HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.








HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM
FROM
ABOUT A. D. 250 TO THE PRESENT TIME
IN CONTINUATION OF THE ACCOUNT OF THE ORIGIN AND EARLIEST
HISTORY OF THIS SYSTEM OF CHURCH POLITY CONTAINED IN "A VIEW OF CONGREGATIONALISM"
BY
GEORGE PUNCHARD
SECOND EDITION
REWRITTEN AND GREATLY ENLARGED
VOL. II.
NEW YORK
PUBLISHED BY HURD AND HOUGHTON
BOSTON: E. P. DUTTON AND COMPANY
1865




Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1865, by
GEORGE PUNCHARD,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts.
RIVERSIDE, CAMBRIDGE:
STEREOTYPED AND PRINTED BY
H. O. HOUGHTON AND COMPANY.




CONTENTS OF VOLUME II.
CHAPTER I.
RESUME OF ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS PRIOR TO THE ENGLISH
REFORMATION.
The struggle of Congregational principles with ecclesiastical despotism, 1. Lollardism in England at the dawn of the Reformation, 3. Lambert's congregational sentiments in 1538, p. 7.
Froude's mistake respecting the extinction of Lollardism after
1417, p. 8. The corrupt state of the English hierarchy to the
end of the fifteenth century,'14. The first twenty years of
Henry VIII.'s reign, 23. Wolsey's reformatory purposes, 24.
" The Supplication of Beggars," 1527, p. 26. An "Act of Accusation" against the clergy, 27. Petition of the clergy of
Bangor, 31. "A Supplication of the poor Commons," 1546,
p. 33.
CHAPTER II.
THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.
The marriage of Henry VIII. and Catharine of Aragon, 37.
Henry begins to disclose his doubts about his marriage, 40.
First movement towards a divorce, 1527, p. 42. Persecution
of protestants, 44. The legates' court to try Henry's cause in
England, 48. Wolsey in trouble, 49. Dr. Cranmer's plan to
get the opinions of the learned about Henry's marriage, 52.
A parliament called -Important reformatory measures, 54.
Summary of opinions on the king's marriage, 57. Bribery
freely employed, 58. Opinions laid before parliament and convocation, 62. The statutes of Prsemunire and Provisors, 63.
The pope's dilemma, 65. Important bills before parliament in
1531-32, p. 66.~ The people destroying images and crucifixes, 68.




vi                      CONTENTS.
The plotting and counterplotting of Clement VII., Charles V.,
Francis I., and Henry VIII., 69. Henry and Francis make a
league of friendship, 1532, p. 71. Henry marries Anne Boleyn, January 25th, 1532-33- Cranmer made archbishop of
Canterbury, 72. The divorce of Henry, May 23d, 1533, p. 73.
Appeals to Rome forbidden, 74. Sensation at Rome, 75. The
league between Henry and Francis broken, 76. Pope Paul
prepares his terrible bull against Henry, 79. Promulgated,
1538, p. 80. Reformatory measures pushed forward, 81. The
" Maid of Kent," 85. Henry pronounced supreme head of the
church of England, 90.
CHAPTER III.
PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION. -THE FIRST ENTIRE BIBLE
IN ENGLISH PRINTED. -SUBSEQUENT ISSUES OF THE SCRIPTURES IN ENGLISH.
Important reformatory measures and acts —Visitation of the
monasteries, 1535 —Fall of Bishop Fisher and Sir Thomas
More —"A  Goodly Prymer," 93. Coverdale's Bible, 1535,
p. 96. Act of parliament (1536) extinguishing the authority
of the bishop of Rome, 102. Royal proclamation against
holy-days - The first proclamation and injunctions in favor
of Tyndale and Rogers' English Bible, 1537, p. 103. Cranmer and Cromwell's interest in the movement, 108. Exposure of clerical trickery, 113. Condemnation of "St.
Thomas k Becket," and demolition of his shrine, 114. Bishop
Hilsey's primer - Publication of the "Great Bible," 117.
Taverner's Bible, 119. Bible era of the Reformation, 121.
Anthony Marler, the publisher of folio Bibles, 124. In six
years thirty thousand Bibles and forty thousand Testaments
published in English, 125.
CHAPTER IV.
OBSTACLES TO THE ENGLISH REFORMATION. — THE CHANGEABLE
COURSE OF THE KING. - TRACT AND BIBLE DISTRIBUTORS.
The pope's efforts against the Reformation, 127. The Maid of
Kent, 128. The mendicant monks —Bishop Fisher and Sir




CONTENTS.                       vii
Thomas More, 130. The Irish rebellion - The fall of Anne
Boleyn, 131. " Pilgrimage of Grace "- Threatened invasion
by Charles V., 132. Bishop Gardiner's doings —Retrogression of the king, 133. The terrible " Six Articles Act," 134.
Five hundred persons under indictment, 135. Resignation of
bishops Latimer and Shaxton, 136. Fall of Cromwell, 137.
Birth of Edward VI. -Death of Jane Seymour, 138. Anne
of Cleves - Catharine Howard - Catharine Parr, 139. Retrograde course of Henry, 141. The Six Articles Act slightly
modified, 142. A litany in English-" King Henry's Primer"
in English and Latin, 144. English books prohibited, 145.
Death and character of Henry VIII., 146. Tract and Bible
distributors, 150.
CHAPTER V.
REIGN OF EDWARD VI., 1546-1553. - PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION. - DIFFICULTIES ENCOUNTERED.
Accession of Edward, January 31st, 1546-47- Carefully educated, 154. Henry's plan for governing during his son's minority, 155. Persecution stopped, 155. Exiles invited home, 156.
Cranmer's "slow and safe" plan of reformation, 157. Homilies published, 158. Injunctions, 159. Opposition of the papists, particularly Gardiner, Bonner, and the Lady Mary, 161.
The people outrun the government in reforming, 162. Edward's first parliament, 163. Act relating to "the sacrament
of the altar," 164. Proclamation against "irreverent talkers
of the sacrament," 165. Repeal of all the persecuting statutes,
168. Bishops to be made by the king's letters patent, 170.
Church revenues given to the king, 171. Commotion occasioned by these measures, 172. Committee to prepare a book
of common prayer, etc., 174. The new service book adopted
by act of parliament, January, 1548-49, p. 176. The fatal
error of the Reformers to attempt to enforce absolute uniformity, 180. Marriage of ecclesiastical persons authorized, 181.
David's Psalms in metre, by Sternhold and Hopkins, 181.
Troubles and anxieties of the Reformers, 182. Proclamations
against innovators —against preaching, 183. Open rebellion
caused by turning arable land into pastures, and fencing in




viii                   CONTENTS.
commons, 184. Rumors that the new service was to be laid
aside, 185. Act of parliament abolishing all other books of
service, 188.  The childish superstitions of the times, 189.
Altars superseded by tables in the churches, 191. Preaching
on week-days, 192.
CHAPTER  VI.
THE VESTMENT CONTROVERSY. - REMOVAL OF THE OLD ~BISHOPS. - COMPLETION OF THE REFORMATION. - IRREGULARITIES,
FRAUD, AND CORRUPTION.
Disagreement among the Reformers about priestly vestments, 193.
Appointment of John Hooper to the bishopric of Gloucester,
1550- His objection to the oath of supremacy and to the vestments- The controversy, 194. Hooper unwillingly yields,
and is consecrated, March, 1550-51, p. 201. Ridley, Hooper's
great opponent, convinced of his error, 202. Others who sympathized with Hooper, 204. Importance ascribed to preaching by the Reformers, 206. Removal of the old bishops, 209.
Book of Common Prayer revised, ratified, and adopted by parliament, 211. Doctrinal articles agreed on, 212.  "The reformation of doctrine and worship brought to their perfection,"
1532, p. 214. The fraud and corruption of this reign, 215.
CHAPTER VII.
ECCLESIASTICAL OPINIONS OF THE ENGLISH REFORMERS. - DISSENTERS IN EDWARD S REIGN. —END OF THE REFORMATION.
The English Reformation a triumph of Lollardism, 223. The
Scriptures recognized as the rule of faith and church order,
224. Two orders of clergy only recognized - The equality of bishops and priests admitted, 230. The rights of the
people to choose their own pastors and to exercise discipline
allowed, 240. Baptism and the Lord's supper the only scriptural sacraments, 244. Laymen, in cases of necessity, might
do ministerial work, 245. The jure divino of episcopacy not
recognized, 246. Dissenters in Edward's reign, 250. John
Champney, 251.  John Ashton, 253.  Michael Thombe —




CONTENTS.                        ix
Joan Bocher, 254. George Van Parres, 256. The last two,
only, burned, 256. Anabaptists and other dissenters - Congregations of " sectaries" in Essex, Kent, and other places,
257. Cranmer not a persecutor - The case of Bocher, 260.
Summary of Edward's work -Death of Edward, 263. Why
the Reformers did not go further, 268.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE REIGN OF MARY, 1553-1558.
The abortive attempt to set Mary aside, 271. Lady Jane Grey,
272. Mary aided by the protestants, 273. Her promise to the
Suffolk men disregarded, 274. Throws off all disguise, and
begins the work of persecution, 276. Cranmer refuses to flee,
277. Mary's first parliament, 278. Trial of Cranmer, Lord
Dudley, and Lady Jane Grey- The Spanish match, 280.
Protestant rebellion, 282. Executions, 283. Romish movements, 284.  Seven protestant bishops removed summarily,
285. Pretended debate at Oxford, April, 1554; Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer against fourteen papists, 287. Philip arrives
in July and marries Mary, 289. Bonner raving about - Third
and most important parliament — All laws against popery repealed, and the old persecuting statutes revived, 290. Cardinal Pole arrives —The kingdom  reconciled to the pope —
Great rejoicing, 292.
CHAPTER IX.
MARTYRDOMI OF THE PROTESTANTS. - MARY S DEATH AND CHARACTER.
Trial of protestant divines, 295. John Rogers burnt, February
4th, 1554-55, p. 297. Sanders, February 8th, and Hooper and
Taylor on the 9th - The reign of terror fully inaugurated,
298. Fails to intimidate the protestants - Gardiner gives up
to Bonner, 299. Philip's confessor condemns burning for religion, 300. Gardiner and the bishops try to avoid the odium
of the persecution, 301. A temporary lull —Burnings resumed, 302. Bonner grows weary, but the king and queen set




X                       CONTENTS.
him on afresh, 303. John Bradford burned, 304. Ridley and
Latimer, 308. Further popish legislation -Death of Gardiner, 309. Numerous victims between November, 1555, and
May following, 310. Inquisitorial scheme, 314. Quickened
activity in persecution, 316. Case of Richard Woodman, 317.
A coffle of prisoners sent to Bonner, 319. George Eagle, 321.
John Rough, 322. Persecution stopped during the sessions of
parliament, 324. Irritated state of the public mind -Loss of
Calais, 325. Cuthbert Sympson burned, 326. Proclamation
against good books, 327. Congregation at Islington arrested,
April, 1558, p. 328. Mary's last parliament, November 5th -
Gloomy national prospects, 329. Death of Mary, 330. Her
odious character, 331. Summary of her victims, 334. A miserably memorable reign, 338.
CHAPTER X.
CONGREGATIONALISM IN QUEEN MARY'S REIGN.
Evidence of distinct bodies of dissenters all through this reign,
342. Rev. John Rough and Deacon Cuthbert Sympson, of the
London congregational church, 343. Met in secret places, often
changed, 348. Different pastors, 349. Took up large collections for the relief of the prisoners, 351. Dissenting churches
in other places, 352. Humphrey Middleton, 357. Many of
these churches essentially Congregational, 358. What Penry
said about them, 360. Robinson's remarks, 362.
CHAPTER XI.
THE CHURCHES OF THE EXILES, PARTICULARLY THE CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH AT FRANKFORT, GERMANY.
Hundreds fled from Mary's persecution to Germany, Switzerland,
Holland, and elsewhere - Churches organized by them, 365.
History of the English church at Frankfort, 366. The church
organized, and the exiles in other cities invited to join it - Intermeddling, 370. Calvin's opinion of the English Book of
Common Prayer, 371. Harmonious agreement of the church,
372. Trouble made by Dr. Cox and party —Knox opposes




CONTENTS.                        xi
him, 373. The English service introduced - Church divided,
375. Other churches of the exiles - Congregationalism of the
Frankfort church, 376. History of this church after the division, 381. The controversy between the pastor and elders
and "Master Ashley," 382. The church assumes supreme authority in discipline, 383. This controversy leads to the preparation and adoption of a "New Discipline," which is essentially Congregational, 384. This discipline described, 385-396.
CHAPTER XII.
ACCESSION OF ELIZABETH, 1558. -PUBLIC ACTS RELATING TO
RELIGION. -ROMIISH TENDENCIES OF THE QUEEN.
The joyful accession of Elizabeth, November 17th, 1558, p. 399.
Her character and education, 401. Ever a dissembler, 403.
Environed with difficulties, 404. Her councillors and responsible advisers, 405. Everything in the church unaltered for
"a full month," 406. Intimations of her regard for protestantism, 407. Controversies between the papists and protestants,
410. Elizabeth crowned, January, 1558-59, p. 412. First parliament, 413. Act of supremacy, 414.  Restoration of Edward's Book of Common Prayer, 419. The queen's authority
to order and change the rites and ceremonies of the church,
422. Opposition to the acts of supremacy and uniformity, 425.
The new service introduced, June 24th, 1559, p. 426. First
high commission court - The queen's injunctions, 427. The
oath of supremacy generally taken by the clergy, 430. Monuments of idolatry destroyed, 431. Consecration of the protestant bishops - Romish inclinations of the queen, 433. The
pope's overtures to the queen, 439.
CHAPTER XIII.
CONFORMITY ENFORCED. -PERSECUTION OF THE PURITANS. -
SEPArATISTS' MEETINGS, 1564-1566.
The new bishops at first averse to severe measures, 442. The
queen complains of the lack of uniformity, 443. Persecution
begun - Sampson and Humphrey summoned before the comrn



Xii                    CONTENTS.
missioners, 444.- Archbishop Parker's "Advertisements"_
The puritans' friends in the council, 445. The high commission court described, 446, note. Parker in a fret, 447. The
London ministers arraigned and compelled to answer, 448.
Persecution brisk, 449. Cambridge thwarts the archbishop,
450. London churches closed -The people enraged against
the clergy, 451. The press employed, 452. Separate worship
determined on by the puritans, 454. Plumber's Hall meeting
detected, 456. Grindal averse to persecuting, 459.
CHAPT-ER XIV.
TROUBLES IN THE STATE. — THE PAPISTS BUSY. - ATTEMPTS AT
CHURCH REFORMATION. -  CARTWRIGHT S VIEWS. - ELIZABETH'S MORALS. - COURT CORRUPTION.
The league against protestantism-The pope's bull, 462. The
papists busy, 463. Douay College and others founded, 464.
Open rebellion of the papists, 465. Elizabeth excommunicated, 466. Cartwright's views of church polity, 467. Parliamentary efforts for the puritans, 469. Convocation addressed
by Mr. Alcock, 470. New canons against the puritans, 471.
Grindal refuses to press them in his province - The queen forbids parliament to meddle with religion, 472. Bitter persecution, 473. Irreligion and immorality abound- The queen's
life open to scandal, 476.
CHAPTER XV.
FRUITLESS EFFORTS OF THE PURITANS AT CHURCH REFORMATION AND DISCIPLINE. -ARBITRARY  ACTS OF THE QUEEN,
1572-1579.
"An Admonition to Parliament," 479. Cartwright's and Whitgift's
antagonistic positions, 480. Wilcox and Field imprisoned for
the "Admonition," 481. Cartwright's " Second Admonition,"
and " Reply to Whitgift's Answer "- Wilcox and Field's confession of faith, 483. Charke's and Deering's views, 487. The
exercises, or prophecyings, 488. Scarcity of good ministers, 490. The first presbytery in England, 492. Active per



CONTENTS.                     xlli
secution of puritans, 493.  A conformists' prayer meeting
broken up, 500. Archbishop Parker dies - Grindal appointed
in his place - Whitgift succeeds Grindal, 502. Renewed persecution, 503. Remonstrances, 504. The imperious queen,
505. A new and tyrannical act of parliament, 506. The
queen forbids parliament even to petition her for reforms in
religion, 507. The consequences of all this tyranny - Open
separation from the church of England, 508.








