IL 
i 
A DEFENCE
OF TIM
AMERICAN POLICY, 
4
I 
A DEFENCE
or TH
AMERICAN POLICY,
AS OPPOSED TO THE ENOROACHMENTS OF
FOREIGN INFLUENCE,
AND ESPECIALLY TO TE
INTERFERENCE OF THE PAPACY
IN THE
POLITICAL INTERESTS AND AFFAIRS OF THE
UNITED STATES.
BY TIHOMAS R. WIITNEY,
NEW YORK:
DE WITT & DAVENPORT, PUBLISHERS,
160 AND 162 NASSAU STREET.
116
._ 
ENTEraD  aceordino  to Act of Congress, in the year 1856, by
DE WITT & DAVENPORT,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the U. S. for the Southern  Distrtit of New York.
U.  I-I TIoso, Stereotyper.             R. CG1GXHeAD Priter.                W. Em.   LnXA~DEt  Binder. 
P RE F A  E.
THIS volume is written for the People in the United States, whether
Native or Foreign, Protestant or Catholic. It affords a review of the
five prominent elements in the political atmosphere of the present
day viz., AMERICAXISM, FOREIGN INFLUENCE, PROTESTANTISM, ROMANISM, and STATE SOVEREIGNTY.
The discussion of these subjects necessarily involves an analysis of
the several phases of Republicanism, and especially of American
Republicanism; as, Human Equality, and the innate right to Life,
Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness. Also, the qualification of
citizenship; the philosophy, effects, and abuses of Naturalization; the
character and results of immigration under our system; the nature,
uses, and abuses of the Right of Suffrage; the influence of Religion
on the affairs of State, or Politico-religious Government; the Right
and Sovereignty of individual States, including the social, legal, and
political aspects of Slavery, etc. etc.
As cognate subjects of interest, the volume will present a view of
the efforts from time to time made in resisting the encroachments of
foreign and papal influences in our national policy, embracing a
history of the rise and progress of the great "American Party," and
the secret societies from which it sprung into existence.
The policy, purpose, and character of the American Party have
been so constantly assailed, and so generally misrepresented by men
whose political aspirations were liable to suffer in its success, as to 
PREFACE.
demand a clear and impartial exposition of the whole subject, which
should serve as an antidote to the errors of opinion set on foot by its
enemies.
The object of this volume is to present such exposition, and afford
a candid view of the dangers to which our free institutions are
exposed through the deleterious innovations of foreign influences, the
encroachments of the Papacy, and the recklessness of demagogues.
In this effort to forward the great ONE IDEA which constitutes the
basis of the American policy, I have endeavored, by comprehensiveness and interest, to adapt the volume to the tastes, circumstances, and
wants of the great mass of the American public-to encourage and
fortify the friends of that policy-to convert its enemies, and to convince the doubting.
THE AUTHOR.
*i*.
,,o1 
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER L
POPULAR  GOVERNMENT-EDUCATION IN THE  SCHOOL  OF SELF RELIANCE-FRENCH NOTIONS OF LIBERTY-CHARLES X., LAFAY ETTE AND LOUIS PHILIPPE............................... 13
CHAPTER II.
NATIONAL BEVERAGES-THE FRENCH REPUBLIC-LOUIS NAPOLEON
BONAPARTE............................................ 23
CHAPTER III.
IUMAN EQUALITY-TAXATION AND REPRESENTATION............. 33
CHAPTER IV.
LIFE, LIBERTY, AND THE PURSUIT OF HPPINESS...............       42
CHAPTER V.
THE CHURCH AND THE STATE-THE SCIENCE OF RELIGION AND
THE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT................................ 52
CHAPTER VI.
ROMISH PRIESTS AND AMERICAN POLITICIANS-THE CHURCH POLI  TICAL................................................. 64 
10                         CONTENTS.
VAOU
.CHAPTER VII.
PAPAL AS, RATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES.................... 78
CHAPTER VIII.
AMERICAN REPUBLICANISM AND ROMIANISM-THE CONTRAST...... 94
CHAPTER IX.
CAN A PAPIST BE A CITIZEN OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC?.o'.. 104
CHAPTER X.
THE PAST AND PRESENT CONDITION OF THE PAPAL CHURCH IN THE
UNITED  STATES-THE  SEVEN  PROVINCES-THE  HIERARCHY  COMPARATIVE VIEW OF IRELAND, ENGLAND, SCOTLAND AND THE
CUNITED STATES........................................ 115
CHAPTER XI.
THE RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE............................ 124
CHAPTER XII.
NATUIZATION-ITS NATURE, EFFECTS, AND ABUSES............ 135
CHAPTER XII.
ALIEN SUFFRAGES-VATTEL ON THE RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF ALIENS
-RESERVED POWERS OF THE STATES.......................       151
CHAPTER XIV.
IMMIGRATION-ITS CHARACTER, EXTENT, AND RESULTS........... 164
CHAPTER Xv.
INTERETION-THE PLANS OF LOUIS KOSSUTH-HENRY CLAY... 188
CHAPTER XVL
STATE RIGHTS-SLAVERY................................... 198 
CONTENTS.
PAGN
CHAPTER XVII.
POLTIOAL PARTIES........................................ 222
CHAPTER XVIII.
TUNE "NATIVE AMEICANS " —THE PARTY IN 1834.............. 230
CHAPTER XIX.
THE AMERICAN REPUBLICAN PARTY OF 1844-ITS RISE AND
FA       IL..,.................................. 243
CHAPTER XX.
THE ORDER OF UNITED AMERICANS-ITS ORIGLN-ITS PRINCIPLES
AND OBJECTS-ITS FORM OF GOVERNMENT................. 257
CHAPTER XXI.
THE ORDER OF UNITED AMERICANS-ITS PROGRESS; INFLUENCE
A\'D CONDITION............................ 268
CHAPTER XXII.
THE "ILNOW NOTHINGS 17-ORIGIN AND RISE OF THE ORDER-ITS
MISSION........................I...........280
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE " KNOW NOTHINGS "-PROGRESS OF THE ORDER-ITS INFLUENCE
-THE  FREE  SOIL  INOCUTLATION  AND EXPULSION-'-MASSACHU  SETTS -- THE PHILADELPHIA CONVENTION -  PARASITES - THE
MISSION FULFILLED..................................... 288
CHAPTER XXIV.
"THE  UNITED AMERICAN ECHANTUS 7'-EFFECTS OF THE COMPETI TION OF IMMIGRANT LABOR ON THE INDUSTRIAL INTERESTS OF THE
UNITED STATES-THE REMEDY-4; THE UNITED SONS OF AMERICA y 306
11 
CONTENTS.
PAGe
CHAPTER XXV.
THE " ONE IDEA.................................. 317
CHAPTER XXVI.
CONCLUSION............................................... 324
APPENDIX.
SPEECH OF HENRY CLAY IN REPLY TO GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH,
ON THE SUBJECT OF AMERICAN INTERVENTION IN THE AFFAIRS
OF EUROPE............................................333
OPINION OF THOS. H. BENTON ON THE SUBJECT OF INTERVENTION 337
KOSSUTH'S APPEAL TO THE GERMANS IN AMERICA............. 338
KOSSUTH'S SECRET CIRCULAR TO THE GERMANS............... 340
THE REVOLUTIONARY " LEAGUE n........................... 343
CONSTITUTION OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTIONARY LEAGUE OF
EUROPE................................................ 347
GOVERNOR RAYMOND AND THE IRISH LEAGUE.................. 349 
FOREIGN PAUPERS AND CRIMLNALS SENT TO THE UNITED STATES
BY THEIR GOVERNMENTS.................................. 354
DESECRATION OF THE SABBATH............................. 358
THE KENSINGTON MASSACRE, PHILADELPHIA.................... 362
STATISTICS OF PAUPERISM AND CRIME......................... 365
12 
DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
CHAPTER I.
POPULAR GOTERNMEET-EDUCATION IN THE SCHOOL OF SELF-RELIANCE-FRENCH
NOTIONS OF LIBERTY-CHARLmS X.-LouIs  PHILIPPE AND LAFAYETTE.
"If humanity shows to the God of this world
A seght for his fatherly eye;
'Tis that of a people with banner unfurled,
Resolved for their freedom to die.
'Tis a spark of the Deity bursting to light,
Through the darkness of human control,
That fires the bold warl-arm in liberty's fight,
And flames from the patriot, burning and bright,
Through the eye of an heavenly soul."
PHILLIPS.
MANKIXD are entitled to just such privileges, social and
political, as they are capable of employing and enjoying
rationally. American Republicanism comprises this theory,
no more.
By American Republicanism, I mean the system of government in use in the United States of North America, as
distinguished from all other systems, forms and theories of
Republicanism heretofore, or now in use elsewhere. A
republic may be an oligarchy, like that of Venice; or,
4.p, 
14   A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
it may be a democracy, like that of Athens.   American
Republicanism is neither the one nor the other. The Venetian and the Athenian exhibit the extremes of what is termed
popular government; the American presents the just and
rational medium. Republicanism in the form of an oligarchy, imparts to the people little more of political or social
freedom than an absolute monarchy. It is, in fact, but one
step removed from that form of government. In a monarchy, the prerogative of govermnent is monopolized by a
class, whose only claim is that of birth.  An  aristocratic
republic presents a similar phase, and the greatest liberty
en-joyed by the people is the privilege of choosing their rulers
from that monopolizing class.   And  even this degree of
liberty, when granted, is confined to a limited portion of the
whole people, because the right of suffrage is so hedged in
and restrained under "property qualifications" and other
hindrances, that, comparatively speaking, but few of the people ever reach the standard of eligibility. It is apparent, that
under such a system, a majority of the people might as well
live under monarchical restraint-for in an aristocratic republic
the poorer classes are regarded with no more favor or consideration than they are under a liberal monarchy; possibly
they are regarded with even less consideration.
It does not follow, however, from this fact, that the people
of the Venetian wep,;" ee er;  tled to a greater degree
of liberty than they possessed.    Te must not lose sight of
the maxim that "man!kind are entitled to just such privileges,
political and social, as they are capable of employing and
enying rationally," and we have no evidence that the Vene 
REPUBLICS.
tian republicans had attained to the intellectual qualifications
necessary to fit them for the rational enjoyment of a larger
liberty than they possessed. Communities and nations far
more enlightened than were the republicans of Venice, have
tried the system of popular liberty, and failed. They have
overturned thrones, beheaded kings, and exiled or executed
whole aristocracies, without avail. Rational liberty has, in
every instance, fled like a phantom, or an ignis fatuus before
them, constantly eluding their grasp, and eventually leading
them with headlong and fanatic speed, through avenues of
horror and torrents of human blood, to disappointment, ruin,
and disgrace.   The Robespierrian republic, and the Cromwellian commonwealth, are terrible proofs in support of our
theory.
But we have a later and fortunately a less fanatical, and
less bloody witness, in the efforts of the French people to
throw off the monarchical shackle. The first fruit of this
popular revulsion was the overthrow of the Bourbon dynasty,
and the expulsion of Charles X., and the entire royal fanmily.
The headstrong leaders of that revolution were eager to
declare a republican form of government, but they were confronted by the Marquis de Lafayette, who silenced their
clamors with the bold declaration that the people of France
were not in a condition to enjoy and employ in a rational
manner the delicate responsibility of self-governmnent. Lafayette had been a pupil of George Washington, the Father and
founder of the American Republic. He had devoted the
energies of his youth and the fortune of his inheritance
to the completion of American independence, during its
15 
16        A DEFENCE OF T'HE AMERICAN POLICY.
struggle against the oppressive exactions of the British crown.
He had shared the inmost confidence of the great champion
of liberty; he had listened to his counsels, and imbibed his
spirit. He had studied the history of the colonists, he had
analyzed their spirit, and he haid w'tnessed the establishment
of their republic.  Hie had seen4 ~Washington in the presidential chair, directing the tottering steps of the new-born
nation, and his comprehensive intellect realized the great
secret of its success.
Lafayette saw and realized the fact that the American
republicans, so far from emerging by a sudden and violent
step from the serf-like condition of monarchical subjects, had
been prepared for the transition by the training of a century
and a half in the school of self-reliance, and that, although
nominally the subjects of Great Britain, they were, in the
principal essentials of their character, free men, long before
the blow was struck for national independence.
Their sovereigns rather encouraged than restrained the
spirit of self-reliance, in the early settlement of the colonies,
with the view to encourage emigration, and thus people the
new territories. Even the first successful colony of Europeans,
which, in the year 1607, settled in Virginia, under a grant
from James I., of England, was vested with a local legislature, chosen by the people, and it also enjoyed the right of
trial by jury.  I say the first successful colonv, because the
colony established by Frenchl Huguenots  at St. Augustine,
Florida, in 1562, was broken up, and the colonists —nine
hundred in number, murdered in cold blood by the Roman
Catholic expedition under the monster Melendez. 
THE SCHOOL OF SELF-RELIANCE.
For generations the whole lives of our ancestors had been
the initiative of republicanism.  Their remoteness from the
parent government, whose authority was exercised more by
tacit consent than by absolute dictation, so far at least as its
effects were felt by the hardy populace; their exemption from
the constraint of aristocratic intercourse; the local dangers
by which they were surrounded and exposed, forcing upon
them a community and equality of interest for mutual protection; their wild and romantic habits of life, tempered with
an uniform reliance on Divine Providence; together with
an innate spirit of resistance to despotic authority, inherited
from their Puritan ancestors; all contributed to qualify the
people of the United Colonies for a system of self-government, at the very moment which saw their national independence consummated.   In their local affairs, each  community of Anglo-Saxon pioneers, constituted within itself a
limited miniature republic, and not a man among them had
been taught to rely for protection upon any government,
other than that primitive police which he had himself
assisted in creating; and for personal protection his reliance
was in the quick eye, the sure weapon, and the strong arm.
These were among the important elements which qualified
the early patriots of America, for the grand experiment of a
popular government.
With these truths impressed upon his mind, Lafayette
could not be blind to the disparaging  contrast presented by
his own countrymen at the close of the French Revolution in
1830.  In a contest of only three days, the Parisians, inhabitants of a single city, had overturned one of the ancient
17 
i8       A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
dynasties of their own powerful nation. They had driven
their monarch into precipitate exile; burned the throne of
state in the public street, before the doors of the Royal Palace;
dissolved the legislative department, annulled the judiciary,
and left themselves without a government.  The whole affair
was "French," from first to last.  It was an act of impulse
performed by an impulsive people, without any immediate
necessity, or any definite object.
The greatest and most iimmediate act of despotism of which
Charles X. had been guilty, was the suppression of public
sentiment by muzzling the public press; an offence of sufficient magnitude to arouse the popular indignation it is true,
but one which in all humranl probability might have been
corrected without bloodshed or revolution. The parties most
aggrieved, however, were the editors and the higher classes,
whereas the brunt of the fight fell on the workingmen.
France is not like America, and the people of France are not
like the people of the United States. In France, the papers
are read, comparatively, by very few of what we call "the
people," the masses, the men who give bone, muscle, and
nerve to any nation.   In the United States it is different.
Here everybody reads the newspapers; the news of the day
forms a very large part in the economy of the life of the
American workingman, and the freer and bolder the press,
the better he likes it.  It would be safer to stop his bread
aid butter, than to stop his newspaper, or what is quite as
:_.porntaunt, deprive it of that interesting spice which the free
d4scussionr of political topies and public men imparts to the
diurnal publication. To silence or muzzle the public press 
THIE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830.
of the United States, would consequently come home with
telling effect to the very hearts and bosoms of the working
classes of the country.  Abolitionism, the Fugitive Slave Law,
and even the Maine Liquor Law would sink into insignificance
in comparison with this, and it is questionable whether the
known respect of our citizens for the laws and authorities of
the land, would be sufficient to restrain the just and overwhelming indignation that would grow out of so arbitrary an
act.
But, as I have said, it is not so in France, and it was not
so at the time of the revolution in 1830. Editors and poli ticians were the parties most directly aggrieved by the act of
their sovereign, and as the editors and politicians were not
alone sufficient to cope with the government, they found it
necessary to enlist the sympathies of the populace.  This was
easily done by careful conversations in the cafes of Paris;
and by reiterating and recalling other instances of real or
imaginary wrong, it was quite as easy to make  the lower
classes believe that their bread and wine, the two staves of a
Frenchman's life, depended upon the overthrow of the Bour  bons. Matters having been arranged on this basis, the popu  lace took it into their heads to get up a revolution, and they
had it; but when the work was consummated, and the excite  ment over, they were at a loss to know what to do with
themselves They had built barricades, sung the Marseillaise,
and massacred the government troops to their hearts' content,
and when the thing was done, and the lassitude of satiety had
taken the place of enthusiasm, they were  quite willing to
settle down again under  a monar(hy.   But the inspiring
19 
20        & DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
words " Vive la Pep'ublique!" uttered by a sans culotte, was
the suggestion of a new idea.  It sent a thrill like an electric
shock through the wh-ole Parlisian heart, and the cry was
echoed and re-echoed through the thronged streets of the
insane city.  It was at this turn in the tidle of Parisian
impulse, that Lafayette stepped forth upon the balcony of the
HStel de Ville, above the heads of the excited multitude, leading by the hand a scion of the House of Orleans.  A motion
of his honored hand was the signal for universal silence, but
again arose the cry "Vive la Rpc)ublique!"-" Five Lofayette,
le President Premnier!"  Silence was again restored, and the
aged patriot-the Father of his people, waving- aside the
proferred honor, in paternal tones addressed the impulsive
populace. Hie told them it was too soon for the Republic;
that the transition by a single step from a known policy to
one unklnown and untried, would be fatal alike to public
peace and private happiness, and, in a word, that France was
unprepared to enter upon the experiment of popular sovereignty.  Under such circumstances, Lafayette, wisely temporizing with the inflammable element by which he was surrounded, ventured to recommend a medium course. He
advised that a sovereign should be chosen by the popular
will, and with a firm voice nominated on the spot, the man
who stood at his side, Louis Philippe, Duke of Orleans!
This nomination was received with a shout of approval
which shook the old palace to its foundation,  and Louis
Philippe was there chosen by acclamation, to be the "citizen
king of the Frenchl! " Thus ended the revolution of 1830,
begun and finished within three days in the city of Paris,
16 
LOUIS PHILIPPE.
and with this denouteme?t the people went back to their workshops and sour wine, fully satisfied that they had accomplished a glorious triumph over despotism! *
But time wore on. The good Lafayette had been gathered
to his fathers, and the "citizen king" proved in the end to
be anything but a republican. In admitting Louis Philippe
to the sovereignty of France, the people, if they had any
definite object in view at all, aimed at the establishment of a
new principle in their government.  They sought to do away
with the old idea of "legitimacy," and to introduce in its
stead the elective system. They were willing to be governed
by a king, but that king must be one of their own choosing;
they were willing to live under a monarchy, but the monarch must be one of their own creation.  This did not meet
the approbation of Louis Philippe.  ie had a large family
of the blood royal to provide for, and although he made the
most of his time in amassing a stupendous fortune during his
reign, he had no idea of allowing the Orleans dynasty to
expire at his death, if he could find it in his power to prevent
such a catastrophe.
It was quite natural under the circumstances, therefore,
that he should shape his course with a view to a legitimate
succession, and in doing so, as a matter of course, he ran
bolt against the miost sensitive chord of popular sentiment.
The press, in the most delicate manner, reminded his majesty
of the events of July, 1830, and his majesty retorted by
* In derision of " legitimacy" Louis Philippe was denominated, with more of
terseness than piety, "Roi de Fsranee, par la voi dub people et non par la grdce
de Dieu I'
21 
22       A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
restricting the privilege of the printer. Like the exiled king
who, but a few years before, had fled from French territory
leaving his crown behind him-but too happy in the reflection
that his head was not in it-Louis Philippe committed the
fatal error. He placed the press under censorship, and put
a muzzle on the types. The corps editorial and the republican aristocracy again had recourse to the cafes, the suburbs, and the vin haunts of the metropolis; another revolution
was gotten up, and in a brief space of time the "citizen king"
found it convenient to follow in the footsteps of his illustrious
predecessor and take up his abode in England. On the 26th
day of Feb;uary, 1848, Louis Philippe was dethroned, and
Monsieur Lamartine, amidst the shouts of the whole people,
declared France to be a Republic! 
NATIONAL BEVERAGES.
CHAPTER II.
NATIONAL BEVERAOEs-THE FRENCH REPUBLIC-LOUIS NAPOLEON, BONAPARTE.
"They were red-hot with drinking;
So full of valor that they smote the air
For breathing in their faces."
SHAKSPEARE.
THE cheap wines of France have much to answer for.
They have a marvellous effect upon the political temper of
the people, and hence, upon the government itself. They
have done more to foment revolution than all other causes
combined. They exhilarate without intoxicating. They send a
genial glow through the veins, and make men at once valiant,
voluble and saucy; they produce a momentary chivalric enthusiasm, bold, daring, and uncompromising; and as the French
populace drink these wines as freely as the Americans drink
water, we should not be surprised when we witness the effects
in emeutes, insubordination, and revolution. How different
the national beverage of old England. ALE-strong, dreamy,
and stupefying.  Ale-" pale," or "nutbrown," "double X,"
"old," "new," or" half-and-half" it is all the same in its
results. As the Frenchman partakes of the character of his
light wines, gay, buoyant, and sprightly, so the Englishman
23 
24       A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
personifies his beverage in his rotund, sluggish, and contented
habits.  Give your Englishiman, after a day's labor, his mug
of ale with a bit of cheese, a pipe of tobacco, and a companion or two at the ale-house table, and he will care little
who is prime minister or sovereign.  Of all the beverages in
the world to keep people quiet, I would recommend the ale
of old England. In fact, the study of the subject of national
beverages might form  a profitable theme  ill the political
economy of all nations, and especially of despotic dynasties.
Cheap wines should never be allowed.  Louis Napoleon may
profit by this hint, and perhaps, all things else being propitious, secure a succession.
Every nation has its beverage and its drinking customns, as
distinctly marked  as its lano-uage, or its general habits.
The French, English, and German, will sit the night out in
social carouse, at a single table. Thie Irishman takes his
4poteen"  at random, or wherever  he  can get it.   The
Portuguese sips his port, with an elegant and courteous grace.
The true Castilian demands the best of the vintage, and will
utter his "         Gaca -l)ios" over every bumper.  Ile seldom
usurps the prerogative of the low priesthood, by getting
intoxicated. InI spite of the prohibitary law of the Koran,
the Turk drinks his sherbet.  The Chinese are tea-drinkers,
and for intoxication they resort to opium.  In the Argentine
vcate is the national beverage.  And  in the United States
water is the staple thirst-quencher, thloulgh we do partake of
the good things of every clime, from the finest cogniac down
to rye whisky of home manufacture.
Your Germian, nos, will dispose of his wishy-washy layer 
THE FRENCH REPUBLIC OF 1848.
bier, by the gallon, with little more than a physical effect
for which he finds a ready antidote. Men of certain temnperaments will get intoxicated on lager-bier;  but most men,
accustomed to it, will absorb a keg of the article in twentyfour hours, with no other effect than the inconvenience of
repletion.  The petty kings and princes of the Germanic
confederation would have little to fear from popular ebullition
if they would confine their su'jects to the distinct national
beverage-lcager-bier.  But the people, although they like it,
are not satisfied with it alone. It is neither one thing nor
the other.  A man must drink an uncomfortable quantity to
become either exhilarated or stupefied, and so they qualify it
with an alternation of French wine.  This may afford a key
to the whole secret of the late Germanic revolutions. Had
Louis Philippe contrived to change the beverage of France,
from buoyant and exhilarating wines to plain. English ale,
and let the printers alone, he might have reigned to the day
of his death, and left his son, the Duke of Orleans, a king
instead of a refugee.   But  Louis Philippe was  more of a
man than a philosopher, and as a consequence he lost his
crown, and his heirs their succession.
In February, 1848, France was again without a govern
ment.
There was now but one sentiment animating the French
heart, and that sentiment demanded the establishment of a
republic. Lamartine, the purest and soundest Frenchman of
the day, took the lead in the formation of a provisional
council, and immediately became associated with a few of
the leading spirits of the revolution, including some of the
2
25 
26       A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
best, and some of the worst men of the time.  They- declared
the republic, and having constituted themselves a government pro tempore, proceeded to make arrangements for the
election of a president.
M'r. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte was at that time a refugee,
in England.  In the year 1841, he had attempted, at an
obscure town, to get up a revolution, under the prestige of
his uncle's memory, on his own account, and failed.  He was
laughed at for his silly faux pas, and in order to restrain his
youthful impetuosity, Louis Philippe shut him up in the
Chateau of Ham, under a sentence of perpetual imprisonmrent.  From this confinement he managed to escape in the
garb of a laborer, made good his retreat across the firontiers,
and took refuge in Belgium.  Thence hlie made his way to
England, where he remained until the overthrow of Louis
Philippe.   This personage  now  presented  himself to the
proyisional government, and in polite terms, tendered his
congratulations and his services. The congratulations were
received, but the services were declined; and he was very
plainly given to understand, that his presence in French
ground was unnecessary, and perhaps, injurious, at a period
so critical.
W-ith all his follies and vao'aries, Louis Napoleon had in
his coimposition a spice of the old stolck, and not relishing
the cavalier reception he had mret with at the hands of the
"provisional government," he resolved to trim his sails to the
popula,r breeze, and try his fortune under the new re-gimne.
Hie had been a prince, an exile, a refug,ee, a revolutionist, a
prisoner for life, and a roystering b'hoy in the purlieus of, 
LOUIS NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.
Church street, in the city of New York, and he doubtless
deemed it strange if out of all these vicissitudes and transitionsli he had not picked up enough of experience to make
a statesman.
Proud of his imperial name, he was an aristocrat in every
vein; but he talked  republicanism as volubly as the most
ultra "RIed," and had sufficient tact to secure first a seat
in the Nationa!         ably, and finally, his election  to the
presidential chan..t the republic. His term of office was to
extend during four years, deducting the interregnum between
the declaring of the republic, and thie time of his inaugurationI.  The election for president took place on the 10thl and
11th days of December, 1848, and lie was inaugurated president in the early part of 1849. The following was the vote
rendered on this occasion.
For Louis Napoleon, 5,524,520. For General Cavaignac,
1,448,302. For Ledru Rollin, 371,431. For all others,
71,999.
France had now attained the topmost round in the ladder of her ambition.  She was a republic, in the enjoyment
of universal suzff'ctye!  She had a president and legislature
chosen by the ballots of the entire people.
This state of things was not the result of an impulsive
tumult.   It was  the  caln  deliberate  act  of  reflection
(if Frenchmen do reflect), and every uman, when he voted for
president, knew, or ought to have known, what he was about.
There was Lamartine, and other good men, it is true, who
would have been, either of them, as a father to the people,
but the people chose Louis Napoleon.   This was their first
27 
28      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
act in the republican drama-their debut in the character of
freemen, and if they erred the world looked on with indulgence.
The whole event was one of deep interest to the people of
the United States of America. For the Americans, although
determined to stand on their own ground, and to enter
uponi no "entangling  alliances" with other powers, feel a
direct sympathy in the efforts of any and every people who
make the struggle for freedom, and popular sovereignty.
When France threw away her crown, and burned her throne,
in 1830, America rejoiced. She gave vent to her gratification, by public demonstrations, illuminations, processions,
and addresses. The fle?tr-de-lis had been cast aside, and
the tri-color mingled its folds with the stripes and stars of
our own blessed Union.  When, in 1848, France abolished the
monarchy, and declared for the republic, the people of the
United States renewed their congratulations, but when they
elected Louis Napoleon as president, they saw plainly the
forecast shadow of coming events, and were silent.
But France was content with her own act-she was gay,
firivolous, and happy-she thought she had secured the boon
of civil liberty.  Alas! what a lmistake.  With a republican
government, and the right to choose their rulers, the people
imagined that nothing was left them to do but to enjoy themselves! Well, France is France, and it would be difficult,
with all her enlightenmenet, to make her.rationaal.
With all the glories of science which illustrate her
name; with all the magnificence of her works of art,
and  the  genius  of  her  artists;  with all her triumphs 
LOUIS NAPOLEON, PRESIDENT.
in literature and in armns, France  is still frivolous, fantastic, and unreflecting. She has within her all the elements
of grandeur and power, but not of rational freedom. England may sustain a republic-France never! Subjects cannot
become good citizens in a moment. Men must be educated
to freedom. The early republicans of the United States of
America had more than a century of practical training in
the theory of self-government, before they ventured on the
bold experiment, and when they set about it, they did so
with a will-a calm, fixed resolution, and they maintained
that resolution through a tedious, unequal, and bloody war
of seven years, against one of the most powerful nations of
the earth! France fought three days in the city of Paris,
in 1830, against her oppressor! Would she have maintained
that fight seven days, had it been necessary to accomplish the
object? Doubtful. When the people of France have tihe
nerve to sustain a seven years' war with despotism, they will
deserve a popular government, and be prepared to sustain and
enjoy it. Till then their emeutes and revolutions are nothing
but fillayree-the mere effervescence of the wine-cellar!
Under the circumstances in which France was placed in
1848, the election of Mr. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, for president, was an appropriate choice, because the people having
had their periodical amusement, gave little thought to the
future. The new president knew the calibre and temper of
Frenchmen better than they knew themselves, and as the
title of president was but secondary in his ambitious fancy,
he was not long in preparing to reach the primary object.
The imperial diadem of his uncle, Napoleon the Great, glit
29 
310      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
tered in his view, and he determined to seize it. He flattered
the vanity of the populace, feted the army, and restrained
the legislature and the press, and just before the  completion of his presidential term, lie accomplished his notorious
coup d'ctat of December 2nid, 1851, and in a single night
reduced the Republic to an Empire!   During  that eventful
nioht,  those  statesimen  and  general  officers  who  were
known to be attached to the republic firom principle, were
each arouse' firom  their slumbers by  a corporal's guard,
ar'rested in their beds, and thrown forthwith  into prison,
from which they were soon after banishled, by the imperial
order, and sent to terminate their existence under tropical
rigor at Cayenne.  The  public press was instantly silenced,
or compelled, on pain of banishment or death, to sustain the
despotic act. A few executions took place, and then the work
was accomplished.  No revolt occurred, but little resistance was
made, no expression of popular indignation was heard.  To
those who have studied the peculiarities of that nation, this
circumstance created no  surprise.  France  had attained the
acme of despotism, yet her people tamely and disgracefully
acquiesced. The men who had so recently built barricades and
poured the blood of their innocent countrymen  through the
streets of Paris, for no other purpose than to depose a king of
their own choosing, and build up a republic, calmly looked
on, saw that republic wrested from them to gratify the
ambitious will of a single man, and had not, seemingly, the
courage, or the disposition to prevent it. 
Still, with all his audacity, Mr. President Bonaparte
ass lmed an extraordinary virtue. He graciously announced 
LOUIS NAPOLEON, EMPEROR.
that he would submit his right to the title of emperor to the
sovereign will of the people, and that, ad interimn, or until an
election could be held to determine whether hlie should be
permitted to wear the imperial diadem or not, he would exercise the prerogative of emperor pro form&d only.  This course
was rendered the more necessary, perhaps, from the fact that
ole (I' more of the leading powers of Europe refused to recog
nize the empire until the people of France had sanctioned it
with their votes.
Preparations for an election were accordingly made. The
right of universal suffrage was still left to the people, and
they were now  called upon to say, of their own accord,
whether they would retain that august privilege, or cast it
from them. The result proved that they were incapable of
self-goveinment.   Thze people of France voted away their own
liberty.  That Republic, for the attainment of which  they
had fobught so valorously when under a transient excitement,
was now deliberately abandoned.  The empire was sustained,
and the comf d'etat endorsed by an immense majority of
the popular vote, and Louis Napoleon was accordingly
crowned, and ascended the throne of his uncle with the title
of Napoleon III.
Hlere we find the external and the internal evidence of the
fact that the people of France possessed under the Republic
of 1848, more liberty than they were capable of employing
and enjoying rationally, and yet these very people, who could
not govern themselves, when they come to the United States,
assume to improve upon our system of government! They
who could not maintain their own liberty when they had it,
31 
32       A DEFENCE OF THE AMERIOAN POLICY.
seek to instruct us in maintaining and improving ours! They
offer us Red-republicanism, and talk of universal suffriage, as
though France had been the cradle of liberty, and the United
States no more than a novice in the science of free government. It is not unlikely, if we should give them what they
demand, universal suffrage, they would, aided by the impulsive and irrational Germans, vote away our liberties as cheaply
as they did their own!  No, no; if Frenchmen prefer a despotic empire to a republican government, this is not the
country of their desires, and before they seek to instruct us
in the appliances of civil liberty, let them show us that they
themselves understand the rationale of those appliances. 
ALL ARE NOT COMPETENT TO GOVERN.
CHAPTER III.
HUMAN EQUALITY-TAXATION AND REPRESENTATION.
"All men are created equal."
DECLARATION OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE.
AMERICAN  REPUBLICAXISM  implies popular  sovereignty.
But when it says the people shall govern, it meains that they
shall govern to the extent of their intellectual and moral
capacity. The spirit of our institution does not presuppose
that every man is competent to govern or to take a part in
the government.   It does not presuppose that all are qualified to choose their rulers-or if it does admit this principle
as a general rule, it reserves the. right to determine the exceptions to the rule.   Under this reservation three classes of
citizens, native born or otherwise, are especially prohibited
firom taking any part in public affairs-even from the right
to vote.  This settles the question, that however, all men may
be created equal in the language of the Declaration, they
are not equal under the law of the land, and that inequality
is the result of their personal incapacity to perform the responsible duties of firee, honest, and intelligent citizens.  The
law declares them incompetent on account of either a nmoral
or a mental inability.
To declare equality in the contracted, strict sense of the
2*
33 
4    A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLIOY.
term would be to declare that mind and matter are identical.
WThat is equality but stagnation?  Equality is not found, and
cannot be attained in the moral, social, physical, or elemental
universe.  Inequality is the source of action; action is the
source of life, thought, fruition. It is attraction and repulsion
that cause the electric particles to vibrate, and the needle to
point the north. Equalize the attractive power, and the compass becomes inert, the chemistry of vegetation is no more,
and the principle of life ceases to act. It is on the unequal
ground that the pure stream meanders, or rushes onward in
the full vigor of vitality; but in the equilibrium of the stagnant pool the waters become fetid and repulsive.
If the earth were an even plain, how the eye would weary
over it! Draw the misty vapors for ever from the sky, and it
would lose its grandeur.   Let the hues of  the flowers  be
equalized into a single tint, and there would be no attraction
to please the sense of the optic nerves.   So is it in the moral
and social world. It is the inequality in desires, necessities,
taste, genius, station, talent, power, and mind, that calls forth
the energy of man, andl causes him to invent, achieve, amass,
adorn, aspire, or toil, and so gives zest to life, and impetus to
the on-rolling car of progress.
Establish equality in these things, and a moral paralysis
would pervade the earth.  The perfection of the universal
system is the result of superior and subordinate inequalities,
the attractive power  of the superior  orbs controlling the
motion of the inferior, thus consuimatiug the harmonious
equilibrium of the great whole, and evincing the omnipotent
and perfect wisdom of Almighty God. 
THE UNFRANCITSED CLASSES.
To argue, therefore, that the founders of the Republic
asserted a contrary theory, or that they meant to be understood as declaring all men "equal" in intelligence, genius, or
morals; that all men are equally competent for self government or even self protection, were but to insult their intelligence and degrade them in the eyes of the world.
The classes to which I have alluded as forbidded to participate in the government, are the idiots, the insane, and the
convicted felons. The first two classes are declared to be
non compos  mentis, or mentally incompetent;  the  last is
declared to be morally incompetent; and here we find the
great principle laid down, and universally recognized, that in
order to exercise the full functions of a free citizen, the individual must be both mentally and morally competent to
exercise those functions honestly  and intelligently.  I say
both, because the law of restraint applies to those in whom
either of these disqualifications  may  be found.   The felon
mnay be a man of superior mental ability and refinement of
education, yet he is disqualified in consequence of moral
imperfections.   On the other hand, the idiot or the lunatic
may possess the highest moral  qualities, yet they  are disqualified on account of their mental imbecility.
It is clear, therefore, that the letter and the spirit of our
institutions both require, that in order to exercise the full
political prerogatives of a citizen, the individual must be of
sufficient intelligence, and of a mind sufficiently well-balanced,
to understand clearly the nature and etfect of his political
acts; and he must, also possess a moral sentiment, sound
35 
36  A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
enough to ensure the exercise of his prerogative to honest
purposes.
Thus far the law performs its duty to the community, and
no honest and sane man will question the wisdom of such a
course of policy. If an idiot were permitted to vote, and
should be told to attend the poll at an election, and vote for
governor, or legislator, or town officers, he would answer with
a vacant stare, and, utterly unable to comprehend the meaning of the direction, would turn aside and walk away. He
would not vote, for the simple reason that he could not
understand either the process of voting, the motive of the
vote, or the effect that it would produce. But he may be
induced to vote, notwithstanding the darkness that encompasses his mind. The act of voting is a mere physical act,
and the idiot may be led, or persuaded, step by step, by some
person known to him, to perform that physical act, and with
his own hand present a ballot to the inspector of the election,
and that ballot placed in the box, may turn the scale of an
entire canvass, and thus an intelligent expression of the voice
of the people would be lost, and the object of the election,
which is to get that intelligent expression, defeated. In this
ease the idiot is but an automaton, a machine wrought upon
by the person who led him to the poll, and who placed the
ballot in his hand-a passive instrument in the hand of the
demagogue.
An  insane man  brought forth to exercise this delicate
privilege, would, on the other hand, be governed by the
opinions of no man-no set of men. HIe would have a policy 
THE  UNFRANCHISED CLASSES.
of his own. His visionary imaginings would frame a new
theory of government.   He would  see, in the old, timehonored system of the republic, a thousand errors, and his
oblique fancy would suggest as many reforms, adapted to the
vagaries of his ovwn distempered organs. He would select
his own candidates, make out his own ticket, and vote for
men, who, first of all, would pledge themselves to throw open
the doors of all lunatic asylums, and set their innmates free.
Hie would be, par excellence, your advocate of universal
liberty. What glowing speeches lie would make from the
rostrum against the despotism of society! What tropes,
what metaphors, what thrilling eloquence he would employ
to sway the souls of an impulsive multitude!
The convicted felon, the man void of moral sentiment, one
who is impatient of all legal restraint, and the foe of social
government; one whose selfish propensities absorb the
respect due to wholesome authority-such an one would
employ his political privileges in attempts to overthrow law
and order. If an unprincipled candidate should, by any
possibility, be presented for the suiffrages of the people, that
candidate would be his choice; and inasmuch as that societv
demands the enactment of laws, he would seek the attainment of such laws as would best suit his nefarious plans. If
in his powe-r, he would punish virtue, and reward vice.  His
policy would be a return to first principles, where might takes
the place of right, and the weak have no protection against
the strong.
These three several c,lasses are in the spirit and the letter
of our laws, declared incompetent for the performance of any
37 
38        A DEFENCE OF TIE AMERICAN POLTCY.
public  duties, and  are denied  the privilege  of political
suffrage; yet they are all citizens in the common acceptance
of the term, and it is not improbable that all of them  pay
direct taxes to the g'overnment.  The idiot, the lunatic, and
even the felon, may be all meni of property, and if so, their
property is placed under taxation precisely the same as the
property of those who exercise the highest and the freest
political privileges.  It does not follow, however, that they
are taxed without representation, merely because they are
not permitted to choose their representatives.  If they were
taxed as individuals, or as classes, apart from the community
at large: if the idiots were taxed as idiots, the lunatics as
lunatics, and the felons as felons, this objection would hold
good against the law.  But it is not so.  Taxation in this
country is made equal.  The men who impose the taxes are
among those who pay the taxes, and they are compelled to
tax themselves in the same ratio that they tax others, so that
thie party who does not vote for representative is protected
through the interest of the representative himself.  No  man
w-ill impose on himself a severe tax merely for the sake of
being severe on other men, but, on the contrary, out of respect
for his own purse, he will make the burden of taxation as
ligfht as may be consistent with the public necessities.  Thus,
the party who does not vote, is protected against oppression,
and thus his property and his interests are as perfectly
represented and guarded, as the property and interests of any
indivildual in the community.  If the party who does not
vote is by any inadvertence subjected to unjust exaction on
the part of the government, the men who do vote, and the 
TAXATION AND  REPRESENTATION.
men who make the laws are subjected to the same exactions
in ev-ery respect.  This fact should be a source of consolation
to those strong-minded women,  who  claim  that  their sex
should be permitted to vote because those of them who are
so fortunate as to possess property, are required to pay taxes
to the local government.
Thus the broad principle, that taxation is entitled to representation, is ftilly carried out by the American  Reeptublican
system.  It is the property, not the person, that is taxed;
and all property is represented in legislation.  Begides, everyv
dollar of tax paid into the public treasury, is appropriated,
directly or indirectly, to the protection, development, or
improvement  of the property itself; the improvement of
harbors, and the protection of commerce generally:-the
buildlingo and maintenance of public roads, the removal of
obstructions from  navigable streams; the  making, repairing,
cleaning, and lighting of streets; the support of a police, the
guardianship of public health, the support of a judiciary, the
removal of criminals, the maintenance of the poor, and the
education of the young, are all the fiuits of our healthy and
equable system of taxation.  These are tangible and profitable results, which  every man can witness, and which all
mnust appreciate.  Their beneficial effects fall alike upon the
voter and the non-voter.  They are the firuits of taxation in
a legitimate sense, and the idiot, or the insane contributor,
though he may not realize the fact, is pecuniarily as much
the recipient of those firuits, as he who chooses the lawgiver.
Hlow different the character and objects of that species of
39 
40        A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
taxation against which the fathers of our Republic rebelled!
In that case, neither the person nor the property were represented.   The money demanded by the parent government,
instead of being appropriated to the necessities of the communities who paid the taxes, was carried off to a distant
continent, and employed in the support of a regal tyrant, and
a voluptuous and profligate aristocracy. They who paid the
taxes reaped no benefit therefrom, either directly or indirectly, and those who imposed them, bore no share of the
burden.   There was taxation not only without representation, but without a visible motive or necessity.   The infliction was purely mercenary, and  at length  the oppressed
colonists justly and manfully resisted and overcame it.
Our system of government then, while it recognizes and
sustains the principle that taxation is entitled to representation, also recognizes the principle that representation does
not involve, invariably, the right of suffrage; or, in other
words, that property may and must be represented, even
though the owner of the property, under  certain circumstances, is not permitted to choose the representative.
Having recognized and established the principle, that there
does exist in the human family a mental and moral inequalitv, and that owing to this inequality, certain classes of
citizens are unfranchised, it follows, as a necessary consequence, and as due to consistency and sound justice, that all
who are mentally or morally incompetent, should occupy the
same ground, without regard to the causes of their incompetency. As the idiot is held disqualified fromn exercising the
right of suffrage, because he cannot comprehend the full 
TIHE IGNORANT SHOULD NOT VOTE.
force, responsibility, and extent of the vote, so any man of
like incapacity should be debarred firom voting, whether he
be an idiot, or only an ignorailus.  The latter is, in fact, of
the two, most  likelv to makle a mischievous  use of  the
suffrage; because, with all his ignorance, he possesses all the
passions of humanity, which the idiot does not possess to
any practical degree. These passions may be inflamed by
designing men, to a pitch bordering on insanity, and thus
whole classes of frantic enthusiasts may be marshalled by
thousands to the polls, and with their unreflecting votes bear
back the calner judgment of the nation.  An appeal to a
single prejudice, like a spark of fire in a magazine, is alone
sufficient to produce the direst results.  It produces a flame
more easily kindled than subdued, and the demagogue who
fans it into life, may deem himself happy if he burns not in
the general conflagration.  Especially does this view of our
subject apply to the millions of illiterate foreigners, who
come to us with their home prejudices (both religious and
secular), so sternly fixed, that neither time nor association
can ever efface them.
41 
42        A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
CHAPTER IV.
LIFE, LIBERTY, AND THE PURSUIT OF HIIAPPINESS.
" We hold these truths to be self-evident: That all men are created equal: That
they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, amioIlg wl,ich
are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.
A_IERICAX PREPUBLICANISM recognizes the principle that all
men are c)heated on a moral, political, and social equality;
but it does not recognize the principle that all men  reach
the  condition of m,ianhood,  having,  withlin them the same
moral, political, and social capacities.  To declare that would
be to declarie a palpable absurdity.  It would be to declare
that the man whose intellectual faculties had been expended
on the miixing of mortar, or the carryiing of a hod, is comlpetent to administer the affairs of a nation, or superintend the
classic studies of Cambrige or Yale.  It would be no less
than saving that the idiot is fit for a statesman, the rogue for
a preacher, or the ignorant man for a preceptor.
Again, it recognizes the principle that all men are enidowed
bv their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which
are "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."  But is there
no qualification to this recognition?  Are we to construe the
a 
IXNALIEN\-ABILE RTiGIIT S.
sentiment literally, and be governed in our intercourse with
mankindl by the siimple letter of the text?  If so, it is apparenlt that miany of our most wholesome laws, laws enacted
for the protection of society, and of individuals from violence
and outrage, are in themselves a violation of the inalienable
rights of man.   Among those rights is the right to live;
now, if that right is unqualified, by what authority does
society takle away the life of the murderer?  How are individuals justified in taking the life of a fellow-being i  selfdefence?  Both of these acts are held justifiable by the laws of
Christendom and by public sentiment everywhere, and yet the
right to live is inlherent, and, in a general sense, inalienable
with all God's creatures, irencluding the whole animal kingdom
of whlichl  manl is the chief  member.   But.this right may be
forfeited, and therein we find the exception to the general
rule.  This forfeiture of the right to live may be voluntary or
it mavy be involuntairy. With manl  under the influences of
civilization it is at all times a v?oltntary act; because  the
law does not demand his life until he has voluntarily
committed an act, the penalty of which he knows to be a
forfeiture of the right to live.  The involt,)tary forfeiture is
where  life is given up to serve some usefi  or necessary
purposes  to the livingo.  All things  are created for some
object beyond the mere enjoyment of life.  If this be not
so, why is it that we find in every human breast the innate
sense of a future state?  There is not a barbarian on the face
of the globe, nor a civilized man living, who has not (coupled
with the possession of the natural faculties of his species), an
inrdistinct but positive idea of a spiritual existence, and the
43 
44       A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
realization of an overruling, superhumlan power;  and this
instinctive impression, apart foinom  the testimony of revealed
religion, is, in itself, sufficient evidence of a preordained
purpose in human  existence beyond the mere necessities of
physical life.  But besides this spiritual purpose, the mere
instincts of animal existence bear almost conclusive testimony
that one of the purposes of animal life is the sustenance of
life in other bodies.  For example: the animalcula supplies
food to the insect, the insect to the subordinate classes of birds
and beasts, the subordinate birds and beasts to the superior
animals, and all affording nourishment to man, who, by the
supremacy of his reasoning faculties, is enabled to bring all
other animals into subjection to his appetite and his will.
The  law of nature, and of nature's God, seems  to have
ordained this as a living principle of the universe, and where
a life is given up under this law, it may be designated as the
involuntary forfeiture of the right to live, because the right is
alienated; it ceases when the necesities of others demand its
sacrifice.
But throughout the entire economy of this principle it is
perceivable that the inferior in power and intelligence always
become the prey of the superior-the inherent, inalienable right
continues only until the creature has reached a condition to
fulfill the object of its existence, whether that object be to
afford food for others, or otherwise.  The silkwormi weaves
her cocoon about her, and afterwards becomes a butterfly.
il the butterfly transition she lays her eggs for a future
family of worms, and then dies.  The right to live extends
only to this object. and when it is accomplished  the involun 
INALIENABLE LIGHTS.
tary forfeiture takes place. So is it with man. The physical
creature is but the eimbodi-lenlt of a spiritual existence.  It
is placed on earth for a double purpose; the first of which is
the preparation of the spirit for a future existence, and the
second is the propagation of new creatures for like purposes;
and when these objects have been accomplished, or when the
physical machine is worn out with age, the involuntary forfeiture occurs, and the creature passes out of its earthly existence.
But this inherent right to live may be violated.  Life may
be taken and destroyed without any useful or necessary
demand, and when this occurs among civilized men, it is met
with the Almighty law of retributive justice.   "An  eye for
an eve, and a tooth for a tooth."  " Thoso sheddeth man's
blood, by the hand of man shall his blood also be shed."
This is the Divine law, and it cannot be supposed that the
framers of the Declaration of American Independence intended
to ignore or abrogate it, when they declared that the right
to exist is inalienable in the human race. The philosophy of
American Republicanism, therefore, while it recognizes "life"
as one of the inalienable rights of man, admits also the exception, and takes the life of man under the voluntary forfeiture,
whenever the good of societv demands it.
PERSONAL LIBERTY is another "inalienable right," which
in the language of the Declaration of Independence pertains
to all men.  By this, I assume, is meant the liberty of conscience, the liberty of opinion on all subjects, and the free
exercise thereof, together with the unabridged right to speak,
proclaim, write, and publish whatever sentiments the individual
45 
46        A DEFENCE OF THE A,IERPICAX POLICY.
may  entertain, whether in politics, religidn, or ethics; the
responsibility of an improper and unjustifiable use, or abase
resting on the party who enjoys it. The word was employed
by the framers of the "Declaration," in a political sense, and
as the antipodes of popular submission to a tyrannical government. It is a reiteration of the vox populi, vox T~ei, or, in
other words, that by divine authority the voice of the people
should be made paramount in the government.
Liberty may be rational, or it may be licentious; and it
must not be denied that the broad use and interpretation of
the word has led thousands to misconstrue its legitimate
intent as applied by the fathers of the Rlepublic to civil and
religious freedom. It can never be supposed that in proclaiming Liberty as one of the inalienable rights of all men, the
Continental Congress meant to promulgate the idea that all
men possess the irrefiagable right to do as they please at all
times, and under all circumstances. A construction like that
would imply the absence of a necessity of all legal restraint,
and the consequent disjointure of the whole framework of
society.  Under such a theory there would be neither public
nor private safety. Chaos would usurp the place of order,
and  mankind,  from the very  instinct of self-preservation,
would be compelled to return to the feudal custom, each man
holding his possessions and his life by the sword.  Liberty to
this extent would be irrational, and would lead to the most
extravagant licentiousness.  It is apparent, therefore, that this
feature of our organic structure must be construed with such
qualification as will render it consistent with propriety antl
common sense. It must be construed in its most dignified 
INALIENABLE RIGHTS.
aspect, precisely as they intended to present it-as affording
to mankind the enjoyment of intellectual freedom, and political
and social equality to the extent of the capacity and adaptedness or fitness of the individual. In this aspect, Liberty
secures to all men the noblest and most precious boon that
human wisdom and benevolence can bestow upon the human
race. It is the liberty of the soul. It affords to man an
unrestrained opportunity to exercise the inalienable right of a
rational, thinking, responsible being, without accountability to
any  politico-religious  despotism,  whether  monarchical,  or
hierarchical.  His conscience is unf3ttered.  He is at liberty
to embrace the theology of nature, or the theology of revelation, according to his ability, his instinct, or his judgment,
holding himself responsible for his opinions to God and his
conscience alone. This is one of the great fruits of Liberty
as enunciated through the medium of American Republicanism.
But as the right of existence may be forfeited to the good
of society, so it is with the natural right to personal liberty
which God has conferred on all his creatures.  If this clause
in our national Bill of RPights were construed literally, societv
-wvould possess no moral or acknowledged power to restrain the
personal fieedom  of any man.  The thief, the burglar, and
the feion would go at lairge and commit their depredations
with impunity; the relations of mIaster and servant would
cease, and all wholesome authority would be at an end.  A
strict construction of this clause would cripple the resources
of human intellect and enterprise.   It would reverse the
maximni that "knowledge is power," because knowledge, in its
47 
48        A DEFENCE OF THE AMIERICAN POLICY.
true extent, is acquired by the comparative few, and without
legal restraint, the intelligent few would be overcome  and
held under subjection to the obtuse and ignorant many.
One of the most impressive lessons in nature is found in
that undeviating law which gives to mind the supremacy over
matter, and every violation of that law disturbs the harmony
and equilibrium of the intellectual world. Mian is but one in
the great family of animal creation, and being superior in intelligence, he brings all others into subjection.  The horse, the
ox, the dog, and even the physically powerful and sagacious
elephant, are all made subservient to the superior intelligence
of man, and he compels them all to contribute their material
resources to his convenience, comfort and safety.   Yet all
these are endowed by their Creator, intrinsically, with as perfect right to life and liberty as man himself.
Who gave to man authority to lasso the noble steed as he
bounds with the speed of the wind and the grace of the
antelope, over the fertile prairies and broad pampas, and
bind him down to a life of toil? Who authorized man to
entrap and enslave the majestic elephant?   Who  commlissioned man to place the galling yoke upon the neck of the
patient ox, and chainl him to the drudging plough?  Who, but
the Almighty dispenser of intelligences?   Who,  but God
himself? And does the prerogative of intelligence end here?
Is the animal, man, exempt from the operation of the universal law of nature? By no means. We see it demonstrated
in every phase of society-superior intelligences controlling
the inferior. We witness it in the relation of parent and
child, master and laborer, the officer and his soldiers, the cap 
INALIENABLE RIGHTS.
tain and his crew; the master and his slave.  It is visible in
the mere existence of the social classes, and palpable in the
diversified races of the hum-an family.  The higher the intelligeace, the nearer is the approach to civilization, and the
further from civilization, the less do we find developed the
faculty for self protection.   The  "Bushmen" of Southern
Afiica, for example, approach so near the brute in the scale
of intelligence as to be incapable of erecting even the rudest
shelter from the torrid sun. In the language of Governor
Janssens "the burning sky is their canopy and the scorching
sand their bed."
This characteristic argues not merely the want of education, but even an inferior instinct, to say nothing of reason,
because, with the possession of hands, the readiest instruments of construction, the simple law of self preservation
would suggest the erection of artificial shelter. One of these
men might, it is true, by coercion, be taught to erect a hovel,
precisely as a dog may be taught to dance, but it does not
follow from this that either the man or the dog could be
brought to understand the principles of civilized social government.   We  are constrained, in our reflection on these
truths, enunciated by divine authority, to confess, that the
framers of the Declaration of Independence never intended to
utter an absurdity so glaring as that which a strict literal
construction of their words would imply. Men are created
equal in all natural, social and political rights, and those
rights are to be enjoyed and exercised in proportion to the
natural social and Dolitical faculties of the individual. This
3
49 
50       A DEFENCE OF THE AMIERICAN POLICY.
is the inalienable right to liberty as set forth in the organic
charter of American Republicanism.
"THE PURSUIT OF HAPPINESS," in the words of the Declaration of Independence, is among the "inalienabie" rights of
man.  This sentiment may be construed literally, although
happiness, like knowledge, is sometimes pursued under difficulties —and it cannot be denied that it often outruns its
pursuers. Still the right of pursuit is inalienable-it cannot
be taken away, and the exercise of that right is universal.
The miser seeks it in his accumulating hoard-the bride sees
it in the perspective of domestic felicity-the prisoner in his
cell pursues it in the prospect of release, and the dying hope
for it in a future existence. But the declaration of this right
as here set forth, carries with it a broader, deeper and more
ennobling construction. It would be no less than a barbarous mockery to deprive a human being of all the elements
of happiness, and then say to him, "You have the right to
seek for happiness." It would be like binding a starving
man, placing a loaf of bread in full view, but beyond his
reach, and then saying to him, " Eat and be satisfied." The
spirit of our institutions recognizes not only the right to eat
of the loaf, but also the right to obtain it; the right to
possess, and the power  of consummating  that  right. It
implies that all men possess the right of employing their
talents, their energies, their judgment, and in fine, all their
natural powers, in the rational and legitimate pursuit of
happiness, and that government can possess no innate right
to shackle or restrain those functions in the individual.
HIence the pursuit of Happiness, in the full and intrinsic 
INALIENABLE RIGHTS.
meaning of the expression, is a cardinal feature of American
Republicanism, and it is so declared in contradistinction with
any system of government which restrains by arbitrary and
despotic acts, the individual resources of happiness in its
subjects or citizens.
51 
62  A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
CHAPTER V.
THE CHURCH AND THE STATE-THE SCIENCE OF RELIGION, AND THE SCIENCE
OF GOVERNMENT.
1I'll teach you how you shall arraign your conscience."
SHAKSPEARE.
TaE first article of the amendments to the Constitution of
the United States, provides as follows:
"Congress shall make  no law respecting  the establishment of
religion, or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or
the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the
government for a redress of grievances."'
This clause of the organic law of the United States, comprises within itself a limited charter of civil and religious
liberty. The rights of conscience, the right of free speech,
the right of petition and an unshackled press. A free press,
guided by patriotism and without licentiousness, is alone
and unaided, the most powerful and effectual auxiliary of
popular freedom, and when coupled with the popular right to
to read and discuss, it becomes invincible. Even despotism
itself fears to encounter the intellectual illumination of an
unfettered press. The natural instincts of man are freedom
of thought and action, and when those instincts are fed with 
RELA.TIONS OF THE CHU{CtIl AND TIHE STATE.
the nutritious aliment of intelligence, they are irrepressible..
They assert their prerogative, and woe to the tyrant who
stands in the way of their development! The despots of the
old world understand this truth, and hence the press is forbidden to publish, and the people are forbidden to read.
But the purpose of this chapter is not to deal with printing  presses or publishers.   Our  present theme is Religion
and Politics, the State and the Church.
Christianity, which we regard as the foundation of all true
religion, was in its original perfection a simple principle,
embracing the spiritual duties of man to his Creator, and to
himself. Christ himself paid complete deference to the State,
and commanded his disciples to observe implicit obedience to
the civil law, and its authors, notwithstanding the fact that
the law of that period, being in the main mythological, were
"F relu(nant to the laws of God."  This is not precisely consistent with the opinions expressed recently by Mr. Orestes A.
Brownson, editor -of the Roman Catholic "Review," in his
letter to a gentleman in Warrenton, N. C., but nevertheless
it is the doctrine of the founder of Christianity. In his letter
Mr. Brownson says:
The temporal order, or civil government, is not supreme and
independent, but in the very nature of things, subordinate to the
spiritual," and he adds, "the Pope is the proper authority to decide
for me whether the Constitution of this country is, or is not repugnant to the laws of God."
As a matter of course, if the Pope decides that it is repugnant to the laws of God, he, Mr. Brownson, and all good
63
4 
54       A DEFENCE OE THE AMERICAN POLICY.
Roman Catholics, would disobey them from a sense of religious duty.
It is a little singular that this gentleman, in the same letter,
makes use of the following ]anguage:
"In matters purely temporal, I, as a Catholic, owe no obedience to
the Pope, because he has received from Jesus Christ, no authority as
a temporal sovereign over me."
The Constitution of the United States is purely a temporal law, and being temporal, why then does Mr. Brownson
allow the Pope to decide for him upon its merits?
I say the Founder of Christianity taught us a different lesson.  When the chief priests and the scribes, jealous of his
growing popularity, resolved if possible to get him out of
the way, they sought to ensnare him by eliciting firom him,
some treasonable expression, like that of Mr. Brownson.
"And they watched him, and sent forth spies, which should feign
themselves just men, that they might deliver him into the power and
authority of the governor. And they asked him, saying, Master,
we know that thou sayest and teachest rightly, neither acceptest
thou the person of any, but teachest the way of God truly. Is it
lawful for us to give tribute unto Caesar or no?"
"But he perceived their craftiness, and said unto them,'Why
tempt ye me? Shew me a penny. Whose image and superscription
has it?' They answered and said,' Caesar's.' And he said unto them,
'Reander, therefore, unto Caesar the things which be Caesar's, and
unto God the things which be God's.' *
It is apparent from this, that Christ himself regarded the
temporal order supreme in temporal affairs, and that even
* St. Luke, chap. xx., verses 20, 21, 22, 28, 24, and 25. 
RELATIONS OF THE CHURCH AND THE STATE.
the Church must yield to the State.  This was the primitive
views of the Christian Church.  But MAr. Brownson makes it
a question of opinion between the founder of that Church
and himself.  The issue is direct and positive.  Let the world
decide between them.
So far firom the original Christian Church  holding, or
assuming to hold, supremacy over the temporal affairs of
nations, it was the subject of Jewishl and imperial persecution,
during more than three centuries after the death of Christ,
and it was not until the fourth century, that Christianity was
even recognized by the civil goverrinent.  It remained for
the papacy, after the conversion of Constantine, to declare its
own infallibility, and to usurp the temporalities of men and
nations.
The pretension asserted by Mr. Brownson in his letter,
which I have quoted above, is but a stereotyped edition of
the pretensions of the Church of which he is a member, from
the time of the first Gregory to the present.  But the pretension is one of human origin, and as such is entitled to no
consideration, especially since we find it refuted by the direct
teachings of Jesus Christ himself.
It is not the purpose of these remarks to question the
superior interests involved in the spiritual over the temporal
affairs of mankind, but rather to elevate, in the estimation
of men, the order of holiness above the turbid torrents of
political turpitude.   As the mental character of  man is
superior over his physical nature, so is pure religion above the
affairs of earthly estate.
