomy was opened in 1797. In this same year a real revolution took place in the instruction in philosophy at the Colegio Seminario de San Carlos, the old Aristotelian philosophy becoming replaced by modern methods in the lectures on logic of Caballero. But in 1811, when Felix Varela took the chair of philosophy, the old system received its death blow, the names of modern thinkers became familiar ill the schools, and their doctrines were freely exam EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. 943 ined. The students were taught to use their reason as (a guide, and to ignore all the useless quibbles and confused terminology of the scholastic philosophy. One of his pupils, afterwards well known in Cuba, Don Jose de La Luz, said of this teacher, " He was the first who taught us to think." Ile also used Spanish instead of Latin in his lectures, retaining the latter only one day in the week, in order that its use migllt not be forgotten. Part of his Institutions of Eclectic Philosophy were published in Spanish. In physics Varela was also an esteemed professor, but later on this chair at the college was filled by Jose Antonio Saco, who followed in brilliant lectures, day by day, the most recent discoveries made in Europe. The Government having ordered in 1813 that political economy should be taught in the universities, the Sociedad Econ6mica established a chair of this subject in San Carlos in 1818, which was supported by vbluntary subscriptions. The new spirit was shown further by a change in the law course from an excessive devotion to the study of the lRoman digests to the fuller study of Spanish law. At this period medicine, which, as we shall see, received such preeminent attention at a later period, was far behind the age. Until 1824 there was no chair of surgery, and chemistry an(l philosophy were twenty years behind the times. The promoters of superior instruction inl the beginning of the new epoclk, which Mlitjanes puts between 1790 and 1820, were Las Casas, Bishop Espado, and the intendent Ramirez, who was mainly instrumental in organizing the instruction in chemistry and other scientific branches, with the constant cooperation of the Sociedad lcomomica. The results of the education of these thirty years could hardly be expected to show until after tke close of that period. During this time a large number of newspapers and periodicals appeared, owing to.the liberty granted to the press. and in some of thlese appl)eared important critical and historical papers by mnen of information and.ability. The namlles of Romay, Caballero, and Arango appear as essayists, and the historian Valdds published a part of his history in 1813, which Mit.janes criticises somewhat severely. These periodicals, and particularly the one published under the auspices of the society, furnished a medium for the buddling poets of the new era to display themselves, and the drama received new editions. Many of the poets of this period, whose gifts and utterances Mitjanes discusses with apparent discrimination, it can be seen are well worthy of note, and they bring a real culture to aid their native talent. It would hardly be worth while to give a bare list of their names and poems. Mitjanes's criticisms, besides, are quite technical, and bear upon versification and other literary features of the poems. In the second period of the new epoch-from 1820 to 1842-the Sociedad Ecou6mnica, always in the vanguard of the intellectual movement, began to find the fruits of its earlier efforts in the works, of the younger men who had profited by them, and in 1830 a committee on history was formed and another on literature. The Government was now in far 944 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. other hands than those of Las Csass and did its best il the person of General Tacon to suppress the new political and economical views, mainly, it is true, on account of articles which appeared in the journals published under the auspices of the society. Still, in 1833, by virtue of a royal order, the committee on literature constituted itself an indepenldent academy which encouraged or founded literary periodicals. Its sessions were the place of meeting for all the leadingl menei in Cuba who were interested ill letters and new ideas, and it collected a valuable library. In this period app)eared tile first really great Cuban poet, Heredia, whose genius was recognized inl Europe, and one of whose poems, ' Niagara,7' was translated into English by Bryant. His life was a curious comment on the Spanish rule in Cuba. IHe was born at Santiago de Cuba in 1803. At 8 years of age his teachler, the )ominican Francisco Javier Caro, pronounced him to be a good Latinist and an excellent translator of Horace, and at 10 lie had written poems which attracted the attention of literary men. IIe went to Havana for the first time in 1817 and to Mexico in 1819, whence lie returned to Havana upon the death of his father, in 1820. He took there the degree of bachelor of law, and in 1823 was an advocate in Puerto Principe. Thence he removed to Matanzas where lie became involved with the revolutionary agents of Spanish America, and, falling under suspicion, was obliged to leave Cuba. He passed three years in the United States and the rest of his life in Mexico, where he was appointed assistant secretary of state, and afterwards was a judge of the supreme court and member of tile Senate. His lyrical poems, published in New York in 1825, when he was only 22 years old, which have been republished in Philadelphia, New York, London, Paris, Hamburg, Madrid, and Barcelona, and admired in all the civilized countries of the world, placed him at once among tlie noted poets of the century. Passing over other lyric poets of less note-Milanes, iamon de Palina, and others whose works Mitjanes discusses-thle next most noted name in the Cuban poetry of this period is that of Placido, whose fame, perhaps, is partly due to tile circumstances of his origin and his tragic deatli. It was the opinion, however, of some critics that Placido was the most gifted of all the Cuban poets, but tile misfortunes of his defective education, and his birth in a despised class, which condemned him to live in a social sphere far beneath that which was the due of his intellectual superiority, were sufficient to dull his inspiration. His poverty, too, compelled him often to write without other incentive, and the political oppression, which was a constant menace to everyone, was a double weight upon him until he fell a martyr to it in 1844. Placido was a mulatto, and no one born out of a slave-holding country, wliere color is the badge of slavery and marks thle social pariah, can understand how that circumstance placed at once an impassable barrier between the unhappy victim of it and all those who would otherwise have been intellectually congenial to him. An article by Mr. W. H. EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. 945' Hurlbut, in the North American Review for January, 1849, upon the"Poetry of Spanish-America," written when the memory of Heredia and Placido was still fresh, and Milanes was still alive, describes contemporary Cuba as follows: All tile avenues to the public mind are guarded with unrelaxing watchfulness, alnd the patriotism of Cuba, denied any enlarged and popular field of action, is compellele to pour itself into the heart of the people through strains of stirring poetry from the lips of men prepared for the martyrdom as well as for the championshil of freedom. And imprisonmelt, exile, alld death have, indeed, been the meeds of these hero bards, who speak always earnestly and front their hearts, in the wor(ls of brave men who have counted the cost of their devotion. It is strange, ilndeed, that so little should be known raloung us of an intellectual and spiritual life so nearly allied to the best thought and feeling of our own country. The author speaks sympathetically. of the career of Heredia, who as a Iman was hleld in honorable reimembrance for the integrity, generosity, anli amiability of his character, and whose sufferings testified more loudly thanl his words to the delpth and strength of affection with which he clung to the best hopes of his country. Thouglts of sorrow or of hope for Cuba underlie almost all his L)oels, trianslations of passages froml whichl are given in the article referred to. Placido, whose llame was Gabriel de la Concepci6n Valdds, was born at Matanzas in 1809. "Iis education was of the rudest kind; nearly all the learning that he acquired lie owed to the impulses of his own mintd, followed out with all tlle energy of an indomitable will," and he had estab1)lished his reputation whlie he was called upon to play the higher parts of a hero and' a Iumartyr. An insurrection broke out.among the slaves in 1844,: an Placido was accused of being the organ of comnmunication between the insurLgents and the British consul, who was suspected of favoring them. The ilnsurrection was sul))pressed with a savage ferocity vwhich was fresh in the minds of tlhe rea(lers of tile article in the North American. Placido was condemned to deatil, and lie awaited his fate with entire composure. '' I the intervals of the duties which crowded upon his shortening lite lie poured out the emotions and aspirations of his soul in poetry; and these death songs, full of undying truth, have written tlhemiselves deeply anid forever on the hearts of his countrymen. One of them, especially, his 'Prayer to God,' composed the day before his execution, was eagerly learned and recited by the young men of Matanzas, and has been universally considered his finest production." A translation of the poem is tlen given, of which the translator says tllat "it is diflicult to convey into English words the fire and force of expression of this noble poem." The night before hlis execution Placidoaddressed a farewell letter to his wife and a " farewell," in poetry, tohis mother, and the next morning passed throngh the streets with hisfellow -victims " with a serene face and an unwavering step and chanting his 'Prayer with a calm, clear voice "-a spectacle which, in other times and countries, would have furnished inspiration for heroic verse. Prone as we of English descent are to suspect the contrary, Placido's. ED 98-60 94({ EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. conduct at this supreme moment was -undoubtedly sincere and ilct theatrical. His ignoble birth, as well as the political subjection of the island, harrowed his soul, as is evident in the extracts given in thlis article we lhave used, e. g., in the " Soniet to Greece, aind the " hIymin to Liberty," written on the morning of his execution, which is thus residered in the spirited translation by an anonymous writer: (0 Liberty! I wait for thee To break this chain and dungeonl ]bar: I hear thy spirit calling moe )eep in the frozen North, afar, With voice like CGod's, and visage like a star. Iong cradled by the mountain wind. 'Thy miates the eagle and the storm, Arise! and front thy brow unbind The wreath that -gives its starry form, And smite the strength that woliul thy grace deform ' Yes, Liberty! thy dawning light, Obscured by dcungeon bars, shall cast Its splendor on the breaking n.ight, And tyrants, fleeing pale and fast, Shall tremble at thy gaze and( stand aghaist Placido's p oetry is of ethnological interest, as lie was partly of Af.i( ian descent, althoughl it is impossible to know of what tribe. Some of tile slaves who were broughllt to Cuba at an earlier period came froml a region where they had become mixe(l witll Arabs, alnd coul(l read all(d write. The article continues: The worksof Placido were suppressed )by a vice-regal edict,:n(l his naue \was covered with official infarmy; but 1by the inhlabitants of Cuba the nieinory of this truiie soln of the people will always be gratefully cherished. Never have the( righlts of mall fouind a more heroic martyr than in this despised andl humble laborer, this pariah,of society, bearing in his natural form and color thie badge of d(isgrace and serviillde. Surely his death has not been in vain. It is by the fall of sucll victilms that men.'s thoughtls are turned against tyrants and their tyranny. Hundreds and thousands of hunlalln beings droop and (lie in dumb, vulgar misery, and the world's slllumers are unbllroken; but let one hero le led out from among them to sacrifice, and his voice penetrates to the fouir corners of the earth. Yet a few years and it will be seen that Placido, like the greater Toussaint, fell not obscurely or:ilone, but encompassed by the most faithful anld unforgetting friends, beheld a1nd remembered by "great allies," - "By exultations, agonies, Adtl love, ant( mali's unconquerable inld." We hlave been thus lengtly ill this digression because of the (late cf tlhe article (1849), tle pIrophletic feelings of its autlhor (who was a I Teinnyson's ode to liberty, beginning '; Of old sat Freedomn oil the heights," was written some dozen years before Placido's death. There is a resemblance between the ideas in each poem, but one has the academic polish while the other is the natural cry of genius. It is impossible to imagine that Tennyson, an English gentleman, accustomed to write inl the midst of quliet and scholarly sulrroundlings, could have written his ode if he had known that lie was to lbe publicly excueted a few hours afterwards. EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. 947 South Carolinian), and because the episode of Placido's death marks an antiquated phase of history which has now disappeared from this side of the Atlantic. In other chapters of his interesting history Mitjanes gives a discriminating account of the dramatic writers, novelists, and narrative poetry from 1820 to 1842, which must be passed over to note activity in other directions. In history IIamon de la Sagras and Pezuela's works appeared in 1831 and 1842, respectively, the former being rather of a political-economical character, while the latter takes up the history of the island from the beginning, using the early authorities, and the Sociedad Econ6mica published many memoirs upon historical as well as upon philosophical, medical, chemical, and botanical subjects. A noticeable feature of this period was the appearance of a large number of periodicals wlhich manifested a new political and intellectual activity. The political changes of 1820 in Spain lhad their effect upon education. Upon the suppression of the convents the Government gave the clapel of one of the Augustine orders to the Sociedad Econ6mica for establishing a normal school, and established a chair of constitutional law in the seminary of San Carlos, and in the university, but botl the normal school and the new chairs were soon after sul)pressed by another political change in 1824, and the $32,000 which tlie section of education had received from the municipality for elementary education was also reduced, soon after which that section received its deathblow by the royal order of February 8, 1825, withdrawing the funds which had been allotted to it, in consequence of which it was no longer possible to maintain the new free schools. It is to be observed that during the reign of Ferdinand VII the university, which was more directly coiinlected with the Madrid Government, suffered more than San Carlos, which was protected by the Sociedad Econ6mica and the diocesan bishop, and it remained in a backward state until tlhe Government commissioned Francisco de Arango to examine and report upon the condition of tlle institution, which task lie accomplished, with the aid of those most interested in the needed reforms. Ilis report, in 1827, led to the reforms embodied in the plan of 1842. The medical faculty meanwhile was reorganized and modernized, and philosophy allso, in the hands of tle new teachers, became a living force, the French school (Cousin) being represented in the period from 1840 to 1856>. In primary and secondary education a great advance was macde in the private colleges. From 1827 to 1830 the convenient distinction was drawn between elementary and superior instruction and new colleges were established (five in number), in which tlhe instruction was so excellent that it was said in 1830 that there was no longer any need to send young men abroad for their education. The professors in these colleges were well-known men of letters. As to free primary instruction, outside of Havanra and Matanzas it Ut6 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. was ill an exceediilgly backward state. The census of 1S33 sllowed tlhat there were only 9,082 puIils registered in the schools of thle whole island, and this figure is far above tile tiilmber of those actually atteniding. There w'ere then 190,000 or 200,000 ihalia)bitants uIitler 15 years of age. The provinces of Puerto Prinlcipe aind Santilago, with 25(),000 or 300,000 inhabitants each, had 1,408 altd 991 pupils iln school in 1840, respectively. In Villa Clara tllere was only one schlool fi'om 1 821 to 183'4. The period from 18.12 to 1868, the date of the begilnnilng of tile obstinate insurrection that lasted ten years, was prolific in poets anll draunatists, whose works Mitjanes criticises wit (liscrilniIlationl, nd(l e are astonished at thle number of namiies, esLecially when we retlect tilhat tlie entire population of Cuba was only 1,400,000 in 1868, of which 801),(0()0 were white. Let anyone compare the literary activity in Havanal withll that of any city of equal size in the Unlited States and lhe call judge of the singular intellectual ac(tivity malniflested in the islald. Ulpon scientific education atnd the sciences Mitja'les says ]iotling, lbut we can supplement this historical sketch by the official list of royal (lecrees and orders reorganizing l)ublic instruction, the origin of whiilic, we lhave seen in the forecgoing, was always due to thle remlonstrallces or memllorials or suggestions of the islanders, and never proceeded fronm thle (Goverminent itself. Secondary and superior instruction.' -The royal decrees collcernlling secondary and superior instruction in Cuba and Porto Rico dluring the first half of the cetntury provided principally for making valid in Spain the titles of licentiate or doctor ob)tained in Cuba anid Porto ]Rico. In 1863 a general reform of public instruction was effected, by virtue of which it was divided into primary, secondary, superior, amid professional branches. In 1871 a decree provides that professors of tlhe University of Havana are eligible for professorships in Spain, whiclh was followed in 1878 by a (lecree making the professorate in the colonies and tlle peninsula one body. In 1880, at the close of the ten-year insurrection, special schools, wlhich had been called for by circumstances, such as thle dcental college of Havana, were created, besides societies of agriculture, il(lldustry, and commnerce. Inl this year thle minister for the colonies drew up a memo. rial of thle unsatisfactory condition of public education in Cuba and Porto Rico, especially ill regard to the university and institute of Havana. It recites that the first step toward secularizinlg education andl assimilating it with that of Spaini in that resplect was taken in 1842, anld that the assimilation was inearly complete by 1863 as far as legislation alld form were concerined. But Cuba, lio adds, was not then prepared for so vast andll centralize(l an organization, and many obstacles anil delays arose that checked the proposed reform. The insurrection of 1868 interfered with education very seriously, inter'From the Diccionario do Legislaci6in de Instrucci6n Ptiblica. Eduardo Orbanejo. Valladolid, 1893. EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. 949 ruplting the studies and so making it difficult or impossible for students to finish their courses, which, again, unfitted them to become teachers iln the secondary schools which were soon after establishle(l all over the island. This state of things also interfered withl the habilitationl ill the Peninsula of studies followed ill Cuba, an(d so tellded( to separate the two countries in that respect. All these conlsiderations led to the decree of June 1S, 1880, regulating superior and second}ary instruction, an(l coordinatiing those branches il Cuba, witlh the same grades ill Spain established by thle (lecrees of 1874 and order of 1875. One of the prillcipal features of this decree was the article authorizing the establishment of a secon(lary institution in the capital of each Cuball province at tlhe expense of tile province or municipality, with a subvention from the Governlor-General froim the estimates for the island. Ill capitals where there were lno public secondary institutes colleges of the religious orders might be substituted by the Governor-General, with the advi(e of the council. B3ut the degrees graalted by these private institutions were to be verified, as only the (legrees of public institutions were recognized. In accordalce with this decree an institute of secondary education Awas established ill Porto Rico in 1882, there being already several ill Cuba; an agricultural commission was organized in Cuba, and in 1885 a professional school was established il Porto Rico lilke those ill Ha vana, where tllere were a nautical schlool, a plrofcssioiial school proper, fitting its students to jpractice chemistry and tlhe mechanic arts, and an art school. In 1886 the following plan of studies was (rawnl up for tile law faculty of thle University of Ilavana, hllicll we give liere for the sake of showing the scope of the studies in that departmnent. There are two sections, one of the candidates for the licentiate aild thle other for the doctor's degree. Sectioin of the licenltiate. MetaL, aphysics. (ellncral and Spanish literature. Critical history of Spain Elements of lavw. l'olitic~al economyi and statistics. General history of Spanish law. Principles of Romani la;w. Sp-anish law, civil, common, and statute. Criminial law. MAercan0tile law of Spain andtl of the principal countries of AEuIrope and Aimerica. Principals of canon law. Political and admlinistrative law. Elements of finance. Public international law. Private international law. Proceedings in civil, criminal, canlon, and administrative law, andl theory and practice of briefing public instruments. Sectioni of the doctorate. Philosophy of law. Higher course of Roman law. Church history and discipline. Public ecclesiastical law. History and critical exalilnation of the principal treatie. between Spain and other powers. Principles of public law of ancient and modern peoples. History of private law of ancient and mnoderni peoples. Law literature, principally Spa;nish. EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. A similar reform was effected in the faculties of medicine and pharmacy of the University of Havana in 1887 by a royal decree which brought that faculty upon the level of a Spanish university. The plan of studies was as follows: Preparatory course.-Physics, advanced course; general chemlistry; mineralogy and botany; zoology. These subjects were to be studied in the faculty of sciences and natural history. Section of licentiates.-1Descriptive anatomy and embryology; normal histology and histo-chemistry; technical anatomy, practice in dissection, in lhistology and histo-chemistry; human physiology, theoretical and experimental; private hygiene; general pathology, with clinics and clinical preliminaries; therapeutics, materia medica, with writing prescriptions, and hydrology, hydrotherapeutics, and electrotherapeutics; pathological anatomy; surgical pathology; topographic anatomy; practice of medicine, with clinics; clinical surgery, medical pathology, clinical medicine; obstetrics and gynecology, with clinics; special course on the diseases of children, with clinics; public hygiene, with medical statistics and sanitary legislation; legal and toxicological medicine. Coiursefor doctorate.-Critical history of medicine; public hygiene, advanced course, including a historical and geographical course of endemics and epidemics; biological chemistry withl analysis; chemical analysis, especially of poisons. Lectures upon some of tlie above studies are appointed to be hlad every day during the course, others daily for a certain time, and others twice a week, according to the importance of the subject. The plan of studies for pharmacy included the prelaratory course above given. Then follows: Course jor licen;tiates.-Study of physical inlstruments and apparatus as applied to pharmacy, witlh exercises for practice; descriptive botany, with determination of medical plants; mineralogy and zoology applied to pharmacy, with thecorresponding pharmaceutical material; inorganic chemistry applied to pharmacy, with exercises; vegetable materi. pharmaccutica; exercises in animal, vegetable, and mineral materia pharmnaceutica; orgasnic chemistry applied to pharmacy, witlh exercises; chemlical analysis, particularly of foods, medicines, and poisons, with exercises; practical phlarmacy and sanitary legislation. Course for doctors' dcygree.-iBiological chemistry, witlh analysis; critical history of pharmacy and pharmaceutical bibliography. The decree specifies in what way the programme is to be carried out. This programme is essentially the same as tlhat of a European university. As showing a disposition to adopt new features, it is important to note that the same decree that contains the above programme also directs that a chair of industrial mechanics and applied chemistry shall be created in the Havana Institute. This institute already possessed a EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. 9~1 cnair of experimental physics, while practical chemistry and mechanics were taught in the professional school. We give also the plan of studies of the faculties of philosophy and letters and of sciences of the university as prescribed by royal order of 1887, together with the attendance in 1888-89. As these studies are of a general nature they are not designed to fit students for professions like the special subjects in the law and medical faculties. The list shows the interest shown in such subjects. Programme of te of oyal University of Harcana, ls,8S-s5'8. FACULTY OF PHILOSOPIIY AND LETTEIRS. Numnber of students. General and Spanish literature-......-... —................................ 119 General literature -—........................................................... 7 Spanish literature...............I —.....-..................... 15 Greek, fir.;t conrse............................................................. 19 Creek. second course -......................................................... 10 Greek and Latin literature................................................... 12 General history, first course -—... —... -....-... --- —-................ 19 General history, second course............-.................................. 25 Metaphysics, first course.-...-............................ 132 Metaphysics, second course -............. —.-............................... 12 Critical history of Spain. —.-.-.-........................-................ 124 iebrew.. —.. —................................ —.. ---..- --- -.....-............... 1 Arabic...-..............-..-... —..-..-... —. —. ----..-................. 8 AEsthetics.- -................................................................. --- — 4 History of philosophy........................................................ 4 Critical history of Spanish literature-.......................................... 5 Sanscrit...................................................................... 5 NI,'ru.-At the same time 24 students were classified in this faculty from private instruction, having passed their examinations, i. e., their degrees having been verified, as explained in the decrees. Of these 24. 5 were examined in Porto Rico. FACULrTY OF SCIENCES. General studies: Mathematical analysis, first course.................................... 19 Mathematical analysis, second course..-............................... 7 Geometry...........-.......................... 19 Analytical geometry -.................................. — -...-....... 6 Cosmography and physics of the globe.-. —............... 8 Advanced physics......................................................... 137 General chemistry........................................................ 141 General zoology........................................................... 138 Mineralogy and botany................................................... 138 Lineal drawing 9 ~in~eatl d~awin........................................................ 9 Physico-mathematical sciences: D)ifferen tial and integral calculus.......................................... 2 Theoretical mechanics. --- — -—........ ---.........-...-..-....-.......... 1 Descriptive geometry.-................................................... 1 Advanced experimental physics....-..........-..-.....-......-.. ---.-.-.- 6 Higher physics, first course -.................-..-.......................... 1 Higher physics, second course -............................................ 2 Higher physics, experimental, first course......-1.................. 1 Higher physics, experimental, second course.-.............................. 2 Geodesy...................... 1 Mathematical physics -.................................................... 3 Theoretical and practical astronomy............. -..................... 3 952 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. Number Physics and chemistry: of students. Inorganic chemistry...................................................... 4 Experimental chemistry -........................................... 4 Organic chemistry, and experimental. -..................................- 8 Drawing applied to physico-chemical science.................................. 3 Natural sciences, including anatomy and animal and vegetable physiology, mineralogy, zoography of vertebrates, articulates, mollusks, and zoophytes, phytography and botanical geography, tdrawing applied to natural history, comparative anatomy, and stratigraphic paleontology, 27 students in all. We give the programme of the Institute of Havana to illustrate the grade or scope of this class of instruction in Cuba. The programmes of the other provincial institutes are essentially similar to it, some of the commercial subjects being dropped or changed. Latin and Spanish (two courses). Physiology and hygiene. Rhetoric and poetry. Agriculture. Geography. Mercantile arithmetic and bookkeeping. Spanish history. Geography and conmmercial statistics. General history. Political economy. Psychology, logic, and ethics. Practical commercial exercises. Arithmetic and algebra. Chemistry applied to the arts. Geonetry and trigonometry. Industrial mechanics. Physics. French, English, and German (two Chemistry. courses each). Natural history. This, it will be seen, is a very " practical " course. Tle preparatory course of the professional school of the island of Cuba comprised arithmetic, algebra, linear drawing, geometry, trigonometry, and ornamental drawing, while the professional course proper embraced topography, theoretical and practical surveying, topographical drawing, descriptive geometry, the mechanics of construction, strength of materials, construction of all kinds, building and architectural drawing, international mercantile law, history of commerce, the mate. rials of commerce, cosmography, pilotage, and hand work. The school of paiinting and sculpture of Havana had 454 students. The programme included elementary drawing, drawing from the antique, sculpture, laldscapes in lead pencil, carbon, and oil, both copies and from nature; color drawing, claro-obseuro, copies of pictures; drawing from nature, from the living model, and original compositions. The programmes given above are too general to enable one to judge of the quality of the instruction. For instance, Greek might cover Xenophon, or lectures on the tragic poets, or Homer, and geometry might include anything from elementary geometry up to that of three dimensions. The inaugural addresses, 1888-89, however, before the university, allow us to forn an opinion. Thus the inaugural address in 1890 of Dr. Don Juan Vilaro y Diaz is a very able paper upon some points in evolution, which are supported by a large number of references to observations by tile author himself and other persons. They range, as usual, in the full exposition of the argument, from paleontological data down EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. 