HISTORY.
CHAPTER I.
RESUME OF ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS PRIOR TO THE
ENGLISH REFORMATION.
IN the first volume of this work, Congregational
sentiments have been traced through different ages,
down to the commencement of the sixteenth century. Before we enter on that most interesting
epoch, when the pillars of popery in England were
fairly shaken down, and when, among the broken
fragments, the fair proportions of a regularly organized Congregational church began to reappear,
it may be well to pause, review cursorily the ground
over which we have passed, and consider more particularly how stood ecclesiastical matters in England at the commencement of the English Reformation.
The elementary principles of Congregationalism had then been struggling with the despotic
powers of popery for more than twelve centuries.
The contest, however, had been a most unequal
one. Men of humble position, and moderate influence in the world, had been compelled to wrestle
"against principalities, against powers, against the
VOL. II.       1                     (1)




2       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISMI.
rulers of the darkness of this world, against spiritual wickedness in high places."  And in the
deadly struggle, multitudes had miserably perished
by the hands of those who assumed to be" The
Church," the true church, the only true church
and authorized interpreter of the will of Christ.
Churchmen, armed with secular power, had labored
hard to trample out and utterly extinguish all such
" innovators " and " heretics" as presumed to believe that the Scriptures were a sufficient guide to
the essentials of church order as well as Christian
faith, and that apostolical simplicity and freedom
in the organization and government of the church
were alone appropriate and becoming to a Christian people. And the rulers of the corrupt hierarchies of Greece and Rome had repeatedly flattered themselves that they had done their bloody
work effectually; that the hated church-reformers
were utterly silenced.  But in this they wofully
deceived themselves; for, though men and women
were remorselessly killed, their principles survived.
The truth could not be so easily destroyed. Wherever the Word of God was read, sooner or later
men arose who insisted on comparing the pompous
hierarchy, which was called " the Church," with the
apostolic models of the New Testament; and always to the disparagement of the hierarchy. And
it is by no means a violent presumption, that, from
the rise of the Novatians, about A. D. 250, to the
dawn of the English Reformation, about 15271530, there were always, in some part of Christen



RESUME OF ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS.    3
dom, witnesses against the hierarchal corruptions
of the Greek and Romish churches; men who protested to the death against the various antichristian
rites, and ceremonies, and orders, which had been
foisted upon the Church.
The ecclesiastical opinions of these men, and the
history of their sufferings for conscience' sake, have
been given with as much fulness of detail as the
scanty materials which have come down to us would
allow, or the illustration of their character seemed
to require. More especially has this been done for
the Lollards, because the prevalence of their opinions, for nearly a century and a half immediately
previous to the Reformation, greatly contributed to
the success of that gigantic undertaking - the overthrow of the pope's church in England. Though
this has been scarcely recognized at all by English
historians generally, yet it can hardly be questioned
by any one familiar with the ecclesiastical history
of the period, that the powerful reformatory impulse given to the English mind by John Wickliffe and his "poor priests" continued to be felt
when the first steps were taken by king and parliament towards the reformation of the church of
England. Not only did this impulse continue, but
there were actually then living in England multitudes of men and women who entertained substantially the same sentiments which Wickliffe and
his poor priests proclaimed between the years 1356
and 1384. Indeed, it is by no means certain that
there were not in England, in 1530, more intelli



4       - HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
gent and hearty believers in the essential truths
proclaimed by Wickliffe, than there had been at
any previous period of English history. Denounced
and persecuted by the church as heretics, and for
more than a hundred years encompassed with fire,
yet the Lollards, like the bush at Horeb, were not
consumed. The name "Lollard" does not, to be
sure, appear so often on the blood-stained records
of the episcopal courts of the sixteenth century as
it does during the preceding century; but the thing
itself was there. The very same sort of men and
women, persecuted unto death by Arundel and
Chicheley, were found in the episcopal dungeons
of England, and fed the flames of Smithfield
during the early part of the sixteenth century.
A proclamation of Henry VIII., in 1525, against
"damnable heresies," requires all officers having
" governance of the people, to make oath to give
their whole power and diligence to put away, and
to make utterly to cease, and destroy all manner of
heresies and errors commonly called Lollardies."/ 
And at a later date, 1536, we find another distinct
recognition of the existence of Lollardism, or
Wickliffism, in England. In that year there was
the most extensive and dangerous insurrection of
the commons which Henry's government ever encountered. The king was actually compelled to
treat with the popish insurgents, who presented
twenty-four articles as the basis of a settlement.
* Fox's Acts and Monuments, vol. II. pp. 236, 237.




RtiSUME OF ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS.     5
The first of these read thus:-" I. Touching our
faith, to have the heresies of Luther, Wickliffe,
Huss, Melancthon, CEcolampadius, Bucer's Confessio Germanica, Apologia  Melancthonius, the
works of Tindal, of Barnes, of Marshal, Baskall,
St. Germain, and such other heresies of Anabaptists, clearly within this realm, to be annulled and
destroyed."    And at a still later period, 1547,
Bishop Gardiner, complaining of certain acts of
the people of Portsmouth, in pulling down and defacing images, charges these violences on the Lollards; saying that " such as were affected with this
principle of breaking down images, were hogs, and
worse than hogs, and were ever so taken in England, being called Lollards." t
There were, then, men and women in England, by
whatever opprobrious names called, who renounced
and denounced the entire system of popery. Possessing the New Testament in a language which
they understood, they studied diligently, though at
the hazard of their lives, its inspired teachings, and
yet failed to find any authority for a pope and cardinals, hierarchal archbishops and bishops, an exclusive priesthood, or those various orders of ecclesiastical persons whose ministrations were deemed
essential to the maintenance of the hierarchal system. Rejecting the system itself, these dissenters
rejected, as a necessary consequence, all the eccleFroude, vol. III. pp. 156, 157.
t Strype's Annals, vol. iI. part I. pp. 53, 54.




6       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISMI.
siastical laws and constitutions, decrees and bulls,
and prohibitory and excommunicatory acts, which
emanated from the hierarchy; its holy-days, fasts
and feasts; its priestly confessions and absolutions;
praying to saints and worshipping images; making pilgrimages, and offerings to the dead; in fact,
nearly everything that was peculiar to the Romish
establishment. These people not only renounced
all the trumpery claims of popery, but insisted that
there was only one Mediator between God and
man, the man Christ Jesus; that repentance towards God, and faith in the Lord Jesus Christ,
were the only terms indispensable to salvation;
that the congregation of just men constituted the
Church of God on earth; that the license of a
bishop was by no means necessary to authorize a
Christian man to preach the gospel; but that every
good man was justified in preaching to his fellowmen, and persuading them to repent and obey the
gospel. There were at the beginning of the sixteenth century great numbers of men and women
in England who held these and kindred sentiments,
which ally them to modern Congregationalists.
They were, it is true, for the most part hid beneath
the surface of society, from the eyes of the rulers
of the hierarchy, as live coals under the ashes, as
precious ore in the rocks; still, there were Lollards
all over the kingdom - men who heartily believed
that the Scriptures were a sovereign and sufficient
guide to the order as well as the faith of the
Church.




RESUMEt OF ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS.    7
Lambert, alias Nicholson, who perished at the
stake, November, 1538, held the following opinions
on church order and government: —that priests
and deacons were the only officers in the primitive churches, and that priests (sometimes called
presbyters) and bishops were one; that laymen,
and even women, might preach in cases of necessity, and baptize too; and that excommunication
ought to be done by the congregation, assembled
together with their pastor. He also maintained
strenuously the all-sufficiency of the Scriptures,
opposed auricular confession, denied the existence
of any purgatory beyond this life, rejected the worship of saints, angels, etc., and declared that Christ
was the only Mediator between God and man;
that pilgrimages, and oblations to dead saints, etc.,
were not meritorious; that there should be no images in the churches; and that the Holy Scriptures
ought to be given to the people in their own
tongue. He utterly repudiated the right and authority of the pope to make laws and statutes for
the control of Christian men, saying that Peter was
no more vicar of Christ than all the apostles.
These sentiments, which are essentially those of
the old Lollards, though derived probably directly
from the New Testament - Lambert disclaiming
any special knowledge of Wickliffe's writings —
the martyr said he supposed were held substantially by nearly half of Christendom.*
* " The multitude mounteth well-nigh unto the half of Christen



8         HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
The existence of Lollardism in England at this
time I know is inconsistent with the assertions
of some English  historians of good repute.  Mr.
Froude, for example, the latest and most attractive
of the historians of the English Reformation, asserts positively that the Lollards became extinct
more than a hundred years before the Reformation
commenced. After describing briefly the end of
Oldcastle, the Lord Cobham, in 1417, Mr. Froude
continues: — " Thus perished Wickliffe's labor -
not wholly, because his translation of the Bible
still remained a rare treasure, a seed of future life,
which would spring again under happier circumstances. But the sect which he organized, the
special doctrines which he set himself to teach,
after a brief blaze of success, sank into darkness;
and no trace remained of Lollardy except the black
memory of contempt and hatred with which the
dom." These opinions, and other kindred ones, were drawn out
of Lambert by forty-five questions, which Fox tells us were " administered to him" by Archbishop Warham, "about the year
1532, at what time the said Lambert was in custody in the archbishop's house in Oxford, being destitute of all help and furniture
of books."
The archbishop died in 1533, before he had got the stake ready
for Lambert; and thus for a while the good man escaped. But in
1538, Bishop Gardiner - as bad a man as poor old Warham, and
a much more cunning priest -succeeded in getting Lambert
into a trap, by inducing him to plead his cause before the imperious Henry VIII., who browbeat and denounced the prisoner to
Gardiner's heart's content, and then sent him to the stake. Fox
gives the particulars of this mock trial, and the questions and
answers of a previous date. Acts and Mons., II. 331-355.




Ri~SUMIE OF ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS.     9
heretics of the fourteenth century were rememnbered by the English people, long after the actual
reformation had become the law of the land." *
But, so far is it from being true that " no trace
remained of Lollardy except the black memory of
contempt," after the execution of Oldcastle, that
Lollards may be traced all the way down from
Oldcastle's day to the commencement of the English Reformation. They may be traced in acts
of parliament, in the inquisitorial records of the
bishops, in penance-doing men and women, in the
branded cheeks of " heretics," and in the blazing
fagots of Smithfield, and many other fields of
blood, where Christian men and women testified
to their love of " the special doctrines which Wickliffe set himself to teach." And, but for these very
Lollards, who are extinguished by the historian
with so little ceremony, it is quite doubtful whether
the English Reformation could have been effected
when it was, and as it was.
The entire history of the efforts of the hierarchy
to wear out the dissenting saints by cruel persecutions, and to burn up their doctrines with the
bodies of the martyrs of Smithfield, Amersham,
Norwich, and other places, shows conclusively the
utter failure of these attempts.  Archbishop LMorton, who died about 1504, left as much work for
Warham to do, in suppressing " heretics," as
* Froude's Hist. Eng. from the Fall of Wolsey to the Death of Elizabeth, IH. 24. London, 1836.




10      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
Chicheley left to his immediate successors and to
Morton. Mr. Soames, in his History of the Reformation, in speaking of the Lollards, says:-" 4  The
statutory powers with which Henry IV. had consented, for his own ends, to arm the clergy, effectually enabled them to prevent the Lollards from
forming a compact and conspicuous body. Persons, however, thus designated, were known to
abound in the kingdom. " * * But though these
poor Christians were insulated, depressed, and often
persecuted, a very small progress, or none at all,
seems to have been made towards the extirpation
of their opinions. On the contrary, it is evident,
from the numerous prosecutions for heresy instituted in the first part of King Henry VIII.'s reign,
little disposed as was his minister, Wolsey, towards
bigotry, that the party hostile to the church was
extensively spread through the country." 3
Moreover, Mr. Froude's own history effectually
refutes his hasty assertion respecting the sudden extinction of Lollardism. Let the reader turn to the
third volume of Froude's history, and under date
of June 23d, 1536, (pp. 62-65,) he will find an
account of the opening of the convocation of the
clergy, and a statement of the heretical opinions
which the clergy said were " commonly preached,
thought, and spoke" in the country at that time;
and of which the historian gives the following
summary: -
*Vol. i. p. 157. Lond. 1826.




RESUML OF ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS.    11
" After a preface, in which the clergy professed
their sincere allegiance to the crown, the renunciation, utter and complete, of the bishop of Rome,
and all his usurpations and injustices, the abuses
about to be described had, nevertheless, they said,
created great disquiet in the realm, and required
immediate attention. To the slander of this noble
realm, the disquietness of the people, and damage
of Christian souls, it was commonly preached,
thought, and spoke, that the sacrament of the altar
was lightly to be esteemed. Lewd persons were not
afraid to say,' Why should I see the sacring of the
high mass? Is it anything but a piece of bread,
or a little pretty piece round robin?'  Of holy
baptism it was said, that'It was as lawful to baptize in a tub of water at home, or in a ditch by the
wayside, as in a font of stone in the church. The
water in the font was but a thing conjured.' Priests,
again, were thought to have no more authority to
minister sacraments than laymen. Extreme unction was not a sacrament at all, and the hallowed
oil'no better than the bishop of Rome's grease
and butter.' Confession, absolution, penance, were
considered neither necessary nor useful. Confession'had been invented' (here a stroke was aimed
at Latimer)' to have the secret knowledge of men's
hearts, and to pull money out of their purses.'' It
were enough for men to confess their own sins to
God in public.' The sinner should allow himself
to be a sinner, and sin no more.  The priest had
no concern with him. Purgatory was a delusion.