But the elements of religion and the elements of national
5b 
56        A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
policy, comprise distinct natures and distinct attributes. The
one is purely spiritual; the other is half sordid, and every
attempt to combine the two elements into one, is certain to
lessen the spirituality of the one, without increasing that of
the other. Religion is reduced by this process, to a baser
standard, while the secular character remains umimproved,
and both the spiritual and the temporal interests of mankind
are jeopardized.  The first effect of a combination  of the
affairs of religion with -the affairs of State policy, is to restrain
the consciences of men, on the one hand, and to encourage,
on the other, a spirit of temporal aggrandizement in the
Church itself.  All attempts at this unnatural and irreligious
fusion have tended to the degredation of the church, at the
same time that they have imposed additional and unnecessary
restraints upon  the people.   Against  these  restraints the
natural instincts of man have rebelled; and at each revulsion, the Church has fallen in its dignity, and in its power
over the humun heart. Religion itself has been the sufferer
from first to last, and atheism, deism, and infidelity, of every
grade, have increased at a proportionate ratio.
These facts present a living, and incontrovertible argument
in favor of the principles laid dowa in the Constitution of the
United States, prohibiting the establishment of a national
religion, and  compelling  the complete  alienation of  the
Church and the State.   By  this wise provision, the State
stands aloof fiom sectarian controversy, and is firee to exercise
its temporal functions with calm and impartial deliberation
while at the same time the Church and the individual are
left to the untrammelled exercise of religious conscience. 
RELATIONS OF THE CHURCH AND THE STATE.
Politics, or the science of government, is a progressive
science. Theology, or the science of religion, is not so. From
the hour that first echoed the voice of Jesus of Nazareth in
the synagogues of Galilee to the present, the opinions of men
on the subject of the "true faith," have been as various as
the temperaments, and the shades of temperaments, in the
humanr mind. Schisms, dogmas, creeds, and sects have risen,
both before and since the establishment of the papacy, and
each as indefinite as the other, each as unsatisfactory in solution as the forms, canons, and ceremonies of the (so called)
mother Church. All that is known of religion in its intrinsic
character, is written and revealed in the great Book of Life,
and the most erudite commentators have failed to add a ray
of light to its pages, or a ray of intelligence to the benighted
mind. Speculation may wander through the interminable
labyrinths of theology, and end only in rendering the obscurity more obscure-the labyrinth more intricate. The science of theology, I repeat, with all its humanizing and civilizing influences, with all its religious tendencies, with all its
benefits to society, has developed no definite, or satisfactory
rule of faith to.mankind, beyond the revelations found in Holy
Writ, and the human mind is left as completely the prey to
speculative reason as in the era of the Gnostics and their contemporaneous heresies.
With all our scientific research in matters of religion, the
demonologist, he who believes in spiritual appearances as an
appendage of his religous faith, still claims a place for his
dogma, and theology with all her erudition, has never yet
annulled his claim, or satisfactorily refuted his theory. How
3*
57 
v,8      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
forcibly is this truth exemplified in the tenacious hold which
spiritualism," so called, has recently taken upon the minds
of many of our most learned, and conscientious people! Alas,
how little has the mere science of religion accomplished when
an Edmonds, or a Talmadge can be alienated in a moment,
as it were, firom the religious teachings of a life-time; and
brought to believe in the tangibility of spectral illusions, or
the manifestation of a spiritual presence by rappings upon a
table! How little has that science acccomplished towards
the establishment of an universal rule of faith, when thousands of intelligent men and women can be led by the mere
arithmetic of a visionary, crack-brained theorist, to dress
themselves in " ascension robes," and await, in religious confidence, the moment when they shall float in their corporeal
realities, away from a consuming and a condemned world, into
the regions of eternal glory!   How  little  has  theology
accomplished in its mission, when an audacious journeyman carpenter, like Matthias, can palm himself off as "The
Messiah," or an ignorant and besotted imposter, like Joe
Smith, can raise up, even in the very heart of Christendom, a
whole nation of believers in his absurd and impious doctrines!
Herein is the great secret of sustenance in the Romish
Church, and the influence which it exercises over its people.
Superstition is inherent in the human breast, and that superstition is the basis of man's religion, if not the religion itself.
Thus it is that theology, in its mission of holiness, fails to
accomplish its final purpose; thus it is that a mere fallacy,
when adapted to the superstitious predilections of the soul,
and adorned with mystery, sweeps away, in an instant, all the 
RELATIONS OF THE CHURCH AND THE STATE.
calmer attributes of reason and true religion, and leads the
heart of man captive, a very slave to the dominion of fanaticism.
That theology is speculative, is proven in the diversity of
dogmas that exist; most of them claiming to be emanations
firom the same fountain of light, the Old and the New Testament, and yet as opposite in their theories as the equator
from the poles. Religion itself is a simple principle, and its
science, theology, deals entirely with the attributes of divinity,
and the future of the individual man. But it has failed to
establish a fixed and perfect plan upon which the simple
principle may be concentrated.
Politics, or the science of secular government, is also
founded upon a simple principle; but instead of applying to
divinity or the future, it applies solely to the present interests
of man.  This also has been a speculative science, but it is so
no longer.  The experiment of the American Republic in its
intrinsic character, has abolished all doubt, and settled all
speculation. It has been proven, by this experiment, that the
American system is the true, and the only true system of
civil government on earth, and the solution of the problem
is accepted and acknowledged by every civilized people on
the face of the globe. The fact that they have not all
adopted it, is only an evidence of their present inability to do
so. The theory once settled, the problem once solved and
admitted, its universal adoption, is only a question of time and
opportunity.
While theology has been searching in vain for a universal
rule of religious faith, the fruits of progressive improvement
69 
60       A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
in the science of civil government have been revealed on
every hand, from the rude days of Romulus, with his augers,
and his canine foster-mother, down to the adoption of the
Constitution of the United States. Politics, aided by Christianity, each operating in its respective sphere, and each
exerting its appropriate influence on the mental and moral
faculties, has done that for civilization, which religion alone
could never have accomplished. Religion, in its primitive
character, is found wherever man makes his habitation.  It is
not so with the science of civil government, and where the
latter is not studied, barbarism still holds its sway.
There are instances, as with the Chinese, for example, where
the science of civil government has been in constant warfare
with the local religion, yet in despite of the obstacles thrown
in its way by the barbarous tendencies of the latter, the land
of Confucius has maintained its onward march towards civilization. What can be more degrading and stupefying to the
intellect of man, than the Pagan idolatry of the Chinese.
In religion, they have not advanced a single step beyond the
most primitive ideas, and with all their boasted antiquity, they
are still on a par with the fetichi of Africa. Yet, from the
inherent force and rigor of a judicious civil government,
China surpasses, in many of the arts of civilization, all other
nations of the earth. Literature and the physical sciences
are cultivated and enforced, and industry, law, and order
prevail among her idolatrous people. Hier religion alone has
been the great barrier to her progress. With the light of
Christianity, and freedom of conscience among her people,
China would, at almost any period of her history, have stood 
RELATION'S OF THE CIItURCH AND TIIE STATE.
in the front rank of civilized nations, and wielded an influence second to none.
The language of the Constitution of the United States
implies, and the practical experience of the nation proves,
that religion, however essential as a regulator of the public
morals, is not a necessary adjiunct to the success of civil government.   On  the contrary, we have seen that religion,
intrinsically understood, may retard the progress of knowledge and civilization, and Swhen made a component of the government, through  the instrumentality of the Church, it
becomes the absolute foe of civil libertv.  Witness Galileo
in his cell, and the hostility of religious dogmas to the discoveries of Copernicus! Wisely, then, I repeat, the founders
of the American Republic devoted their government to the
secular necesities of the people, leaving to the Church and to
individual judgment and conscience the guardianship of the
spiritual interests.  This is one of the prominent peculiarities
of American Republicanism, as it is undoubtedly the most
conservative element of the popular liberty.
If religion was to form a feature of authority in the
government, we should have innumerable creeds, sects, and
dogmas contesting for the prerogative, and the intellect of the
nation would be occupied in disputes over the pretensions of
the various claimants, each of which would assume to represent the "true faith."  There would be the Roman Catholic, arguing the antiquity of his church, the infallibility of the
popes, the doctrine of transubstantiation, mass, auricular confession, purgatory, winking Madonnas, and Lhe miraculous
conception; the Episcopalian, with his three orders of the
61
0 
62        A DEFEX'CE OF TI'E AMEItlCAN POLICY.
ministry; the Puseyite, who hangs suspended like the coffin
of Mohammed, between Episcopacy and Papacy; the Presbyterian, with his republican system, and no bishop; the Methodist, with his enthusiasm in the cause of religion; the
Baptist, with his doctrine of immersion, his close communion,
and his improved Bible; thie Mormon, with his polygamy,
and his golden Bible; the Universalist, disputing the doctrine
of future torment; the Unitarian, with his single godhead;
the Calvinist, the Lutheran, Old lights and New lights; the
Jew, and even the Pagan, whose followers are now peopling
the western coast of the Union, from the "Celestial Empire,"
each and all demanding precedence-each avowing for itself
the sanction of divine approval, and each alike zealous in
preferring his claim to the prerogative of controlling the
affairs of the nation.
Who would decide a question so intricate? Since the
days of Roger Williams, we have recognized the principle
that man is accountable only to God and his conscience, for
his religious opinions, so that if he act up to his conscience,
we have no right to question the correctness of his faith.
Congress cannot interfere in the matter, and if we leave it to
the people to decide by their votes, the platform of our
firiends, the Methodists, would undoubtedly carry a plurality
over that of any other sect. It is undeniable that the Methodists, as a class, are as intelligent, liberal, law-abiding, and
patriotic as any other class of citizens, yet which of the
remaining churches would consent to become the subjects of
the Wesleyan system?
Or we may suppose the democratic plan to be adopted, 
RELATIONS OF THE CIIUcCH AND THE STATE.
and a majority of votes made necessary to a choice of the
national reliogion.  -Vhat a warring  of sects we should witness!  WVhat  mining  and  countermhifing!   \Vhat  "pipelaying!"    Vlhat  fusion  of  opposing  elements!   What
un-Christian bitterness and  rancor -tearing and perhIalps
swearing among the professions -the alb, the surplice, and
the broadbrim in open war!  The hostility of political parties
would sink into insig'nificalce in coniparison with this battle
of the creeds. The satellites of the Pope, instead of making
instruments of our political demagogues to accomplish their
ends, would take the field in person, and fight under their
own flag, and your Sewards and Weeds, your Greeleys and
Van Burens, would be supplanted and overwhelmed by the
dogmatic armies of a Hughes, a Beecher, or a Tynlg.  And
these men would show no quarter, because, from the nature
of the elements involved, no contests are  so vindictive as
those founded on religious sentiment-no foe so unsparing
as the sectarian who fights for his faith.
Thank Heaven no such contest can occur in our land, so
long as our institutions of civil and religious freedom are
maintained intact, pure and uncontaminated, as they came
to us from the far-seeing minds of the fathers of the Republic. And those institutions can be kept inviolate only by a
total alienation of religion from politics-the Church from
the State.
63 
64        A DEFEECE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
CHAPTER VI.
ROMISH PRIESTS AND AMERICAN POLITICIANS-THE CHURCH POLITICAL.
" But then I sigh, and, with a piece of scripture,
Tell them, that God bids us do good for evil.
And thus I clothe my naked villany
With old odd ends, stol'n forth of holy writ;
And seem a saint, when most I play the devil."
SHAKSPEARE.
"The power which Christ has granted to the Church, is twofold; being spiritual and temporal."
POPE BONIFACE VIII.
IF we analyze this subject closely, we may discover a peculiar force and point in the phraseology of the Constitution,
as quoted in the preceding chapter.   It will be perceived
that the Constitution forbids Congress to pass any laws for the
establishment of religion. This phrase covers the ground
intended more completely than if it had used the words a
national Church, instead of the simnple and comprehensive
word religion, because, whatever may be the association of
ideas in this connection, the Church is one thing, and religion
another. Religion sometimes, has but little to do with the
Church, and it frequently occurs that the Church has less to
do with religion. I mean the religion of Christ. What is the 
THE CHURCH POLITICAL.
Church of Rome, for example, but a budget of mechanical
and ostentatious formis and ceremonies, and a promoter of
ignorance and low superstition? I find nothing of religion in
the jugglery that first stifles intelligence, and then compels its
illiterate dupes to believe that the figure of a woman painted
on canvas, can, and does exhibit signs of physical life, as the
so-called "Winking Virgin," or that a dry thorn will emit
drops of blood, on the anniversary of the crucifixion. These
are a part of the machinery of the Romani Catholic Church,
and they are but two instances in a catalogue of thousands
of like absurdity. And what are they but villainous inventions, by which a few men hope to control the political
interests, and temporal destinies of the whole earth?  The
intellect of man, when permitted to have full play, revolts at
them, spurns them, despises them. When the mind is sufficiently enlightened to see through their web, it finds in them
not only the vilest hypocrisy, but an absolute sacrilege, and an
insult to the natural intelligence of the human race. And
this is the Church which Mr. Orestes A  Brownson tells us, is
to decide whether the Constitution of the United States is to
be obeyed by him, or not; whether it is "in conformity with
the laws of God!"
This doctrine mlay have answered before the Reformation,
and it may answer now in such of the papal States as have
not yet opened their eyes, or even in Brazil, Portugal, Spain,
MIexico, or South America, where priestcraft still holds sway
over reason, but it will not answer in thie United States of
North America.  It cannot serve their purposes here, where
free schools, schools free from sectarianism or bigotry, send forth
65 
66   A DEFENCE OF'iAil. A-IIRIOAN POLiOY.
their streams of intelligence throiugh millions of channels, with out money, and without price. This Church thrives best, too,
with" men of inferior minds.  The bold and vigorous intellect
ofl the Anglo Saxon race, though it has, from the force of cir      cumstances, been compelled, at times, to recognize its present
supremacy, has never, in heart, endorsed its pretensions, or its
dogmas.  And thus it has been, and is now, with the more
perfect intellects of every people, who have received its hypocritical trusts.  I can realize no spectacle more humiliating
than  that of the Anglo  Saxoni  who  permits  himself  to
become its dupe, and its instrument.
The open and virulent attacks made by the RIIomish Church
upon our free school system, affords a living evidence of the
fact, that the Church fears the influence of education amnong
the masses of the people, and the partial success which has
attended those attacks, attests the venality of those political
leaders who have yielded to its pretensions and demands.
Such men are unworthy to hold and direct the destinies of
the American people. They are like the general who, for a
temporary policy, would yield to his enemy a point of vantage, which, at the next engagement, would command the
field. They are either bad managers or traitors, but in either
case, unworthy the confidence of the people, and they should
be so regarded and so treated. The popular suffrage should
never be squandered a second time on any man, who, for the
purpose of his party or his person, or for any purpose whatever, has encouraged influences hostile to our institutions, or
detrimental to the future welfare of the Republic. Such men
as William H. Seward, who, when governor of the State of 
THE CHURCH POLITICAL.
New York, attempted to prostitute our system of public education to the behests of Bishop Hiughes and the  Roman
Catholic Church,  and who  would  have taken away  the
moneys contributed by Protestants for literary purposes
solely, and given those moneys for the support of schools in
which anti-republican and sectarian sentiments were to be
inculcated, and foreign languages spoken and taught.* Such
men as Thurlow Weed, who aided and abetted the schemes
of Mr. Seward; such men as Horace Greeley, who delights
only in metaphysics and abstractions-a man of theory without
judgment-a child of impulse, who lives in dream-land, and
knows no realities, no people, no country.  Such men  as
Stephen A. Douglas, who, through the force of his political
position, in a mistaken effort to attain popularity, plunges the
nation in discord; these, and many others that could be enumerated, are alike unworthy the confidence and support of a free
and enlightened people. Whatever may be their professions or
pretensions; whatever their political creed, whether Democrat, Whig, or Native American; whatever their school of
philosophy, or their talents and powers of sophistical reasonig, never trust them again.  Never should they be made
the keepers of either our conscience, our political opinions, or
* Governor Seward, in his message to the Legislature of New York, dated January 7,1840, made the following recommendation:
"I do not hesitate, therefore, to recommend the establishment of schools in
which they (the children of foreigners) Stay be instructede by teachers speaking
the same language with themselves, and professing the samefaith."
And in a letter to Bishop Hughes, dated at Albany, May 18th, 1841, he adds the
following declaration:
"I reaffirm all I have before promulgated concerning the policy of this country
in regard to foreigners, and the education of their children."
67 
68        A DEFENCE OF TIIE AMERICAN POLICY.
our national destinies.  Let them be repudiated from Maine
to California, via Texas and New Mexico, and back again
from Oregon through Kansas and Minnesota to the place of
beginning.
But I am rambling.  As one of the people, I write for the
people.  I am one of the millions who have too long allowed
a few men to do their political thinking for them. I have
determined to think for myself, read for myself, and, as far as
I can, to understand for myself, free from the dictation of any
party or faction, and I believe it would be better for civil and
religious liberty if all my countrymen would "go and do
likewise." We have all been too long harnessed in the party
traces of a few designing  men, and we have allowed them to
rule over us until our union and our free institutions have
been brought to the very verge of annihilation-another step,
and we plunge into the abyss of anarchy and national chaos!
Too long we have worshipped "hickory poles" and "hard
cider "-too long have the ambitious leaders of party thrown
in our eyes the dust of "tariff" and "free trade," "bank" or
"no bank," "slavery" or "mnlti-slavery," till we have been
blinded to the trust which our honest old grandfathers left to
us, and our dearest interests have been made the subjects of
bargain and sale. The patriarchs of the nation left us the
inheritance of temporal and spiritual frieedom, with the Jioly
Bible and the Constitution for our guides.   The one is now
sacrilegiously desecrated, and the other is trampled under
foot; the Bible is thrown from our schools at the dictation of
Romish priests, and the Constitution is violated and ignored
by the public enactment of fanatical legislation. 
THE CHURCH POLITICAL.
One of the surest guarantees of permanent nationalitv is
the perfect homogeneousness of the people.  It is, therefore,
an iimpo,itant duty on the part of the statesman, to encourage
all that pertains to unity of character and custom, and to discountenance every influence that tends to produce the opposite result. This duty is the more imperative in the United
States, where the conflict of individual character and custom
is kept so constantly active by an unceasing and multifarious
emigration.   The course recommended  by Governor  Seward, instead of lessening, would increase this heterogeneous
element by encouraging foreign languages and customs
among the emigrants.   Instead of forcing them into our
body politic, and enforcing a unity of interest and feeling by
instruction in the language and customs of America, Mr.
Seward would encourage social antagonisms and multiplied
nationalities within the American circle. A stronger evidence of his incapacity as a statesman could not exist.
Again, in the same paragraph of his message, he recommends that in schools supported at the public expense, the
children of foreigners should  be ta,tyht by persons of the
sarze'eliclioitsf/ith.   This would be neither more nor less
than the establishment of sectarian schools at the expense of
the people. In this Mr. Seward distinctly violates two well
understood principles of the American Republican system,
thus again proving his unfitness for the responsible trusts
reposed in him by his party. The first principle violated is,
that the State shall not interpose in matters of religion among
the people, or give encouragement to sectarians; and the
second is, that no one religious sect shall be required to pay
69 
* 0     A nDEFEXE  (,. Ad-.:;iTA',POLICY.
tribute to others-both of which would occur if Mr. Seward's
recommendation was carried ii to effect.
Mr. Seward passes for a man of talent; he is regarded by
some of his worshippers as an American  Talleyrand.  Yet
among all his public acts it is difficult to find one that bears
the mark of utility either to the nation or to his native State,
or that would elevate his standard of statesmanship above
that of a scheming partisan.  He has achieved, in his public
career, a noto2-iety, but no fame, and the future will look back
upon his history only as upon a disagreeable reminiscence.
But to return again.
The masses of those who are "born Catholics," and reared
in its despotic faith, are scrupulously religious, so far as the
teachings of their Church is capable of imparting religious
sentiments-in other words, they are what is generally denomrinated "good Catholics."   They sincerely believe in transubstantiation, so far as they are able to understand it, but
generally  without  understanding  it  all.   They  sincerely
believe that auricular confession is necessary for salvation,
and that their priests have power to save them from damnation, and vice versa.  They sincerely believe that all who are
not of their Church are heretics, and that heresy and dainnation are identical;  hence, when  opportunity offers, they
believe it would be a righteous act, and doing God service, to
exterminate the disbelievers from the face of the earth. They
sincerely believe all the jugglery of pretended miracles,
panlmed upon them by a crafty priesthood, as real evidences
of the divine presence.   They sincerely believe that learning
is a prerogative of the clergy, and that ignorant, passive sub 
THE CIEnaCH POLITICAL.
mission to clerical comman-ds is the first duty of the laity.
These things the masses believe, because they are trained in
fear to believe nothiing to the contrary, and thus far they are
scrupulously religious.  But in the hierarchy itself we find,
at the best, only a hybrid, a politico-religious institution,
with a large preponderance of the politica element in its
composition.
At this day, in the States under the direct control of the
papacy, it is a capital offence against the State to read the
Scriptures, or discuss the topics of religion. Either of these
offences are characterized, not as a heresy merely, not only
as an offence against religion, but as treas,on to the governmzent, a violation of the civil law, and as such it is punished.
Yet this Church, relying on the "profligacy of our politicians,"
has f-eely declared its intention (being an alien), to substitute
the mitre for our liberty cap, and blend the crozier with the
stripes and stars   " The jewels of Isabella the Catholic,"said
Bishop Hughes, "would be an appropriate ornament for the
sword of Washington!"
It is not tle purpose of this volume to recapitulate the historical proofs of the political character of the Romish Church,
nor to review in detail the evidences of its despotic nature.
They are to be found in a thousand authentic works already
within reach of every reader.  It is sufficient for us to know:
I. That the Church is a political government, claiming temporal authority over every nation and people of the earth.
II. That it is now striving directly, to establish its temporal or political power in these United States, and
71 
2    A DEFENCE OF TIlE AMZE"i CcX  POLICY.
III. That its form of governmuent is diametrically opposed
to the genius of American RPepublicanis-m.
In proof of the first, very brief quotations from the autliorities of the Church itself will suffice, aud, doubtless, be more
satisfactory than any other evidence that can be produced
Setting aside the political andl despotic acts of the Churieh,
which, of themselves, comprise miconitestible proofs of its political character, I shall confine myself to extracts from the
decrees of her councils, and the declarations of her writers.
As early as the tenth century, dluring the reign of Pope John
XII., the Council of Bishops decreed as folbilows:
'- Whoever shall venture to maintain that our Lord the Pope cannot decree what he pleases, let him be accurst!'
This is a declaration of universal authority in the head of
the Church.  It has no limit.  It comprehends no legal, social,
intellectual or moral restraint. It makes no allowance for
human frailty. It sweeps away all the forms and amenities
of social life. It invades all the elements of life. It strikes
alike at the individual, the community, and the nation, in all
their relations, moral and political, and converts a nan into a
god. In connection with this decree, we have the declaration
of one of the soundest of Romish authors, the Cardinal Zeba,
+-vho informs us thlat;
"The Pope can do all things which he wishes, and is empowered
by God to do many things which he (God) himself cannot perform!"
It is apparent that if we adopt this infatuated view, there is 
POLITICAL CLAIMS OF THE CHURCH.
little necessity of a god in controlling the affairs of earth.
If the Pope can do -lwhat God cannot do, the supreme charac   ter and attributes of deity are no better than a fifth wheel to
a stage coalch.  Protestants are educated to the belief that
God is suprein, and that no mere man is fit to be his legate.
When he found it necessary to send a representative to curb
the waywardness of erring man, and point out the way to sal  vation, he sent not a Pop)e, but his only begotten son, the
Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ, whose counsel and example
have been so sadly forgotten and ignored by those who are
impiously styled his "vicegerents on earth," the Popes of
Rome.
Next we have a decree issued by the Council of Bishops,
4 during the reign of Pope Gregory VII., as early as the
eleventh century, in which it is declared that
"The Pope alone ought to wear the tokens of imperial dignity;
all princes ought to kiss his feet; he has power to depose emperors
and kings, and is to be judged by none."
The bloody pages of history attest the fact that hlie not
only had the power to depose emperors and kings, but that
he also exercised that power. Let us beware that he does
not get the power to depose presidents as well as emperors
and kings.   The passage here quoted relates not in any
shape to religion-it claims solely temporal qualificationspolitical authority. It invests him with earthly gewgawsthe "tokens of imperial dignity."  It places him in a political
aspect, above all governments, all social forms, and finally, it
4
73 
4   A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
declares that he is to be judged by no tribunal.   His earthly
character and person are alike above thie law, and exempt
from the verdicts of human  opinion.  IHis acts are made
supreme, and his commands are to be the guides for all men,
all communities, all governments.  American Republicanism
inculcates the opposite notion. It is opposed to the one-man
power.
But let us continue our quotations a little further on this
head.  Thomas Aquinas, another of the oft-quoted authorities of this Church, tells us that "The Pope, as sup7eme king
of the world,' may impose taxes, and destroy towns and
castles," &c., &c.
Add to this the decree of the celebrated Council of Trent,
and we have sufficient of ancient authority to establish the
political character of the Church of Rome. In that council,
whose ordinances have ever since been held as the complete
rule of Romish faith, it was decreed that "The Pope is
prince over all nations and kingdoms, having power to pluck
up, destroy, scatter, ruin, plant and build!"
After these authorities, it remains only to show that the
same views are entertained at the present day. And to do
this I will quote a single paragraph from a paper called the
Freeman's Journal, the avowed organ of the Church in the
State of New Yorkl, and edited by a Mr. McMAasters, a native
of New York, born of Protestant parents, but converted to
the Romish theory of government. In one of his numbers,
published in 1853, he says:
"The Pope of Rome has supreme authority over every diocese,
and over every square foot of surface on this globe. His rights are 
KINGS AND EMPERORS DEPOSED.
circumscribed only by the ends of the earth and the consummation
of ages."
This, it is true, is a mere echo-a parrot-like reiteration of
the sayings and doings of wiser men; but inasmuch as its
authenticity is not denied by the heads of the Church, we
must regard it as official, therefore, as the doctrine of the
Church at the present day.
The "Church' claims through its hierachy to be infallible;
that it is the same in all time; and hence, what it was in the
eighth cenltury, when the the emperor of the Greeks, Philippicus Bardanes, was excommunicated and deposed for refusing
to sanction the worship of images, it is now. Pope Pius IX.,
the present pontiff, reigning in the 19th century, claims the
same attributes, by divine right, that were claimed by, and
conceded to, the first Gregory, and by every intermediate
occupant of the papal chair.   In proof of this, I quote a
passage from the coronation address, delivered on his receiving
the triple crown. It is in the following words:
"Receive the tiara of three crowns, and remember that thou
art the father of princes, and guide of kings upon the earth, the
Vicar of our Saviour Jesus Christ, to whom be honor, and glory, for
ever and ever, amen."
Under this authority, Hienry IV., Emperor of Germany,
was excommunicated, persecuted, and finally driven from his
throne. Leo, the Isandrian, was excommunicated, his empire
dismembered, and his Italian subjects absolved of their allegiance, and the same treatment was suffered by his son, the
Emperor Constantine. Leo IV. was incapacitated by poison,
75 
A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
and his edicts against image worship annulled. Childric, of
France, was deposed by an order from the Pope, and Pepin,
an usurper, placed upon his throne. Basilaus II., king of
Poland, was deposed and excommunicated. Alphonso X.,
king of Gallicia and Leon was excommunicated and anathematized, for marrying without the papal consent. John, king
of England, was interdicted by Innocent III., for refusing
certain concessions demanded by the Pope. All places of
worship in his kingdom were closed for three years, and the
dead were buried in the highways like brutes. Still refusing
concession, hlie was excommunicated, his subjects absolved of
their allegiance, and he deposed. Philip, duke of Suabia,
was excommunicated, and the claims of Otlo, his antagonist, preferred by the Pope. Otho, who became emperor
of Germany, was subsequently himself deposed by the
same hand, and Frederic II., his pupil, placed on his
throne. Frederic II. was also in turn persecuted, and finally
driven from the throne. Philip, king of France, for refusing
to recognize the assumed temporal power of the Pope, was
excommunicated, but by firmness and force of arms, maintained
his throne. Henry III., of England, was excommunicated,
and an edict issued by the Pope, absolving his subjects, and
deposing him from the throne. Elizabeth, of England, was
the subject of the papal anathema, on account of her Pro testant faith, and a bull, deposing her from the throne, was
issued by Pope Pius V. Henry III., of France, was assassi nated by order of the Pope, on account of his Protestant
faith.  His successor, Henry IV., met a similar fate for the
like reason. Prior to the accession of James I. of England,
76 
TIIE CHURCH UNCIHANGABLE.
he being a Protestant, Pope Clement IX. issued a bull commanding all Romanists in the kingdom to use their utmost to
keep him from the throne. It was during the reign of this
monarch that the celebrated "gunpowder plot" was detected.
The treaties made by Charles VI., emperor of Germany, with
the Protestant princes of his empire, were annulled by an
edict from Pope Clement XI., and his subjects absolved from
obedience of them.
These are some of the prominent acts of the papacy in its
exercise of the temporal or political power by divine authority.
It will be seen that they extend over a period of a thousand
years, and they have been withheld during the present, and a
portion of the past century, only in consequence of the
increased power of Protestantism, and the relative decrease
of the papal power. In the papal States, and all countries
avowedly Roman Catholic, the same authority in temporal
affairs is held, and in some of them, still conceded. Even in
the United States, a nuncio of the present Pope has dared to
declare invalid a sovereign State statute, and commanded his
people to disobey that statute! I allude to the papal edict
against the trustees of the "St. Louis congregation"  at
Buffalo.  Not long since, the Congress of New Granada, in
South America, were anathematized on account of one of
their political acts, and at this moment the Spanish Cortes
and sovereign are the subjects of papal denunciation, in consequence of a law, recently passed, in relation to the tenure
of Church property. Thus much, I have deemed it necessary
and proper to mention in illustration of the political character
of the papal Church.
)I),
. I 
78  A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
CHIAPTER VII.
PAPAL ASPIRATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES.
"You shall see anon;'tis a knavish piece of work."
SHAKSPEARE.
"While you here do snoring lie
Open ey'd conspiracy
His time doth take;
If of life you keep a care,
Shake off slumber, and beware:
Awake!  Awake 1'
IBID.
I PASS now to the second feature, viz., that the Church "is
striving,  directly, to establish its temporal or political power
in these United States.'" The evidence on this head must, of
necessity, be mainly presumptive, or circumstantial.  Jesuitism, the principal workling element of the Church, especially
in the department of the propagandi, does not openly declare,
or makle known its projects and purposes, until it is morally
certain that all the rudiments of success have been perfected,
and that a consummation is sure. The presumptive evidence
is, however, in overt acts, which amount nearly to absolute
proof, and in the occasional, or casual expressions of their
authorized  speakers  and  writers.   When  those acts  ana
expressions are of such a nature as to bring conviction to the 
INTENTION OF THE PAPACY
general mind, or to the observant spectator, we have a right
to presume an intent. For example: when a bishop of the
Church declares, that it is the intention of the papacy to convert the President of the United States, the Senate, and House
of Representatives, the Judiciary, the Legislatures of the several States, the officers of the Army and the Navy, and in fact
the whole people of the United States, to the Roman Catholic
Church, his meaning becomes too apparent to be misunderstood. It is the same as if he should say, " It is the intention
of the papacy to secure the government of this country," or
"It is the intention of the papacy to bring  this country
under the Roman Catholic dictation," because, nobody will be
foolish enough to believe that when Bishop Hughes made
that declaration, he intended to be understood as saying that
the persons named would become converts to the Roman
Catholic faith. His meaning was plainly this: It is the intention, and the expectation of the papacy, to obtain by immigration and annexation, and by its influence over the demagogues
of the country, sufficient political power and influence to control its laws, and shape them to the purposes of the Roman
Catholic party; thus converting it into a papal nation and
government.
This purpose was so plain thirty yealrs ago, that it did not
escape the observation of the Duke of Richmond, at that
time Governor of the Canadas, and the duke did not hesitate
to express his views on the subject, from which I make a
single brief extract. Speaking of the probable subversion of
the institutions of the United States, the duke used the following language:
79 
80       A DEFEONCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
" The Church of Rome has a design upon that country, and it will
in time be the established religion, and will aid in the destruction of
that Republic. I have conversed with many of the sovereigns and
princes of Europe, particularly with George III, and Louis XVIII.,
and they have unanimously expressed these opinions relative to the
government of the United Statgs."
I The course of Jesuitism is so subtle and insidious; it performs its work by such slow, and almost imperceptible
degrees, that the people most directly interested, the Americans, are the last to take the alarm. Each change that is
made in our old Protestant system and customs, towards the
papal intention is so slight as to attract no particular notice,
the more especially as the changes are made ostensibly under
the sanction of one or the other of the political parties; and
as each party has vied with its opponent in efforts to secure
the Roman Catholic vote, neither has ventured to expose the
encroachment when it has been made by the other; hence we
have not realized the amount of progress actually made. But
if we look back, and contemplate the aggregate of those
changes, and draw a comparison of the past with the present,
the extent of Roman Catholic encroachments become palpable and startling.
When the Republic was established, Romanism could
scarcely be said to have had an existence in the land. Certainly, it had no influence-it made no pretensions-it was
modest, humble, solicitous.  As a religion, it took its place
side by side with Protestent creeds, scarce visible in the preponderating numbers of surrounding churches. A Romish
priest could not be recognized by his attire and demeanor, 
GROWTH OF TIIE PAPAL POWER.
from his Protestant neighbor. The external forms and ceremonies of the Church were humbly kept from view, and the
whole demeanor of priest and laymen was that of unostentatious Christianity.
But what a change has taken place in the demeanor, and the
numerical power of that Church, since the foundation of the
Republic!* Its humility has been changed to defiant audacity;
a bold, commanding ostentation has taken the place of its
retiring simplicity. It builds its nunneries, its Jesuit colleges,
its churches, in every nook and corner of the land, and it
consecrates them in all the pomp and formulae of its ancient
pride, surrounded by the drawn swords and bayonets of its
martial legions, who are organized, commissioned and armed
as a part of the militia of the State. It baptizes its bells amid
superstitious trappings and ceremonies adapted to the palmiest days of its benumbing power. It holds its councils of
bishops who issue their edicts in conformity with the despotic
character of its government. It sends its nuncio to decide
a controversy between a bishop and his congregation, and the
nuncio decides against the people, and in violation of the law
of the land, and the principles of Republicanism.  It tampers
with our public men and our public policy, and has already,
in most of the States, erased from their constitutions, that
oonservative feature which prevented clerical interference in
political affairs. It has perverted legitimate and authentic
history whenever that history portrayed its own enormities.
It has driven the Word of God from many of our public and
district schools.   It has obtained the contraol of our post
* See Chapter X. of this work.
4*
81 
82       A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
office department, and secured the chief-justice of the
United  States.  It has increased  numerically, from  comparatively nothing, to about four naillions, and now, self-confident, it claims to possess a controlling political influence in
the affairs of the country.
These are the presumptive evidences of its intention to
establish its political power in the United States. But we
have more than presumptive evidence.  We have  the proof
positive in the declaration of its own writers. In the month
of July, 1852, before the public mind had been awakened to
the  RPomish  encroachments,  and when the hierarchy was
flushed with success, and confident of accomplishing a full
and speedy triumph, the Freem)an's Journal, a Roman
Catholic publication, to which I have before alluded, was
permitted, by its censors, to utter the following declaration:
"Our country has started forth with a beautiful fabric of institutions, and political framework. We have lived to see the existence
of these threatened, and to hear grave men predict their speedy fall.
We have lived to see desperate corruption in our leading statesmen,
and heedless, fickle passion swaying the crowds that give statesmen
their popularity.  Btt it is at this moment that the Catholic Chuzrch,
not only in the view of the prescient and philosophers, but to the
consciousness of all who have eyes, stands forth, as we have said,
the only living organization, which, professing to guide men frem
a principle above the interests of the hour, holds millions of souls in
her grasp, and fearlessly directs them, and with unerring aim, to
the course that high duty and the true good of the country demands.
e    *         *          *         *         *
"4 The great conservative and living principles of our civil and
political institutions ARE HENCEFORTH TO BE IDENTIFIED PECULIARLY 
THE PEOPLE AROUSED.
WITHI THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND ITS FRIENDS.  Every year that rolls
by will make this fact more clear, and will develop its consequences
more fully."
In this we find more than a declaration of the intentions
of the Church; it is the self-confident boast of an adversary
who imaginles that he has at length inflicted the death-blow,
from the effects of which his opponent must speedily yield up
the ghost.   He believes the plans of the Jesuits have been so
far successful, as to give his party an actual, preponderating
influence from which it is impossible for the country to
escape, and then he triumphantly proclaims that henceforth
the civil and political institutions of the United States are to
be controlled by the policy of the Roman Catholic Church!
He is ready to exclaim, in the words of Hotspur: "By the
Lord, our plot is a good plot as ever was laid; our friends
are true and constant; a good plot, good friends, and full of
expectation."
In this case, Mr. McMasters "whistled before he was out
of the wood." Romanism is not yet at the helm of American
affairs. At the time when he wrote the paragraph quoted
above, the condition of our public affairs certainly seemed to
favor his opinion, and had the old party organizations held
their respective positions and influence, it is difficult to conjecture how far the declaration might have been carried out.
But it was ordained otherwise.  At the very moment when
this boastful shout of papal triumph was uttered, there was a
patriotic influence at work, as subtle and invisible as his own
nefarious enginery.  It knocked at the hearts of the people
when the partisan demagogues were asleep, and those hearts
83 
84       A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
were opened to it. It spoke to them in the language of home
and countr1/, and they listened.  It pointed out the encroachments of the papal power, the corruptions of public men, the
dangers that beset their free institutions, and they were convinced. Their eyes were opened. It called on them in the
name of LIBERTY, and they sprang up to the rescue. They
came forth like an army with banners; they tore the faithless
and corrupt political parties to pieces, and scattered the fragments to the four winds of heaven. They met the Jesuit in
his subterranean mine, and under the starry folds of their
country's banner, they swore to be no longer the slave of the
demagogue!  WVith a single purpose, and with hearts sternly
resolute, they gathered around the altars of Liberty, rekindled
the expiring embers of patriotism, and with one voice, resolved that the insidious power of the Jesuit should be no
more in the land; that the stranger within their gates should
not become their master, and that AMERICANS ALONE SHOULD
BE THE RULERS OF AMERICA.
But I have yet another and more absolute avowal of the
views of the Romish Church, in regard to our institutions,
and its aspirations in this country. It is from the pen of Mr.
Brownson, and appears in his Review. I am fully aware
that Mr. Brownson, owing to the freedom of his expressions,
the plain, straight-forward manner in which he lays bare the
character and intentions of his Church, and also to the fact
that he has exhibited an extraordinary versatility of political
and religious talent, has come to be regarded as of little or no
authority on these subjects; and many reject his declarations
in toto, as the offsprings of a diseased mind.   These circum 
MR. BROWNSOwNS AUTHORITY.
stances would have as great weight with me as with the
most skeptical of his disclaimers, and I should be as ready as
any to denounce him as a fool, a fanatic, or a madman, were
it not for the fact that among those who characterize his
writings as the ravings of a lunatic, we do not find one of the
lights of the Church, and the further and more important
fact, that his most ultra and "insane" sayings are in strict
conformity with the ancient canons, and the invariable practice of the Church. If his writings were not orthodox, the
bishops, in whose hands are entrusted the interest and character of the Church itself; would undoubtedly be, as they
should, the first to rebuke his misstatements, and silence his
pen.  But this is not done.  On the contrary, his statements
his speculations, his arguments in favor of. the  temporal
authority of the Church, his anti-republican notions, his asseverations that it is the intention of the papacy to control the
destinies of this country, in a word, his whole course, is officially endorsed by the whole council of Romish bishops in
America, and every number that he has published during the
past six years has borne that official announcement on the
cover, over the signatures of the following prelates, and in the
following words:
"BALTIMORE, Bay  13, 1849.
"DEAR SIR:
"After the close of our Council, I suggested to our venerable
Metropolitan the propriety of encouraging you by our approbation
and influence to continue your literary labors in defence of the faith
of which you have proved an able and intrepid advocate.  lHe
received the suggestion most readily, and I take the liberty of communicating the fact to you, as a mark of my sincere esteem, and of
85 
86       A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
the deep interest I feel in your excellent Review.  I shall beg of him
and of the other prelates, who entertain the same views, to subscribe
their names in confirmation of my statement.
"Your devoted friend,
" t FRANCIS PATITICK KENRICK,
"Bishop of Philadelphia.
" O. A. BRowNSON, Esq."
t SAIIMUEL, Archbishop of Baltimore.
t PETER RICHARD, Archbishop of St. Louis.
t MiICHAEL, Bishop of Mobile.
t ANTHONY, Bishop of New Orleans.
t JOHN JOSEPH, Bishop of Natchez.
t JOHN, Bishop of Buffalo.
t M1. O'CONNOR, Bishop of Pittsburgh.
t AITHIAS, Bishop of Dubuque.
t JOHN M. ODIN, Bishop of Galveston.
t MARTIN JOHN, Bishop of Lingone and Coa,dj
t M. D. ST. PALAIS, Bishop of Vincennes.
t WILLIAM TYLER, Bishop of Hartford.
t J. B. FITZPATRICK, Bishop of Boston.
t RICHARD PIuS, Bishop of Nashville.
t JOHN BAPrIST, Bishop of Cincinnati.
t JOHN HUGHES, Bishop of New York.
t RICHARD VINCENT, Bishop of Wheeling.
t JAMES OLIVER, Bishop of Chicago.
t JOHN M. HENN-I, Bishop of Milwaukee.
t JOHN, Bishop of Albany.
t AMIEDEUS, Bishop of Cleveland.
t PETER PAUL, Bishop of Zela, Coadjutor 
Detroit.
t IGNATIUS AL. REYNOLDS, Bishop of Charleston.
t AX-DREW BYr-NE, Bishop of Little Rock.
With this fact staring us in the face it is idle to talk of
and administrator of 
MIR. BROWNSON'S AUTHORITY.
Mr. Brownson's vagaries, or to deny the authenticity of his
opinions.  Hle has the avowed sanction of the whole Church,
in the course hejis pursuing.  li-e is their oracle, their mouthpiece, their agent, and so long as they acknowledge him as
such, we, who are not in the secrets of the papal star-chamber, assume a voluntary responsibility in saying, "Mr. Brownson does not speak the views and sentiments of the Pioman
Catholics."  To do so is to act with an absurd criminality;
and I find it difficult to hold patience with Protestant Americans, who are so excessively chivalric and courteous as to
enter the lists on the side of Romish assumption, and volunteer argument to disprove for the Church what the Church
itself has never denied.   To say the least, it implies a vast
stretch of co,fidence.  It is like the fly who argued himself
into the web of the spider, under the confident belief that so
modest a gentleman could not mean to harm him. The
difference, if any, is in favor of the good sense of the fly,
because, in his case, the spider did not give notice of an
intention to suck out his life's blood, whereas the voluntary
Protestant champions of Romanism, are plainly and unequivocally forewarned of its intention. If the fly had been so
informed, he would have had too much good sense to have
gone into the web.
Under these circumstances, we have no right to question
the veracity or the authenticity of Brownson's statements.
Hiis emiployers are the best and only qualified judges of his
workmanslhip, and so long as they approve and endorse him,
we do but put a bandage over our own eyes if we deny or
attempt to palliate his positions. Well, this man, thus
87 
88       A DEFLNCE OF TIIE AMERICA'N POLICY.
endorsed by the leading prelates of the Romish Church in
America, used the following language as long ago as the
year 1845, which being prior to the date of the certificate
above quoted, is of course included in that certificate as
being a part of his "labors in defence of the faith."  We
find it in the April number of the year 1845, in the following
words:
"In point of fact, democracy is a mischievous dream, wherever
the Catholic Church does not predominate, to inspire the people with
reverence, and to teach and accustom them to obedience to authority.
The first lesson for all to learn, the last that should be forgotten, is
to obey. You can have no government where there is no obedience
and obedience to law, as it is called, will not be long enforced where
the FALTIBILITY of law is clearly seen and freely admitted. But is
it the intention of the Pope to possess this country? UNDOUBTEDLY.
In this intention is he aided by the Jesuits, and all the Catholic
prelates and priests? UNDOUBTEDLY, IF THEY ARE FAITHFUL TO THEIR
RELIGION."'
Hlere we have the naked assurance of the highest authority in the land; not the authority of Mr. Orestes A. Brownson, merely, but of the twenty-five Rloman Catholic bishops,
who, at their council at Baltimore in 1849, endorsed and
ratified the declaration over their hands and crosses. Under
their sanction we have assurance of the undoubted "intention of the Pope to possess this country," and that in that
intention he is "aided by the Jesuits, and all the Catholic
prelates and priests." Talk as much as you may of Mr.
Brownson's obliquity of principle, or mental aberration, it is
impossible to talk this fact out of sight or existence. For a 
THE PAPACY SUPREME.
Protestant American to deny it is folly-to attempt its palliation is venal.
In justification of this intent, these twenty-five bishops
assert the following doctrine  in the same number  and the
same article from which I have just quoted.
"If the papacy be founded in divine right it is supreme over whatever be founded in human right, and then your institutions should be
made to harmonize with it, and not it with your institutions. The
real question then is, not the compatibility or incompatibility of the
Catholic Church with democratic institutions, but is the Catholic
Church the Church of God?'"
These prelates claim that our Republican institutions should
be made to harmonize with the papacy,without regard to their
incompatibility, and in order to bring about that celestial harmony on earth, it is necessary that the papacy  should take
charge of the Republic!  The logic is certainly good, and the
premises are clearly set forth, and as I have no means of knowing that they do not mean wvhat they say, I do not feel at
liberty, as some of my countrymen have done, to assert that
they do not so mean. Our wisest course is to believe them
sincere, and act accordingly.
It is a circumstance to be regretted that many Americans,
sensible and discreet persons too, listen to these statements
with an ear of indifference, or, perhaps, of actual disbelief.
They cannot realize either the truth of the statement, or the
feasibility of the popish plan, if contemplated; and they turn
aside with a shrug of cold incredulity, or, with a self-satisfied
air, express the philosopli.(al opinion, " There is no danger."
89 
90       A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
These men recd history to little purpose, and are generally
poor judges of weak human nature.  They would make most
excellent subjects for that adroit genius known as "the Confidence man." Guileless and simple themselves, they judge all
men by their own standard.   Reared and educated under
influences remote from papal despotism, and never having felt
its tortures, they are willing to believe the massacre of St. Bartholomew a romance, and the skinning of Ugo Bassi a myth,
though the one occurred during the 16th century and the
other during the 19th.
If the warnings daily given, of the antagonistic nature and
purposes of the Romish corporation towards the institutions
of American Republicanism, were the inventions of those who
utter them, there would appear to be more sensible ground
for this marked indifference and disbelief. We might, in that
case, set them down as the coinage of a distempered brain, or
the fancies of a fanatical bigot. But this opportunity is not
afforded.  The Church itself is our authority, and it cannot,
if it would, deny the accusation.  Protestant Ameficans, there,
fore, who volunteer to become her champions, or who sneer
at the more watchful zeal of their own countrymen, are the
dupes, not of the Romish Church, but of their own simplicity.
The Church is honest enough to have declared her own despotic character through all time. She has as frankly declared
her intention to subvert, and crush the institutions of civil and
religious liberty; the first of which she declares to be a horrible, and fatal license, and the last a damnable heresy! Now,
as civil and religious liberty are the great components of our
system of government, it follows (even without the recent 
WHAT IS CONSCIENCE?
avowals of her council of bishops), that the Church of Rome
is the natural foe of our syvstemn, and that the two cannot
exist vwhere her power predominates.  It requires no great
logic to arrive at this conclusion.
Another class of insipid philanthropists suggest meekly
that "it will not  do to interfere with the  reliyiots  opinions of men. Liberty of conscience is a sacred right, and
must not be infriinged," &c. Very true, but when religion
and conscience are made the mere subterfuge of despotism
are we still bound to give them license? Conscience, in its
simple character, is an innate sentiment, but the direction of
conscience is entirely the result of training or education.
The conscience of a child is an unwritten tablet, and  the
impressions which it is to convey through life are placed
there by the hand of the moral or religious tutor.   The
Quaker teaches his chlild the theory that it is sinful to take
the life of a fellow being under any circumstances, and lie
grows up under  a concientious belief in that precept; he
refuses to bear arms, on behalf of his country, against an inlvading foe, or to strike a blow in defence of his own life when
assailed. On the other hand, his next door neighbor teaches
his child that it is not only his right, but his duty, to slay his
fellow man either in defence of his country, the public peace
or his own person; and that child grows up with a conscientious belief in all that has been taught, and he does not hesitate to make it a governing principle in his intercourse with
mankind.
Now let us suppose that the consciences of a few millions
of men and women within the United States are trained from
91 
92       A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
childhood to believe that it is their religious duty to exterminate heresy and heretics, and to overturn governments hostile
to their conscience whenever the opportunity is presented,
are we required to tolerate that conscience? Is it our duty
to nourish and tolerate the elements of treason and assassination because the traitor and the assassin are sheltered under
the oegis of  a religious conscience?  The poor, starving
wretch, pressed with a sense of self-preservation, conscieatiously takes from the baker  a loaf of bread, to keep
body and soul together; yet we do not hesitate to send the
poor creature to jail for the offence. Hiis conscience will
not avail in the presence of austere Justice.
But in the case of the Romanist, we do not attack his conscience, or his religion. He has avowed himself the political
foe of our free institutions, and he has assailed those institutions. We but defend them against his assaults. So long
as he is content to worship God after the fashion of his own
mystical religion, I will be the champion of his right to do
so without hindrance or interruption.   Let him but keep his
religious conscience out of the American ballot-box, and he
will find no foe on the American soil. He will not need, then,
to make his appeals to the overshadowing protection of the
Constitution.  The public sentiment will be his shield and his
buckler.
But there is yet a third class of American citizens, who
affect to despise our admonitions against papal aggression.
They are the wire-pulliug politicians, the demagogues of the
land; they want voters, and tlihey avail themselves of the
amiable unsuseeptibility of the two classes just described, to 
AMERICAN DETRACTORS.
keep  their  parties  together.   Men  who  never had  any
definite religion, cry the loudest for religious tolerance and
the rights of conscience, but especially the Roman Catholic
conscience.  In their vocabulary, the Romanist is a persecuted
saint, and the American Protestant, an intolerant bigot. But
it is a trade with them. They have offices and honors at
stake. Most of them know better, but so long as they can
win at the election, they care little for the future of their
country.
93 
L04      A DEFENCE OF TIIE AMERICAN POLICY.
CHAPTER VIII.
AMERICAN REPUBLICANISM AND ROMANISM-THE CONTRAST.
"They are natural foes; they will not lie
In the same burrow. Their hostility
Is in the bones-in the very marrow Do what you will, they will not live on terms."
ANON.
HERE are two isms that deserve the consideration of all
men of all parties, but they are not the isms of the day, nor
of a day-they are for all time. They are vital principles,
venerable, pervading; and they will, doubtless, live and be
discussed when Mr. Greeley's ephemera of isms will have
gone the way of all fallacies, and been forgotten. What a
pity it is that so fine a genius as that of Mr. Greeley, should
have lost its balance, and been whelmed in the maelstrom of
misty theories! I knew him when he was the oracle of a
great and powerful national party-a man of clear judgment,
and one of the best political statisticians (except the late Edwin
Williams) in the United States. As an editor, he was persevering, zealous, and reliable; as an opponent, frank and
honorable; and as a man, though never social, always civil
and ingenuous. His paper was dignified, high-minded, and
courteous, free from all vulgarity, slang, and low epithets. It 
REPUBLICANISM AND ROMANISM.
was read far and wide, and commanded the respect of friends
and foes, as much for its honest drift and manly force, as for
its superior claims as a newspaper.  That such a man should
prostitute his talents, his genius, and respectability to low
uses, is deplorable.  But with Fourierism began the hallucination which has resulted in converting both the man and
the paper into the antipodes of their former selves.
But we set out to show that Romanism is diametrically
opposed to Republicanism, this being the third feature of this
subject which I deem it necessary to review. It would seem
almost unnecessary to add a word to what has been already
written, in order to show that the Romish Church, in its
whole character and spirit, is hostile to the character and
spirit of our free institutions. The simple fact that one is an
absolute government, and the other a popular government,
establishes the antipodal. These are the extremes of social
organism, and when extremes meet, decomposition of one or
the other must ensue, unless the repulsive power is sufficient
in the one or the other to prevent an actual contact.
American Republicanism cultivates intelligence among the
people. Romanism suppresses intelligence.
American Republicanism  recognizes and secures to all
men the right of trial by jury. Romanism adjudicates in the
sombre dungeon of the inquisition, or through the will of a
single prelate, who may be at once the accuser, the judge,
and the exeutioner.
American Republicanism ensures the freedom of the press,
and the right of free speech. Romanism silences, or else
muzzles the press and forbids discussion; it puts a bridle on
95 
96        A DEFENOE OF THE AMIERICAN POLICY.
the lips ot its subjects, as we do on the lips of our stateprison convicts.
American Republicanism secures to its citizens the right
of suffrage in the choice of their rulers, with the power to
impeach and remove. Romanism chooses its executive officer or sovereign, by a vote of the college of cardinals; that
sovereign holds his authority, which is absolute, for life, and
the cardinals are appointed by him. The people have no
voice.
American Republicanism secures the full liberty of conscience' to all its people, and to the stranger within its gates.
Romanism pronounces liberty of conscience to be a wicked
heresy.
American Republicanism permits every human creature to
read and study the Word of God. Romanism forbids it. In
a word, American Republicanism is FREEDOM; Romanism is
slavery.
In a late encyclical letter, issued by the present sovereign
of Rome, he announces his views of the liberty of conscience,
in the following unequivocal terms:
"Liberty of conscience," he says, "is an absurd and dangerous
maxim, or rather the ravings of delirium.'
It would, indeed, be a dangerous maxim in one who hopes
to rule as a despot; but in our Republic it is regarded as
essential to the welfare of religion, and as one of the inalienable rights of man. Where the rights of conscience are thus
fettered, or rather crushed out, the men who apply the torture may well fortify their act by other despotic measures 
ROMANISM OPPOSED TO INTELLIGENCE.
the suppression of the right of speech and discussion, or the
spread of intelligence through the channel of an unfettered
press. The opinion of the present Pope on the subject of a
free press is given in the following words, which I quote from
the same encyclical letter:
"The iiberty of the press is that fatal license of which we cannot
entertain too great a horror."
In this, " His Holiness" coincides precisely with all despots,
past and present. It is not a new feature, nor one peculiar
to his office, yet if he rules in America, as a matter of course,
the lightning presses, would "click" no more, and the people
would have more time to labor for lack of anything to read.
Moreover, as the privilege of discussion would be at an end,
nobody would lose time in complaining. The Bible societies,
especially, would be permitted to cease their labors, and wind
up their concerns.  There would be no Boom for their wares
under a papal "father."  It is contrary to the Romish "conscience" to allow people to read Bibles, and many a poor
fellow has suffered for daring, even in secret, to violate the
state law, which forbade his reading that Holy Book. The
persecution of the Madia family, is fresh in the minds of my
readers, as well as the still later case of the poor shoemaker,
Cechetti, who was sentenced to a year's imprisonment, by the
Grand Duke of Tuscany, for reading the Bible to his own
family.
This reminds me that I saw, a few days since, an account
of the release of Cechetti, from prison, on condition that he
5
97 
98       A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
would submit to perpetual banishment from his native land.
Well, let the poor Italian shoemaker come to the United
States. He may follow his honest calling without interruption; read the Bible to his heart's content, and say what he
likes of the Grand Duke, without fear of arrest or imprisonment.
We could very well afford to set aside the secuiar and
political features of the Romnish Church, and still it would
remain, in its religious character alone, the antagonist of
American  Republicanism.  Throughout its whole construction, there is not a single element in sympathy with our free,
energetic, and soul-inspiring institutions. The hierarchy in
the United States, professes attachment to the government,
and her children from the Emerald Isle (made desolate and
repulsive through priestcraft), avail themselves of the liberty
we give to them, and weave the harp of oppressed, downtrodden Erin, in the folds of the unsullied ensign of American
Liberty. What a mockery of their own vassalage! What
a contrast! The relic of national degradation blended with
the emblem of national glory and might!
But the hierarchy admires our institutions only for the
facilities which they afford for the propagation of its power
in the land.  It will rear the stripes and stars on the topmost
spire of its houses of worship during the ceremony of consecration.  It will wave them over the heads of its listless votaries, and command them to fight under them and for them.
It will struggle to maintain the name and the insignia of the
Republic, but the institutions of civil and religious liberty
cannot exist where the hierarchy presides.  It matters little 
HEREDITARY ALLEGIANCE TO THE CHURCH.
to the papavcy, what form of government ostensibly prevails,
or what colors are on the national bunting.  The Austrian
eagle, or the stars and stripes are the same to it, and the
latter, even though shorn of its prestige, and its genius, and
compelled to blazon to the world its own infamy, would float
as gracefully from the turrets of a papal palace as over the
capitol of a free people.
Like all other monarchical and despotical governments, the
papacy demands a hereditary allegiance. The child born of
papal parents is a papal subject at its birth, in whatever clime
or country it is born. This is in accordance with the claim
set up, that "the Pope is prince of all nations."  It partakes
in nothing of a religious character? but is a part of that system
of regal authority, employed by monarchists, which stands, in
its very nature, opposed to republicanism. Nothing can be
more incompatible than the two systems are in this respect.
In the one, the individual is held to be a free agent, social
and religious; in the other, the individual possesses not free dom either of conscience or allegiance, and when, after the
the conviction which age and reason afford, he revolts
against the unnatural authority, he is proscribed as an apos tate, a renegade and a heretic.
But there is another peculiarity of contrast between the
two forms of governfment, which stands forth a tangible and
visible embodiment, a living evidence of the incompatibility of
the two systems, one with the other.
American Republicanism is the parent of progress; it
encourages the development of human energy, and gives free
play to the faculties.  It expands the intellect, invigorates the
99 
100      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
soul, and elevates the standard of the individual man. It
builds locomotives, erects manufactories, disembowels the earth,
causing her to yield up her treasures to the uses of man.   It
encourages commerce, and sends its smoking steamships to
the far ends of the earth. It strikes out into the wilderness,
talks with the savage without enslaving his soul, arul develops
the resources of the earth. Romanism gives to the red man
a cross and a rosary; American Republicanism places in his
hands a Bible and a hoe. It builds a school-house for his
children, and teaches him that sowing and reaping are more
manly and more profitable than hunting and fishing.  American Republicanism cultivates the sciences, arts and literature,
as well as the soil, and puts in every bosom the heart and
impulses of a man. It is honest, ingenuous, and courageous.
It pays its debts, speaks its mind, keeps a clear conscience,
and looks the world in the face without quailing or winking.
How is it with Romanism?
Romanism is the open foe of progress.* It stifles the energies of its subjects, stultifies the intellect, and wraps the soul
in a mantle of superstitions, prostrating all self-respect in the
individual. It makes no advances towards civilization, and if
it encourages art, it is only for the purpose of multiplying its
own weapons against human freedom.   It gives no incentive
to industry, and by claiming to itself supreme sovereignty,
neutralizes every sentiment of patriotism and nationality-it
* An officer of the American army in Mexico, noticing that the farmers of the
country used that most primitive instrument, a knotted stick, instead of a plough,
for turning up the earth, inquired the reason for doing so. Ie was informed that
the priests forbade the use ofthe plough, and compelled the people to use the rude
implement which he saw. 
ROMANISM OPPOSED TO PROGRESS.
is cosmopolitan.  Romanism denies the necessity of literature beyond what is required as an instrument of control
over the souls and bodies of mankind. It is selfish, dishonest,
double-dealing, and cowardly.   Instead of openly combating
the opinions and intelligence of the human race, and striving
manfully, and by frank, overt means, to convert men to its
own dogmas, it moves mysteriously, skulkingly, in dark corners, and by covert and insidious courses, and false pretences,
Jesuitically seeks to entrap rather than to convert or convince.
Where Romianism prevails, there is stagnation and public
lethargy.  Where American Republicanism prevails, there is
industry, intelligence, energy, and public prosperity.  This
assertiou is too broad to be made without accompanying
proofs, and I am not unmindful of the responsibility under
which it is made. The evidences in its support are, however,
so palpable, so plainly written on the moral and political
aspect of the present moment, that there is no room for hesitation, and no need of elaborate argument.   Look where we
may, we find those evidences written in characters of living
light.  Whether it be in the immediate dominion of the
Pope himself, the papal States of Italy, or in the despotic
sovereignty of Austria; whether we look upon Spain in her
emasculation, Portugal in her imbecility, or upon the republics of South America, the picture is the same; stagnation
and superstition go hand in hand-ignorance and anarchy
follow in the footsteps of the Jesuit and the priesthood. I
need not point to the United States-she speaks for herself.
Let her proud namie and resources, contrasted with those
101 
102       A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
under the papal rule, stand as my argument, as a living and
incontestible  proof  that  Romanisu  is incompatible  with
American Republicanism and liberty.
The Romish Church in the United States is, even now, violaing one of the elementary principles of the national government; one of the cardinal features of American Republicanism.
It seeks to unite the Church and the State, it forbids the free
exercise of religion, and thereby casts itself out of the pale
of that code of protection which the Constitution extends
over the conscience of individuals, and the free enjoyment of
creeds and religious faith.