953 to variations inl living species, and the essay is in support of natural selection. The programmes at hanud, while containing a plentiful amount of theoretical, mathematical, and physical subjects, have less applied science, such as electrical and mechanical engineering, than is found in the technological schools elsewhere, where manufactures and various industries make a demand for tlem. To complete this part of the subject we give the planl of studies of elementary schools taken from tlle Resumenl de 1a legislaci6n de primtera ensefianza virgente el la isla de Cuba. Habana, 1895. Por Jose Estebiii Liras. Thils plan is as follows for the lower grade: (1) Christian doctrine and sacred history adapted for children; (2) reading; (3) writing; (4) elementary Spanish grammar and ortlhgraphy; (5) elementary arithmetic, inclu(ling weights and measures; (6) elements of agriculture, industry, anld commerce, to be varied according to locality. Primary superior instruction embraces, besides an amplification of the foregoing: (1) Elements of geometry, linear drawing and surveying; (2) rudiments of history and geography, especially Spanish; (3) elements of physics and natural history aldapted to the more common necessities oi life. In schools for girls of corresponding grades, articles 6 of tlhe elementary, and 1 and 3 of the primary superior, are replaced by (1) women's work; (2) elements of drawing applicable to the same, and (3) elements of domestic hygiene. The same authority gives the following brief sketch of the history of public elerneitary education ill Spain and the colonies: Pr imrary instru ction.-The laws and royal orders and decrees in accordance therewith affecting elementary education in the colonies are substantially those regulating education in Spain. Up to 1821 public primary education was not a function of the State and was not regulated by any general law in Spain. On June 20 of that year the Cortes decreed that public primary instruction should be free and that a school of that character should be established in every town of 100 inlhabitants, and that there should be one school for every 500 illhabitants in cities [thus antedating the passage of the similar law in France by twelve years]. Following this was tle plan of February 16, 1825, the provisional plan of July 21, 1838, and the royal decree of September 23, 1847. On September 9, 1857, was promulgated the law which still prevails. Besides tlhe foregoing, the royal decree of February 23, 1883, made primary education obligatory. Primary education is obligatory for all Spaniards. The fathers and guardians, or others having charge of children, shall send them to the public schools from their sixtlh to their ninth year of age unless they furnish tlme same grade of instruction at home or in some private school. (Plan of studies of December 7,1880.) The Spanish Cortes in 1813 proposed to make reading and writing a condition of citizenship, a measure which excited Jefferson's admiration. 954 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. In Cuba four general dispositions aftecting public instruction have been promulgated, following the law of tlte Peninsula. These are the general plan of 1842, the plan of studies of 1863, the organic regulation of primary instruction of 1871, and the plan of 1880, which now prevails. The plan of 1842, for Cuba and Porto Rico, was based on the peninsula law of 1838, and the later ones on that of 1857. The plan of studies of Decenlber 7, 1880, is that which prevails now on general points. In 1890 normal schools were created, in 1891 the secretaryships of the provincial committees for education were provided, and in 1892 special school deposits for primary instruction were established. As everyone knows, it is impossible to form a correct idea of the real condition of education fromn royal orders and decrees, and plans of studies which make, or may make, a deceptive appearance, and we therefore present the testimony of competent witnesses who have lhad opportunities of observing the condition of education in Cuba froml about 1800 down to the most recent years. Humboldt, in his personal narrative, says of the Cubans of his time that intellectual cultivation was almost entirely restricted to the class of the whites and was as unequally distributed as the population. The first society of the Havanah resembles, in ease and politeness of manners, the society of Cadiz and of the richest commercial towns of Europe; but (quitting the capital, or the neighboring plantations inhalited by rich proprietors, a striking contrast to this state of partial iand local civilization presents itself in the simplicity of manners that prevails in the insulated farms and small towns. The Tiavaneros were the first among the rich inhabitants of the Spanish colonies who visited Spain, Franc, and Italy, and at the Iavanah the people were the best informed of tho politics of Europe and the springs put in movement in courts to sustain or overthrow a ministry.' And of the educational institutions lie says: At the lIavanah th,, university, with its chairs of theology, jurisprudence, medicine, and nimthlematics, established since 1728; the chair of political economy, founded in 1818; that of agriculture and botany; the Imuseunl and the school of descriptive anatomy, due to the enlightened zeal of Dol Alexander Ramnirez; the puplic library; the free school of drawing and painting; the national school; the Lancasterian schools, atnd the botanic gardens are institutions partly new anld p)artly old. The Countess Merlin, who was a native of Havana, but ltad been absent in Paris many years, returned there and published three volumes of letters, with the title "La Ilavane," in 1844. She says of education in Havana at that period that it produced two contradictory impressions-a consciousness of undeniable progress, which was increasing, and a lively sense of relative inferiority. There were extreme eagerness for knowledge, quick intelligence, minds well prepared to receive it, and every ray of light from Europe was greeted with enthusiasm. Witl all this there were great imperfections, lacuna, in the organization of public instruction and in the tendencies of priI Vol. XII, p. 157, of Miss Williams's t ranslation, 1829. EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. vate education, and tle neglect and indifference of the (Government was ant obstacle to progress. The Cubans kept themselves informed of everything educational and scientific that was going on in Europe, and oil the deatl of Ferdinand VII, when aristocratic Spain endeavored to imitate the culture and civilization of France and England, some Havanese, profiting by the movement in the mother country, obtained permission to form a literary "Acadminie," a name which, perhaps, was not the best title that could be found, but which promised a better intellectual future. But the Captain-General saw in this institution a germ of political reformn and danger, and it was dissolved. More than once educated young mnen have asked permission to found and maintain chairs of literature and science, but inl vail; tlie same fear lrompted the Government to withhold its consent. In the absence of satisfactory means of education at home many fatl)ers of families sent their sons abroad for tlieir education. As soon as this was lkown at Madrid a royal order came directing the parents to recall their sons and forbidding them to send them abroad in the future. This order eventually fell into desnetude. Enterprising men thent obtained permission to found colleges anlld maintain them ait tleir own expense. The lower classes, however, were entirel-y without elementary instruction, and the Governnment refused to establisli a single scllool at its own expense. When the sons of wealthy families could only obtain an educationl with difficulty, and at great expense, how could the children of the poor obtain any education whatever without public schools and teachers maintained by tile Government? This situation, which was better suited to produce assassins and bandits than citizens, aroused the interest of some of the Cuban patriots, who formed a society called the Society of the Friends of the Country, which, llaving no funds but the individual subscriptions of the members, could accomplish little. Primary schools, therefore, were still few in 18 4. In 183G, with a population of 417,545 free (colored and white) persons in the Province of' avana, only 9,082 attended school. Of that lopl)lation there were 99,599 children froim 5 to 15 years of age. In a previous period there was even less instruction, and in 1836 there were 90,517 children absolutely without education. In 1814 there were still more, because the population had increased and tle primary schools, being always without resources, could not keep p pwith it. As nothing could be obtained from the Government, the Cubans resorted to theaters and masked balls to raise money for founding schools. The Sociedad Patri6tica, or Econ6mica, which was founded in 1793 by Governor Las Casas, wlo gave liberally of his own fortune for founding schools, began now to bear fruit and the situation was improving. The countess mentions a museum of natural history as existing in 1844, and the school of design, which was established in 1815 by Ramirez, and adds that there were no attempts at intellectual development which did not meet an active and disinterested sympathy among the creoles. Every one 956; EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. of their sons brought back from his foreign travels something to advance civilizationl in the island. The number of able and (listinguished men was then larger than could ha-ve been expected, and included savants and1 writers on political econo:my who kept abreast of all European progress. Besides literary mei, including l)oets, she gives tlle names of Saco, Jose de lat Luz, and l)el Mante, and concludes by saying that one curious consequence of the absence of primary instruction simultaneously with tlhe advanced condition of higher education was t:) be seen in the juxtaposition, inl strange contrast, of the oldest traditions amid a modern college, and journals written in elegant style, publislhed in a city where the old( Castilianl language of Cervantes and Lope (le Vega was still sl)okeii. In 1855 J. J. Ampere (son of the Frenc-h physicist whose name is given to a "law" in electro-magnletismn) published all account of his travels in America, in the course of which lie visited Ilavatna amid says of the library of the university that it contained tile recent Freiich scientific treatises, the works of Cousin, etc. There was at tlhat time no great literary and scientific movement at htavana,; nevertheless, tlhere was a marked progress in the number of students in tlhe schools. Ito speaks of a school of mechanic arts with 20( students, a1nd 15 f)unidalions for the orphans of officers amid families who had emigrated from tlIe mainland. The governor, General Concha, did much for this school. In 1859 Mr. Richard 1I. l)ana visited H:avana and wrote as follows about education as lie saw it. His opinion is tlhe more valuable, as his observations were mnade during a vacation trip, and lie must have had H irvard in mind while making comparisons: As to education, I have no doubt that a good (ducation in medicine and a respectable course of instruction in Roman anld Spanish law and in the natural sciences can be obtained at the University of Havana, andl thlIt a fiair collegiate education, after the manner of the Latin races, can be obtained at the Jesuit College, the Seminario, and other institutions in I lavana anld in the other large cities; and the Sisters of the Sacred heart have a ilourishing school for girls at Havanai, lut the general eleimentary education of the people is in a very low state. Th'le scattered life of planters is unfavorable to public day schools, nay, almost inconsistent with their existence. The richer inhabitants send their children abroad or to Havana, but the middle and lower classes of whites can not d:) this. The tables show that of the free white children not nmore tha.n 1 in 6(3 attend any school, while in the British West India islands the proportion i.s 1 in the 10 or 20. The life in thie country, the free, careless monteros or guijaros who hardly need to work, whose principal occupation is cock-fighting atnd who can see no need of schools, doubtless had nmuch to do, as Mr. l)ana noticed, with the low number of elemnentary schools. But Havana, which at tlhat time had a population of 150,000, was admirably equipped for secondary and university studies, land a writer in the National Quarterly Review for 1866 (vol. 14) said of it: Far from being behind the age in the provision which it made for education, there is not one of our cities, not even thle modern Athens, which excels it in that respect. Boston, Philadelphia, New York, and one or two other American cities have, EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. 957 incleed, better public schools than Havana. They afford better facilities for thle education of the poor. But the ]ligher educational institutions of lavana are on a:n extensive and( liberal scale. We must admuit, on due examination, that we have no institutions that are equal to their free school of design andl painting, or their free school of mathemlatics. The professors ill each of these schools have beenl selected for their superior lqualificationis in different countries of Europe, a large proportion of themi being G(erLtuns, French, auld Italians. If it still seems incredible that lavana has so:llo elucational institutions which are superior to those of Boston or New York, we ask is the fact niore incredible that the sanme city has a fine botanical garden ill which botany is taught in all its branlches by professors who have gradluatedl at the faimous Jardlin des Plantes, in Paris, an(l other sijllilar schools, -while we hlave no botanical garden worthy of the mname? The capital of Cuba: has also a firstclass university, one whllicll may beo comp:re(l to tllat of the city of New York, and which has separate chairs for jurisprudence, uledicine, chemistry, theology, comparati 'e anatoimy, and iagricultural botany. I1 1887 Professor Froude, the historian, visited Cuba, and gives the following interesting aiid appreciative accoun t of the well-known Jesuit College at Hav.ala, whrlich hlans beenl especially famous as the seat w-lere the celebrated meteorological observations of Fatller Vifiez weire Imade. Iie says of the Jesuits: They alone amtnong the (Catlfhlic clergy, though they live poorly an(l have no enldowment, exsrt themselves to provide a tolerable edulcation fr tlhe umiddle anlld upper classes. * '' Their college had beenl an enormous monastery. * The Jesuits hlave taken possession of the largest convents imuch as a soldier crab becomes the vigorous tenant of the shell of somue lazy sea. snail. They have a college there where there are 400 lads and young mnen who pay for their edulcation; sonic hundreds more are taken,out of cliarity. The Je.suit.s condluct the whole, and (do it 1ll unlai(led, o their own resources. Andll this is far fromi all tliat thli(y (lo. They keep oil a level witil the age; they are muen of l(eariilg; they are men of sciellce; they are the ryal s!,ciety of Cuba. They have ail observatory in thle college, and the Father Viilez, of whorll I have spokein, is in charge of it. lHis nLame is familialr to sttudents of meteorologic;al s8ience, alid lie has supplemented:lad correcte(l the nccepted law of storms by carefull observation of VWest IndiaL hurricanes. The libraries were well furnished, but the, books were chiefly secular ald scientific. The sleeping gaillery was divided into cells, open at the top for velntilation, with bed, table, chest of dra.wers, and