12      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
The soul went straight from the body to heaven or
to hell. Dirige, commendations, masses, suffrages,
prayers, alms-deeds, oblations done for the souls
departed out of the world, were vain and profitless.
All sins were put away through Christ. If there
were a place of purgatory, Christ was not yet
born. The church was the congregation of good
men, and prayer was of the same efficacy in the air
as in a church or chapel. The building called the
church was made to keep the people from the rain
and wind - a place where they might assemble to
hear the Word of God. Mass and matins were
but a fraud. The saints had no power to help departed souls. To pray to them, or to burn candles
before their images, was mere idolatry. The saints
could not be mediators. There was one Mediator
- Christ. Our Lady was but a woman,' like a
bag of saffron or pepper when the spice was out.'
It was as much available to pray to saints' as to
whirl a stone against the wind.' Hallowed water,
hallowed bread, hallowed candles, hallowed ashes,
were but vanities.'Priests were like other men,
and might marry and have wives like other men.'' The saying and singing of mass, matins, and
even-song, was but roaring, howling, whistling,
murmuring, conjuring, and juggling;' and'the
playing of the organs a foolish vanity.' It was
enough for a man to believe what was written in
the Gospel. Christ's blood was shed for man's redemption, but let him believe in Christ and repent
of his sins. Finally, as a special charge against




RESUME OF ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS.               13
Cromwell, the  convocation  declared  that these
heresies were not only taught by word of mouth,
but were set out in books which were printed and
published cum privilegio, under the apparent sanction of the crown." *
Now let any one compare these representations
of doctrines and opinions, common among the peo*Hist. Eng., III. 62-65. The paper entire may be found in
Strype's Mleimorials, vol. I. part II. No. 73 of Records and Originals. It contains sixty-eight items of erroneous doctrine or practice common in the country at that time, many of which are even
more to our purpose than those which Mr. Froude has given.
Thus, for example, the clergy say: - "1. That it is commonly
preached, thought, and spoken, to the slander of this noble realm,
disquietness of' the people, damage of Christian souls, not without fear of many other inconveniences and perils, that the sacrament of the altar is not to be esteemed. lFor divers light and
lewd persons be not ashamed or afraid to say, Why should I see
the sacring of the high mass? [the celebration of high mass.] Is
it anything else but a piece of bread, or a little predie round robin?
[referring to the shape of the sacramental cakes.] - 2. Iteam. That
they deny extreme unction to be any sacrament. - 3. Iterm. That
priests have no more authority to minister sacraments than laymen
have. - 4. Item. That children ought not to be confirmed of the
bishop afore they come to age of discretion. -5. Itemz. That all
ceremonies accustomed in the church, which are not clearly expressed in Scripture, must be taken away, because they are men's
inventions. -6. Iten. That all those are antichrists that do deny
laymen the sacrament of the altar sub utraque specie. - 7. Item.
That all those that be present at mass, and do not receive the sacrament with the priests, are not partakers of the said mass. - 8.
Item. That it is preached and taught that the church that is commonly taken for the church is the old synagogue; and that the
church [the true church] is the congregation of good men only.
- 9. Item. That it is preached against the Litany, and also said,
that it was never merry in England since the Litany was ordained,
and Sancta Maria, Sancta Katerina, etc., sung and said," etc. See
also Fuller's Church History, bk. v. sect. 4.




1]4     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
ple of England in 1536, with those said to have
been held by the old Lollards of the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries, and it will be seen at once that
the very same sort of persons are described or caricatured in both cases.'
Lollardism, then, did exist in England at the
dawn of the Reformation. And it is worthy of
note that, up to that time, the most efficient, and
in fact almost the only earnest protestants against
hierarchal errors and corruptions, were the very
men who embraced more or less of the principles
of Congregationalism, particularly that of the supremacy of the Scriptures.
But these earnest and constant protests were of
little avail.  The old hierarchy continued its downward course of corruption to the very beginning
of this memorable century of reformations. For,
while she plucked up with untiring diligence what
she was pleased to call the " cockle " and the "1 darnel " of the English wheat-field, and burned it with
unquenchable fire; while she pursued with vindictive malice the Lollards of the kingdom, hunting
them to death, for what she was pleased to call
their " detestable errors " and " pestiferous heresies "
- for claiming the right to read in their own language the sacred Scriptures, and denying the lordly
and unscriptural assumptions of popery; while
the church of England was diligently doing this
work of persecution and death on dissenters, she
* Froude, I. chap. vIII. throughout; also pp. 397, 398, 417, 418;
chap. xII. pp. 522-524, 527, 528, 552-556, 559, 560.




R]ESUME OF ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS.    15
made no honest, earnest effort to reform  her own
acknowledged corruptions. During the entire century preceding the English Reformation, though
reform was occasionally talked of by the churchmen, and though some of the more conscientious
of them complained loudly that it was not attempted, English ecclesiastics, with solitary exceptions, continued shamelessly corrupt in principle
and practice.
Public documents, as well as private writings,
prove this. For example: in 1425 the commons
complained, in a petition to the king, (Henry VI.,)
of the shameful neglect by the clergy, of parochial
and ministerial duties, and of their non-residence,
indolence, avarice, and extortion; that benefices
were given to foreigners, who did not reside in
England, and would not, and could not take care
of the souls committed to them, but contented
themselves with exacting and carrying away, to
expend abroad, all the pecuniary emoluments of
their offices; and the government was warned
that the church was thus losing the respect of the
people; and, furthermore, that by reason of this
corruption of the clergy, and their neglect of their
benefices, "the people had fallen into Lollardies
and heresies." @
But the Bishop of Winchester was then the
chancellor of the kingdom and the leading spirit
of the cabinet of Henry VI., and he opened the
* See Rolls of Parliament, vol. v. (3 Hen. VI.) 290; (4 Hen. VI.)
305, 306; Turner's Hist. England, vol. III. pp. 111-113.




16      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
very parliament in which these complaints were
made, with a bitter invective against heresy and
Lollardy. And Henry, as might have been anticipated under the guidance of such ministers, disregarded this prayer of the commons. A quarter
of a century later, substantially the same state of
things existed in the English Church and State:
the people complaining of a negligent, avaricious,
persecuting clergy; the clergy resisting all movements towards reform, while they busied themselves in denouncing and punishing the Lollards,
the only radical reformers in the kingdom.
A contemporary of those times (Dr. Gascoigne)
describes the state of things in his day as deplorable in the extreme.  He says, speaking of the
insurrection of the people about the year 1450:
"Insurrections overflowed against the church and
against the king of England, by thousands of
men, who said,' The ecclesiastics destroy us; they
live luxuriously on their property, while we are
perishing with want; and they have destroyed the
king by their flattery or silence.'"  These insurgents, the Doctor tells us, complained of " the pluralities of churches, the appropriations in monasteries and collegiate churches, the non-residence of
prelates and rectors in their cures. and the unworthy promotion of immoral young men in the
church, who, I myself know to be unable to pronounce Latin, and who did not even receive their
own revenues, but sent their servants to take and
spend them; these evils, and the celebrated proc



RLSU3IE OF ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS.           17
lamantes, destroy the good government of the
church, and of souls." 
There appear to have been a few honest and
good men among the clergy of that day, who deplored this state of things, and boldly denounced
these corruptions in Church and State. But Dr.
Gascoigne tells us: " The bad lords and bishops,
in 1449 and 1450, declared that the preachers of
the Word of God disturbed the people and caused
insurrections. Yet these preachers were famous
in life and science, and only preached against vices
and sins, and against the insatiable cupidity of the
king's council, and of the bishops and others, and
against the deficiency of public justice, and against
the promotion of the very worst persons in the
church and public offices." t
Such, substantially, was the state of the church
and kingdom during the entire reign of Henry VI.,
a mild, amiable, well-disposed, but weak man,
too much ruled by unprincipled churchmen. The
blame is to be laid at the door of the regency
* In Turner's Hist. Enig., III. 89-92. The first seven chapters
of Turner (vol. III. bk. III.) on the Middle Ages, abound in illustrations of the hopelessly worldly, corrupt, and abandoned condition of the hierarchy of England at the period which we are now
reviewing.
1f In Turner's IHist. Eng., Middle Ages, iII. 90-95. Lond. 8vo.
ed. 1830. Dr. Gascoigne styles himself, "Dr. Theol. and Chancellor of Oxford." He held "a prebend of eight marks in the cathedral of Welles," and in 1445 was appointed rector of St. Peter's,
Cornhill, London; but infirmity preventing him from immediately
residing in his parish, he resigned the office. He died March 13th,
1450.
VOL. II.           2




18       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISMI.
during the king's minority, and at that of his council afterwards; the hierarchal element prevailing in
both, and the ruling spirit in both bodies for a long
time being the king's uncle, the cardinal-bishop of
Winchester.*
Although there was less persecution during the
reign of Edward IV. than during that of Henry
VI., yet the hierarchy remained unimproved; and
in 1485 we find one of the clergy deploring the
state of the church, and lamenting the hatred of
the people towards the clergy, and the eagerness
of the common people to insult and abuse them on
all convenient occasions.  He exhorts his brother
clergymen to follow the example of the gospel,
and make themselves " good shepherds, not mercenary ones."  He says: " There are two kinds
of Christians, clergy and laity; but the laymen
now harass the clergy."   He deplores also the discord among the clergy, and says that "the negligences, ignorances, cupidity, and avarice of the prelates were everywhere inculcated [talked about];
that their judgments, processes, sentences, and decrees were held in contempt; and that the orders
of their councils were irreverently disputed (by
themselves) before the laity."  " These things," he
* The Regency consisted, in 1429, of the Duke of Gloucester;
the Bishop of Winchester; Archbishop of Canterbury; Archbishop of York, Chancellor; Bishops of London, of Ely, and of
Bath and Wells; Duke of Norfolk; Earl Warwick; Stafford;
Lewis Robessart; R. Cromwell; J. C. Scrope; W. Hungerford,
Trevener; J. Tiploft. - Rolls of Parl., iv. 344; Turner, III. 3.




RESUMI] OF ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS.    19
says, "provoke the laity of our time to attempt
such unbridled enormities against the church."*
He adds, that there were scarcely ten clergymen
in any diocese who did not yearly suffer in their
persons or their purses; so great was the general
contempt and hatred of the clergy, towards the
close of the fifteenth century, occasioned by their
idle and vicious lives, oppressions of the people,
and cruel persecutions of the Lollards.
There is no evidence of any improvement in the
hierarchal clergy during the brief reigns of Edward V. and Richard III., or of any increase of
popular favor towards that body. But the clergy
had very little opportunity to persecute those who
hated and despised them. When, however, Henry
VII. had become firmly seated on his throne, the
hierarchy, under his fostering care, began again to
raise its head, and thrust out its venomous fangs
against the poor Lollards, to the prevalence of
whose doctrines was attributed all the hatred and
contempt of popery which was then cherished by
the common people of England.
The principal ministers of the crown during this
reign, as during the preceding, were ecclesiastics.
MIen like Cardinal Morton and Archbishop Warham had now their full swing. And though they
improved their power unsparingly, as we have seen
in preceding pages, to persecute "heretics," yet
* Quoted from a manuscript discourse prepared to be delivered
before the convocation of the prelates and clergy about the time
of the death of Edward IV., 1483.- Turner's Eng., iii. 365-69.




20      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
suffered they the immoralities and abuses of their
own hierarchy to fester on to utter corruption.
The moral condition of the national clergy at
the beginning of Henry VIT.'s reign may be estimated- by an act which was passed by his first parliament, in 1485, giving authority to " archbishops,
bishops, and other ordinaries having episcopal jurisdiction, to punish and chastise such religious
men, being within the bounds of their jurisdiction,
as shall be convicted before them, by examination
and lawful proof requisite by the law of the church,
of adultery, fornication, incest, or other fleshly
incontinency, by committing them to ward and
prison, there to abide for such time as shal be
thought, to their discretion, convenient for the
quality and quantity of their trespasses."* Previous to the passage of this act, bishops who had
power to arrest laymen on suspicion of heresy, and
detain them in prison untried, had no power to
imprison priests, though convicted of adultery or
incest.
That there was a loud call for the reformation
of the clergy at this time is further evident from
the charges made against them in their own synod,
assembled at St. Paul's, London, by Archbishop
Morton, in the second year of Henry VII., and the
first of this archbishop's reign, 1487. In this synod
complaints were made against the preachers of the
order of St. John of Jerusalem, that, in their serS* tatutes of the Realm, vol. II. pp. 500, 501.




RJESUMIE OF ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS.    21
mons at St. Paul's Cross, they inveighed against
the vices of the clergy, in the hearing of the laity,
who all hated the clergy and delighted to hear
their vices exposed.
The prior of St. John was called before the synod, and promised to correct the evil. "' The invectives of their preachers, however, do not seem to
have been without foundation; for many of the
London clergy were accused in this convocation
of spending their whole time in taverns and alehouses, of concealing their tonsure and allowing
their hair to grow long, and of imitating the laity
in their dress. They were severely reprimanded
for their enormities." *
Immediately on the adjournment of this synod,
the archbishop published a pastoral letter, for the
reformation of the lives and habits of his clergy,
in which, instead of reproving them for their vices,
he charges them "not to wear short liripoops of
silk [tippets or tails attached to their hoods, passing round the neck and hanging down before];
nor gowns open before; nor swords; nor daggers;
nor embroidered girdles; and to be careful of their
tonsures, and to keep their hair always so short
that all the world may see their ears; and he
threatens them with very severe censures if they
do not observe these injunctions "!!t
But neither the exposure of their vices before
* Henrq's Hist. G. Britain, vol. xII. bk. vi. ch. 2, sect. 1, pp. 2,
3, Lond. 1824; Wilkins' Concilia, vol. III. p. 618.
t Hlenry, vol. XII. bk. vi. pp. 2, 3; Wilkins, III. 620.




22       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
the synod, nor the archbishop's pastoral, seems to
have produced much effect on the morals of the
clergy; for in 1490 Pope Innocent VIII. addressed
a letter to Archbishop Morton, in which his holiness tells the archbishop that he had heard, from
sources entitled to confidence, that the monks of
all the different orders in England, " giving themselves up to a reprobate sense, led lewd and dissolute lives," etc.; and the archbishop was directed
to adopt measures immediately for their reformation. Accordingly he addressed letters to the superiors of all the convents and religious houses in
England. To the abbot of St. Albans the archbishop says: "You are infamous for simony, usury,
and squandering away the possessions of your monastery, besides other enormous crimes mentioned
below." One of these crimes was, that he had made
brothels of two nunneries over which he claimed
jurisdiction. Another was, that he had stolen the
church plate and jewels, and even picked the precious stones out of their patron saint, Alban.*
That this corruption of morals and manners was
not confined to the monks, appears from the whole
tenor of history. A very significant item in illustration of this is the petition of the gentlemen and
farmers of Caernarvonshire, which was presented to
the king, Henry VII., complaining of the systematic efforts of the clergy to seduce and corrupt the
wives and daughters of the diocese.t
* Henry, vol. VII. bk. vI. pp. 3-5; Wilkins, III. 630-32.
t Froude, I. 84, 85, and note.