The spirit and intent of the Constitution of the United
States covers the same ground as that more expressly recited
passage which we find in the original Constitution, and in the
present Bill of Rights, in the State of New York. It says,
Art. 1, ~ 3:
"The free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship, without discrimination or preference, shall for ever be allowed
in this State to all mankind; but the liberty of conscience hereby
secured, shall not be so construed as to excuse acts of licentiousness,
or justify practises inconsistent with the peace or safety of this
State."
Hence, anything, or any person or persons who, under the
pretence of religion, or even the sanction of religion, encourage licentiousness, or commit acts inconsistent with the
peace or safety of the State, are not regarded as being under
the aegis of the Constitution. Our institutions would not
tolerate the practises of the Fetich, with his human sacrifices, 
THE PROTECTION OF THE CONSTITUTION FORFEITED. 103
nor the Mtormon, with his libidinous licentiousness, and the
Romishli Church, when it violates, or seeks to violate any of
the principles embodied in those institutions, either by a
denial of the rights of conscience; the suppression or trammelling of the public press; by placing obstacles in the way
of popular education; by alienating the minds of the young
firom parental authority; by restraining the liberty of individuals, or by exerting its influence, directly or indirectly, over
the established policy of the state or country, violates the sanctity of good faith, and forfeits the protection which the Constitution affords to its religious professions. It places itself in an
attitude offensive towards the best interests, the peace and
safety of the nation, and the people of the nation would be
recreant to every sense of patriotic duty, if they did not place
themselves on the defensive against it. 
A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
CHAPTER IX.
CANI A PAPIST BE A CITIZEN OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC.
"'Tis not the many oaths that make the truth?"
SHAKESPEARE.
THE Roman  Catholic Church being, to all intents and
purposes, a temporal or civil government, we are brought to
the grave inquiry:
CAN  THE  SUBJECTS OF THAT  GOVERNMENT  BE,  AT  THE
SAME TIME, CITIZENS OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC?
The quality of a subject or citizen is found, not in the mere
profession of fealty, but in fealty itself  The subjects of that
government are denominated " papists," as distinguishable
from the mere professors of the Roman  Catholic religion.
That such a distinction does exist is palpable. It is evidenced in the recent rebellion of the Roman Catholics of
Italy against the temporal authority of the Pope; and it is
demonstrated in this country, generally, among the Catholics
who were born on the soil, and who have been reared under
the institutions of the United States. This feature is distinctly visible with the descendants of the Roman Catholic
settlers of Louisiana, embracing several generations, all of
104 
CATHOLICS AND PAPISTS-A DISTINCTION.
whom, while they retain the religion of their fathers, have no
more respect for the papal character than is entertained for it
by their Protestant neighbors. Whether this alienation of
temporal submission is sufficiently positive to resist the nmandatory authority of a papal bull, or a command in any shape,
fiom  "his holiness," is uncertain; but that a fixed hostility
against the temporal assumptions of the papacy exists among
those people, is certain.
In the genius of American institutions is found the quintessence of religious toleration. It allows the utmost freedom of
conscience, and the Constitution distinctly forbids any interference that would impair the free exercise of religious opinion.
It provides further, that when  an individual  assumes the
duties and trust of a public office, no religious test shall be
required of him; thus throwing open the door of promotion
in civil affairs, to every citizen, without regard to his religious
tenets. By these wise provisions, a complete alienation of
religion and politics is contemplated, because where all sects
unite in conducting the affairs of government, it was naturally
supposed, that no particular sect would be able to gain anl
ascendency.
But while the Constitution is thus tolerant of religion, it
certainly does not give political rights to the subjects of other
powers. The laws, and principle of naturalization contemplate a total renunciation of all former alleyiance to foreign
authority, and an entire abandonment of the mind and person
to the laws and goverment which the individual adopts as his
future guide and authority. In this it is evident there must
be no mental reservation, no division of the soul between two
5*
105 
A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
gods, no equivocation in the terms of the new allegiance, but
a full, complete, and total renunciation of all past allegiance,
and all foreign sovereignties whatever.
I have shown, in a preceding chapter, that the Pope of
Rome is a temporal, or civil sovereiyn, and also, that the
character of his sovereignty is of the most inflexible,nature,
and the question before us is, Can a subject of that sovereiyn
be, at the same time, a citizen of the  Utnited States?. The
mere interrogatory, I confess, is little short of an absurdity in
its intrinsic merits, but the practical construction of the subject, by custom, renders it necessary that it should be put and
answered. No man will say that an individual can be a subject of two distinct, and opposite sovereignties at the same
time, because it is plain, that whatever his pretensions may
be, the predominant attachments, and sense of duty in the
individual, must lean towards one or the other, and, in case of
a disagreement between the two sovereignties, the individual
will cast his influence in the direction that his sense of duty
points ou. Therefore, in the issue before us, if a papist
realizes within himself a sense of duty to the papal sovereign
over his duty to the sovereignty of the United States, he will
throw his influence, heart, soul, and body upon the side of the
papacy, and ayginst the United States.  Any oath of allegiance that he may have taken towards the latter will not
deter him in his choice, firstly, because his sympathies are
antagonistic to the spirit of the oath, and secondly, because
he fully believes that he will receive absolution from any
oath of that nature. The authority for this belief is found in
the highest papal authority. Lessius, Lib. 2, cap, 42, dub. 12,
106 
ABSOLUTION AND TIIE OATH OF ALLEGIANCE.   107
page 632, says:  "The Pope can annul and cancel every possible obligation arising from an oath."
And the priesthood do not hesitate to promulgate this idea
among their people. The oath of allegiance, therefore, is of
no moment to the papist.   It has with him no binding force
whatever. He will make it, listlessly, as a matter of form, and
break it as a matter of conscience and duty, whenever he is
bidden to do so by his priest, who, in his estimation, is superior in authority to any Protestant government on earth.
With these living truths before us, I do not hesitate to aver,
that no papist ever took or can take an oath of allegiance to
the government of the United States, in its letter and spirit,
and hence, no papist can become a citizen of the United
States by the process of naturalization.
Convinced of this truth, the framers of the first constitution
of the State of New York, in providing for the naturalization
of aliens, before the states had relinquished that power to
Congress, declared that the person naturalized should renounce allegiance to all foreign powers, "both civil and
ecclesiastical." But even this would not make citizens of
them in fact, because the oath is null and void under any and
every form, whenever the Pope chooses to cancel it.
But the argument used against this view of the subject is,
that the sovereignty of the Pope is only spiritual; that it
does not conflict with the duties of the individual in his civil
allegiance. If this be so, how is it that Mr. Brownson
declares, in the letter which I have quoted, that the Pope is
the proper authority to decide for him as to the merits of the
Constitution of the United States?  But we have a higher 
108   -A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
authority than Mr. Brownson in proof of the same theory, for
in the instructions given to the Jesuits, Bellarmin, controvers,
lib. 5, chap. 6, page 1090, we are told:
"The spiritual power must rule over the temporal, by all sorts of
means and expedients, when necessary. Christians should not tolerate a heretic king.'
By  Christians is meant Roman Catholics, because, say
they, "that is the only religion that God has founded upon
earth," and all others are pronounced heretics. Now, if
Ruman Catholics should not tolerate a heretic king, the same
rule applies, of course, to a heretic president, or to any heretic government whatever, and they are in duty, conscience,
and allegiance, bound to abate such governments whenever it
is in their power to do so, "by all sorts of means and expedients," not excepting perjury, treason, or even murder!
Roman Catholics are also told by the Sanctarel, Tract de
Haeres., cap. 30, page 296, that
"The Pope can depose negligent rulers, and deprive them of their
authority."
They are also taught by the Emmanuel Sa, Aphor., page
41, that
"The rebellion of priests is not treason, because they are not subject to the civil government."
With theories of this nature wrought continually and perseveringly into the minds of the papal laity, coupled as they are
with a superstitious sense of abject submission, it is morally 
ROMANISM UNITED.
impossible that those men can shake off their allegiance to
the Pope, and become, in full heart, citizens of a government,
whose every precept is hostile to all their preconceived opinions, both temporal and spiritual.
But as it is difficult to test the claim of superior allegiance
with the masses of papists in this country, under any circumstances, less than a direct issue between our government and
the papal sovereignty, and as the Pope has not yet ventured
to arraign his authority against our government, we are left
to present such external evidences of our theory as have been
thrown in our way. Thus, The Boston Pilot, the editor of
which is a thorough partisan under the banner of Pio Nino,
and a thorough hater of everything American, except the
liberty which America affords him to vilify her best men
and her noblest institutions, in 1852 uttered the following
declaraon in connection with the presidential election, then
just at hand:
"Show the Catholic that his Church is likely to suffer by the election of a certain candidate, and you can easily divine whither his
vote will go."
In other words, make the Roman Catholic believe there is
an issue between his Church and the interests of the country,
and he will vote on the side of his Church-the latter claiming and receiving his superior allegiance. The hierarchy has
only to declare to the people that the papal interest will b(
subserved by the election of certain men, and its people will
vote for those men, because what may be required of one,
may be required of all, being all alike subject to the political
109 
110      A DEFENCE OF THE AMIERICAN POLICY.
control of the Church.   Besides, the same editor says, in the
same article:
' Where Catholic interests are concerned, we present the spectacle,
extraordinary in this age of the woild, of a vast body, moving without any visible force to impel them. as one mnan."
Thus we see that in its political interest the entire papacy
moves with a single impulse, and that invisible impulse is
ever directed to the supposed interests of the Church. Oaths
of allegiance are forgotten when the Church issues her secret
command, partisan affiliations, individual judgment, personal
interests, the laws of the land, nay, even the integrity of the
nation itself, must be sacrificed and laid aside whenever the
Church issues its edict to the papal subject.
The American people have seen this declaration of the
Boston Pilot, practically illustrated in a small waAt  our
elections, a thousand times, and the only inference that can
be drawn from the facts herein presented, is that a Romanist
cannot renounce his allegiance to the papal authority, and yet
remain a Romanist.   Ile may swear allegiance, it is true, to
forty different governments, with a quiet conscience, because
the Pope stands ready to cancel his oath, but lie is commanded
by the Church, to "use all sorts of means and expedients"
to make the civil power subordinate to the spiritual, by which
is meant that all civil authority must yield to Roman Catholic
supremacy, whenever the physical, moral, or political power
of its subjects is sufficient to sustain the authority of the
sovereign at the Vatican.
In this chapter, I have quoted certain ancient authorities 
ROMIANISM UNITED.
of the Church, to show that the obligation of an oath made
bv a papist, of whatever character or importance, may be
rendered void and entirely nugatory, upon the simple fiat of
a single man.  I design now, to show that, at the present day,
the oath of allegiance to this government is regarded by the
officers of the Church, as absolutely void in fact. The public
authority which I find, sustaining this view, is a statement
made  in the Harrisburg Hlerald, of Pennsylvania, in the
month of Novemiber, 1855.  The statement is in the following words:
"It is related of Dr. De Barth, the Jesuit priest and vicar-general
of Pennsylvania, that when told by a brother that he could not take
the oath of naturalization to America without violating the oath of
ordination to the Roman Pontiff, he pronounced it a mistake, and
promptly remarked that, any part of the oath of allegiance to this
country, wvhich niay be inconmpatible with the first and greater
allegiance to the Pontiff, is of no obligation."
As this statement has never been contradicted, the public
are justified in entertaining the opinion that it is truly
made.
The morale of the declaration is just this, to wit: that the
Romish priest or Jesuit may take the oath of allegiance to
the United States without hesitation or scruple, because, in
whatever it conflicts with his superior allegiance to the Pontiff, it is of no effect-a mere empty formula-in  fact, a
mockery, and intended as such. Now as the allegiance
claimed by the Pontiff is superior in all things, temporal and
spiritual, to that due to any heretical government, it follows,
Ill 
A DEFENCE OF THE AMERIOAN POLICY.
as a matter of course, that the entire oath is in conflict with
the superior allegiance, and consequently the entire oath is
null and void.
The editor of the paper in which this statement appeared,
accompanied it with the following appropriate comments:
"This is the true higher law doctrine of the papacy.  It leads to
perjury against the priest, or to treason and rebellion against the
State. But what if it does? Perjury, treason, and rebellion can
easily be pardoned for the good of the Church, and a temporal
penalty can be better borne than eternal perdition. The pardoning
power of the President of the United States does not compare with
the pardoning power of the Pontiff and his priests. It is humiliating
that three millions of the American people should be under the
authority of two distinct sovereigns. Professing attachment to the
constitution of their country, their hearts are corded spiritually to
the throne of a foreign potentate."
These remarks apply with equal force to ecclesiastics and
laity, or at least to that portion of the laity which surrenders its entire conscience to the priesthood, because the
claims of the hierarchy, extending alike over the spiritual
and the temporal-or, in other words, the spiritual authority
being superior to the temporal-the latter is required to
submit in all things to the former. This has been repeatedly declared by the modern as well as the ancient authorities of the Church, as has been already shown in this
volume.
In connection with this subject, the following statement
exhibits the deep-seated and absorbing servility of the adhe
112 
AMERICA UNWORTHY OF THE POPE.
rents of the papacy to their regal master, the sovereign
Pontiff.
In the year 1849, during that critical interregnum in
which the present Pontiff was an exile, or rather a refugee
fiom Rome, a rumor was circulated to the effect that it was
the intention of the Pope  to take refuge in the United
States. This intention was urgently and prayerfully resisted
by the Roman Catholic press in both hemispheres.   The
American people are certainly prepared to witness, at any
time, and at all times, a devotional attachment, to the fullest
extent, towards the Pope, on the part of his religious followers in this country, but it may be safely affirmed that they
were not prepared for that utter humiliation, that prostration of manhood, that wholesale abnegation of patriotism, and
that unblushing public avowal of servile prostration, which
is embodied in the following extract from the Freeman's
Journal. Alluding to the rumored intention of the Pope to
make this country his place of exile, that journal uses the
following extraordinary language:
"Sooner than that impracticable absurdity should occur, sooner
than the consecrated foot of the Vicar of Christ should bear him to
a soil where more than half of the public press would insult him, and
more than half of the remainder exhaust themselves in efforts to
make political capital out of him-sooner than he should come to a
land where mnore than one half the Catholic population, ignorant of
the etiquette that so distinguishes even the poorest peasantry of a
Catholic land, would gape at him with their hats on, or sit in his
presence with their heels up in the air-we would exclaim, with the
Cercle Catholique of Prance-' Rather will we go to you-our arms,
our wealth, our lives, are at your service; yes, we love you far
113 
114      A DEFENCE OF THE AMIERICAN POLICY.
more than we love our country or our homnies —we are ready, at a sign
from you, to chase out those robbers from the patrimony of St. Peter,
and to reestablish your throne in the Vatican-but, Holy Father, do
not afflict our Catholic hearts by seeing you in a land which is so
unworthy of you, and which is too little advanced in the race of the
Christian civilization to know how to receive you becomingly'"
Here is one, recognized as an American citizen, who does
not hesitate to declare that he "loves the Pope of Rome far
more than he loves his countrv or his home."  What  allegiance can such a man give to the government of the United
States?  It can be at the best but a negative allegiance, and
therefore is void, without the formal intervention of pontificial authority. 
THE ROMISII CHURCH IN AMERICA.
CHAPTER X.
THE PAST AND PRESENT CONDITION OF THE PAPAL CHURCH IN THE UNITED STATES-THE
SEVEN PROVINCES-THE HIERARCHY-COMPARATIVE VIEW OF IRELAND, ENGLAND,
SCOTLAND, AND THE UNITED STATES.
THE advocates and partakers of civil and religious liberty,
while they recognize the antagonistic character and tendencies of Romanism, are unwilling to realize the possibility that
an element so hostile to their welfare can by any possibility
gain  a foothold  strong  enough,  or a political  influence
sufficiently pervading in this land of light and intelligence,
to produce any perceptible adulteration of their darling institutions.  I have already shown that through the corruption
of demagogues, Romanism has made itself heard and felt in
the public policy of the several States, as well as of the
General Government. It remains for me to exhibit (what
few persons have as yet realized), the rapid increase of the
Romish influence in the United States, and the means which
it possesses, of exerting a dangerous power over the public servants of the people.
Prior to the year 1808, we have no official data of the
extent of Romanism in the United States, because it was not
until about that time that the hierarchy of the country
assumed a tangible and effective form. In that year, the
115 
A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
number of Roman Catholics was so insignificant as to warrant
the establishment of but one diocese, and that embraced the
whole territory of the United States, including the Indian
missions.   In 1855, there are no less than forty-one dioceses
and two apostolic Vicaries.
In 1808 there were but two bishops; in 1855 there are
forty bishops.
In 1808 there were no archbishops; in 1855 there are
seven archbishops.
In 1808 there were but sixty-eighlt priests; in 1855 there
are one thousand, seven hundred and four priests.
In 1808 they were but eighty churches; in 1855 there are
one thousand, eiyht hundred and twenty-foztur churches.
In 1808 there were no missionary stations; in 1855 there
are six hundred and seventy-eight missionary stations.
In 1808 there were but two ecclesiastical institutions, and
but one college; in 1855 there are thirty-seven ecclesiastical
institutions, and twenty-one colleges, all of which are employed
in the education of priests and Jesuits. The laity have no
such means of instruction provided for them.
In 1808, there were but two Female Academies (so
called); in 1855, there are one hundred and seventeen
Female Academies.   The object of these seminaries, which
are all under the management of Jesuitical nuns, superintended by priests and Jesuits, is to obtain Protestant young
ladies as scholars, and it is a singular circumstance that they
are almost entirely supported by Protestants, notwithstanding
that a large proportion of the conversions to Romanism are
effected through these "Female Academies." Without the
116 
INCREASE OF ROMANISM.
material aid afforded by Protestant pupils, the hierarchy
could not sustain ten of these propagandist institutions in the
United States.
The Roman Catholic population I have no means of ascertaining.   It is evidently kept out of view from some sinister
motive.   In 1851, the Catholic Almanac gave what  purported to be a nearly correct census, derived from the reports
of the bishops, and at that time the Romish population was
set down at a little over two millions and a half, evidently far
short of the actual number.  In  1855 the reports exhibit
only 1,844,500! presenting an unaccountable decrease in
four years. This matter is explained, however, in the following paragraph, which accompanies the official summary, as
published in the Catholic Almanac for 1855, page 290:
" The figures of population in the table, are those returned by the
most Rev. and Right Rev. Bishops, but as they are not complete, we
forbear any hypothetical estimate of the total number of Catholics in
the United States, in regard to which there exists so vast a difference of opinion."
It may be deemed good policy, on the part of the bishops,
to create this "vast difference of opinion" on the subject; and
we are compelled to the belief that there is a motive in thus
concealing their actual numbers. Certainly, no class of people possess the facilities for a correct census in so great a
degree as the Roman Catholics, and to suppose that the
bishops of the several dioceses do not possess a true record of
their number would be no less than a reflection upon their
proverbial accuracy in what relates to the interests of "the
117 
118      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
Church." Whether the "very reverends," and the "right
reverends" apprehend a panic in the United States, by an
exposure of their real nuinbers, or whether they are ashamed
to exhibit their actual weakness, after such self-confident
declarations as they have put forth, remains a matter of conjecture. In either case, we are left to draw our inference of
population from their ecclesiastical statistics, which I continue
to quote.
In the year 1808, there were no papal provinces in the
United States; in 1855, there are seven papal provinces, viz:
The Province of BALTIMORE,    The Province of ST. Louis,
"     " 1     NEW ORLEANS,  "          "       OREGON CITY,
cc I, NEW YORK,       "       "       SAN FRANCISCO.
"     "       CINCINNATI,
Besides, the "Apostolic vicariates" of the Indian Territory,
and of Upper Michigan. Thus it is to be seen that the
"prince temporal and spiritual," whose throne is at the city
of the seven Hills, whose possessions are the nations of the
earth, has not hesitated to parcel and stake out the territory
of "Uncle Sam" into provinces, over each of which he has
appointed a vice-roi, or archbishop, with subordinate officials to manage the minor subdivisions. All that is now
wanting to centralize this immense papal authority in the
United States, and to give an absolute direction to its political influence through the right of suffrage, is the appointment
of a cardinal, with supreme authority. Such an event will
undoubtedly take place as soon as the public sentiment of the
country will render it prudent and safe. At the present time, 
ROMAN PROVINCES IN THE UNITED STATES.
the hierarchy in the United States is constituted as fol
lows:
THE PROVINCE OF BALTIMORE is composed of the following
sees, embracing the cities, together with the adjacent terri
tory, to wit:
Archbishop Francis Patrick Kenrick.
Bishop,    Ignatius Reynolds.
';       Michael O'Connor.
"        Richard V. Wheelan.
"        John McGill.
"        John N. Newmann.
"        Josue M. Young.
"        Vacant.
THE PEOv-TNCE OF NEW ORLEANS comprises
The City of New Orleans, La., Archbishop, Anthony Blanc.
1   " "  Mobile, La.,        Bishop,     Michael Porter.
"1    "    Galveston, Texas,    "        John M. Odin.
1"    "    Little Rock, Ark.,    "        Andrew Byrne.
"1   "    Natchez, Miss.        "         James O. Van de Velde.
1   " "  Natchitoches, Texas. "          Augustus Martin.
THE PROVINCE OF NEW YORK comprises
The City of NewYork,
"    "    Albalny, N.Y.,
"1   "4   Boston, Mass.,
" " Buffalo, N. Y.,
"    "    Hartford, Conn.,
"    "    Brooklyn, N. Y.,
"    "    Newark, N. J.,
Archbishop, John Hughes.
Bishop,     John McCloskey.
Bso" MJohn Fitzpatrick.
"        John Timon.
"        Bernard O'Reilly.
N "       John Loughlin.
"        James R. Bayley.
119
The City of Baltimore, Md.,
46                 4 Charleston, S. C.,
19                11 Erie, Pa.,
IC 11 Wheeling, Va.,
11                14 Richmond, Va.,
I 4                4 4 Philadelphia, Pa.,
41                I( Pittsburgh, Pa.,
1 4               1 I Savannah, Geo., 
120      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
The City of Burlington, N.J.,  Bishop,
1"    "    Portland, Me.,        "
THE PROVINCE OF CINCINNATI comprises
,  Archbishop, John B. Purcell.
Bishop,     Martin J. Spalding.
"         Peter P. Lefevere.
i"        Maurice De St. Palais
';        Amedeus Rappe.
"         George A. Carrell.
THE PROVINCE OF ST. Louis comprises
Archbishop, Peter Richard Kenrick.
Bishop,    Mathias Loras,
"         Richard P. Miles.
"        John P. Henni.
Ci"       Jos     eph Cretin.
John Lamy.
"        Anthony O'Regan.
The City of St. Louis, Mo.,    A
"  IC  Dubuque, Iowa,    B
"'   "    Nashville, Tenn.,
"    "    Milwaukie, Wis.,
District of St. Paulls, Minnesota,
The City of Santa Fe, N. Mex.,
"    "     Q Chicago, Ill.,
"    ". Quincy, Ill.,
THE PROVINCE OF OREGON CITY comprises
Archbishop, Francis N. Blanchet.
Bishop, Magloire Blanchet.
By the Archbishop.
THE PROVINCE OF SAN FRANCISCO comprises
The City of San Francisco, Cal., Archbishop, Joseph H. Alemany.
I"    "    Monterey, Cal.,       Bishop, Thaddeus Amat.
THE APOSTOLIC VICARIATE of the Indian Territory is
administered by John B. Miege, Bishop of Messena.
Louis De Goesbriand,
Vacant.
The Cit of Cincinnati, O..
11, Louisville, Ky.,
11       11 Detroit, Mich.,
11       11 Vincennes, Ind.,
il       11 Cleveland, 0.1
11       11       Covin,ton, Ky.,
& 1. Vacant.
Oregon City, Oregon,
Nesqualy,          11
Fort Hall and Colville, 
ORGANIZATION OF TIEE CATIIOLICS IN AMERICA.   121
TIIE APOSTOLIC VICAXRI-ATE of Upper Michigan is administeled byrededeicl Baraga, Bishop of JAmyzonia.
Withl tlhese statistics, gathered f'omil the official sources, we
are enabled to form a reasonable estimate of the papal population in the United States at the priesen-t time, or rather in
1854, because the statistics published in 1855 were collated
durino the previous year.  Doubtless, many of the American
people will be surprised to learn that the hierarchl-y of the
Rt.omiishi Church in the United States of Protestant America,
is far more numerous than that of.?omzan Catholic Ireland,
and nearly equal to those of Irelandl, England, and Scotland,
combined; yet such is the fact.  In the United States there
are forty bishops and archbishops.
In Ireland, there are but twenty-eight  )ishops and arch
bishops, viz.:  In the diocese of Ulster, text; in Leinster, foreg;
in Munster, eight; and in Connaught, six.
In England, there are thirteen bishops, including the Cardinal Wiseman, and in Scotland there are four bishops, making
a total of forty-five in England, Ireland, and Scotland, and
forty in the United States of America! With these statements before us, we are left to solve as we may, the following
problem, nameJy:
If tienity-eight bishops are sufficient to guard the spiritual
and temporal welfare of seven millions of Roman Catholics
in Ireland, how many Roman Catholics should there be in the
United States to require the temporal and spiritual guardianship of forty bishops?
How complete is this politico-religious organization in
Protesta         nt  America! H ow pervadiing, how subtle, how auda                               6 
122      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
cious! The ramifications in our land are but the arteries and
veins that receive their life's blood fi'oi  the great heart at
the Vatican, in Rome, and return it again to its source! It
is that power which denies the rigyht of the people to govern,
and which claims to itself all the attributes of authority over
all mankind, by divine dispensatioi.  It denounces liberty of
conscience as a "a pestilential error-," and liberty of opinion as
"apest of all others miost to be dreaded in a state."  It asserts
its authority to " overturn governments," to "deplose heretical
rulers," and declares its determination to " e.termzinate" all
who do not subscribe to its faith.  It denounces the liberty
of the press, that highway of popular thought, as a license
to be execrated and detested."  Denving' to all mankind the
right of opinion, conscience, speech, and research, it demands
of them their substance, and taxes its people without accountability.  It is the foe of all liberty,* the foe of the Protestants, the foe of our government, and yet we sleep while it is
insidiously but rapidly fastening its deadly coils about us, and
all that is dear to us!  Americans! Protestants! Ye  who
have been cradled in the lap of freedom, shake off the slug
* When the Congress of New Grenada, in 1851, adopted their new Constitntion,
which required the clergy to submit to the civil law in matters of a temporal
nature, the Archbihshop Mlosquera, finding it impossible to coerce the government into
a repeal of the act, left the country antl appealed to thte Pope. The appeal brought
forth a bull from the Vatican against the Congress of New  Grenadel, in which,
among othier heresies committed by thlat body, his holiness sets forth tl,e following:
"Nor must we pass over in silence, that, by the new Constitution of that Republic, era cteld in these recent titees, among ot        lilgs, the  ti/stf, also,  of [f6es
editecation is defended, and libesrty of oal kinfls is given  unto all, so that each
person may exe,? ]pti't as,d ptfblisf his  thoset'/ts, a7id ttll kintds of inietstrous
portents of opinions; and  profess i)rivately (lewd p?,'liclty whitever wor.ship he
pIleeses." 
TIE cONGESS OF  E  GREADA.
TRE CONGRESS OF NEW GRENA. Dl.
gish torpor of your souls, cast away the partisan traitors who
would have bargained away your inheritance, look about you,
read, think, hear, believe and act for yourselves! You have
been too long confiding in mere seekers after office. Let,
now, your own judgments and your own reason speak to you
and for you. They will call to you, not as whigs, not as
democrats, not as freesoilers, not as abolitionists, not as
secessionists, no, not as factionists, fusionists, or sectionists of
any grade, but by the sacred title of Americans, as Unionists,
as patriots, they will call to you; and your own conscience,
your own interests will respond. In your hands is the destiny
of your country; you hold the charter of rational liberty, you
must not, you will not, you dare not be false to the trust.
123 
24  A DEFE4CE OF THE AMERICA  POLICY.
124 A DEFEN'CE OF THE AMERIICAN ROLICY.
CHAPTER XI.
THE RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE.
F'IEEDOM of the press, and of discussion; the right of suffiage; the right of trial by jury, and the right of petition, are
essential ingredients of American Republicanism. It would
not be complete if either of these were withdrawn from its
charter, and where they are not, there can be no popular
liberty. The suffrage franchise, however, involves, measurably, all the others, because with the power to choose their
lawgivers, the people hold, indirectly, the power to shape the
laws themselves, and as the choice of rulers involves one of
the most important and delicate duties of the citizen, so the
right of suffrage is one of the most valuable and dignified of
all the social privileges.
In the choice of public officers, especially those of a legis
lative and judicial character, the people, for the time being,
surrender their sovereignty into the hands of those whom
they have chosen as their representatives, and agree to submit their public interests and individual safety to the guidance, care, and control of the chosen government. When
the vote is given the sovereign power of the voter passes away,
and he voluntarily becomes a temporary subject, with the 
THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
full understanding that he is to remain obedient to the
authority he has assisted in creating, until the return of the
periodical elections, when he again assumes the sovereignty,
reviews the acts of his public agents while in authority, and
with his vote, censures or applauds their course.
Under a system like this there is no merit in being able to
to say, "the Americans are a law-abiding people," however
gratifyving the fact may be, because if they elect bad men to
office, and thus become afflicted with bad laws, or an unjust
administration of the laws, the people have only themselves
to blame. They realize a full consciousness that the result is
one growing out of their own heedlessness or neglect, and
while they submit to the infliction, they resolve to be more
prudent in the choice of men for the future. The exercise of
the firanchise of the suffrage, then, involves something more
than the mere mechanical act of voting. Associated with
that act are the requisites of thought, judgment, reflection; a
knowvledge of mnen, an understandingy of the effect of measures,
a fixed7ness of principle and purpose, and a general apprecia tion of the effect which the vote is calculated to create. In
other words, the act of depositing a vote is an act of intelli gence. It is an expression of individual opinion, and no
opinion can exist without a basis of some sort in the mind of
its possessor. But it is more than this. The act of voting
is an act of fealty. It is the most solemn duty that the citi zen is called upon to perform towards the sovereignty of the
country, and it cannot be legitimately performed by one who
is either prejudiced against or indifferent towards the institu fions of the land.  It is the act of patriotism as well as,,f
125 
126       A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
intelligence. The man who votes with any prejudice against
the institutions of the country, will vote to suppress or destroy
those institutions, and he who is indifferent towards thelm, or
he who does not realize and appreciate the purpose and clect
of the vote, will be swayed to and fro by every conflicting
influence that may be brought to bear upon him, and lhe is
quite as likely to vote against his own best interests, and the
best interests of the community, as he is to vote for them.
Such men should never be permitted to exercise the right of
suffrage.  They are, at the best, but the allies of demagogues.
The man who would barter or sequester his vote disfranchises himself. He is unfit for a freeman, and doubly unfit to
direct the interests of fi'eemen.
In this I take direct issue with democracy. As I understand the term, I am  no democrat.   If democracy implies
universal suffrage, or the right of all men to take part in the
control of the State, without regard to the intelligence, the
morals, or the principles of the man, I am no democrat.   If
democracy implies freedom without restraint, license without
control, or impulse without judgment, I am no democrat.  As
soon would I place my person and property at the mercy of
an infuriated mob, and hope to save them, as place the liberties of my country in the hands of an ignorant, superstitious,
and vacillating populace.   How  can  the greatest of  all
sciences-the science of  government-be  appreciated  or
attained by the mind that is besotted in ignorance?  How
can liberal institutions be conserved without patriotism in the
masses?  How can the security of a people be guaranteed by
the vacillating impulses of depravity?  How  can true and 
WIIAT IS DEMOCRACY?
rational liberty be maintained by those who recognize it only
as the outlet of their passions and desires? Men who cannot
govern themselves, whether from imbecility or venality, must
not essay to govern others. MAen who are lax in principle,
will make laws and elect lawgivers in conformity with their own
notions of rig(Yht and wrong; hence the utmost prudence should
be observed in granting or extending the right of suffrage.
It was a custom with the democracy of Athens to ostracize,
that is, to banish, for ten years, such of their citizens as, from
their wealth or influence, might be deemed dangerous to the
state. The act of ostracism was performed at a public assemblage of the people, who voted by writing the name of the
person to be ostracized upon a shell, and delivering it to the
archons, or inspectors, who counted the votes, and if six thousand or more votes appeared against an individual, he was so
banished. It is related that on one occasion the people were
assembled for the performance of this singular public duty.
The name of Aristides, a man proverbial for the purity of his
character, and surnamed "The Just," had been announced as
a fitting subject for banishment. Aristides being present in
the assembly, was accosted by a citizen who, being unable to
write, requested him to write the name of Aristides upon his
shell.  Taking the shell in his hand, Aristides said to the
man:
"Do you know Aristides?"
"No," answered the citizen.
"Wvhy, then, do you vote to ostracize him?"
"Because I am tired with hearing him called' The Just,"'
was the petulant answer
127 
128      A DEFENCE OF TITE AMERICAN POLICY.
Aristides immediately wrote his own l name on the shled,
and having returned it to the voter, passed on in silence.
If such are the results of universal  snffrage, or "pure
democracy," the system, is certainly, little calculated to pro mote good government.
The legitimate qualifications of a voter in the United
States do not, by any means, involve the highIest grade of
intelligence, nor even the miost perfect standard of morality.
They require intelli,gelce sufficient to form the basis of an
independent opinion on the prominent measures of national
policy, and  the honesty and  capacity of m1en;  and they
require moralitv sufficienlt to form a firm and inflexible political integrity and an unwavering patriotism, or love of the
home country and its institutions. These qualifications are
sufficient, and there are but few Americans who have not
acquired them by intuition, before they arrived at the age of
manihood.
The first political idea that is presented to the mind of one
reared under the influences of American Republicanism, is
equality. Through the avenues and surroundings of republican custom, the mind of the American boy steps naturally
upon the platform of equality, as soon as he is old enough to
comprehend any general principles.  HIe finds no privileged
class above him to subdue and lneutralize his youthful spiritno aristocracy to overawe the innate impulses and aspirations
of the free soutl. Hle looks around, and finds himself the peer
of his associates; he encounters no superior of his own ageno master except over his imperfections.  HIis mind roams at
large, and gains strengtb by activity; be reads, he  listenls to 
FORCE OF FIRST IMPRESSIONS.
his elders, he forms opinions on topics within the scope of his
mind, and fearlessly expresses them, and thus, by early habit
learns to demand of others "nothing but what is right, and
to submit to nothing that is wrong." It is the character of
righteous independence, and thus fortified, he enters with a
firm step and a reflecting mind, upon the duties of a citizen.
This independence of character gives force to his principles,
andt vigor  to  his integrity.   It quickens  his perception,
encourages a becoming-self-respect, expands his understanding, and thus qualifies him early for a rational comprehension
and a free exercise of the prerogatives of an intelligent and
moral citizen.
These qualifications are rarely found in one trained to
submission, and imbued with a sense of his own inferiority.
Such a man, coming from the twilight of bondage into the
broad meridian of freedom, is dazzled with the unaccustomed
glory that surrounds him. His confused senses cannot endure
the light. Hie is lost, bewildered. He can neither compre hend nor realize his new position. Accustomed to cringe in
the presence of his "betters," he looks in vain for a living
shrine that will accept the homage of his bended knee. By
slow degrees, he at length imbibes a faint idea of the transi tion that he has encountered. He is told that he inhabits a
land of liberty and equality. He gets a confused notion that
a great change has taken place in his condition, but the
nature of the change is yet unrevealed to his mental faculties.
Hie has heard something about "liberty" before, without
knowing what was meant, but the word "equality," is not
found in his lexicon, and he can't make out low it is that he
6*
129 
130      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
is "as good as other people." His mind is not a blank, it is
worse than a blank. He has had engraven thereon, by the
hand of a stern artist, thoughts and fancies adapted to his
former state-lessons, not of rational obedience, merely, but of
low, slavish, abject submission, and it is difficult to rub out
the impression, and make a clean surface.
Is such a man in a condition to exercise the right of
suffrage side by side with the free-born, and free-cultured
intelligence? Should the vote of such a man be permitted
to neutralize and render nugatory the vote of the most
enlightened mind in the nation? Such is its effect. I leave
common sense to answer the question.
But the man does not always remain thus? No. Let us
pass to the next transition.  The tablets of his mind are
undergoing a further change. The attrition of surrounding
elements are gradually making their mark upon them, obliterating the old impression only by new excoriations, the one
commingling with the other without order, and the whole
presenting an unintelligible mass of cross hatchings, etchings,
lines, and interlines. The old memories are imperfectly hidden
while yet the new impressions are equally indistinct. The
man  realizes his new position without  comprehending  its
moral. He experiences an awkward relief from time-honored
restraint. He perceives that he has a right to speak his
mind, and he does so, freely; giving of, like a blurred copperplate, the confused impressions of the matrix. He talks of
democracy like a parrot, and seasons his essays of partisan
devotion, with reminiscences of the  "ould counlthry," the
"Faderland," or "La Belle France."  St. Patrick and General 
DANGERS FROM POPULAR IGNORANCE.
Jackson are synllonymous;  the "Marseillaise" mingles with
the homespun air of "Yankee Doodle;" Washington  and
Victoria are blended in a halo around the brim of the same
wine-cup, and beer-bibing infidelity pours out its boisterous
libations over the quiet surface of an American, Christian
Sabbath. The unshackled mind asserts its crude estimate of
freedom, and  degenerates into licentiousness.   The  floodgates of passions and desires, long pent up, and closed by
unnatural restraints, are now thrown apart, and the individual,
having conceived a false estimate of liberty, rushes forth to
the opposite extreme. Is this man qualified to perform
rationally the duties of an American citizen? Is he fit to
exercise that delicate and momentous trust, the power of the
suffrage, and to choose men to make laws for a well-governed
community? The use of the ballot presupposes illustration,
a clear perception of moral right and wrong, an understanding of the governing principle of the nation in which it is
employed, a stern political integrity, and, above all, an unadulterated and inflexible patriotism. In a political point of
view, this man possesses not one of these qualifications.
We might pursue this character in illustration of the qualities of the suffrage, until we find it personifying the adage of
"a beggar on horseback," or the slave with a whip in his
hand the most unscrupulous and despotic masters being
those who, through the freaks of fortune, have been raised
to authority from beneath the hand of oppression. But it is
needless.   The truth and the force of my illustration will be
recognized and inwardly confessed, even by those who have
most cultivated andforced the growth of an alien vote in the
131 
132         A DEIFENCE  OF   H.I,  A't.'E:ICAN POLICY.
land-those who have hastened the process of naturalization,
and then dragged their uncom)preheading victims by tlhou sands to the polls, and through their unmeaning votes made
null and void the legitimate judgmenet of the people!  The
spirits who, for years past, have clustered around the council
fires of "the old wigwam," can attest, if they will, the frauds
committed upon our laws, and the outrages inflicted on the
popular sovereignty and the popular right, by the falsehoods
and perjuries practised under their sanction, upon the sacredness of the ballot-box.
Viewed in the abstract, popular suffrage is not the peculiar
adjunct of liberty. It may be employed as the vegis of freedom, or the weapon of the despot; or it may become itself a
despotism, trampling upon the rights of a minority. What
despotism  more positive than the ostracism of democratic
Athens, where the unthinking and ignorant populace voted
into exile their most virtuous citizens and benefactors, for no
other crime than their wealth and talents? What has been
done before, may be done again, wherever ignorance, jealousy, prejudice, superstition, or bigotry point the way.
Classes have ere now been arrayed against classes; the poor
against the rich, the rich against the poor; the evil against
the good, until the very virtues of men have been made a
justifiable cause of popular hatred, and popular outrage upon
the persons of their possessors.
The suffrage, then, is not exempt from the necessity of a
careful surveillance. It will bear watching. It is the shield
of liberty only where a just equilibrium exists in the popular
miind; where intelligence, justice, and morality go hand in 
DANGERS FROMi POPULAR IGNORANCE.
hand, and where an unequivocal patriotism pervades the
masses of the people.
'When Louis Kossuti was,ill,ew Yorh. a body of malcontent foreigners, styling themselves "The Industrial Congress,"
determined to be in the fashlion of the time, and present anl
address to the distinguisihed HIungarian.  These  men, who
were mostly of the woking class, but unable to appreciate
the blessings of true and rational liberty, exhibited their love
of iindtstry by quitting their shops, and in an organized body
discussing, for weeks together, the imperfections of the American system of government.   In their address to Kossuth,
they made use of the following language
"Warm and devout, however, as our welcome is, we are pained to
confess that freedom, as yet, exists but technically with ourselves.
"We are free, but only free to improve the privileges bequeathed
to us by our sires, through popular opinion and the ballot box."
In reply to this, Kossuth rebuked them, uttering one of the
finest sentiments that ever fell from his eloquent lips.
"I believe," said he, "everyv uation has got all it can desire
when, by the blessing of God, it has got freedom and the
faculty to be master of its own fate; and if a nation has
obtained this faculty to be master of its own fate, but has not
the understanding, nor the will, nor the resolution to become
happy, why, then, it deserves to be not happy, and it is noi
for a stranger to meddle in its affairs."
There is a fund of wisdom and a volume of truth in this
little paragraph. This fact will be painfully manifested if the
133 
134      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
people of the United States relinquish into the hands of the
stranger the freedom and the faculty which they now possess
to be the masters of their fate.  The suffrage is too sacred,
and too delicate a faculty, to be permnitted to pass from them
into the hands of those who cannot appreciate genuine fieedom, nor distinguish between liberty and licentiousness. 
NATURALIZATION-ITS NATURE.
CHAPTER XII.
NATURALIZATION-ITS NATURE, EFFECTS, AND ABUSES.
"You may adopt at child, but he will not transmit your likeness."
THE word naturalization may be appropriately called a misnomer, because the process of naturalization is one of the most
umtzatztral of all proceedings. You may, indeed, invest an
alien with the rights and privileges of a native citizen, or
subject, but you cannot invest him with the home sentiment
and feeling of the native. You cannot make him natural to
the soil, institutions, customs, or government, or fuse into his
mind the patriotic sentiment of those born on the soil, and
reared  under  its  institutions, customs,  and  government.
Patriotism is love of one's own country; that is, the country
of birth, and the man who could coldly renounce that natural
allegiance to his home, is not the man who ought to be
trusted in his professions of fealty in any other country.  If
he is false in his sympathies to the land that gave him birth,
his professions of fealty to another land, would doubtless be
prompted solely by selfish motives, and we have strong
grounds to believe him unreliable in his professions to loyalty.
If, on the other hand, his heart and sentiments remain true
135 
136      A DEFEcNCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
to his natural instincts, while yet he forswears those instincts,
and renounces all attachment, association, or allegiance to his
native land, his tr-ustworthiness is still in doubt, because, in
imaking the oath of alle%iance, there is a mental reservation,
not pialpable, perlaps, at the time, even to his own perception, but liable to development through the pressure of aRfter
circumstances. You may engraft a twig of the russet upon
the tree of the gcolden pip2)in; yet the twig, while it sucks
subsistence from the pippin, will bear only russets.
You  may pass  a  man  through  the  formality of  an
oath of allegiance, and yet he may  not understand a thousandth part of the stupendous purport of that oath. Ask an
Irishman if he is willing to join an invading army, land on
the soil of the Shamrock, shoot down his own countrymen,
Catholics, Protestants, and all, burn their cabins, silence the
harp, and spread desolation over the "Green Isle" of his
birth, at the command of America, and he will understand
you.  And his reply, in ninety-nine cases out of every hundred, would be precisely what it ought to be, a loud, sonorous,
indignant No!  That would evince true patriotism, true love
of country. Yet, when he takes the formal oath of allegiance to the United States, he promises to do all this.
The  same rule applies to all men of all nations.  The
Englishman, proud of his national ancestry and achievements,
his home customs, and even the lineal pageantry of royalty,
and the grandeur of aristocracy, still loves his queen, find him
where you will, and realizes nothing abroad that will compare
with the productions of his own island home. Would he
coolly and deliberately swear to enter the heart of that home, 
THE  O'  SENIMENT   PREVAILS.
sword in hand, at the demond of any nation on earth? No.
Yet when he places his hand uipon the tIoly Testaments, and
the cold conventional oath of allegiance to another government trembles upon1 his lips, he swears to do this thing!  Can
he mean it in his heart   Byv no  means.  The oath is a
mockery to the soul!
But we have something imore than mere speculative and
lhypothetical authority for this declaration.'The sentiment
of real patriotism is demonstrated in a thousand forms.  We
see it in the brightening eye, we hear it in the joyous laugh,
of  thie  emig'rant, when   hlie  hears  " good  news"  fioom
home.   The  sigh  of  thle  exile  is  a  mournful  tribute
to it, and the gush of honorable pride which swells
in the bosom of the wanderer when he hears of some new
record on the tablet of his country's glory, attests the ever
living flame that is within.  WYe behold it in that fraternal
instinct which  draws countrymen  to countrymen  as they
meet, for the first time in their lives, in a strange land. It is
witnessed ill the gathering of new communities of one people
in the land of adoption; in their reverence of early customs
and habits, and especially is it presented to our notice in the
organization of benevolent, political, and other societies, by
persons of the same  countryv.  In the gatherings of these
societies, theilr memibers e.njoy all uninterrupted interchan~,e
of the o0d national senrtiient. The present is forgotten in
their dreams of the past; the home of their adoption is lost
in the cloud of patriotic reminiscences, which cluster around
the homes they have left,.and too often, perhaps, the
attachments thus recalled are neurnitted to burst forth like
137 
138       A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
a smothered flame, consunling and obliterating their oathbound fealty of adoption.
The St. George Society, an incorporation of English  gentlemen, in the State of New York, have kindly placed the
proof of my statement on the record.  At the anniversary
gathering of that association in 1852, the following occurrence
took place. I repeat the account precisely as I find it
reported in the New York journals of that day.  After the
usual dinner ceremonies of such occasions,
The president gave the second toast, prefacing it with a few
remarks. He would beg to call attention to the portrait of her gracious majesty, Queen Victoria, now ornamenting their walls. Some
five or six years ago it was determined that the society should procure a portrait of her majesty, and he would inform them what was
done in the matter. He then read the following communication on
the subject-'
To the Queen's most excellent Majesty.
"MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MAJESTY:
' We, your majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, a committee
duly appointed by the St. George's Society of the State of JVew
York, a corporate body, formed for the relief and support of our
countrymen who may be in distress within this State, humbly beg
leave to tender to your majesty, in the name of our society, our most
grateful acknowledgments for the high mark of favor which your
majesty has been so graciously pleased to confer upon us, in permitting a copy of the portrait of your majesty, by Winterhalter, to be
made for our society.  This signal proof of the benevolent regard
which your majesty has condescended to entertain for a body of your
majesty's subjects, who, though removed from the immediate sphere
of your majesty's beneficent rule, and the lustre of your majesty's
bright example, yield to none in devotion to your mojesty, and to 
THE HOMNIE SE TI'IME-NT PREVAILS.
your majesty's illustrious family, will be regarded with the sentiments which so gracious an act must call forth.  In venturing, therefore, to intrude upon your majesty with this expression of their
gratitude, the committee beg to assure your majesty that the
members of their society, though far from the land of their fathers
and of their love, can never cease to think of it with tenderness, and
that the prayers which they offer to God from their homne in this
friendly republic, for the long continuance of your majesty's health
and prosperity, flowt fromn hearts as loyal, and are uttered by lips as
trite, as can be found in any part of your majesty's almost boundless
dominions."
This missive of superlative loyalty to the sovereign of England, was uttered by and on behalf of men who had taken
the oath of allegiance to"the United States of America, and
renounced all allegiance to every other prince, potentate, and
government, and especially to this same sovereign  and government of Great Britain!  This fully sustains the hypothesis
that men are not to be sworn out of their natural allegiance
and affections. It evinces an irrepressible fidelity, not only
to the home of childhood, but also to the government and
institutions of the land of nativity. It is patriotism in all the
essentials of lthat sentiment, and therefore beyond the reach of
cenosure or reproach.  The error by which men swear an allegiance which they cannot give, lies not in the individual, but
in the system itself. That system is a moral fraud-a subterfuge by wlhichli men are inveigled through the promptings of
personal interest, to  compromise  their  noblest  instincts.
Could not a system be devised that would protect alike the
individual interest of the alien, and the interests of the State,
without demanding this unnatural sacrifice?
139 
140      A DEFENCE OF TilE AMERICAN POLICY.
Laws of naturalization must be regarded in the light of a
system of contracts, by wvhich the contracting parties agree
to render an equivalent for services  rendered.   Upon  the
understood and recognized principles of international law, an
alien possesses no intrinsic rights in the land where he is a
resident, beyond that of protection for his person, and this
accrues under the common  law of humanity: and in return
for this protection he is required to defend with his person,
and sustain with his means, the government which gives him
shelter.
The system of naturalization was created for the double
purpose of affording to the alien increased privileges, and
adding to the resources of the State by binding the alien
more  closely  to  its  interests.   Thus,  its  intention  is
both pIolitic and hlumane. The system is calculated, under
some  circumstances, to give strength to  the government
especially in its infancy, and at the same time afford desirable
facilities and a fixed protection to those who, from any
cause, may have cast their lot in a land of strangers
These objects would, however, be as completely secured
without violence to the sentiments of the alien, and  with
safety to the State, by the adoption of a system of ailiation,
instead of that which is called naturalization. A system thai
would identify the respectable resident immigrant with the
social family, but not with the political family of tile country
and afford to him all the advailtages of citizenship, excep
the right to take part in thie government, would satisfy al
the requirements of hulmarity and  hospitality, and relieve
the State from all the dli fers of internal foreign influence. 
NATURALIZATION IS A CONTRACT.
In order to complete the contract of naturalization two
pre-requisites exist, and two results are contemplated in its
consummation.  The first pre-requisite is, that the individual
shall have left the land of his nativity, and alienated himself
utterly and for ever from its government, binding himself,
at the same time, politically and socially, to the country that
receives him as its citizen or subject, to adopt it as his own,
to obey its laws, and to defend it against all other governments, but especially against the government and country
of his former fealty; and second, on these conditions the
government that receives him must have made solemn promise to shelter and protect him in his person and property
as one of its own, and to extend to him certain of the poli
litical privileges, and the social immunities enjoyed by its
natural born citizens or subjects.
These are the pre-requisites of the condition of naturalization;  the results contemplated  are therefore -first, to
strengthen and enhance the moral and physical resources of
the government, and second, to improve the condition and
secure the safety of the individual.
The government, then, is the first contracting party, and it
remains for it to say what the terms of naturalization shall be
-what amount of concession shall be made to the individual,
if any, or whether it will receive him as a citizen or not, on
any terms; because the government is under no moral or
legal obligation so to receive him unless the interest of the
country will be enhanced thereby. With the government, it
is a question of mere policy, with the individual it is a matter
of safety and direct personal interest.
141 
A DEFENCE  OF TIlE AMERIOAN POLICY.
The contract of naturalization, then, is solely of a mercenary character. It is a bargain made for value received, and
it involves no more of sentiment than the purchase and sale
of a house or a horse. The whole question of humanity and
primitive right is settled in the normal relationship of resident
and country, in which connection the resident demands and
receives from the country protection to his person.   All
beyond that is purely conventional.
The government of a nation is intrinsically the trustee of
its own people.  It is the custodian of the public safety, the
public peace, the public prosperity and honor. To watch
Qver and guard these interests is its sole duty and responsibility, and it is bound to ward off and turn aside any and
every influence that is calculated to impair them.  If; therefore, it shall at any time appear that the naturalization of
aliens is in whole, or measurably, detrimental to those interests, it becomes the duty of the government to alter and
amend its terms of naturalization, and, if deemed necessary,
to abolish them altogether.
As the government possesses the sole power of fixing the
terms of naturalization, it is fair to infer that those terms will
be so framed as to ensure an advantage to the state, or that
the state shall not give to the alien more than an equivalent
for what it is to receive from him in return. The principle
is precisely the same as that where a man of business takes
into his establishment a workman, who is to perform certain
duties at a stipulated price, and as an employer would be
accounted a bad manager who would agree to pay to the
employed more than he could earn, so that government must
142 
NATURALIZATION ADAPTED TO CIRCUMSTANCES.   143
be deemed incompetent, or unfaithfutl to its trust, which would
grant to the alien advantages superior to those required of, or
desirable from him to the state. Thus, according to circumstances, the terms of naturalization vary essentially with different governments, the government of the United States,
being the only one of any importance on earth, which makes
its contract entirely favorable to the subordinate party.
The privileges granted by Russia, and most of the northern
European powers to their naturalized subjects, extend but little beyond those enjoyed by every foreign resident in the
United States, viz. protection in person and property to the
same extent that the person and property of their natural
subjects are protected. In the Turkish empire the naturalized
subject is required to renounce not only his country, but his
religion-and after this, his advantages are but nominal-he
has no political power or rights whatever, except so far as the
civil relates to the militarv.
England, perhaps, comes nearest to an equitable distribution of relative advantages between the state and the naturalized subjects. She concedes to the person naturalized, all the
minor immunities of her natural subjects, together with the
right of suffrage based on a possession of freehold property,
and the right to hold subordinate, or local offices, if he can
get there-a contingency which seldom occurs.  He cannot,
in any case, hold a legislative office, or a seat in the privy
council.   Thus the state keeps within her own hands the
entire duties and control of its own government; the English
governinfg Enylaitd.
Before the act of naturalization can be consummated under 
144      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
the British law, the applicant is required to send to the home
secretary a mnemorial, praying that a certificate of naturaiizationl  may be granted to him.  This memorial must set forth
the name, age, and profession of the applicant, whether he is
married, or single, if he has any children, or not, of what
friendly state he is a native, and if he intends to continue
and reside in the United Kingdom.  This memorial  must
then be substantiated by an affidavit of the petitioner, and
the declaration offozur Itouselholders of good repute, affirming
his repectability and loyalty.  The cost to the applicant is
about thirty dollars of our currency.
The United States, in the early history of their government
nd nationality, adopted a more liberal policy, a policy cor esponding with the necessities of an infant nation. The ter*itory of the new government was vast and fertile, and its
copulation comparatively trifling, and utterly inadequate to
,he natural resources of its domain, and the requirements of
t young, but vigorous independency.   Under such circumstances, it was a wise stroke of policy to encourage a healthy
immigration, and the most liberal inducements were offered.
The naturalization law first adopted by the American Congress in 1790 required only two years' residence in the United
States in order to qualify an alien to take the oath of allegiance, and by taking that oath he became at once invested
with all the prerogatives, social and political, of a natural
born citizen, with the single exception, that he was not made
eligible to the office of President, or Vie President of the
Republic. The primary effect of this law was rapid immigration from the most valuable classes of Europeans; men, who 
JEF'FERPSON S OPINION.
brought with them respectability, intellect, industry, and capi tal, and whose presence was ani immediate and valuable
acquisition to the itorale and the materiel of the country.
But this result was succeeded by an inordinate ambition on
the part of the newly-created citizens, to reach the honors
and emoluments of public office, and to take a leading part in
conducting the public policy of the country. Such a disposi tion, on the partL of the adopted citizens, although not antici pated bv the fiamers of the law, was, nevertheless, predicated
upon a distinct right; a right guaranteed by the contract of
naturalization, and as it soon became evident that under the
law as it then stood, Europeans wele converted into active
and influential American politicians, before they could possibly become Americanized or perform the functions of citizens
understandingly, the act was so far altered in 1795 as to fix
the term of probationary residence at five years instead of
two.   The privileges of the naturalized citizen remained,
however, the same.
But even this term of probation, taken in connection with
the vast political influence bestowed on foreigners by the act
of naturalization, was at the time regarded by many statesmen as being too short to qualifv the alien for a safe exercise of
the delicate responsibility of the suffrage, and a participation
in the affairs of a government, the very antipodes of all their
pre-established ideas of state policy. Thomas Jefferson entertained a peculiar distrust in the system.  He noticed the
avidity with which the adopted citizens seized on the political
privileges accorded to them under it, and apprehensive of
disastrous results, which, to h.is far-eeing mind, appeared to
145
iI 
146      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
hover over a policy so unusual, he did not hesitate to express
his fears, and urge a still further amendment to the law of
naturalization. He perceived an anti-republican sentiment,
and an anti-American influence gradually but steadily, though
to the common mind imperceptibly, fusing themselves into
the new system, and even at that early day he seemed to
entertain a prophetic dread that his country was nursing in
its own bosom a dangerous and insidious viper.   "I hope,"
said Jefferson, "'we may find some means in the future, of
shielding ourselves from foreign influence, political, commercial, or in whatever form attempted. I can scarcely withhold
myself from joining in the wish of Silas Dean,'that there
were an ocean of fire between this and the Old World.'"
An expression like this exhibits the intensity of his dread
for the results of a system of naturalization so liberal to the
alien as the one then in force; and in 1798, while president
of the senate, he succeeded in obtaining the passage of a ftlirther amendment, changing the probationary term to fou.rteen
years instead of five.   This act contained, also, other restrictions intended to guard against firaudulent evasions of its pro visions; but in 1802 the whole act was repealed, and a new
act, restoring the five years' probation, was enacted in its
stead.   Two  years after, viz. in 1804, this last act was in
turn repealed, but was re-enacted in 1816, and continued in
force until 1828, when, in order to facilitate the election of a
partisan candidate for the presidency, the law was modified
by repealing the clauses which required the alien to obtain
certificates of registration, and the declaration of intention.
Thus, our laws of naturalization, which should have been 
ABUSE OF THE LAW OF NATURALIZATION.
made more stringent as the necessity for immigration dimin ished, have, on the contrary, been relaxed, and the induce m(.nts to immigration increased.  Citizenship in the United
States, has by this process been rendered so facile and cheap,
that political parties have been able to enter largely and
safely into the business of speculating in voters. They persuade men  by thousands to become naturalized, who  are
themselves unconscious of any such right, or of the use to be
made of it. They pay the paltry expense of the process for
men who have no money of their own, and especially none to
expend in what appears to them  an unmeaning ceremony;
and when they are found to hesitate about accepting citizenship even on these terms, the persevering demagogues urge,
coax, and even coerce them, and lead them listlessly before
the proper authorities (and sometimes improper authorities,
as, for example, the "Naturalization Committee," at Tammany Hall, or the Broadway House) and there the poor
wondering aliens take an unmeaning oath of allegiance to the
United States! Even the judges of some of our courts have
not hesitated to lend their offices to this system of arrant
knavery, and to attend, either in person or by their clerks,
the sessions of these vile committees.*   The  process of
* On this subject, Judge Dean of the Supreme Court of the State of New York,
says:
"There are, probably, no laws of a public character so imperfectly understood
and co badly administered as those for the naturalization of foreigners."
*      *      *       *      *      *       *      *      *
"It was never intended by those who enacted the act for the naturalization of
aliens, that persons who had been transported for crime-that those who came
lover here merely because Europe was too full for them-but who retained their
147 
148      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
naturalization (!) over, the ignorant victims are led directly to
the ballot-box, the " right ticket" is placed in their hands,
and under a careful and oft-repeated injunction, "not to allow
any person to take their ticket from them, or to exchange it
for another," they are pushed forward like automatons, and
made TO VOTE!
This mode of procedure is nOW common under the present
naturalization laws of the United States, and its demoralizing
and denationalizing effects are palpable to every mind that is
not utterly blinded by the selfish instincts of the demagogue.
The spirit of patriotism shudders as it contemplates this prostitution of the sacred attributes of freedom and intelligence.
However well the liberal policy of our naturalization laws
may have been adapted to the necessities of the republic in
its infancy, it is apparent that that policy is little less than
suicidal in the present attitude and condition of the United
loyalty of feeling for the monarchies they had left, should, because they remained
here for the period of five years, be entitled to admission to citizenship.  The
intention was to permit those who came here from abroad, seeking a permanent
home, who, by five years of continuous residence, manifested that intention,-and
by good behavior during all that time, and an attachment to republican principles,
which could be proved to the satisfaction of a court, had shown themselves worthy
recipients of the benefits to be derived from citizenship, and safe depositories of
the powers it confers, to be admitted to these rights and the exercise of these
powers, by an order entered in open court, after an examination into the facts of
each case, and a judical decisionupon the application-an examination which should
be conducted with the same care, and a decision which should be made with the
same deliberation and solemnity as that which should accompany every other judical act. Those courts which, instead of administering this law, have, by their
negligence and inattention, practically repealed it, admitting thousands to the
rights of citizenship who wanit all the requisites to entitle them to such adfmlission, have been guilty of a gross violation of duty, and have made the law itself
odious in the public estimation." 
REASONS FOR AMENDING THE LAW.
States. And as it is the first duty of government to adapt
its public policy to its own interests, it is plain that those
laws should be modified as occasion suggests, to the exigency
of the time.   This would be the true policy of the nation.
The individual policy of the partisan or the demagogue may
be the reverse, because the "loaves and fishes" depend for
the time being, not upon the ultimate fate of the country, but
upon the number of votes that a particular party or faction
may be able to cast at an election.
There exist many visible and incontrovertible reasons why
the system of naturalization requires essential modificatlcns
at the present time. They are as follows:
1. The necessity for a rapid increase of population has
passed away.  The nation is in perfect vigor, both moral and
physical. It has reached an altitude of power which requires
no adventitious aid.