wvshintg al)l)aratuis, all scrupulously clean. Everything was good of its kind down to the gymlnastic courts an(l swimming bath. The cost of the \-whlole establishment w-as defrayed out of the p)aymients of the richer students 11:.nanred economically for the benefit of the rest. I'roin the courtyard Nwe turncd into a narrow staircase, lip which -we climbed tuntil we reached the roof on and under whicll tle f(ather had lhis lodgings and his observing llmachinery. Cases stoodl around the wall containing self-registcring instruments of the most a(lvanced modern type, each with its paper balnd ullrollilg slowly nunder clockw ork, while a pencil noted upon it the tllpceratare,, the ozone, the electricity. Ite took ius out to a; shed amolng the roof tiles, where he;kept his large telescope, his equatorial adl lis transit instruments, nlot oil the great scale of Stalte-slplported observatories, but 'with everytlhilg -which was really essential. lie ha1d a llaboratory, too, and workshop, with all the recent appliances. lie was a l)ractical opti(cia anlld mnechanic. lie miianmaged and repaired his oiln machinery, observed, mlade his notes, and made his reports to the societies with which le was in correspond(lence, all by himself: At my comlpanion's suggestion lihe gave me a copy of his book on hurricanles. It contaiins a recordl of laborious jourlieys -wNhich he made to the scene of the devastations of the last ten years. The scientific va\lue of the father's work is recognized 958 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. by the highest authorities, though I can not venture even to attempt to explain what he has done. * * * As we took leave the marquis kissed his old master's brown lland. I rather envied him the privilege. Mr. R. H. Dana's visit to the Belen (Bethlehem) was in 1859. He described it as a group of buildings of the usual yellow or tawny color, covering a good deal of ground, and of a thoroughly monastic character. It was first a Franciscan monastery, thenl a barrack, and now (1859) has been given by the Government to the Jesuits. T * These perform every office from the highest scientific investigations and instruction down to the lowest menial office in the care of the children. It is only three years since they established themselves in lavana, but in that time they have formed a school of 200 boarders and 100 day scholars, built dormitories and a commons hall, restored the church and made it the most fully attended in tile city. Father Antonio Cal.re, a very young man of a spare frame and intellectual countenance, witl hands so white and so thin and eyes so bright and cheeks so pale, is at the head of the department of mathematics and astronomy. lie took us to his laboratory, his observatory, and his apparatus of philosophical instruments. These, I am told, are according to the latest inventions and in the best style of French and German workmanship. There was a cabinet of shells, the begininng of a museum of natural history, already enriched with nmost of the birds of Cuba, and a cabinet of the woods of the island il small blocks, each piece being polished on one side and rough on the other. The recent condition of elemelitary education in Cuba is ably discussed by Seiior Manuel Valdes Rodriguez in a pamphlet with the title La Educacion Popular en Cuba, which is a lecture of the course given by the Real Sociedad Econ6mica in 1891, a society which has such an honored name in the intellectual history of tlhe island. This work is published together with another by the salme author on The Problem of Education, which consists mainly of articles contributed to El Pais and the Revista Cubana, reviewing the work of the international congress of education and the educational exhibition at Paris in 1889. In this review the author presents to his fellow-countrymen the results brought out by the discussions and exhibits at Paris and indicates how the Cuban elementary school system could be made to profit by them. Tle points out certain essential differences between the Cuban social life and that of other countries and that such dififerences should be taken into account in reorganizing the Cuban schools. lie takes up different countries-Germany, France, the United States, etc.and gives a summary of their elementary instruction, tlhe material of instruction, and statistics. I-e is particularly impressed witlh the union between the common schools and the domestic and political life of the United States, whereby the school is not an interruption of, but a factor in, both, and he pointed out the antagonism that often exists in Cuba between the elementary school and the home, and between the unfortunate school teachers and the alcalde. In the second paper Seiior Rodriguez, who is a teacher by profession, but is also a man of reading and well informed in modern philosophical EI-)UCATION IN ('CUBA AND PORTO RICO. 959 and pedagogical ideas, proceeds to discuss the actual condition of elementary instruction in Cuba. He first calls particular attention to the precocity of Cuban children, whose faculties ripen early but soon lose their freshness, and then gives a pedagogical and psychological discussion of intellectual, moral, and social education, in which lie notices the views of various writers —Herbert Spencer, Herbart, Pestalozzi, the criticisms of Tolstoi-and in the section upon social education he takes occasion again to call attention to the close union between the elementary school and private and public life in the United States, but at the same time he refers to the crying evil of bad literature which the public school children of the United States are led to read. IlHe quotes from the report of the association of teachers in New York in 1889 in which is a quotation from one of the mwost distinguished pedagogues of America, to the effect tllat many American boys would be better off morally and physically if they never had learned to read, and he comments upon certaill similar evils in Cuba. He then sl)eaks of the actual condition of primary schools in Cuba, and says that there are practically none. The number of them has increased, he says, but the principal fact in connection witlL them is their creation and iznsertiou in the budget. They are neglected by tlle Governmlent, whicl provides no inspectors; by tlhe local juntas, whose members often (ldo not lknow where they are; by the fathers of famlilies, who (lo not believe in the gratuitous service, and by thle teachers tlhemselves, who lhave often to 0go unpaild. In 189Sl the Governineut closed (;6 schools in HIavana, and only in 1872 did it reopen 32 of them. Four mnore were afterwartds establishell, besides 8 for coloredl pcole. But tile condlitiolis of these schools were deplorable. The buildings could ]not:.ccoinnodlate the pupils allotted to them; some had ]lo class rooms, so that the attendance in some cases was not over 20. The civil governor, Selior Rodriguez Batista, dlid his best to increase the attendance, buit, as many teachers remarked, neither the limited accommodations of the buildings, nor the absolute want of teaching material, lor the general conlditionls of elemenltary instruction, warranted thle attendance of the required ilumber of pupils. It would be a great il justice to impute such a lamentable state of things to the conduct of tlhe teachers. On the contrary, they manifest an exceptional and sinmcere disposition corresponding to the lofty ends of tlleir mission, but they tare extremely poor, and some are in danlger of starving. In this salme year, 1891, Seiior Dionisio Vega, by authority of the teachers of the capital,.lappealed to the press oli behalf of the teachers in the rural districts, to whom arrears amounting to $117,957.50 in gold were owing, a deficit which had been accumulating since 1887. It would be unjust niot to speak of the generous efforts of the present civil governor to ameliorate the situation, but it still remains ail anomaly, and thle larger part of the teachers have been obliged to sell their vouchers at 960 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. an enormous discount in order to live. "To my mind, however," continues Soior Rodriguez, " the saddest and most dangerous feature of tlis state of things consists in the strange apathy of our public and their ignorance of the real state of things, which I can only explain by the profound intellectual lethargy and prostration of the lower classes, who are plunged in the heavy sleep of ignorance, while we take no heed of their dangerous situation. This indifference is unjustifiable, for, better or worse, we shall have to form our people out of this contingent, and unless we can raise them from the slavery of ignorance, now that they have been freed from bodily servitude, our country will soon resemble a nation of some primitive people. An odious distinction has come to exist in our system of education between the rich or powerful aind those who have been disinherited by fortune. For the first class there are the university and the institutes in the various provincial capitals; for the second, a situation las grown utp which renders education nearly impossible. The son of the rich or well-to (lo family has the incentive of a future to spur him on to acquire an education, while the child of poor l)arents has neither this incentive nor any means of attaiining an education. It is true that the education of the better classes is profoundly utilitarian and egotistic, frankly calculated to furtier personal interests, the door to higher aims, which should animate our country, being closed; but the situation of the plebeian classes is lamentable, as every notion of school, teacher, pupil, moral influence, and instruction is gradually becoming extinct. It may be said that within a short time our entire elementary education will consist of the most rudimentary ideas of mechanical reading and writing. Rteading and writing imply a deep signification wlhen they are combined with the development of the mind and conscience; otherwise, they are dead things. Formerly the rich and poor cllild went to school together for a certain period, a circumstance which had inestimable advantages both for the general social conditions of the country and because it opened the way for talent. Many of our men of letters came from the 1 )wer classes." The preselt law provides that the government shall have the direction of thle schools, including their morals, hygiene, and instruction, text-books, and everything affecting them, while the city authorities are to pay for their supplort without any participation in the management. Such a system is likely to produce real antagonism between tlhe municipal corporation and the government, because tlhe foriner are not eager to pay for services which they can not control. This explains the constant struggle with the town authorities to pay the teachers' salaries. But in order to manage the schools properly, which the local authorities have to support, the government needs skilled persons who understand the problems and necessities of education in its technical aspect, who are called insl)ectors, and whoform an intermediary between the government and the schools. But in point of fact, so profound is EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. 961 the neglect of the elementary schools, there have been no inspectors, either provincial or general, for many years; so that the governmeint is absolutely ignorant of tlie inner life of the schools, their needs, their regular operation, an(l the more insignificant matters that affect their life. The only activity in promoting the welfare of the schools is manifested by the diligelnce of tlhe teachlers. The slight influence which the provincial deputies can exert is shown by tlhe failure to create recently a normal school at Havana, notwithstanding the efforts of Don Jos,, Maria Carbonell, senator from the university. To make some amends for such deficiencies, tlhe law has created local and provincial juntas, the former of which exercise the right of visiting the schools, fixing the examination days, and seeing that the schools are in operation regularly, and in short, are a kind of intermediary between the teachers and the heads of families. But as the government appoints the persons who, in the minds of the heads of families, are an integral part of this machinery, it results that such appointments, in the midst of the prevalent profound indifference and atony in educational affairs, are without influence upon the real and effective life of the schools. The darkness of thle situation becomes intense when we reflect that elementary education lhas had no regulation for years which should direct anid arouse to practical life the force naturally inherent in the institutions. Organization, system, method, all are absolutely neglected or ignored. Sefior Rodriguez asks what remedy can be found for this condition of things, and finds it in ani increased political activity and the press. By political life he means particularly a greater initiative on the part of the municipalities, and an amplification of their functions, or greater decentralization. As the municipalities are poor, and irregular in their payment of teachers' salaries, he thinks that both this misfortune and the want of activity and interest can be cured by the action of political parties in the better sense of the word; and this political activity, he says, has had a great influence upon the elementary schools in France, in Spain, and in Italy particularly, where tlhe principles of the French revolution have penetrated. The school, he continues, when well organized acts spontaneously in forming upright minds, guiding the conscience, preparing men for tlhe work of life, nourishing the mental faculties, and assisting the individual development, cultivating, in short, these three aspects of the individual, viz, the man, the citizen, and the productive agent. There is, he concludes, no other alternative; but either the care of producing these results must be left entirely to the government or the people must take the initiative and assume the charge of such importance themselves. Every civilized country must necessarily choose the latter course. In that case, with the desire or ambition to accomplish this purpose, the political party to effect it will ED 98-61 962 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. rise, whose activity is inseparably connected with everything affecting the general interest of the people. A political party, once formed, the promotion of the elementary schools should be iincluded in its prograinme, and the whole nylntamiento, or council, with its alcalde, and tlhe corporations connected witli it, shoulld be asked for their profession of faith. And an enlightened press should advance these interests and be their safeguard. The paper closes witlh a reference to the publicspirited men and womenI in Cuba who have devoted themselves to establishing schools or improving education, as has already been noticed. In an appendix Selior Rod riguez gives the law regulating primary instruction, with his own observations, showing deficiencies in the various articles. The date of the law is not givein. The articles are as follows: ART. 2. Elementary instruction shall comprise Christian doctrine and sacred history, reading, writing, principles of grammnar with exercises in orthography. Elementary arithmetic, including coins, weights, and measures. Elementary lessons in agriculture, industry, and colmmerce suited to the locality. ARr. 3. Instrulction whlich does not include all these subjects shall be regarded as incomplete for the purposes of this plan of studies. ART. 125. In every town of 500 souls there shall be a public elementary school for boys and another for girls, even if incomplete. Incomplete schools for boys shall be allowed only in smaller towns. ART. 126. In towns of 2,000 soils there shall be two complete sclools for boys and two for girls; in towns of 4,000 there shall be three, and so on, increasing the schools by one for each sex for every 2,000 inhabitants, including private schools; but one-third of the whole shall always le public schools. ART. 127. In the provilcial capitals and towns of a population of 10,000 one of the public schools shall be a high school. ARTr. 131. The governor-general shall providei ilnfant schools in the department capitals and towns of 10,000 inhabitants. ART. 133. In towns of 10,000 inhabitants there shall be a night school or a Sunday school for adults, and( besides, a class in linear drawing and ornamental drawing, with application to the mechanic arts. AIRT. 134. The supreme government will promote the education of tle deaf, dumb, and blind by providing at least one school for them in Havana. AIT. 137. In order that those who intend to devoto themselves to primary education may obtain the necessary instruction, there shlall be one normal school in the capital of each province. ART. 141. The general government will promote the estal)lishmcnt of normal schools for female teachers for improving the instruction of girls, and will est:ablish model schools where it is convenient, under certain requirements which the regulations will determine. Upon the foregoing Seiior Rodriguez remalrks that no provision is made in the appropriations for carrying out tlme requirements of the law. There was in 1890 only one high school for boys and another for girls in Havana, one for boys in Guanabacoa, one in Matanzas, one in Puerto Principe, and one in Santiago de Cuba, six in all, the law requiring that there should be one for every 10,000 inhabitants. There was not one infant school in the island, under the law, but one under the auspices of the Real Casa de Beneficencia y Maternidad de IIabana had been successfully conducted for several years. Neither was there EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. 