RESUME OF ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS.    23
The public documents which have now been
mentioned prove undeniably the generally vicious
and even debased condition of the ecclesiastics
who constituted the church of England, down to
about the end of the fifteenth century.
And was there any improvement after this date?
Did the act of parliament which gave the bishops
power to punish their vicious clergy, the reprimand
of the synod, the pastoral letters of the archbishop,
or the bull of Innocent VIII., —did any or all
of these secure the reformation of the English
church?  No, nor even an honest and vigorous
attempt at reform, during the entire reign of
HIenry VII.
During the first twenty years of the reign of
Henry VIII., there was no improvement in the
church. The manners and morals of the hierarchy
were as corrupt and hateful as they had ever been.
So manifest was this corruption, that even Cardinal Wolsey at one time seems to have seriously
contemplated a reformation of the church. But its
utter debasement probably appalled even him; certainly he was slow to begin a work which he acknowledged to be of the first importance. "Wolsey talked of reformation, but delayed its coming;
and in the mean time the persons to be reformed
showed no fear. The monasteries grew worse and
worse. The people learned only what they could
acquire themselves. The consistory courts became
more oppressive; pluralities multiplied, and nonresidence and profligacy. Favored parish clergy



24      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
men held as many as eight benefices; bishops
accumulated sees, and, unable to attend to all,
attended to none. Wolsey himself, the church reformer, (so little did he really know what a reformation meant,) was at once Archbishop of York,
Bishop of Winchesterj of Bath, and of Durham,
and Abbot of St. Albans. In Latimer's opinion,
even twenty years later, and after no little reform
in such matters, there was but one bishop in all
England who was ever at his work and ever in his
diocese;" and that was the Devil.*  Strype, in
speaking of this movement of Wolsey, says that
" complaints abounded against the manners of the
clergy, their oppressions, extortions, and vexations
of the laity, as well as against their corrupt and
loose lives; the cardinal, to show his resentment
of these crimes, as well as the exercise and show
of his legatine authority, did, about the year 1523
or 1524, resolve upon a remedy, by a general
visitation; and for that purpose, summoned the
clergy of both provinces in the kingdom, ad tractand. de refornatione turn laicorum, turnm ecclesiasticorum, 23 Apr., to appear before him in the church
of Westminster."
So delighted was old Fox, Bishop of VWinchester, with this scheme of Wolsey's, that he wrote
the cardinal that " such a happy day he had now
a long time as earnestly desired to see, as Simeon
in the Gospel looked for the Messiah's coming."
* Froude, I. 88.




RESUMEI OF ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS.    25
He also told him, that for almost three whole years
he had been trying to reform his own diocese; but
that such was the depravity and corruption and
malignancy of the clergy, that he had small hope,
in his old age, of seeing a perfect and absolute reformation even in his own private diocese.
Little or nothing, however, came of Wolsey's
reformatory scheme. And Strype says: " That no
more good came of this commendable purpose of
his, to reform the ignorance and vices of the priests
and monks, may probably be attributed to their
craft in diverting this reformation from themselves,
towards those who favored Luther and his doctrines.";    Wolsey's reformation ended where his
predecessors' had, in a persecution of the only men
in the kingdom who heartily desired a true reformation; and there were many such in England
in 1527, for " heresy, as it was then called, that
is, the Gospel, had already spread considerably in
the diocese of London, and especially about Colchester and other parts of Essex, as well as in the
city. The New Testament in English, translated
by Hotchyn, (that is, Tindal,) was in many hands,
and read with great application and joy; the doctrines of the corporeal presence, of worshipping
images, and going on pilgrimages to saints, would
not down. And they had secret meetings, where
they instructed one another out of God's word.
Now the cardinal earnestly bestirred himself to put
* Ecc. Menls., vol. I. pt. I. ch. 3, pp. 71-74, and pt. II. Appendix,
No. 10.




26       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
a stop to these things, and to reduce all declining
persons to the old way again." *  And then began
that severe persecution of the poor saints of which
some account has been given in the first volume
of this work.t
About A. ID. 1527, there appeared mysteriously
in London "a certain book, entitled' The Supplication of Beggars,'" which was scattered abroad,
and finally came into the king's own hands. This
book calls the clergy "ravenous wolves, going in
herd's clothing, devouring the flock - bishops,
abbots, priors, deacons, archdeacons, suffragans,
priests, monks, canons, friars, pardoners, and somners."  It sets forth the immense wealth of the
clergy, and their "ravenous" exactions, and asserts that "they looked so narrowly upon their
profits, that the poor wife must be accountable to
them for every tenth egg, or else she getteth not
her rights at Easter, and shall be taken as an heretic."  And again: "This greedy sort of sturdy,
idle, holy thieves," are represented as dissolute to
the last degree. " Yea, what do they more? Truly,
nothing but apply themselves, by all the sleights
they may, to have to do with every man's wife,
every man's daughter, every man's maid, that the
worst vices should reign over all." And yet, there
was no remedy for all this in the courts of the
kingdom.  W' ho is he, though he be grieved very
* Strype's Ecc. Mlemns., vol. I. pt. I. ch. 7, pp. 113-134.
t See vol. i. pp. 546-562.




RESUME OF ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS.    27
sore for the murder of his ancestor, the ravishment
of his wife, of his daughter; robbery, trespass,
maim, debt, or any other offence, dare lay to their
[the clergy's] charge by any way of action? And
if he do, then is he, by and by, by their wilyness
accused of heresy."
This was the popular opinion entertained of the
clergy in 1527. And that it was substantially a
correct one, we may infer from the reported remark
of Henry VIII., who, after hearing the whole petition read, " made a long pause, and then said:' If
a man should pull down an old stone wall, and begin at the lower part, the upper part might chance
to fall upon his head "' *- thus broadly intimating
that the clergy were the foundations of the rotten
old church, and should an attempt be made to reform them, the whole structure would tumble down.
That the " Beggars' Supplication " did not misrepresent the moral condition of the great body of
the ecclesiastics of that day, seems quite apparent
from the doings of Henry's famous reforming
parliament, which assembled November 3d, 1529,
and continued its labors for nearly seven years.
Read, first of all, the " Act of Accusation" against
the clergy, presented by the commons to the king,
probably during the first week of the first session
of this parliament. In this remarkable document
are enumerated "the special, particular griefs "
which the commons regarded as "the very chief
*Beggars' Petition, in Fox, II. 229-233; Froude, I. 179.




28      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
fountains, occasions, and causes that daily breedeth
and nourisheth the deadly hatred and most uncharitable part-taking" of the clergy and laity against
each other. In this act of accusation, the commons complain, first, of the laws, constitutions,
and ordinances made by the clergy in their convocations, without the knowledge or consent of the
king or of his parliament; and which, nevertheless,
they (the laity) were bound to obey, though said
laws were never made known to them in the English tongue, or otherwise; of the tyrannical and
iniquitous arrangements and management of the
archbishop's courts of the " Arches and Audience,"
where laymen were not only subject to great delay
and "' importable charges, costs, and expense," but
to great injustice; that the king's subjects, and
" specially those that be of the poorest sort," were
daily called before the spiritual ordinaries, their
commissaries, and substitutes, ex officio, at the
pleasure of the ordinaries -" sometimes for malice, without any cause," sometimes at the suggestion of their summoners and apparitors, being
" light and indiscreet persons," without lawful cause
of accusation-and there put to great trouble
and expense, and often suspended and excommunicated, for small and light causes and on insufficient evidence; of the great and excessive fees
taken in the spiritual courts, and especially in the
Courts of the Arches and Audience; also, that inferior clergy were allowed to extort money from
the laity for the administration of the sacraments




REISUMIE OF ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS.        29
and sacramentals of the church, denying even the
sick the sacrament, sometimes, until money had
first been paid. In view of all this, the commons
pray for a reorganization of the bishops' courts, in
accordance with justice, law, equity, and good conscience. They complain, further, of the daily practice of spiritual ordinaries, in giving benefices to
"' certain young folks [their illegitimate sons],* calling them their nephews, or kinsfolk," being minors,
and unfit and unable to serve any such benefice;
whereby the said ordinaries do keep and detain
the fruits or profits of. the same benefices in their
own hands, while " the poor silly souls," the people, for lack of good curates, perish without doctrine or any good teaching. The number of holydays appointed by the church is also complained
of; " upon the which many great, abominable, and
execrable vices, idle and wanton sports, be used
and exercised." Great complaint is also made of
the spiritual ordinaries, their commissaries and
substitutes; that sometimes for their own pleasure,
sometimes by the sinister procurement of other
spiritual persons, they made out processes against
* A report to Vicar- General Cromwell, respecting the state
of morals in the diocese of Hereford, contains the following:
"The names of such persons as be permitted to live in adultery
and fornication for money." Then follow the names of four
vicars, three parsons, one dean, ten knights, and three without
titles - in all twenty-one persons; who, it seems, were but a part
of the whole number in the diocese; for the report adds:" With many others of the diocese of Hereford." - State Paper
Office, in Froude's Hist. Eng., i. 197, note.




30      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISIM.
the king's subjects, compelling them to appear before them on a certain day and place, to answer to
such articles as might then and there be, ex officio,
proposed, and that secretly, and not in open places;
and then, without making known to the accused
the charges to be laid against them, committed
them to prison for six months, a year, or more,
and finally, when examination had been made and
nothing proved against them, dismissed them without recompense and amends for all their cost and
suffering. The commons complain, further, that
where heresy was laid to the charge of any person
arraigned before the bishops' courts, "the ordinaries or their ministers put to them such subtle interrogatories concerning the high mysteries of our
faith, as are able quickly to trap a simple, unlearned,
or yet well-witted layman without learning; and
bring them by such sinister introductions soon to
their own confusion." But if the accused denied
the charges of heresy, and refused to commit or
accuse themselves, " then, for the most part, such
witnesses as are brought forth, be they but two in
number, ever so sore defamed, of little truth or
credence, they shall be allowed and enabled to testify against the accused." *
The commons finally condemn the secularization
of the clergy, declaring that many of them were
engaged as auditors, bailiffs and stewards; in
trade, farming, tanning, brewing, and anything
* Rolls House Manuscript, in Froude's Hist. Eng., I. 188-200.




RESUMIE OF ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS.    31
else but preaching and attending to spiritual duties; while they retained their benefices.'
This picture of ecclesiastical corruption, extortion, and general hatefulness requires no comment; it sufficiently illustrates the condition of
"the church," in England, at the dawn of the English Reformation; and that this was not a mere
fancy sketch, or the work of the persecuted heretics, the subsequent action of parliament sufficiently shows. Bills were soon presented, and
ultimately passed, by which much of the petty
extortion and the malicious persecution practised
by the " spirituality" was stopped; priests were
deprived of their sinecure offces, driven out of their
secular trades and money-making employments,
compelled to reside in their parishes and benefices;
and dispensations for non-residence or other violations of the laws were made penal.  At subsequent sessions, the Augean stables of monasticism
were cleaned out, and the monks and their concubines and children were driven to honest living or
open shame.
The Petition of the clergy of Bangor to the
Right Hon. Thomas Cromwell, about the year
1536, furnishes most remarkable and unexceptionable evidence of the horrible corruption of the
clergy, and of the estimation in which they were
then held. It begins thus: —" 1May it please your
mastership, that when of late we, your poor ora* Froude, i. 220, 227.




32      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALIS3M
tors, the clergy of the diocese of Bangor, were
visited by the king's visitors and yours, in the
which visitation many of us (to knowledge the
truth to your mastership) be detected of incontinency, as it appeareth by the visitors' books, and
not unworthy, wherefore we humbly submit ourselves unto your mastership's mercy, heartily desiring of you remission, or at leastwise merciful
punishment and correction, and also to invent after
your discreet wisdom some lawful and godly way
for us, your aforesaid orators, that we may maintain and uphold such poor hospitalities as we have
done hitherto, most by provision of such women as
we have customably kept in our houses. For in
case we be compelled to put away such women,
according to the injunctions lately given us by the
foresaid visitors, then shall we be fain to give up
hospitality, to the utter undoing of such servants
and families as we daily keep, and to the great loss
and harms of the king's subjects, the poor people
which were by us relieved to the uttermost of our
powers, and we ourselves shall be driven to seek
our living at alehouses and taverns, for mansions
upon the benefices and vicarages we have none.
And as for gentlemen and substantial honest men,
for fear of inconvenience, knowing our frailty and
accustomed liberty, they will in nowise board us in
their houses"!'
What confessions are here! and with what sim*MS. State Paper Office, in Froude, III. 372.




RESUMI]~ OF ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS.   33
plicity and straightforwardness are they made! as
though all the world knew these things, and it
would be an affectation of modesty to make any
concealment of them; or rather, perhaps, as though
these confessors were utterly lost to the shame and
sin of the crimes which they confess, and the abominable reputations which they had earned among
all " gentlemen and substantial honest men "!
And even ten years later than this, in 1546, the
year before Henry died, and after nearly sixteen
years of partial reforming, the work, so far as the
mass of the clergy was concerned, was still in a
very unsatisfactory state; as appears from what
Strype calls "a notable book," which was published that year. It was a sort of counterpart to
the " Supplication of Beggars," which appeared in
1527, and was entitled "A Supplication of the
Poor Commons to the King." In this, great complaints are made of the conduct and character of
the clergy, particularly the monks, whom they call
" sturdy beggars"; and who, the king is told, are
still busy in fermenting discontent among the people, attributing all that is evil in society to the circulation of the Scriptures in English!  " The poor
commons," complain loudly of the law then recently passed by the procurement of the clergy, as
they say, against the common and poor people
having the liberty to read the Scriptures in their
houses: "Hath God," they ask, "put immortal
souls in none other but such as be possessioners of
this world? Did not Christ send word to John
VOL. II.         3




34      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
the Baptist, that the poor received the Gospel?"
And they tell the king, that even when Bibles were
ordered to be placed in every church, " many of
this wicked generation, as well priests as others
their faithful adherents, would pluck it, other into
the quire, other else into some pew, where poor
men durst not presume to come; yea, there is no
small number of churches that hath no Bible at
all."
There is much matter of this same character in
the " Supplication," showing that there was great
uneasiness, among the lower orders particularly, at
the oppressive and abusive conduct of the clergy,
and especially at their determined efforts to prevent
the free circulation of the Scriptures.*
I must not, however, continue these illustrations
of the rottenness of the English church during the
century immediately preceding the Reformation.
These details, which nothing but the importance
of the subject could justify a repetition of, more
than warrant the complaints and resistance of the
Lollards against the hierarchy; and they give a
conclusive answer to the denial of the papists and
their sympathizers in the episcopal church, of the
necessity of the English Reformation. They show
us, that, previous to the Reformation, the great
English branch of the papal hierarchy was hopelessly, irremediably impure and corrupt; that there
was no chance or hope of a radical reformation,
* Strype's Mems., vol. i. pt. I. ch. 53, pp. 608-21.




RESUME OF ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS.   35
from within; and that nothing remained for the
friends of reform, but the adoption of some of the
leading opinions and practices of the old, hated,
hunted, persecuted, and tormented Lollards:- in a
word, that the only way to reform papal corruptions was to overthrow and utterly destroy the
papal power. This we shall see, by a subsequent
chapter, was finally done; and how it was done.