2. The intellectual character of the great mass of immigrants who have, for several years past, come to the United
States from foreign lands, is not adapted to the political
duties of the citizen, and is liable, if vested with full political
rights, to subvert rather than strengthen our institutions of
civil and religious liberty.
3. The number of this class of immigrants amounts
(directly and indirectly) to the enormous sum of half a
million, annually, or nearly so. The immigration of a single
year being sufficient to exert a perceptible influence on our
public policy through the ballot-box.
4. This aggregate of the European elements in our midst,
has already become so great as to demand for itself peculiar
149 
150      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
political privileges, and arrogantly to assume rights and
powers subversive of the interests of the natural-born citizens
of the country, and dangerous to the national identity, both as
it regards our civil and our religious institutions.
5. It is already asserted by foreign residents that the
country is homogeneous-that it has no distinct identity of
population, charac(,ter or interest, and hence, that the rights
of aliens are equal to those of the natural-born citizens.
6th and last; whatever the natural or acquired rights of
foreigners in the United States may be, they are certainly
unqualified to govern the American people, and generally
incapable of understanding the principles  upon which the
tmerican  Republic is constructed. 
MISCONSTRUCTION OF RESERVED POWERS.
CHAPTER XIII.
ALIEN SUFFRAGES-VATTEL ON THE RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF ALIENS-RESERVED POWERS
OF THE STATES.
As some of the new States of our Union have construed
the reserved power by which the several States are permitted
to establish the terms on which its citizens may exercise the
right of suffrage, in a liberal sense, and under that construction have conferred the right of suffrage upon persons who
are not citizens, it is well worth our while to analyze the
subject, and learn how far such a construction will bear the
constitutional test, and what may be its ultimate effect upon
the States in which it is practised, or upon the institutions
and policy of the United States.
The Constitution of the United States is siient on the
abstract question of suffrage; hence to the States is reserved
the power to regulate the terms on which its citizens may
exercise the right of suffiage, and the manner in which it nmav
be enjoyed. But although the Constitution is silent on this
subject, it is not silent on the subject of naturalization, which
involves the entire political rights of residents who are citizens
or subjects of a foreign power. By the Constitution the sole
power to establish a uniform rule of naturalization is vested
151 
152       A DEFENCE OF THy Ab,ERICAN POLICY.
in the Congress of the United States; and by the present rule
adopted by that body, no alien can become a citizen bv natu ralization until hlie has resided at least five years within the
United states, or their territories; nor until five years after he
shall have made a declaration under oath, of his " bona-fide
intention to become a citizen of the United States, and to
renounce for ever all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign
prince, potentate, state, or sovereignty whatever." The first
question presented  in that  examination, is therefore this,
namelv
Does a subordinate State, in granting the right of sufli'age
to the citizens or subjects of a foreign power, resident within
the State, exercise only a reserved right, or does she assume a
power delegated to the nation of which she is but a component State or integral member?
M. Vattel, in his elaborate work on international law, says:
"It belongs to the nation and its rulers, to fulfill the duties
of humanity towards strangers in everythin2 that no longer
depends on the liberty of individualts."
He also says:
"It exclusively belongs to each nation to form her own
judgment-of what her conscience prescribes to her-of what
she can or cannot do-of what it is proper or improper for
her to do; and of course it rests solely with her to examine
and determine, whether she can perform any office for any
other nation, without neglecting the duty which she owes to
herself."
The same rule applies to her intercourse with individuals,
as well as with nations. Hence, while it belongs to the nation 
RIGHTS OF FOREIGNERS.
to fulfill the duties of humanity to strangers, the nation is also
to be the sole judge of what she can do for others, without
neglecting the duty which she owes to herself.
In the United States of America, the national power, or the
national weakness, lies solely in the popular suffrage. Upon
that suffrage depend alike the policy, the probity, and
perhaps the very perpetuity of thie nation itself in its primitive
form and character.  The first duty, therefore, that the nation
owes to itself, is to watch over and control the popular
suffrage, because, if that is neglected, the nation may be
destroyed. This, as I understand it, is a fixed principle of
international law, and it seems to have been so recognized
when the several States relinquished into the hands of the
national government the sole power to establish a uniform
rule of naturalization. We are now led naturally to inquire,
What are the rights and duties of aliens, as established by
the law of nations?
On this subject Vattel says:
"The  inhabitants, as  distinguished  from  citizens, are
foreigners, who are permitted to settle and stay in the country.   Bound  to the society by their residence, they are
subject to the laws of the State while they reside in it; and
they are obliged to defend it, because it grants them protection, though they do not participate in all the rights of
citizens."
Now, the most important right of the citizen of the United
States is the right of suffrage-the right to take part in its
government and policy-the right to choose its r[lers, make
its laws, and direct its destiny. It can never for a moment
7*
153 
154      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
be supposed, then, that, by any law regulating the intercourse
of nations, so important a right can be claimed by the citi zens or subjects of a foreirgn nation, who, according to Vattel,
are only permzitted to reside in the United States; much less
can this nation grant to them  so delicate and important a
privilege, without neglecting the most solemn duty which it
owes to itself; and if the nation cannot grant that privilege,
by what rule may  it be granted  by a subordinate State?
"Foreigners," says Vattel, "do  not participate in all the
rig'ts of citizens."  This implies clearly that they do paiticipate in some of the rights of citizens, but not in others.
Where, then, is the discrimination? What are and what are
not their rights?  The first quotation, which I have made
firom the highest authority on this subject, is plain, and to
the point; the nation is bound to the stranger in all the
duties of humnanity; it is compelled to protect him in his
social character and necessities; to afford him the opportunities of commerce with its own citizens; to protect him in his
person, his property, and in his lawfill endeavors to acquire
property; to tatch over his life, his liberty, and his pursuit
of happiness, and he has a right to demand such protection.
Hiere ends the duty of the nation, and the right of the alien.
The rights of the citizen, which, according to Vattel, are not
enjoyed by the foreigner, are those which pertain to the conduct and safety of the State, or, in other words, they are
political riglIts, and  as the right of suffrage is the  higohest
political firanchise known to our citizens, that right especially
does not belong to the alien. But, says Vattel,
"A nation, or sovereign who represents it, may grant to a 
THE ALIEN VOTE VOID IN FACT.
foreigner the quality of a citizen, by admitting him into the
POLITICAL SOCIETY. This is called naturalization."
This principle sustains my last position, because it declares
that until the foreigner is naturalized, he is not a member of
the political society of the nation, and, consequently, is incapable of exercising any political function whatever.   He is
subject to its laws, and obliged to defend it, because it grants
him protection, but he does not participate in the political
rights of the citizen, until he has been admitted into the political family, by the process of naturalization.
The conclusion, therefore, is, that the unnaturalized subject, or citizen of a foreign power, has no innate right to
claim the privilege of voting, and that no separate or individual State has the legal right or power to confer that privilege upon him. The nation, in its intrinsic power, may, it is
true, concede that privilege, provided it can be done compatibly "with the duty which she owes to herself," but a State
is not the nation, and possesses no such power; she cannot
admit the alien into the  "political society," having relinquished that power to the nation; hence, the nation alone
can determine what citizen or subject of a foreign power may
be admitted to the privilege of the suffrage within her States
and territories.   The United  States never having granted
that franchise to those who are aliens, it follows that every
vote given by an alien is in direct violation of the spirit and
the letter of the national Constitution and laws, and therefore
void; because,
1. By the recognized principles of in'ernational law, an alien
possesses no political rights in the country where he resides,
155 
156       A DEFEA,'NCE OF TIT' AMERICAN POLICY.
2. The general government, or nation, may alone confer
political rights upon the alien by the formula of naturalization.
3. Any subordinate State which confers the privilege of
political suffrage on all alien usurps a prerogative which is
vested solely in the nation, and
4. The exercise of a political privilege by an alien, without
having been naturalized, is an illegal act.
Yet this delicate privilege has been, and is, so conferred
upon aliens in some of the Western States.   By  the Constitution of Illinois, for example, all white male inhabitants above
the age of twenty-one years, having resided in the State six
months next preceding an election, have the privilege of electors, and are allowed to vote for all public officers, even to
members of Congress and electors for President of the United
States. There is no reservation whatever. Under that Constitution, the immigrant subject of Austria, Russia, the Roman
Pontiff, or any other despotism of Europe, possesses and exercises, within seven months from the day that he first sets his
foot on American soil, either at New York or New Orleans,
as potent a voice in the choice of national representatives,
and in directing the policy of the American government, as
the most intelligent citizen, who was born and has been reared
under our own institutions! A result certainly never contemplated, either by the framers of the Constitution of the
United States, or by the original States, when they relinquished to the general government the sole power of naturalization, or by the Congress of the country, when it declared
that an alien must reside.fie years in the United States
before he could be eligible to become a citizen. 
EFFECT OF THE ALIEN VOTE.
The only ostensible, and dcloubtless, real motive for this
singular construction of the Constitution as applicable to the
reserved rights of the several States, is, that it offers inducements to immigrants to settle in, and populate, the tenantless
lands of the great interior; a motive not only plausible, but
intrinsically meritorious, because, if the United States are to
become the receptacle of the laboring masses of Europe, certainly their labor could not be better employed, either as
relates to their own interest, or the interests of the country,
than in cultivating and developing the agricultural resources
of the wide, uncultivated  Atest.  But whatever merit  this
view of the subject may, at first sight, present, it is entirely
absorbed in the vast and m-nomentous results  to be apprehended in the exercise of political power by a class of residents, who, from the verv nature of the case, must be incapable of appreciating the trust, or of wielding it for the good of
the State.
The subject is not merely a local one, nor one in which the
States of the West are alone concerned. The influence exercised by the unappreciatingr alien voters of Illinois, Ohio, or
any other State, is felt in every State of the Union, and
imparts a color to the very policy, even, of the national government; nay, it is very plain to perceive that it may actually
determine that policy through a preponderating influence or
balance of power in the national councils; and thus we may
have forced upon the country, through the votes of foreign
subjects, the European intervention policy of a Kossuth, the red
republican and infidel policy of French. and German theorists,
or the more subtle, and no less dangerous policy of the
157 
158        A DErE-CE OF TIlE A-MIERICAN POLICY.
Romish despotism. Those States, therefore, which retain this
irrational construction of what pertains to the reserved rights
of the States, mnay perceive that others than themselves have
an interest in the subject, as broad and as abiding as their
own, and that with this interest they are vested, also, with
the right to defend it.
When the Constitution of the United States declared that
"the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it. to the States, are reserved to
the States respectively, or to the people," it was certainly
intended that this provision, so eminently due to the sovereignty
of the States, should apply only to the internal affairs of
individual States; that, while acknowledging the sovereignty
of the Constitution in all matters of national or general
import, a local domestic independence should still be maintained and reserved to the States as separate and free commnonwealths.  Thus far, these reserved rights are sacred and
irrefragable, but when an individual State, in the exercise of
what it deems its reserved rights, shall perform any act detrimental to, or in any way affecting the public policy and interests of other States, or of the United States, it transcends its
privilege, and violates the sovereignty of others.  And this I
hold to be the precise attitude of those States who permit
the subjects or citizens of foreign princes, potentates, or states,
to exercise the privilege of the suffrage within their borders.
But, apart fi'or  this view of the subject, I think it will not
be difficult to show that the act of granting the suffrage franchise to aliens, so far firom being an act of wisdom, and a
source of benefit to the States which grant it, is, in fact, the 
THE IMMIIGRANT SEEKS EMPLOYMENT.
worst measure of policy that could be adopted by them.. In
the first place, I do not hesitate to say that it fails in its
ostezsible object.   It does not, in  any perceptible  degree,
increase either the population, the wealth, or the resources of
any State that has adopted it. The class of European emigrants, firom which the new States seek to derive a rapid
population, give no thought to the political institutions of the
State in which they determine to settle. Their choice of
location is governed by its physical adaptation to their wants.
They know no difference, they seek no difference, between
the p)olitical institutions of the several States, and naturally
give the preference to those localities which afford the most
ready employment.   They regard America as a unit, and,
politically, they knowv no  difference between  the State of
Missouri and the State of Illinois.  They seek, as I said before,
those localities which afford the best facilities, and the best
return for labor. In proof of this, let us make a comparison:
Missouri does not give the privilege of the suffrage to aliens;
Illinois does give the privilege.   Both are Western States,
lying side by side, but with the inducements to immigration
greatly on the side of Illinois.
In 1840, the population of Miss   ouri was --
In 1850, the population of that State had increased to  -
Showing an increase in ten years of
In 1840, the population of Illinois was  -           -    -
In 1850, the population of that State had increased to  -
Showing an increase in ten years of
The greatest natural increase of population by birth has
159
383,702
682,044
298,342
476,183
851,470 0
375,287 
160      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
been estimated at five per cent., or equivalent to a double in
twentv years.  At this rate, the natural increase of popula   tion in the State of Missouri, during the years mentioned,
would have beei 191,851, which, taken from the aggregate
increase of 29S,342, leaves, as the result of immigration, an
increase of 106,491.
At the same rate, the natural increase of population in the
State of Illinois would have been 238,091, which, taken from
the aggregate increase of 375,287, leaves, as the result of
immigration, an increase of 137,196, being only 40,705 more
than that of the State of Missouri, in ten years.
W~hen we take into consideration the vast inducements
offered to immigrant laborers by Illinois over Missouri, my
declaration, that the gratuity of the suffrage to aliens does
not, in any perceptible degree, increase the population of the
State, is sustained.   These  inducements  are found  in the
following facts:
1. Missouri, being a slave State, does not so much require
the labor of the white immigrant in tilling her soil. Illinois,
being a free State, the immigrant laborer does not find in her
borders that source of unequal competition.
2. Missouri has had in progress no great public works to
demand laborers from abroad. Illinois, on the other hand,
has constructed her immense canal, and built over two thou  sand miles of railroads.
Here are good and sufficient causes to account for all the
* additional increase of population which Illinois has exhibited
over Missouri, leaving nothing as the result of her liberal con  struction of the principle of State sovereignty.   They prove, 
LOCAL EFFECT  OF TIE ALIEN VOTE.
conclusively, that the immigrant will seek those localities
which  afford the readiest  means  of  subsistence, without
regard  to any  political atdvantages  that  may  be offered.
Those States, therefore, who seek to increase their population
by  vesting  aliens  with  extraordinary political privileges,
utterly fail in their object.
The next, and most important view of this extraordinary
construction of the principle of State sovereignty, is its probable effects upon the ultimate prosperity and character of
the States +who entertain it, and upon the rights and happi
ness of their citizens. The first duty of government, after the
sesurity of the people, is self-preservation, because even a bad
government is better than none at all; but most especially is
this the duty of a government so happily constituted as ours,
which derives all its just poweis from the consent of the governed.   Our government a-id institutions  are leculiar to
themselves; there are none other like them on the face of the
globe; hence, to understand and appreciate them, it is necessary to be educated to them; and, without an understanding
of their construction, it is'impossible to take part intelligently
in their management.   This axiom is so well admitted that
our own countrymen, however intelligent they may be, are
not permitted to exercise any political power whatever until
they have lived twenty-one years under the workings of our
system.'Ty next proposition is, that the sole conservative
principle of the nation is in the people, or those who, by their
votes, form the governmenlt out of their own opinions.
The American people, those born and reared on American
soil, have but one opinion as to the general principles which
161 
162      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
embody our institutions, or, in other words, our system of
government. They differ only in measures of immediate or
local policy. Out of that difference, political parties arise, and
at our elections we determine, by the expressed wish of a
majority of the people, what measure, or whlat course of local
policy shall be adopted; but whatever it is, it is sure to be in
conformity with  the general principles of our government.
The intelligence, the fidelity, the home sentiment of our countrymen are a sufficient guarantee of such a result.  But what
guarantee have we, where the votes of those bred under our
institutions are overborne or neutralized by the votes of those
who regard our system as not sufficiently democratic;  or
those who  dleem  it too puritanical  in its respect for the
Sabbath; or those who declare that no government can be
perfect unless it is subordinate to "the Church?" What
guarantee have our sister States of the West, within whose
friuitfuil borders the tide of European emigra,tioon is pouring
like a li'ving flood; what guarantee have they that their too
liberal constitutions and laws will not melt like wax,, before
the consuming heat of imported opinions, and through the
manipulation of foreign voters, be remodelled and made to
assume new aspects, repulsive to rational liberty, subversive
of religion, and hostile to the true interests of the State?
None whatever.  The chances are in favor of some such
result, or at least, that the American residents of those States
will be made to endure severe mortification growing out of
this cause. They will find that they have encouraged a
clannish sentiment amongo their foreign population, directly
hostile to those of American birth and sentiment, and politi 
THE PRINCIPLE OF NATURALIZATION IGNORED.   163
cal demagogues are not wanting who will seize upon this
very hostilitv and employ it to the detriment of the best
interests of the State.
The mere process of naturalization, recognized and legalized as it is by civilized nations, is a precautionary measure,
and presupposes the existence of a necessity in one of two
forms, perhaps in both; namely, first, in the incapacity of the
alien to take part understaiidingly in affairs of the State, and
secondly, in the importance of guarding the State against the
introduction  of foreign  and  antagonistic influences.  By
granting the franchise of the suffrage to aliens, this principle
is ignored, and the State is made to assume the attitude of a
suitor.  The very sovereignty of which she is so tenacious is
absorbed in humiliating overtures.  Instead of making her
own laws, and dictating the conduct of the stranger  who
settles within  her borders, she meekly  resigns  her most
dignified  prerogative,  and  solicits  where  she  ought  to
command. 
] 64     A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
CHAPTER XIV.
IMIIGRA.TION —ITS CHARACTER, EXTENT, AND RESULTS.
"Behold, therefore, I will bring strangers upon thee, the terrible of the nations;
and they shall draw their swords against the beauty of thy wisdom, and they shall
defile thy brightness."
EZEKIEL, chap. xxviii., v. 7.
So far as the vital interests of the United States are concerled, there is, perhaps, no feature of political economy
more deserving the careful consideration of the statesman
than that of immigration. The distinguishing features of our
form of government, as adapted to the happiness and prosper
ity of its individual citizens-the diversity of climate and the
physical resources of the United States, have conspired to
pour upon our shores a vast and still increasing tide of people, fleeing from the oppressions, restraints, and the burdens
of life, engendered in the overgrown communities of the Old
~Vorld.  The loftiest intelligence and the meanest intellectthe man of wealth, and the starving millions-the statesman,
the philosopher, the idiot, thle criminal, and the insane, have
been alike attracted forom the scenes of their nativities, and, in
one common flood, have cast their destinies and their opinions, their worth and their mendticity, their morals and their 
OPPOSITE ELEMENTS WILL NOT HARMONIZE.
vices, their superstitions, their traditions, and their prejudices,
upon the social bosom of America.
To believe that a mass so crude and incongruous, so
remote from the spirit, the ideas, and the customs of America,
can be made to harmonize readily with the new element into
whieh it is cast, is, to say the least, unnatural.  It is a belief
at war with reason and common experience.   As well might
we hope to harmonize the tribes of the forest with the tribes
of the commercial mart —the savage of Minnesota with the
money-changer of AWall street.  Man is the creature of habit
and customi, wherever, and under whatever auspices his lot is
cast. Opinions, morals, usages, are all the fruits of training
and education, and all these, by training and education,
become, not impressions merely, but absolute convictions, or
what is sometimes termed the second nature. To root out
these convictions, to annul this second nature, to unlearn the
mind of what has been learned through years of precept,
example, and discipline, is not the work of a day or of a few
years. Wvhere the new element, thus thrown into a community, is trivial and unimportant, and the surroundings of old
habits and customs are few, the mind of the possessor is more
easily reached and moulded to the new associations. A
single savage may be readily civilized; a whole tribe never.
So it is with the immigrant.  A few individuals, scattered
here and there throughout a whole people of opposite notions
and customs, will yield, in the absence of pervading reminiscences of their past habits, readily and easily to the notions
and customs which surround them.  But if, on the contrary,
those individuals are thrown together, where the opportunities
165 
166      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
of an interchange of old thoughts, old memories, and old
associations are uninterrupted, the home sentiment will wrestle with the new influence; a clannish spirit will grow up
among them, and the recollections of the past will cluster
tenaciously, and almost holily, about their hearts.
This is the condition of the immigrants from Europe, residing, and still pouring into the United States, and so palpable
and pervading has the foreign element become, that its deleterious effects upon our welfare, as a nation, is no longer a
problem.  European immigration is unquestionably the "Grecian horse" of the American Republic.
The opinion of the father of our country on this subject is
worthy of being read and re-read. His patriotic and prophetic mind, ever jealous of foreign influence, could not
remain silent on a subject of such magnitude, and as early as
the year 1 94, he expressed his views upon it in the following
letter, addressed to the elder Adams. The letter is dated
"PHILADELPHIA, YOV. 17, 1794.
"To Jo,n Adanzms,  Vice-President of the United States.
"DEAR SIR:
"My opinion with respect to immigration is, that, except of useful
mechanics, and some particular descriptions of men and professions,
there is no need of encouragemnent.
"I am, &e.,
"GEORGE WASHINGTON.."
Washington saw that the social advantages to be derived
by the foreigner who should make this country his home,
would prove a sufficient inducement to immigration, without 
IMMIIGRATION CLASSIFIED.
the addition of those  extraordinary political ind
which have, from time to time, been offered by Cor
throiugh which alone immigration is rendered da
our institutions.
The total number of passengers arriving in th
States, on shilpboard, during the last eleven year
quarter, viz. from  September  30, 1843, to  Dece
1854, as I find by the record in the office of the Se
State, was,
Of these, there were citizens of the United
States, about,
Total number of aliens,
Theree millions within a fraction!
During the first of these eleven years, viz. from September
30, 1843, to September 30, 1844, the number of passengers was
but 84,764; and during the last, viz. from December 31, 1853,
to December 31, 1854, the number of passengers amounted
to the enormous sum of 460,474! of whom only 32,641
were citizens of the United States. This vast immigration
does not include the thousands who silently enter upon our
territory by crossing the northern frontier from the Canadas.
Those, if it were possible to enumerate them, would doubtless
swell the aggregate to nearly or quite HALF A MILLION!
The immiorant aliens thus cast promiscuously upon our soil,
may be divided into four distinct classes, thus:
1st.   IEN OF BUSINESS, CAPITAL, AND RESPECTABILITY, who
take little or no interest in politics.
2d.  RED  REPUBLICANS,  AGRARIANS,  AND  INFIDELS, a
167
226,742
2,947,653 
168      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
restive, radical, discontented people, at war with all governmnaent.
3d.  PAPISTS; men who will obey their priests first, and
the law of the land afterward.
4th.  PAUPERS; * men, women, and children, who are sent
to us by the municipalities of Europe, to be supported at our
expense.  The great proportion of this class may be included,
also, in class No. 3.
The first of these classes is comparatively far from
numerous.   They come to America to make fortunes, with
the  intention, generally, of returning  and  enjoying their
wealth at home.  They care little who governs, so long as
trade is good, and profits large, and if they go through the
formula of naturalization at all, it is solely for the purpose of
facilitating their means of becoming rich. Citizenship affords
them  an  opportunity to purchase, hold, and convey real
estate, and that is all they gain or care for by the operation.
Caring little for the country or its institutions, and less for its
politicians, they very seldom avail themselves of the political
rights of the citizen. They are to be found punctually at
their counting-rooms, warehouses, and on Change, but seldom
at the polls. This class of immigrants is always desirable.
It adds  to the  mercantile  wealth  and  character  of  the
country; it gives an impetus to commerce and finance, and
without  tampering with  the public policy of  the nation,
enhances its power, and contributes to its general prosperity.
* The census of 1S50 shows that pauperism in the United States is in the proportion of one American to ten foreigners. Of the native-born population, only
one in every 317 is a pauper; whereas, of the foreign-born population, one in every
82 is a pauper. 
THE AMERICAN MECHANIC.
It is a circumstance worthy of note, that this class of immigrants, the most qualified to perform, in a rational manner,
the duties of citizens, and the most interested in our
pub.ic policy, is the last to avail itself of the  prerogativ-es of the citizen.  The United States can well afford to
spare the occasional fortunes borne back to Europe by these
xisitors, as a quzid pro quo for the practical services which
they render while on our soil.
The second class differs from the first in many important
essentials.  They are generally worlking-men and tradesmen,
respectable in their  sphere,  and  possessing the physical
elements of usefulness. So far, they are, to a limited
extent, desirable residents.  In qualifying this desideratum, I
mean to be understood that it is possible to overstock the
country  with that  class of operatives.  It is possible to
increase the competition in mechanical labor to an unnatural
extent, and thereby destroy the healthy equilibrium that
should exist between that class of labor and the capital of
the country.   The result of such excess is to reduce  the
wages of the mechanic to a standard below its relative value,
and drive the native artisan out of employ. It must be apparent that, when imported industry produces that effect, it
becomes injurious to the country at large, and oppressive to
one of the most useful and important classes of our own
countrymen. The offset of cheap wares, which this competition produces, can  bear  no  comparison with the injury
inflicted upon the vital interests of the American mechanic.
The home-born and home-educated mechanics and tradesmen of the United States constitute, not only the numerical,
I 6
8 
A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
but also the mor'al power of the country, and when vou strike
a blow at their interests, you lacerate the interests of the
country itself.  Political demagogues  are  accustomed  to
characterize these classes of citizens as the "bone and sinew"
of the nation; they are more; they are the muscle and blood,
with no small share of the brain. They are generally intelligent, and always law-abiding and industrious. They are
patriotic, brave, and generous, not mercenary. Proud, too,
as every American freeman ought to be; proud of their country, their liberties, their independence, their national history,
and their own manliness, and may God forbid that this pride
should ever be humbled!  It is the moral bulwark that
stands between the nation and its foes, and, as such, demands
the most earnest solicitude of the government. As an ingredient of its public policy, it is of vital moment that the producing interests of the country should be both encouraged
and protected on its own ground, against an undue competition created by immigration.
The theory that capital and labor will naturally establish
their own equilibrium, holds good where natural causes only
are brought to bear; but the excess of the producing element
caused by immigration, is unnatural and extraneous, and the
theory ceases to apply; more especially where, as in this case,
the element of immigrant labor exceeds the element of immi grant capital, in a ratio at least fifty to one. A discrepancy
so wide is well calculated to create an aristocracy of wealth,
fatal to the moral and social interests of the producing classes,
and liable to lead to the wildest schemes of retaliation
towards a government, or a system that fosters and encour ages it.
170 
FOREIGN ORGANIZATIONS.
But it is the immediate political and moral aspects of this
class of immigrants to which I purpose mainly, now to call the
reader's attention.   They aIre mostly from France  and the
German principalities, to which we may add a few from Italy,
and a very few of the most illiterate from England; and
although embodying distinct theories, they are found sufficiently in harmony in their general political ideas to warrant
their classification as a unit. They are the malcontents of
the Old World, who hate monarchy, not because it is monarchy, but because it is restraint. They are such men as stood by
the side of Robespierre, and aided him in pouring out the best,
as well as some of the worst blood of France; men, who established a horrible republic upon the corpses of their own
countrymen, and who  advanced through carnage, only to
retreat again from their own encrimsoned handiwork, and,
with white hearts and red hands, seek, under  a restored
monarchy, that safety which they could not find in the licentious and ungodly fabric of terrors which their own brutal
passions had erected. These are your red republicans! red
with the blood of the innocent! Men who would gladly abolish both law and Gospel at a single swoop! Such men clamor
for "universal suffrage," "free farms," and "intervention in
European affairs." They demand the abolition of all laws
regulating the Sabbath" they forget their oath of allegiance
to the United States, and call themselves "European democrats."  Hiere is one of their cards, published in the New
York papers during the Kossuth mania.  I republish it, as
showing the drift of the political thought of this class of
adopted citizens.
1 71
.0 
172      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
"UNITED COIMMITTEE OF THE EUROPEAN DEMOCRACY.  The members
of the French, German, Italian, Hungarian, Polish, and Czecho
Sclavish committee, invite the democrats of all the nations of Europe,
to meet on Wednesday, the 10th of December, at 9 o'clock, A. M. in
the Shakespeare Hotel, corner of Duane and William streets, for
participating at the great manifestation for delivering to the citizen,
LOSSUtI, theftlag of thle European democracy.
"GENERAL Z. AVEZZANA,
"President of the United Committees.
"W. RAVENEAU, Secretary."
Sornie of these men are naturalized citizens, probably some
are not; but it is known that General Z. Avezzana, who signs
the above card, as president of the "United Committees of the
European democracy," is a naturalized citizen of the United
States, and that he held a commission as captain of a military company, composed of "European democrats," in the
State of New York, under the broad seal of the State, long
before Louis Kossuth was heard of in America. His title of
"General" is derived, doubtless, from his association with this
Red Republican organization, and will probably take effect
when the people of Europe fight the great battle of democracy
on European soil. The last that I knew of General Avezzana,
he was a quiet and respectable segar-dealer, in Broadway, in
the city of New York, an occupation far more rational than
that of organizing seditious or revolutionary parties in the
home of his adoption, against the sovereignties of the Old
World.   His association with these revolutionists proves,
however, that he has not become Americanized, notwithstanding his formal naturalization, and it also leaves the inference 
FOREIGN ORGANIZATIOXS.
that he does not intend to become  Americanized.   He,
doubtless, stands ready, with his associates, to spring into the
vortex of European revolution whenever a favorable opportunity is presented; not in the character of an Amnerican
citizen, but as an Italian.
This exhibits the true sentiments of these men in regard
to their home attachments.   They  are patriotic, perhaps
overzealous, and founded on unreal notions of what constitutes rational liberty; but springing from the pure fountains
of Nature.  It presents them in their true light as Euro.
peans, not as Americans.
But it is, after all, perhaps, more important that we should
know their sentiments in regard to their adopted country,
than what they intend to do on the other side of the
Atlantic, because that is what most interests our immediate
welfare. This ranting about European revolution is of little
importance to the American people, so long as the ranters
deport themselves as law-abiding citizens, loyal to the Constitution of the country, and attached to those institutions, of
which that Constitution is the basis. It is when they attempt
to engraft their crude, radical notions upon our system, and
to subvert that beautiful fabric of government which alone
can ensure to us the blessings of civil and religious liberty-it
is then that we are called upon to meet them with the
sturdiest weapons that patriotism can devise, and beat down
their seditious and treasonable aims. In order that the
reader may understand how far this class of adopted
citizens appreciate the glorious boon of liberty which we
present to them, let us quote from one of their manifestoes,
173 
A DEFENCE OF THIE AMERICAN POLICY.
published in the city of Richmond, Virginia, in the year
18o1.  It was issued by the German branch of this "European democracy," and is entitled the "PLATFORM OF THE
SOCIAL DZEMOCRATIC SOCIETY OF W'ORKINGMEN."'
From this "platform" I make the following  quotation.
After an appropriate preamble, in which they declare that
the American people "have  proven  their incapacity  to
develop and build up the true democratic'principles of the
Constitution" of their own country, these men say: "The
AVorkiugmen's Society, in Piichmiond, has therefore resolved
to publish the following fundamental principles of reform:"
"A. JReformn in the Laws of the General Governmnent, as well as
in those of the States."
"WE DEMAi.D, 1. Universal suffrage.  2. The election of all officers
by the people. 3. The abolition of the presidency. 4. The abolition of senates, so that the legislature shall consist of only one
branch. 5. The right of the people to recall their representatives at
their pleasure. 6. The right of the people to change their constitution when they like.   7. All lawsuits  to be conducted'Without
expense. 8. A department of the government to be set up for the
purpose of protecting immigration.   9. A reduced term for acquiring citizenship."
These are the alterations they would make in the internal
government of the country. I do not republish them with
a view of controverting their theories-they are too ridiculous for anything like serious argument, and too insolent for
any other -notice than that of contempt. The object is to
give the platform as much publicity as possible, in order that
the American people may see what kind of citizens we
174 
Tile GERMAN PILATFORM.
manufacture out of these red republican, agrarian infidels,
by the process of naturalization. But I pass now to the
second plank in their platform. It is marked and entitled as
follows:
"B. Reformn in the FOREIGN Relations of the Government."
"1, Abolition of all neutrality. 2. Intervention in favor of every
people struggling for liberty."
It is not assuming too much to suppose, that, with the
guardianship of the whole world upon his shoulders, as this
idea suggests, Uncle Sam would have his hands full, and
plenty of exercise. The idea is certainly a brilliant one!
But in the next plank we are to have:
"C. Reform in what relates to Religion."
"1. A more perfect development of the principle of personal freedom and liberty of conscience.  /bolition of laws for the observance of the Sabbath.  1bolition of prayers in Congress-abolition
of oath upon the Bible."
What a blessed refo?rn this would be in religious matters!
I do not think the American people are prepared to follow
out the suggestion, yet this is what these adopted citizens
want, and they do not hesitate to say so.  The next feature
of this interesting platform relates to:
"D. Reformn in the SOCIAL Conditions."
1. Abolition of landed monopoly. [This means simply that those
men who, by their industry and talent, have acquired a large estate,
shall be compelled to divide it with those who have neither the
175 
1 76      A DEFENCE OF THE AMLIERICAN POLICY.
industry nor the talent to acquire for themselves.]  2. Advalorem
taxation of property.  3. Amelioration of the working classes-by
lessening the time of work to eight hours for grown persons, and
five hours for children. By incorporation of mechanics' associations
and protective societies. By granting a preference to mechanics
before all other creditors. By establishing an asylum for superannuated mechanics without means, at the public expense."
Our American mechanics are willing to work ten, twelve,
and sometimes, voluntarily, sixteez hours a day, and, consequently, they are not  likely to become  "superannuated
without means."   It is a capital idea, though,  of these
"social democrats," that the State shall first pass laws to
encourage and sustain them in their laziness, and then build
comfortable asylums, in which they may enjoy their otiut
cun diynitate, drink  lager-bier and puff the  meerschaum
without money and without price.   What  an admirable
incentive to industry such a system would afford
"4. Education of poor children by the State.  5. Taking possession of the railroads by the State. 6. Promotion of education. By
the introduction of free schools, with the power of forcing the
parents to send their children to school, and prohibition of all
clerical influence.   By instruction in the German language.!y
establishing a German University.'"
The last two demands illustrate, in a striking manner, tlhe
extent of nationalization, which they have undergone by the
process of naturalization.
"7. The  supporting  of the  slave  emancipation  exertions  of
Cassius M. Clay by congressional laws.  8. Abolition of the Christian 
THE GERMAN PLATFORM.
system of punishment, and introduction of the human amelioration
system.  9. Abolition of capital punishment.'
This platform was signed:
"For the namne of the Social Demnocratic Society,
"Dit. C. HEINMETZ, President.
"J. BIESER, Secretary.*
DATED, "RICHMOND, VA., Oct., 1851."
Here our fellow-countrymen  may  see at a glance  the
moral, social, and political predilections and aspirations of this
class of immigrants.  We receive them with the arms of hos
* On the basis of this platform, an association of foreign radicals was formed
in the city of Philadelphia, entitled "THE AMERICAN REVOLUTIONARY LEAGUE FOR
EUROPE." The plan was arranged on a grand scale, and provided for the organization of subordinate leagues and military corps in every city and county in the
United States, with a congress of delegates for the general government and
direction of their seditious plan. At a meeting of the congress, held in Philadelphia, on the 29th day of January, 1852, a constitution was adopted, giving a full
account of the plan, and the manner of carrying it out. That constitution will be
found at length in the Appendix of this volume.
Prior to the arrival of Kossuth in America, Dr. Kinkle, the celebrated German
socialist professor, had done much towards forwarding these seditious movements,
aimed alike at our system of neutrality and our form of government. In the
accomplishment of their ends, those radicals did not hesitate to seize upon every
subject which had taken hold of the popular mind, and in their efforts to raise the
proposed revolutionary fund, they took sides with the abolitionists, as indicated
in the 7th subdivision of their article on " Reform in the Social Condition," hoping
to gain their sympathies, and glean, at the same time, a few pence from the free
colored men in the United States. Thus we have the resolutions passed at a
meeting of the German Political Club, of Cleveland, Ohio, in the following words:
" Whereas, The colored people, in their meeting, held on the 17th  inst., have
expressed their sympathy with thle Gernan Nation by a resolution to actually aid
the German National Loan, the Geriman Political Club resolves:
-1st. To express its hearty thanks, and avails itself of this oppnrtLl,ity to
declare the conviction that th/e Getoat people, as soots as t/ec s/,(tll /[ave
(btaized tihe Democratic Republic in tlhe comingy.sttiygle, use (all meats witicl
are adapted to abolish Slaavery, an lInstitution which is so wholly repugnant to
the principles of true Democracy.
2d. That this resolution shall be published in all the newspapers of this city."
8*
177
lb 
178      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
pitality and sympathy wide open-we embrace themn;  we
feed and clothe them; we protect them from the despotisms
that would pursue and destroy them, we give them liberty,
social and religious; we make them our peers, our equals; we
marry them to our children; we say to them, partake with
us of the bounty which, under the Divine blessing, and
through our gracious institutions of freedom, have been
bestowed upon us-and they repay us with ingratitude, and,
under the very license that we give to them, they coolly,
ignorantly, and deliberately set to work in pulling down the
humane fabric which generously protects them. They would
destroy the very system which  has afforded them  a refuge,
when they had no other refuge on earth, and, in that destructionL, they would involve themselves and their benefactors in
one stupendous ruin.
A few words on this subject, from one who never erred in
his judgment, nor swerved in his patriotism, may be appropiately quoted in this place.  In the farewell address of
WAashington, wve find the following passage:
"Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country
has a right to concentrate your affections.  The name of AMERICAN,
which belongs to you in your national capacity. must always exalt
the just pride of patriotism more than any appellation derived from
local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the
same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have, in
a common cause, fought and triumphed together; the independence
and liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels and joint
efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes."
That country has been far from successful in its right "to
0 
PAPISTS.
concentrate the affections" of the citizens by choice; and, at
the present day, how bold and distinct have become "the
shades and difference in the religion, manners, habits, and
political principles," which, in tile days of Washington, were
so "slight!"
Viewing this subject philosophically or practically, we find
that these men realize in the country of their refuge more
liberty than they are capable of "enjoying and employing
rationally."  Bred to a hatred of their own home-government,
they have acquired an almnost instinctive hostility to all
government. Taught by sad experience to regard the rulers
of their native land as tyrants, they do not realize the possibility of a government of equal and liberal laws. Never
having seen liberty, they know not what it is, and with the
first taste of its sweets, all restraints, civil and religious,
become alike irksome to them. They soon begin to regard
all laws as oppressive, whether they emanate from the edict
of a despot, or the openly-declared will of a free people.
Thus, having nothing to lose, and, as they think, everything
to gain, by agitation, they thirst eternally for change, fondly
believing that the time is at hand when they can ride indolently into power or wealth, by the effect of the suffrage, or
mount to them on the blood-red waves of REVOLUTION!
I pass now to the third class of emigrants, viz. "Papistsmen who will obey their priests first, and the laws of the
country afterwards."  I refer to this subject again, only in its
connection with immigration.   The morale of the papal influence in the United States has been as fully discussed, in preceding chapters, as the limits of the present work will
179 
A DEFENCE OF TIE AMERICAN POLICY.
permit; and it remains only to state in this place, that it is
to immigration that the United States are indebted for the
introduction of this element into the public policy of the
nation.
To  the fourth class of immigrants, viz. "Paupers," we
may appropriately add Felons, because it is proven to a
demonstration that both paupers and felons have been systematically sent from European governments and municipalities
to the United States, ill order to rid themselves of the support of the one and the villainies of the other. Within a
short period, several nests of convicted felons have been actually intercepted on their way into the port of New York.
Among them, I will mention the casq of the British vessel,
the Crocodile, which, in August, 1854, arrived from Bermuda,
having on board seven convicts, who had been released from
sentence, on condition that they would "emigrate" to the
United States. Also, the British ship Falcon, which arrived
soon after the Crocodile, having on board ten more convicts,
released on the same conditions. Another batch of ten convicts, from Belgium, was detected and arrested on entering
the same port, during the winter of 1854 and'55, and lodged
in prison; but, while the mayor of the city was engaged in
obtaining the proofs of their infamous characters, they were
taken from prison, on writs of habeas corpus, and discharged
summarily by his honor Judge Roosevelt.
These cases are cited merely to prove that this infamous
system is carried on under the name and prestige of "immigration," and thus our hospitality is abused, and the moral
atmosphere of society contaminated. The extent to which
180 
PAUPER  I!'M.TIGRATION.
this species of imposture has been carried on is beyond the
reach of estimate.   Probal)ly the iiiost accurate data on
which an opinion can be based is the enormous disproportion of European criminals in the United States, as compared
with those of American birth; a majority of all the capital
crimes, the felonies, larcenies, and misdemeanors being committed by foreigners, whereas the foieign population of the
country is only about one-seventfh of the whole.
"In December,  1853, I visited the city prison, for the
purpose of examining the record of capital offences, and I
found that within the eleven months past there have been
fully committed for trial, on the charge of murder, twentythree persons.
"Of these  only eight  were Americans,  including  two
blacks.
"There were committed for the crime of manslaughter,
six persons, only one of whom was an American.
"On a charge of assault with intent to kill, there were
committed thirty-five persons. Of these only eight were
Americans, including five blacks.
"On a charge of arson, there were committed four persons,
all of whom were foreigners.
Here we find sixty-nine commitments of persons charged
with the most heinous crimes known to our laws, and of the
whole number so charged there are only TEN white Americans (five of whom are of foreign parentage) and seven American negroes, the remaining ffty-two being all immigrants
from foreign countries 
WVhat an appalling picture of imported crime does this
present!
181 
A DEFENCE OF TII  AMEIICA;  POLICY.
And, in continuation of the subject, we may add the
following:
"At the October term of the Court of Oyer and Terminer, in New
York, in 1851, Judge Edmonds, in passing sentence on certain murderers, used the following expressive language
'Eight persons have been arraigned at this term for murder.
Five of you have been convicted, and upon three of you the last
punishment known to our law is denounced. All of you owe your
crimes to your indulgence in the ruinous habit of intoxication. All
of you are foreigners, who have sought our soil that you might
enjoy the benefit of our.. free institutions, and, in return for the protection which our laws so freely offer to you, violate them without
scruple, and apparently without remorse, even unto the shedding of
blood. The preservation of peace and good order among us, and
the security of human life, admonish us, in a peculiar manner, under
such circumstances, to enforce the law upon you.'
If we look at the catalogue of minor offences we behold
the same  glaring disproportion.   By  the  return of the
Warden of the New York city prison, for the year 1850, T
find the total number of commitments miade during the year
as 21,299, of whom 5,777 were natives, and 15,522 foreigners.   Nearly three foreigners to one American  are thus
placed on the record of crime.
It is needless to enter upon further details in proof of the
magnitude of this class of immigration; the records of our
courts; the prisons of the several States; nay, even  the
gallows itself, stand forth, a grim, but incontestible witness of
the fact, that to immigration alone we are indebted for the
vast excess of crime which so often startles the moral sense
of our communities, and casts a stain upon our national
182 
PAUPER IMMIGRATIOX.
reputation.* And yet, through our liberal system of natural
ization, these same criminals, if they can manage  to avoid
conviction of crime long enough, become citizens and voters
in five years after their arrival on our soil!
The magnitude of pauper immigration is readily measured
at the overflowing eleemosynary institutions of the country,
and especially those established for their especial benefit.
The Reports of the Commissioners of Emigration of New
York, for the years 1852, 1853, and 1854, exhibit the following facts.   The Commissioners of Emigration are a body
organized by the laws of the State to look after the interests
of immiigrants, and provide for those that are needy; and it
is only from their annual reports that a correct statistical
view of this interesting subject can be obtained by the
public.  Their report for the year 1852 exhibits the fact that,
during that year, no less than 300,992 aliens arrived in the
port of New York alone, and passed under their supervision;
and, during that year, no less than 141,992 were either sup-.
ported entirely or pecuniarily assisted by the commission!
Thus, there were received into their institutions, totally destitute, the following:
In the Marine lHospital, destitute and diseased,..... 8,887
Refuge and Hospital on Ward's Island....... 15,182
"   Lunatic Asylum,....................... 355
Total in the Institution,.................... 24,424
Besides these, there were boarded and lodged, tem  porarily, in the city.................... 117,568
Total number cared for,................ 141,992
* See the Appendix to this volume.
183 
184       A DEFENCE OF TIIE AMERICAN POLICY.
In 1853, the number of alien passengers was 284,945..
There were supported
In the Marine Hospital......................... 4,796
Refuge and Hospital on Ward's Island,....  14,365
"   Lunatic Asylum.........................  362
Total in the Institution................... 19,523
Boarded and lodged, temporarily, in the city,  44,514
Total number cared for,..................  64,037
In 1854, the number of alien passengers was 319,223.
There were supported
[n the Marine Hospital......................... 4,762
Refuge and Hospital on Ward's Island,..... 15,950
" Lunatic Asylum,........................ 260
Total in the Institution,..................  20,972
Boarded and lodged, temporarily, in the city,...... 44,514
Total number cared for................. 65,486
By this, it will be seen that the authorities of New York
support and provide annually for a population of diseased
and destitute aliens, the very refuse of Europe, to an extent
equal to the entire population of any one county in the State,
excepting the four or five largest counties, and far greater
than that of many of the most thriving counties!  In fact,
there were, at the Census of 1850, ten counties in the State
of New York whose entire population, severally, was less
than the number of foreign paupers entirely and permanently supported in the hospitals and asylums of the Corn 
PAUPER IMMIGRATIOX.
missioners of Emigration, d'iing  the year  1852! With
these facts before us, I feel justified in classifying "paupers"
as one of the great subdivisions of immigration at the present day. They are fairly entitled to that dignity; and it
should be a question-a prominent question-with the American people, whether this class of immigrants ought to be
encouraged or tolerated.  They are not merely useless, they
are worse than useless-they are a moral sore on the body
politic-a disease, both moral and physical-a leprosy-a
contamination; and the American authorities and people are
made to be their servants, their physicians, their nurses, their
hewers of wood and drawers of water!
The plea, that the commutation tax paid by immigration
supports this aggregation of moral filth in our community, is
paltry, if not meanly mercenary.  It is as much as to say,
"If Europe is willing to pay us for doing her dirty work, we
are willing to do it for her;" and for the sake of a few officials, who grow fat and lusty by their speculations on this
capital of infamy, the people consent to suffer it.  It is a
system of low, miserable favwniing to the political influence of
the foreign element in our nuidst, and it needs reforming at
the hands of an honest but confiding community.
European immigration to- the United States will be found,
on a clear and impartial view, to have been attended with its
advantages and its disadtantage   the latter greatly preponderating.  It has afforded us limited advantages in commerce
-it has supplied us with servants and laborers, and it has
added to the numerical power of the nation. But it has also
brought upon us a train of evils not easily eradicated.
185 
186      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
Immigration has given us too many servants.  It has left
too little for American boys and American girls to do.  It
has deprived them of those opportunities for practical study
in the duties of ife which are absolutely essential for their
wvelfare as men and women.  Our boys are gentlemen, and
our girls are ladies, at ten years of age; and the consequence
is, that, at twenty-one, they are too offen neither the one nor
the other.  Dennis and Bridget have usurped the place of
our owni  children, our apprentices, and our clerks, at the
house, while Patrick takes down the shutters, sweeps the
floor and arranges the goods at the store.
The light labors of the house, the workshop, and the store,
are essential to a proper discipline of the young mind of
both sexes; and the performance of them is the prerogative
of the rising republican generations.  Excessive immigration,
by cheapening servile labor, deprives them of this prerogative;
and, as a consequence, our youth very often become  precocious aristocrats at sixteen years of age
Immigration has produced a discord of moral and political
sentiment in the land. It has engendered a clannish spirit
uncongenial with the national feeling; it has inculcated theories at variance with the principles of American republicanism-it has brought  infidelity; and  a disregard for those
habits of religion and morality which were inculcated by our
forefathers-it has implanted the papal influence, that poisonous foe of civil and religious liberty-it has invaded the timehonored customs of our ancestors: customs closely associating
the social, moral, and political duties of the citizen with a
firm and implicit reliance on the providences of God; it has 
EVILS OF EXCESIE    I'lMMIGRATION.
inflicted an unequal competition on the industry of the people,
and brought about a dangerous and temporising disposition
among those on whomn the people rely for the safe and judicious managelement of their public affairs.
These are facts, and, with such facts before us, the duties
of the American statesman, in his dealing with immigration,
are no longer problematical.   They are manifest.  If he cannot check the moral evils resulting therefrom, he can at least
stay the current of national emasculation, and throw a safeguard around the altar of American liberty.
187 
1 88     A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
CHIIAPTER XV.
INTERVENTION-THE PLANS OF LOUIS KOSSUTH-HENRY CLAY.
" Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow."
THE influence of American example has been developed
in a diversity of forms, but in none, perhaps, more forcibly
than in the eagerness of monarchical subjects to throw off
the senseless incumbrance of "legitimacy," and assert the
broad principle of popular sovereignty.   The ruling powers
of Europe have naturally and invariably united in support of
the system of legitimacy and aristocracy. To have done
otherwise would have been to falsify their own theories of
government, and to jeopardize their own schemes of personal aggrandizement. The word " legitimacy," in this sense,
implies simply a political right by primogeniture; a right to
govern, acknowledged by the mere circumstance of birth.
By this system, all the attributes of sovereignty are claimed
and held by the rule of simple descent, from father to son.
The success of the principle of popular sovereignty, as
developed ill the expanded power and influence of the Unites
States, has inspired the "legitimately " governed peoples of
Europe with new ideas and new impulses.  They desire t(
imitate our example, and with that desire arises, almost 
NON-INTERVENTION, OUR TRUE POLICY.
instinctively, a call to us for aid. They ask us to make war
upon their tyrants, and free them from the yoke of subjection.  This is not unnatural;  but it is unreasonable.  To
yield to their several demands would be a dangerous departure from the precepts of that great "first law of nature,"
self-presetvation, and a direct infraction of the long-settled
policy of the Republic —the policy of non-intervention in the
political affairs of other nations. This policy of our goverlnment is coeval with the government itself. It was urged and
sustained by the founders of the nation, and especially
enjoined upon the people by WASHINGTON himself. Nothing
can be more unequivocal on the subject than the following
extract from a letter, written by WAsHINGTON, to the Earl
of Buchan:
"PHILAD., A pril 22,1793.
-"My LORD:
The favorable wishes which your lordship has expressed for
the prosperity of this young and rising country cannot but be gratefully received by.all citizens, and every lover of it; one means to
the contribution of which and its happiness, is very judiciously
portrayed in the following words of your letter,' to be little heard of
in the great world of politics.' These words, I can assure your
lordship, are expressive of my sentiments on this head, and I believe
it is the sincere wish of United America to HAVE NOTHING TO DO
WITH THE POLITICAL INTRIGUES OR THE SQUABBLES OF  EUROPEAN
NATIONS, but, on the contrary, to exchange commodities, and live in
peace and amity, with all the inhabitants of the earth; and this, I
am persuaded, they will do, if rightfully it can be done. To administer justice to, and receive it from every Power they are connected
with, will, I hope, be always found the most prominent feature in the
administration of this country; and I flatter myself that nothing
189 
A DEFENCE OF THE AM'IERICAN POLiCY.
short of imperious necessity can occasion a breach Faith any of them.
Under such a system, if we are allowed to pursue it, the agriculture
and mechanical arts, the wealth and population of these States, will
increase with that degree of rapidity as to baffle all calculation, and
must surpass any idea your lordship can hitherto have entertained on
the occasion."
From this policy our government has never departed, and
under it the magnificent prophecy of Washington has been
fulfilled.  "The agriculture and mechanical arts, the wealth
and population of these States," have increased "with that
degree of rapidity as to baffle all calculation."
In adopting and sustaining this system, the United States
has stood alone among nations; yet it has been admitted by
eminent statesmen, in England, to be an important element in
the most perfect system of neutrality in existence.   But,
with all its admirable qualities, we can scarcely hope to find
the doctrine of non-intervention in practice in Europe, so
long as "legitimacy" continues to be the ruling theory of
governments. Intervention is essential to he maintenance
of that theory, as well as to the preservation of dynasties.
It was this element which  brought together the several
sovereignties of Europe against Republican France, and led
to the brilliant achievements cf Napoleon Bonaparte.
In that protracted contest, however, the efforts of intervention were not directed solely against Republicanism.
This is shown in the fact that the most decided energies of
the combined Powers were put forth after the Republic had
been merged in the empire, and while Napoleon, who was not
of "blood royal," bore the sceptre of France.  It was an
190 
LOUIS KOSSUTTH.l
intervention on behalf of "legitimacy;" and its immediate
purpose was the restoration of the Bourbon dynasty.  It was
s-icessful —Napoleon, deserted by his own countrymen, and
basely betrayed by England, became a prisoner for life, and
the Bourbon  resumed the throne.   Every event of that
tremendous contest bears witness of the fickleness of France,
and the last of all stands forth in bold relief, a monument of
her ingratitude.
Intervention in the affairs of other nations is an element in
the policy of monarchical governments.   With  them  it
involves the principle of self-preservation. With Republican
America the opposite is the case. Our policy is as extreme
as our institutions, from everything which characterizes the
monarchy; and, although our sympathies must, and will,
ever be with those who struggle against oppression, it is
neither our policy nor our duty to involve ourselves in their
affairs, to jeopardize our peace, or embroil our nation.
The eminent Hungarian, Louis Kossuth, was the first and
only man who could, even momentarily, shake the sentiment
of the American people on this question. His struggles
(ostensibly for freedom), his sacrifices, his misfortunes, his
imprisonment in Turkey, and his out-spoken appeals, touched
the American heart, and it vibrated under his hand like a
sweet-toned instrument at the touch of a ma,ster.  But his
real character and his real purpose were misunderstood, until,
standing upon our own soil, and speaking from his own lips,
Kossuth made himself known to the people of the United
States.  The transition of public sentiment which followed,
was almost unpardonable. To him it was terrible. He came
191 
192      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
among us alike misunderstanding and misunderstood.  The
generosity of our government in rescuing him, and offering
him a place of safe exile, was misconstrued; and, instead of
evincing that gratitude which seemed due to an act so
august, he had no sooner set foot upon our land than he
assumed the authoritative bearing of a monarch, and unhesitatingly demanded a renunciation of our national policy, and
the violation of a sacred neutrality. It is almost painful to
revert to the contrasted events of his arrival upon, and his
departure from, our shores.  -le came the honored guest of
the popular heart. He was received with a succession of
triumphs, unparalleled, perhaps, in the annals of our country.
He departed in obscurity, and, to his own discredit, under an
assumed name.  His approach was glorious, his sojourn seditiouis, his departure disgraceful.
His appeal to the Germans in this country, urging them to
quit their allegiance, and cast their suffrages on behalf of the
European revolutionists, was an act of sedition the most
gross and ungrateful.*  HIis attempted perversion of the
language and precepts of Wasltington, was an insult to the
intelligence of the nation; and his demeanor, while amongst
us, marked as it was, from first to last, with an air of egotistical nonchalance, was that of a master, rather than a guest.
It is not surprising, therefore, that the flood of generous
sympathy, which welcomed the persecuted exile, should have
been withdrawn from the unscrupulous agitator.  Yet, Kossuth was not alone to blame in this matter.   He had, with
unequivocal frankness, declared his views on the course
* See the Appendix to this volume. 
THE MISSION OF KOSSUTH.
which he believed the United States ought to pursue towards
thle rev-olutionists of Europe,  long befoie his eyes were
gieete(d with the cheering view- of our republican hill-long
before he had set foot upon the deck of an- American vessel,
Oi7 taiken shelter under the agis of our national flag. While
Let a Iprisoner on pa,ole in the dominions of the Sultan,li he
addciressed a letter to Air. Atarsh, our representative at ConI.stnt..n..ie. fsoroncaawinc~ a'l  1iS subseq,uent pIroceedinigs.
In that letter, he diid not hesitate to dcefine a new line of
policy for the llited States, and to announce his conviction
that it was the duty of our goverlnment and our people to
cast away that system of neutralitv, whiclh h1ad been so fruitful
of peace and prosperity, alnd  make war upon the gooverninents of Europe on behalf of thie strugling peoples.
This letter, which was at the time  pulished tlrougliout
t    he United States, sh  ould have opened the eyes of the people
t       o a correct              vie w of h is intentions.  But it did not have that
eflectt; and h        is          whole c areer, while with us, was but a reileratilon of the  ttheory therein expressed.   Ie came to the United
States              with n o     false pretensions.  In his first speech-his
reply                            to the Mayor     of New York, at Castle Garden, Kossuth
unequiv-ocally declared that he should ask of the people of
the United States, n      ot their sympathies alone, but  " material
aid,"              foi the  i    ndependence of Hungary.  Could  he  have
been at that moment undeceived; could he have been
assured that the Unlited          States would  not abandon  their
system of neutrality, the whole aspect of his mission would
h a v e            been changed. But,  misled by hollow-i-hearted demagog     ues,    who expected, in the exhibition of a feigned sym                                9
193 
194      A DtEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
pathy, to secure to thlemselves and their parties the united
support of the Red Republicans, hlie was permitted to remain a
victim to this error until, after a long series of ovations, he
stood in the death-chamber of "the sage of Asliland."  There
he encountered the withered frame but the undaunted spirit
of the American patriot. In that presence, the stern Itungarian quailed before the invincible truth.   Standing upon
the threshold of eternity-spared, as it seemed, a few brief
days of mortal life for this emergency of his country, HENRY
CLAY revealed to the perception of the misguided exile the
fixed and irrevocable policy of the United States —notintervention.
"Ao greater calamity," said Mr. Clay, "could befall this
government than the doctrines of intervention proposed by
M. Kossuth."  He, therefore, earnestly deprecated any such
policy. The vital principle of this country, he said, rested
upon its republican character, as seen in the capacity of the
people for self-government, and in its practice of confining its
action to its own duties.  Our example is one of Christian
progress, and the United States, as the only living Republic,
and example of man's capability for self-government, was
bound to encourage progress and prosperity on this continent.
All this would be endangered and destroyed by foreign wars,
and with them all hopes of free institutions. The reply
of Mr. Clay to Kossuth will be found at length in the
Appendix to this volume.
BPut Kossuth was the victim of yet another error, equally
incompatible with that degree of intelligence and political
sagacity which had been accorded to him.  He individual 
KOSSUTI'S APPEAL TO THE GERMANS.
ized the American people and the American government as
distinct powers, possessiing distinct and separate interests.
An idea so absurd was inexcusable in one claiming to be so
well versed in the economy of nations; yet, unwilling to give
up his hope of American intervention, he did not cease to
entertain the idea that, by arousing the sympathies of the
people, and enlisting them to his views, he could command
the favorable action of the government.  His appeals to the
Germans, both in public and by a secret circular,* urging
them, by the power of their suffrages, to compel the governmnent of the United States to adopt his policy of intervention,
was one of the fruits of that idea.  This may have been the
result of his disappointments; and that, failing to enlist the
cooperation of the government to his plans, he adopted the
European method, and appealed to the popular heart. His
manifesto to the Germans was certainly in contradiction of
his previously-expressed views, because, while in New York,
on  one of  those festal occasions  at which  he  was  the
honored, only guest, Kossuth, as usual, addressed the assembly.  When he had concluded his address, an Irishman arose
and expressed his surprise, that the Magyar had not alluded
to his countrymen, "notwithstanding there were of them,
7,500,000 in the United States."  To this Kossuth replied, in
these words:
4 GENTLEMEN: 
I beg leave to tender my thanks for the sentiments and
feelings of sympathy which the gentleman  has expressed; but he
was pleased to remark that, in my humble speech, I did not say a
* This circular wrill be found at length in the Appendix.
195 
196      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
word about Irishmen. I feel it my duty to explain why I did not.
On the first step which it was my good fortune to put on the glorious
shores of the United States, I declared that, claiming for my own
country the sovereign right of every nation of the world, to dispose
of its own domestic concerns, I, during my stay here in the United
States, would feel it my duty to respect the same principle; consequently, not to address myself to whatever single distinction of birth
-to whatever single party-but to address the united people of the
United States; and I was and am convinced, that when I addressed
the people of the United States, I addressed every man who, proud
of his own freedom, feels a sympathy for the principle of freedom in
those who are oppressed. I believe that there is the world in the
United States, which embraces every man who has the high honor
and immense benefit to be a citizen of the United States; and that
the w orld is the people of the United States.  I know no Irishmana
— I know no Jinglo- -Saxon-I know no Germans, here, but I know
the people of the United States, and, with these words, address
them, and ask for their general support."
Nothing could be more chaste and appropriate than this
brief reply, yet he did afterwards depart fiom the purpose
therein expressed, and, most offensively, appeal to the
distinctive German character and predilections.
Kossuth was  also inconsistent in his professions.   The
world knew him at first, only, as a leader in the Hungarian
revolution agoainst the authority of the House of HIlapsburgh.
The ostensible purpose of that revolution was the restoration
of Hungarian independence; but, to this day, it does  not
clearly appear whether, in case of success, it was the intention of Kossuth to restore the "Iron Crown" of his fatherland, or give to his people the advantages of a popular 
CHARACTER OF KOSSUTIH.
government.  In America he spoke as a republican; but in
England he spoke as a monarchist.
The history of this man is that of one who is ambitious,
but erratic; of one whose mind is capable of projecting
great deeds, but too unbalanced to accomplish them; of one
who would be great and virtuous, if greatness would follow
the virtuous intent; yet who would be great even at the
sacrifice of virtue, if virtue fail to accomplish his desires.