9633 a night school nor a drawing school founded by the municipalities, but the Real Sociedad Econ6mnica, established that kind of instruction in 1878 for adulut whites and blacks. There is also a school of miechanical. artshinllavana. As to normial schools, there is also no provision for them in the,appropriations, yet since the twenty-two years during' which the normal school of the Al~sculaphin fathers has beeni closed, which turned out accomlplishedl teachers, the State has established two such schools in HIfav-ana,, one for male and the other for femiale teachers,,, but none of the provinces have one. It is the glory of the Sociedad Econdmica, to have installed a prepartatory night school for male and female teachers which is free, and is supported by different members of the Society of Friends of the country. W~e give the stunmary of Sefior R-todrigruez: NubrNumer Elemen- alnien- Elenrn Proviuce. Population. of chools rtry ty Wine ofi 'A'ri-vate t arv schools schbools to schools. Schools. requiired be estabpe.lv law. lished. Havana.................452, 028 80 354 112 524 412 liner del Rio..............229, 761 99 26 35 274 239 Matanzas................ 259. 754 74 112 69 300 231 Santa Clara...............351, 265 95 93 79 404 325) Puerto Principe............ 68, 881 1i 35 22 74 52 Santiago de Cuba............27 1, 010 72 76 38 2941 256 Total...............1, 632, 699 431 696 355 1. 870 1, 513 This table Shows thlat in a lpoplllatioll of 1,432,1991 there were 355 elementary schools in 1891, amid that 1,515 were still to be established to confoirm with the req~ilremielits of tile law, wi~icih calls for 1,870. These figures, show also that, there waus one elementary;school to 41,036 illhabi tants. We Ilake,7 at the risk of somie repetition, the following additional Ilotes onl public elemenetary education in Cu1ba from the translation of a book by Raimiond CIabrera,, with the title, Cuba and the Cubatis. The,author Says, " Until the last century, was far adlvallced the Cubans lhad Ilot a sing,,le public inlstitution Where, hevy could have their children taughit to read and wr-ite. The first School w as that of the B3ethlelheinite Fathers, in Jiavauila-, and was establishe(1 through the genierosity of Don Juan F. Carbahlo. Ileiewas, accordIing tosonie. authtorit~ies, ainative of Seville, and taCcording to others, of the Canary Islands. Hie repaidl thus generously tile debt of gratitude he owed the Coulitry wheire he had acquired his wealth. -Ali-eady, in the sixteenth century, at philanthropist of Santiago, (le Cuba, Franicisco, Paradas, head afforded a like good extample by bequteathing a large estate for thte purpose of teachinig Latin lilnguistics anid Christian morals. The legfacy was eventually made of avail by the lDomninican Friars,,-, who,ad rinisteredl it, but when the colivents were abolished it was swallowNed by the royal treasury, and thus the beneficent intentions of the founders were frustrated, to I Tb o figures in the column "Population" add up to 1,632,699, buit asSefior Rodriguez uses 1,432,699 in his discussion, the error cane not be determined. '364 9EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. the permanent danger of the unfortunate country. Only these two institutions, due entirely to individual initiative, are recorded ill our scholastic annals during the three first cenlturies of the colony. The thirst and scent for gol(l reigned suprelne. The sons of wealthy families, ill the absence of learning at home, sought schools anld colleges in foreign lparts (in this century). On their returln, with the patriotic zeal natural to cultured men, they endeavored to better the intellectual condition of their compatriots. This enforced emigration of Cubans in quest of learIing was fought agains.t by our government. The children of Cuban itlmilies were forbidden to be educated ill tbreign countries. This despotic measure was adopted without any honest effort being made to establish schools for instructing the chlildrell of a population already numbering nearly 500,000 souls. 4' The Sociedad Econ6mica was founde(d ill 17 93, during the timne of Las Casas, whose ilame has.always been venerated among Cubans. Then, as now, the members of this association were the most ttalented men of the country, and their best efforts were (lirected toward p)rolnoting public instruction. It gave impulse and organization to the school systeum in Cuba; it established inspections, collected statistics,.and founded a newspaper to promote instructionl and devoted its profits to this cause; it raised funds and labored with such zeal and eltllusiasnl that it finally securced the assistance of the colonial government and obtained an an aplropriation, though but otf' small alounlt, fo)r the benefit of p)opular instruction. "' In 1793 there were only 7 schools for boys ini thle calpital of Cuba, in which 408 white and( 144 free colored children could be educated. From this privilege the slaves were debarred. The seven schools referred tq, bessides a mlumber of seminaries for girls, aftbilrded a means of livelihood for a niumber of free mulattoes and some whites. The schools were private undertakings paid for by the parents. Only one, tllhat of the revereld Fatller Senor, of Havana, was a free school. Reading, writing, aLnd arithmetic were taught in these schools. Lorrenzo Lendez, a mulatto of Havana, was the only one who taught Spanish grammar. The p)oor of the free colored classes were on a par with the slaves. The Sociedad Econ6mical founded two iree schools, one for each sex. The bishop, Felix Jos6 de Tres Palacios, nullified the laudable efforts of the counItry's wellwishers by maintaining thalt it was unnecessary to establish more schools.' From 1793 to 1893 tlie society was unable to accomphish even a part of its noble purpose-it was found impossible to obtain an official sanction of p)opular education. IIn 1817 there were 90 schools in the rest of thle island- 19 distriets-all, or nearly all, founded by private individuals. In 1816 the section of education of the Sociedad Econ6mica was established. It afforded a powerful impulse to the cause of education, thanks to thle influential support of the governor, Don Aliquando Ramirez. Tlhe schools improved, the boys and girls, both white alld blfack, were. EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RICO. 965 taught sel)arately, literary contests were opened, annual examinations were made obligatory, prizes were distributed, and a powerful incentive was created amonrg all classes for the cause of education. But the concessions attained for the society by the influence of Ramirez were revoked by royal order of February, 1824. In this year the nuinicipality of Havana loaned the Sociedad Patri6tica $10) for schools. " In 1826 there were only 14(0 schools in the island, of which 16 were free, and in 1827 tlhe soiety obtained $8,000 per annum for the establishment and maintenance of new schools. Inl 1836 there were only 9,082 children receiving elenmentary instruction il the whole island. In 1860 the number of schools lhad increased to 283 for whites and 2 for colored, yet the attendance was proportionately less than in 183G, owing to the increase in population. Popular instruction was neglected or despised by deputy governors (military). "' The reformed course of studies of 1863 (lid not improve the condition of the schools, and the secretary of the governor made recommendations that virtually tended to keep the population in ignorance in order to keep it Sl)lanish. In 188:3 the schools numbered as follows: Province. Public. Private. Vacaut. H avana................................................................ 173 101 8 M atauza.............................................................. 9. 22 13 Pina;r del Rio.......................................................... 2 18 25 Santa Clara......................................................... 103 18 3 1Puerto Principe........................................................ 24 4 | 3 Santiago do Cu a...................................................... 58 21 1 Tlotal......................................... 1535 184 i 67 ' But the 1 eachers were not paid and public instruction was neglected." This work gives a list of names of wealthy Cubans, both men and women, who have founded colleges and schools, and of societies which have the promotion of education for their object. The author adds that the clergy are indifferent in thlis matter. There is not one parish which supports a free or endowed school. The preamble of a decree reforming education in Cuba was published in the Official Gazette of Havana November 17, 1871, and a translation of it is given in an appendix in the work just quoted. On account of its historical interest we give a summary of a portion of the preamble. It states that the insurrectiont of 1868 was due to the bad system of education; that while the old methods were slow the new are prompted by eagerness for hurry, alid tlhe child is taught a number of things, whereas its nind is unable to comprehend many things at a time. A number of subjects should therefore be suppressed. Balmeis is quoted as the authority for the psychology and pedagogy of the preamble. The latter goes on to say that this haste to teach many things has made religious instruction secondary to that of the arts and sciences, a fatal error which has produced fatal consequences. It refers to statistics to ')btU EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. show that crime has increased with education, and states that Airne Martin found the remedy for this evil in elducatinlg inlstead of mnerely instructing. But as there were manly religious sects, Mlarti unlfortunately selected an irreligious religion as the imean-s of edicatlilg, o and consequently there was no decrease in crime. Se.or ILasa;gra is quoted to prove that suicides are more iumlcrous iln Protestait thlnl in Catholic countries, and more so inl the capitals than elsewhere. Tllis is due to too great individual freedom of tlought and consequent changles in social and economic, conditions, which lhave ])rollced dlissatisfaction, despair, and suicide. Philosophical and religious sects have multiplied, and the multiplicity of these has always and everywhere produced doubt and skepticism, which in their turn have engendered a materialism whose only offspring is disbelief in virtue and morality. Under its influence some are tortured with unhappiness, without hope of the future, while others are filled with envy. Rteligious instruction had been too much neglected or too carelessly performed, and the real remedy would consist in Christianizing or Catholicizing education, by putting the government and municipal machinery of education il the hands of tile religious teaching orders, whenl the evil would disapplear. It goes on to say, with severe condemnation of the school;. where they had taught, that many of the insurgents ad bleenl teachers, lad m1entions particularly tlie school fornmerly conducted by Jos' de la Luz. Iistruction must l)e supplelented by moral andI( religious education, and great care should be taken to prevent access to (politically) evil literature. Even in text-books of elementary geograph;ly, it declares, have wicked doctrines been inserted. In one of theml we read tlat the greatest event of tlie preselt century in America was the revolt of Bolivar. "See under what seductive forms tlhe minds of clildren are predisposed to treason." The preamble concludes by recomnlelnding a greater scope to religious instruction, tlhe suppression of private teachingg, and placing the plans of studies under the Catholic clergy. There is a number of learned societies in Havana, and Mr. A. PC. Griffin, of the Library of Congress, lias published a list of 33 whose publications arc received in XWassiington. By mne:ans of these publications and separate works, like tlte Ihistory of Pezuela and the Natural History of Sagra, tle history of Cuba, its natural hlistory (land and marine fauna, minieralogy, andl botany), ethnology, ald geology have been made known, while tl:e meteorology of tlie region has lbeen investigated by the observ;tory, wliose work is linown all over tlie scientific world. The number of medical journals is noticeable, and Vol. XXXIV (August and Septemberl, 1S97) of the Analcs de la Real Sociedad de Ciencias Me'dicas, Fisicas y Naturales (the only specimen at land), contains four articles oln medical subjects, viz, a criticism by Dr. Saitos Fernandez upon certain experiments with the X-rays upon a blind person, another upon the bacillus of the tuberculosis of Koch, and the two others are experimental studies connected with typhoid fever. The EDUCATION IN CUBA AND PORTO RI(O. 967 remanling article of the number is a long and masterly account of the discovery of argon and prediction of helium, b)y Dr. Gaston Alenso Cuadrado. The RLevista Cubama contains able articles upon general philosophical, historical, and otlher subjects, besides those of especial initerest on Cuba. The paper upon elementary education by Sefior Rodriguez, which we have used, was published iii that review. Judging from the titles of the periodicals we should say that tlhere is little of mechanical or electrical engineering or ",applied science" in them, for wlhich there is probably nlo demand in Cuba, while the exhaustive mathematical treatment of such subjects (especially that which was "made in Germany," like much recent "American science") has been imported into the United States in the last twenty-five or thirty years, where thlere is a field and. ldeman for it. But for a population of 200,000 souls, including many blacks, the number of scientific, educational, and literary periodicals in Havana is remarkable, and they contain valuable original articles. To sum up, therefore, the educational condition in. Cuba, the evidence shows that the higher education is of a superior character; the study of the humanities lihas borne its usual fruit in literary taste and culture, and Cuba has given birtlU to poets who have attracted attention andl won tlhe praise of European critics. In receint years the sciences, with such technical applications as are adapted to the needs of a community which is not a manufacturing one, have beent cultivated, and the enlightened part of the public has beenl kept informed of European phiilosophy an(l progress-all this with scat aid from, aiid sometimes despite tlhe opposition of, the govern ment. Elementary public instruction, on the other hand, has been and is in a very backward state, partly on account of the social condition of the island, but principally on account of the apathy (and often the actual hostility of the governme:nt toward any serious attempts at improvemeint. 