CHAPTER  II.
THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.
THE English Reformation was an event of the
deepest interest to the Lollards. The night had
been long and dreary to them; but the day, at
length, dawned. They had sown in tears; but
were now to reap in joy. The Reformation was,
in fact, a triumph of Lollardism. The doctrines
for which Wickliffe was hated and persecuted, and
which brought Sautre and Badby, Oldcastle, and
a host of others to the stake, came, at length, to be
the very faith of the church of England, so far as
acts of parliament and clerical conventions could
make it such; and the highest dignitaries of that
church busied themselves in sowing, broadcast
through the land, the identical truths which their
predecessors of a previous century had denounced
as "cockle in the Lord's field"; which the pope
of Rome declared to be'utterly subversive of the
church"; and for preaching of which the Lollards
were called the "diabolical sons of antichrist."
And, what is still more noticeable and wonderful,
the very champion of popery, a bitter enemy of
the Lollards, and the son of a persecutor of these
(86)




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.       37
same people, became the moving spirit of these
great changes! Thus times change; thus men
alter; while the truth of God abideth forever.
When, on the 22d of April, 1509, Henry VIII.
ascended the throne of England, amidst the rejoicings of a loyal and united people, in the freshness and beauty of early manhood, tall and commanding in person, of easy and pleasing address,
accomplished in all the manly exercises of the
times, learned for his age, uniting in himself the
conflicting claims of the York and Lancaster factions, with a government consolidated by his father's vigorous administration, with overflowing
coffers, - what more reasonable, than to anticipate
for him a memorable reign! and Henry's reign was
memorable; one of the most so in English history.
But it was. memorable in a way which no one
could have anticipated.
Henry's first step in the direction of the Reformation was taken very soon after he came to the
throne, by marrying Catharine of Aragon, the
widow of his deceased brother, Arthur.  That
Henry should have taken this step is unaccountable on any other supposition than that a special
Providence overruled him. Though Catharine's
connections were of the highest order —being the
youngest daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, and
aunt of the Emperor Charles V. of Spain; though
she brought to the kingdom a very large dowry;
and though the alliance with Spain was much desired: yet, there were very strong counterbalancing




38         HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
objections. The lady was six years older than
Henry, and not particularly attractive in person;
he had entertained a strong repugnance to the
match, and had openly and solemnly protested
against the connection; it was contrary to the
canon-law, so that the Archbishop of Canterbury
and "very many, both cardinals and divines, did
oppose it," and a dispensation from the pope became necessary to sanction it; and above all, the
old king on his death-bed is said to have become
convinced of the illegality of the match, and to
have charged his son not to consummate the marriage: yet, so important in a political view was
this marriage considered in England, that, in spite
of all these objections — any one of which might
have been deemed sufficient to prevent it — this
marriage between Henry VIII. and Catharine of
Aragon took place.*
* Herbert's Hen. VIII., pp. 7, 8. Lond. 1672. Burnet's History
of the Reformation, vol. I. pt. I. bk. II., Oxford, 1829; and pt. II.
Records, bk. II. Nos. 1 and 2.
Catharine was married to Prince Arthur, Henry's elder brother,
Nov. 14th, 1501; and Arthur died April 2d, 1502. Her dower
was the largest that had been given "for many ages with any
princess," amounting to 200,000 ducats; which, if silver, was more
than equal to as many American dollars; and if gold, to more than
twice as many dollars, or to about $480,000. Such a portion was
an overwhelming argument with a miser like Henry VII.; and
probably not without weight in the mind of one so profuse in his
expenditures as was Henry VIII. The pope's bull for the marriage
of Henry and Catharine bears date, January, 1503; and Henry's
protest, June 27th, 1505. Froude says, that a dispensation for this
marriage was reluctantly granted by the pope and reluctantly accepted by the English ministry. It was for some time delayed;




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.                   39
This strange union, which was to strengthen
and enrich the kingdom, to bind England and
Spain indissolubly together, and both kingdoms to
the popedom, proved the first link in that mysterious and wonderful chain of circumstances which
finally shook England to her centre, incurred the
bitter enmity of Spain, cost the English government millions of gold, and finally razed to its foundation the mighty superstructure of Romanism in
England.
It was about eighteen years after he had taken
his first step, that Henry took his second in the
direction of the Reformation; or rather, before his
movements began to appear publicly. So mysteriously slow, at times, are the ways of Providence.
During the first eighteen years of Henry's
reign, nothing seemed more unlikely than that
he should prove the great scourge of Romanism.
and the papal agent was directed to inform the Emperor Ferdinand
-who seems to have been as anxious for the match as Henry VII.
at first was - that a marriage which was at variance with law and
good morals, (a jure et laudabilibus moribus) could not be permitted
unless on very mature consideration, and for the very best of reasons - nisi maturo concilio et necessitatis causd. - Hist. Eng. I115.
" His father, Henry VII., who, prompted by his predominant
passion, avarice, had formed the scheme, and promoted the contract of that uncommon marriage, was afterwards convinced of its
i.egality, and endeavored to prevent its accomplishment. With
this view he persuaded his son to protest against the contract of
his marriage, on the very day he was fourteen years of age, and
on his death-bed he charged him with great earnestness never to
celebrate that marriage." — Morison's Apomaxis, p. 13;, in Henry's
Hist. Eng., vol. xI. bk. vi. ch. 1, pt. 1, sect. 2, p. 204.




40        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
His cruel persecutions of the poor Lollards,* his
bitter hatred of Lutheranism, and his bigoted attachment to the old religion, caused him to be
regarded as the most important and reliable defender of popery in Europe, and secured for him
the title of "Defender of the Faith," and the complimentary present of the " Golden Rose," a token
of the special love of his holiness of Rome for his
renowned son in Christ, Henry VIII.t
After eighteen years of married life, Henry began to disclose to his confessor and to his confidential advisers his doubts of the lawfulness of his
connection with his brother's widow.   It has been
common to attribute these scruples entirely to his
desire to be rid of his old and unattractive wife,
that he might marry the young and beautiful Anne
Boleyn. But it is certainly more charitable, and
quite as reasonable, taking all the circumstances
of the case into consideration, to suppose that he
really had conscientious scruples on the subject of
his marriage; and that these scruples were quickened into principles of action by the continued
loss of his children. Passionately desirous of offspring, particularly of male children, to whom the
* See vol. I. pp. 546-62, of this work. Fox gives the details
of these persecutions. Vol. ii. pp. 4-182. See also Burnet, vol. I.
pt. I. bk. I. pp. 27-30, and Fox, II. 209-69, for details of persecutions between 1527 and 1533.
t Burnet, vol. I. pt. I. bk. I. pp. 18, 19; and pt. ii. Records,
bk. I. No. 2.




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.                   41
crown might be left without the terrible apprehension of a renewal of those civil wars which had
been the bane and curse of England for so many
years previous to his father's reign, Henry yet saw
his offspring, one after another, either stillborn or
sinking into premature graves, with a single insignificant exception, the sickly  " Lady  Mary."   It
was not unnatural, therefore, for him to look on
these events as frowns of Providence on an unlawful, incestuous marriage.*
Whatever may have induced the king to agitate
this question of the lawfulness of his marriage,
he found his scruples strengthened by a study of
the schoolmen, particularly by his favorite, Thomas
Aquinas, and also by the opinions of his councillors and others, learned canonists and divines.
And after all, it is quite possible that his conscientious scruples may have had an additional strength
given to them by the appearance at court, about
* This is Froude's view of the matter. Ilist. Eng., I. 115-18.
Henry, the historian, seems to incline to the same view. Vol. xi.
bk. vi. ch. 1, p. 204. Froude has collected, from different sources,
intimations, or direct assertions, which justify the belief that
between June 3d, 1509, and May, 1518, Henry lost, in rapid succession, at least six children; three of whom were known to be
sons; one of whom lived less than two months, one died immediately after birth, and one was stillborn. Henry himself says:
"All such issue, male, as I have received of the queen, died incontinent [immediately] after they were born; so that I doubt the
punishment of God in that behalf." The punishment to which
he refers is doubtless that alluded to in Leviticus 20: 21. "If a
man shall take his brother's wife, it is an unclean thing: * * *
they shall be childless."




42         HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
this time, of a beautiful young lady, whom he soon
selected as the successor of the discarded queen.*
The first movement of the king for a divorce,
beyond his confessional and privy-council room,
appears to have been made in the year 1527, when
we find Wolsey travelling about the kingdom, consulting trustworthy dignitaries in Church and State
on what he calls "the king's private matier."  In
the fall of 1527 agents were despatched to Rome
to prepare the pope for an application for a divorce,
and to decide on "the fittest tools to work by."
And on the 5th of December, 1527, Wolsey sent
the first despatch to the English ambassador at
Rome, Cassali, to proceed in this business "very
vigorously and with great diligence"; and laid out
for him a plan of operations. The grand end to
be sought was, to induce the pope, without con* It is difficult to deny that the element of love for Anne Boleyn had something to do with the quickened activity of Henry's
conscience just at this time. Cavendish gives a long and circumstantial account of the effort of Wolbev, by the king's command,
to break up the engagement between Anne Boleyn and Lord
Percy, one of the cardinal's attendants. Though the date of this
effort is not given by Cavendish, yet there is good reason to believe that it must have been as early as 1527, possibly even a year
earlier.  Compare Cavendish's Life of Wolsey, pp. 118-34, with
pp. 29, 30. See also Herbert's Life of Hen. VIII., 284-87; Soames's
Hist. Reformation, I. 181-90.
STurner says: " There is not the least evidence " that Anne Boleyn came to England earlier than February, 1527; and in another
place: "We cannot now determine the precise date of Henry's
regard for this interesting young woman; but there is no evidence
that it preceded the spring of 1527." — Hist. Hen. VIII., vol. II.
pp. 185, 195. The twenty-first chapter is devoted to Anne Boleyn.




THE ENGLISH REFORMIATION.         43
suiting any one, to grant a commission to Cardinal
Wolsey, with the assistance of such as his holiness
should choose, to proceed forthwith in the examination of the cause; and if the pope would grant
this, and such dispensations and bulls as might be
necessary to carry out Henry's wishes, the king
was ready to promise anything that the holy father
might ask.*
The pope, when first approached, expressed his
readiness to accede to the king's wishes. But
a Spanish agent, probably suspecting what was
going on, interfered, and secured the pope's promise, that nothing should be granted to the king, to
the prejudice of the queen, without first communicating with the imperialists. And now began
a series of manoeuvres and counter-manceuvres,
promises and breaches of promise, pretences and
deceptions, by which the decision of the question
was deferred, and the king flattered with hopes, and
deceived by his flatterers, promised relief which
never came, kept in expectancy only to be cheated,
his case neither decided for nor against him; until
his patience was exhausted, and all confidence in
"the holy father" at Rome and his equally holy
consistory was utterly destroyed; and Henry resolved to do for himself what neither patient waiting, free expenditure of money, nor any amount
* BErnet, vol. I. pt. I. bk. I. pp. 90-94; and pt. II. Records,
bk. ii. No. 3, pp. 12-21. See also other despatches for the same
general topic - Nos. 4 and 5.




44      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
of pains-taking and promise-making could bring
the pope to do for him.
All this consumed at least five full years, during
which time Henry was pursuing, with undeviating
purpose, his one great object —to get divorced
from Catharine and married to Anne Boleyn.
Still, his measures were so variable and contradictory that no one knew what to depend on. The
thing condemned to-day was sanctioned to-morrow; the men in favor one day lost their heads the
next day. Thus it was up to the time that Henry
took the whole matter of the divorce into his own
hands, about 1532-1533.
These years, during which Henry was waiting
and hoping for deliverance from Rome, were full of
interest to the English protestants, and abounded
with incidents of great moment. The Lutheran
Reformation had in this time made great progress
onil the Continent, and exerted a mighty influence
on papal England. The spirit of religious inquiry
was awakened in both universities, as well as
among the parish clergy and the laity throughout
the kingdom; and many learned and active men
embraced the truth. Such were Bilney, and Garret, and Clark, and Latimer, and Dalaber, and Taverner, and Tyndale, and Fryth. This, of course,
was followed by persecutions; for bonds and imprisonment and death were still the price of a good
confession of the Gospel.  Many protestants escaped into Germany, where they found refuge from
their persecutors, and friends to help them. To




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.        45
make themselves useful to their countrymen, some
of the refugees devoted themselves to writing and
publishing English books, more particularly the
sacred Scriptures.  These were smuggled into
England in large numbers, hid in bales of goods
and boxes of merchandise; and by secret agents
were put in circulation through the kingdom. To
counteract these heretical doings, and to substantiate his own orthodoxy, in 1529 the king issued
a proclamation, " for resisting and withstanding of
most damnable heresies sown within this realm,
by the disciples of Luther and other heretics, perverters of Christ's religion." After alluding to the
fact that " his noble progenitors, kings of this, his
said realm, [had] made and enacted many devout
laws, statutes, and ordinances, for the maintenance
and defence of the said faith against the malicious
and wicked sects of heretics and Lollards; who by
perversion of holy Scripture [did] induce erroneous
opinions etc. etc., as well by the corruption and
malice of indiscrete preachers, fautors of the said
erroneous sects, as by certain heretical and blasphemous books, lately made, and privily sent into
this realm "- after thus setting forth the cause of
his proclamation, his highness proceeds to order
now to be put in execution, with all diligence possible, all good laws, etc., made and ordained by his
most noble progenitors, with reference to such matters; and to forbid any man " to preach, teach, or
inform anything openly or privily, or compile any
book, or hold, exercise, or keep any assemblies or




46         HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
schools, in  any  manner of wise, contrary to  the
Catholic faith, or determination of holy church ";
all this  under the pains and  penalties  of those
terrible laws which his most noble progenitors had
enacted, and which " our sovereign lord and his
most honorable council, by long and deliberate
advice, for the extirpation, suppressing, and withstanding of the said heresies,'' * thought good
and necessary to be put in execution."
Fox says, that, "upon this fierce and terrible
proclamation,  * *  the bishops, which were the
procurers hereof, had that now which they would
have; neither did there lack on their part any study
unapplied, any stone unremoved, any corner unsearched, for the diligent execution of the same.
Whereupon ensued a grievous persecution and
slaughter of the faithful. Of whom the first that
went to wrack was Thomas Bilney,..." 1 And
* Acts and Mons., II. 236, 237. Bilney's sufferings and death
are related by Fox, ii. 211-28. The martyrologist devotes over
thirty of his ample folio pages to accounts of sufferers immedi-.ately after the issue of this proclamation, or between 1529-30 and
1533.  Vol. ii. pp. 237-70.  Collier says: "It is probable that
the publishing of this pamphlet [the "Beggars' Supplication"]
with some others of a resembling kind, occasioned the putting out
a proclamation against the Lollards, [in 1529,] in which the teaching, preaching, or abetting the opinions of Wickliffe, Luther, or
others of that persuasion, are forbidden. * * * Likewise the importing or printing any books contrary to the received doctrines of
the church." - Ecc. Hist. Great Brit., vol. Iv. p. 134. There are
two objections to Collier's suggestions: 1st, That the "Beggars'
Supplication " was in circulation about two years before this proclamation was issued; 2d, That though Henry knew this, and even




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.              47
then, having given a long list of sufferers in this
persecution, the martyrologist breaks abruptly off
with: —"But what stand I here numbering the
sand?  For, if all the Register Books were sought,
it would be an infinite thing to recite all of them,
which, through all dioceses of the realm, in these
days, before and since, were troubled and pursued
for these and such like matters."
On May 24th, 1530, Archbishop Warham  published a proclamation against Lollard doctrines;
from which we learn, that his grace of Canterbury
had taken pains to examine " many books in the
English tongue, containing many detestable errors
and damnable opinions, printed in countries beyond the sea." These he condemns, with all writers, publishers, and readers of the same, "with
the translation also of Scripture, corrupted by William Tyndale, as well in the Old Testament as in
the New, and all other books in English containing such errors." *
Fox tells us that Chancellor More, and Bishop
Tonstal of London, with others, united in addressing every incumbent in the province, directing them
to warn their people against the contagion of heresy,
had the pamphlet read to him, he yet manifested no special dislike
to it, simply saying, that, if a man should begin at the bottom, to
pull down an old stone wall, he would be likely to have the stonae
on his head; thus signifying that he understood that the object was
to destroy the Romish church, by pulling down the clergy of the
church. See ante, p. 27.
* Collier, Iv. 136, 141, 146.