He would prefer to be called great and good; but to be
great was his ambition.  His misfortunes and his eloquence
gave him his immense popularity out of his own land; a
popularity which, if it had been husbanded with wisdom and
deliberation, might have carried him well forward in the
accomplishment of his design; but, like a wayward  child,
spoiled with over-kindness, he cast the golden opportunity
away,
197 
198      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
CHiAPTER XVI.
STATE RIGHTS-SLAVERY.
"In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characteriziug parties by geographical discriminations."
GEO. WASHINGTON.
WTHEN American Republicanism was in its chrysalis, or
transition state, and while its destiny was suspended between
the extremes of monarchy and popular sovereignty, one of
the first important elements of interest was that of social
independence  among  the  several  colonies  alid commonwealths. Emerging at the close of the Revolution firom a
condition rather of servitude to, than dependency upon, the
British Crown; and with a distinct remembrance of the
imperative inflictions of the parent government, whose
authority they had just cast aside, the people were naturally
jealous of any positive centralization of power in the reorganization  of their  system  of public policy.   With  this
feeling prevalent, the construction of a constitution became
the theme of universal anxiety, and a work of critical responsibility. But, in addition to this, there was yet another
obstacle in the way of establishing a comprehensive and bar 
THE FIRST GREAT COMPROMISE.
monious constitution, growing out of a diversity of geographical  interests.   The  commercial  necessities of  extreme
localities were found to be as remote as the localities them
selves; and through the arbitrary demands of climate, the
social habits and customs, and the economy of labor, were
entirely and irretrievably dissimilar. Thus, a people thoro-ughly united in political sentiment and political interest,
were as utterly divided in their local and social necessities.
Under these circumstances, it is plain that a constitution
vwhichl should be found to invade the local necessities of any
portion of the embryo nation, would fail to receive the concurrence of the people, and result in animosities prejudicial,
and, perhaps, fatal to the harmony of the Confederation. It
became apparent that the Constitution must be framed, not
only in a conciliatory spirit of compromise, but on a basis of
the utmost liberality toward the domestic interests of the
several States. The great conflicting geographical interests
were, therefore, called upon to surrender a portion of their
favorite notions  of policy for the general  good,  and the
several States, while they surrendered to the General Government the power of controlling the foreign and domestic
policy of the nation-to regulate its commerce, coin money,
establish post-offices and post-roads, to declare war, to support
an army and a navy, to regulate the distribution of the public lands, to establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and,
in fine, to exercise all the functions of a free and distinct
nationalityv-yet retained within themselves certain sovereign
and inalienable rights, which were deemed to be essential to
their several domestic necessities, and not incompatible with
199 
200       A DrFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
the duties and the sovereignty of the nation, or the rights
of individual States.
On  this basis the Constitution of the Unitedl States was
firamed, and American Republicanisni stood forth the p-.ragon
of social governments.   Like Alinerva, as she sprung firom
the brain of Jupiter, the Republic emerged in anl inslant, as
it were, invincible and mature.
The rights reserved to the States by the compromises of
the Constitution were of a domestic or local character solely.
The several States took upon themselves the condition of
separate and distinct famnlilies, each family constituting an
absolute component  of a complete  society, governed by
general laws, the family retaining within itself the management of its own household, in matters purely local.  All subjects relating to the General Government were  surrendered
into the hands of the General Governent; each State possessing a voice in the mnanagement of the public policy of the
nation only through the system of representation.  Each
State also conceded to thie neigLboring States the common
right to an uninterriupted and peaceable mana'em;emt of their
own.affairs, the enjoyment  of  their owni  opinions  and
custoIms, and the enactment and execution of their own laws,
A, oz'iced that those laws should be madce consistent with the
Constitution of the Confederacy, and in  iu-son with the rights
and pr,erogatives of the individual States and their citizens.
This was the first great compromise ever entered upon by
the people of the United States-a comp romis e remarkable
alike for the fraternal spirit in which it was accomplished
and the unprecedented  glory of its results.  It enunciated 
THE INSTITUTION OF SLAVERY.
an untried and perfect principle in the science of social
government; it signed and sealed the charter of civil and
religions liberty, and it reared an example of popular sovereignty, worthy of the emulation of all mankind.
It is a noteworthy circumstance that the men who, at the
present day, denounce the violation of the Missouri Compromise of 1820, are themselves striving to violate this great
compromise, which, in 1X89, confirmed the Union of these
States, and pronounced them one nation, one government,
one people.
Among the rights thus reserved, and one in which every
State participated to some degree, at the period of the
Revolution, was the right to retain the institution of Afiican
slavery, although  Congress was empowered  to prohibit the
importation of slaves after the year 1808. The institution
had been fastened upon the soil of the colonies by the parent
government, and the slaves held by individuals under British
laws, before the Revolution, were confirmed as the property
of those individuals, under the Constitution and laws of the
United States, after the Revolution. This proprietary right
was re-affirmed by the local laws of the States severally, and,
with the right of possession, was involved the further right to
sell or purchase.
The right to entertain the institution of slavery was a
reserved, not a merepermissive right.  The States entertaining
the institution held, within themselves, severally, the sovereign power to abolish it at their pleasure, within their own
jurisdiction, and at their pleasure to restore it.  The institution is, therefore one of a local or domestic character,
9*
201 
A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
beyonad the reach or control of the General Government,
except so far as relates to the cozcdcdii authority to sl)upprless
the importation of slaves after a stated period, and to compel
the restoration of fiugitives fiom one State to another.  It is
also equally beyond the control of any other State than the
one in which it exists by the local laws, and any interference
with the institution where it so exists, by another State, or by
the people of another State, must be in direct violation of
that neutrality of interest so solemnly guaranteed  by the
great national compiromise.
The States of the northern portion of the Union, finding
the institution unprofitable, very naturally adopted the suLggestion of a wise policy, and abolished it from their soil as
speedily as the interests of individual owners would permit;
and, in order to hasten the event, large numbers of slaves
were sold by their owners, at the North, to those who had
more profitable employments for them, at the South-thus
perpetuating the bondage of the slave, while in the act of
abolishing the institution of slavery.  The morale of the procedure seems to have been one of dollars and cents, rather
than a question of right and wrong. It would be well if the
political humanitarians (?) of the North  would remember
this circumstance  while  clamioring  for the  abolition  of
slavery at the South. Free territory, so called, is free territory onlv so long as the people who inhabit it elect that it
shall be so, and wheinever the people  of the State of New
York, or Massachusetts, or Connecticut sh-all elect to restore
the institution  of slavery  ~ithliin their  boiders, they  will
insist upon their reserved right to do so, and justly too, as
202 
STATE SOVEREIGXTY.
tenaciously as South Carolina or Georgia now insist on their
right to the uninterrupted enjoyment of their election.
In a political view, the question of slavery is not an open
question.  WAVe may vote it from our own State borders, but
we cannot vote it from the territory of a sister State, without
perpetrating a broad and distinct violation of the principle of
State sovereignty-, and subjecting ourselves to the endurance
of retaliatory inflictions whenever a majority of the States
mav see fit to impose them upon  us.  As well may the
States of the South enforce the institution of slavery upon
the States of the North, through a preponderating majority
in Congress, as that the North should enforce the South to
abandon it; the principle is the same, the right to do so is
equals and the process of accomplishment must be through
the same channel. But neither of these results can be
attained without ignoring the just compromises of the Union,
and removing  the foundation-stones of the Republic.   It
would lead to an interminable warfare of local interests and
local prejudices. Let the barrier of State sovereignty be once
broken down, and causes of contention would be multiplied
an hundred fold. The conflicts of individual States, like those
of the South American confederacies would be unceasing,
and in the vortex of anarchy thus set in motion, the arm of the
General Government would fall powerless.  A total, and open
dissolution of that Union, distinctly avowed, and embodying
the free States on the one hand, and the slave States on the
other, with all its repulsive and disloyal features, would be a
condition far preferable to that national chaos which would
be the certain fruit of a violation of the great principle of
203 
_04       A DE.NCL Oc  a  A-le LT.CAX PO.,IC,.
State sovereignty.  The political abolitionist, who seeks upon
free soil, to disturb the domestic institutiois of other States,
is no less than a political incendiary!  He would apply the
blazing, torch to the great temple  of  ivil and  religious
liberty, and 1ike Nero, rejoice over the conflagration 
But all this is apart firom the abstract subject of slavery.
Our national policy does not permit us to deal particularly
with the questioni of right and wrong on the subject, except
within our respective State sovereignties.  In those  States
where slavery does not exist, we may treat the subject in its
moral aspect only, but in that aspect we may discuss it filly,
fieely, and unreservedly.  If it is an institution repulsive to
our conscience we may so declare it, and, by every element
of moral and religious suasion, persuade those who entertain
it to abandon it. But the people of the free States have no
political responsibility resting upon them  in the matter, nor
do they possess any coercive power over it. Whether they
are under a mzoral responsibility or not, is entirely a matter of
conscience with each individual   So far as their political
power extends they have cleared their skirts by abolishing
it from their borders and each man is left to himself to
determine whether or not it is his moral or religious duty to
go further and persuade his fellow citizens of other States
to do as he has done at home.
I do not hesitate to affirmi that slavery is the result of
natural laws. But the laws of nature do not always accord
with what our moral and religious conscience declares to be
right. The act of adultery, for example, and the act of theft,
are the results of natural laws, instincts, or necessities, yet the 
TIlE BASIS OF SLAVERY.
moral  and  religious sentiments revolt against them.   The
laws of Chlristi.aitv, civili a tion, acd co-omon  decency are
opposed in this to the law,s of nature. Thle cild boii out
of wcdlo(k is, in law, denomi     nated a ni'ol ch'lcd, oe a child
born undter the natural law; yet the poor  unoffending offspringii of nature is branded with disgrace  and the mark of
infamy is set upon him, by the laws of moral  and religious
conscience.  Thus it is with slavery, ill the view of those who
deprecate it, and like all other thlemes in ethical sc(,ience, the
more remote we are froliom it, and the less wne are accustomed
to it, the more repulsive it appears to us.  In matters of this
nature it is not "distance' thlat "lends enchantment to the
viewv."
Slaver- is the offspring of that principle in nature which
gives supremacy to mind] over matter- and to the superior
over the inferior.  It may be an act. of ferocious cruelty, in
our view, for the wolf to gorge himself upon the palpitating
flesh of the dyving lamb, or for the vulture to feed upon the
dove.  If so, it is no less a cruelty in man, when  he revels
uponi similar viaa'ds; still hlie does not hesitate to draw the
keen carver through the juicy sirloin, or to garnish his table
with the canvas-back duck, the woodcock, and the barn-yard
chanticleer.  Even so it mnay be an act of cruelty and injustice
in a race of superior intelligence to enslave, and command for
its own Dpurposes, the labor of a race of inferior intelligence;
yet it is the result of natural laws.  If it be a wrong, however, it is a wrong without limnit, because an actual wrong is
not susceptible of compromise-it is a wrong based upon
some fixed principle-not to be measured by the degree of
205 
206       A DEFAENCE OF THE AS!E'ICA'N POLICY.
intelligence in the slave, but by his innate or natural right to
be free.  It is not the black sklin, the ungainly form, nor the
obtuse intellect that shall either justify his bondage or plead
for his emancipation-he  mlust claimn the latter by the law
of personal right.  If it be, as the abolitionists avow, upon
this principle alone that we find a wrong in slavery, the same
principle must be universal and eternal, and it will apply with
equal force to the ox and the horse as to the man, because
the law of nature is the same in either case.  It is simply
urging one principle against another, the principle of natural
qigfht ag,ainst  the principle  of natural  mnight, a rule  not
generally observed by mankind either by races, communities,
or as individuals, when their several interests are at stake.
The  highest law usually recognized  is the law  of power,
whlenever that law can be enforced with safety to its possessor.
It is therefore, folly to attempt a combat with the institution
of slavery, as it now  exists, on the abstract question of
natzt(tl right.  The owner of slave property possesses a legal
right, and that, for his purpose, is worth at least twenty of
the other. But there is a nearer and a more practical way
to relieve our consciences and eventually remove the institution from the soil of our country.
The wrong of slavery which comes nearest to the heart of
the fieemian, both  South and North, is a social wrong.   It
grates harshly upon the best sympathies of humanity and
casts a blight on the progressive genius of the age.  If the
abolitionist is honest he will confine himself to this view, and
makle his appeals to the sympathies, or if you please, the
interests of the slave-owner, rather than to the politician and 
THE EVILS OF SLAVERY.
the demagogue. Threats, imprecations, and foul epithets, avail
nothing so long as the slave-owner has the bulwark of the
Constitution, the laws of his own State, and the ultimate fiat
of the supreme court as his -egis.  Every political assault
upon his proprietary character is purely  Quixotic; it is a
battle with a windmill; it can make no other impression
than that of confirming him ill his lgal rioghit, and drawing
more closely thie fetters of thie slave.  Convince his moral
sym-pathies and his interests that slavery is every way wrong,
that it is a curse alike to the bondman and his possessor-.
make  limni believe, as you do, that it is a burden to thle cornmunuity in which it exists; that its influence is enervating to
society; that wherever it goes it carries with it the corrosion
of inactivity, and that it sows the seeds of imbecility in the
moral atmnosphere that surrounds it-show him that it paralyzes the energies of the people, disturbs the equilibrium of
society, and that it sweeps  away  that healthy distinction
between labor and capital which is essential to the development of great enterprises-let him  once realize that it is
opposed to the spirit of progress, that it is neither inventive
nor suggestive, but that it is, on the contrary, morally and
physically an element of social emasculation.  Accomplish
this, and thie barriers that have so long  stood, with  the
solidity of adamant, between you and emancipation, will
crumble at your touch, and fade away like the mists of the
m ornimg.
Armed with such a spirit the abolitionist may travel on
foot from Virginia to Texas, and carry his arguments with
him, not only in safety, but with the certainty of a hospitable
207 
A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
reception.  iTeretofore, instead of appealing, the abolitionist
lhan seic7d when le had no power to enforce-instead of
coi0viuciuo' hIe i-'}s ex".sz)ercaUed, and, as a natural consequence,
instead of a    dvaucing in his purpose, he has been driven back;
sla'vervy has steadiiv increased while he has been fillting  a
shadow.  hiis ground has been untenable, unnatural-he has
been trying for twenty years to catch flies with  vinegar,
instead of using molasses, wondering all the time, in the
simplicity of his heart, why it is that the game eludes him.
The so]lution is plain.  He has used the wrong kind of bait.
I mean to appvly this charitable train of remiarks to the
hoacest people of the North, who, through motives of a pure
philanthropy, really desire to witness the abolition of slavery.
But these are not the men who promote a political agitation
onl the subject; these constitute the many, the agitators are
the few.  Their consciences and their dreams  would never
have been disturbed by the spirit of slavery, had not the
apparition been conjured up by men of sinister motives. The
question of slavery has ever afforded a theme for the dem,gogue wlhen all other themes have been exhausted.   They
who makle a trade of politics, and who  thirst eternally for
place, power, and emolument, must have a stimulating theme
to sway the popular mind, and when  the great political
questions and measures of party are settled, or grown stale
and insipid, their ingenuity is taxed to find new themes for
excitemenit, new aliment for the popular stomach.   Sutljects
which appeal to the sympathies and the moral sentiments of
man are avoided bv statesmen of honor and talent, because of
their inflammable nature. It is only the man of small mind, of 
GREAT MEN AND S.IALL MIEN.
limited intellect, the political pettifogger, whlo resorts to them.
Your statesmen of real talent ai,e never long at a loss for
legiti;;cate -wor on0 wo cil,l to employ  thle popular  mind.
From thle sufg'o-tive fountains of thleir own genius they draw
topics of public interest and public necessity, real or imaginary, but never, no, never will the patriotic statesman suggest
themes of national discord for popuilar discussion.
Our ADA.-S, the Ccagon              o thle ighlt of I.petition-our
WNnSTER, the giant expounder and defender of the Constitution-sour  CLAY   the  ster-n  and  unwavering  advocate  of
American protection and internal imnprovement-our JAcKsON,
the Ajax of the national  honlor, who, inL tones of thunder,
-vow-ed' thle Unlion must cal  shclt be prese,rved!" thlese, and
mnni-  more whlose names gclorify t'he tablets of our couitry's
history, these never stooped so low, never prostituted their
talents so far, never compromised  their own patriotism, or
their country's peace  to  snch  a degrlee.   But  they have
passed aaway, tLhe conse-rvative po>:er of their great miinds is
withdrawn, and a race of demago,ues, emulating  only their
renown,  sa),s principle, scas  talent, sans patriotism, sans
every-thing but ambition, are strt-uggling to seize upon  the
helnm of the nation Ti'hee men, necapable of conceiving or
executing a noble enteiprisue and unable to rally their parties
thrloug1h the ordiniarv C       shns, sto op from their bigh calling,
and  l1e comnanding  altide of the statesman, and witli
whianing, caan1tin~g,   ho l cr itJic na l ppeis to the mnoral sentimnents
of th1e peop)le, kindle the scathing fires of fanatical rancor land
1)lunge the nation into a war of ethics.  Brother is arrayed
against brother, father against son, State against State, the
209 
210      A DEFENCE OF TIIE AMERICAN POLICY.
North against the South, not upon questions of great public
policy, involving the general good, but upon a mere abstract
idea, involviing the question as to whether thile institution of
slavery is right or wrong in the sight of God!
This is a theme for the pulpit and the consistory-a labor
of the chlurcl-hman and the philanthropist, not for the hustings
or the politician.  Divest the subject of the borrowed political
trappings which now hang about it, and try it by the test of
conscience and religion.  Take it away friom your Sewards,
your Aeeds and your Greeleys, and leave it to the eloquent
artillerv of your Chapins, your Beechelrs, and your Coxes.
If the right or wrong of slavery could be discussed in this
wise, upon  its own ground,  with  argument  instead  of
vituperation, aiming at conviction rather than coercion, its
opponents would find strong allies in the very vortex, the hot
bed of the institution itself.
Philanthropy has nothing to gain, but our country has
everything to lose in a crusade against State sovereignty and
individual rights and possessions.  There is no theme  upon
which human nature is more tenacious.  Men iand States will
fight upon these issues, even against principle.  It becomes
with them  a point of honor  to resist the aggression, and
their argument  is this, TVe  will settle  the questions of
sovereiygty an2d lossession,first, cand tlhe principle afterwvards.
In the present agitation of the subject of slavery as a political question, by people at the oIorth, thle entire people of the
South are placed onl the dclefensive, upon the broad basis of
State sovereignty, and the legal rights of individuals; and thousands who might deprecate slavery in its moral aspect, will' 
THE IMMEDIATE EVILS OF AGITATION.
unite with others in resisting the attack upon  their local
integrity, and their social rights and customs.  And they will
resist it to the last-till every spark of national sentiment is
absorbed in sectional animosity, till the name of "country"
becomes a by-word, and that great and sublime fabric of
patriotism, the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, which no despotismi could awve, and no combination of despotisms subdue,
torn piecemeal b        y internal discord, has fallen, the victim of
firaternal hatr,ed, and been destroyed under  the fi'atricidal
hands of its own children.  Such is its ultimnate tendency, but
apart from this, there are intermediate results of grievous
magnitude and importance.
It alienates the national sentiments  of the people, and
dlestroy-s that harmony of intercourse essential to the general
prosperiity and social happiness of our citizens.
It encourages  fanaticism  and  bigotry, and  affords  an
unfailing source of inflammatory material for the demagogue,
both at the North and the South.
It perverts the purposes of legislation from measures of State
policy to measures of conscience and ethics-combining the
elements of religion with politics.
It draws millions of money from the pockets of the people
to pay for the useless and protracted debates on the subject
in Congress-and the printing of speeches which are never'
read.
It has  alread(ly  divided the Baptist Church  and the
Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States into two
parts-a Northern Church and a Southern Church-a forcible
illustration of the deep-seated hostility already engendered
211 
2 t2      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
between the two sections of our country-the men of the
North refusing to worship at the same altar with the ien of
the South
It affords a tlheme for hostile discussion and bitter sentiment among people who should be more amicably and more
profitably employed.
These are among the immediate results of a discussion
which evolves everything of evil, and nothing of good-it is
alike unprofitable and dangerous.  Set on foot by men of
humane motive, it has been seized upon by political tricksters,
and fomented by European influences, in the earnest hope that
throullgh internal agitation they mnay subvert what they cannot otherwi-se overcome; viz. our powerful and happy union
of States, and our systern of popular government.   No crisis
has ever fallen  upon  our country  which  more  especially
demanded the exercise of a stern and inflexible patriotism
among the people.
I shall introduce into this chapter a brief extract from the
opinion of Washington on this very subject.  I do so with
evervy reliance on his wisdom  and patriotism, yet with  a
certain sense of diffidence, because I remember that when the
HIungarian, Kossuth, while in this country, controverted some
of the opinions of Washington, and even went so far as to
give novel interpretations to them, assuring the American
people that tilev had mistunderstood the langouage of their
ow,n oe,aot statesman, he was not onl, listened to with profound deference, but actually cheered by men of every rank.
The opinions of Washington were, at that time, seconda.ry to
the opinions of Louis Kossuth.  It may be that at this day 
COUNTER OPINIONS-WASHIIINGTON AND GARRISON. 213
his opinions are secondary, in the estimation of some, to those
of George  Thompsoii,*  AWendell Phillips, Williaum Lloyd
Gai'ison, and the like, but I venture to give them  notwVithstandlirg.   Appliicable  to this theme, and coming fiom a
fountain, the purity of which no man has dared to question,
they may touch a dormant chord in the bcsom of some
reader, and awaken notes and emotions of patriotism, whith
have been bound in silence and sleep by influences inharmo
nious but more immediate.
" The unity of government, which constitutes you one people. is
also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is the mnain pillar in the
edifice of your real independence-the support of your tranquillity at
home, your peace abroad; of your safety, of your prosperity, of that
very libcrly which you so highly prize.  But, as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and from different quarters, much
pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your
roinds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external
enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly
and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should
properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your
collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a
cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustomling
yourself to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your safety
and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety;
discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can,
in any event, be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the
* George Thompson, a viember oft7te BritisA Parlia~nent, has been one of the
most violent abolitionists in the United States. while actually a member of Parliament he has visited this country to deliver abolition addresses and excite sectional
discord between the North and the South. 
214      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country
from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together
its various parts."
"In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it
occurs as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have
been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations-Northern and Southern-Atlantic and Western; whence designiizg mien may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real diffexence of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to
acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the
opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourself too
much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from
these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other 
those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection."
There are men now in the land who do not hesitate to
denounce that Union which  Washington  characterizes  as
"the mtain pillar of our independence, our tranquillity, our
peace, our safety, our prosperity, nay even of that very liberty
uwhich we so highly prize," as "an atrocious bargain" and
an infamous compact!"
As I have given the opinion of Washington on the value
of the Union, it is but fair that I should give the opinion of a
person of much influence at the present day, on the same
subject.   I quote, therefore, from  a speech delivered  by
AVilliamn Lloyd Garrison, at a meeting held at Jamaica, Long
Island, in the month of August, 1855. Mr. Garrison, in the
course of his speech, said:
"There is no Union, therefore, I say down with it.  Union is
equality; there is no equality, therefore there is no Union. First I 
SOPHISTRY OF THE ABOLITIONIST.
want the liberty of the slave; let everything else go by the board.
I do not address myself to the slave-holders. I do not talk to them,
they are incapable of an argument; they do not understand argument;
they are insane men.  We shall have a northern republic of our own
Oh! for the jubilee to come.  Then we shall be a free people, and
have the blessing of Almighty God showered upon our heads."
Now this Mr. Garrison is either sincere or insincere.  He
professes to be the champion of emancipation; he professes to
labor for the liberation of the slave, and in the same speech
he wvent so far as to say: "The slaves of our country must
and shall be free; this is a certain thing."  If he is sincere in
this profession, it would not be impertinent to inquire how he
intends to free the slave  by  dissolving  the  Union  and
establishing a "northern republic?"  By such a procedure not
a slave would be liberated, and hlie knows it; but, on the contraly, the bonds of the slave would be more  closely drawn.
A  slave-hiolding nation, a nation recognizing the institution
in its organic law would be established, side by side with his
"noirthlern republic," and all the m:loral influences which may
be now employed in favor of emancipation would be shut out
for ever. Taking Mr. Garrison's own words, hlie stands selfconvicted, a disunionist and not an abolitionist!  And  yet
there are men  and women who will be led away by such
frothy and treasonable declamation!
Now if the institution of slavery is, as I have shown, panoplied in a vested right, and solemnly guaranteed to the
several States, or such of them as may choose to entertain it,
and if, in consequence of this right, every attempt on the part
of the "free States " to abolish it from other States has proven
215 
A DEFEXCE OF TI'd  Ai'ERCIAN POLICY.
futile, any similar attempt to prevent its introduction upon
the firee soil of any of the territories of the United States
must prove, indirectly, equally abortive; because,  although
Coingress possesses the power to refuse the admission of any
such territory into the sisterhood of States, with a constitution
that recognizes slavery as one of its domestic institutions, it
cannot prevent any State adopting such a constitution after it
has been admitted into the confederacy. Thus, if any Territory applies for admission as a slave State, and is refused on
that account, she has onll'y to return, remodel hier constitution,
omitting the slavery clause, appl-y anain, and be admitted.
This accomrplished, she may assert her sovereign right as a free
and irresponsible State, re-enact her original constitution, and
in spite of Congress andl all other powers, save her own
sovereign  il, she may take her place as a slave-hiolding State
in the confederacy of the Union.
The people of the United States have been more than once
brought to the painful conviction that even the compromises
of the Constitution are insufficient, on this subject, to give
peace and harmony to the coun,trv.  As the Northern States,
one by one, cast away the institution of slavery from their
borders, and as the States of the South, without exception,
retained it, it became at length a marked, distinguishing feature between the local, domestic policies of tile two extremes
of thie Union.  Thus circumstanced, it afforded a pretext for
geographical discriminations, and(  a basis for sectional aniinosities, out of which political aspirants might hope to obtain
an advantage.  In order to encourage, and mark more distinctly an imaginary diversity of interests in the two sections,
', 1 6 
TIlE MISSOURI CO oIPROMISE.
and to familiarize the popular mind with the idea of a sec tional indiv7iduality, Northl and South, every means within
the scope of the imagination have been, and are still, emnployed.
The distingtuishingf epithets, " Free States," as applied to one
section, and "Slave States," as applied to the other, were not
the least eflectual in promoting this sense of individuality in
the minds of the people.
Upon  this pretext the strrggl'e for sectional  power  and
aoggrand,izenerm  t commenced.  And so evenly were the parties
in the contest balanced-so  deep-seated the jealousy-so
violent the raging conflict of local sentiment-the one party
contending furiously against any further acquisition to the
political power of the South, by the admission of new States
into the Union with slavery, and the other as strenuously
maintaining the principle of local sovereignty, and the right
of admission, irrespective of that feature of domestic policy
— that all nationality of sentiment or feeling has at tinmes
been absorbed, and a dissolution of the Union has seemed
inevitable.
It was at a crisis like this that the famous act known as the
AIIssouRI COMPROMISE  was  conceived  and enacted.   The
people of that territory having applied for admission into the
brotherhood of States, presenting a constitution recognizing
the institution of slavery, was, after a long and embittered
struggle, admitted into the Union, with the p7roviso that no
more slave States should be thereafter admitted north of the
line 36~ 30'. This compromise stilled for a time the sectional
storm, and gave a temporary peace to the country.
But the fate of the Missouri Compromise exhibits the in
10
217 
A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
stability of all such measures as are left to the vicissitudes of
sentiment, the venality of political parties, or the corrupt purposes, even of the government itself. It proves that upon the
compromises of the Constitution alone, rests the sovereign
rights of the people.  The Missouri Compromise, the creature
of one Congress, is made the foot-ball of a succeeding Congress, and the executive arm of the nation is lent, and made
an instrument, in consummating the violation of the national
faith. The act known as the Missouri Compromise, passed
by Congress in 1820, was repealed by Congress in 1854, and
the act repealing it, known as "the Kansas and Nebraska
Act," bears the signature of Franklin Pierce, President of the
United States!
This act it is not difficult to characterize as a gross and
wanton violation of the national integrity; because, although
the compromise existed only by the frail tenure of a congressional act, and, like any other act, was liable to repeal whenever necessity, or the caprice of the government should demand it, yet it was, from its very surroundings, and the circumstances under which it was created, of a nature more sacred
than any ordinary act of legislation. It partook, so to speak,
of the character of a treaty.  It was a pledge —a promise-a
solemn guarantee made by the government to the people, and
as such it was invested with peculiar force and dignity.
It is not surprising, then, that the unceremonious rupture
of such a pledge should have aroused the indignation of a
deceived and betrayed people. It is not surprising that an
outraged public sentiment should have spoken loudly and
forcibly in denunciation of so foul a wrong, or that the men
218 
REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE.
who participated in the act should have been branded as the
foes of the public peace, and the national honor. Such was
the effect in the States of the North, though, strange to say,
the act repealing the Missouri Compromise was originated by
Northern men, and consummated by the aid of Northern
mnen.*
But the most deplorable effect of this act has been the re Iewal of that sectional discord to which we have before alluded.
It re-opened the casket of evils under which the Union had
once been placed in jeopardy, and sent abroad again the selfsame spirit of geographical hatred. As a natural result, the
first impulse of public sentiment at the North, demanded a
restoration of that line of compromise which had so summarily
been torn from the statutes of the country,-and that demand is
still urged by many, through the strongest convictions of right
and justice. Such a course would seem, at the first glance,
to be the true one. But when we reflect upon the mutability
of those public pledges which rest solely upon the sandy foundation of congressional enactments, and which are liable at
any moment to be broken, and torn into shreds at the dictation of partisan demagogues, the utter uselessness of the procedure becomes apparent. It is plain that the sectional discord
that would be engendered in the progress of that measure of
restoration, would more than counterbalance any benefit to
be derived from its accomplishment.
* Sixteen Senators from Free States, and forty-four Representatives from Free
States, voted for the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. The act was introduced
by a Senator from a Free State, and Franklin Pierce, President of the United States,
a citizen of a Free State, signed the act, and confirmed it as the law of the land.
219
6 
220      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
Again, the act of repeal cannot, with truth, be characterized
as peculiarly that of the Southern section of the Union,
because, as has been already shown, it was sustained by one
half of the senators, and by about one third of the Representatives from the Free States, receiving at last, the sanction of
a President from the Free States.  The act was one of a partisan, rather than a sectional character. This fact also contributes to the difficulty and the inutility of a restoration,
because, having employed it as a measure of partisan policy,
they who so employed it will be compelled, from motives of
consistency alone, if from no other, to stand by and maintain
it. The restoration of the Missouri Compromise, therefore,
would exist only to be again repealed, whenever the party
opposed to it may reach the power to accomplish that repeal.
IHeart-burning agitation and a continuous war of opinions
between the North and the South would, it is evident, result
from such a course. Every public measure would hinge on
that one idea. The popular mind would be diverted from
matters of national import into the channels of a sectional
feud. The elections of the whole country would be determined on that basis, and not a constable would be chosen, nor
a street scavenger appointed, unless it should be known that
he was "sound" on the Compromise question.
Besides, it is a question of serious doubt, whether an act
like that establishing the Missouri Compromise line can constitutionally exist. Or, if it can so exist as applicable to the
Territories, its powers must certainly cease the moment those
Territories are elevated to the position and dignity of free and
sovereign States. Its effect, therefore, can be but temporary, 
STATE SOVEREIGNTY INVIOLABLE
or continue during the territorial existence. To deny this, we
must advance two new and startling propositions, either one
of which, if established, would be sufficient to hurl the Union
into fragments. The first of these propositions, would be to
the effect that the reserved rights of the States, as guaranteed
by the Constitution, do not apply to States subsequently
admitted into the Union; and the second would be to the
effect that Congress has power to regulate the domestic concerns of all the States.
Such would be the effect of an attempt to enforce the terms
of the Missouri Compromise upon any new State formed from
a Territory over which those terms had been recognized during the territorial existence, or from any other Territory. It
would be to assert that Congress possesses certain powers
over the sovereignty of new States which it cannot exercise
over the original States of the confederacy; or, maintaining
the principle of equality among the States, it would lead to
the conclusion that Congress possesses the power to direct
the domestic concerns of any and every State in the Union.
This, no man is willing to admit, and hence the utter fallacy of attempting to legislate slavery out of the new States
against the will of the citizens of those States.
221 
A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
OCHAPTER XVII.
POLITICAL PARTIES.
"Here runs the mountainous and craggy ridge,
That tempts Ambition. On the summit see
The seals of office glitter in his eyes;
He climbs, he pants, he grasps them! At his heels,
Close at his heels, a demagogue ascends,
And, with a dext'rousjerk, soon twists him down,
And wins them-but to lose them in his tnrn."
COWPER.
POLITICAL parties are intrinsically the legitimate offspring
of opinion. They exist as a necessity, and when founded upon
sound principle, they are valuable as eliciting the popular
ideas on important public measures, and also as a healthy
balance of power between the public interest and the seductive tendencies of office-the one party operating as a check
upon the other. The legitimate, adhesive property of parties
is a public necessity and the measures applicable to that
necessity; hence, when the necessity is past, and those
measures have been either adopted or abandoned, the adhesive
property ceases to exist, and the public mind is restored to its
natural, social equilibrium.
But in the managment of a political party there are always
a few men who have at stake deep personal interests. During
222 
HOW  PARTIES ARE SUSTAINED.
the contest of principle, these men have occupied honorable
and lucrative positions in the public service. They have been
presidents, governors of States, senators, members of Congress, legislators, mayors of cities, aldermen and judges-or
they may have occupied subordinate positions in office,
wherein the emolument surpasses the honor-or they may
have been only seeking after these several stations of profit
and honor without obtaining them.
With all these the dissolution of a party is fatal.  Having
long "fed at the public crib," or set their hearts on the attainmnent of support from that source, it is difficult for them to let
go their possessions or their anticipations. The destruction
of their party is the destruction of their hopes, and it is only
in conformity with the natural law of self-preservation that
they struggle to hold the material of their party together for
future triumphs. Finding it impossible to do this on the old
issues, they resort to new ones which they designate party
measures. If they are shrewd and able, they will adapt these
measures to some feature of public necessity in the nation,
and make them consistent with their former doctrines. By
so doing they may for a time keep up their organizations and
rally their partisans under the old banner, and still divide the
chances of success with their opponents. This has been done
from the establishment of our government to the present
time.
The parties originally formed in the United States were
the result of a diversity of opinion as to the plan upon which
the new government should be formed  and administered
Sifting out the chaff, this was the basis of that hostility of
223 
224      A DEFENCE OF THE AM,ERICAX POLICY.
sentiment  which  characterize  the  parties  of our young
Republic.  The  adoption of the Federal  Constitution  was
practically a settlement of that question, but it remained
unsettled in theory, and parties were rallied upon the original
issue long after popular sentiment had settled down into a
satisfied conviction, in the enjoyments which the constitution
afforded.   The  "Democrats" on the one hand,  and the
"Federalists" on the other, kept up their hue and'cry,
although neither Democracy nor Federalism existed, or were
liltely to exist in the country.
Even to the present day, the so-called " Democratic party
struggoles to rally its partisan host under a variety of extra neous issues, but with nothing in fact to hold it together
beyond the antiquity of its empty title. In this matter it has
been more successful than its rival. The Federalist leaders
have, with their party, under,one numerous mutations both
in their professions and their cognomen.  They have been
best known of late years as "National Republicans," and
still later as "Whigs," but whatever they mnay have lost
of their original identity they have gained in the practical
utility and  patriotic character of their measures, having
always advocated the protection of American industry and
American genius, against European competition or what is
called "Free-trade;" and also the development of the internal
resources of the country by a system of public improvements
at the expense of the general government.  Both of these
measures of national policy have been opposed by the
"Democrats," with all the virulence  of partisan rancor, and
these issues, together with the question of finance, involving 
THE VENALITY OF PARTIES.
the existence of an United States Bank, have been the themes
by which the two "old parties" have wheedled the people
during the last quarter of a century.
But these issues at length grew stale. The question of
finance was settled by the establishment of the sub4-treasury, and
it was apparent from the first, to every statesman of talent,
that the extreme of protection and the extreme of free trade,
would neither of them be of practical utility to the country.
The people at length caught this idea, and, as a natural consequence, the difficulty of holding parties together was greatly
enhanced, because, say what we  may about party ties, the
p)opular mind of the United States acts, as a general rule,
upon conviction, and upon conviction only. Conscientious in
their attachment to the measures of party, they cling tenaciously to those measures until their object is accomplished
or by common consent abandoned, and when either of these
results have been consummated, it requires more than the
prestige of a mere name to bind them to their party affiliations. Veneration for old attachments, and the social
influences which grow up among men long associated either
in public or private duties, go far to fasten the bond of unity
and hold the friable components of a party together, yet it is
more difficult for men of honest motive to act against their
solemn convictions of right and wrong.
For many years past the political organizations of our
country have been  held  together only by  the "cohesive
attraction of public plunder," and the measures set forth to
the public as party measures have been but the subterfuges
of ambitious men. And as by degrees the chains of partisan
10*
225 
A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
attachment became gradually looser, and the difficulty of
binding free men in "the traces" without the existence of any
apparent public necessity, increased, the stratagems of the
designing became less scrupulous and more varied. Driven
to tle extreme of desperation, they have stooped to the lowest
acts of demagoguery, and pandered to the deepest vices and
the most dangerous influences.   Their contests have been
like the contests of the freebooter, a war for the spoils.
When political parties arrive at this crisis they part with
their legitimate character, and become incumbrances on the
body politic; mere festering excrescences on the science of
government.   As  their contests are  but forays upon  the
public treasury, each party recognizes the right of the other
to enjoy the spoils after gaining a victory, and thus the conservative and purifying balance of power is lost and the
public moneys squandered. An economical administration is
a thing to be talked about but not seen; the interests of society
are forgotten, public offices are multiplied, and salaries are
increased to feed the greedy demands of clamorous partisans;
peculations on the treasury are winked at, and in order to supply these extraordinary demands the taxes must be increased.
The people groan under the burden, yet cling to their parties,
because each promises "reform," until at last corruption is
made manifest and the game can be played no longer. Men
discover that they have been held by artificial ties to parties
professing great though effete principles, merely as a cloak to
public robbery and individual aggrandizement, and they can
be rallied under the old banners no longer.
The old parties in the United States have been long
226 
EXTRAORDINARY CONVERSIONS.
approaching this crisis in their history, and they have at
length reached it. The climax is attained, and their followers
have turnedtheir backs upon them. Utterly disgusted with
the venality of public men, the honest sentiment of the people
rises in the majesty of moral supremacy, and rebukes those
who have betrayed it. The old parties have been broken,
scattered and ground to powder by the overwhelming force
of public sentiment, yet never despairing, never at a loss for
some expedient, good or evil, on which to hang their hopes
of future successes, and continued plunder, they have renewed
their machinations innew directions.  Men who are politicians
by birth, education, and instinct, have been suddenly converted into humanitarians! Those whose sympathies have
hitherto been expended only on defeated partisans, have been
softened to a charitable consideration of the negro; statesmen
who have never been suspected of entertaining an excess of
the Christian virtues, have become solemnly convinced of the
unchristian character of that "peculiar institution" of the
Southern States.-Those, too, who have been the sternest
advocates of "State rights" have evinced a most earnest
desire to superintend the affairs of the people of Louisiana
and Kansas —in a word, the desperate political leaders have
as a last resort, become abolitionists and free-soilers.
And they have given an importance to this heart-burning
topic, which its originators could never have accomplished.
They have applied the Herculean shoulder to the car of aboli tion and disunion, which had long been fast in the mire of pub lic prejudice, and sent it forward on its mission of civil discord.
They-have given vitality, vigor, activity to a limping demon,
227 
228      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
and they must live or die in the breath of his nostrils. The
ancients possessed a belief that certain evil spirits were easilv
raised, but that the sorcerer who conjured them fiom the
realms of darkness possessed no power to send them home
again, and was consequently forced to keep them employed,
because, although they would obey his commands, yet, if he
failed to keep their devilish propensities occupied, they would
turn upon him and destroy him. The political sorcerers of
oulr country have raised such a devil in the spirit of abolition,
and they have not the power to lay it if they would.  If it
fails of employment, they fall. Their political existence is
identified with it, and dependent upon its activity, and however the country may be distracted, and the Union shaken
by its ravages, they will continue to ply it with evil works.
This spirit can be laid only by the united energies and
patriotism of the American people. Like no other devil, it
professes good works; but like all other devils, it accomplishes nothing but evil. It is a hypocrite, a fiction, a spirit
without a soul. Skulking like a dastard under the cloak of
humanity, it hurls its insidious shafts at the heart of tile
nation, and exults at every groan of its victim.
When we see statesmen who have occupied many of the
most responsible positions, following in the wake of Wendell Phillips, Fred Douglass, and William Lloyd Garrison, we
are forced to confess that nothing but the sternest convictions
and the most sincere repentance could have produced a
moral wonder of such magnitude. The partisan leaders of
the Southern States are not behindhand in expedients; and
taking their cue from the elastic consciences of the North, 
NORTTI AND SOUTH.
they adapt their note to the local interests of their section,
and sing the song of slaveiv or disunion, and thus, under the
guidance of decaying partisans, the North of our country is
arraved against the South of our country, and we are rapidly
becoming  two distinct  peoples!  This deplorable  result
grows out of the simple fact, that the ancient parties of the
country having outlived the purposes of their existence,
now send up only the effluvia of decaying mortality.  The
beautiful symmetry of their construction is seen no more.
The watchful eye which  flashed in glances of terror upon
the foes of the land, is sodden and spiritless. The heart
which once beat only for the glory of the nation and the
happiness of the people, is still, pulseless, and cold; and the
once noble, but now inanimate forms, festering in their cerements, lie repulsive at the door of the sepulchre, and send
forth only the exhalations of decay. Let the dead carcases,
with  all their pestilent fragments, be  entombed,  that the
nostrils of the people may be no more offended, and the
equilibrium and peace of the nation be restored.
229 
A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
CIIAPTER XVIII.
THE NATIVE AMERICANS-THE PARTY OF 1834.
"Breathes there a man with soul so dead
Who never to himself hath said,
This is my own, my native land."
SCOTT.
AMONG the most patriotic men of the United States, from
the time of Washington, Silas Dean, and Thomas Jefferson,
down to the present day, there has existed a deep solicitude,
amounting at times to an actual jealousy, on the subject of
European interference in American affairs, and the deleterious
effects of imported influences upon our national characteristics
and peculiar institutions. The political facilities afforded to
foreigners by our liberal system of naturalization and suffrage,
coupled with an unprecedented immigration, have been well
calculated to increase rather than diminish this anxiety, and
efforts have from time to time been made to check the seeming
inroads upon our prosperity and safety, growing out of these
causes. But every attempt thus made has been met with the
most determined hostility by the old partisan leaders, and
however warmly the popular pulse has beaten towards the
new movement, the character, objects and morale of the effort
hTv been so misrepresented and vilified as to have effectually
230 
THE AMERICAN PARTY OF 1834.
withdrawn from it every prestige of success, and after a brief
struggle it has been for the time abandoned.
The avowed motives of those efforts have been, first: an
amendment of the laws of naturalization in such manner
as to extend the probationary residence of aliens to twentyone years as the first qualification of citizenship; and,
second:  an abridgment of the rapidly-increasing political
influence of the Papal power in the United States. As I
have, in previous chapters of this work, exhibited, at some
length, the evidences of a necessity for the adoption of these
salutary measures as proposed by the so-called "Native American Partv," it is needless to recapitulate them in this place.
Neither one nor the other of the objects above mentioned were
in themselves hostile to the interests of either the adopted
citizens or the resident aliens already in the country, because
in no respect were their rights invaded, or their prospective
privileges abridged by them, and the men who  urged those
measures of policy upon the attention of the country were
as much entitled to the sympathy and cooperation of those
classes, as to the sympathy and cooperation of the nativeborn citizens.
The interests involved in the adoption of the American
policy were universal, because the interests of the foreign
resident and the native citizen in the destiny of the country
are identical. If the American people, by maintaining their
institutions of civil and religious liberty in their perfection,
perpetuate the sources of their own happiness and prosperity,
and enable themselves to transmit the same elements of efijoyment to their children, the adopted citizen shares equally with
231 
232       A DEFENCE  OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
them in the result. If, on the other hand, the social, religious,
and political privileges of the American people are to be by
any means swept away, mutilated, or abridged, the adopted
citizens must shiae with them in the common calamity.
Thus it may be seen that when the foreign residents of
the United States, whether naturalized or otherwise, oppose
the measures of the American party, they do no less than
oppose the best interests of themselves and their posterity.
They have, by the mere act of immigration, acquired rights
under our Constitution which cannot  be taken  from them.
The moment they set their feet upon our soil they acquired
the right to become citizens by naturalization, and in the act
of naturalization they are invested with all the prerogatives
of the native citizen, with the single exception that they cannot be allowed to administer the government of the country.
These rights, acquired under a solemn compact, are sacred to
them and their posterity so long as the Republic, with its
American republican institutions, is permitted to occupy a
place on  the scroll of nations.   The  Constitution of our
country is as much the charter of their liberty as of our own,
and if that charter is ever violated, the outrage will be as
fatal to the interests of the adopted as of the native citizen.
Some of the foreign population, as I have shown, have
already expressed their determination to take that most perfect instrument into their own hands, and remodel it according to their agrarian and atheistical notions, but this only shows
that we have already too many politicians of that stamp in the
country, and proves the necessity of adopting the conservative
American policy. 
DFU\-TTCTATION OF AMERICANS.
But it has ever been the study of the political American
gamblers, to misrepresent the motives of their own country men in this simple and conservative matter.   For many years
past, the wvire-pullers of each of the organized parties, both
WAhigs and Democrats, have encouraged foreigners to acquire
and exercise their political privileges, with a view of securing
the combined foreign vote for their several parties; and in
order to accomplish  this, thev have committed themselves
and their governments, both State and national, to the immediate interests and amnbition of foreigners,  by pledges and
promises of appointments to public offices, and even the
passage of laws adapted to their peculiar wants and fancies.
The foreigners had become so numerous, and the Roman
Catholics were found to be so clannish, that to secure their
eooperation at an election, was deemed equivalent to success,
so well equalized were the forces of the contending parties.
It is not surprising, therefore, that when partisans grew
unscrupulous, there should exist between  them  a spirit of
rivalry in fishing for this foreign influence; or that each
party should struggle, by excessive concessions  and liberal
promises, to secure so valuable an ally.
The advent of a party, hostile alike to the corrupt practices
of the home demagogue and to the concentration of a powerftil foreign element in the political arena, was naturally the
cause of intense commotion among the spoilsmen, and the
party itself was regard(led by them as a common enemy.
They laid aside, to a great extent, their immediate feuds, and
together, like  good friends, set to work  belaboring  the
intruder. Their first step was to poison the minds of the
233 
234      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
whole foreign population against the American policy, and to
accomplish this, they have made it to appear, that thUe pur pose of the Armeican party, or the "Natives," as they scurrilously denominated them, was to takefrom the foreigner his
acquired rights, both social and political. They went even
so far as to establish, with some of the ignorant adopted
citizens, a credence in their declaration, that if the "Natives"
were successful, they would either send the foreigners all
back  to Europe, or else "hang them  up like strings of
onions."   They  denounced  the new  party as a horde of
"selfish, persecuting bigots;" as "narrow-minded fanatics;"
as "a party with one idea," &c., &c., not forgetting to interlard their abuse of their own countrymen with copious
adulations of foreigners. In fact, their pretended solicitude
for those classes was redoubled, and their praises, promises,
and pledges were lavished upon them to such a degree that
the very aliens,  at length  becoming  impressed  with  an
unwonted opinion of their own talent, interest, and importance, united in the crusade, and  cried, "Down  with  the
d     d Natives," as lustily as any.  They also began  to
dictate terms to their patrons, and to demand the fulfillment
of promises.   The political sorcerers discovered that they
had raised one of those imperturbable spirits which I have
before alluded to. This was especially the case with the
Roman Catholics. The hierarchy was first persuasive, then
pressing, next clamorous, and finally, imperative.
It was a bitter pill to the austere American demagogues,
thus to listen to dictation from those whom they regarded and
used only as instruments for their own advancement, but they 
WHAT LED TO THE AMERICAN PARTY.
were forced to swallow it. They had gone too far to recedethe raised devil could not be laid-it must be pacified, and in
order to appease it the constitution of the State of New
York was amended in such a way as to render a foreign
bishop eligible to the executive chair of the State! the Holy
Bible, which had been the guide of our forefathers, was cast
out of the public schools;-Roman Catholic teachers were
appointed over Protestant scholars, and the school-moneys
contributed by Protestants were given to the education of
Papists in their own anti-republican seminaries.*
As the oppressive burden of a large foreign population
was very naturally first developed to an offensive degree in
the larger cities of the sea-board, in consequence of the
greater numbers there congregated, so the first organized
movements to counteract their influence took place in
those cities. In New York, Boston, Philadelphia, New
Orleans and other cities, their effect upon the social and
political interests of the people became intolerable.   The
mechanic was crowded from his workshop by the cheap
* All these features still exist in the State of New York as monuments of the
perfidy of her rulers. The Romish schools, which draw upon the school-fund, are
cloaked under the title and semblance of " Orphan Asylums."  The character of
the instruction afforded, and the bigotry which prevails in these "Asylums "
may be gathered from the following. In the year 1852, the Pope issued a mandate
on the subject of education, the purport of which is found briefly condensed in the
Fs}eemnza's Jous-z,il, which says:
"The Pope, to whose voice pastors and people alike are bound to listen, has
called on all bishops to see to it, that Catholic youth are educated in schools where
a(ll, esid in "ill things are Catholic; that is in schools under Catholic teachers of
approved faith and morals, where the instruction given in secular science shall be
in conformity with, and accompanied by the religious teaching of the chserch, and
where, during the years of their study, they shall not be eaxposecd to the company
of children wh,o are heretics or infidel."
235 
236      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
labor of European competitors, and many a family that had
lived comfortably on the proceeds of the honest industry of
the husband and father, was driven to actual want, and often
forced to seek subsistence in other cities.  Taxation was
swelled in furnishing a support to the thousands of indigent
and diseased palupers, who were conveyed fiom the wharf on
which they landed direct to the alms-house, or the refuge
assigned to them by the authorities. The streets were over run with imported mendicants, and the dwellings of the
citizens were invaded by them firom  morning till evening.
Crime of every degree was increased five-fold, and the prisons
were peopled with exotic felons.  The spirit of drunkenness
lurked in low  haunts and fetid groggeries, or reeled ob scenely through the public thoroughfares; and the loose
brawl and the midnight scream usurped the places of order,
decency, and sobriety. Triese were the social aspects of an
overgrown foreign populace.
But the political aspect was no less repulsive and oppressive. I write only what I have witnessed. I have seen bands
of foreign bullies, regularly organized, and under the direction
of an Irish alderman, placed at the polls, with a supply of
bludgeons close at hand, for the purpose of preventing Amecans from approaching the polls to exercise their birthright
of the suffrage. I have seen that, when Americans attempted
to enforce their right to enter the place of voting, these
foreign bullies have, by the word of command, seized their
bludgeons and beat down grey-haired Americans like dogs in
the highway! I have seen foreigners, the most illiterate, and
bloated with dissipation, placed in the responsible office of 
WVIIAT LED TO THE AMERICAN PARTY.
inspectors at elections, and made the judges of the political
rights of men who claimed their three score years and ten
of residence on their native Anmeiican soil; and I have seen
the suffrage right of these old citizens challenged  by the
ignorant and besotted refuse of European municipalities.
have seen the most talented of my countrymen made to give
way, and stand aside to make room for the ambitious desires
of foreign aspirants to public office; and I have seen both
the enactment and the execution of laws perverted fiom
justice and the public necessities, to feed the clamorous
demand of imported prejudices.  In the city of Philadelphia
Americans have been shot down in cold blood byforeigners in
ambush, while holding a peaceable public meeting on their
own  soil, in one of the public places of the city.  These
men had dared to avow themselves AMERICANS, and in favor
of an American policy, and they paid for their independent
assertion of an inborn right, with the price of their blood!
Yes, in the year 1844, Americans were deliberately murdered
by foreign Roman Catholics in the public streets of Philadelphia, for opinion's sake! and the proud flag of America
was at the same time torn contemptuously into fragments and
trampled to the earth by the ignorant and superstitious
minions of Rome!  Ten years later, viz., in the fall of 1854,
at one of the polling-places in Williamsburgh, N.Y., Americans were not permitted to approach the ballot-box unless
they were known to be of the party favorable to the Irish,
and, in attempting to do so, one of our countrymen was
brutally murdered with bludgeons, and several others horribly beaten and mangled, by the overwhelming throngs of
237 
238      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
Irishmen!   Again, during an election held at Louisville,
Ky., in the summer of 1855, Americans were shot down by
foreigners, who, sheltering themselves in their houses, deliberately, and without provocation, levelled their deadly weapons
at men who were peacably passing along the streets, and
murdered them merely because they were Amer2icans!
It was from elements and influences like these that the
Native American Party has, of late years, started into existence, in the great cities, only to be beaten back by the combined efforts of native demagogues and imported brutality.
Yet it is a circumstance worthy of note that, in all these
efforts, the intelligent foreign residents and adopted citizens;
those who read for themselves and thus obtain a correct
view of facts, have been, almost without exception, the advocates of the American policy. But they comprise the few,
and moreover, they are not the kind of stuff from which our
party leaders have been accustomed to manufacture voters for
a political emergency.
Now if the circumstances to which I have briefly referred,
are anv indication of what Americans and Protestants are to
expect under foreign and papal rule, then certainly the law of
self-preservation, the first law implanted by the Almighty
in every human breast, if no other, will justify us in the
sight of the world, if we erect between ourselves and these
modern Goths and Vandals, the loftiest barriers of political
restraint.
The Native Americans have never yet assailed the foreigner
or the Romanist because of either his birth or his religion. It
is only against their moral and political idiosyncrasies, hostile 
WHAT LED TO THIE AMERICAN PARTY.
to our social and political interests, that the voice of remonstrance has been raised, and if ever a war of classes or of
religion occurs on American soil, it will be the fruit only of
their clannish hostility, intolerance, and brutality. With a
law-abiding and a forbearing spirit, the American people have
endured much, too much, at the hands of imported bigotry
and superciliousness, and it is not in the nature of events that
this state of things can endure much longer.
The foreigners and the Roman Catholics are the masters
of their own destiny in the United States. They may, perhaps, become the masters of our destiny; but if so, the precursors of such an event will be appalling-and the result
fatal to human liberty.  The latter event we must not anticipate; it is too terrible for contemplation! but of the former we
may reason together.  I say these classes are the masters of
their own destiny, because that destiny depends on their
deportment. If they will be not only with us but of us; if,
when they swear to be Americans, they will realize the spirit
of political baptism and prove themselves converted to our
political faith, our institutions, and strive to assimilate with our
habits, customs, and language; if they will abide by and res'pect our laws, and use without abusing the privileges and
freedom which our institutions afford to them; if they will be
content to enjoy religious liberty, and hold their church aloof
from the State; in a word, if they will become truly Americanized, and deport themselves as good citizens, their destiny
will be peaceful, happy, and glorious. But if, on the contrary, they cling to former attachments; if they take an
unmeaning oath, swearing one thing, and regarding another;
239 
240      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN ROLICY.
if they study to preserve their foreign peculiarities, habits,
customs, and language; if they assail our Constitution and
our laws, and imake war against our institutions; if they drag
their religion into the political arena, and declare their deteruniin'tion to make their church the ruling power of the nation;
if they attempt to coerce and rule over the people who have
given them an asyllm  firom  the despotic  oppressions  and
starvation of their own native lands: if this is to be their
deportiment, their destiny is already written, for, assuredly,
the Genius of America will not strive always with words of
persuasio)n  against then.  There is a, point beyond  which
patience ceases to be a virtue, and the dictates of that law
which teaches us that "Charity should begin at home," the
law of self-respect and self-preservation, must be enforced; the
American people may be constrained to adopt such measures
of policy as will for ever put these assumptions at rest, and
change materially the social and political aspect of the
foreigner and the papist in the United States. Their fate, I
repeat, is in their own hands: if they are wise they will mould
it to happy results.
At various periods of our national history distinct signs of
apprehension, in regard to the subversive influence of foreign-,
ers acting on a political equality with the native citizens, have
been manifested, but no attenpt to organize a distinct party,
devoted to the American policy, occurred until the year 1834.
This took place in the city of New York, and was ushered
upon the public attention by a temperate address, in which
was recounted the rapidly-increasing dangers of foreign and
papal influences upon our republican institutions, and setting 
AMzIEIICANS ON TIHE DEFELNSIVE.
forth the necessity of radical amendments to our system of
naturalization as a shlield a-gainst their encroachments.  To
the citizens of New York tlri  cddress made especial appeals,
exhibiting the increased burd-en of taxation imposed upon
theml for tihe support of the European poor who made  that
city their refiuge, and exposing the ambitious alrrogance of
foreigoners in their efforts to control the municipal affairs of
the city.
Thills;dress had  the effect to arouse  a strong popular
sentiment in favor of the new party, and in a short time an
organization was so far effected as to warrant the nomination
of a distinct American ticket for the local offices.  Professor
SAMIUEL F. B. MORSE, whose genius has added  a brilliant and
imperishable ray to the halo of American gloryv, and whose
writiYngs have stamped him with the mark of a sterling and
pure-minded patriot, was chosen as the American candidate
for the office of Mayor of New York, and at the election
which immediately followed nine thousand citizens responded
with their votes, in favor of the American party and its principles. This vote, although not sufficient to elect the American candidates, was enough to throw consternation into the
camp of the old parties.  Besides, the movement of the New
Yorkers was quickly followed in various other cities in differenlt parts of the Union, and for a short time there existed the
most marked indications of popular sympathy and encouragement.
This result was unexpected by the old political leaders, and
forthwith their batteries were directed through the port-holes
of a thousand partisan presses, in every portion of the land,
11
241
I; 
A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
against the new organization. The mnost effective implements
of party discipline were immediately brought into requisition;
those of their camp followers who  had ventured to speak
approvingly of the American party were denounced and vilified,
and those who had sustained it by their votes were formally
excommunicated, branded with a pseudo infamy, and declared
to be among the proscribed for ever.
The artillery of parties, powerful, thoroughly organized in
every portion of the country, with an army of presses, and a
phalanx of prejudices, proved too much for the little band of
Spartan-spirited patriots, whose only weapon was a good cause
and a virtuous purpose, and, after a struggle of two or three
years, the first American party was overwhelmed, and utterly
obliterated.
But although the organization was abandoned, the broad
principle which  it had  enunciated was  immnutable.   The
ingredients of that party were scattered, but with them were
scattered the seeds of a future harvest of opinion, that should,
at some future day, bring forth fruit of its kind from every
pore in the soil of American Nationality.
"Truth crushed to earth will rise again,
The eternal years of God are hers,
But error wounded writhes in pain,
And dies amid her worshippers."
The array of facts brought to light, during this brief effort,
and the logical deductions drawn from them, went forth, and
when the storm came on they nestled silently in a quiet recess
of the American nzind, and there, stript of all extraneous vesture, and away from all counter-influences and prejudices, they
underwent the test and scrutiny of calm reflection.
2.42 
SEWARD AND HUGHES.
CHAPTER XIX.
THE AMERICAN REPUBLICAN PARTY OF 1844-ITS RISE AND FALL.
-  When the Deity conversed with men
He was himself a Patriot!-to the earth,To all mankind a Savior was he sent;
And, all he loved with a Redeemer's love;
Yet still, his warmest love, his tenderest care,
His life, his heart, his blessings and his mournings,
His smiles, his tears, he gave to thee, Jerusalem,
To thee, his country."
Z. WOLFE.
IN consequence of the annihilation of the American Party,
the demagogues grew bolder, and the foreigners and papists
more audacious and presuming.  A very few years sufficed
to develop this fact. Before the year 1840 had passed away,
the footprints of Romanism were distinctly visible on the
political field of the country. This was especially the case in
the Empire State, where William H. Seward occupied the
executive chair. At the commencement of that year, under
the instigation of his "friend,"* Bishop John Hughes, the
Romlish prelate of New York, Mr. Seward put forth that re
* In a letter to a gentleman in New York, dated November 15, 1840, Mr. Seward
says: "Bishop Hughes is my friend, I honor, respect, and  confide in him."  This
is at least an inferential justification of my statement that it was at the instigation
confidential friend Bishop Hughes, that he made the recommendation.
243 
A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
markable recommendation to the Legislature, which I have
before noticed in this work. In 1841 the plot thickened,Mr. Seward reiterated his formerly-expressed sentiments in
favor of the Romnish and foreign aggression upon our educational system; and the year 1842 witnessed the consummation
of his recommendations.  Romanism took possession, to a
considerable extent, of the public schools of the State, and the
Bible, which had been implanted in those schools at the foundation of the system, and used as a reading-book for religious
and moral, but not sectarian, instruction, was banished from
them.  It was plain to every eye and every mind that this
infamous outrage was the result of a deliberate bargain between  the authorities of the State and the Church of Romne,
and it is not remarkable that thereby the fires of popular indignation should have been kindled.