968 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. The character of the population of the Philippine archipelago is vastly different froin that of Cuba aind Porto Rico. In the latter colonies the aboriginal inhabitants had become extinct by the end of the first century of Spanish occupancy, aindI their lplaee as laborers was taken by iiegro slaves, whiose supply was replenished from time to time, but p)articnlarly between 1762, the period of the English occupation of Havana, and thme middle of this century. The whites, however-, forin the majority of the population in Cuba, while in the Philippines the vast majority of the population is composed of the native races, the Spaniards and other whites forming only an insignificant Iproportion of the wvlole. The poinlation of the group is given. at a little over 7,000,000,7 while the total civilian Spanish population, including creoles, amounts to less than 10,000. The nar-tive population is composed of two graiid divisions, the Tagales and the Visayas, who are of Malay stock, and a small number of Negritos whyo, it is agreed upon all hanids, were the original inhabitants of the islands. But thie mingling of the different M.Nalay tribes with the Negritos and with each. other, in. the long course of centuries, has liroduced innumerable varieties of dialects and customs, character and form, to which the Chinese, who, aside from their mestizos, now number 100,000 souls, 'have contributed their share, until a large number of tribes is now recognized with distinet languages, which run into (lialects so subdivided that among the wild tribes of the Negritos and other mountain men, isolated family groups have been found with ta dialect of their own. Jagor (Reisen. in den Phihippineiin), following a Spanish authority, gives a list of over thirty languages and dialects spoken. in. the different islands.' The Tagahes and Yisayas, who are Christianized, are all called In1lians by I'In the Historia General de Filipiiias, Tonle III, p). 535, Seiior Montero y Vidal gives the following interesting table of the Philippine dialects and the number of natives uising, theux, published in 1869. But there is necessarily much difficulty in obtainingr such statistics, and different authors give dlifferent figures: Numbr o Xiniuber of D)ialects. Nnbro natives. natives. visaya.................2, 024, 409 i Tinglan............... 7,059 Tagalo.................1, 216, 508 51hufill.................. 5, 928 Cebuano......I..........385, 8C6 Chamnorr................ 5,360 1locaao.................354, 178 auadaya................ 4,104 'Vical (Bicol)..............312,554 Ilongote................ 3,932 Pangaoinan................263, 000 Ibilao................. 3,845 Pampango................193, 424 Manobo................. 3,103 Zamnbal................. 68,936 Mfalangne................ 2,893 Panayano................ 67, 092 Calanino................ 2,744 Ibanag................. 57,500 Agnitaihio............... 1,961 1fugao................. 22, 961 Dada~ya................ 1,846 Aeta (Negritos)............ 13,272 Igorrote del Abra........... 1,071 CoyVo................. 12,999 Igorrote de la ('ran Cordillera ---- 644 Igorrote................ 10, 325 Carollu.n............... 580 Rtaves................. 9, 686 Gaddan................. 9, 337 Total.............. 5,075, 680 Benguetano............... 8,363 EDUCATION IN THE PHILIPPINES. 969 tile Spaniards. There are, besides, Moalnillledans ill tile Sulu archil)elago and in Mindallao, who hlave lbeell the inlveterate enemies of both Spanair(ds aind "'Indiansi" ever since tle (liscovery of tlhe island.ls. They are called " Moros" by the Spaniards, a lnamel given tlieml wten the memory of the wars with the Moors in Spainl was still flcesh. A writer in the Catholic WVorld for August, 1898, (livides the population as follows, as regfards their religion: Nominailly under the order of the Augustines, 2,082,131; of thle Recollects, 1,17.5,156; of thle Franciscanlls, 1,010,753; of the Dominicians, 699,851; of the Jesuits, 213,065; and those under the secular clergy, 967,294, a total of 6,158,250 Christianizedl Indianls, leaving a million or more for thle wild tribes all(n the few Negritos. The conquest of this populationi by a few hlundred Spaniards in the sixteenth century was remarkable for the ease with whic(h it was accomplislled and the means whic]h really effected it, for it was the monks rather than tlle soldiers who won the islands for Spain, and they have retained thle spiritual alnd intellectual c(ontrol of them ever since. Long before the Spaniards discovered the group thle lnatives had acquired the social con)stitution which they still retaiil in a ileasure anld which is thus described by Mallat (Les Philillppines, Paris, 1846): The Philil)pine islanders, says tllat author, had llo kings, )roperly speaking, but ill each village there were, certain ind(ividuals more powerfill anl influential than the others, who were distinguished either by birth or by personal qualities. They could make war and had the title of rajab, which was hlereditary. They were a kind of petty feudal chiefs who looked out for thle interests of their subordinates aii( the latter, in their tulrn, followed the rajah to war or to sea, or worked for him in the field, in fishing, etc. There were also chiefs, or governors, of larger territories. Slavery existed at the time of thle conquest, all captives being redluced to that condition, and the Spaniards endeavored to abolish it. There were, tlherefore, three classes among the nativesnobles, l)lebs, and slaves. The natives were deeply superstitious, but without any formulated religious beliefs; tlhey feared alnd worshiped any objects in nature which they imagiled could irjure themll-the suIn and moon, lightning and thunder, rocks onl wlich they might be wrecked, certain birds, etc. —in short, their religion was a fetichism, but they had no priesthood like the Buddhists, for example. T1-hey lived as they do now, on fish and fruit, both of which are inll rofusion, cultivated rice, and had trade with Chinla and Japan. The military conquest was easy because there was no national life, no conscious unity of race or government. As Semper (Die Philippinen und ilhre Bewohner) explains, as soonl the Spaniards had achieved a few victories over the village chiefs the followers of the latter yielled their homage to the conquerors as they had been accustomed to do to the native victors, the Spanish officer merely taking the place of the conquering petty chief, and they came to receive hlis commands. On the other ~U(0 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. hand, the ceremonial of the monks appeale(l for several reasons to the imagination of the natives and they were eager to adopt or assimilate the religion whicll it rel)resented. With col)mparatively few exceptions they have never unlderstood the symbolism but have remlained lhalf Christian and half paga to to this day. Tlley merely regardl the Christian. prayers and texts as superior "m' ledicilee" (as anl American Indian would say), to their own, and Sellper states that the p)riests complained to him that the same men would be devout Christians one day and the next would pray to their "Anitos" for a good harvest. Anc(estor w-orship was and still is pral'ticed among tle w\ild tribes, and as to education the "Indians" of the different islalnds adl alphlabets of their own when the Spaniards arrived al:d could read an11d write, as thley cal andll doto this day. Semper relmariks that up to the beginiIng of tlis cenltury the Spanish priests in Milldaal o made use of the native alphabet even in their official business. The lnatives had no literature, hlowever, and therefore no history, and 1no traditionl as to tlleir origin, whichl lias been worked out by ethnoloogists by thle nlatural-history metllod. They were not in the "stone age" like the American Indians, but hadl iron-pointed spears and arrows and smelted copper, an art which is still practiced, not by the more civilized agricultural Tagales land Visa.yas, but by the mountain tribes in Luzon. The tobacco andl coffee culture was introduced by the monks, and the former now forims a great source of wealth to the religious houses. The Negritos and thle wild tribes, who are described as remontados, i. e., peoples who refused( to stay in thle p)lails, cultivate the soil, and pay tribute to thle Splaniards, but took to the mountains, still use tile poisoned arrows of tlheir ancestors. They are intractable, make raids upon thle settled "m Itdlians,' and are perpetually at war with each other. Tlhey are miiuiers itl a l)rimlnitiv'e way, aiid bring in the gold which eventually finds its way to thle Chinese mlerchants in Manila and on the other islands. After tlle partial military subjuglation of the country there was a second an(l more complete conquest of the tractable imitative " Indians" by the nmonks, whose intellectual or spiritual superiority thle natives speedlily recognized anid aIclknmowledged, and they soon camle to take the place of thle original "dlattos" or petty chiefs, a position tlhey retain to this (lay, the hereditary possessors of that authority still appearing in the plolitical capacity of "gobernadorcillos," or petty governors, while the p)adre is tle real center of the village community, its spiritual hlead, counselor, and.ll adviser, as well as the collector of spiritual fees of all kinds. The history of the Philippines fromn the time of the first conotuest is not remarkable for its political interest. It consists of contests with the piratical " Moros," the successful repulse of the great Chinese l)irate invasion in 1575, attacks by the Dutch, who were carrying the revolt of the Netherlands against Philip II wherever there were Spanllish colonies upon which to wreak revenge; an occasional cal)ture by the Eiglish of the ships that made annual trips to Acapulco froml Manila (one EDUC__ATT0N IN THE PHILIPPINES. English ship sailed up the Thiames with sails of Ianinsk., tand her cargo brought several hunidred thiousand dollars, -all from the plulndIer of this Manila fleet); earthiquakes, and volc-anic eruptions, aflnl in'surrections, amongr the niatives, whiclh muake up the story until I 762. In thuat year Manila, like Havana, was takent by the Eng~lish and hfeld for a, year, until the (leclarationl of I~ea.(e restore(l the city to th.e Spanmiards. The signiificant events wer~e the hisurrectionis. Thie Spaiiishi colonial p)olicy beg~an its work early. In 1.581 the "ieco,.nicn'la"l systenm was practi-ed in the islands ais it head bween in America, but Ithe natives refused to be enslaved wholesale., or to submit to practices Nvhticlh were ailien to their ancient village or clan system, anid revolted]. Thle opposition ot the Clergy, too, was so active thait niews of the contention reached the ea-rs of the King, wNho issued orders abating tho "encomienda" system and strongly favoring the natives,-. The protest of thle religions orders was so earnest that they petitioned to be -allowed to return to new Spaill rather thian witniess the extortion of the officials. The King, with the 'knowledge of what hiad iapl)pened in Americea andl tile old pirotests of Las Casas in minfd, and with the greneral ouitcry of' Europe againist the enormity of the Spanii-sh lpractice ringing iii his ears, was pionolpt to suppress the repetition of an outrag(4e that huad brought the Spanish name into disgrace. The later insuirrections, we-re- not serious until we come to the present century, when fthe caaises which haive been pointed out in thiearticle by Blumnentritt given above haid comne into futll operation. It is very noteworthy, hiowever, that a widiespi-eal hinsurrectiomi took philce hi~ie thie En olish cafud_~nla ohain the "Ilndians.~; and the Chiinese. In the early, part of this cenitury serious inisu~rrections broke out fromi tinme to timie, an11d in) 1.872d the revolt of the nativ~e troops at Cavite was, the m~ost dang,,erous of all until the final outbreak of' 189th Of the intellectuial calpabilities of thle In1dians of the Phi'lippinles (i. e., the Christiaimized niativ-es), Blunmentritt, the Germ-an ethnolog-ist, who haos studied theni has a htigh opinion, Ilie says, iii the article before quote(1, that thiey aire disthignishcel by a. htigher capacity. for education. thiaii the so-cialled civilized IndMians o)f Centrlal -Amenrica-1 and the Andes regrion-. The number of Philipphine Indiantis whio at telldl the secondar'y schools and the uiniv-ersity is relatively very large. and fl-omi thein have comi-e politicians (hie gives thle inanes of IDr. i1tizal, Mlarcelo II. lDel Pilar, and -Marianio Ponice); artists lik%-e the painiter Juanl Lunla y Novicio, whose lpiettire "1Spoliarium" wa~s brought out in thie Leipzigr I11lstrirte Zeittung; etinogr-a~phers like lsleode has ilcyos y IFlorenitiio; anid ligngists like Pedr-o Serrano Laki. ar, whio are all1!known outside of their own country.' 'Among, the suspected per~sons in the insurrection of 1896 was the artist L1ana (a miestizo), whN-ose large historical paintings (such. as that which shows the dragginig out of the bodies of dead glad iators from the arena of the Colosseum, and( bloody scenes from Spanish history) were much admired at Madrid. The Dr. Rizal men 972 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. Tlhe Chinese mestizos have l)layed a conspicuous part in the colonies on acc.ount of their wea.lth and inherited business enterprise and talent, which make them omne of the most progressive elements of the population. There are no red-skins in the islands, but pure-blooded Malays and their mestizos, who resemble the Jalpanese, with whom they are allied by race, not only in their physical appearance, but in their mental characteristics. A Tagale said, "We are Japanese with a dasih of Spanish blood and(l of the Catholic faith; we represent progress; the Spaniards are only laudatores temporis acti -the )lckwar( elemenlt." Another competent observer of the Tagtal character was Jacobo Zobel de Zangroniz, a biographical notice of whom appeared in the Deutsche Rundschau inl 1897. He was born in Manllila, of a wealthy (German father and Spanish mother, received his education in Germany and Spain, where lie took his university degree, and became interested in archeological pursuits. He spent several years ill Europe, following his favorite studies and attracting favorable nlotice by his publications, before returning to Manila. lie was active there in i)roInoting the literary and scienitific as well as commercial mlovements after 1870, which brought him into conflict with tlhe monks, and lie was iml)risoned. H-e owed his release to the personal intervention of the German minister for foreign affairs. lie rematks that the numerous other Malay tribes of the archipelago are inferior to the Tagales both physically and mentally. Two thirds of the Tagales can read and about half of them can write. They are a cheerful, peaceable people, are disposed to enjoylent, and have an eye rather to pleasures and things that are beautiful and attractive tlhan to the useful alnd profitable, in which they are totally unlike their Chinese neighbors. They work enough to supply their needs-an easy task, because of the superabundance of rice and fish-and are willing to work just a little more, to provide brilliantcolored clothes, festivities, etc. Art, especially mnsic, is their passion. The village vagabond will sit all day over his violin or Ilute, and even the meanest village has one or more bands of 20 or 30 pieces, and they will play much better than the regimental bands of the surrounding English colonies. They like the dolce far niente, revery, inelancholy, but are also eager to hear stirring tales of adventure, new discoveries and inventions, mythological and ghost stories. Their tioned iin the text, who was a savant and known 1)oth for his scientific and literary attainments, also belonged to the insurrectionary party. His novel Noli me Tangere, Novela Tagala (with a motto from Schiller) was printed at Berlin in 1886. It is described as presenting, although in an exaggerated way, the misery of the natives in the islands, their harsh treatment in the Spanish prisons, and the pernicious influence of the priesthlood upon them, especially the women. There was for a long time uncertainty as to Rizal's fate. One rumor was that he had (lied on shipboard, while another lhad it that he had been appointed surgeon to the Spanish troops in Cuba. The truthl is, however, that he was shot in Manila by the military authorities, his fate thus recalling that of Placido, in Cuba, fifty years before. EI)UCATION IN THE PHILIPPINES. 