48        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
and declaring that it was not necessary that the
Scriptures should be set forth in the vulgar tongue.
Soon  after this, "great trouble and persecution
were raised up against the poor innocent flock of
Christ."
While these proclamations and inquisitions were
doing their appropriate work, in filling the land
with sorrow and suffering, other scenes, of great
significance, were transpiring in court circles. As
the fruit of Henry's expenditures, promises, and
threats, he at length obtained from the pope the
appointment of a legate, to sit with the English
cardinal and try the king's cause in England; and
this legate was the king's own choice, Cardinal
Campeggio, a shrewd, but profligate and unprincipled man. It was, however, no part of the pope's
plan to hurry matters; and Campeggio's bodily infirmities furnished plausible excuses for the greatest
possible delay in his journey to London, and for the
dilatoriness of his subsequent proceedings. " After
a tedious journey, which had been repeatedly suspended by fits of the gout, Campeggio reached
London," October 7th, 1528.' On various pretences, the opening of the legates' court was deferred until May 31st, 1529; t and then, the proceedL* ingard, vol. vI. ch. III. p. 141: " In such a state of suffering
and weakness, that he was carried in a litter to his lodgings,
where he remained several days confined to his bed."
t Lingard says: " Delays were sought and created, not by the
pontiff, but by the king himself." - vI. 144. It would require
very strong evidence to satisfy any impartial mind that this was




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.           49
ings were carefully prolonged by repeated adjournments and other devices, until July 23d, when, instead of giving judgment, as the king and his
courtiers expected, the court adjourned until October, that the whole proceedings might be laid before the pontiff. This greatly exasperated the king,
and, though doubtless in entire accordance with
the Roman legate's instructions, proved a fatal
stroke to Wolsey, who soon began to experience
the effects of the king's suspicions that he had
been false to him.  Campeggio left for Rome
about the first of October; and before the close of
that month, Wolsey was indicted for a violation
of the statute of 16 Richard II., called the statute
of Pracmunire-for obtaining bulls from  Rome
and exercising legatine powers in England. To
this indictment the cardinal pleaded ignorance of
the statute, and submitted himself to the king's
pleasure. The great seal was taken from him; he
was put out of the king's protection; his goods
and chattels, which were immense, were declared
forfeited to the king, and his person liable to be
seized. Henry had not yet, it would seem, fully
resolved on the utter destruction of his old favorite. He intended to humble Wolsey, and to
frighten the Roman court, if possible; but not
to cut off all hope. Accordingly, on the 27th of
true. Henry was in a fever of anxiety to have this question of
divorce adjusted; and as he had great confidence, at first, that it
would be done to his mind by this court, why should he wish to
delay the work?
VOL. 1I.          4




5 0      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISAI.
November, the king granted Wolsey his protection, and then his pardon, restored his bishopric
of Winchester and his archbishopric of York, and
also gave him back more than six thousand pounds
in money, goods, and plate. On this, the cardinal
retired to Yorkshire, and there spent some of his
most consistent and respectable days, in the duties
and charities of a Christian bishop. After the expiration of about a year, the king, finding that the
Roman court was not much troubled by Wolsey's
fall, resolved to bring him yet lower; and on the
4th of November, 1530, he was suddenly arrested,
at Cawood, in Yorkshire, on the charge of high
treason, and committed to the lieutenant of the
Tower, to be brought to London.  On the way
the poor man sickened, and finally died, November
28th, 1530, of disease and a broken heart.*
Wolsey seems to have anticipated most serious
consequences to himself in the event of Henry's
failure at Rome. The earnestness of his letters to
Rome, and his appeals to the pope, show this, unless, perchance, he was a more consummate hypocrite than even Clement VII. himself.  Nevertheless, it is quite clear that Henry suspected Wolsey.
Lord Herbert tells us that " the king believed that,
underhand, he had intelligence with the pope, to
the prejudice of his affairs. * * * This also, I
believe, was confirmed in the king's mind, by some
x Burnet, vol. I. pt. I. bk. II. p. 164; Lingard, vol. vI. ch. IIi.
pp. 152-64; Cavendish's Life of Wolsey, p. 363; Hierbert's Life of
F:enry VIII., p. 284.




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.                   51
notice he might have of a joint despatch (a minute
whereof is extant in our records) from  Wolsey and
Campegus, during their session, whereby they desired the pope to avoke the cause, in case it grew
so doubtful that they could not determine it." And
he quotes Polydore Virgil as saying that Wolsey
" wrote privately to the pope, to suspend the cause
until they  could  bring  the  king  to  some better
mind." But Polydore Virgil, though contemporaneous with these times, is indifferent authority for
any statement of fact; and Wolsey's dying words
seem to contradict the presumption of treachery
against the king: —" Then shall his conscience
[the king's] declare whether I have offended him
or no." 
L* ord Herbert's Life and Rezqn of Henry VIII., p. 284.
The story of Wolsey's fall, and particularly of the fatal journey
which he undertook by the king's order, is told quaintly, but
most effectively, by the cardinal's faithful friend and servant,
George Cavendish, his "gentleman usher," who attended him to
the last, and records his dying language: "'Well, well, master
Kingston,' quoth he, [addressing the king's messenger, who had
been sent to attend him to London,]'I see the matter against me,
how it is framed; but, if I had served God as diligently as I have
done the king, he would not have given me over in my gray hairs.
Howbeit this is the just reward that I must receive for my worldly
diligence and pains that I have had to do him service; only to satisfy his vain pleasure, not regarding my godly duty. Wherefore
I pray you, with all my heart, to have me most humbly commended unto his royal majesty; beseeching him, in my behalf, to
call to his most gracious remembrance all matters proceeding between him and me, from the beginning of the world unto this
day, and the progress of the same; and most chiefly in the
weighty matter now depending;' (meaning the matter newly begun between him and good Queen Katherine;)'then shall his




52        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISAI.
The pope improved the time wasted by his legates in playing with Henry's case in London, by
patching up a league of friendship, so called, with
the faithless Charles V.; and was prepared, at the
close of the legates' farce, to take the whole matter
out of his agents' hands and forbid them  from further hearing the cause. Herbert tells us, that when
Campeggio, on his return to Rome, represented to
the pope the great danger into which his course had
drawn Cardinal Wolsey, he gave no special heed
to the matter, seeming to care for nothing so much
as the conserving of his late league with the emperor; and further, suggests that the pope secretly
hated Wolsey, and was not particularly troubled to
have him brought down.*
Soon after the dissolution of the legatine court,
a new direction was given to the king's thoughts,
and an essential modification to all his operations,
by the casual' suggestion of Dr. Cranmer, afterconscience declare whether I have offended him or no.'" - Cavendish's Life of Cardinal Wolsey, pp. 387, 388. On another occasion, Wolsey said to the Earl of Shrewsbury: "My lord, there is
no man alive or dead that looketh in this face of mine, is able to
accuse me of any disloyalty towards the king." - Cavendish, p.
363. The story of Wolsey's fall begins page 246.
Turner says: " It was discovered that he [Wolsey] was forming
conspiracies against the government, both in England and with
Rome." — Hist. Henry Vll., vol. ii. p. 297. Turner's authorities for this statement seem to me, however, to go no further than
that the cardinal was accused of such conspiracies. But it is one
thing to accuse a man of crimes, and quite another to prove those
accusations.
* Life of Henry VIII., p. 289.




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.       53
wards the celebrated Archbishop of Canterbury.
This learned and good man, happening to fall into
conversation with two gentlemen, Gardiner and
Fox, who were about the king's person, in answer
to an inquiry respecting his notion of the divorce,
declined giving an opinion on the question itself,
but suggested that the shortest and best way to
clear the matter would be to ascertain the opinions
of learned men on the questions, whether, by the
Word of God, the marriage was in itself lawful?
and if unlawful, whether the pope could dispense
with the law of God? He suggested, that, if the
learned men and the universities of Christendom
should decide- as he evidently thought they
would - that it was contrary to the law of God
for a man to marry his deceased brother's wife;
and that no pope had power to sanction what the
law of God forbade; then must the pope of necessity give judgment in favor of the king. The conversation being reported to the king, he was immediately struck with Cranmer's suggestions, and
declaring that " he had the sow by the right ear "
at last, ordered him to court, adopted his proposal,
and sent at once to the learned divines and canonists and universities of Europe for their opinions
on the two questions: — 1. Whether it was agreeable to the law of God for a man to marry his
brother's wife? and 2. Whether the pope could
dispense with the law of God?
The year 1529, already made memorable by the
explosion of the legates' mock court, the fall of




54       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
Wolsey, and the adoption of a measure which in
effect settled the question of the king's divorce
and the onward progress of the Reformation,
was made still further memorable by the coming
together of the long, or reforming parliament.
There had been no session of parliament for some
years previous, and but one for fourteen years.
Wolsey had a wholesome fear of parliaments, and
chose to carry on the government with as little interference from them as possible. There was a
parliament in 1515, which sat forty days, from November 12th to December 22d; and another was
not called until April 15th, 1523, which was prorogued on the 21st of May, to July 31st, and was
dissolved August 15th.
But the great cardinal, and the absolute and allpowerful minister, having now fallen into disgrace,
the king assembled a parliament, November 3d,
1529, which he found so compliant, and so efficient
in carrying on his schemes for humbling the clergy,
frightening the pope, and finally overturning popery
itself, that he kept it alive for about six years! *
Three bills, of great interest and importance
touching the Reformation, were originated by the
commons; and, notwithstanding the earnest opposition of the clergy within and without parliament,
Burnet says: "There had been great industry used in carrying elections for the parliament, and they were so successful that
the king was resolved to continue it for some time." — Vol. i. pt.
I. bk. II. p. 169. Hall says: " The most parte of the commons
were the kynges servantes." — Chronicle, p. 767.




THE ENGLISH  REFORMATION.                   55
were triumphantly passed, the king " setting them
forward," as Burnet says.  The first of these bills
struck at the exorbitant charges of the spiritual
courts  for the probate  of wills, "at the  which,"
says Hall, " the archbishop of Cauntorburie in especiall, and all other bishoppes in generall both
frowned and grunted, for that touched their proffite."   This bill sets forth, " that divers ordinaries
[ecclesiastical judges] take for the probation of
testaments and other things thereunto belonging,
sometimes forty shillings and sometimes sixty shillings, and sometimes more, against right and justice; where, in the time of Edward III., men were
wont to pay for such causes but two shillings sixpence, or five shillings at the most." It was therefore  enacted, that "for the  probate  of wills etc.,
the charge should only be what it was in the days
of Edward III." * Another bill regulated, and
* Forty, or even sixty shillings does not strike a modern reader
as a very exorbitant probate charge; but when it is remembered
that the value of gold and silver was nearly or quite six times
greater in the days of Henry VIII. than it now is, and that the
clergy had advanced their charges from twelve to sixteen times
what they were in the days of Edward III., it will be seen at once
that these charges were not only grievous to the common people,
but were a strong illustration of the avaricious disposition of those
who had the regulation of these matters.
Hall gives a spirited account of the debates of parliament on
these bills. He says: " Sir Henry Guilford, knight of the garter,
and comptroller of the king's house, declared in the open parliament, on his fidelity, that he and other, being executors to Sir
William Compton, knight, paid for the probate of his will to the
cardinal and the archbishop of Canterbury, a thousand mlarks sterling," (about $3220.) - Chronicle, pp. 765-68. 4to ed. Lond. 1809.




56       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
reduced essentially, the heavy fees of the clergy,
which had long been the instruments of extortion,
and had occasioned great complaints; though the
people were afraid of incurring the fate of Hunne
if they openly resisted these iniquitous claims of
the spirituality.* A third bill struck at other crying abominations of the times -the plurality of
benefices, and non-residence, and also the secularization of the clergy, in pursuing for profit various
trades and employments; for the clergy had become extensively secularized in their character and
work, as we have seen by previous quotations from
petitions to parliament.t
These bills were adapted to bring down the
power and influence of the clergy, and to alarm
the pope; and were strenuously resisted by the
clergy to the very last. Bishop Fisher, in the upper house, declared that these bills had " no other
intent or purpose but to bring the clergy in contempt with the laity, that they may seize their patrimony"; and he warned the lords, "Beware of
yourselves and your country; beware of your holy
mother, the Catholic church; the people are subject to novelties, and Lutherism spreads itself
among us. Remember Germany and Bohemia,
what miseries are befallen them already; and let
our neighbors' houses, that are now on fire, teach
us to beware of our own disasters. Wherefore,
* Statutes of the Realm, 21 Hen. VIII. chaps. 5 and 6.
t Statutes of the Realm, 21 Henry VIII. chaps. 5, 6, 13; Burnet,
vol. I. pt. I. bk. ii. p. 165; Fox, ii. 207; ante, p. 30.




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.            57
my lords, -I will tell you plainly what I think:
that, except ye resist manfully by your authorities
this violent heap of mischiefs offered by the commons, you shall see all obedience first drawn from
the clergy, and secondly from  yourselves; and if
you search into the true causes of all these mischiefs which reign amongst them, you shall find
that they all arise through want of faith." * Resistance, however, was in vain. The bills passed.
The year 1530 was devoted to negotiations and
efforts of various kinds, having reference to the
divorce; particularly were Henry's agents busy in
all directions, collecting the opinions of learned
men, canonists and divines, on the lawfulness of
the king's marriage, and the power of the pope to
dispense with the law of God.
" If we sum up the result of Cranmer's measure
as a whole, it may be said, that opinions had been
given by about half of Europe, directly or indirectly, unfavorable to the papal claims." t Nineteen universities gave an opinion against the lawfulness of a marriage between a brother and a
brother's widow.4 It is a noticeable fact, however,
that the English universities gave their opinion in
favor of the king with great reluctance. Oxford
had the matter under discussion nearly two months
Parliamenltary History, vol. III. pp. 57, 58. Lond. 1762, second
edition.
t Froude, I. 267.
$ Burnet's Hist. Ref., vol. I. pt. i. bk. ii. pp. 171-85; pt. ii,
Records, bk. II. Nos. 34 and 35.




58      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISMI.
- from  February 12th, to April 8th, 1530. And
it was necessary that the corporation should be
quickened by several " messages" from the king,
before the needful opinion could be obtained. At
Cambridge, when the question was first submitted
to the congregation, there was a tie vote; and it
would seem that the majority vote could not finally
be obtained without some management on the part
of the king's agents; for Fox and Gardiner, who
were then at Cambridge to expedite the business,
wrote to the king, that, " at the last, by labor of
friends, to cause some to depart the house, that
were against it, [that is, who were opposed to the
king's wishes,] it was obtained."'
And, though the unbiased opinion of the great
majority of learned men of that period, canonists
and divines, Lutheran and Romish, doubtless was
against such marriages as Henry's, yet the influences brought to bear on their minds were so many
and powerful, that it is difficult to say how much
weight should be given to their published opinion.
The Lutherans, we may reasonably believe, were
honest; for though they held the pope as "the
abomination of desolation," yet they cannot be
suspected of any special friendliness towards the
royal champion of Romanism against Lutheranism,
who was even at that very time denouncing and
persecuting the friends of Luther, and had just issued a special proclamation against the books and
* Hist. Ref., vol. I. pt. II. bk. II. No. 32; pt. I. p. 173.