And those fires were kindled. On every hand the voice of
public condemnation was heard; the quiescent spirit of Americanism was re-awakened, and the party was reorganized in
the City of New York under the title of "AMERICAN REPUBLICANS."
This party proceeded forthwith in the organization of ward
committees or associations, in each of the several wards of the
city, and the creation of a general committee, to be composed
of delegates chosen in the several wards.  They also prepared
and published a "Declaration" of their general principles,
which were the same as those of the party as it existed in
1834. The "declaration of principles," or, in modern parlance,
the "platform," issued at that time, and which I republish  at
length, while eminently conservative and patriotic, will be
244 
PRINCIPLES OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.
found to contain none of those features of " bigotry" and "proscription" attributed to it by the enemies of the party. That
platform was framed in the followilng words:
DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICAN PARTY.
Whereas, in the course pursued by the leaders of the political parties of the day, we discover an utter recklessness and disregard of
the good government and well-being of society, a contempt for moral
honesty, and the true and proper administration of the laws to restrain vice and its demoralizing effects upon the thoughts and actions
of the people, all of which is plainly manifested by the appointment
to offices of honor and trust, of men of immoral character, and individails who are ignorant of the laws and institutions of our country;
therefore, we, citizens of the United States, have concluded to associate ourselves together, and be known and designated as the American Republican Party of the City and County of New York, for the
purpose of endeavoring, as far as in us lies, and with our best abilities, to correct the evils herein complained of, and by the virtues of
the men of'76, and the memory of a "Washington," a "Franklin,"
and a " Jefferson," the defender, the counsellor, and the apostle of
our liberties, we pledge ourselves to each other, to use our best exertions to bring about a reformation at the ballot-boxes, and that we
will not aid or assist in any way or manner, directly or indirectly, in
electing any man to office, be his party predilections what they may,
either of honor, trust, or emolument. from the lowest to the highest,
who has not at all times shown a proper respect for the decencies of
society and an honest and virtuous regard for the laws and the due
administration of justice; our inquiries shall be, "Is he capable?
Is he honest,?"  Also, is he an American-born citizen?
Resolved, That as American citizens, having at heart the purity,
permanency, and honor of our institutions-jealous of our rights and
liberties, and fearful of the evils of foreign influence, which have already exhibited themselves, we will not recognize nor support, for any
245 
246        A DEFENCE OF THE AMERI,CAN  iO-LiCY.
office of honor, trust, or emolument, for General, State, or Municipal
Government, any person or persons who  are d-rectly or indirectly
subjected to or influenced by, the lawrs or powers, tempor-al or spiritual,
of any foreign prince, power, or potentate.
tiesolved, That we hig-hily appreciate thlt proteciton and  freedom
in "life, liberty, and propertv,': guaranteed  to the people of our
gloriow republic, iy th)t best of i:stlreents l,hat the mind of man
ever conceiNved. the sacred Constitution of our  country; so also do
we view with abhorrence all attacis poil, or abridgment of, our free
and unbiased expression of opinion in regard to the conduct of each
and all of our puiblic odficers. who-n we. the people, have elevated to
honor, by coniferring upon thenl offices withini our gift, without fearing that they will make use of the powers temporarily conferred upon
them for partv or selfish purposes.
Resolved, That, as a party, we will not appoint to any office within
our power, any person who is not American by birth, born within the
jurisdiction of the Uniited States.
We hold and mainttain that the present Naturalization Laws are
unequal and unjuSt, and we will, therefore, use all honorable  means
in order to effect such alteration in said laws as shall require of all
foreigners, whou shall arrive in our country after such alteration
shall have been miade, to remain at least twenty-one years within the
jurisdietion of  he Ln'tedc States, boefore they shall )be endowed with
the birthright of Native Am.ericans, the elective franchise.  Also, the
passage of a law by Congress, prohibiting, under heavy and severe
penalties, the importation of foreign paupers or convicts to any port
or place in the United States.
We declare, also, that it is not our intention or desire to have
enacted aioy r-etro-active laws by which to abridge the vested rights of'
an,y-abut we do bold and wtil sacredly maintaiti the full intention
of the Coustitution of these United States alike n.uito all, without
partiality.  We are in favor of the constituted authorities enacting
such laws as shall give the privilege to persons of foreign birth, after 
PRINCIPLES OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.
they shall have declared their intention of becoming citizens of
these United  States, in conformity with the laws regulating the
same, of holding and conveying real and personal property, and
the enjoymnent of the protection and privileges of all our laO?vs and
institutions, except that of holding office and the elective franchise.
Our country, right or wrong; but still, our country, is our motto
principles, not men, our creed; our birthright is our object; and
perseveranLce, until we obtain it, is our determination.  In opposing
the elevation of foreigners to office, and in seeking a change iR the
naturalization laws-as well as in advocating our native inherent
rights, we are only reverting back to the elementary principles of
our national Constitution, supported by the views and declarations
of the immortal Washington, and Jefferson, the clear-headed statesmen; we  are  not  actuated  by  feelings  of hostility  towards
adopted citizens.  What we contend for is all PROSPECTIVE.  We
disclaim the intention of opposing respectable and industrious foreigners immigrating to this country. But we do object to and shall
use all lawful means to exclude from our country the idle, the vicious,
and the unprincipled of every clime, that the morals of our citizens
be not injured by their example, or our property taxed for their support.
We have, therefore, adopted this Declaration of Principles and
Constitution for the purpose of more effectually carrying into operation our principles, and of preventing an increase of foreign influence, and of maintaining inviolate our Political Rights-our Civil
and Religious Liberties.
In the spring of 1843 this party took the field with a full
municipal ticket, and polled a vote which exhibited a large
change of popular sentiment in favor of the American policy.
Though not yet sufficient for success-encouraged rather than
disheartened by the result, the party continued to perfect and
strengthen its organization, and the patriotic example was
again followed by the people of Boston, Philadelphia, St. Louis,
247 
248      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
New' Orleans, and other cities. In 1844 each of the cities
above-named elected, in whole or in part, an Ame rican Re publican Municipal Government.
The great point of interest in the contest of 1844, between
the old party leaders and the American Republicans, was the
city of New York. This was partly owing to the fact that
the movement originated in that city, but miainly tl,ecause of
the vast foreign population residing within its limits.  It was
expected that the entire foreign vote would be cast in opposition to the new organization, but to the surprise and confusion
of its enemies, the entire body of Protestant Europeans endorsed the principles avow-ed in the American  creed, and
voted for the candidates who favored those principles. The
party, in selecting its candidates, had been governed by the
Jeffersonian test.  They chose men  for their honesty  and
business capacity, rather than for their experience in the corrupting vortex of politics-men eminent rather for integrity
and respectability of character, than for their skill as political
managers. James Harper, Esq., the leading partner in the
extensive publishing house of harper & Brothers, a gentleman
highly-conspicuous for his business talent anid moral worth,
was chosen as their candidate for the office of Mayor, and
the same policy was observed in the choice of candidates for
members of the Common Council, and heads of the public
departments of the city.  Mr. Harper was elected Mayor of
New York by a very large majority, as were also a majority
of the members of the two boards of the Common Council.
The American Republican party was triumphant.
During this canvass, the same bitterness of spirit and vin 
TRIUMPH OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.
dictiveness were exhibited by the partisan presses and leaders,
as on the former occasion. No arguments were employed
to controvert the doctrines of the American Republicans, but
one continuous torrent of epithets and ridicule was poured
out upon them and their advocates, until the very name
"American" had become a scurrilous jest. In fact, their
doctrines were incontrovertible; the propriety of their policy
was apparent to all, though not admitted by all, and the
hostility arrayed against them was but the effect of a desperate struggle on the part of men eager to retain the grasp
of power.
In Philadelphia the canvass, although marked by no distiniguishing features on the part of the parties legitimately
engaged in it, was nevertheless made memorable on account of
the course pursued by the Roman Catholics, and the fatal result
of their interference. This class of our "adopted citizens,:' residing in that city, not satisfied with the privilege of meeting
Americans on their o)wn ground, with their own peaceful weapon,
the ballot, determined to take Time by the forelock, and break
up their organization. They argued very rationally, that, if
they could but silence the American orators, and prevent public
assenmblages of the American people, there would be little difficulty in destroying their party, and without sufficiently
weighing the conditions on which they relied for success, they
determined to adopt that plan of operations.  They accordingly gave notice that no American meetings would be permitted in certain specified districts, and this notice was accompanied with threats of bloody vengeance on any who
should have the temerity to violate its provisions.
11*
249 
250       A DEFENCE OF TIIE AMERICAN POLICY,
The district of Kensington, in whiclh a meeting of American
Republicans had been called by public notice, was especially
designated in this threat.  But the meeting tookl place precisely as it had been advertised, at 4 o'clock on the afternoon
of Mlay 6th, 1844, and the threat was consummated.  Fromn
the windows of houses, from loop-holes, and alleys in the
vicinity, a murderous fire of musketry was poured into the
assembly with terrible effect.  George Shiffler, a young man
who held the national flag on the orator's platform, was shot
through the heart, and died almiiost instantly, and eleven others
were dangerously wounded.* Thus was the constitutional right
of the American people peaceably to assemble, and the sacred
rilli of free speech, invaded by a brutal horde of Irish RomLanists; thus were the lips of a firee-born American sealed in
eternal silence by a Papal bullet! Why do we pore over the
pages of history and recapitulate the horrors of the eve of St.
Bartholomew, when proofs like this, of Papal barbarity and
bigotry, are breeding, ghastly and fresh, on our own soil?
As a matter of course the result produced by this bloody assault was exactly the reverse of what its perpetrators had in
tended. They expected to intimidate the American orators,
and thus stifle their influence in the community. It is needless
to say that great excitement prevailed, or that this tangible
evidence of the truthfulness of the American Republican doctrines was not lost upon the comminunity.  American meetings,
the most enthusiastic and numerous, were held in every quarter
of the city, and to add to the excitement, a rumor was circu
* At a meeting held on the following day the murderous assault was renewed, at
which eight Americans were killed, and about forty wounded.   See Appendix. 
A CHURCHI AR,IED A'ND GARRISOiSED.
lated stating that arms and ammunition were concealed in the
Romanl Catholic Church in Queen Street. A committee was
appointed to search the building, and, tinder the direction and
authority of the sheriff of the county, the committee proceeded
in the performance of their duty. The rumor was found to
be true, as will be seen from the following extract from their
report, under date of July l th:
The first door we opened revealed to us two able-bodied Irishmen,
with fixed bayonets and loaded muskets.  These men were disarmed,
and on opening the door at which they stood sentry, we saw twentyseven muskets stacked' aliig the room.  Placing out of our own number a guard over these men and muskets. we proceeded on our search:
and in our way found eight other men armed as above.  Arriving in
the room in which the religious services were held, one of the Committee brciiought the priest in front of the altar, and thus addressed
him: "I ask you, upon your sacred word as a man and a Christtian, have you any more men here?  Have you any more arms?
Have you any ammunition?"  To each of these questions he answered
positively-no. Finding nothing new in our progress, we again proceeded to the room or vestibule from which we first started. In this
room were several closets, and some of them were in a case or counter
which stood along the wall. We asked the priest to open it. He said
it contained nothing but a few lemons and articles for making something to drink. We asked him to open it, when we discovered a keg
of powder, some percussion caps, and buck shot; and on account of
this quibbling of the priest, we were anxious to open a closet which
was under the stairs, leading from the vestibule to the room behind
the altar. The priest here said that the closet contained private property belonging to his brother, W. H. Dunn, and some few small
articles belonging to himself, and objected to open it, stating that the
key of that place had never been in the hands of any other person
but himself and brother. No denial would be listened to, and ac
,6 I 
252      A DEFENCE OF TIIHE AMERICAN POLICY.
cordingly the closet was opened; in it was found seven single, andcl
two double barrel guns, and several pistols; and several hundred
cartridges, some of which had eight, ten, or more slgs, and'buck
shot in them, and upon examination of some of the fowling pieces,
they had seven, eight, and even nine finger loads in them.
'"./dopted in Committee, July 11th, 1844.
"John W. Smith,                  Wright Ardclis,
And sixteen others, having headed this committee by request of the
Sheriff, I subscribe to the foregoing report.
"N. M'IKINLEY, Alderman."
Thus the American party of 1844, like that of 1776, was
baptized in blood, and from that day to the present the organization has never been abandoned in the city of Philadelphia.
Up to this time the American Republican movement had
been but local in its operations.  The organizations by which
it was conducted had been confined to the municipal interests
of the cities in which they originated, and but little effort had
yet been made towards perfecting a national organization.
It is apparent, however, that a party professing principles so
closely identified with the most vital political interests of the
entire people, could not long confine its energies to matters
merely of municipal importance. Measures were accordingly
taken for a concentration of action, and the formation of a
national party, and a convention was called, to consist of delegates from the several States, and to be holden in the City of
Philadelphia, on the fourth day of July, 1845.
In conformity with this call the convention assembled at
Philadelphia on the Anniversary of our National Independence.
Nearly three hundred delegates were present. General HENRY
A. S. DEARBORITE of Mass. was chosen President. At this 
HENRY CLAY AND TIE NATIVE AMERICANS.
convention  a more  comprehensive  "Declaration of  Principles," but emllbracing as its general features the doctrines set
forth by the party ia New Yolk, was adopted, and the title of
the oroanization was changed fioi'l "American Republican"
to that of NATIVE AMLUICAN, and it was thereafter known as
the ira,ttive Am?erican Parity.
As a national party the founders of this organization soon
found themselves confronted by new, and in some  respects
unforeseen obstacle.  They had expected and were prepared
to encounter the continued hostility of the leaders of the whig
and the democratic parties withl their Romian allies, but they
had not fully anticipated, nor were they prepared for a certain
luke-warmth which manifested itself among the people of the
rural districts of the country, towards the new party.   The
influences complained of had not yet been brought home to
them; they had not personally witnessed their effects, and it
was impossible for them to realize the magnitude of the dangers so newly presented for their contemplation.   The whig
party, also, now se.' forth a fLieshi ground of hostility, charging
the Native Americans with having caused the defeat of HENRY
CLAY, who had been the whig candidate for the Presidency
in the fall of 1844. They directly accused the Native Amnericans with a breach of faith in this mUatter, asserting that the
whigs had supported the Native American municipal candidates, in the expectation that they in return would support the
whig candidate for the Presidency.
This charge, it is now perhaps needless to say, was nothing
more than a perfidious device of the enemy. In the primitive
organizations of the American Party, and at the time of the
253 
254       A DEF XECE OF TIE AMERICAN POLICY.
presidential electi-on in 1844, they made no pretensions to a
national organization, and althloughi they elected several mellbers of Congress, took no part in. thie plesidential  contest.
The individual melllmbers were left to vote on that question
according to their own judgment and predilections.'WVlatever the whig party...ay have' expected," therefore, firom
the Native Ainericans, there certainly could have been no
understandiing between them on the subject.
But apart from any understanding between the parties, Mr.
Clay did himself, at the suggestion of his own party firiends,
aoree to attach to the whig banner  a large share of the
Native American creed, and the groundwork of that plan,
after having ) been submitted to Mr. Clay, was published as an
editorial article in the New York Courier and  nhquirer, a
short time prior to the election.   That article was widely
read, but the circumstance that Mr. Clay had given it his
approval was carefully concealed firom the piublic.  This was
the result of a timid policy.  The immediate friends of that
great and pure statesman were afraid to declare openly the
sentiments of their candidate in favor of the American doctrines lest they should be deserted by their foreign allies.
They were mistaken.  The foreigners who sustained the whig
party were mostly Protestants-for with all his subserviency
to the Romishli power, Mr. Seward never secured the vote of
that class to his partv-and, had the friends of Mr. Clay pursued a more frank course of policy on this subject-had that
gentlemen's views been publicly made knowvn and generally
understood, the entire American vote would have been cast
for him, and without doubt he would have been elected Presi 
PRETENDERS IN TIlE PARTY.
dent of the United States. As the great champion of an American irotecti-ve policy, Mir. Clay's known views were in a great
measure congenial with the sentiments of the new party, and
as a consequence miany of the democratic members of that
party, vwho would have otherwise supported his opponent,
gave a ready and cordial support to him.
But this did not shield their party from the outpourings of
that bitterness of disappointment which followed the defeat
of Sir. Clay. The hostility of the whigs was redoubled, and
in the spriing of 1845, by a partial fusion with the democrats,
thev succeeded-l in New York in defeating the American nominees.  This defeat, although regarded at the time as but temporary in its effects, was fatal to the American cause.
Wthen the party was at the zenith of its success, many of
the prominent actors in the old parties had become suddenly
and surprisingly converted to the new faith, and with  loud
and earnest professions of attachment labored amnong the most
zealous in the Amierican ranks.  In many instances they "outhei'oded Herod"  in their denunciations of foreigners and
Romanists, and often in their speeches presented as tlhe views
of the party, the most ultra theories, and the most inflammatory
and denunciatory sentiments. Orators and controversialists
of this stamp did more to fasten upon the Native Americans
the current charges of "bigotry" and "proscription," than
anything that could be found in their platform, or their public
addresses.'Whether this was a part of the motive of these
men, or not, is of course unknown, but certainly they were
the first to advise a dissolution of the party, and the first to
to leave it on the appearance of adverse circumstances.
255 
29i) (    A D- IFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
The effort to enlist the sympathies of the people of the
rural districts baving failed, the national organization was virtually abanldoned, although a certain committee was appointed,
with power to call a national convention for the nomination
of candidates for President and Vice President in 1848, if
deemed advisable.  That convention was called, more, however, with a view to another interchange of opinions, then
with any intention of an immediate renewal of the organization. The convention made no nomination, but having corresponded with General Taylor, and found his views to coincide
with the general features of the American Policy, they, in
advance of any other party publicly recommended him as a
sutitable candidate for thePresidency.  The local organizations,
"g'rowing( small by degrees, and beautifully less," continued
their efforts, until 1847, when, with the exception of that in
the city of Philadelphia, they were all finally abandoned.
The American Party was a second time in its slumber.
OF 
THE ORDER OF UNITED AMERICANS.
CHAPTER XX.
THE ORDER OF UNITED AMERICANS-ITS ORIGIN-ITS PRINCIPLES AND OBJECTS-ITS FORM
OF GOVERNMENT.
"When the skin of the Lion proves too short, we must eke it out with the Fox's
tail."
RICHELIEU.
I      now about to write of an institution which has already
exerted a silent yet important influence in the political history
of the United States.  How far it is destined to exert its conservative power in the future, depends perhaps more upon the
wisdom and the purity of its counsels than the assaults of its
foes-because it is now so firmly fortified in public esteem,
so consecutive, systematic, and effective, in its organization,
and so numerous in its membership, that it is enabled to look
with complacency and indifierence upon every attempt to defeat or retard its )patriotic purposes. The objects of thlis order
have been political and  social; it has studiously remained
aloof from every partisan affiliation, and while sustaining
entirely the doctrines and objects of the American  Republicans, it has levelled its shafts as fieely at the American
demagogue.  Its political character may be read in a single
sentence of its pl.atf,orm, thus:
257 
258        Xk;,A i!27Cl O iIle AM1IERICAN POLICY.
"Our political action wvill be adapted to the exigency of the crisis
which miay arise& but our polar star shall ever be the salvation of
our country and its institutions."
From this we are to infer, that, fi'omi whatever source or by
whatever means that exigency may occur, whether instigated
by internal or external foes, whether of a nature social, religious, or political, whether sooner or later, in peace or in war,
in civil discord or domestic quiet, if that exigency shall directly or indirectly place in jeopardy our country or its institutions, it is the purpose of this society to meet it with a
resolute and patriotic hostility.  A purpose so noble, seconded,
as it has thus far been, by ani unobtrusive, orderly, and lawabiding deportment on the part of its membership, could not
fail to secure the public confidence and respect.
The organization of this order took place on the 21st of
D)ecemiber, 184I4, in the city of New York.   At  that time
several gentlemen, entertaining a solemini  conviction of the
dangers whichl overhang our institutions, from the nefarious
designs of Jesuitism, fiom  the rapidly-increasing influences
exerted upon them from abroad, and fiom the ignorant masses
of Europeans who were permitted to share in the elective
fianchise, as also from the glaring habits of corruption  to
which our politicians had descended; having witnessed also
the futility of previous attempts to awaken the popular mind
to a true sense of those evils, or to overcome the united and
secret combination of organized demagogues by means of an
open party, and anticipating that a like result would follow
the effort then being made-resolved to adopt some plan by
which those deleterious influences might be met on their own 
POLIlIrAL EDUCcATION.
terms, and with theicir own weapons.  The most potent weapon
empl)loyed by the unscrupulous politicians, as well as by the
natural foes of American Republicanism-tthe followers of
Loyola —vwas the secrecy with which their machinations were
planned and carried out, and it was determined that the same
weapon (secrecy) shiould be employed to check their operatiOns, and thwart their designs.
It -was observable, also, Liat the political education of the
younog mientf the country was confided entirely to the partisain schoGls, and very few graduated and stood forth upon
the platform of manhood with any ideas of political duty
beyond the mere essentials of a democratic or a whig success.
They understood very distinctly, because they were so trained
to believe, that to the party into whose lap they had chanced
to fall when they emerged from boyhood, the whole country,
if not the whole world, was indebted for every vestige of
liberty remaining, and for all that might be garnered up for
future  use-hence, when their party was triumphant, they
were given to understand that "'the country was safe," and
they could return to their workshops and counters, and continue their avocations with the most perfect assurance that
there would be no more danger until the next election.  In
their estimation the highest qualification of a politician was
to be found in his tact for getting the "right" votes into the
ballot-box, and keeping out the "wrong" ones, and the most
accoimplished~ statesman was he who could make his measures
tell best for "the party."   The idea of legislating for the people was not obsolete with them, because they had never entertained it-it had not been among the rudiments of their
259 
260       A DEFENCE OF THE AMERIlCAN POLIOCY.
education; it was a thing Utopian-heard of but unknown.
Thus the spirituel of our political element was rapidly degenerating into a mere factional system, while the pernicious
inoredients of radicalism, superstition, and ignorance, were
held aloof as make-weights to be thrown into either scale
which would afford the largest remuneration.
A svstemi that would afford a school of patrict:.   to the
young, purify the nmorale of the political atmosphere, and by
awakening, a homne pride, a spirit of American nationality
among the people, neutralize and stifle those imported theories
which were being rapidly engrafted upon our time-honored
republican customs and sentiments, was a something desirable,
at least, if not imperatively necessary as a measure of selfprotection.  The formation of a politico-benevolent institution,
beyond the reach of the corrupting influences of partisan
demagogues, was therefore determined upon.  An institution
-which, as one of its features, should receive into its membership young men who were soon to enter upon the discharge
of their political duties, and thus, by bringing them into a
social contact with men  of miatutrer years and experience,
afford to them opportunities for a more rational and patriotic
political instruction than could be obtained under the corrupting influences of mere partisans and factionists-an institLution that should be strictly national in its character, and
entirely American in its policy and its membershlip; one that
would, in its political character and action, eschew all partisan attachments and prejudices, mioviligo unitedlv in whatever
direction the ultimate good of the country should demand,
whether in the choice of men, or the adoption of measures 
FOUNDATION OF TIEE ORDER.
an institution that would encourage study, oratory, and re search, and impart information to the young by addresses and
discussions in political science, and general history, and espe cially on topics relating to American'listolry, and thus by intui tionI bring about a more conservative, healthy, and patriotic
train of political thought in the great American mind.
Such was the general outline of a plan for the formation
of a society for the purposes which I have already stated.  As
an additional bond of unity, a beneficiary feature, something
of the nature of Odd Fellowship, was added to the plan, and
upon this basis the Order of United Americans was ushered
into existence.
The first meeting of this Order took place on the evening
of the 21st of December, 1844, at the private residence of one
of its members, in Forsyth street, in the city of New Yorlk.
At that meeting there were present the following persons:
viz.:-Simeon Baldwin, James Harper, Thomas R. Whitney,
George P. Paikei, Aillian Atkinson, Charles A. \Whitney,
R. C. Root, T. B. Miner,  Geo. W. Parsons, Danl. Talmage,
G. E. Belcher, L. D. Burling, and E. D. Root.
These gentlemen at that time comprised the entire mermbershlip of an association which in less than eight years nunmbered its tens of thousands of members, distributed over the
various States of the Union, and which has been as remark —
able for the wholesome influence which it has exerted over
the political sentiments of the country, as for its fidelity to
its original purpose.
At the meeting above-mentioned, the general plan and purposes of the association were discussed, and a brief constitu
261 
262 A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
tion for its primitive government was unanimously adoptedtogether with the following "Preamble" or code of principles:
PREAMBLE.
During the last few years, events of a most alarming nature have
transpired, which threaten to annihilate those glorious institutions
bequeathed to us by our patriot sires.
The precepts and warning legacy of our immortal WASHINGTON, to
"beware of foreign influence," seem, in a fearful measure, to have
fallen upon ears deaf to the cause of freedom, save that radical freedom which admits of no restraint, and acknowledges no law, except
that which to-day may be enacted and to-morrow annulled,  at the
caprice of base demagogues, to serve some unhallowed party purpose.
With sorrow we have seen many of our countrymen unite with
citizens of foreign birth, in enacting laws, and supporting principles
that must inevitably end in the subversion of our liberties, unless we
rally, in the majesty of our strength, now, while we have the power,
and for ever stay the further progress of dangerous innovations upon
our established laws.
The most alarming of these exactions is the exclusion of the Bible
from our public schools.  If the word of God, the Mlagna Charta of
all civil and Religious Liberty; be banished from our public schools,
we may look forward with certainty to the day when the blighting
wand of moral darkness will usurp the seat of enlightened rectitude,
and when our dearest rights will be wrested from us by ambitious
rulers, who, fearing not God nor regarding man, will weave around
us the galling chains of despotism, and for ever banish from our now
happy shores the name of freedom, and its attributes.
Believing that the present crisis in our political condition calls
loudly for the most effective cooperation of all who sincerely desire
the perpetuity of our institutions, an ORDER has been organized for
the purpose of more effectually securing our country from the dan 
PRIN;CIPLES OF THE ORDER.
gers of foreign influence, by a concert of action and singleness of
purpose, that we may look for in vain through the ordinary channels
of society. Coupled with this laudable endeavor to secure to posterity the civil and religious rights that we enjoy, is the ennobling
and virtuous duty of aiding our fellow men in distress  that when
laid upon  a bed of sickness, the friendly aid of this Order may be
manifested in providing for our necessities.  In the silent watches of
the night a friend will ever be ready to administer to our wants, and
if death'lays his cold hand upon us, we shall depart in the assurance
that our widowed consorts will be the recipients of the imperishable
friendship of the fraternity, and if need be, that pecuniary assistance
which will soften the asperity of their desolate condition.  The paternal guardianship of this Order will ever bring our fatherless children
within their watchful care, and especially will the orphan be pro
tected from the snares of a cold and heartless world, and placed in
the path that leads to honor and usefulness here, and to a blessed
rest hereafter.
In our efforts to release our country from the thraldom of foreign
domination which now, or shall hereafter exist, we will act as with
the heart and impulse of one man, and truly and faithfully conform
to the will of a majority of our Order.
Our political action will be adapted to the exigency of the crisis
that may arise; but our polar star shall ever be the salvation of our
country and its institutions.
As the perpetuity of our civil and religious liberties is the great
object, to secure which we unite our strength, we will assail no man
for his religious opinions.
WVith these remarks upon our object and position, we submit our
constitution to the examination of our countrymen, cordially inviting
them to come forward and unite with us in securing our free institutions to ourselves and to our posterity.
This preamble, together with the constitution, was forthwith
263 
264 -      A DEFENCE OF TIIE AMNIERICAN POLICY.
putblished to the world, and immediately thereafter a ritual
for the private government, and instruction of its mnernibers,
was prepared and adopted.  As an evidence of tile liberality
of spirit towards foreigners in which the organization was
conceived, I venture to quote a passage from the instruction
,iven to their nieibers on their admission to the order, in
lthe followingl' words:
"At the same time, we extend the right hand of fellowship
to those who seek our shores, and with sincerity cherish their
new homie and its institutions."
The publication of the constitution with its preamble produced no little sensation on the public mind-and while their
provisions were received with cordial approbation by the conservative and truly patriotic, they were met at the same time
with the sternest denunciations of the partisan leaders and
presses.  Thle Order was characterized as an "infamous cabal,"
an "infernal Native American machine," a "Jacobin Club," &e.
One of the New York papers did not hesitate to pronounce it
an organization more  vile than that of the Jesuits.  To  all
these assaults the Order listened in silence, and "went on its
way rejoicing."  ALPHA CHAPTER, the first organized under
the constitution, increased so rapidly in numbers, that early
in the following spring it was deemed advisable to divide the
membership, which was accordingly done, and by this division,
W\ASINGCTON CHAPTER, No. 2, was created, and its organi zation took place on the 31st of March, 1845. On the first
day of April, 1845, the first hall, used especially for the meet iligs of the order, was dedicated.   The membership of Al)pha
Chapter had, during the winter, secured the lease of a suitable 
GOV-Er, I,MENT OF THE ORDER.
hall, and fitted it up in a myost elegant manner, the walls and
ceiling being  embellished with  elaborate  and  appropriate
designs in fresco.   On the occasion of the dedication the hall
was open to the public, and the beautiful Temple of Patriotism,
brilliantly lighted and decorated, was th.ronged with an assemblage of ladies and gentlemen who  had been invited to witness thie ceremony.   The Hlion. Wim. W. Campbell, a member
of the Chapler, delivered an appropriate address, after which
a Poemt, written for the occasion, was delivered by one  of
the members-both of which were afterwards published in
pamphlet form by the Chapter, and circulated gratuitouslv.
WARnEx CHAPTER, No 3, was instituted in Brooklyn, N. Y.,
on the 26th of April in the same year; AiANIlATTAN, No. 4,
on the 9th of May, in the city of New Yolk, and JEFFERiSON,
No. 5, was instituted August  13th, at Ilarlaem.  Thus, notwithstanding the hostility of timorous politicians, five chapters
of the order were instituted within eight months after the
preliminary meeting of its founders.
The government of the order was made by the constitution
legislative, administrative, and judicial, and the whole system
is strictly American Republican, every officer and every representative being elective. The order is divided into three distinct grades or departments, viz.
1st. The "Arch (,CThancery," or National legislative head,
consisting of delegates, or representatives, called "Arch Chancellors," three from each State chancery.
2d.  The "Chanceries," or legislative head in each several
State, consisting of representatives called "Chancellors," three
from each Chapter in the State.
12
265 
A DEFA  -ENCE OF TIIE AMERICAN POLICY.
3d.  The "Chapters," or local organizations, comprising the
membership of the order.
The Chapters are organized without any limit as to locality
or number; for example, any number of Chapters may be formed
in a single town or ward, that can be supported in such town
or ward; besides, the members are not required to reside in
the particular town, ward, county, or state, in which the chapter to which they may belong is situated. The presiding officer of the CiAPTER is denominated the "Sachem;" his term
of office is six months. The presiding officer of the State
CHANCERY is entitled the "Grand Sachem;" he is also the
administrative officer of the State. His term of office is one
year.   The presiding officer of the  ARcH CHANCERY, or
National head, is the "Arch Grand Sachem;" he is also the
chief administrative officer of the whole order. His term of
office is one year.
The judicial power is at present vested by grades in these
three bodies; the minor offences among the membership being
tried by the Chapters, their verdict being subject to an appeal
to the Grand Sachem, and his decision again subject to the
revision of the Chancery (as a court for the correction of
errors, only), otherwise, the decision of the Grand Sachem is
final. Matters of litigation between Chanceries are adjusted
on appeal to the Arch Grand Sachem, as are also differences
between the Chanceries and their Chapters, his decisions being
subject to revision in matters of law, by a permanent " JUDICIAL BOARD," chosen fromin the body of the Arch Chancery.
The several State Chanceries have in contemplation the establishment of Judicial Boards, similar to that of Arch Chancery,
266 
THE JUDICIAL DEPARTMENT.
with a view to separate as far as possible the judicial from.
the legislative departments.   This feature is the only important one wanting to render the government of this powerful
society as complete in its general features, as that of the
national government itself.
267 
268        T L;FZ:;,  OF TIIE AMERICAN POLICY.
CHAPTER XXI.
THE ORDER OF UNITED AMERICANS-ITS PROGRESS, INFLUENCE, AND CONDITION.
"It is time that we were a little more Americanized."
ANDREW JACKSON.
ALTHOUGH the Order of United Americans came into existence at a moment when the American party was'in the
ascendant in several of the principal cities of the Union, the
anticipation of its founders, that that party would, like its
predecessor, be submerged by the waves of political corruption
which threatened it on every side, was soon realized. As
stated in the last chapter, the American party was overwhelmed in 1845, and almost entirely extinct in 1847.
When the last struggles of that patriotic effort were over,
and no miore traces of its existence were visible on the surface
of the political waters, " Nativeism" was supposed to have
received its final death-blow. Then it was that the very name
"Americain" became a term of reproach, and the offscourings
of European fens rose up in the high places among the people
with sneers and scoffs, deriding, and denouncing the native
sons of the soil, the descendants of the sires who fought the
seven years' war against the fathers of these very men, and
established a nation, free and independent! A refuge for
these miserable revilers!  Then it was that American demagogues, and their prostituted retainers, listened to and applauded the detractors of their own countrymen, and seconded 
THE U-DER-CURRENT OF PATRIOTISM.
their sneers with boisterous mirth and acclamation! To have
favored the policy of the American party was to be despised
and insulted-to declare one's self an American in principle
was to be shunned in public, and hated in private. In the
family, in the church, in the public mart, and the private
circles, in the court of justice, at the festival or the funeral,
in business or at leisure, day or night, sleeping or waking, the
"Native American" was avoided as one accursed!   And
wherefore? Because he had dared to avow and uphold the
broad principle that "AMERICANS ought to GOVERN AMERICA."
But while these persecutions were heaped as burning coals
upon the heads of all who would not openly kneel before the
partisan altar, and repent of their patriotic indiscretion, all
who would not join in the cry of condemnation against their
fellow-countrymen and themselves; although  that spirit of
resistance to foreign influence, which had, for a brief season,
prevailed, seemed to have been exorcised for ever; and on the
suzface of the political ocean no ripple appeared to indicate
its continued existence, there was, gliding beneath the dark
waters of corruption, a small, yet swift and steady undercurrent, which, though feeble as an embryo, was destined to
sway in the future as a torrent.  Silently, deeply, beyond the
heedless gaze of the self-confident partisan, and the more
wary wiles of the scheming Jesuit, the Order of United Americans moved onward, gathering strength as it progressed, and
like a subterranean  streamlet, gradually  undermining  the
foundations of corrupt political structures, or, like a quicksand,
absorbing the ground-plans for papal  encroachment.    Its
watchword was passed from city to city, from State to State,
269 
270       A DEFENCE OF THE AMIERIOAN POLICY.
and its influence, like the wind, felt, though still unseen, accumulated at every step.  A few bold spirits, too independent
to fear, and too firm to quail before the threats of their opponents, invincible in their panoply of honesty, at length came
forth, the champions and exponents of the principles of the
Order.  Public meetings were held, and addresses delivered,
under the auspices of the association; in the cities, in the
villages, in the hamlets of the country, sometimes under the
dome of the sacred edifice, somnetimes in the public hall, sometimes in the village schlool-room, or under the canopy of
heavene; it mattered not; wherever  an  audience  could  be
gathered there was heard the voice of the fearless United
American, preaching the doctrines of American patriotism,
and warning the people against the Jesuit and the demagogue.
But no 2reporters came to those assemblages;-the public
press of the land passed them by with the silence of a feigned
contempt, or noticed themn only to revile.  "The rich Irish
brogue, and the sweet German accent," had supplanted the
American idiom, and, while every press was muzzled, or
turned against the American sentiment, every gathering of
foreigners was gazetted with fulsome laudation. Even the
popular sentiment, although confessing in its heart the soundness of the doctrines of the Order, lacked the moral courage
to avow openlv its convictions.  Thousands of men have said
to the orators of the Order, "Your principles are correct —
your ob)ject is inoble and patriotic, bu,t you2' cause is hol)eless."
They gasv-~  to the members of the Order a mingled meed of
admiration and sympathy, but not their cooperation.  They
said, "It is too late-the foreign influence is already over 
THE FAINT-HEiARTED AND THE RESOLUTE.
whelming, and the fangs of the Papacy are even now in our
vitals!" And so they retired silently to their homes, hoping,
doubtless, that they might possibly live out their span of life
before the awful climax should arrive, yet conscious of the
fact that their posterity must bow before the blast! They
were willing to admit that the deadliest foe of our institutions
-the arch-enemy of liberty, was at our doors —nay, actually
within our household, yet refused to raise a hand to expel or
disarm the invader, quieting their consciences with the puerile
plea, "it is too late!"  They said, in effect-" Our forefathers
have p)rovided for us, let posterity provide for itself" and under
this selfish refuge, they shut themselves up, as the periwinkle
in his shell, and thus sheltered themselves from the fury of
the brewing storm.
These accumulated discouragements were not without their
effects. Many a true heart became weary and faint, and stopped by the wayside for breath; and some even retreated from
the unthankful and burdensome task which they had assumed.
But there were enough left to carry on the work. Though
few, they were resolute.  They had resolved, like Caius Marius,
to sacrifice themselves for the salvation of the people. Their
highest hope was that they might inspire their countrymen
with a renewed spirit of nationality, awakening in their minds
a sense of the impending danger, and thus, in their own time,
pave the way for an effective resistance of the Anti-American
theories and influences which were rapidly usurping the place
of our time-honoured customs, sentiments, laws, and constitutions.
It is undeniable that our people were becoming strangely
271 
272       A DEF:ENCE OF TJE AEla.RICAi'N POLICY.
un-Americ,anized, both sociallt and politically, and the first
step of the Order of United Amnericans was to bring back the
train of popular thinkiing to something like  the old-time
standard of American Republicanism. Her orators made war
upon theories, influences, and i)noovations, rather than  upon
men or classes.  Their effort was to conserve what was in possession, and restore what had been squandered, not to tear
down the old, and build up  a new system.  They presented
no hypothesis; but the siinmple, demonstrative theory of selfpreservation, and this they strove to present in its simplest
aspect, to the people.
Against the current of obstacles presented, the Order made
a steady though not a rapid progress.   The expense of obtaining and holding membership in the Order was in itself a serious obstacle in the way of accumulating a large membership,
yet, although slow, its course was never retrograde.  It was
established, as I have stated, at the close of the year 1844, in
the city of New York: in that State it now numbers (1855)
ninety Chapters, which are distributed in every portion of the
State. On the 17th of June, 1846, it was organized in Massachusetts.  In 1848 the order' was first started in New Jersev.  In Pennsylvania it was organized in 1848.  On the 22d
of Auoust, 1849 the first Chapter was instituted in Connecticut.  In California it was instituted in the year  1850,'by
Mfessrs. Robt. D. Hart, John W. Ackermian, Charles M. Yarwood, and a few gentlemen, who were then members of the
order in the Eastern States. Mr. Hart was the projector and
first Sachem of EUREKA CHAPTER, located at San Francisco.
The undertaking. was one involving, at that time, great pecun 
INCREASE OF TIHE ORDER.
iary responsibility, a responsibility which nothing but an
earnest and patriotic zeal could have induced its members to
take upon themselves. The rent alone of the room in which
the Chapter held its meetings was 8150 per month, or $1890O
per annum.   Eureka Chapter is still in existence, and has
been effective in both its beneficial and political character.
In 1854 the order was instituted in the States of Vermont,
Maine, New Halupshire, and Michigan, antd in 1855 it has
been instituted in Missouri, Ohio, Virginia, District of Columbia, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin, Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana, and Rhode Island.
The first organized political effort of the order occurred in
1846, and was directed against the adoption of the New
Constitution of the State of NewYork. That Constitution, which
had been prepared by a convention of partisans, and which
was about to be submitted to the people for their approval,
contained several provisions repulsive to the sentiment of the
Order, and hostile to the interests of the State, and the purity
of the franchise. From the day that the State of New York
first became a State, its Constitution had sustained the principle set forth in the Constitution of the UInited States; viz.,
that the highest executive officer should be an American by
birth. No naturalized citizen had been eligible to the office
of Governor, or Lieutenant Governor. The new Constitution
struck out that principle, and extended that time-honored,
conservative prerogative of the native-born American to for eigners. It gave to foreigners the right to govern the Ameri can people, and to execute the laws of an American State.
The State had also, from its incipiency, r,cognized by its
12*
273 
A DEIFENCE  OF TIIE AMERICAN  POLICY.
Constitution the principle that ministers of religion, being
devoted by their profession to the care of souls, ought not to
interfere with affairs of State, and that, therefore, they should
not be eligible to any political office whatever.   The new
Constitution struck out this principle also, and vested this
class of citizens with the right to hold any political office
within the gift of the people. By these two provisions of the
new Constitution it will be seen that a foreign ecclesiastic was
made eligible to the executive chair of the State. Ergo, a
foreign Roman Catholic Bishop might, through the chicanery
of parties, be made Governor of New York, and thus a perfect union of the Church and the State would be brought
about. But, apart from this extreme view of the case, a feature
so well calculated to bring the State into collusion with religion, was deemed anti-American in its whole bearing, and
dangerous to civil and religious liberty. This was of course
obnoxious to the sentiment of the Order, and therefore the
Order opposed it.
A third objectionable feature was that the new Constitution
provided for an elective JUDICIARY. It was apprehended that
such a system would tend to bring the judiciary into collusion
with partisan corruptions; and that judges who owed their
honors and their emoluments to the vote of a party, might
through the frailties of human nature, be brought to tear the
bandage from the eyes of Justice, and stain the ermine of their
of.fice with partiality.
These features brought down upon the new Constitution the
opposition of the United Americans. At this time the Order
was yet in its infancy, and its membership extended scarcely
274 
INFLUENCE OF THE ORDER.
beyond the limits of the city of New York.   Its influence
was, therefore, confined to that locality. It was not long, however, in creating a feeling of popular hostility towards the
new Constitution, and although that instrument was ratified
by the popular vote of the State, yet in the city of New York,
where the Order brought its influence to bear in opposition to
it, a major-ity of over twenty thousand votes was given against
its ratification!
Again, in 1850, the whole country was agitated, and the
Union itself shaken to its foundation by the rancorous debates
then pending in both Houses of Congress.  The subjects of
discussion were certain territorial organizations, the Texas
boundary, the admission of California, and the fugitive slave
law, all involving the vexed and vexing question of slavery.
The zealots of the North, and the zealots of the South had
seized again upon this apple of discord and with flaming
eloquence had ruptured and consumed all ties of harmony,
and absorbed all interests save the geographical interests
of opposing sections. Reason seemed for a time to have forsaken her throne-partisan attachments were submerged in
the frenzy of local factions-the North standing against the
South, and the South against the North-until all fraternal
sentiments h.d been discarded, and a dissolution of the Union
seemed inevitable.
In this terrific crisis the Order of United Americans resolved
to make an effort to stay the current of civil strife, and to
bring back order out of chaos. The duty of conceiving and perfecting a plant for the accomplishment of so singular and delicate a trust was confided to a committee of nine members of
275 
,A D EFN CE OF TInE AMERICAN POLICY.
the Chancery of New York.  That committee set forth on its
mission with the hypothesis that the entire public sentiment
of the country, both North and South, was outragced by the
course pursued by the national representatives, and eager for
a cessation of the dangerous controversy. They determined
to obtain, if possible, an unequivocal expression of that public
sentiment. The most convenient way to obtain speedily such
an expression was by public assemblages.  Accordingly, at
their individual suoggestic,n, in less than ten days from the
passage of the resolution in Chancery, there appeared in
nearly every daily and weekly paper of the citv of New York,
editorial articles, denouncing the agitation then pending in
Congress, and calling upon the people everywhere, to assemble
in their primary capacity, and, with appropriate resolutions
and proceedings, demand of ttelr representatives a cessation
of their hostile feud. The first result of this course was the
spontaneous organization of a committee of respectable and
well-known citizens of New York, disconnected with the order,
and under the auspices of that committee there was gathered
within and about the immense enclosure of Castle Garden
the proudest and most numnerous meeting of citizens ever
congregated in the Empire city.  Men of every party mingled
there with a patriotic enthusiasm, the Native American, the
\Vhig, and the Democrat; and from that assemblage went
forth a voice which pierced the remotest portions of the
Union.
Tammany Hall was next besieged in continuation of the
good work, and for once at least in her (modern) history her
time-honored walls rang with the notes of pure patriotism.
276 
IT   GOOD WORKS.
Broadway House followed immediately in the wake of Old
Tammany, and sent forth  her  resolutions of condemnation.
The flame once lighlted spread like a fire on the prairies;
Union meetings were held at Philadelphia, Boston, Detroit,
New Haven, and in every quarter of the land, and from them
went the united voice of an indignant sovereign people, rollingo onward with incrieasing force, until it thundered against
the doors of the capitol in tones not to be misunderstood or
unheeded!  The firantic legislators, startled by the sound,
paused in their miad career. A lull in the storm of passion
ensued; men were brought back to reflection-they saw the
popular will suspended like thle sword of Damocles, by a
single hair above them, and they shrank from the threatening
blade. A compromise, the celebrated compromise of 1850,
was effected, and the hour of peril was past!  This was the
work of the ORDER or UNITED AMERICANs.
During the same year, the Common School system of the
State of New York was in danger of  a total abrogation.
During the last previous session of the legislature, Jesuitism,
having failed to secure an open apportionment of the school
fund for its own purposes, obtained the passage of an act,
submitting the public school law a second time to the popular
decision; the people having just before approved it by.
majority of rmore than one hundred thousand votes.  After
the passage of this submissive act, the Romanists set every
engine of their machinery at work, in order to secure a repeal
of the school law, bishop, priest, Jesuit, and layman were
active with sophistry among the people, and it was soon
apparent that a mysterious change was taking place in the
277 
278       A DEFENCE OF TIIE AMERICAN POLICY.
public mind towards tile system.   The friends of popular
education, viewing those symptoms with alarm, called a convention to be holden at the citv of Syracuse, for the purpose
of devising means to prevent the overthrow of the public
schools.  To that convention the Order of United Americans
sent a delegate-and to that convention the editor of the
Freeman's Journal, that bitter and unscrupulous foe of our
schools, was invited. Both were present in convention, the
delegate and the editor.  The latter gave as his opinion that
the education of children should be entrusted only to the
Church, and when hlie wvas asked "what Church?" he answered:
"I know of but one Church-I mean, of (course, the Roman
Catholic Church." The delegate, on the other hand, related
the course that had been pursued by the editor in opposition
to the whole system of public education, and exposed the
devices and efforts of the Romanists as a bodyv to destroy the
public schools. Thus a new view of the subject was presented
to the public mind-a better feeling towards the system sprang
up-men who had been opposed to the system as one imposing
unequal and unjust taxation, became its friends, and the public
schools were saved, though by a greatly reduced majority.
Thus the Order of United Americans have, in numerous
instances, silently and unostentatiously put forth the arm of
conservative influence, and always with effect.  Assimilating
with no political party, it has always occupied an attitude of
independence —making no nominations peculiarly its own, it
has afforded no inducements to personal ambition among its
members, and in this posture it has operated as an American
balance of power between rival factions, invariably striking 
FIDELITY TO TIIE INTERESTS OF THIE PEOPLE.    279
down the candidate of either party whose antecedents were
those of the demagogue or the pander to foreign or Ronmish
influences.  Regarding "the unity of government" which constitutes us one people, in the language of Washington, as
"the main pillar in the edifice of our real independence," and
as the "support of that very liberty which we so highly prize,"
it has been the firml  and the steadfast advocate of the Uniion,
and the sovereign rights of the States.  Regarding "foreign
influence" as "one of the most banefil foes of a republican
government," it has unwaveringly resisted that influence in
whatever form'it may have been presented. Regarding popular intelligence, regilated by a sense of true religion  and
morality, as the palladium that must shield us from the inroads of ignorance and superstition, it has been the fearless
champion of free schools and an open Bible.  Regarding the
popular suffrage as a freeman's heritage, to be exercised either
for or agyainst our institutions of civil liberty, it has steadfastly striven to maintain the purity of the )ballot-box, and to
withhold therefiom all deleterious and dangerous influences.
In the language of the preamble to its constitution, its political
action has been "adapted to the exigency of the crisis" that
has arisen, and "its polar star has ever been the salvation of
our country, and its institutions." 
A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
CHAPTER XXII.
THE  "KNOW NOTHINGS:"-ORIGIN AND RISE OF THE ORDER-ITS MISSIQN.
THE vast organization which is at present so numerous and
powerful- in the United States, vulgarly denominated*" Know
Nothings," was originally conceived and planned by a gentleman of New York, who, singularly enough, had never been
associated with any other American political organization, nor
actively engaged with either of the political parties.  As early
as 1849 this gentleman prepared and systematized his plan for
uniting the National sentiment of the American people, against
the foreign and papal encroachments so fiequently occurring
and concentrating in the political atmosphere, and began,
among his immediate friends, the work of recruiting members
and co-workers. But after more than two years of persevering effort his associates numbered scarcely thirty, all told.
WVith most of men, this ill success would have proven a
fatal source of discouragement, but the author of this movement was not the man to yield the palm of victory to any
obstacle, so long as his own judgment remained true to his
purpose. This was his case. He never lost confidence in
the plan which he had laid out, and with a full conviction
280 
TItE " xNOW  NOTHIXNGS."
that his system was both feasible and just, he persevered.
Althotugoh a man of fine intelligence and clear judgment, the
founder of this association was not an orator.  It was not his
faculty to rise before an audience of his countrymen, and in
glowing language depict either the construction of, or the necessities that called for the organization of which he was the
progenitor, and to this circumstanice, doubtless, may  be attributed, in a great  degree, the tardy propagation of his
1iiiasure.
In 1852, a few  active imnembers of the Order of United
Americans were induced to examine this new plan. They
found a society consisting offorty-three members.  The general
objects of the association  were the same as those of the
0. U. A., but the qualifications necessary to obtain membership
were far more restrictive, and the appurtenances of secrecy
more specific and stringent, and although the plan was somewhat incomplete in detail, and unadapted to the government
of an expanded organization, extending over and ramifying
all the States and territories of the Union, it yet presented one
peculiar feature calculated to promote a rapid, if not a healthy
growth.  It cost nothing  to  ccquire and hold mnenmbership.
Having no beneficial feature to demand funds for charitable
purposes, it required no such fined, and as the plan did not
seem to contemplate any systematic or stated meetings, or
even the sub-division of the Order into "Councils," no  provision had been made for rooim-rent. No fees or dues whatever vwere charged upon the members, the whole system
relying on voluntary contributions for its pecuniary support.
The groundwork  had been laid out for an immense army,
281 
282       A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
with a general and staff at the head, but without companies,
regiments, or even a commissariat.
The first requisite was members, the next a more solid and
consecutive systemn of organization.  It was evident that the
plan, once well organized, pruned, and adapted more strictly
to the republican spirit of the people, would afford a powerful
auxiliary in promoting and disseminating the theory and demands of the American policy.  Its plan of political action,
like that of the Order of United Americans, contemplated
the control rather than the making of nominations, proper;
hence in that respect there could be no clashing in their
modus of procedure. As yet the new order had no stated
time or place of meeting. It was called together whenever
occasion required, by the president, either at a private house,
or in some lodge-room, after the lodge had adjourned; and
at each meetiing small collections were taken to defray whatever slight expense might have been incurred. The giant
that was destined to grind the corrupt parties of the country
into powder, to appall the demagogue, and shake to pieces
the political papal structure in the United States, was as yet
but an embryo, a conception unborn!
Immediate measures were taken to increase the membership, and for that purpose the Chapters of the Order of United
Americans were prolific of material. Meetings of the new
Order were held at various places, almost every evening, and
at each meeting many were added to its membership.  Committees were soon formed, with proper dispensations to initiate
members, and thus, nightly, two or three of these committees were engaged in the work of recruiting, and in less than 
INFANCY OF THE ORDER.
four months the membership amounted to about one thousand persons.   It was soon found necessary to obtain a place
for general assemblages of the order, and a large hall was
hired for that purpose on Broadway. There a series of weekly
meetings were instituted, at which from six hundred to eight
hundred members were regularly assembled.  At those meetings the freedom of speech was unabridged-addresses were
delivered, and an enthusiasm created onl behalf of the American policy which could have been aroused by no other
means.
Thus far the membership had been gathered in from all
parts of the city indiscriminately, and no "councils" had
been formed, except the one great council to which the members rallied in their weekly gatherings. The hive was overflowing, and for the want of the elements for an expanded
action, it was inoperative   To be effective, councils were
needed in every ward of the city, every county in the State,
and  every State and territory of the Union.
The constitution was accordingly revised for that purpose.
A system of national, State, and subordinate, or local councils
was adopted, and several other amendments perfected in
accordance with the necessities of a wide-spread and numerous organization.  The effect was immediately visible.  Like
a vast body of pent up waters when the floodgates have burst
asunder, the m.nembership poured forth in torrents:-councils
were founded in the several wards of the city, thence in the
interior counties of the State.  Soon after the order was planted
in some of the adjoining States, and eventually in every State
and territory under the jurisdiction of the United States.
283 
284      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
The organization of the order in the several States occurred
in the following order.
In New York, April 4,1852.  State Council formed, Dec. 7,
1853.
In New Jersey, April, 1853. State Council, November,
1853.
In Vermont, (Date unknown.)
In Maryland, May 22, 1853. State Council, October 14,
]853.
In Connecticut, July 1853. State Council, Novembei, 1853.
In Massachusetts, September 6, 1853. State Council, October, 1853.
In Pennsylvania, December 10, 1853. State Council, in
spring of 1854.
In Ohio, in the fall of 1853.
In Washington, D. C., January 23, 1854,
In New  Hampshire, February 6, 1854.  State Council,
June, 1854.
In Indiana, State Council formed, February, 1854.
In Rhode Island, March, 1854. State Council, July 10,
1854.
In Maine, March, 1854. State Council, July, 1854.
In Alabama, State Council, April or May, 1854.
In Georgia, May, 1854. State Council same year.
In Illinois, May 25, 1854. State Council, June 18, 1854.
In Michigan, June 2, 1854.  State Council same mnonth.
In Iowa, July 26, 1854.  State Council, October 5, 1854.
In Wisconsin, State Council, Acugust 30, 1854.
In North Carolina, August or September, 1854. 
INCREASE OF THE ORDER.
In South Carolina, State Council, October 2, 1854.
In Kentucky, State Council, August, 1854.
In Missouri, State Council, Sept., 1854.
In Tennessee, State Council, October, 1854
In Virginia, (Date unknown.)
In Delaware, State Council, October, 1854.
In Mississippi, State Council, November, 1854.
In Texas, State Council, fall of 1854.
In Florida, State Council, December, 1854.
In Arkansas, State Council, December, 1854.
In California, State Council, formed fall of 1854.
In Louisiana. (In this State there are two organizations;
The first was started early in 1854; this has been repudiated
by the National Council as spurious.   The second, which is
recognized as legitimate, was organized in September, 1854.)
In Oregon, September, 1854.
In Minnesota, State Council, formed in May, 1855.
In New Mexico, Kansas, and Nebraska the order was established during the spring and summer of 1855.
Thus, in about three years fiom the organization of the
first council in the city of New York, we find this extraordinary political society, not only established, but exerting a
powerful influence in every State and territory of the whole
Union, and numbering in its membership at least one and  a
half million of legal voters!  And  among its adherentsthe open advocates and exponents of its principles, we find
many of the brightest intelligences, the ablest statesmen, and
the purest patriots of the land. It is plain to the commonest,
as well as to the most acute understanding, that results so irm
285 
A DEFENCE OF TIIE AMERICAN POLICY.
posing could never have been  achieved upon  a "narrowminded," " bigoted," or "proscriptive" proposition.  None of
the elements of coercion, or superstition, nor the authoritative force of intelligence over ignorance have been employed
in their development.  The whole work has been  performed
wvithin a nation of intelligences; where every man is his ow]n
monitor; the master of his own opinions; free to approve or
condemn by the test of his own conscience and his own judgment, and by that test this million and a half of freemen
have recorded their verdict in favor of the American policy.
The principles which actuated the order were precisely the
principles which actuated the American party in 1834 and
1844, and the objects sought to be obtained by the order
were the objects sought to be obtained by that party. The
success of the experiment has proven conclusively that when
the popular mind is left untrammelled by partisan influences,
and free to exercise its own proper functions, away from the
corrupting sophistry of the demagogue, the patriotic sentiment will prevail, and a stern, inflexible spirit of nationality
will preponderate over the mercenary or factional demands
of a mere party.
The advent of this organization was most opportune for the
peace of the country, and the maintenance of the Union of
States. The old parties had already exhausted their legitimate resources of cohesion, and become effete, and their components were gradually dissolving into a sectional slime, whose
stagnant and fetid odors would have been poisonous to the
national health. Already the current of political fraternity
had ceased to flow across the geographical line, dividing the
286 
NATIONALITY OF THE ORDER.
Northern from the Southern States, and as a natural result
of estrangement, sectional hostilities were being engendered
in their most noxious form. National parties had cedaed to
exist, exceptproforma, and the whole political blood of the
country was running in adverse directions, the one portion
into a channel of aggression upon the sovereignty of the
States, and the other into that of disunion. The advent of the
American organization opened a new avenue to intersectional
harmony. It broke down the imaginary line of Mason and
Dixon, and re-established political inter-communication between the North and the South; it stoutly declared against
both of the opposing factions, and fearlessly stood forth
the advocate of State sovereignty, and the foe of the spirit
of disunion.
287 
A Lo_L.'CC v    O"  ILl' AM IC        OLICY.
CHAPTER XXIII.
TUE " KNOW NOTHINGS "-PROGRESS OF THE ORDER-ITS INFLUENCE-ITS ENEMIES THE FREE SOIL INOCULATION AND EXPULSION-MASSACHEUSETS-THE PHILADELPHIA
CONVENTION-PARASITES-THE MISSION FULFILLED.
IT was not in the nature of things that an organization, wielding so powerful a political influence as this has done, could
long escape, even in its secret chambers, the hostility of
startled demagogues.
Its mysterious successes first called the attention of political
parties to its existence.  Unseen and unknown, it wielded an
overwhelming influence wherever  it developed its power.
Demagogues fell before the swing of its keen scythe like
grass before the mower, and in dismay found themselves
enveloped in defeat where victory seemed more certain. In
many a district, where its existence was unsuspected, it has,
in an hour, like the unseen wind, swept the corruptionist
from his power and placed in office the unsoliciting but
honest and capable citizen.
The unscrupulous leaders of every faction and party, saw
in the up-growing giant, a power which, if left to itself,
would become the ruling spirit of the nation,  and as its
ingredients were found to be utterly uncongenial with their
habits, and utterly foreign to their desire, it was plain that
in the success of that organization their hopes of aggrandize
, 8 3 
EFFOfCTS TO DESTROY TIIE OItDEIn.
menet woutld be blasted fori ever.  No  obstacle had ever been
presented so formictable to their plans.  Before they  were
well aware of its existence, it had risen to suell inagnitude as
to set at defltice all the ordinary machi y  of partisan
hatred(  and hostility.  It lad aliready taken too decI) a root
in the public mind to be oveit-Iriown by an assault ui)onI itS
avowed prinlciples, and it was even tienii so numerous  as to
o-erw'heli  any single factioii that should  have venitured  to
stand ui) as its opponent.   It could rnot be strangled withi (lefamation as thie American party had twice been strangla        ed;
it could not be beaten in an honorable and open issue at the
ballot-box;  it could not be decoyed fitom  its  purpose  by
promises of patroniage, nor coercel fi:om it by persecution
and proscription, both of which were (and still are) employed to
destroy it, by the General Governmi?ent a TacSc     l,,ifi,toc and as all
these expedients failed, it was at length dete,rmined to try the
plan of subversion.  The fortress that could  not be reduced
either by storm or siege, might, it vwas thought, be unfler,:liOcd.
In the State of New Yorl  the followers of W-illiam 1-i.
Seward sent their emissaries into the councils of the order.
They entered with a feigned admiration of its principles, and
bound themrselves by the strongest of moral o)bligations to
sustaii  the measures of the organization.  They went even
so far as to create one or more councils in the rural districts,
for vwhichi the- obtained the requisite authority from the legal
head of the order in the State, aind continued to act with  the
order with the stronglest assurances of fidelity.  They chose
delegates to the State and Na:tlonal Councils, and were in all
respects in the full confidence of tl'.e fraternity at large.
13
289 
290       A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
The defective character of these organizations was first
developed at a State convention, held at Syracuse, in the fall
of 1854, for the nomination of candidates for a governor,
lieutenant governor, and certain State officers. This convention
had been called ostensibly as a vwhig convention, but in it the
members of the order held a considerable majority.  It soon
became apparent, how-ever, that the order was not so well represented'in spirit as in numbers.  Men professing its principles were opposed to its candidates, and althoughl the Seward
faction failed in the choice of their favorite, they succeeded
ill nominiatin,g )iyron 11. Clark for governor, under the plea
that he was a member of a leg,itimnate council of the order in
full fellowship.   It was soon discovered, however, that  a
fiaud had been practised; Mr. Clark was found to be identified with the free-soil or Seward  faction  of what was once
the w-hig party, and the order generally refused to support
his nomination.  Measures were taken for the nomination of
another candidate on behalf of the order itself. This step was
stoutly resisted by the council at Utica, and a few others in
the interior of State, and bv this and their subsequent actionthe true character of those councils was developed; they
were shown to be no more than spies in the camp.