973 superstition is rather practical than religious, by wliich is meant that they believe less in spirits than in the magical action of healing herbs, ill the laying on of hlands ill disease, etc., ind therefore they were early attractel by the Catlholic Church. Unfortunately they know very little of Spanish, so that tley have no means of improving themselves by reading, their material in*this respect being almost exclusively prayer books, a few stories about the saints, etc. Whenever any other kind of reading in their language comes in their way, such as tales of chivalry and enchantment-even quack advertisements and the like-they devour them greedily. In another passage in his letters, Zobel, speaking of the relation of the natives to the monks and the tobacco monopoly, says that the latter were attempting to represent both to the colonial ald the home governments that they alone can offer a sure support to the Government, since they can keel) the mass of the natives in check by their moral influence without other aid. This claim, he continues,.was onlly true to the extent that the natives, timid, indifferent, and lazy ias they are, fear the wlhite monks and pay theml a superstitious obedience, but do not love them. In the provinces where tobacco is grown the natives are not allowed to cultivate anything else. The State sells it for cash, but plays the fairmiers in paper which is not redeelnable for two, three, or evell four years, so that they. are compelled to sell their certificates to the Chinese or Spanish usurers at a great discount. Even this is borne patiently by the easy-going people. But religious fanaticism, 'whi(lh is not rare among the lower native priests (wlo are excluded from all higller spiritual dignities), sometimes leads to dangerous revolts of the natives (as in 1842), whose customary mildness and indolence are liable occasionally to change into blind fury. As has been said, the monks played a conspicuous part in the acquisition of tlhe islands for Spain. They came as missionaries with the conquistadores and soon becamle the leaders of the natives, and have remained ever since in possession of nearly all the parishes. As in the other colonies, so in the Philippines, they brought with them the educational system witl which they had been familiar, and very soon after the settlement of Manila they founded colleges and other educational and charitable institutions, which have survived until now and to which is due the literary and scientific activity, which, beginning with a history of the islands, accounts of the "martyrdoms" of missionaries, etc., has produced works on the natural history of the islands, their ethnology and history, including dictionaries and grammars of the native languages. The latest fruit of the scientific activity of the Jesuit fathers and the most important and best-known scientific institution in the Philippiues, and perhaps in the whole East, is the famous meteorological observatory of Manila, which was founded in 1865, and now has one of the most complete equipments for meteorological observations in the world. An important practical service which u1(4 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. the observatory renders shipping is the warnling of approaching hurricanes, which it is enabled to give by means of its branch stations at different points in several 6f the islands. The Jesuit Father Faura, who is so well known for his meteorological work andl has been for a long time in charge of the observatory, began forecasting the weather as early as 1879. Expeditions have been maple under his direction all over the archiIelago, with a view to making magnetic and other observations. A report upon the terrestrial magnetism in tlhe Philippines was prepared by P. Ricardo Cirera, S. J., the director of the magnetic section of the observatory, to be presented to thle meteorological congress at Chicago. It contains, besides, some historical matter and a mat!lematical discussion of methods, tables and charts showing the isogonal andl isoclinal lines, magnetic meridians, isodynamic lines, and diagrams showing the magnetic variation at I[anila, and the pertuarbations. The college of Santo Tom'`ls was founded by the Donlinicans in 1611 and was formally opened in 1619. Pope Innocent X conferred the title of university upon it in 1645 with the two faculties of theology and arts, which were subsequently enlarged bly Clement XII by thle addition of thle faculty of law in 1734-. The King became the I)rotector of the university in 16S0, and it received the additional title of " royal" in 1785.. Its courses and faiculties were reorganiized in 1870 with the title of -University of the Philippines.1 It had 581 students in 1845 and nearly 1,000 ill 1858, at the time of Sir Johlln Bowring's visit. Since the reorganization in 1870 and the separation.of secondary instruction from the uniiversity the attendance has become subdivided, but no statistics are available to show thle attelldance ii the last ftw years. The relpresentative in Washington of Aguinaldo, the insuIgelt leader in the Phili)ppines, who is himself a graduate of the university, says that the total number of graduates is 11,000. Although the university is the most important institution, it is not the oldlest in Manila. In 1585 the King ordered that a college should be established in which the sons of the Spaniards of the archipelago could be educated under the direction of the Jesuits, but the institution-the college of San Jos(t-was not opened until 1601. Its first stullents were sons or relations of the early authorities of the country. In 1630 the college of San Juanl Latran was fobunded by a charitable individual fob tlhe orphanl s of Spaniards. The founder became a Dolnilicala and tile institution remained ill chlarge of that order. Besides the innmates, a large number of boarders, both '"Indians" 11and mestizos, receivel instruction tlhere until both it and the college of San Jose' were included in the institute in 1.870. In 1 These historical notes on the, edlcational institutions in the Philipllils are taken from the llistori:a Geineral (le Filipinas desdo el desculrillliento (le dichas islas hasta nuestros dias, por D. Jos6 Montero y Vidal, Madrid, 1887; Mallat, Les Philippines, Paris, 1846; Semper, Die Philippinen und irlro BIewohner, Wiirzburg, 1869; Jagor, Reisen in den Philippinen, Berliin, 1873; Mlcnoria solbrer Filipinas y Jolo, por el Excmno. Sefior D. I'atricio do 1ia Escosura; edited by D. Francisco Calamiaque, Madrid, 1882. EDUCATION IN TIlE PHILIPPINES. 975 1632 the college of San Isabel, for Spanish orphanl girls, was founded, and is now in clharge of the sisters of cllarity. Not only were colleges and schools established ill TManila, but ill otlier islands. Thus the Jesuit Sanvitores established sclhools in the Ladrone Islands, alnd a seminary for the educatioll of tile sosll of tlle na:tives in 1669, ill support of which the Queen, iLMarianna of Austria,b contributed 3,000 pesos annlually, for wllich act of charity thle nallle of thle islands was clallnged from the Ladrones to thle MIarianlles, wllicll they bear no0w. It was not only the Governelnlt and tle, Sp)aniards who founded ellducational inistitutions, however, for in 1694, as Mlontero's chronicle states, 7a mestiza nalne(l Ignacia del Espiritu Salnto founllded the b)eaterio de la compatiSa, whiclh still exists, and wlhich was soon attended by many Indian girls and mestizas; other beaterios were in existence later, ald the oldest convent school, that of Santa Potenciana, was founded inl 1089. In 1767, when the Jesuits were expelled from the Philippines, they had 4 colleges in MaInila and in Cavite, 1 ill tle island of Cebu, 1 in Iloilo, 1 in the island of Miindainao, and 2 in the Marianne Islands, 10 in all. (Alontero, II, 183.) Il 1770 a royal decree begani the effort, which has been repeated ever,silce without effect, to imake Spanish the common official speech of the islall(ls, and ill 1781 tile Sociedad EcoIn6mica was established, lhaving for its oblject improvements in thle industry and commlerce of the country and incidentally of the schools. Thle first paper or pIeriodical app)eared in 1811, which contained principally translations of articles in English papers concerning the war in Spain apgainst the Frenclh, the courafge of the Spaniards, etc. Thle next periodical appeared in 1821, which had only a short life, while thle Sociedad Econ6mica founded a mercantile paper in 1824 that lived for ten years. In 1837 the Flora de Filipinas segun el sisteima sexual de Linieo, by Fr. Manuel Blanco, was published in Manila, whiclh is described as an important contribution to the natural history of the islands. In 18412 the periodical Seminario Filipino beganl its existemice, and contained Europlean and Asiatic news, besides local and mercantile notes, and a daily paper was started ill 1846, which lived four years. In 1852 the Jesuits were reinstated, an d sisters of charity were directed by royal order to go to the Philippines and take chlarge of the beaterios there. They arrived in 1862, and have charge of a dozen " colleges" and charitable schools for girls ill Manila with (in 1885) 1,030 pupils. At the same time the fathers of St. Vincent de Paul camle to the islands, and now have 4 colleges and seminaries iIn Luzon, Cebu, and Iloilo, with a total attendance (il 188) of 1,580 male and 40 felnale puplils. In. 1855 a commission was appointed by royal order to draw up regulations for primary education, in accord, as far as possible, with the Spanish law of 1838, and to report upon the expediency of establishing.a normal school at Manila. In 1861 a school of botany and agriculture 976 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. was established at Manila under the insl)ection of the Sociedad Econ6mica. In 1863 plans of primary instruction which had been approved for Cuba were sent to the governor of the Philippines for his examination. The plans proposed by the minister for tlhe colonies for secularizing the University of Manila met with tle most violent opposition from the religious order which had had charge of it, and its ol)position was seconded by other persons, so that the plans as contemplated could not be carried out. It is important, however, to show what changes were intended, and a sulmmary is here given of the preamble and plans of study proposed, which are taken from the Diccionario de legislaci6n de instruccion pilblica, por Eduardo Orbaneja. The minister for the colonies, under date of October 2, 1870, proposed that instruction should be given at the University of Madrid in Tagalog and other studies whicl would give information about the Philippines and the English and Dutch East India possessions and their methods of government, especially for the benefit of those who intended to enter the colonial service. A decree of the same date established the plan proposed. On November (6 a royal decree established an institute of public secondary instruction in Manila with the title of Philippine Institute. The plan of studies was Spanish and Latin grammnar. Elements of rhetoric andl poetry. Elements of physical geography. Elements of descriptive geography in general and of Spain and the Philippines in particular. Universal history —Iistory of Spain and the Philippine Islands. Arithmetic and algebra. Geometry and plane trigonometry. Elements of physics and chemistry and of lnatural history. Psychology, logic, and moral philosophy. General outline of anatomy, physiology, and hygiene. The same provision was made here as in Cuba for the verification of degrees from private institutions. The studies which fit for the industrial professions in the same institution included Mercantile arithmetic. Bookkeeping and accounts. Political economy and mercantile an industrial legislation. Geography and commercial statistics. French, English, Tagalog, and Visayog. Surveying. Spherical trigonometry. Cosmography, pilotage, and maneuvers. d Theoretical and applied mechanics. Physics and chemistry applied to the arts. Topographical d(rawing and hydrography. Lineal and ornamental drawing-landscnpe, figures, and painting. This institute absorbed the college of San Jost' and municipal atheneum, college of San Juan Latran, nautical academy, and academy of drawing, painting, bookkeeping, and languages. On the same date thle decree changed the title of the old University of Santo Tomns at Manila to that of the University of the Philippines. The faculties of EI)UCATION IN THE PHILIPPINES. 977 law and medicine were reorganized, the latter containing the followilng studies: Descriptive alnd gem 1ral anatonmy, two Surgical i)athology, with operations, (ourses.;bandagig, etc., one course. Exercises il osteology and dissection, Medical pathologyo, one course. two courses. Obstetrics and special pathology of Physiology, one coiurse. w omenl anld children, with clinics, one liublic and private hygiene, one course. course. General pathology, with clinics and Medical land( surgical clinics, two courses. l)athological anatomy, one course. Legal andl toxicological medicine, one 'Therapeutics, materia nlc(lica,:r(l writ- colrse. ing recipes, one course. Tlhe plarniaceutical course was also reorganlized. Onl Decemlber 5, 1870, the minister for the colonies drew utp a long exposition of the history, condition, and needs of public instruction in tlhe l'hilippines, which recites the early activity of the Augnstines, I)onlinicans, and Jesuits in education, especially in founding the college of Santo TonIis il 1611 land of San Jos6 in 1(301, but points out tlat by the process of absorption by the religious orders education became concentrated in their ihands. That whlile every acknowledgment should' be made of their services in earlier times, their narrow, exclusively religious system of education, and their imlperviousness to mo(lern or external ideas and influences, which every day became more and more evident, rendered secularization of instruction necessary. Ile cites the attempts in this direction nadtl since i 1835, which hlad been only partly successful, on account mainly of wanlt of persistence in following them up and the political changes of the tinmes in Spain. IIe goes back to 1785, when the first classification of studies was made in the archipelago, and when secondary instruction included a very modest amount of the humanities, consisting for the most part of tedious Latin taught with great prolixity, some scholastic philosophy, mostly intended to prepare for the study of casuistic theology, and some extremely rudimentary mathematics. While tlis part of education remained in the hands of tlie clerical element, the laity, especially tie association called the Sociedad Econ6 -mica, established the nautical and accountant schools, the school of drawing and painting, and other no less valuable institutions, which were at first maintained by private finds, although subsequently by the State. (These were all united in the institute.) The university iiistruction was entirely insufficient. There was no faculty of medicine or pharmacy, very little natural science, and less of history, philology, and linguistics. This is now corrected. The minister remarks that it would be entirely Utopian to attempt to give