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.         59
the persons of the protestants. Bribery of various
kinds was freely employed by all parties to secure
favorable opinions. Money was given, and emoluments and offices were promised and granted.
Thus Dr. Crook, one of Henry's agents in Venice,
writes, under date of July 1st, 1530:-" Albeit,
gracious lord, if that I had in time been sufficiently furnished with money - albeit I have besides this seal [the sealed opinion of the university
of Padua] procured unto your highness an hundred
and ten subscriptions: - yet it had been nothing
in comparison of that, that I might easily and
would have done."  It is true, that this same
agent, in another letter, says: " Upon pain of my
head, if the contrary be proved, I never gave any
man one halfpenny before I had his conclusion to
your highness, without former prayer, or promise of
reward for the same." Still, he gave, though generally small sums, a crown or two to an individual,
and to convents, etc., more.  The emperor of
Spain, on the other side, " did reward and fee divines at another rate," says Burnet. To one who
wrote in favor of the validity of the marriage, he
gave a benefice worth five hundred ducats a year;
to another, a benefice worth six hundred crowns;
and to the provincial of the Gray Friars, at Venice,
one thousand ducats were offered if he would inhibit all within his province from writing or subscribing for the king.*
* Hist. Ref., vol. I. pt. II. bk. II. No. 33; pt. I. p. 180.




60      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
That Henry's agents were as ready to bid for
influence as were those of Charles and Catharine
appears fromnt the bargain made by Dr. Bennet,
Henry's agent at Rome, with the cardinal of Ravenna. This influential old cardinal made a written bargain to help the king, if he would give him
a benefice in France, worth six thousand ducats
a year, and the very first vacant bishopric in
England.' The letter of "Secretary Knight" to
Cardinal Wolsey, dated January 1st, 1527-28, giving an account of the first opening of the king's
matter to the pope, shows the same disposition.
Knight tells Wolsey, that, perceiving that much depended on the advice of the Cardinal Sanctorrum
Quatuor, he had desired the cardinal "'to be good
and favorable with our requests in the king's behalf; and for the better obtaining of our desires,
we promised to see unto him with a competent reward." t  And in the first despatch of Wolsey to
Sir Gregory Cassali, Henry's ordinary ambassador
at Rome, in relation to the divorce, we read: "And
because money was like to be the most powerful
argument, especially to men impoverished by a
captivity [the pope had recently been made a captive by the armies of Charles V.], one thousand
ducats were remitted to Venice, to be distributed
as the king's affairs required; and he [Cassali] was
to make farther promises as he saw cause for it,
* Burnet, vol. i. pt. I. bk. ii. p. 243.
t Burnet's Records, vol. I. pt. II. bk. i. No. 4.




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.        61
which the king would faithfully make good; and
in particular, they were to be wanting in nothing
that might absolutely engage the Cardinal Dotary
to favor the king's business." 
Thus, by means fair or foul, by threats or promises, by money, or by other inducements, the opinions of a very large number of learned canonists
and divines, and of most ofthe principal universities of Christendomrn, were obtained in support of
the view taken by Henry and his councillors of the
unlawfulness of his marriage with Catharine, and
the invalidity of the papal bull in dispensing with
what they called "the law of God."  And these
opinions greatly strengthened the king in the position he had taken, exerted a powerful influence on
the nation and on Europe generally, and without
doubt encouraged the subsequent bold steps of
Henry against the pope. These opinions were laid
before the pope, and were enforced by an earnest
letter from a large number of English lords, spirit
ual and temporal; in which they told his holiness,
that "the king's cause was now, in the opinions of
the learned men and universities, both in England,
France, and Italy, found just; which ought to prevail so far with the pope, that though none moved
in it, and notwithstanding any contradiction, he
ought to confirm their judgment; especially it
touching a king and kingdom to whom he was so
* Burnet, vol. I. pt. I. bk. II. pp. 90, 104; and pt. ii. Records,
bk. II. No. 3, also No. 9.




62         HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
much obliged;... and if the pope would still
refuse to do this, they must conclude that they
were abandoned by him, and so seek for other remedies. This they most earnestly prayed him to
prevent, since they did not desire to go to extremities, till there was no more to be hoped for at his
hands." X
On the 16th of January, 1530-31, there was another session of parliament.   At this session  all
the testimonies of the universities, and the books
and opinions of learned men, which had been so
carefully collected against the lawfulness of Henry's
marriage with Catharine, and the power of the
pope to allow the marriage, were presented. The
same testimonies were laid before the convocation
of the clergy, then in session; and the clergy, Burnet says, " seemed satisfied that the marriage was
unlawfil, and that the bull authorizing it was of
no force." t   In being thus compliant, the clergy
* Burnet says this letter was signed by the cardinal, Wolsey,
the archbishop of Canterbury, Warham, four bishops, two dukes,
two marquises, thirteen earls, two viscounts, twenty-three barons,
twenty-two abbots, and eleven commoners, most of them being
the king's servants.-Vol. I. pt. I. bk. II. p. 192. The letter, with
the names of the signers attached, is given, and Clement's reply
in full, in Parl. Hist. Eng., III. 68-79.
t "But now the session of parliament came on the 16th of January, and there the king first brought into the house of lords the
determination of the universities, and the books that were written
for his cause, by foreigners. After they were read and considered there, the lord chancellor did, on the 20th of March, with
twelve lords, both of the spirituality and temporality, go down to
the house of commons, and showed them what the universities




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.                63
may have had an eye forward to the evil day which
threatened to break upon them, when they would
find themselves entirely in the king's hands, and at
his mercy. A few words will explain this: there
had for centuries been going on a fitful, irregular
contest between the kings of England and the
bishops of Rome respecting their mutual rights.
The popes claimed, and gradually succeeded in exercising, a power over the clergy of England, which
was considered by energetic monarchs incompatible with the rights of the sovereign and the interests of the people. Against these claims certain
laws had been made, from time to time, limiting
the power of the pope, and making all recognition
of his right to this sovereign power in England
punishable by fines, forfeitures, imprisonment, and
being  put out of the king's protection.   These
laws were called, in general terms, the " Statute of
Prmmunire " and the " Statute of Provisors."   The
first of these statutes was passed as early as the
days of Edward I., A. D. 1272-1307. It was conand learned men beyond sea had written for the divorce, and produced twelve original papers, with the seals of the universities to
them, which Sir Briam Tuke took out of his hand, and read
openly in the house, translating the Latin into English. Then
about an hundred books, written by foreign divines for the divorce, were also showed them; none of which were read, but
put off to another time, it being late. * * * The matter was
also brought before the convocation; and they having weighed
on both sides, seemed satisfied that the marriage was unlawful,
and that the bull was of no force; more not being required at
that time." - Burnet, vol. I. pt. I. bk. iI. pp. 213, 214.




64      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
firmed and strengthened by successive parliaments,
down to the times of Richard II. and Henry IV.
Yet the pope never yielded what he had once
claimed, and continued to exercise his usurped authority whenever he could. And such was the condition of most English kings, from the days of
Edward I. to Henry VII., that the statutes of Provisors and Premunire were but little attended to;
and the popes generally had very much their own
old way in England. Still, the laws were on the
statute-book; and now Henry VIII. resolved to
apply them as a scourge, to drive the clergy into
his own darling schemes. Having first killed poor
Wolsey by the application of these long quiescent
statutes, he next proceeded to apply them to the
clergy generally. Wolsey had received bulls from
Rome, and had exercised legatine authority in
England; all which was against law: and the
clergy had recognized this legatine authority, and
appeared in his court, and done business there;
which were equally against the statutes of Provisors
and Prmmunire: and "they were, therefore, with
the great offender, also, at the king's mercy. He
could put them out of his protection, confiscate all
their property, and imprison their persons. This
they understood; and, fully aware of the unmerciful character of the king when his own ends were
to be answered, they were only too happy to escape the full infliction of this whip of scorpions
by compliance with the royal wishes in other
things. On this condition, they were let off with




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.             65
a fine; the province of Canterbury paying one
hundred thousand, and York eighteen thousand
eight hundred  and forty pounds.  And  it was
while under this rod of correction that the convocation first addressed Henry VIII. as' "The Protector and Supreme Head of the Church and
Clergy of England" —a title which he claimed
from them, and which was subsequently confirmed
by an act of parliament.*
The several acts and transactions of the king
and parliament and convocation, which have now
been mentioned, were certainly sufficiently admonitory of the temper of the king, and indicative of
his power over parliament and convocation. But
the pope would not receive the admonition. He
trusted to the usual devices of the Roman court to
counteract and defeat all these unfriendly doings;
or he hoped that some happy turn in affairs would
make everything right again between England and
Rome. Clement was indeed in a difficult position. A man destitute of principle, of decision of
character, and of all manly qualities, who trusted
to temporary expedients, rather than to honest,
straightforward purposes- placed between the
powerful and unscrupulous emperor, Charles V.,
* Statutes, 22 Hen. VIII. ch. 15; Burnet, vol. I. pt. I. bk. II. pp.
214-28.
The statute of Prmemunire, according to Burnet, was so called
from the leading word in the statute: " In writs of prcenunirefacias," etc. - Statutes, 7 Richard II. chap. 14. There is a very
good summary account of these statutes of Provisors and Prsemunire in Dobson's old Encyclopsedia, art. Prcemunire.
VOL. II.          5




66      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
and the arrogant and determined king, Henry
VIII. - sure to offend, mortally, one of these
men if he openly sided with the other, and liable
to be ground to powder between them —what
could have been expected of Clement VII. but
that he should flatter and lie, and seek to cheat
both parties; that he should shuffle and manceuvre
to avoid either horn of the dilemma which threatened his own destruction, while it imperilled the
peace and unity of the whole Romish church?
He would gladly have given Henry a bill of divorce. It was no great affair, in itself considered;
but he was afraid of Charles V., who had warmly
espoused the cause of his aunt, Catharine. And
yet, Henry and the English nation were too valuable to the papacy to be lightly cast aside. He
seems, however, finally to have concluded that
there was less danger from "the Defender of the
Faith," and the " patient ass," which England had
long been to Rome, than from the unscrupulous
and powerful emperor.  So, while he flattered
Henry with delusive hopes, he gratified Charles
with a refusal of any definite answer to Henry's
prayer.
But the pope was mistaken in reckoning on the
faith and forbearance of Henry and his people;
for, at the next session of the parliament, which
met on the 15th of January, 1531-32, several bills
were introduced, which struck more directly at the
pope's power and influence than any that had preceded them. The first act of the commons was




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.         67
to enter a complaint against the clergy, and to
petition the king to protect his subjects from the
violent and unlawful proceedings of the spiritual
courts, particularly the practice of the bishops in
calling men before them ex officio, without any accuser, and laying charges against them which must
either be abjured, or expose the accused to the
stake.
An act for restraining the payment of " annates,
or first fruits, to the court of Rome," which had
been "extorted by restraint of bulls and other
writs," was also passed by this parliament. By
annates was meant the income for one year of the
see of a deceased bishop or archbishop, which the
pope- exacted from the successor before he was
allowed to enter fully upon that see. These exactions, which the parliament say "were founded on
no law," had carried out of the kingdom daily,
" great and inestimable" sums of money, chiefly
in coin, "which, from  the second year of King
Henry VII., to that present time [1532], amounted
to eight hundred thousand ducats," or, in sterling
money, to at least eightscore thousand pounds, "besides other great and intolerable sums." It was a
grievous tax on the bishops, and sometimes ruinous to their friends, when the new bishop happened
to die soon after entering upon his see. This act
was passed conditionally, that, if the pope would
moderate the payment of annates, the king might
annul this act.'
* Statutes of the Realm, 23 Hen. VIII. ch. 20, sect. 4; Burnet, vol.




68      HISTORY OF: CONGREGATIONALISMI.
These doings of the king and parliament alarmed
the pope, touching as. they did his income - his
most tender point — and he sought to stop the
progress of defection by a letter to the king, and
by a new citation of his majesty to Rome to answer to Catharine's appeal. But the king refused
to appear, either himself or by proxy, anywhere
out of his own kingdom. When the pope expostulated with Henry's agents about this act, he was
told that it was still- in the king's power, and except the pope provoked the king, it would not be
put into execution. The pope and his consistory
were at this time in great commotion, and knew
not what to do. Faction, intrigue, and bribery
were all rife in Rome. - But nothing was done to
heal the breach between Henry and the pope, England and Rome.*
IWhile the doings of the English parliament
were certainly antipapistical and revolutionary, the
popular feeling far outran the parliament in that
direction. This appeared, among other ways, in
the disposition to attack and destroy images and
crucifixes in the highways, and even in the churches.
During the years 1531 and 1532, many of these
idols were thrown down, burned, or otherwise destroyed. Among others, there was a very famous
" idol," Fox tells us, " named'the Rood, of Dover
Court,' whereunto was much and great resort of
i. pt. I. bk. II. pp. 237-39; Froude, I. 326-43. This act was ratified by the king's letters patent, July 9th, 1534.
* Burnet, ut sup.




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.        69
people." It stood in a church, and the churchdoor was kept open day and night, to give credit
to the lying pretence that no man could shut that
door. Four protestants, thinking to test the power
of the idol, travelled one night some ten miles to
the church, took down the idol and burned it to
ashes. For this piece of constructive sacrilege,
they were all indicted of felony, and three of them
hanged.@
Though individual offenders against popery were
thus severely dealt with, the king and his parliament kept steadily at work, breaking, one after
another, the cords which bound the nation to the
papal throne. In 1532, the king called the attention of parliament to the contradiction between
the oaths of the clergy to him and to the pope.
The unsatisfactory answer of the clergy to the
complaint of the commons, relative to the spiritual
courts, was also brought to the notice of parliament; and only the sudden adjournment of both
houses, on the 14th of May, in consequence of the
appearance of the plague in London, prevented
immediate and decisive action on these matters.
While affairs in England were becoming more
and more unsatisfactory to the Romish party and
their infallible head, and negotiations between
Henry and the pope were in progress - if that can
be called progress which includes no advance -
the four great sovereigns of Europe, the Pope,
Fox, II. 250.