A meeting of the State Council was soon after held in the
city of New York, at which Daniel Ullm,ann, Esq., wvas nominated as the American  candidate for governor, and a full
State ticket was prepared.   Those nominations the Utica
council with its associates refused to sustain, and they were
subsequently expelled from the order. The shock occasioned
by this ruse was but momentary. The order having purified 
THE ORDER IN MASSACHUSETTS.
itself by shaking off the excrescences that had been fastened
upon it by the abolition interests and the followers of Mr. Se ward, progressed as though nothing had occurred to interrupt
the harm-nony of its proceedings, oi the success of its aims.
At that time not more than one-fourth of the towns in the
State had been reached by the organizations of the order, and
its nominations were made rather with a view to concentrate
the American vote of the State as a distinct element, than
with any expectation of electing its candidate. Yet, their
candidate for governor received one hundred and twenty-two
thousand  votes, a result, under all circumstances,  at once
gratifying and encouraging to the friends of the American
policy. Since that election the order has largely increased
its membership, and its organizations extend to every township in the State.*
In Massachusetts, although the same elements appeared, to
distract the national spirit of the order, they were presented
in a different form. In that State, free-soilism had long before become a popular sentiment, a sort of moral epidemic, from the influence of which few of its citizens escaped.
The introduction of this sectional element into the order in
that commonwealth, was therefore by a natural process.  No
subterfuge was necessary.   The citizens entered the order
with the true American spirit, and with a resolute, honest in
* At the election held the year following; viz., in November, 1855, the American
State candidates received one hundred azndforty-six thousald sotes, and were
elected with a plurality of mnore thtan ten thousand over the candidates of the free
soil combination.  This conclusively shows that the policy of Mr. Seward is not
sustained by the people of his own State.
291 
292      A DEFENCE OF THIE AMERICAN POLICY.
tention to abide by its doctrines, and sustain its measuresbut  they carried with them imperceptibly, their free-soil
proclivities.  At the first election they secured to themselves
the entire government of the State, and in all their public acts
which involved directly the American doctrine, they exhibited
an unwavering fidelity to the cause they had espoused. But
the inner sentiment-the free-soil proclivity developed itself
in the choice of United States Senator, in the passage of the
"Personal Liberty Bill "-and subsequently in their attempted
persecution of Judge Loring, for having, in his judicial character, sustained the fugitive slave law. When censured for
these acts they sheltered themselves under the plea that
they had acted in accordance with the conscience of their
State, and in conformity with their own views on that subject
-views which they had entertained from first to last, and on
which they had never been questioned or qualified by any
express requirement of the order. Governor Gardner, who
had also been elected by the American party, exhibited his
attachment to the compromises of the Constitution, and the
laws of Congress, by refusing to give his assent to either the
Personal Liberty Bill, or the removal of Judge Loring, and
by thus interposing the Executive authority prevented the
consummation of the latter, and saved the commonwealth
from the stain which threatened her escutcheon.
The attitude thus assumed by the legislature of Massa chusetts necessarily created much excitement throughout the
order. It was evident that an organization entertaining views
hostile to the sovereignty of a portion of the States, and en tirely sectional in its nature, could not consistently form a 
THE SCHISM IN MASSACHUSETTS.
component of a party whose whole predilections were national.
She was, however, permitted to appear through her delegates
in the National Convention of the order held at Philadelphia,
in the month of June, 1855. At that convention, finding it
impossible to engraft any portion of her free-soil doctrines
upon the platform there adopted, her delegates withdrew, ac  companied with those of two or three other of the free-soil
States.
But the sentiment of Massachusetts, and of the order in
that commonwealth,  as it subsequently appeared, was  not
represented in the acts of her delegates in the convention, or
by the men who spoke for her in the local legislature.   The
legislature, as I have shown, was not sustained by the Execu  tive, and the delegates to the convention at Philadelphia
were subsequently rebuked, and their sentiments repudiated
by the order and the people of their own State. In fact, it
would seem, that, as in New  York, the free-soil agitators
had surreptitiously entered the order for the purpose of ad  vancing, through its influence, their own peculiar views, but
their action in the legislature, and especially in the conven  tion at Philadelphia, seems to have opened the eyes of the
honest, conservative men of the State, to their true character
*    and objects.
A division took place, and in the summer of 1855 two State
conventions were held for the notLIiation of a governor and
State officers.  The first, purlporting to be American and free  soil in its complexion, refused to tender a renomination to
Governor Gardner, on account of his fidelity to the Constitu  tion, and his hostility to the sectional movement of the free
293 
294       A OFCE  OF TIIE AMIERICAN POLICY.
soil parit.  The second convention was called by that portionI of the American Order which al-)p-poved of the national
attitude asslumed  by  the goverlior.   This  convention  renominated Governor Garidner, and a flull set of ciandidates for
State ofileeis, all of whlomi  were opposed to that sectional
spirit whlich had been characterIzed as " tle conscience of the
State of Massachusetts."
The result proved that the conscience of- Miassachlusetts,
like that of hler illustrious son, DANIEL WEBSTER, is true to the
Constitution arnd the Union.  At  the elect:ion held  in the
month of NoveimeI fo)lloing, the nationasl course of Governer Gardner wvas sustained, and the real Amierican  canldidates triumnphantly elected.
After the MAassachusetts delegation had withdrawn from
the convention at Philadelphia, the convention adopted the
followving:
PLATFORM AND PRINCIPLES OF THE ORGANIZATION.
I.-The acknowledgment of that Almighty Being, who rules over
the Uiniverse,-who presides over the Councils of Nations,-who con
ducts the affairs of men. and who, in every step by which we have advanced to the character of an independent nation, has distinguished
us by some token of Providential agency.
II.-The cultivation and development of a sentiment of profoundly
intense Amrericanl feeling; of passionate attacl-ment to our country,
its history and its ilistitutions; of admiration for the purer days of
our national existence  of veneration. for the heroism that precipitated our Revolution; and of emul tion of the virtue. wisdom, alln
patriotism that framed our Constitution and first successfully applied
its provisions.
III.-The maintenance of the union of these United States as the 
THE PHILADELPHIA PLATFORM.
paramount political good; or, to use the language of Washington,
"the primary object of patriotic desire."  And hence:t 1st. Opposition to all attempts to weaken or subvert it.
2d. Uncompromising antagonism to every principle of policy that
endangers it.
3d. The advocacy of an equitable adjustment of all political differ
ences which threaten its integrity or perpetuity.
4th. The suppression of all tendencies to political division, founded
on "geographical discrimination, or on the belief that there is a real
difference of interests and views between the various sections of the
Union.
t 5th. The full recognition of the rights of the several States, as
expressed and reserved in the Constitution, and a careful avoidance
by the general government of all interference with their rights by
legislative or executive action.
IV.-Obedience to the Constitution of the United  States, as the
supreme law of the land, sacredly obligatory upon all its parts and
members; and steadfast resistance to the spirit of innovation upon
its principles, however specious the pretexts. Avowing that in all
doubtful or disputed points it may only be legally ascertained and
expounded by the Judicial power of the United States.
And, as a corollary to the above:   1. A habit of reverential obedience to the laws, whether National,
State, or Municipal, until they are either repealed or declared uncon stitutional by the proper authority.
2. A tender and sacred regard for those acts of statesmanship,
which are to be contra-distinguished from acts of ordinary legislation,
by the fact of their being of the nature of compacts and agreements;
and so, to be considered a fixed and settled national policy.
. V.-A radical revision and modification of the laws regulating
immigration, and the settlement of immigrants.   Offering to the
honest immigration who from love of liberty, or hatred of oppression,
seek an asylum in the United States, a friendly reception and pro tection.  But unqualifiedly condemning the transmission to our shores
of felons and paupers.
n95 
296       A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
VI.-The essential modification of the Naturalization Laws.
The repeal by the legislatures of the respective States, of all State
laws allowing foreigners not naturalized to vote.
The repeal without retroactive operation, of all acts of Congress
making grants of land to innaturalized foreigners, and allowing them
to vote in the territories.
VII.-Hostiiity to the corrupt means by which the leaders of
party have hitherto forced upon us our rulers and our political
creeds.
Implacable enmity against the prevalent demoralizing system of
rewards for political subserviency, and of punishments for political
independence.
Disgust for the wild hunt after office which characterizes the age.
These on the one hand. On tihe other:  Imitation of the practice of t4ie purer days of the republic  and
admiration of the maxim that "'office should seek the man, and not
man the office," and of the rule that, - the just mode of ascertaining
fitness for office is the capability, the faithfulness, and the honesty
of the incumbent or candidate.
VIII.-Resistance to the aggressive policy and corrupting tenden
cies of the Roman Catholic Church, in our country, by the advancenient to all political stations-executive, legislative, judicial or diplomatic-of those only who do not hold civil allegiance, directly or
indirectly, to any foreign power whether civil or ecclesiastical, and
who are Americans by birth, education and training:-thus fulfilling
the maxim, "AMERIC.NS  ONLY SHALL GOVERN  AM.ERICA."'
The protection of all citizens in the legal and proper exercise of
their civil and religious rights and privileges: the maintenance of
the right of every man to the full, unrestrained and peaceful enjoyment of his own religious opinions and worship, and a jealous resistance of all attempts by any sect, denomination or church to obtain
an ascendency over any other in the State, by means of any special
privileges or exemption, by any political combination of its members,
or by a division of their civil allegiance with any foreign power,
potentate or ecclesiastic. 
THE PHILADELPHIA PLATFORM.
IX.-The reformation of the character of our National Legislature,
by elevating to that dignified aud responsible position men of higher
qualifications, purer morals, and more unselfish patriotism.
X.-The restriction of executive patronage-especially in the matter of appointments to office-so far as it may be permitted by the
Constitution, and consistent with the public good.
XI.-The education of the youth of our country in schools provided by the State; which schools shall be common to all, without
distinction of creed or party, and free from any influence or direction
of a denominational or partisan character.
And, inasmuch as Christianity by the constitutions of nearly all
the States; by the decisions of the most eminent judicial authorities;
and by the consent of the people of America, is considered an element
of our political system; and as the Holy Bible is at once the source
of Christianity, and the depository and fountain of all civil and religious freedom, we oppose every attempt to exclude it from the schools
thus established in the States.
XII.-The American party having arisen upon the ruins and in
spite of the opposition of the whig and democratic parties, cannot be
held in any manner responsible for the obnoxious acts or violated
pledges of either. And the systematic agitation of the Slavery question by those parties having elevated sectional hostility into a positive element of political power, and brought our institutions into
peril, it has therefore become the imperative duty of the American
party to interpose, for the purpose of giving peace to the country and
perpetuity to the Union. And as experience has shown it impossible
to reconcile opinions so extreme as those which separate the disputants, and as there can be no dishonor in submitting to the laws,
the National Council has deemed it the best guarantee of common
justice and of future peace, to abide by and maintain the existing
laws upon the subject of slavery, as a final and conclusive settlement
of that subject, in spirit and in substance.
And regarding it the highest duty to avow their opinion, upon a
subject so important, in distinct and unequivocal terms, it is hereby
13*
297 
298      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
declared as the sense of this National Council, that Congress possesses
no power, under the Constitution, to legislate upon the subject of
slavery in the States where it does or may exist, or to exclude  any
State from admission into the Union, because its constitution does or
does not recognize the institution of slavery as a part of its social
system; and expressly pretermitting any expression of opinion upon
the power of Congress to establish or prohibit slavery in any territory, it is the sense of the National Council that Congress ought not
to legislate upon the subject of slavery within the territories of the
United States and that any interference by Congress with slavery as
it exists in the District of Columbia, would be a violation of the
spirit and intention of the compact by which the State of Maryland
ceded the District to the United States, and a breach of the National
faith.
XIIL.-The pol'icy of the Government of the United States, in its
relations with foreign governments, is to exact justice from the
strongest, and do justice to the weakest; restraining, by all the power
of the government, all its citizens from interference with the internal
concerns of nations with whom we are at peace.
XIV.-This National Council declares that all the principles of the
order shall be henceforward everywhere openly avowed; and that
each member shall be at liberty to make known the existence of the
order, and the act that he himself is a member; and it recommends
that there be no concealment of the places of meeting of subordinate
councils.
The order, in its primitive character and purpose, ignored
entirely the sectional issue of free-soil and slavery.  It took
the Constitution of the United States as it found it, and it also
took for granted that whatever domestic institution any State
might choose to adopt, not inconsistent with Republicanism
and Christianity, was guaranteed by the Constitution to that
State, without question or cavil, and hence beyond the reach of 
INNOVATIONS DEPRECATED.
argument or discussion.  To reiterate that guarantee is, therefore, to admit indirectly that the subject is open to discussion.
The intention of this organization was the formation of a
great national party, having as its cardinal object the maintenance of the institutions of American Republicanism.  This
is what I call the "American Policy." In forwarding this
object it came necessarily in contact with every influence directlv or indirectly hostile to those institutions; as, for examrnple, the political and despotic power of the Romish hierarchy which was rapidly overshadowing the power of the
American government; next, the ostentatious demands of
foreigners who claimed the right to hold the public offices,
and thus give direction to the government itself by moulding
its several departments to their own imported notions; next,
the American demagogues who encouraged these influences
.and yielded to their demands; and finally, it came in contact
with those political matricides who, by engendering a sectional hostility, would have torn their own  mother country
limb from limb, and murdered her by dismemberment.
Here we have, in few words, the intrinsic purpose of the
society, and the immediate objects of its political hostility.
In this character alone it was sent forth upon its ennobling
mission as an auxiliary of the Order of United Americans a national, conservative. patriotic propaganda, and the intro duction of an extraneous subject in its national and local
councils must be an innovation, apart from the original pur pose, and calculated to destroy its efficiency and power.
The history of this order presents, also, another emasculate
ing ingredient, which now forms a component of its numnerical
299 
300          A DEr}CCi OF TV f         AJnlCcAN  T'cOLICY.
strength.  ThaLt very success which appalled and stupefied the
corruptionist of the parities, operated'as an allurelnent to
many of their office-seeking adherents. Connected with a]ll
parties there are men who adapt their political views-as
Napoleon is said to have adapted his religious sentiments to the people among whom they are thrown, and as their aim
is to be everl with the strongest, they can throw off and put
on their principles with wonderful facility, and without the
slightest drawbacks of conscience.  They want office, and, to
use a vulgar but trite expression, they "go in to win."  As
rats flee from a sinking ship, such men will hasten  from a
decaying party.  Whatever their object may be, it is always
against their principles to be found long on the weak side.
The successes of the American Order and its rapid advances
towards a complete preponderance in the  nation, were  so
many signals of migration to these parasites, and in obedience to those signals they came in numbers and enlisted under
the banners of the victorious army.
Carryingo with them a mercurial zeal, the offspring of mercenary interest, these men  are invariably among the most
active and bustling of partisans. They are voluble, earnest,
and, at times, seemingly ubiquitous, for they are seen everywhere, and heard of everywhere.  By perseverance and seeming
loyalty to the principles of the party, they secure confidence,
are entrusted with responsible duties, and when nominations
for public offices are to be made, either themselves or their
fiiends are chosen as delegates to the conventions.   TheTi
come their claims for nominations, and it too often occurs that
they are successful. They are nominated as the candidates 
POLITICAL PARASITES.
of the party, and the party is called upon to support them.
The Jeffersonian test has not been applied ill their cases, and
as they do not always occupy the highest places in public
esteem, the judicious and the honest are frequently made to
grieve over the discredit thus thrown upon their cause.   These
are the men who bring corruption into public life, and fling
the stain of disgrace upon the parties who elect them.
Whatever the principles of a political party may be, its
strongest bulwark -will be found i,i a sterling integrity.  This
is especially the case in a popular republic, and the best evidence of an honest purpose that it can give to the people, is
the iun'iicl)aehable  character of its candidates  for  public
offices.
These unprincipled parasites, as I said, hurried into the
American organization, and they instinctively clamored for
office. They base their claims upon the zeal they have exhibited, and the labors they have performed since their connection with the party, claiming precedence over men whose
canlmer judgment has been, from first to last, the stay and support of the organization and its principles. In some cases
they have been successful, and after their election they have
invariably cast discredit on tile party, or at least left their
constituents to regret the misplacement of their confidence.
Others, again, who have failed to secure the nominations they
sought, have returned to the parties they had deserted, and
stood forth the bitterest antagonists of the American party
and its candidates. A dclistinguished case of this kind is exhibited in the municipal government of the city of New York.
The elevation of bad men to office, apart from the evils
301 
A DEFENCE OF THE AM'.ERICAN POLICY.
which it imposes upon the community, is an act the most impolitic, because it is certain to alienate the confidence of the
public from the party that commits it.  A  dish.onest or incompetent public officer is, indeed, an object of public contempt, but the party which recommended  him for popular,
confidence must suffer the odium of popular indignation which
his misconduct has aroused. It is held in the light of a particeps crimiinis, " an accessory before the fact," and is, therefore, deemed accountable before the bar of public sentiment,
for all the evils resulting to the community fiom his misdeeds.
Thus the party suffers through the acts of its agents.  Let
this maxim be written on the banner of the American organization, viz.: That it is better to defeat a bad candidate than
to elect himn. Its good effects will be two-fold. It will make
nominating conventions prudent, and secure the confidence
of the people.
The class of politicians to whom I have alluded, form a
natural, if not a necessary appendage to a successful party.
They rush to it as flies swarm about a sugar-cask-for what
they can get-and since, in the very nature of things, they
cannot be avoided, it is proper that, like all "necessary nuis*nces," they should be regulated.
The motive which actuated the two great American organizations in adopting the policy of secrecy in the details of their
affairs, I have stated in a previous chapter.  The machinery of
the old parties was so complete and pervading, and the political influences of Romanism were so subtle, that every open
effort to destroy their corrupting influences had been cut
down or strangled in its very inception, and the popular
302 
TIIE REASONS FOR SECRECY.
sentiment-I mean that innate sentiment which lay deep in
the popular heart, overlaid, it is true, by partisan affiliations
yet still there-was suppressed, and its first instinctive efforts
at emancipation were stifled and silenced by those overshadclowing elements. To use a very common political expression,
the public heart was in party "traces," and it dared not kick
against them in the face of its drivers.
The power of their political and Romnisli engines is also
witnesse(l in its effects upon every public journal that has
ventured to advocate the American polivcy. The question has
often been asked, "Whv cannot an American paper be sustaimed ( " The answer is plain. Every attempt to establish
one, until recently, has been made odious through the RPomish
and partisan presses of the country. The most earnest and
disinterested appeals to the patriotism of the people, though
never combated, have been ridiculed, and  thO authors of
them stigmatized with opprobrium. Thousands who in their
hearts were conscious of the correctness of the theory, and
who secretly coincided with the sentiments of the American
policy, were deterred from giving their patronage to those
journals, lest they should share in the general obloquy, or
suffer in their business or private' relations. Few, therefore,
ventured to place upon their counter, or to exhibit at their
houses, any publication that savored of Native Americanism,
and an advertisement in them was regarded as a dangerous
experiment.  As a natural consequence, those publications
were, one by one, discontinued from want of patronage, the
publishers consoling themselves under their pecuniary losses,
with the consciousness of having performed a patriotic duty.
503 
.9304    A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
In the year 1851, I undertook the publication of a
monthly literary journal, devoted to the Amnerican policy. It
was entitled "THE REPUBLIC."  In that journal was maintaimed a temperate tone and a conservative policy.   The
reliyion of the RPomanist was never assailed, nor the rights of
the adopted citizen invaded.  Notwithstandinlg this, but a few
numbers had been issued, when I received an anonymous
note, which ran as follows:
"'SIR:-Your publication will struggle through an existence of
about two years. At the end of that time, your cash-account will
exhibit a balance of time and money lost.
"Signed,       A ROMAN CATHOLIC."7
There was a coolness and deliberate preciseness about this
note which bore evident marks of the existence of an undercurrent of hostility-a secret enemy.  It appeared that there
had been a'careful calculation made  of every element on
which the publication depended for success. Its resources
had seemingly been measured to a farthing, and critically
weighed against the elements that were to be brought to bear
against it, and the result of the estimate was frankly, but
tauntingly and secretly conveyed in the note.
The prophecy of the author was technically fulfilled. At
the end of two years the publication terminated for want of
patronage, yet, although pecuniarily a sufferer, and minus the
time devoted to the journal, I never regarded either the one
or the other as "lost."  The "Republic" while it existed
performed a patriotic mission, and created a wholesome
national sentiment wherever it was read.  In this I found a
reward for my labors and sacrifices. 
FULFILLMEIENT OF THE MISSION.
Under circumstances like these, while the minds of men
were held in the vassalage of a mysterious fear, and with the
subterranean influence of the papacy meeting them in a mask
at every turn, any attem)pt to develop the public sentiment
in relation to the American policy Exiust have terminated in
defeat.   It became necessary to meet those influences in
their own armor and on their own groundc, and the successful
result of such a plan is seen il the majestic, and  almost
miraculous growth of the Americani partv.
When the necessity ir secrecy is found to exist no longer,
the secret policy of the organization will be abandoned.  When
the sentiment of the country is fully awakened to the necessity of the adoption of those measures  of self-preservation
which have been set forthw-vhen it is no longer regarded
as dishonorable to prefer, in a political view, our own country
and our own  people over every other country and every other
people-when the natural-born citizens of the country shall
freely express their patriotic sentiments, unawed by foreign
or partisan influences, and the Protestant speak out everywhere,
fearless of papal persecution-then may the close councils of
the order be abandoned, and their proceedings be, as their
principles ever have been, placed unreservedly before the
world.
The mission of the secret organization will then be fulfilled,
and it will remain for the American' people to demand of
their government the enactment of such measures as will,
in all the future, guard  our dear-bought  and cherished
institutions of freedom  against all foreign influences, whether
civil or ecclesiastical.
305 
306      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY,
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE UNITED AMERICAN MECHANICS-EFFECTS OF THE COMPETITION OF IMMIGRANT
LABOR ON THE INDUSTRIAL INTERESTS OF THE UNITED  STATES-THE REMEDY THE UNITED SONS OF AMERICA.
THE Mechanics of America have heretofore occupied a position in society which has not been attained by their class in
any other nation.  In European countries, the word mechanic
designates not only a class but a caste in society; and that
too, of a iow grade.  The dignity of labor is not recognized
in their effete social systems.   But here it has been otherwise.
The reasons of this difference are obvious.  Inl all aristocratic
systems, the sole protection of the aristocracy lies in distinctions of caste, and the broader those distinctions are made,
the better for the aristocrats, and the worse for the producing
classes. It is not because labor is disreputable in itself that
aristocracy sneers at it, but because of this feigned distinction,
which is essential to the very existence of a privileged class.
The effect of this distinction is threefold-imoral, social,
and financial.   Its moral effect is to degrade the workingman in his own estimation, and render him easily subservient
to the dominion, the whims, or the caprice of those who
lord it over him.  The social effect is to deprive him of his
rights as a man;  to place him in a position subordinate to 
THE AMERICAN MECHANIC.
others, and, by closing the doors of promotion against him,
dampen his ambition, and confine his efforts to the bare necessities of the present.  The financial eflect is the natural result
of his moral anid social condition. Owing to that condition
of hopeless passiveness, the spirit of noble emulation is stifled
in his bosom, and he entertains no aspirations for a loftier
position in life. His necessities alone are present to his view,
and to supply l-ithem is the burden of his ambition and his
energies.  He is willing to work for them alone, and the competition of poverty, brought about by these influences, compels him to be content with a mere pittance.
In the United States the only castes intrinsically recognized
are foun,ded upon merit. This is the natural and imperative
result of our system of government in its unadulterated form.
The American mechanic is morally, socially, and politically
on a par with his fellow-citizens of every calling, whether
rich or poor, and his right to the highest executive office of
the nation is as complete, perfect, and undisputed as that of
any other living' man.
This being his attitude in society, his self-respect is stimulated, and his ambition awakened.  He has an inducement to
emulate the best in the land, and he strives by mental culture
to qualify himself for the highest intellectual pursuits and
enjoyments.  How many of our American  mechanics have
been elevated to positions of lofty honor and responsibility!
How many have given lustre to the name of America!
The question before us at the present moment is this: Can
the American mechanic retain his rights and high social position against the competition of immigrant labor?  "Coming
307 
308      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
events cast their shadows before." The view that I have given
of this class is a view of the primitive, natural position of the
mechanic, under the unadulterated workings of our system of
government. It is a view of his position where all things and
all men are in that state of social as well as moral and political
equilibrium which is contemplated by our institutions  If that
equilibrium is destroyed by any unnatural or uncontemplated
antagonism between capital and labor-if the interests of capital become fiom any cause opposed to the interests of labor, it
follows that the rewards of labor must be reduced, and although
the intrinsic rigchts of the mechanic remain, his means of acquiring and assuming those rights are proportionately lessened.
Before the unequal competition of immigrant labor cast
its shadow over the industrial interests of our country, every
American journeyman mechanic was enabled, by the force of
his industry, to maintain a financial position equal to that of
his social, moral, and political position. Hie was sure of
employment, at wages adapted to the dlignity of his franchise;
to the necessities of the present, and the vicissitudes of the
future. He could dwell in his own cottage, supply his family
with comforts and luxuries, rear his children respectably, find
time for his own mental improvement, and lay by a little of
his earnings each week for a rainy day. Neatness and cleanliness pervaded his home, and the cheerful hearth was to himn
the ever-welcome refuge from toil. Olut with a superabundant immigration from Europe came a train of evils which are
now rapidly developing themselves.  Many an American miechanic still lives in the enjoyment of all his just privileges,
but how great the proportion of those who, from want of em 
THE IMMIGRANT MECHANIC.
ployment, or reduced compensation, or both, have been alienated from their homes, their comforts, their ambition!  How
vast the number of those whlo have been driven from their
employments to make room for the under-bidding competition
of the foreign laborer!  The American mechanic cannot live
upon the pittance demanded by his European competitor.  It
is not his custom-it was not the custom of his fathers-it is
degrading to his sense of self-respect.
I will relate two instances of the manner in which this disparaging competition is carried on.
A German cabinetmaker, who received work from storekeepers, occupied a spacious loft in Ann street, in the city of
New York.   In that loft was his workshop and his dwelling.
He employed three appreintices, all Germans, and with them
was constantly occupied in manufacturing furniture.  This
man, under a plea of destitution, obtained all his winter fuel,
with other necessaries, from the Alms-House department of the
city!
The other case is that of a tailor, also a German, who obtained a constant supply of work from clothiers. Hie employed
from eight to ten hands, all of whom boarded with him. This
man kept his two children constantly employed in begging for
broken victuals from door to door, by which means his table
was supplied with provisions!
Here are the elements of competition which the American
mechanic is called upon, by excessive immigration, to withstand-Imposture and pauperism!  The elements are too unequal. The odds are against him. Hle cannot contend with
them.  His moral sensibilities-his sense of self-respect forbid
309
- i 
310       A IDE'ENCE OF TIIE AMERICAN POLICY.
it.  The alternative presented is poverty or disgrace.  He
chooses the former, and quits his shop, in hopes that something will " turn up" to his advantage.  Hle seeks in vain for
employment at remuneratinog prices.  It is not to be had. Hie
must workl at the prices of theforeinl p)auper, or retl)aini idle.
He turns to the country, but even there the same spectacle is
presented.  Foreigners are working the farms.  The teemingi
earth, which has till now sent forth its abundance from beneath the hand of the hardy American farmer, struggles on
in a succession of short crops, under the cheap system of European tillage.
In his pressing necessities, the discharged workman bethinks him of the public service. He determines, as a last
resort, to obtain some subordinate public office, from the
em-olumients of which he may support his family with respectability. lie has done good service to his party in times past,
and he is sure it will not deny him an appointment.   For the
first time in his life he looks into the public departments, and
applies for a situation. Hlie finds every post occupied-occu-.
p)ied by foreigners!  There is nothing left to himi but submission or beggary. In the workshop, on the farm, and in the
public offices, the aspect is the same. In every department
he encounters the drudging and importunate foreigner.
To turn fiom the home of childhood and the associations
of early life, and seek subsistence on the broad prairies of the
far WTest-to build his house in the wilderness, and endure the
hardships of a pioneer life, becomes his final recourse.   But
even there he finds the same competition. The foreign squatter has staked out the best portions of the public domain. 
EFFECTS OF FOREIGN COMPETITION-.
Thus the personal interests of the American mechanic are
submerged, his rights neutralized, and his hopes thwarted by
excessive immigration of the poor of Europe.   These are the
direct effects.  Indirectly, the effects assume a different phase.
The introduction of this degraded element into the industrial
arena of the country, is in itself calculated to promote caste,
and stimulate a puerile aristocratic taste among the rich. In
such hands, labor puts on a repulsive aspect-it is shorn of all
dignity.  NVith them, the instincts of refinement, heretofore
shared by the working-men of America, in common with all
their fellow-citizens, are unknown. They present the positive
distinction between intellectual labor and mere drudgery, and
thus they themselves draw the distinguishing line which forms
the basis of caste, and encourages an aristocratic, anti-republican sentiment.
Again, the effect of excessive cheap labor is to aggrandize
capital.   And this affords another incentive to aristocracyan aristocracy of wealth, which is the worst of all aristocracies. AVe mllay find some excuse, perhaps, for the peculiarities of one educated to pride of noble lineage, or personal intellectuality, when he claims superiority of caste; but the
mere purse-proud claimant of distinction is but an object of
disgust.  Mien who have made honest fortunes by cutting up
their fathers' cabbage-gardens into city lots, should wear their
honors wisely, if they know how, but at all events they should
wear them meekly, and when dealing with a producer, remember that they, as well as their fathers, once belonged to that
honorable class.
But this rational thesis, which is intrinsically susceptible of
311 
312       A DEFNCE OF TilE AMELICAN, POLICY.
the most logical support, is met, and forcibly met, on mere
circumstantial grounds.  The answer given is, that "the producer of to-day is not, in any essential, the producer of our
day, or the clays of our fathers." "Tile class of laborers,"
they say, "is degenerated, and with them, labor itself." Such
is the argument afforded by immigration in favor of an Americani aristocracy
The respectable mechanics of our country have seen and
felt these influences sorely. They have witnessed the gradual
and ruinous absorption of their interests, their social position,
and their political rights, through the channel of European
pauper competition. The labor of years devoted to the acquirement of an honorable trade has been thrown away, because they could not compete with beggars and impostors
They have appealed in vain to their countrymen, to their
employers, and their legislatures for relief, and, as a last resort
-as the only means of self preservation left to them, they have,
like their fathers of old, resolved to take the matter into their
own hands, and by a combination of action and interest maintain the rights and the dignity of their class. From these
causes sprung the Order of
UNITED AMERICAN MECHANICS.
The incipient meeting of this organization was held in the
city of Philadelphia, Pa., on the evening of the 8th of July,
1845. At that meeting several trades were represented. The
object of the meeting was stated by the President, to be the
formation of a secret society for the protection of American 
UNITED AMERICAN MECHANICS.
Mechanics, and a committee wvas appointed to draft resola tions expressive of this object.
At a subsequent meeting, held July 15th, that committee
reported the fol]lowing:
"That we form a society to be called'The American Me
chanics' Union,' whose object shall be,
1st. To assist each other in obtaining employment.
"2d. To assist each other in business, by patronizing each
other in preference to foreigners.
"3d. To assist the unfortunate in obtaining employment
suitable to their afflictions.
"4th. To establish a cemetery for deceased members of
the societv.
"5thl. To establish a funeral fund.
"6th. For the establishment of a fund for the relief of
widows and orphans of deceased members."
This code, with the exception of the title, was adopted, and
at the next meeting, held on the 22d of the same month, it
was "resolved, that the title of the society be' The United
American Mechanics of the United States.'
On this basis and with this title the society was formed,
and an appropriate constitution subsequently adopted.
Whatever may appear to be partial in the 2d clause of this
code, as relates to foreigners, is justified, first by the exigency
which suggested its adoption, and especially by the precedent
which had already been set by foreigners themselves. Secret
societies, composed entirely of foreigners, and having for their
objects the patronage and support of their own countrymen
14
313 
A DEFENCE OF TTIE AIMERICAN POLICY.
in preference to Americans, existed at that time in almost
every city of large population in the United States.
Around this nucleus gat,(-red a vast and widle-spreadcl organization, extending its counsels in all directions, and exerting a happy influence over tre interests of the mechanic in
nearly every State in the Union.
The purpose of the order w-as entirely that of mutual aid
and protection in the business callings of its members, and of
benevolence towards their iir3.ividual necessities and misfortunes, yet it is impossible that such an organization could long
exist without discovering the necessity of a more radical plan
of operations.  They must have discovered that the first great
cause of the evils which called the order into existence were
to be found in a system, of which the pauper competition
firom Europe was but the nat'ral fruit.  The existing laws
of naturalization, by which the meanest serf of Europe could
be converted into a voter in iive years, offered great inducements to the home demagogue to encourage or at least to
wink at that class of immigration.  Were it not for the fact
that these men can be used as political instruments by the
wire-pullers of the once great parties, the voice of the whole
country would long since have been raised against the admission of that class of immigrants, and the two parties, instead
of encouraging it \would have vied with each other in the
adoption of measures to prevent their admission.
It is impossible that a body of intelligent American mechanics could have failed to discover this fact, and having
discovered it, it is impossible that they should fail to assist in
314 
UNITED SONS OF AMERICA.
applying the remedy. When the naturalization laws are so
framed as to preclude the possibility of using the alien vote
for nefarious purposes, we shall find little difficulty in preventing that ruinous competition which has heretefore grown out
of the cheap labor of pauper immigrants.
The interests of the American mechanic lie in the adoption of measures that will check the tide, the overwhelming
tide of European immigration, or, at least, of that class of
immigration which, while it imparts nothing to the genius of
the country, saps the fountains of honest industry, and brings
the deserving to want.  The ballot-box is his legitimate court
of appeal, and the freeman's suffrage must be his advocate.
THE UNITED SONS OF AMERICA.
This order originated in the City of Philadelphia, in the
year 1845. It was one of the spontaneous results of the
Kensington massacre of which I have spoken in a preceding
chapter, and has been the mainspring of the Native American
party in that city from that time to the present.
The object of this organization has been to sustain, against
all obstacles, the principles of the native party as it existed in
1844, and its members have for years, like a band of Spartans,
held the pass, and courted defeat rather than yield to the
foreigni legion or become  the allies of corrupt partisans.
Their organization, although not numerous, has been planted
in many States, and wherever the American party has made
a stand, the " Sons of America" have evinced their integrity
and patriotism by sustaining it with energy and decision. In
315 
316      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
MIassachlsetts it has been active in sustaining and  concentrating the national sentiment against the sectional tendencies of
local aspirants, thereby exhibiting, as on other occasions, its
fidelity to the Union, and its uny)ielding hostility to the foes
of State sovereignity. 
317
CHAPTER XXV.
THE "ONE IDEA."
TIIE American Party has been at all times opprobriously
stigmatized by its enemies, as "a party with one idea"-only
one idea. It may, perhaps, be difficult to determine precisely
how mnany ideas are necessary to constitute the legitimate
basis of a political party; or, in fact, whether any idea is
absolutely requisite for such a purpose. That a political party
can exist without a single fundamental idea, is demonstrated
in the lives of the two great parties of this country during the
last quarter of a century, and it would seem that the advent
of a new party, with an idea, should be hailed as an event to
be applauded rather than reviled. We can account for the
opposite result only upon the hypothesis -that in politics, ideas
are useless incumbrances.  Certain it is, the prevailing idea
of American politicians, for several years past, has contemplated only what is facetiously expressed as "the loaves and
fishes" or, in other words, the honors and emoluments of
office.
But, in discussing this matter, we must treat the subject as
it is presented to us. It is very plain that the opprobrious
sneer is intended to imply the necessity of a plurality of ideas
THE ONE IDEA. 
318      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
in the formation of a political party, or that a single idea is
not alone sufficient for that purpose. It means plainly, that
any attempt to form a party with but one object in view, is
an absurdity deserving nothing better than the contempt and
ridicule of the world. The wise men who set this notion
afloat, if they have ever read history at all, have read it to
little purpose; and we are constrained to inquire, if one idea
is not sufficient, how many are required?  When the people
of the old thirteen colonies were oppressed by the crown of
England, they conceived the " one idea," that, by declaring
and maintaining an independent government, they would ensure to themselves and their posterity great social and political
advantages.  On this idea a great party was formed, and immediately another party arose, which entertained the " one
idea" of loyalty to the crown-two great parties, each with a
single idea. The one was called the "rebel party," and the
other the "tory party," and they waged unrelenting warfare
against each other, until at last the rebel party was successful,
and the "one idea" of independence was maintained. The
triumph of that idea gave to the people of the United States
a distinct nationality. Doubtless many a wiseacre of the
present day will be astonished that a single idea could accomplish so much.
But this was not all. The idea of independence having
been consummated, another idea took possession of the people.
That singular set of malcontents were no sooner in possession
of their independence, than they conceived the idea that a
Republic would be more conducive to popular happiness than
their old form of government, the monarchy. George Wash 
THIE ONE IDEA OF INDEPENDENCE.
ington favored this idea.  Hlie could have worn a crown; but
being an American he was extremely jealous of foreign influenlce, foreign customs, and the forms of foreign governments.
He stood firmi to the "one idea" of a republic, and that was
also consummated.  Thus, "one idea" gave us nationality,
and another "one idea" gave us freedom.
AVherever  consistency reigns this principle is universal.
There can be but a single flndamental idea to any consistent
purpose, hlowever numerous or diversified may be the means
employed, or the measures necessary to carry out the purpose.
These are but the agents of the idea-the cognate aids einployed for the completion of the great plan.  To  carry out
the idea of Independence, revolution with all its attendant
consequences became a necessary measure; it was a second
thought, which came naturally and necessarily to the support
of the first. The creation of the earth we may suppose to
have been a single idea of Omnipotence, and as the means of
carrying out and consummiating that idea, the elements of
chemistry, gravitation,  attraction, repulsion, rotation,  &c.,
were employed, but they formed no part or component of the
Divine original plan.
I know of but one political organization which rests, priimaiily, upon a plurality of ideas, and here the most glaring
inconsistenev is observable.  The hierarchy of the IRomish
Church is founded upon two distinct purposes, viz.: temporal
sovereignty and spiritual sovereignty in one and the same
system of government.   But  vo.en this is denied.  The Romanist claims that the two sovereicnties are but the means
employed in consummating an idea more remote; being no
319 
A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
less than the establishrient of a)n niiversal rule of faith.  This
is claimed to be the great "one idea" of the church, and I
should be willing to believe it were it not so distinctly contradicted in the every-day practice of those who constitute
the hierarchy.
Christopher Columbus conceived the idea that there must
be a-western continent beyond the great waters of the Atlantic, and, on the strength of that one idea, he set forth on a
voya,ge of discovery.   Now, the ship in which he sailed, being absolztely necessary to the proof of his theory, was just
as much a part of the original idea of an unknown continent
as the American Revolution was a part of the original idea
of Independence, and no more.
A single idea has hitherto been found sufficient as a basis
for any singe purpose, whether that purpose has been the creation of a world, the discovery of a continent, or the freedom
and independence of a great nation, and he who sneers at
this truth subjects himself to the suspicion that his own ideas
would not suffer by a contact with Paley.
The American party did set forth with a single purposewith one idea. The purpose of the party was TI-IE PRESERVATION OF OUR  NATIONAL  UNION, AND ITS GLORIOUS INSTITUTIONS OF CIVIL AND  RELIGIOUS  LIBERTY, under  the "one
idea," that, in or(0ier to accomplish this purpose, A,IERIcANxs
OUGHT TO BE, AND  MUST BE, THE  RULERS  IN  THEIR OWN
LAND. The idea is rational; the purpose is noble and patriotic.  They who deny the broad principle herein embodied,
assume a position at once untenable and unnatural. They
are proscriptionists of the worst stamp. They would proscribe
320 
AMERICAN NATIONALITY INSUTLTED.
their own countrymen.  They would elevate the foreigner at
the expense of the native-born, and they virtually ignore their
own nationality.  They concede to the alien, as a riyht, that
which Reason and the Law of Nations recognize only as a
privilege, to be granted or withheld at the option of the gov ernment.
But this is not the only repulsive feature contemplated in
this deniel of the American idea.  It is virtually an admission
that aliens, reared under monarchical institutions, are as well
qualified to enact and execute laws for the government of the
American republic as the Americans  themselves.   This is
simply an insult to our national intelligence and character.
It is an insult wlichi, if applied to an individual in the ordinary affairs of life, would be resented on the instant.  If we
should tell a watchmaker to his face, that a horse-shoer, who
had never seen the interior of a watch, was as well qualified
to repair that delicate instrument as the watchmaker himself,
we should most certainly incur the risk of an assault and battery. Yet we do not commit assault and battery upon the
man  who tells us that the most illiterate and immoral of
the surplusage of European population are as competent to
govern us as we are to govern ourselves-we only deny the
proposition, and say to them, you are not competent to govern
us, and therefore vou shall not be chosen our governors.
This is the voice of the American party.   It should be the
voice of the American people. This proposition is plain-this
conclusion is logical.  No  honest American, with a clear understanding of the subject, and possessing a becoming selfrespect, will attempt to gainsay or combat it. The policy of
14*
321 
322       A DEFENCE OF TTIi AMERICAN POLICY.
the American party, in this aspect, presents an appeal not
only to the patriotism, but also to the individuality of every
American man and woman wh'io glories in the achievements
of his or her ancestors. What native American can look
back through the glorious vista of the past, and contemplate
the success of our arms and the wisdom  of our statesmen,
without experiencing a glow of national pride?  Who  can
remember a Washi(ngton, a Warren, an Adams, a Jefferson,
or a Frankllin, without identifying himself with them, and
claiming fellowship in the proud and dignified character of
countryman?  Where is the individual who can survey the
vast field of our national greatness, and contemplate the ennobling and happy results of our free institutions, without
recognizing with pride the link of national consanguinity
which binds him to them, bone of their bone and flesh of
their flesh?
Recog,nizing this individuality-this oneness, this unity of
man and country, and realizing the stupendous benefits which
have emanated fiom the very source of American nationality,
and from no other, who is there, of all our countrymen, that
can-without impeachment of his own reason and intelligence
-who is there that can acknowledge superiority in any other
race, or in any other government?  Such an acknowledgment cannot be made. This is asserted, not in the boastful
~spirit of the egotist, but as a simple, logical, common sense
conclusion, deduced fiom the tangible and irrefragoible proofs
of historv. The race of the foundiers of our nation was that of
the p-ogcrressive and unconquerable Anglo-Saxon-and the
government which they created is admitted by the peoples of 
OUR ONE IDEA SUFFICIENT.
all Christendom to have been better adapted to the social
happiness and prosperity of man than any other at any time
in existence.
We may safely conclude that the "one idea," which constitutes the basis of the American policy, is both sufficient for
its purpose and sound in its theory.   The party that opposes
it is essentially anti-American.    There is an adage extant,
which  says, "It is a vile bird that fouls its own  nest."   I
think this adage is directly applicable, in its moral, to those
American politicians who decry their own countrymen and
eulogize the foreigner.  Their motive is transparent-and the
corruption of that motive is distinctly visible. If the foreigner
had less political power, those eulogies would be less cheap in
the market, and the American ONE IDEA more popular.
323 
324      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
CHAPTER XXVI.
CONCLUSION.
Ix drawing these pages to a close it is not impertinent to
say that my object has been to defend a principle which appears to me to be vital to the consummation of the great
experiment of American republicanism.  One important feature of that experiment is already wrought out to a solution,
viz.: that, as affording the elements of social happiness and
national power, the American system stands pre-eminent.  It
has also demonstrated the feasibility of popular government,
beyond question or dispute.  These comprise all that is sought
for in social government, and the only question remaining is
the question of permanence-or whether such a system can
be made perpetual.
Reasoning a priori, we might assert that this question is
also settled. But unfortunately we are not permitted in this
instance to guess at the future by the circumstances of the
past. The fact that American republicanism has existed
three-quarters of a century does not convey the proof that it
will exist three-quarters of a century longer. It is only a
proof that it would exist provided the same circumstances
which have favored the past shall continue in the future. 
TiE FOUNDATION-STONES OF THE REPUBLIC.         325
But hlow  different are the circumstances of the present
from those under which our Riepublic has leen reared! Those
changes of circumstances  I have hastily portrayed in the
pages of this work, and it is impossible to contemplate thei
without awuakening the liveliest apprehensions in every patriotic m-nind.  Tlhey. pirove that we have wandered firom the path
of stafety, and they admonish us to return.  They prove also
that a course of policy adapted to the circumstances of one
era is not always appropriate  to the  circumstances  of a
succeeding era, and they suggt,est such alterations as shall
makle then' conformnable to the new state of things.
RPeligion, patriotism, and moriality, have been the foundation-stones of our success as a nation, and our happiness and
prosperity as a people.   These foundation-stones were  laitl
upon the rock of a stern Protestaniit faith, and their firuits have
been all that our institutions promised-civil and religious
liberty. So longr as the foundation and sub-structure remained
firm and unshaken,  so long  we retained the assurance  of
a permanent government,  and  the guarantee of continued
freedom.
But the foundation is being removed, and the rock upon
which it was laid is in danger of being undermined. Imported infidelity is'supplanting the religion of our fathers. It
rears its unabashed visage, and boldly demands the abolition
of all laws for the observance of the Sabbath. Patriotism is
giving' way to fanaticism and party spirit. A sectional war
of opinion is lnowv raging, which demands  the disruption of
our nation-the North from the South.  The moral element
of our success is diluted by the influence of imported vices 
326      A DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN POLICY.
and irreligionl-and Romanism already begins to assert her
supremacy over the Protestant basis of the Republic.
WVhiile these corroding changes are going on, it is impossible to hope that another quarter of a century will find our
Union of States in existence, cr our boasted and cherishied
institutions still shedding their invigorating and cheering example upon the nations of the earth.
My desire has been to present this subject in its true light
to the people at large-to appeal to the patriotism of the native born, and to the hopes and judgment of the naturalized
citizen.
The question involved in the American policy is a question
of humnanity in the true sense of that word. It looks not to
the physical emancipation of a few blacks, but to the political
and moral fireedomi of the whole humani race.  The solution
of it involves the very existence of popular sovereignty.  Its
platform is universal, and the European who would drink
from the fountain of liberty should give it his countenance
and support-because in so doing hlie will sustain the republican experiment, and give a lift to the on-rolling car of
popular fireedomn. The way for him to do this is to leave
American politics to Americans. By such a course he will
sacrifice nothing of his personal right, or of his expectations
w-hen he quit the fatherland and took up his abode in America.
The policy of the American party would protect him in his
religion, and in all his personal necessities, and he would escape those jealousies and prejudices which are naturally engendered when he assumes to force upon us his own peculiar 
THE REN-wA?{D OF OUR HOSPITALITY.
notions and customs, or ventures officiously to dictate our
policy, and demand public office.
The people of the United States, although they have thrown
open their doors in the spirit of generous hospitality to the
foot-sore traveller, are not yet willing to admit that their
country "belongs to the whole world," or that those who feast
upon their generosity are better able to arrange and manage
their household than themselves. The stranger knocks at our
door, saying: "I am weary and faint under the burden of
despotism, and I thirst for the cooling waters of freedom."
Ve bid him enter, rest, and partake with us-we remove the
burden  from  his  toiling shoulders-we  refiresh his frame,
we assuage his thirst-we give him of our bread and wine,
and protect him from every foe. Under our kind care he
becomes strong, happy, FRE! He is no longer grovelling in
the dust of servility-the heel of the oppressor is not upon
his neck. Under the protecting aegis of the stripes and stars,
he stands erect and looks despotism square in the face.   He
is as proud as an emperor, and twice as happy.
But this state of things does not satisfy him. His appetite
"grows with what it feeds on."  He wants mnore liberty!  Our
laws don't suit him.  He delia ids a change.  He asserts as
'rights what we have granted as privileges.   He begins to
assume prerogatives in the household, and to dictate the form
of our bounty-and finlally, he aspires to take into his own
hands the management of our affairs.  When in reply to his
officiousness we claim to understand the peculiarities of our
republican institutions better than he, and insist on our natu ral right, he pours upon us a flood of vituperation.   He
321 
328        A DEFE-NCE OF THE  AaIERICAN POLICY.
denounces us as "bigots," "proscriptionists," "cowards, and
sons of cowards," with a further array of vile epithlet and
abuse.
Nowv all this, as I said, engenders jealousies and prejudices
between the American and the foreigner which might well be
avoided.  Apart firom the indelicacy of such  a course, it
involves equally tile sin of ingratitude.  It savors,  also, so
strongly of deliberate impertinence that few  persons, posses sing the least self-respect, would tamely submit to it, and it
would be surprising, indeed, did not the Ainerican people
resist it.
A'Where is the rational foreigner who does not recognize
thlis truth?
The papal interest wve cannot hope to reason with. The
hierarclihy is not content with civil and religious fieedomn-it
aspgires to the gyovernlzneat itself!  It thirsts for political authoritv that it imav rule in the United States as it now rules in
Tuscany and elsewhere.  What would have been the result
of these aspirations, had the Church exercised its usual prudence, is only to be conjectured.   But the Archbishop of
New York is a bad manager.  He is ambitious.   Eager to
witness the triumph of Romanism in his own time, he  shook
the tree before the fiuit was ripe.  He cast off the mask of
humility too soon, and entered the political arena with a
fictitious force. His power fell short of his own estimate, and
far short of his necessities. Hie failed, and the fruit of his
r-shness has been an awakened protestant republican selltimient that will assuredly hold a jealous watch over the
future. 
CONSCIEN-CE KEEPERS ARE DESPOTS.
To the laity of the PRomishl religion we can only appeal as
to zech, and point out the way to makle them free-minen-fiee
in their consciences; free in their temporal affairs.' Without
this freedom, they can never realize the full nature and scope
of their intelligences, or lay claim to the prerogatives of perfect manliness. The individual who places his conscience in
the keeping of another, divests himself of all individuality,
and becomes the creature, the very slave of his conscienceke, per. In evelry sense, moral; social, and religious, lihe
becomes a mere instrument, and as a natural consequence
his whole being, his happiness or misery, his successes  and
defeats, his condition and circumstances, all are made dependent on the will or caprice of another.
This is not the case with him who devotes his conscience
to a faith, instead of placing it under the dictation of a mere
man. The difference is as broad as that between mutability
and ilmutabilitv-or between principle itself and mere profession. Principle is unchangeable-professionI is changeable.
Faith is reliance in a principle, and although faith may change
under the dictates of the judgment, the principle remains.
He, therefore, who gives his conscience through faith to a
principle may retain and exercise his judgment; whereas he
who gives his conscience to a human being creates a visible
and present master over his judgment. In a matter of this
nature the individual must choose for himself, taking the conseqences of good or evil as the fruits of his choice.
AVWhat can we say to the respectable foreign mechanic?
Precisely the same that we say to the American mechanic.
Your labor is cheapened and your talent undermined by the
329 
330       A DEFENCE OF TIlE AMNERICAN POLICY.
ruinous competition of those uneducated charlaians who come
to us professing everything and knowing nothiing.  They work
for a pittance that would starve out decency, and drive comfort from your firesides, and through the cupidity and avarice
of employers, they find emplovnyment at your expense.
The proposed amendment of the laws of naturalization does
not strike at the rights or privileges of any man.   The attitude of the aliens who may be in the country at the time of
enacting that amendment will not be changed one iota by its
adoption. The act cannot be otherwise than proslgpective in
its intent and effects. It is desirable, nay, imperatively necessary, as a conservative element in the future, and its benefits
will be shared alike by the adopted and the native born citizen. It is a measure demanded by an exigency that was not
contemplated at the time of the adoption of the existing law.
All that is valuable, all that is precious, all that is desirable in
rational fLieedom, demand  it.  It is due to ourselves, our posterity; to those from abroad who cast their lot with us, and
to their posterity. It is due to the millions who now hope for
liberty, and whose eyes are turned to our example as the
cynosure of their anlticipations.
If from  any cause the institutions which are based upon
American republicanism should pass away, the hopes of all
men who thirst for freedom will pass away with them;  because, in the destruction of those institutions, the great impetus which they have given to the development of the principle
of popular sovereignty and human rights, will cease.  In such
an event, the rule of " legitimacy" would be reestablislihed
with tenfold force, not only in Europe, but in America also. 
THE GOOD OF ALL MEN INVOLVED.
Society would retrograde, and the inert or terrified and disorganized imasses, seelinio in present submission the gracious
mneed of personal safety, would relax into the ignoble condition
of subjects and serfs. Every element, therefore, that is calculated in the remotest degree to weaken those institutions, or to
jeopardize the great experiment of popular liberty, should be
met, by all men who are the partakers or the disciples of
freedom, with stern and resolute resistance.
It is the constant dropping of water that wears away a
stone, and it is the gradual but steady introduction of corrosive elements that endanger the institutions of freedom in
America.  In the result, it matters not whether those elements are initroduced by secret enemies or by misguided
friends.  Reg-rets will not make whole the broken vase; and
if the visionary theories of radical Europeans in America are
to be carried out, the spirit of Liberty may well exclaim,
Save me from my friends!"
Ameriican  republicanism has nothing to fear from its open
foes-it is invulnerable against the world in arms.  At the
first signal of assault, a million of bayonets would bristle in its
defence, and twenty millions of hearts would be offered as
willingo sacrifices upon the altar of its safety!  No, American
republicanism  will yield to no warlike conqueror.  If it falls,
it will fall by the hands of those who have sought it as their
-egis-it will fall as fell Rome-by the hands of those who
flew to it for shelter.
"The history of Rome," says Samuel Whelpley, "furnishes
a striking instance of the deplorable effects of an influx of
strangers into a country. After the Romans had conquered
831 
3 2  A DEFENCE OF TITE AMERICAN POLIOCY.
Carthage, Greece, Asia, and Gaul, Italy presently filled with
emigrants from all quarters.   Though they came, as it wvere,
singly, and as hlulmlble suppliants, yet they, in effect, conquered
the conquerors.  They inundated all Italy.  The  majesty of
the ancient Romans was obscured, overwhelmed, and utterly
lost in an innumerable swarm of foreigners.    Tlhe evoil came
on by slow and in,perceptible degrees, but was at last irresistible
and fatal. These," he adds, "were the persons generally employed in the civil wars.  A multitude made up of such people is always fickle, inflammnatory, outrageous, ungrateful, vindietive, and burning with ambition to level all distinctions."
Samuel WVheipley lived, wrote, and died when the American Republic was in its early infancy.  Yet, even at that day,
he delineated the foregoing'picture of the circumstances of
the present time-and as the summum bonum to our liberties,
in  view  of these circumstances, he affixed the following
maxim:
"No person should hereafter become a citizen but by being
born in the United States."
"Let foreigners find in this country an asylum from oppression.  Here let them buy, and build, and plant: let them
spread and flourish, pursuing happiness in every mode of life
which enterprise can suggest or reason justify: but let them
be  exonerated from the toils of government.   We  do not
need their hands to steady the ark." 
APPENDIX.
T'z following pages are appended to this work with a view of
introducing such matter as is essential to a complete illustration of
certain statements made in the work, without encumbering the recital
with lengthy "notes."  The attention of the reader is especially invited to the subjects presented in this APPENDIX, as containing  matters of fact, necessary, perhaps, to bring about conviction in the
minds of those who doubt the existence of a necessity for adopting
the policy of the American Organization.
SPEECH OF HTENRY CLAY, IN REPLY TO GOVERNOR Louis KOSSUTH, ON
THE SUBJECT OF AMIERICAN INTERVENTION IN TIE AFFAIRS OF EEUROPE.
I owe you, sir, an apology for not having acceded before to the
desire you were kind enough to intimate more than once to see me;
but really my health has been so feeble that I did not dare to hazard
the excitement of so interesting an interview. Besides, sir (he added
with some pleasantry), your wonderful and fascinating eloquence has
mesmerized so large a portion of our people wherever you have gone,
and even some of our members of Congress (waving his hand toward
the two or three gentlemen who were present), that I feared to come
under its influence lest you might shake my faith in some principles
in regard to the foreign policy of this government, which I have long
and constantly cherished.
And in regard to this matter, you will allow me, I hope, to speak
833 
APPENDIX.
with that sincerity and candor which becomes the interest the subject
has for you and for myself, and which is due to us both, as the votaries of freedom.
I trust you will believe me, too, when I tell you that I entertain
ever the liveliest sympathies in every struggle for liberty iu Hungary
and in every country   and in this I believe I express the universal
sentiment of my countrymen.  But, sir, for the sake of my country,
you must allow me to protest against the policy you propose to her.
Waive the grave and momentous question of the right of one nation
to assume the executive power among nations for the enforcement
of international law, or of the right of the United States to dictate
to, Russia the character of her relations with the nations around her,
and let us come at once to the practical consideration of the matter.
You tell us yourself, with great truth and propriety, that mere
sympathy, or the expression of sympathy, cannot advance your purposes.  You require "material aid."  And, indeed, it is manifest that
the mere declarations of the sympathy of Congress, or of the President, or of the public, would be of little avail, unless we were prepared to enforce those declarations by a resort to arms, and unless
other nations could see that preparation and determination upon our
part.
Well, sir, suppose that war should be the issue of the course you
propose to us, could we then effect anything for you, ourselves, or
the cause of liberty? To transport men and arms across the ocean
in sufficient numbers and quantities to be effective against Russia
and Austria, would be impossible. It is a fact which perhaps may
not be generally known, that the most imperative reason with Great
Britain for the close of her last war with us, was the immense cost
of the transportation and maintenance of forces and munitions of
war in such a distant theatre, and yet, she had not, perhaps, more
than 30,000 men upon this continent at any time. Upon land, Russia
is invulnerable to us as we are to her. Upon the ocean, a war
between Russia and this country would result in the mutual annoy
334 
APPENDIX.
ance to commerce, but probably in little elsH  I learn recently, that
her wvar marine is superior to that of any nation in Europe, except
perhaps Great Britain.  Her ports are few. her commerce limited,
while we, on our part, would offer as a prey to her cruisers, a rich
and extensive commerce.
Thus, sir, after effecting nothing in such a war, after abandoning
our ancient policy of amity and non-intervention in the affairs of
other nations, and thus justifying them in abandoning the terms of
forbearance and non-interference which they have hitherto preserved
towards us, after the downfall perhaps of the friends of liberal institutions in Europe, her despots, imitating and provoked by our fatal
example, may turn upon us in the hour of weakness and exhaustion;
and with an almost equally irresistible force of reason and of arms,
they may say to us, you have set us the example. You have quit
your own to stand on foreign ground; you have. abandoned the
policy you professed in the day of your weakness, to interfere in the
affairs of the people upon this continent, in behalf of those principles
the supremacy of which you say is necessary to your prosperity-to
your existence. We, in our own turn, believing that your anarchical
principles are inimical to the peace, security, and happiness of our
subjects, will obliterate the bed which has nourished such noxious
weelds; we will crush you as the propagandists of doctrines so destructive of the peace and good order of the world.
The indomitable spirit of our people might, and would be equal to
the emergency, and we might remain unsubdued, even by so tremendous a combination; but the consequences to us would be terrible enough. You must allow me, sir, to speak thus freely, as I feel
deeply, though my opinion may be of but little importance-as the
expression of a dyinIg man.
Sir, the recent melancholy subversion of the republican government of France, and that enlightened nation voluntarily placing its
neck under the yoke of despotism, teach us to despair of any present
success for liberal institutions in Europe. It gives us an impressive
335 
APPENDIX.
warning not to rely Urn others for the vindication of our principles,
but to look to ourselves, and to cherish, with more care than ever,
the security of our institutions and the preservation of our policy
and principles.
By the policy to which we have adhered since the days of Washington, we have prospered beyond precedent; we have done more for
the cause of liberty in the world than arms could effect. We have
shown to other nations the way to greatness and happiness, and if
we but continue united, as one people, and persevere in the policy
which our experience has so clearly and triumphantly vindicated, we
may, in another quarter of a century, furnish an example vlwhich the
reason of the world cannot resist. But if we shoulid involve ourselves in the tangled web of European politics, in a war in which we
could effect nothing, and if in that struggle Hungary should go
down, and we should go down with her, where then would be the
last hope of the friends of freedom  throughout the world?   Far
better is it for ourselves, for Hungary, and for the cause of liberty,
that, adhering to our wise, pacific system, and avoiding the distant
wars of Europe, we should keep our lamp burning brightly on this
western shore, as a light to all nations, than to hazard its utter extinction among the ruins of fallen or falling republics in Europe.
.9 3 G 
AP.P.ENDIX.
OPINION OF THOMIAS H. BENTON.
THE  fo'llowinV-  remarks on this subject of Intervention were made
bv the Hlon. ThoLmas H. Benton, while addressing a meeting of the
citizens of Mitsoar[.
"I am opposed to intervening; and under all its forms; and, as much as a ny, in
the form of' protest' to be unsupported by acts, if thle protest should be  e,     led.