the Government charge of all the education, because of the social condition in the Philippinesand the supremacy and power of the monks. On October 29, 1875, a royal order was issued regulating the courses in the university and prescribing plains of study. ED 98- 62 9 "T 8 978E DUCATION REPORT, 18917-98. The faculty of law". was intch enilarged1 to co ver, lbesi(Ies the IRoiman. aiild cainon, civil, mercantile, andl enriminal law, political economny, stat istcand general a nd Spa-Inish literafture. flow many of these reforms were carriedl out eventually can not be decidedl from any evidence now availalble. Time minister who suicceeded the author of the above sensible prolpositioni had time ordler revokedl as far:ms secularizing was concerned]. As to jprimary instructioi), it hias been shown that the Plhilipp~ine islanders could readl anid write their own languages when the Spaniards arrived. Accordingc to at table in the boo0k of M. Alfred IIIarclie (Lucon et 1Palaouan. Six amnn(es de voyagres autx Philippines. Par-is, 18,87), there are five alphabets in use in the arclhipelago. All travelers state that there are schools in every village, whiich are uiider the control of the priests. Good observers have noticed the, aptitude of the nlatives for instruction. Thus, Mallat states that the children begin very early to miakietheir letters in thiesand or onile-aves. Some of themilie goes on, to say (lie was writinig in 18421), become distinguished calliogra pjliers, amid can imitate all kinds of writing, (irawilig,,, aiiil lprinted characters. lie relates a story of a missal whuich was colpied by an "Indian " -and sent to the King of Spain. It was so wvell donme that; it was, impossible to (listinguish it from the origiimal. They copy maps. also, with o'rcat exactness. It follows that instruction among the Inidians, was, far from. being backward when compared with that of' thme lower classes inl Europe. Nearly -all the T~agales can readl and write. llowevevr thme sciences, lproperly so called, hiave madle little pi-ogress amongo the Philippine islanders. A fewv of the mnestizos h~ave ta slight tinctulre, of themly, and those of the Indians who have takemi orders know Latin. Time best educated are without doubt those who, hatving Stlldiedl at t~me uni1 -versity of Santo Tom.nhs, have becomec Lawyers. Amfong themr (,all be found advocates worthy to be compared with the inost celebrated in Spain. As to literature, there is a Taga le grammiar and a dictionlary and, a combined graninmnar of the Tagale, lBicol, Visaya, and Isinay lanigiuages. These are all. lublislicd by tiue monks at thme Samito Toimnais press. There are several ITbi rnig ffcsi aia fileliterary works proper consist mostly of poems amid tragredies iii Tagale. The former are sometimes on very grave subjects, suchIl as thle Passion, and the tragedies are very long.' There are also short, poemns and souigs, of which both words 'and music are national, and the Imidianus can write the mnusic with wolIderful ability. They are all musicians, and some of thiem. can playr five or six instruniemnts. There, is miot a vill-age, however' small, where the mass is miot accouiianied by music. Thie choice of airs is not always the mo11st edifyimig, and one Sometimes hiears waltzes and airs fromi the Fremich opera bouffe in the church eS 2 The military music of the garrisomi at Mlanila and the large towvims M. Marche, forty years after, relates that a tragedy Nv'idci( ivas perforined in a villa gowhere he was staying, lasted two or thriee (lays. 2'M1. Marche hoa-rd airs from La Fille (10 Madame Angot p~layedl at a fueoral. EI)UCATION IN THE PHILIPPINES. of the provinces is carried to an astonishing degree of perfection, so that there is nothing better of the kind irn Madrid. The Indians play from memory the overtures of Ilossini and Meyerbeer. Selmper, writinlg in 1869, says of education among the natives: "' The Christiall Spaniard lhas not been able to exert much more influence of a spiritual tlhaln of a p)olitical nature upoI the chllalracter of the 1)atives. Popular instruction was formerly and is now entirely in the hands of the priests. Excepting the professors of comlnon and lRomain law, all the chairs of the university of Slanto Tomnis iin Manila are in the hands of the lpriests, who naturally arrange not only tlhe theological lectures, but those upon metaphysics, plhysics, and logic as well, according to the principles of the Catholic Church. In the provinces every village has its public school, in wlhich instruction is obligatory; but, besides reading and writing, only Christian doctrine and church music are taught. This instruction, moreover, is by no means generally given in Spanish; at least, the gelneral introduction of Spanish a:s school language is still so recent that it will be long before tlhe Spanish officials will be able to coiverse eveti with their subordlinates in Spanish. 01 the east coast of AIindanao, one of thle oldest and most settled provilnces, the iiative dialect was exclusively used until forty or fifty years ago, and the priests used the old MIalay alphabet until the beginning of the century eveni in their official business. Thle number of natives-the Spaniards call them 'Inlians' —who can read and write is tolerably large; but owing to the total unreliability of -all statistics oi0 the sulbject nothing accurate can be said. In 1863 the C(overmllent attemlpted to lmake an enumneration of thle l)olulatioIn and, incilentally, to note the number of those whlo could read and write. The fiact that the result was never published seems to confirm the opinion that an unsatisflactory condition of tlings was found. "'Tle sur1prisig facility witlh which Christiaiuity spread over tile islalds, cveti ill thle beginnin~g of the conquest, leads one to suspect tlhat it only:served as a, cloak for the ancielnt religious custolms, and, iindeed, partly amialgamated with them. Trustworthy monks still compllail tliat tlhe same Ien go to churcll one day to pray to their Christial CGod and the next offer sacrifices to their heathen idols or 'Anitos' for a good arvecst. In some lflaces there has evemi beenl a backsliding into the old healthell times." Jagor, another coml)etent observer, says of thle nlatives in the Camarines, a province of Luzon, that they have schools in every village. The teacher is paid by the Government and usually receives $2 a month without board or lodging. In large towns the salary rises to $3.50 a month, but theni an assistant must be paid. The schools are under the supervision of the local priests. IReading and writing are taught, the copies being set in Spanish. The teacher is required, it is true, to teach his pupils Spaniish, but he does not understand it himself, while the officials do not know the native language, a condition of things which the priests have no power or inclination to change, because it increases 980 EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. their power. Only those Indians know Spanish who have been in the service of Europeans. At first a kind of religious primer is read in the native language, andl later Christian doctrine is taught. Oni the average, about half of all tlie children go to school, ordiniarily from tlleir seventh to their tenth year. They learn to read and somle learn to write a little, but soon forget it. Only those who become clerks can. write a running hand, but they usually have a very good hand. Some priests do not allow boys and girls to attend the same school, and they pay a special female teacher $1 a month. The natives learn counting with difficulty and use shells or stones as a help, p)iliIng them in little heaps, and then counting them out. In 1890, according to the Gran diccionario geogrAifico, estadistico, 6 hist6rico de Espania y sus provincias de Cuba, Puerto Rico, Filipinas, etc., edited by Rafael del Castillo, there were 1,016 schools for boys and 592 for girls in the archipelago, with an attendance of 98,761 boys and 78,352 girls. For the following additional information we are indebted to a brief account of the educational facilities of tlhe Philippine Islands by Mr. Alex. A. Webb, United States consul at Manila, which was written in 1891: Mr. Webb states that the general government appropriated $404,731.50 for schools in 1890, of which sum the normlal schools received $10,520. The salaries of the teachers were, $800 for tlie director; professors, $800; teachers of drawing, $600; teachers of ordinary bralches, $400, and assistants, $120. The two directors of tlie scliool of drawing and painting, which was established in 1875, were l)aid $1,200 each by the government. By royal decree of October 1, 1890, the School of Arts and Sciences was established at Manila. Here are taught languages, bookkeeping, higher mathematics, chemistry, natural history, mnechanics, political economy, mercantile and industrial legislation, drawing, modeling, engraving, wood carving and a'l the trades. A school of agriculture was established at Manila July 2, 1889, for the purpose of giving those natives who had acquired a common school education a theoretical and practical education in agriculture and horticulture. It opened with 82 students and last year (1890) had 50, but it is hoped and expected that there will be an increase in interest among the natives as soon as tlhe work of the school can be extended. Similar schools have been established in the provinces of Isabela (le Luzon, Ilocos, Albay, Cebu, Iloilo, Mindanao, Leyte, and Jalo. They are supported entirely by the government and managed by the priests. Mr. Webb mentions the Royal Society of Friends of the country, which was founded in 1813 for the purpose of encouraging the interest in the arts, sciences, commerce, and industries, and says: " It is claimed on its behalf that it has accomplished a vast amount of good, but there is not that degree of energy and activity manifested in its work to be seen in similar organizations in some other countries." It has accur. lated a library of about 2,000 volumes on the arts and sciences, natural history, and agriculture. ED)UCATION IN THE PHILIPPINES. 981 OI thle 17th of August, 1887, a Royal lecree, was issued establishing a lublic miuseuin and. library in Manila, under the manlagemlent, of a board of civil and mnilitary officers to be appointed lby the governorgeneral of the islands. Work has been comlnencel 1upon the project and it bids fair to develop into a very creditable institution in a few years. This review of the educatiolal conditioni of the lPhilippines would not be complete without some fuller -account of the mionks, whose power and position in the islands is an anachronism, recalling the iuiddle ages. The comnplaints which are now alplnarently with justice urged against thein should not cause us to forget their early services to the natives aiid to civilization. We are accustomied to hear of travelers anid scientific mieni venturing everywhere in furtherance of fids or impelled by curiosity, or the vice of coni)etitionl, and riskiingic their lives front these purely selfish. inotives, but the motives which urged Catholic priests in the sixteenth century to go all over the world and encounter death everywhere, from the woods of Cainada to the remotest parts of China, were self-sacrifice anid (evotion for what they believed to be the spiritual wveltare of savagres anid heathen. in the historical p~aper before eitedl Rluineiitritt says of the monks in the 1Philippines': They won for themselves, in early times, g-reat gratituide froimi the natives by pIr tecting), them from. the governmenit oflicials, which -was hicreased by admitting them to reli-ious orders. Butit this happy condition was changed ini the preseut century, for when the ordlers were abolished in Spahin, time Ihilippimmhes o~fered ain asylum to the crowd o)f Em'uropea novice-s whose numbers 00oo1 closed further adlmnission to the natives. Sinlce that time, the P)hilipplin1e mll1onk1s have been Elurolypean Spaniards, who a-ire often the or ly white men in the country districts, and who, beingr the only represeiitatives of the rnling race, have made u se of that position, in fact if not with righit, and constituted themselves the rulers o)f time land. Iti the fear that a liberal govelr11nmen.f1t m1ight depr-ive theni of their last refuge, the Philippines, by handing the parishes over to the (native) secular clergy, the Spaiish monks began to pose as thte onily reliaible supplor~t of Spanish ruile in tlihe aIrchipehigo and to throw the suspicion of independence upon the secular clergy. So great is the igniorance of the Spaniards of the affairs of the archipelagro that this suggestion was casilv entertainel, although all insurrections had been su)ppressed, not by the mionks but by the government. Their power was further imicreaced by the money they circulated in Spain land tha fear of the Spanish Covernmenmt that they might place their wcealtm at the disposal of the Carlists. These mimoniks have been the enemics of every administrative reform which the colonial ministers have promised or effected from 1868 uintil the present time, and they have consequently and naturally - appeared as the enemies of all progress and improvemetit in their country, not only to the secular clergy, buat also to all the other inhabitants of the islands. At their instigations all natives of superior intellectutal attainments whlo would not play the hypocrite were persecuted and transported, so that there was a fearful sense of insecurity all through the country. What kimid of a spirit actuated thenm is best shown by tIme fact that they accused the Jesuits, who are highly esteemed, of liberalism and so brought suspicion and distrust upon the teachers who were educated in the Jesuit teachers' seminary. The Filipinos started a journal in Madrid, called La Solidaridad, whicl contended fdvkconstitutional reforms. But the undertaking was unsuccessful, because the mnas of the Spanish nation showed absolutely no inclination to trouble itself about the affairs of its Asiatic colonies, and the monks were able to purchase enough EDUCATION REPORT, 1897-98. new~spape~rs to combat or rendler ridiciulous the efforts of thie F-ilipinlos. Iiideed, the laitter were told that political rights ar-e not obtained b)y bezgging', bunt by fighiting, to which their leader, Mlarcelo 1-1. del Pil:ir, misNveredl that the day when the Filipinos, no longer trusting the justice of Spai-n, should take lip a-rms, wonld be a(lay of sorrow for the Spanish nation, for it wouIld 110 longer be a question of the granting of political reforms, but of breaking awyentirely fromn the obstinate and (leaf' mother country. This prophecy was soon. fuflfilled. Ujp to the presenit time only the educated and rich inhabitants of the iqlands had ta-ken part in the efifuts at reform, while the mnass of the people stood a-loof. The greed of the monlks, however, -who hiad acqlniredl immense handled estates, indlucedl them to raise their renits until their tenants -and the small. farmers, in (lespair, mose in thme revolt of Augst 19,which w\as (directed less against the Spanish Goverumnent than thme m1onks themselves. The conclusion, which is obvious from the observations andl history which have been presented, is that the few Sp~aniards in the Philip)pines, while they have not made a radical or (leci-led change in the cuistoms and habits of thought of the natives, have nevertheless impo-sed their religion uepont them to a considerable extent, have taxed them successfully, and have themn under military control. The huinanities, nnder the conduct of the 1)ricsts, have borne their usual frufit iii civilizing the comparatively few niatives or mestizos who have been brought, undler their influence, until they have produced statesinen, artists, anid litcrary mnen who have become kimownm in Europ~e by their merits. It is Clear, also, that while the natives of the farchipelaigo heave a greater powver of resistance to alien influences than those of the American conitinlent, the greater portion of' themi show (leiided and sulperior initellectiial capabilities. 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