Of the eminent public men of our country, who have accosted this question ot          to
my satisfaction, A1r. Fillhseore and AIl. Clay are the two fgreioste; hy    e g  ln
it a prompt and unqualified opposition in ill its forms.  This, in lmy op'nion, i- the
American position.   Others have spolen wvell against the new doctrine; lut I  ave
not seen any argument which, in my opinion, went to the beginning-to the argument number one in the case, namely, the want of constitutional power in Cong,ress
to engage in any sun  ch semle.
"I eschew this new doctrine of interfering in the affairs of Earope, nystifie  i a it
is in the cautious phrase-where caution itself betrays the danger of the idO   by
veiling its nakedness in a confusion of words-' intervene to prevent intervenltioe;'
I stand upon the ancient ways, aotiqio.s.vias, of our fathers-peace <ind flrendship
with all nations, entangling alliances w'th none; good wvishes to all people srt.g'lg
for frieedom; acknowledgmnent of their independence if successfl), without i:,qotry
into the right or wrong of the revolt; asylum to the vanquished frono the mOimlenlt ihe
touched the soil, or trod the deck of anl American vessel; with the rights of person
and property, from the instant of his arrival among us."
15
337 
APPENDIX.
KOSSUTH'S APPEAL TO THE GERMAANS IN AM{ERICA.
WVE copy from a German paper, called the New York Staats Zeitun,g, the following report of Kossutlih's interview with a committee
of Germans in the city of N'ew York, on the 14thi of June, 1852.
'"About ten o'clock on Saturday morniing. about twelve German
citizens visited K,ossuth.  They were presented to the Governor by
Col. Ihazi, when Air. Jacekel made a short address, referring to the
sacredniiess of their cause, and their valor in upholding the same."
Kossuth replied as follows:
"German Citizens.-Yolu are strong enough to easet the election of that candieclate.foi the P, esidency or/o gives the mnost attention to tfie, aEu  opean cause.
I find that quite natural, because between both parties there is no difference as
regards the internal policy, and because only by the inanity of the German citizens
of this country, the election will be such that, by and by, the administration will
turn their attention to other countries, and give every nation free scope. No tree,
my German friends, falls with the first stroke; it is therefore necessary, t7stt inasmuch as yozt are citizens, anCld can con'mo anod your votes, you sizppoit thee crltdidate who will pursue the exterrnal policy in our sen.se, and endeavor to effect
that all nations become free and independent, such as is the case in happy America."
As early as February, 1852, Kossuth addressed the Germans at
Louisville, Ky., at which time he appealed to them in the same strain,
urging them, by the force of their votes, to conmpel the United States
government to adopt his scheme of intervention.
On the 23d of June, 1852, Kossuth again addressed a large assemblage of Germans, on the same suboject, at the Broadway Tabernacle,
338 
APPENDIX.
in New York. and when the address was ended, the meeting adopted
the following inicendiary resolutions.  These resolutions exhibit ali
utter forgetfulness of the sworn duties of naturalized citizens to their
adopted country, and the prostitution of an American suffrage to the
miserable uses of European revolutionists.
" Whtereas, The whig party, in their platform recently adopted in Baltimore,
which has been adopted by their candidate, have declared themselves against parti  cipating in the fate of Europe; and whereas, furthermore, the democratic party in
America, which, at least in their fundamental principles, cherishes progress, have
not declared themselves against partaking of the European struggle for liberty; and
the policy of intervention may be expected to be adopted by the democratic party
as well as by their candidate; therefore,
" Resolced, That as American citizens, we will attach ourselves to the democratic
party, anid will de,cote our strentgh to htaving a policy of intervention, in Ame rica carsriied our.
"kesolved, That, sve ewpect that the candidcate of the cdemocratic party will
a(dopt the psoiteitzles of this policy, which has been sanctioned by all distinguished
statesumen of his party.
" Pesolve,7, That we protest against the manner in which, heretofore, the govern ment of the United States has interpreted and applied the policy of neutrality,
wltich is int violatiost of the spirit of the Constitution of the Ua-ited States.
"Resolved, that we ask that every American citizen, sot being  attachied to thd
soil, may support the strength of any other people in the sense as the juries have
interpreted the principles of the American Constitution, and especially of the policy
of neutrality.
"iresolved, That we ask that the United States be officially represented by an
ambassador to each nation which is battling against monarchism, and has framed
its own constitution.
"kResolved, That we will unite, hand in hand, with all German-Americans in thd
reroluttionary union of Europe for the advancement of the real progressive policy
in America and Europe, and that we desire the Committee of Arrangements of this
meeting to franme statutes for the said end, and to do everything necessary for the
promotion of the said revolutionary union.
"I e,solved, That we confidently hope that all nations of Europe struggling for
liberty, as well as their leaders, according to the principles of solidarity, will consider their end a common one, without interfering with the independence of each
nation, and that they rest united in the days of peace and war.
"Resolved, That we express our thanks and sympathy to Governor Kossuth, ad
339 
APPENDIX.
to the German agitators, for their noble efforts; that we promise them results, and
that the Ge  muans of New York and environs will continue to work for the great
end of a universal liberation of nations."
These resolutions give evidence alike of the influence of Kossuth
over the German population, and of the fact that those who passed
the resolutions were imbued solely with the spirit of European revolutionists.
Kossuth had by this time abandoned all hope of enlisting the sympathies and cooperation of the American government to his plans.
He had discovered, also, that the American people would listen no
longer (e-sn by courtesy), to his inharmonious and visionary theories; and, so, he did not hesitate to step from his lofty position, and
stoop to seditious measures. He strove to arouse the foreign population in the United States against the peace of the country-advising
and urging them to use their united political privileges anrid powers
in the selection of men and the adoption of measures which would
disturb the harmonious relations of the country, violate the national
honor, and set at naught the treaty obligations of the government.
Finding that his public harangues on this subject were met with
p-ul)lic indignation, and subject to thie censures of the American press,
and that, with these obstacles of popular sentiment against him, his
progress would be one of great difficulty and delay, he ventured to
stoop to a still lower depth, and endeavored to accomplish, by secret
communication with the German societies, that consummation of his
wishes, which he could not reach by a frank, open, and manly course.
With this view, immediately after his speech at the Tabernacle, he
prepared and sent forth a secret circular, of which the following is a
verbatim copy:
KOSSUTH'S SECRET CIRCULAR TO THE GERMANS.
NEW YORK, June 28, 1852.
SI -.-I hope you have read already my German farewell speech, delivered June
28d, in the Tabernacle at New York, and also the resolutions of the meeting, which
were passed consequently.
340 
APPENDIX.
I hope further, that the impression which this matter has made upon both political
parties has not escaped your attention.
Indeed, it is not easy to be mistaken that the German citizens of America will
have the castiingsg vote in the coming election, if they are united in a joint direction
upon the platform of the principles set forthi in the speech afore mentioned.
They may decide upon the exterior policy of the next administration of the United
States, and with that upon the triumph or the fall of liberty in Europe.
Never yet were the German citizens of America in this decided position.
The leaders of the political parties have arrived at the acknowledgment of this
power, and they are alarmed, for they know that in the most unfavorable case, the
Germans are able to make unsafe, at least, any combination or calculation of the
parties.
Will the German citizens concede this important position, which will not come
back in a century?
I hiope God, the almighty protector of liberty, may prevent it. They are neglectig the nmoment. Won't they esteem principles higher than names and denominations of parties?
I hope they will. The position of America is a power-the liberty of Europe, of
Germany, of Hungary, of Italy-depends upon them.
For God's sake do your best, that your German fellow-citizens occupy this position and ratify the principles put up in said speech, by meetings and resolutions,
and declaring the intimated direction as theirs.
Act quickly. Keep the power of the position uncompromised in your hand, until
the one or the other party offer substantial guarantees. This is now of the utmost impertance. If I should be so happy as to induce the German citizens in different parts
of the United States publicly to approve of my principles and of the intimated direction, thereby furnishing the argument that they would support this policy, this
would put me in a position to carry on efficient negotiutions with the parties and
would enable me to offer such guarantees to them as will answer the principles and
sympathies of German hearts.
God sees my most secret thoughts. He knows it is not mere vanity which agitates
my heart. No; the consciousness that European liberty depends upon the unanimous support of the German citizens of America, stimulates me in making this communication.
5Iy requests are as follows:
1. —Cause a German meeting to be called without delay. The object of it should
be to consult which way the German citizens of America should take in the pending
Presidential question.
2.-A committee cf influential men-if possible of both parties-should prepare
resolutions, among which, the following:
341 
APPENDIX.
a.-TlThat the German citizens of- who are entitled to vote, approve of the principles laid down in my New York speech, of Juu,e 28, and sustain the means and
policy wvhich were recommended there, because they acknowledge them as such that
are only and solely fit to promote the true interests of the United States, and of
freedom in Europe.  On  leat reason they should govern the co.nduct of all Germal
citizens.
b.-TThat they request me publicly not to leave thle Unlited Slates without having
communicated bcefre to the elman.t  citizens of         cecie pat'ly hlave given the
most acceptai)le assurances, or rather guarantees, of being resolved to act on this
basis in the Presidential question.
c.-That they consider, especially the repeal, or at least an interpretation of the
neutrality laws of lSiS, conformnable to the principles of  the individual rights,
guaranteed by the Constitution to the citizens of the United States, as a specially
desirable issue.
d.-TlThat they request their fellow-citizens of other races to unite with thlem on
that highl basis of universal liberty, and of the honor and welfare of the United
States.
These proceedings would be of immense importance. Open actions and secret
intrigues are at work to annihilate this success.
But thle Germians h(tve tecome a ipotes.. WAVoe to them if they should neglect this
hint of Providence! The movement must be crystallized, that it may not waste its
strength. The more it is manifest that I and my policy may rely upon the support
of the German citizens, the more I can do for that matter which is so dear also to
your hearts.
In the name of the veneration I entertain for America, in the name of the suppressed nations of Europe, I conjure you to lend us your aid in thle direction intimated.
Let us soon hear of an activity so ardently longed for.
With high esteem, fraternal respects, and shaking of hands, your most obedient,
(Signed)           L. KOSSUTH.
N. B.-So far is this confidential that the letter is not to be given to the public,
but is to be used only for private communications.
342 
APPENDIX.
THE REVOLUTIONARY LEAGUE.
TEiE plan of operations proposed by this "League" of foreigners,
as published below, and as indicated in the resolutions passed by
Germans at the Tabernacle, exhibits the outline of a system which
contemplates the employment of every element which our liberal institutions place in the hands of the naturalized citizen, for the purposes of European revolution.   The right of suffrage; the right to
bear arms; the right to speak, write, and publish opinions; the right
of protest i the right of peaceable assembly; the right to hold office
in the militia of the several States; in a word, every function of the
American citizen, is employed and rendered subservient to the one
ablsorbing idea-EuROPE.AN REVOLUTION.  Are the American people
justified in granting those precious rights, those delicate powers, to
persons who thus employ them?
ADDRESS
OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTIONARY LEAGUE FOR EUROPE.
Adopted at the Revolutionary Congress, held at Philadelp7hia, from January
29t7 to February lst, 1852.
ADDRESS TO TRE AMERICAN PEOPLE.
FELLOW-CITIZENS:-The  Congress of the "American Revolutionary League for
Europe," herewith submit the result of their deliberations to the judgment of the
people, all parties of which were represented in that body.
Earnestly resolved to find the means of terminating the desperate condition of the
liberty-thirsting people of Europe, firmly convinced that the first great step to the
attainment of this goal, is the cordial cooperation of all who seek it, it was for us
to explore the middle ground upon which all parties could honorably and cheerfully
unite their forces.
343 
APPENDIX.
The Revolutionary Directory will not fail to detect that the objects of the League,
as stated in tele second article of the Constitution, were adopted in view of the difficulties arising from the distinction between tlhe ideas of  U[tiote and Plcttfosu-s.
WVe hlold, that to have solved the problemi at the expense of the just claims of any
section of tle party, thus confounding union with subjection, would have  been to
entirely misconceive our duty.  We hold tile strife of party, of opinion, of mind, as
beneficial, necessary, and eternal.   Freedomi of mind is the first source of political
aspirations, the most legitinmate method of their pursuit, and the last goal of their
attainment.  It is the principal sphere of a revolution to protect thle free contest of
mind from the disturbing intervention of material forces.  The points specified in
that article are, therefore, not to be looked upon as a treaty of peace, but as the
terms of a cessation of hostilities, under which we leave our separate camps to form
a solid phalanx for the destruction of the cominmon fee.  Wlheiu  tie com,mon foe
shall be crushed, not in appearance alone, but in reality, then the allied victors may
contend for the spoils; although we entertain the confident expectation that the
second struggle will be of a character vastly different from the first.
The conscious determination to achieve a revolution thorough and complete, was
the warrant for our actions; and of you, sovereign people, we ask the ratification
of this warrant, in the readiness with which you shall erect upon the foundation we
have laid, the superstructure of an extensive, yea, a universal fusion of all revolutionary eleiments.
Let us then be up and doing!  Our cause is noble: is sacred.  The barriers that
cramp the growth of active, intelligent, and high- souled nations, are to be stricken
down; mankind to be restored to its humanity.  Let the motto for the strife be,
Union in the American Revolutionary League.
N. SCHMITT, President.
P. IVAGONE., of Boston,            Vice
J. R. FrEPST, of Baltiitore,             Preden.
C. GOEPP, of Philadelphia, )
C. KING,         do.          Secretaries.
LEWtIS,IEYER, of Boston,
Willim.ann, of Baltimore; A. Falier, of Bridesburg; J. Fickler, A. Gregg, of London; C. Iolt.-ger, Newark, N.J. J.; E. F. Loewventhal, N. Y.;'I. Tiedemann, WIV. Roeentht., A. Io.  Rosenhe'l, J. EckhaPrd, G. Leideoistieler, J. Dotter, A. Pobleg,  G.
ierrfeiet, C. F. EBiert, Neein, Louis Schwartzwaelder, of Philadelphia; C. HIees,
of PhilalteTp'hia, for Lanc.ster; Gloss, of Richmnond, Va.; S. Bucihsweiler, of Brooklyn; C. A. Knoderer, of Reading; the Revolutionary Association of Easton, Pa., by
the officers of the Congress.
Ph'iladelphia, Feb. 1,1852.
344 
APPENDIX.
CONSTITUTION
OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTIONARY LEAGUE OF EUROPE.
The American Democrats, desirous of furthering the cause of European Revolulution, do hereby adopt the'following organization:
ART. I.-NAME OF THE ORGANIZATION.
The name of the organization shall be "The American Revolutionary League for
Europe."
ART. II.-OBJECT OF THE LEAGUE.
The object of the League shall be the radical liberalization of the European continent, for which are required
1. The overthrow of monarchy and the establishment of the Republic; because
in the Republic alone can all the horrors of tyranny be prevented.
2. Direct and universal suffrage, and the recall of representatives by the majority
of their constituents; because this alone secures the supremacy of the popular will
in the working of popular institutions.
8. The abolition of standing armies, and inviolability of the right of'the people
to bear arms; because the last resource of forcible resistance is the only protection
against the last device of forcible usurpation.
4. The union, for these ends, of all persons, associations, parties, and nations, for
the annihilation of oppression; because, without such concerted efforts, the organized power of the tyrants is invincible.
ART. III.-MEANS.
Section 1. Agitation as well in Europe as in America.
Section 2. Accumulation of a Revolutionary fund.
Section 3. Formation of armned organizations desirous of entering personally
into the struggle, and of preparing for it by meilitafry exercise.
ART. IV.-INTERNAL ORGANIZATION.
Section 1. Formniation of auxiliary associations  and military cor7ps in every
city and cotlety of the U-nion where materials are found.  Every revolutionary
association is at liberty to prefer its own organization, and adopt its own constitution and by-laws, provided they contain the following provisions:  I. Every member, 4pon his admission, must promise to assist in attaining the
objects of the league, and is required to sign the constitution as well of the auxiliary
association as of the league, thus binding himself to observe the behests of both.
In case of withdrawal or expulsion, he shall forfeit all claim upon the property of
the league.
346 
APPENDIX.
II. Every association is at liberty to exact and collect contributions to be expended
for the purposes of the association.  Over and above this, every member is required
to contribute to the Revolutionary fund not less than one cent per week, to be paid
into a separate purse set apart for the purpose.
III. Every association upon joining the league is to report itself to the Executive
Board, transmitting the constitution and by-laws, and a list of members. They are
also required to submit quarter-yearly reports of their condition and prospects, the
number of members, alterations in their organization, &c., and to make quarteryearly remittances to all ordinary ind extraordinary contributions to the Revolutionary fund.
IV. The executive board of the league is empowered to instruct every association
to appoint emissaries, who must be commissioned by the central board, for the purpose of collecting contributions out of the associations, and of organizing new associations.
V. Every association must elect a President, Secretary, and Treasurer, who are
to represent the associations in all communications with other associations, and
with the central board.  The Treasurers must give security for the moneys entrusted
to thlem.
Section 2. Centralization.-For the purpose of'concerted action, all revolutionary
associations will unite under the management of the supreme  authority of the
league, and abide by their decisions as the supreme laws of the league. This
supreme authority is a congress of all the revolutionary associations.
ART. V.-ORGANIZATION OF THE CONGRESS.
Section 1. Every association numbering not less than ten, and not more than
fifty members, is entitled to one representative.
Section 2. Associations numbering more than fifty members are entitled to an
additional representative for every additional 100 members, and for every fraction
remaining over.
Section 3. Two or more associations each numbering under fifty members, are
at liberty to unite in sending a delegate.
Section 4. Every delegate must be furnished with credentials in writing, stating
the numlber of his constituents.
Section 5. A majority of Congress is competent to decide upon the admission of
a delegate.
Section 6. No compensation for loss of time is to be allowed any delegate.
Every association is left to adjust all questions of mileage with its delegate.
Section 7. Every Congress is to fix the time and place of meeting of the next
succeeding Congress.
Section 8. They shall transact business in the following order.
346 
APPENDIX.
I. Readitg and adoption of the minutes.
II. Reception and reference of memorials, letters, &c.
III. Reports of Committees.
IV. Order of the day.
'V. Designation of thie order of the day for the succeeding sessions.
Section 9.  The jurisdiction of Congress extends over all the affairs of the League,
and all amendments or alterations of this Constitution.
ART. A-I.-ORGANIZATION OF THE EXECUTIVE BOARD.
Section 1.  The Board.
I. In the recess between one session of Congress and another, the business of the
League shall be entrusted to an Exectttive Board.
II. The Board consists of seven members.
III. Thiey are elected by Congress.
IV. The residence of the Board is to be determined by Congress.
Section 2. Method of activity of the Board.
I. In the principal town of every State there shall be established a State Committee, to consist of the Rxecutive Board of the Revolutionary Association there located.
If tliere are several Revolutionary Associations in such principal town, they elect
the State Committee between them.
II. The duty of the State Committee shall be to receive the communications of
the Board, and transmit thetu to the several Associations, and to transmit tihe pro.
posals of Associations to the Board, to establish new Associations, and generally to
make all possible exertions in furtherance of the cause in the State assigned to its
care.
Section 3. Thie Revolutionary Fund.
I. The Revolutionary Fund is under the management of the Board.
II. It consists of contributions of individuals and associations.
III. Thie Treasurer of the Board must give securmity for the moneys entrusted to his
keeping.
IV. When the funds collected exceed $100 in amount, they are to be invested in
good security, bearing interest.
Section 4. Jurisdiction of tihe Board.
I. The functions of the Board are administrative and executive. Its duties are
to execute the objects stated in Art. II, by the means specified in Art. III. of this
Constitution.
II. During the session of Congress, its authority is confined to the execution of
the resolutions of that body.
III. As soon as-Congress has assembled and organized, the Board are to transmit
3 4 "i 
APPENDIX.
a message, Co.: g a   repot of all events of importance that have taken place in
the League since t         he last essin  of Congress; a general review of the condition of
the various associatio.ns, and the number of their members; of the accounts and of
the funds in hans-.  if required, it is also thie duty of the Board to submit to the inspectioi, of Congress all documents in its possession, and to call for information,
so far as is in their power.
Section 5. The Political Committee.
I. The Board is           o         m tai  the most intimate relations with a Political Commlite.
II. The Political Committee consists of three members, to be elected by the next
Congress.
III. Tile Conistlittee has unrestricted powers, it connection with the revolutionary
represenltatives of other nationalities, to take all necessary steps in support of the
European revolution.
IV. Tihe Co-mmittee is represented by a headman, in a central European Committee, to consist of the Chiefs of all the revlutionary national  Coimmrittees.
V. The Political Consittee is responsible to Congress.
At the close of the congressional si1tings, M lessrs. Goegg and Fickler, the delegates
and plenipotentiaries of the Agitation Society in London, pulblicly declared-'" Tlhat
tlse Agitation Society is fom  he efortn  (dissolved, and that its members join the
League now established on the free-il of Aeric."
Congress resolved to publish this declaration; and, further to convoke the next
Congress of the American Revolutionary League at New York, on  Ieonday, the 1lth
of Flay, 1952, when the attendance, by representation, of all the friends of the cause
is invited.
WVhether the session of Contgress convoked ill the last paragraph
was heldl or not. is uiknown.   If held, it was held in secret.   The
numnree.,  itilitztaiy orgtaniza,ions and secret politicII societies, com
posed enltirely of foreigners, which  have  beens created in various
plerts Of tie country during the last few years, afford strolng evidence
of thie fact th.t this seditious league is, and has been, in active opera
ti-,in.  No mlitary organizations of foreig,,ers should he permitted in
thc Uttito(l States.
348 
A PpLENI )X.                       3
GOVERNOR RAYMIOND AND THE IRISII LEA.GUE.
ONE of the surest evidences of the correctness of a principle is to
be found in the involuntary or accidental approval of that principle
by men who profess to be its opponents. Thus we find many of the
leading journalists of the country, men who  oppose, on political
grounds, as partisans, the whole Anmerican movement, at times inadvertently preaching its doctrines, sustaining its position and measures,
and acknowledging the existence of those grievances and evils which
it is striving to eradicate.
As a case in point, the Jeu  York Times may  be cited.  The
Times is edited by the Hon. HIlenry J. Raymond, Lieut.-Governor of
the State of New York, a gentleman of youth and talent, and a warm
supporter of the policy of Mir. Seward.  Mfr. Raymond was a whig
in his politics during the palmy days of that party, but as the great
lights of the party, one hy one, went out, and the gloom of night
seemed to he settling over its history, MIr. Raymond fell into the ranks
of those who seized upon the northern wivng, and by holding aloft the
old banner. attempted to lead it e? masse, name and all, into a sectional
organization. The new party struggled a long time in its efforts to
retain the whig name and prestige; long enough, indeed, to win over
many into its net, but being hard pressed by the true men of the old
whig party, and finally compelled to lay down the stolen standard, it
seized upon and usurped another, equally inappropriate, and adopted
the name of' Rep. lican."'
Mir. Ravymond is a leader in this mis-called Republican party, and
a decided opponent of the American policy. Yet we find the follow
349 
APPENDIX.
ing article, showing distinctly the necessity of that policy, and
adlmitting, in part, the causes whi3h led to its adoption, in the columns
of his paper.  AW,hen the " Irish League,', which had been formed for
the purpose of wresting Ireland "firom the grasp of England," by
invasion and revolution, held its convention in the city of New York,
during the autumn of S18j5, the Tipmes frankly deprecated and ridi
culed the whole moveme,.t.  This broughlt forth a letter to the editor
complaining of the course pursued by his paper in the matter. To
that letter Mlr. Raymond replied through the columns of the Times,
and from that reply we make the following extract:
"The peoeple of Ireland have a perfect right to rebel against the government
whlich they think oppresses them, and to ovetlhrow it if they are able; but the Irish
i?,t Aiesicea  are inot the people of Ireland.  They have no right to a voice in its
governient, nor are they sufferers from its oppression.  If they desired to reform
it they should have stayed there.  As subjects of the British rule in Ireland they
would have lhad a right to rebel against it; but as American citizens they have
simply nothing at ail to do with it. If a revolution should be started in Ireland
they -wold have a right to sympathize with it, and divesting themselves of their
American citizenship, to go there and take a part in it; but if they did so they
would forfeit all claims to American protection, and would subject themselves to all
the hazards of the enterprise.
"But the Irish who come to live in America, who become citizens of the United
States, and thlts clothed with the power of self-government which  all American
citizens possess. are bound to discharge all the duties and conform to all the obligations of American citizenship; and, as they have renounced allegiance to every
other Government, they have no more right to interfere with any other than have
the native citizens of the United States.  Every citizen has the right of expatriation; but, while the Irish remain in America, they have no right to set on foot
hostile operations against any Government wilth which we are at peace.  Their duty
is to'become Asesiceis, to study the institutions of the country, to fit themselves
for the discharge of the duties which American citizenship imposes. If they had
done this more generally; if they had acted here inope uneformly as Aim,ericans
arid,ot as Isishees; if tltey had beens less elannishi, less anziioits to perpettealte
here their,foseigy habits and feelings, and more ready to adapt their conduct
to their new relrations, they would have given no occasion for the political movements which are nowe so rife and 80 stsrony against them.
3.51) 
APPENDIX.
"W Ve submit that our correspondent would do his countrymen in America a much
better service by urging them to become more thorough Americans, in spirit and in
conduct, than by feeding their resentments against the Government from whose
authority they have escaped, and perpetuating the passions which made them so
wretched and so helpless at home."
In this article Governor Raymond sunk the politician, and stood
forth hiiimself. There is nothing meretricious or equivocal in his posi
tionI. He admits, to a given extent, the causes which brought the
American Party into existence, and in deprecating those causes, he
admits virtually the necessity of measuires to abate them.
At Cincinnati,. Ohio, a branch of this organization of Irish filli
biusters was so unfortunate as to fall into the hands of the authorities
some of the leading parties in the movement  were arrested and
broucht to trial on a charge of violating the neutrality laws of the
United States. and on that trial the council for the prosecution pro
duced the following address, which he said was issued by the society
of which the prisoners were members.
ADDRESS OF THE ROBERT E-MMETT BRANCH OF THE IRISH  EMIGRANT AID SOCIETY OF
OHIO, TO THE IRISHMEN OF THE BUCKEYE STATE.
FELLOW  EXILES: The sun of Ireland's independence, so long obscured by  the
clouds of adversity, is bursting through the darkness of centuries, and may soon
shine in splendor over a liberated nation! For ages our fathiers fougiht and bled in
vain-for centuries they suffered the penalties of subjection to the stranger, and
died in the confident hope that the men  of succeeding ages would avenge their
wrongs and liberate the nation from the oppression of the Anglo-Norman robber.
The day for whlich they sighed and prayed has come, and the spirits of our martyred dead call on us from above, to blot out the shaioe of centuries, and lift our
dear old nation up to happiness and freedom.  The voice of the exiled Celt has gone
forth from the bay of Boston, to cheer the drooping, to stimulate the slothful, and
unite all Irishmien in one grand rally for the freedom of Ireland!  Shall we, then,
the Irish Inhabitants of the West, hold back in such an hour, andl in such a cause?
Shall the epportune moment be lost, and the day that God gives us for vengeance
be spent in doubt and fear?
No! by the faith of our race, by the bones of our insulted dead! by the menrory
of Clintarfl by t e massacre of Mullaghmart and Tara! by the recollection of the
starved millions of'46 and'47! by the glorious deeds of Wexford and Vinegar Hill!
351 
APPENDIX.
by the ruthless perfidy of tile Saxon! by the untimely death of Tone and Fitzgerald!
and the uninscribed tomlb of Emmett, vengeance is ours, and we shall repay!
Awake, then, Irishmen of Ohio! and to the rescue. The day of England's tribulationi is now —the withering breath of an angry God is upon her, scourging her for
the robberies, the murders, the massacres of ages, and dissolving her power like
snow before the warm  sun! With the opportunity presented, and freedom before
us, shall we, tle exiled sons of a crushed and lacerated mother, remain for ever
hlelots of every people who wishl  to put the yoke upon our necks, toil through
reproach and opprobrium, in the rags of servitude, and die with slavery's fetters on
our limbs, without an effort to efface the black and bitter memory of the past?  Ireland speaks to us through the Massachusetts convention. Shall we not heed her
call, and organize as she directs?  Cincinnati has already adopted the Massachusetts platform and plan of action, and is duly authorized to organize the State of
Ohio! The Robert Emmett Club of Cincinnati, therefore, calls on you, Irishmen, to
organize clubs in every city, town, and village in the State, on the above plan, and
every necessary information will be furnished you here, on application to our
secretary.  When the State is thus organized into clubs, a State convention will be
called, and a State directory elected, who shall manage the funds and other business
of the society.
Irishmen, let no man fail and falter now. The work is light if action be united,
and every man do his duty.
Oh! how long have we wept over the tale of sorrow, that weekly comes to us
from our owvn Innisfail, and how ardently we watched for any movement that
would cast a ray of hope across the polluted waters of Irish politics; but never, in
our most ardent imaginings, and loftiest dreaming, did we hope for such a grand
opportunity as the God of nations gives this day to the land of our love. Let us,
then, if we are men, prepare to accept the boon, and grasp the liberty of Ireland
with a strong and armed hand. The man who now holds back, was made for a
slave, and deserves the coward's fate.
The men of Massachusetts have set a noble example, one worthy of imitation by
every State in the Union, and be assured that nothing will give the true friends of
the cause such buoyant hopes as to find that Ohio is firm in the ranks of Irish patriotism.
Let each nean's motto be, to cultivate the friendship of his neighbor, to be sober,
prudent, and hopeful, and we cannot fail
" To win the fight that must be won
The freedom of our lanrd, which th
Signed in behalf of the Club.
DANIrEL CONAHAN, President.
EDWAR.D KENIFeCK, Sceretary.
CINCINNATI, Sept. 27, 1855. 
APPENDIX.
The following was also readl by the learned counsel as the oath
taken by the members at the time of their initiation into the Society.
THE OATH.
"In the awful presence of God, I do voluntarily declare and promise that I shall
use my endeavors to form a brotherhood amongst Irishmen of all persuasions for to
uproot and overthrow English go ernment in Ireland; and I furthermore declare
that neither hopes, fears, rewards nor punishments, shall ever induce me to snake
known any of the secrets of this Order.  To all this I most solemnly plidge my most
sacred honor."
353 
APPENDIX.
FOREIGN PAUPERS AND CRIMINALS
SENT TO THE UNITED STATES BY THEIR GOVERNMENTS.
The immense aggregate of European paupers and criminals found
in the United States, is readily traced to a system by which many of
the communities, and even some of the States of Europe have relieved
themselves of those incumbrances at the expense of the American
people. In proof of this it is only necessary to call the reader's attention to the following correspondence.   The communications  were
made to the United States Consul at Leipsic, in reply to certain
inquiries addressed by himn to the several emigration societies, and by
the Consul forwarded to the Mayor of New York. It will be seen
also that the agitation of the subject has extorted a promise to refrain
from such practices hereafter.
To the Consul of the Uiited States of north Amesica, Dr. J. G. Fliigel, at
Leipsic.
LEIPSIC, June 4, 1855.
We feel honored in giving you the following answer to various questions which
you put to us, in relation to the emigration from the Kingdom of Saxony.
It cani,iot be denied that for somte tioe the Govera,mezts of some States,  aced
also the atth,'orities of several coeueuetities 7have deeened  it (eoievenienit to free
themseles f,lo'7  their- paupers by       shipping tlheb to the United States.  it is also
atoroiiots  that crinioals, after having stffer ed pt?p,ishoieent, have, ic the saet6
ma,oner, been tal.asported to the Ufiited States, eita a  view  to f,ee the coinronu?ity of these forever.  In consequence of th's a system of economy was adopted
productive of unavoidable evils, as they (the emigrants) were supplied with merely
money sufficient for the payment of their passages, and hence on their arrival at
I,'  4 
APPENDIX.
distant ports, being destitute of all means of support, they were compelled immediately to apply for afd and were therefore regarded as very unwelcome visitors.
The practices are certainly as inhuman as they are impudent, but the Government
of Saxony hlas not at any time had recourse to this system of economy. We have
been tl-orouglly acquainted with the emigration affairs of Germany for the  last
eight years, during which time not a single case which could implicate the Kingdom of Saxony in such action has ever come within our knowledge. Onl the contrary it is a subject of regret to us that with very few exceptions the greater part
of those wtso em"igrate from Saxony, are composed  chiefly of the wealtilier class
of our people, and our best mechanics.  We, therefore, instead of gaining, are put
to a loss of millions of dollars, and of the best portion of our hionest and most
valuable citizens.
As it appears the German emigration to the United States is becoming too powerful and troublesome, you may assure the American authorities that a speedy change
in this respect is unavoidable.  The decrease of emigration in general, and to North
America in particular, during the last year, has become so apparent that we are
warranted in asserting that the emigration of this year will not be half so numerous
as that of last year.   The seaports present quite a destitute appearance at the
usual time of emigration; but the accounts which we receive, from all the interior
parts of Germany, of the great change in emigration, is still more remarkable.
HIundreds of thousands who intended to emigrate have entirely abandoned the
notion. Mlost respectfully, the Directors of the National Society of German Emigration.
A. SCHULTZE.
To the Contsul of the Tenited States, Dr. Fliigel.
LEIPSIC, June 9,1855.
I beg leave to add a few remarks to the subject of our verbal conversation. It
cannot be denied that European Governments and Principalities have been in the
practice of freeing themselves from their paupers and even of their more or less
guilty criminals by sending them to America and paying the cost of their voyage
to the seaports and the passage from thence to America, without making provision
for the wants of this unhappy class of people to enable them to commence an
honest trade.
Withoaut any means of support they become a burden to the authorities abroad,
and it is to be wondered at that measures have not ere this been taken to put a
stop to this practice.
But I am happy to state that our Fatherland, Saxony, is free from such an imputation.  The Emigrants from here were all powerful, healthy, and industrious
110, 5 5 
APPENDIX.
people, supplied with means, yes, even wealthy, such as I could see leave here only
with a feeling of sadness, and such as America will receive with open arms.
For myself I have never taken part in the above-numbered affairs, and.would
not give my sanction to them. Accept the assurance of my highest esteem.
Yours,
GEORGE SCHOERIBERG,
General Agent for the German Emigration Society.
This frank official acknowledgment that the governments, principalities, and communes of certain portions of Europe have used the
United States as a receptacle for the dregs and offscourings of their
societies, and that they have systematically relieved themselves of
the burden of pauperism and crime by transferring those ingredients
unceremoniously upon our shores, will doubtless bring conv'ction to
the minds of those who have been skeptical, and produce a more
general concert in the adoption of measures to prevent in the future
so flagrant an abuse of American hospitality.
But this exposition, startling as it may be, has been excelled in
effrontery by the new position assumed by the Government of Wurtemberg. It will be seen by the following preamble and resolution
adopted by that Government (a copy of which was transmitted to
the German Emigration Society of New York, in the month of November, 1855), that the government not only claims the right to impose
its refuse population upon us, but actually denies the right of the
United States to relieve themselves by sending the objectionable
persons home again.
The following exhibits the position taken by the Kingdom of Wurtemberg in this matter.
", W7Tesects, It has repeatedly occurred that German emigrants to America, and
among them natives of Wurtemberg who desired to return home on account of
sickness, or incapacity to labor, have been forwarded to this country by the German Emigration Society of New York, and
"V Wereas, It is desirable that those who have once emigrated to America, and
especially thtoe who hacte been transpooited tAithes. at the expeoese of Ute State or
the Cosmnunes, and are unable, whether or not it be from any fault of their own,
356 
APPENDIX.
to earn their subsistence, should not return here, to be a burden to the State or
the Commune (whaich in that case,witl have defi'ayed the expenses of their journey in vaizz): and
"Whereas, The American authorities are scarcely authorized to send back those
who, having once been admitted to the country, cannot earn their subsistence in
America, and
"i Whereas, It is much less the business of the German Emigration Society of New
York to promote the return of such individuals; therefore
"i, solved, That necessary steps are to be taken to prevent their transportation
back to this country.
While we may but smile at the ludicrous and imbecile threat
implied in this laconic resolve, we may nevertheless learn from it
something of the tone of sentiment prevailing in Germany on this
subject.  The petty State Governments of the Germanic confederation have so long practised this species of imposture with impunity,
that it has at length come to be regarded as a legitimate prerogative,
and measures are to be taken to enforce it!  This movement on the
part of the Government of Wurtemberg is rendered the more racy
and interesting from the fact that at the time of its occurrence the
Commissioners of Emigration for the city of New York alone, were
in debt in the sum of sixty-!hree thousand, and thirty-one dollars
and seven cents, incurred in the maintenance of European pauperss!-See the report of the Commissioners for the year ending
December 31st, 1855.
o.57
k, - 
APPENDIX.
DESECRATION OF THE SABBATH.
IN the chapter appropriated to the subject of "Immigration," allu sion is made to that class of immigrants which may be denominated
infidels, or irreligionists-men who, having no God of their own, can not endure that others should worship theirs-men who look upon
every religious ceremony as a senseless, unmeaning formula-who
regard the time set apart for religious worship as a restraint upon
their licentious desires, and who, consequently, demand the total
abrogation of the Sabbath, and the repeal of all religious observ ances.
The manner in which these men spend their time, and inoculate
their moral poison in the youthful minds of Sabbath-observing, Chris  tian communities in the United States, cannot be realized by those who
reside in localities remote from the cities or villages where they con  gregate. Their disregard of all religious observance may be seen, it
is true, in individual cases, wherever one or more of them are to be
found; but for that audacious disregard of all the decencies of reli  gion and morality which is certain to follow in the wake of infidelity,
we must turn our eyes to those localities where accumulative num  bers give encouragement to their excesses, and where their political
influence is sufficient to overawe the venal authorities.
Therefore I deem it appropriate to introduce here the description
of a single Sabbath scene in the city of New York. I do so in order
that our countrymen in the peaceful rural districts, those who are
yet away from the jargon of many tongues, may  see the encroach
ment already made upon our moral and religious habits and customs,
358 
APPENDIX.
and be able to realize the deleterious influences of this class of immigrants upon our national character and morals. In doing this I do
not intend to place myself in a position to be doubted or misrepresented.  I will not give even my own impression, but state simply
the facts as related by one of these very people-the editor of a German paper in the city of New York. The account is given in a trans
lation from the columns of the "STAATS-ZEITUNG,'," a newspaper,
published by a German, in the Germnan language, andi for the Ger
man people in the United States.  The translation was made for the
A'ew York Express, and first published in the columns of that paper.
The occasion, it is true, was an unusual one, being the anniversary
of what is called the German Sangerfest, but the scenes depicted
are enacted weekly, in miniature, of a Sunday evening, in the lagerbier saloons of a great city. The following is the account as translated from German authority, and is to be found in the Staats-Zeitung
of June 25th, 1855.
THE SENGERFEST.
Yesterday (Sunday) was the scene of great hilarity-though the sky was dull
and morose, and annoyed us from time to time with rain. But the German quarters were full of life and gaiety. The singers adorned with ribbons loitered in the
streets, and recalled in the heart of every German the most joyous emotions.
Friends and acquaintances of olden times met unexpectedly together-greeting
each other, and talking of "auld lang syne," (our version,)-the Present and
the Future,-the sorrowvs which have befallen them, and the hopes which they
cherish, all over ltger-bier. In the morning they looked over their cups of coffee,
with anxiety to the sky-aand to its wrinkle-covered forehead, as all now were afraid
of losing any of the enjoyments of this occasion, devoted to social amusement.
I. the evening the Germans passed into the German quarters, from the streets, and
in them, they were very much amused.  Fromn divers lager-bier-saloons, issued
t,e iloise of hiatr-ity, sosigs, so?rnds of the harp, &ic., and the girls peeped through
the doors to see the handsome singers that were there.  In one word Gothaan had
a holiday.
At 9 o'clock the rehearsal began, and the singers were numerous. We admired
Mr. Bergmann's tact in conducting at IHead Quarters, who has not an equal in the
United States.  *  *  * On Sunday evening, too, the Singing Societies amused them
359 
APPENDIX.
selves in the circles of their friends, at different places. We went first to the Quarter of the " Arion,"-at 5 o'clock (at Winken's) to whlich we were invited, where we
found every thing i. cdice jubilo (in sweet hilarity).  In the saloon of the Brewery
(House) sat the Arions (der Tbne Meister), and up stairs, in the second story, the
Turners amused themnselves with their friends.  After a short, sober conversation,
we found among the Philadelphia guests, many good people, among  whom  we
became acquainted with two Natives (Americans)-and we went, adorned with Red
Republican Turner badges, up to the higher regions, and we were amused with oration, song, declamation, aust  l(uger-bier.  Among the orators, we must mention
,ir. Schldter (wvlo seems to have made quite a speech).  In consideration that our
conversation was exhausted, and that down-town higher duties commanded, for the
next two days, all the strength of our craft, the joyous assembly of the Upper and
Lower Houoe dispersed, at sunset.
TURTLE BAY BREWERY PARK.
The Teutonia Mtinnerchor had for guests here the Baltimore Liederkranz, and the
"Virginia" from Richmond, and all devoted to hilarity ansd sniitht.-The German
National Songs were sung in choir, and all were enraptured who witnessed these
scenes.
TO HOBOKEN,
-4here was a march in the afternoon of the Societies "Singerrunde," the "Orpheus," with the " Sicilians " from Philadelphia, and the "Quartette Club" from
Albany.
They went to Vauxhall Garden, and here commenced, IN SPITE OF THE Sueclay
L(sw, joyout8 life, losd song, and the ringing of the glatsses.-The different Societies
alternated their songs, but the " Singerrunde" was the best of them.  "The Confession," "Up Comrades," "The world is so beautiful," were sung.  * *  We heard
from the stranger singers, Mendelssohn's beautiful composition, "Who has built for
thee this beautiful wood," admirably executed.  *  *  After a delightful afternoon,
the Society broke up at 8 o'clock. Herr Hartung contributed to the enjoyment by
his excellent lager-bier.
STATEN ISLAND.
After the "Liederkranz" with its guests from Boston and Hartford, had partaken
in Pythagoras Hall, an excellent dinner, they all proceeded about 3 o'clock to the
Staten Island Ferry-to go to Pythagoras Garden on that Island. In consequence
of the bad weather only half of the 1500 tickets, which the Society had kept for
friends and guests, were used. * * When the singers sang the first song on the
360 
APPENDIX.
boat, there was immediate quiet among the Americans, and when the last echo died
on the waves, every countenance expressed a deep emotion. * * An American
assured the reporter he had never known before what an infinite magic there was
in a Mannerchoir. On the boat many songs were sang in spite of the unfavorable
weather-and the greatest hilarity prevailed. * * The singers went to the garden where they spent the afternoon in social entertainment, and in singing. The
presence of the singers had attracted a great many natives, and the tender feeling
of the American ladies could not comprehend how these lager-beer drinking
foreigners could sing so excellent, and such high poetic songs-and many whispered,
that " Pop goes the Weasel," and" 0 carry me back to old Virginia, were inferior
to these Dutcel songs. A German, who thus spent the afternoon, in this hilarity of
singers, may in his own breast, have well felt, that he was once more at home. * *
The singers remained till 8 o'clock. In consequence of the great crowd on the boat,
no songs were sung on their return, &c., &c.
It will be perceived that the German editor felicitates himself upon
the influence which these infidel practices had upon the natives. and
the dsnerican ladies who were present on board the Staten Island boat.
Certainly such practices are seductive with the youthful or indifferent
mind. It requires the strongest convictions of religious and moral
duty to resist them, and hence the danger of their wicked example
upon our country, our customs, and our institutions. Imported infidelity, if not the greatest, is certainly not the least of the foreign
influences against which the friends of rational liberty should be forewarned and fore-armed.
16
361 
APPENDIX.
THE KENSINGTON MASSACRE.
PHILADELPHIA.
FROM the accounts of this event, published at the time, we learn
the following facts   A meeting of Americans was called on the 3d of Mlay 1844 for the
purpose of considering the expediency of amending the Naturalization laws. This meeting was broken up, and dispersed by a band of
Irishmen who assailed it with stones and bludgeons.
An adjourned meeting was held on the 6th of May at the same
place.  Upon this meeting was opened a fire "with fowling-pieces,
rifles, and muskets, from roofs, windows, loop-holes, yards, and alleys
of the houses in front, which was kept up without intermission until
the ground was vacated by the American Republican party." During this fire young Shiffier was killed, and eleven others wounded.
This outrage called forth a spontaneous meeting of the citizens,
which was held on the 7th in the State House yard, where appropriate
resolutions were passed, after which it was determined to adjourn to
Kensington (the scene of the former outrages) with the view to re-assert the constitutional right of the people, peaceably to assemble for
the discussion of any subject of public interest. The assembly immediately proceeded to the spot of the former day's proceedings, and
while in the act of raising the American flag, the American Republicans were again fired at from the direction of the Hibernian hosehouse. A rush was then made toward the houses when a volley of
musketry was poured into the meeting. John Wesley Rhinedollar,
a young man, was shot through the back and killed upon the spot,
362 
APPENDIX.
and at least a half dozen others were wounded. A destructive fire
was now kept up without intermission from the houses adjoining and
the rear of the hose-house, from persons who were entirely concealed
from view.
During the dreadful fire of their assailants, eight Native Americans were killed and about forty wounded.
The following extracts from the charge of Judge King, to the Jury,
on the trial of one of the murderers, presents a brief and impartial
view of the whole subject.
XTRACTS FROM JUDGE KING'S CHARGE, IN THE CASE OF JOHN DALY,
Convicts of Riot and Muader.
OYER  AND  TERMINER,  SEPTFBER 18, 1844.
Before Judges King, Jones, and Parsons.
The meeting of the 3d of May, 1844, was called for the purpose of- considering
the expediency of a proposed alteration of the laws of the United States, in reference to the naturalization of foreigners, and promoting the ends and objects of the
association known as the Native American Party. The meeting was organized, and
the officers being placed on a platform erected for the purpose, Mr. S. R. Kramer
commenced an address, but was interrupted by a large number of persons opposed
to the objects of the meeting, among whom this defendant was particularly prominent. A scene of confusion arose, and shortly after the opponents of this meeting
rushed forward, pulled down the platform, and dispersed the meeting. To this
violence the meeting offered no resistance, preferring to submit to the aggression
rather than resort to a forcible maintenance of their rights. It was, however,
agreed to by some that an adjourned meeting for the same purpose should be held
on Monday, the 6th of May, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, at the same place.
If the call of the meeting of the 8d of May was addressed exclusively to persons
favorable to its objects, the interference of individuals hostile to its proceedings,
and the breaking up and dispersion of the meeting by them, was a great outrage
on the rights of those who called it. It was a riot of a flagrant kind. A body of
citizens, having in view a constitutional, a legal purpose, have the right, peaceably
and quietly to assemble together, for its consideration and discussion. Any attempt
by another body of citizens opposed to the objects of the assembly, to interrupt and
disperse it, is not to be tolerated. In this instance it has led to the long train of
riots, murders, and arson, which have disgraced our city, and shaken the foundation
of social order.
*         *          *         *.         *          *         *          *
363
I& 
APPENDIX.
The Attorney General insists, that the whole case shows an original and formed
design, in the defendant and his associates, to disperse any meeting having for its
object that contemplated by the meeting of Friday, the 3d of May, and to destroy
and kill those concerned in it, if their object could be accomplished in no other
way. He insists that the whole conduct of Daly and his associates manifest that
such was their intention, and that the affair of the hose-house was a mere pretext
to cover a deeper and deadlier design. If you should believe that the arming and
array in the vicinity of the market was really with this diabolical motive, and that
the slaying of the deceased and all others who fell on that day, was the product of
such a design, and done in consummation of it, then all those concerned in tis
deed, principals, alders, and abettors, are guilty of murder in the first degree.
864 
APPENDIX.
PAUPERISM AND CRIME.
By the United States census of 1850, we find the free population of
the country, to be as follows:
Native.......................................... 17,787,578
Foreign........................................ 2,210,889
Unknown.................................. 089,154
Total.................. 19,987,571
The following table, copied from the census returns, shows the
total number of paupers supported by each State during the year
ending June 1st, 1850.
States.           Native.  Foreign.   Total.
Maine........................   4,553   950    5,508
New Hampshire................2,853      747    8,600
Vermont...................... 2,043   1,611    3,654
Massachusetts................. 6,530   9,247   15,777
Rhode Island.................    1,115   1,445    2,560
Connecticut................... 1,872    465    2,337
New York.................... 19,275  40,580   59,855
New Jer         sey...................1,816  576    2,392
Penn sylvania.................5,898   5,653   11,551
Delaware...................... 569      128      697
Maryland..................... 2,591   1,903    4,494
Virginia...................... 4,933     185    5,118
North Carolina................ 1,913      18    1,931
South Carolina...............  1,313    829    1,642
Georgia.............. "T 97              8' 1,036
Florida........................    64          12 76
Alabama..................... 852         11 863
MAissisippi.................... 248     12       260
Louisiana.....................    133  290       423
T    e    x     a    s........................ 7....... 7
Arkansas....................   97         8      105
Tennessee....................  994    11    1,005
Kentucky.....................  971    155    1,126
Ohio..................... 1,904 609 2,518
Michigan.......................649    541    1,190
Indiana..................... 860  322    1,182
Illinois...    8S6                      411      797
Missouri..................... 1,248   1,729    2,977
Iowa..........................        17           5
Wisconsin................... 169 49T 666
Aggregate................ 66,434   68,538  134,972
365 
APPENDIX.
By the above table, we find that the proportion of foreign paupers
in the United States, during the year ending Junle 1st, 1850, was over
three per cent of the foreign population; whereas that of the native
paupers (including colored persons) was less than one-third of one
per cent of the native population. The proportion being about ten
foreigners to one American, according to their respective populations.
The following statistics of crime are also reported in the United
States census of the same year.
"CRIME.-The statistics of crime form a subject of our investigation.  From the
returns, it appears that the whole number of persons convicted of crime in the
United States, for the year ending the first day of June 1850, was about 27,000: of
these, 13,000 were native, and 14,000 foreign born."
The Report adds,
"It will be borne in mind that the native prisoners include colored convicts, the
number of whom it is impossible to state, as time has not sufficed to admit of
the more particular separation into classes other than native and foreign. Our
criminal statistics, when fully understood, will present many subjects for reflection,
and open a wide and interesting field for the study of the Christian, moralist, and
statesman."
866 
APPENDIX.
F
NEW PLATFORM OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.
OWING to the discontent manifested in the Northern States, in consequence of the adoption of the 12th section of the platform of the
American Party, at the Convention in June, 1855 (as published in the
body of this work); and also in consequence of a like discontent
manifested in some portions of the South respecting the 8th section
of the same platform-it was deemed proper that a special National
Convention should be held, with a view of making such alterations as
should render the platform more generally acceptable, and thereby
effect a harmonious action of the Party throughout the Union.
This Convention assembled on the 18th of February, 1856, at Philadelphia, and the result of its deliberations was the adoption of the
following, in lieu of the platform adopted in June, 1855. Our work
being in press, we have barely time to drop the new platform into
the last page of the Appendix, without a word of note or comment.
PLATFORM OF THE AMERICAN PARTY, ADOPTED AT THE SESSION OF THE
NATIONAL COUNCIL, FEBRUARY 21st, 1856.
1st. An humble acknowledgment to the Supreme Being, for His
protecting care vouchsafed to our fathers in their successful Revolutionary struggle, and hitherto manifested to us, their descendants, in
the preservation of the liberties, the independence, and the Union of
these States.
2d. The perpetuation of the Federal Union, as the palladium of our
civil and religious liberties, and the only sure bulwark of American
Independence.
3d. A~?ericae,s  )?uqst rule America, and to this end, native-born
citizens should be selected for all State, Federal, and municipal offices
or government employment, in preference to all others: nevertheless,
4th. Persons born of American parents residing temporarily abroad,
should be entitled to all the rights of native-born citizens; but
5th. No person should be selected for political station (whether of
native or foreign birth), who recognizes any allegiance or obligation
367 
APPENDIX.
of any description to any foreign prince, potentate, or power, or who
refuses to recognize the Federal and State constitutions (each within
its sphere) as paramount to all other laws, as rules to political action.
6th. The unqualified recognition and maintenance of the reserved
rights of the several States, and the cultivation of harmony and fra   ternal good-will between the citizens of the several States, and to this
end, non-interference by Congress with questions appertaining solely
to the individual States, and non-intervention by each State with the
affairs of any other State.
7th. The recognition of the right of the native-born and naturalized
citizens of the United States, permanently residing in any Territory
thereof, to frame their constitution and laws, and to regulate their
domestic and social affairs in their own mode, subject only to the pro  visions of the Federal Constitution, with the privilege of admission
into the Union, whenever they have the requisite population for one
Representative in Congress. Provided always, that none but those
who are citizens of the United States, under the Constitution and laws
thereof, and who have a fixed residence in any such Territory, ought
to participate in the formation of the constitution, or in the enact  ment of laws for said Territory or State.
8th. An enforcement of the principle that no State or Territory
ought to admit others than citizens of the United States to the right
of suffrage, or of holding political office.
9th. A change in the laws of naturalization, making a continued
residence of twenty-one years, of all not hereinbefore provided for, an
indispensable requisite for citizenship hereafter, and excluding all
paupers, and persons convicted of crime, from landing upon our
shores; but no interference with the vested rights of foreigners.
10th. Opposition to any union between Church and State; no inter ference with religious faith or worship, and no test oaths for office.
11th. Free and thorough investigation into any and all alleged
abuses of public functionaries, and a strict economy in public expendi tures.
12th. The maintenance and enforcement of all laws constitutionally
enacted, until said laws shall be repealed, or shall be declared null
and void by competent judicial authority.
13th. Opposition to the reckless and unwise policy of the present
administration in the general management of our national affairs, and
more especially as shown in removing "Americans" (by designation)
and conservatives in principle, from office, and placing foreigners and
ultraists in their places; as shown in a truckling subserviency to the
stronger, and an insolent and cowardly bravado towards the weaker
powers; as shown in re-opening sectional agitation, by the repeal
of the Missouri Compromise; as shown in granting to unnaturalized
foreigners the right of suffrage in Kansas and Nebraska; as shown in
its vacillating course on the Kansas and Nebraska question; as shown
in the corruptions which pervade some of the departments of the
government; as shown in disgracing meritorious naval officers
through prejudice or caprice; and as shown in the blundering mismanagement of our foreign relations.
368 
APPENDIX.
14th. Therefore, to remedy existing evils, and prevent the disastrous consequences otherwise resulting therefrom, we would build
up the "American Party" upon the principles hereinbefore stated.
15th. That each State Council shall have authority to amend their
several constitutions, so as to abolish the several degrees, and institute a pledge of bonor, instead of other obligations, for fellowship and
admission into thie party.
16th. A free and open discussion of all political principles embraced
in our platform.
THE END
869 
0 
A BOOK TIlE JESUITS CAN NOT SUPPRS~1
TllE        I~SCAPE~                NITN;
OR,
DISCLOSURES OF CONVENT LIFE
Givin~ a more A'inute Description and a Bolder Revelation of tde ~ysteries and
Secrets of Nunneries, tkan have ever before been submitted to the American publsa.
Ele~unlty bound in cloth, 12mo.  Price, $1.
Tue public are aware that we have lately been involved in a course of litigation
reepecting a Book on Convent Life, and the result is also known. There is a great diversity of opinion respecting ti\e injunction and its attending circumstances; but there is
but one opinion as regards the merits of the book we have now the pleasure of presenting,
and which contains a fuller and more detailed account of the inner life of Convents or
Nunneries, than we could have presented in any other form.  In order to render this
volume as full an exposition as possible of the abuses of which it treats, and to give publicity to facto which admit of almost immediate verification, iu addition to the principal
narrative, the Coxesssiors OF A "SISTER OF Cu~asTv," written by herselj are also
embodied, together with THE ExpEasEEcs OF A NUN, the details of whose eventful history
are deeply interesting; so that in this invaluable work, we have a most diversified and
thorough exposition of the immoralities and impootures as practised in nunneries.
Parents and Guardians who have the most distant idea of sending their clsildi-en or
wards to these prison-houses, falsely called "Institutions of Learning," should not fail to
read the palpable evidences of their criminality in entertaining such a thought, as set
forth in this book-evidences convincing and undeniable.  The profonud sensation which
these astounding revelations are destined to create, has been already experienced to
some extent in the literary world, among editors who have been furnished with proof
sheets of the work.  They say tlsat "It bears the unmistakable marks of truthfulness
upon its face; and yet the mind shrinks with terror from the necessity of believing that
such horrid criminalities are practised In convents.  But here is Tr~th pointing with her
unerring finger to the record and the facts, and to her revelations we are bound to yield
Implicit belief."
The following constitutes but a small portion of the Contents:
Perversion to Romanism.-The Trap. An Accidental Discovery.  The Alarm.
The Laws of Nature vs. the Laws of Popery. My Flight.-The Boat.-The Escape.
The New Prtssn.-Myoterisus Influences. Murder of an American Nun at Sea.
Suspicious Intimary.-Contemplated Escape. Excursions from the Convent dressed as a
Immoral Practices in Convents.               Stoter of Charity, as a Priest, &amp;c.
Reflections on the Cruel Bondage of Nun- Strange men in the Convent.-Prieons again
neries.-Inveigling Girls into Convents. Convent of the Sacred -.
The Mother Superior.-The Pretty Nuns. Midnight Adventures in the Convent.
Culpability of Parents in sending Daughters TIse Rotel Dien. or Black Nunnery.
to Nunneries.-Tbe Forced Ceremony.  Character of Popish Priests.
The bitterness of Death Anticipated. Crimes of Priests and Tricks of Nuns.
Forced to leave the Convent at Midnight. Disguised for School-teachers.
Imprisonment.-Release.-An Outrage. My Cell.-A Rude and Insolent Priest.
Passion of the Superior.-Priestly Duplicity. Gagged and Bltndfolded.-The Conference.
The Stolen Portrait.-The baffled Bishop.   Praying to all but God.-The Gay superior.
The Ordesl.-The Victory.-Deception.     A Confessor in Love.-A Wedding.
Convents above the LaWs.-The Jesuit Spies. The Mystery Explained.-God and Man.
DL WrIT &amp; DAYENPORT, PUBMSHERS,
160 &amp; 162 NASSAU STREET, N. Y 
CA
~R~AT ANTI-CATilOLIC WORKS.
A BOOK THE JESUITS CAN N OT SUPPRESS!
~~ C APZ!D NUN;
OR, DISCLOSURES OF CONVENT LIFE.
Giving a more Arinute Descrii)iiost and a Bolder Beveloijon of the Mysteries a~
Secrets of ~unnerieS, than have ever before been submitted to the Asnerican
rublic.  Bleguntly bound in cloth, 12mo. Price $1.
Injunctions, slanders, and vile insinuations avail not to injure the sale of this popular
exposition of tlse terrible evils of CoNvENT LiFE.  The more the Jeouits endeavor to sup.
press the book, the better it sells.  The people want light on these dark subjects, and this
Is just the work to give it to them, being no fiction, but actual experience of living wit
A~~U~  DI~ CZaO~Ufl~~.
By MARIA MONK, OF THE HOTEL DIEU NUNNERY, MONTREAL.
Price, cloth Tb cestis.
Almost every one has heard of the terrible disclosures of Maria Monk, which about
twenty years ago created the most intense excitement among all classes of society, who
were greatly divided in their opinions as to the truth or falsehood of tier stateine Is
Recent developments have gone far to establish the certainty of their ti~iiUe, and ouch
curiosity has been therefore expressed to see the work, svhich lias been long out of print,
and coissequently scarcely seen by thIs present generation of readers.  Hence thL9 repub
lication.
TIlK ONLY EOiTiON CONTAiNiNO "ALL" THE LETTERS OF SENATOR BROOKS
THE CONTROVERSY BETWEEN
SENATOR BROOKS AND "t JOlIN,"
ARCHBISHOP OF NEW YORK.
&amp;`rowing out of the Speech of Senator Brooks On the
C  U fl C fl P fl 0 P E fl 1z1 Y 131 Za Ij,
iN THE NEW YORK STATE SENATE, MARCH 6TH, 1555.
Arranyedforpubiicution, with ass litteodtectory Preface, by
WILLIAM S.`I'ISDALE.
With well executed Portraits of the Senator and Archbishop.
We have been at considerable expense in getting up this Pamphlet.  It is well printe~
on good paper, making a Book of over eighty.foier pages, small type.  And it is well
remember that this is the only COMPLETE Edition in the market, the C~tholics having
omitted, in the one published by them, furee or four of Senator Saunas' most unanswer~i
ble lett~rs.  The Pi~ice per hundred is $14, $1 80 per doz., 25 cents single copy.
This Controversy therefore awoke a spirlt of inq'iiry on the subject inure exciting and
~ore engrossing than anything before Site public for years.
THE KNOW NOTHF\t~
&amp;ND TRUE AMERICAN'S MANUAL, FOR 1856.
a H 1 T E 0 H Y w. S. T 550 A L B, E S Q.
Price, $7 Iler hitudred, S shill. per dozen, 12 Y~ cents single copy.
This little work is the best calculated of any American pamphiQt ever published to S
seminate the F nrc principles of our party throughout the land.  Carrying its lessons
patriotism into the home of the farmer, the workshop of the mechanic, the store of I
merchant, and the~fflce of the professional man, it may truly be called the nissions~y
ract of the good cause.
IL T~eox, Frintar and 5tssss~psr, 24 ~~ 5'eso~ N. 5
69  59 AA A 30