70      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
the Emperor Charles V., Francis I., and Henry
VIII., were diligently negotiating with each other,
or rather, plotting and counterplotting against each
other.  Clement's desire was to unite the emperor and Francis to himself against Henry. If
he could do this, he would be more than a match
for Henry, powerful as he confessedly was; for
Henry's subjects were divided in religious opinions,
and a recent rebellion among them was only half
smothered, and England had a bitter and watchful enemy in Scotland, who only wanted an opportunity to attack her.
But a union between the three arch-liars of Christendom, Clement VII., Charles V., and Francis I.,
was not an easy thing to effect. Several times
it appeared nearly consummated.  But each of
these knaves believed his fellow to be as corrupt
as he knew himself to be, and as ready to break
his solemn pledge to his fellow-sovereigns, if a sufficient inducement was offered. And then, Henry,
if not quite as dishonest as either of the quartette,
was quite as shrewd and politic; so, when he found
the pope, the emperor, and the king of France
drawing dangerously near each other, he was ready
to adopt almost any measure, however unpalatable
to himself, to separate them. A favorite expedient
was, to threaten to make a protestant league with
the Lutheran princes of Germany.  This idea
Henry liked only a very little better than did the
pope and the emperor. He would have much preferred a catholic union to suppress protestantism,




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.        71
if that could have been made to answer his purposes just as well.  But he knew that Charles,
Clement, and Francis hated the thought of a protestant union even worse than he did, and dreaded
it withal; and they saw that it was so manifestly
for his interest, and for the interests of the German princes, to form such a league, that nothing
was so much feared by them. This was specially
true of the emperor and the pope. And Francis,
if less alarmed by this threat than they were, yet
appreciated fully the importance of using it to
help on his favorite schemes of personal aggrandizement.  His game was, to play off Henry
against the emperor, with the pope; and against
the pope, with the emperor; both of whom, next
to a protestant league, most feared a league between Henry and Francis; for together they would
have been too much for Clement and Charles.
And so there was a constant bidding and manceuvring between these crowned rogues - Henry bidding for Francis against the pope and the emperor; Francis bidding for Henry against the emperor and the pope; and the emperor and the
pope bidding for Francis against Henry and the
German protestants.
In the summer of 1532, Henry at last succeeded
in making a league, offensive and defensive, with
Francis I. of France; and in October, the two
monarchs met to talk over matters, and to concert
plans for the future. This interview is of special
interest to those who would trace the successive




72      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
steps of the Reformation; because there is reason
to believe that it decided Henry's course in a very
important particular. Anne Boleyn accompanied
the king to France, and was received, and tacitly
recognized by Francis as the chosen queen of England. Thus Francis openly and unequivocally
committed himself to Henry, in his great quarrel
with the pope. At this interview, Francis advised
Henry to bring his protracted divorce-suit to a close
by marrying Anne Boleyn at once; and solemnly
bound himself to the English monarch, to stand by
him should the pope interdict his kingdom, excommunicate him, and attempt to dethrone him.'
On returning to England, Henry waited about
three months, and then proceeded to act on the advice of Francis, and was married to Anne Boleyn,
privately, on the 25th of January, 1532-33, by Rowland  Lee, afterwards Bishop of Coventry and
Litchfield. This was not made public for several
months. And during all the time the parties interested were busily engaged with the divorce question, but with substantially the same results as had
marked its history for some six years previously.
During this year another very important step was
taken towards the Reformation, by the appointment of Thomas Cranmer to the see of Canterbury, made vacant by the death of Warham, in
August, 1532. The consecration took place March
13th, 1532-33..t
* Burnet, vol. I. pt. I. bk. II. pp. 252-55; Froude, I. 370-80.
t Burnet, ut sup. p. 258; Froude, I. 393.




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.                73
On  the  23d  of  May  following, another still
more important step was taken: the archbishop
of Canterbury, after due process, pronounced sentence of divorce against Catharine; and thus finished, without the pope's help, this protracted, vexatious, expensive, and distracting business, which
had now kept Europe in commotion for six weary
years.'
Why the divorce was not made to precede the
marriage, it may not now be possible to decide.
Perhaps Henry had not fully determined how to
treat Catharine, when  he married  Anne.   The
pope, or those believed to know his views and feelings on the subject, had repeatedly intimated, that
a dispensation  might be easily obtained from  the
Roman  court, authorizing  Henry  to  have  two
wives; t and it is by no means incredible that
Henry  might have  been  in  doubt, for a  time,
whether or not to avail himself of such a dispensation. The fact that he did not, favors the supposition that he really had conscientious scruples
in regard to the lawfulness of his first marriage. j
* Burnet, vol. I. pt. I. bk. II. p. 265; Froude, I. 379, 392.
t Burnet, vol. I. pt. I. bk. II. p. 98; and pt. I. bk. II. No. 6;
Froude, I. 379. " Marry freely," the pope had said, at the outset
of the discussion; " fear nothing, and all shall be arranged as you
desire." " Multo minus scandalosum fuisset dispensare cum majesta vestrb super duabus uxoribus, quam ea cedare qua ego petebam," is the reported language of Clement to one of Henry's
agents who was pressing the pope for a divorce, about 1532. -
Ftroude, I. 398-400, comp'd with p. 133. See also Herbert's Life
of Henry VVI., p. 330.
t Cranmer was charged with having solemnized the marriage




74         HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
Another session of parliament commenced February 4th, 1532-33. At this session an additional
wedge was driven into the split between England
and Rome, by the passage of an act prohibiting
all appeals to Rome, and declaring that all causes,
spiritual as well as temporal, whether relating to
the king or any of his subjects, were to be determined within the kingdom, in the several courts to
which  they  respectively  belonged, notwithstanding any appeals to Rome, or inhibitions and bulls
from Rome to the contrary.' This act was doubtless designed to fortify the position of Henry in
refusing to appear at Rome, by himself or proxy,
to support his petition for a divorce, and to cut
off Catharine's appeal to Rome against the archbishop's  decision.   It also  forestalled  all papal
interference with the laws of the kingdom or the
of Henry and Anne Boleyn; and Burnet (I. 126) says he was present. But in his letter to Hawkins, Cranmer says distinctly: "I
myself knew not thereof a fortnight after it was done." He also
settles the time of the marriage, saying that it took place " muche
about St. Paul's day," (January 25,) in the year 1532, old style.
See Cranmner's Works, Parker Society's edition, vol. II. p. 246.
Burnet says, that the marriage took place on the 14th of November, 1532, and charges Stowe with saying, " without any good
ground, that it was on the 25th of January." The correctness of
Stowe's statement, however, is verified by Cranmer's words, and
is now, I believe, admitted by the best historical authorities.
See particularly Ellis' Oriqinal Letters illustrative of E7glish History,
2d series, vol. II. let. 114, pp. 33-40, where may be found Cranmer's letter entire, giving an account of the marriage and coronation of Anne.
* Statutes, 24 Henry VIII. ch. 12; Burnet, vol. I. pt. I. bk. ii.
p. 256.




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.           75
acts of the convocation, past or prospective. It
was, therefore, a most important and significant
act. By it England was declared, in effect, complete in herself for all purposes of government,
spiritual as well as temporal, and absolutely independent in all respects of Rome. The same act
also provides against the anticipated interdict of
the kingdom.  It declares, that " all spiritual prelates, pastors, ministers, and curates within this
realm, shall and may use, minister, and execute,
and do, or cause to be used, ministered, executed,
and done, all sacraments, sacramentals, divine services, and all other things, within the said realm
and dominions, unto all the subjects of the same,
* * " any former citations, processes, inhibitions,
suspensions, interdictions, excommunications, or
appeals, for, or touching of, the causes aforesaid,
from, or to the see of Rome, or any other foreign
prince or foreign courts, to the lett or contrary
thereof in any wise notwithstanding." 
Thus the king armed himself and his subjects at
all points against the sovereign pontiff, and fortified
his kingdom against the threatened invasion from
the papists.
At Rome, the announcement of the marriage
and divorce produced a most profound sensation.
Some of the cardinals, in their wrath, were for proceeding at once to a definitive sentence against
Henry. But others saw that it would be folly to
* Statutes, 24 Henry VIII. ch. 12.




7 6     THISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
do that before the pope was in a position to enforce the sentence - knowing full well that the
effective weapons of Rome in this case must be,
not spiritual, but carnal; and that with the league
existing between Henry and Francis, nothing effectual could be done.  They feared, too, that by
driving matters to an issue prematurely, France as
well as England might be lost to Rome; for Francis was known to be quite inclined to limit, if not
to abolish entirely the papal power in his own
kingdom.  The Roman court, therefore, wisely
contented itself, at first, with declaring the proceedings of the archbishop of Canterbury, in the matter of the divorce, null; and warning Henry of his
exposure to excommunication, unless he immediately restored things in integrum - to the precise
state they were in prior to the divorce. The king
appealed from this decision of the pope to the next
general council lawfully called. This put Clement
into a great passion.*
The next step taken by the papal court was, to
break the league between Henry and Francis. To
do this, the pope allowed Francis almost to dictate
his own terms. Among other things, the pope engaged to give his niece, the afterwards infamous
Catherine de' Medici, in marriage to the Duke of
Orleans, with a marriage portion of one hundred
thousand crowns, together with the principality of
many Italian towns. He also conceded to the
H Herbert, pp. 385-89; Burnet, vol. I. pt. I. bk. II. pp. 265-73.




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.          77
king all the relief from papal exactions that he
asked; and "did also grant him so great power
over his own clergy, that he could scarce have expected more if he had set up a patriarch in France."
Anything to break the dreadful league between
Francis and Henry!  And Francis was just honest
enough thus to join hands with the pope, in violation of his vows to Henry.  The simple, but allsufficient reason for this was, that he thought his
own ends could then be better answered by a Roman league than by an English one. Still, he
talked of standing by Henry in the matter of the
divorce, and of exerting his best offices with the
pope, on behalf of the English monarch. He even
had a secret article in his treaty with his holiness,
which pledged the pope to yield to Henry's wishes
for a divorce, if the appeal to a general council
was withdrawn and the case was once more submitted to the decision of the Roman court.  And
Francis labored most earnestly to persuade the
king to accept the pope's proposition. For a while,
Henry utterly refused, but at length consented; and
there is good authority for thinking that only the
providential delay of his courier for two days, on
his way to Rome with his master's assent to the
arrangement, prevented the breach between England and Rome from being finally bridged over,
and the Reformation stopped.*
* Burnet, ut sup.; Herbert, pp. 395-97; Froude, ii. 150-55;
184, 187; 212-20. Lingard calls this entire statement in question. He doubts whether any time was fixed for the arrival of




78         HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
But, whether the vacillating, deceiving, weak
and wicked head of the Rornish church, and his
corrupt cardinals, would not have found some excuse for further delay, or for falsifying the pope's
own word by deciding against the king, even had
the courier arrived in season, cannot be told except
by Him  who knoweth the secrets of men's hearts.
It was not, however, the purpose of Heaven that
the breach between the pontiff and the king of
England should be healed; and on the 23d of
March, 1533-34, the Roman consistory decided
this courier, and whether any change would have been made by
his earlier arrival, in the decision of the consistory; and he says,
further: " It is certain that the answer brought by the courier was
unfavorable; because all the actions of Henry about the time
when he [the courier from England] was despatched, prove a
determination to separate entirely from the papal communion." —
Hist. Eng., vol. vi. ch. III. p. 203.
Lingard's reasoning, though by no means conclusive - for
stranger things than this were done by Henry and those who did
his bidding - is not without considerable force. Every one who
considers the doings of the parliament which was in session during the very time that the king's business was before the consistory of Rome for final decision, and even while this important
courier was on his way to Rome with (as it is said) the king's
submission of the case to the Roman court again -every one
who considers these things must feel that the whole course of
parliamentary proceedings is utterly inconsistent with the thought
of submission to Rome, or any reconciliation whatever.  The
king and parliament breathe only war and utter defiance. So
forcibly did this strike my own mind, even before I had seen Lingard's suggestion, that I at first supposed that the session must
have been after the papal decision had reached England. See a
brief outline of these noticeable proceedings on subsequent pages
of this work - pp. 81-84.




TIIE ENGLISHI REFORMATION.        79
against Henry, by a vote of nineteen cardinals to
three; and the pope was constrained to pass sentence against the king.  His marriage with Catharine was pronounced valid and lawful; the proceedings against her in the archbishop's court were
condemned; and the. king was ordered to take her
back, as his only legitimate wife.
Some five months later than this, Pope Paul,
who had succeeded Clement, finally prepared his
terrible bull against Henry.*  "In this extraordinary instrument, in which care was taken to
embody every prohibitory and vindictive clause
invented by the most aspiring of his predecessors,
the pontiff, having first enumerated the offences of
the king against the apostolic see, allows him
ninety, his fautors and abettors sixty days, to repent and appear at Rome in person or by attorney;
and then, in case of default, pronounces him and
them excommunicated; deprives him of his crown;
declares his children by Anne, and their children by
their legitimate wives, incapable of inheriting for
several generations; interdicts his and their lands
and possessions; requires all clerical and monastic
bodies to retire out of Henry's territories; absolves
his subjects and their tenants from the oaths of allegiance and fidelity; commands them to take up
arms against their former sovereign and lords; dissolves all treaties and alliances between Henry and
other powers, as far as they may be contradictory
* Clement's bull, dated March 23d, 1534-[5], may be found in
Fox, II. 536.




80       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISI.
to this sentence; forbids all foreign nations to trade
with his dominions; and exhorts them to capture
the goods, and make prisoners of the persons, of
all such as still adhere to him in his schism  and
rebellion." X
" But Paul cast his eyes on the state of Europe,
and when he reflected, that Charles and Francis,
the only princes who could attempt to carry the
bull into execution, were, from their rivalry of each
other, more eager to court the friendship, than to
risk the enmity of the king of England, he repented
of his precipitancy. To publish the bull could only
irritate Henry, and bring the papal authority into
contempt and derision. It was, therefore, resolved
to suppress it for a time; and this weapon, destined to punish the apostasy of the king, was silently deposited in the papal armory, to be brought
forth on some future opportunity when it might
be wielded with less danger and with greater probability of success." t
When the great insurrection in the north occurred, in the autumn of 1536, it was thought that
the fit time had come for its publication. But
other councils even then prevailed, and it was still
kept back. But two years later, when Europe was
alive with horror at some of Henry's terrible executions, particularly those of the Marquess of Exeter, Lord Montague, and the old Countess of Salisbury, their mother, of the Marchioness of Exeter,
* Bullarium Roimanum, vol. I. p. 704, ed. 1673.
t Bullar. Rom., i. 708; Lingard, vI. 225.




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.                81
and other distinguished personages, some of whom
were nearly allied to the king by blood — when
these distinguished nobles were executed, in 1538,
it was thought suitable to proclaim the pope's
bull.' But I am anticipating.
This decision of the Roman consistory, and all
these papal threats, once so terrible to rulers and
their subjects, had no other effect on Henry than
to rouse him effectually for the unavoidable conflict.  Parleying and negotiating were now  at an
end; all saw that now his only alternative was
abject submission to papal authority, or a manly,
desperate fight for absolute independence - for the
utter overthrow and abolition of the papal power
in England.  Henry, without a moment's hesitation, wisely and bravely chose to fight out his
quarrel to the end; and by this time the body of
the nation was pretty well prepared for the great
contest. The parliament, which met January 15th,
1533-34, and adjourned March 30th, resumed with
energy the work of reform.   A  bishop  preached
every Sunday during the session, at St. Paul's,
against the authority of the pope, declaring that
* Lilgard, vol. vi. ch. iii. pp. 202, 225, 226; Burpet, vol. I. pt. I.
bk. iI. pp. 135, 136; and pt. II. Records, bk. iii. No. 9. The Sentence of Pope Paul III. - "Damnntio et Excominllzicatio Heenrice
TJIL., Regis Anglice " - bears date, "Anno Incarnationis Domini
1535, 3 Kal. Sep., Pont. nostri anno 1." Attached to this is another bull, whose title reads thus: " Sequitur Suspensio Executionis dictae Bullae, et tandem ejus Revocatio, et Executio "; and
which bears date, A. D. " 1538, decimo sexto Kal. Januarii, Pontificatus nostri anno quinto."
VOL. II.             6




82        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISMI.
he had no authority at all in England: a doctrine
never before taught by the State clergy in the kingdom, though proclaimed by the Lollards at the peril
of their lives, for more than a hundred and fifty
years previous to this date. " In the two former
sessions," says Burnet, " the bishops had preached,
that the general council was above the pope; but
now they struck a note higher. This was done to
let the people see what justice and reason there
was in the acts that were then passing."' These
acts were  very  important:  one, which  passed
March 20th, provided that "the intolerable exactions for Peter-pence, provisions, pensions, and
bulls of all sorts "- in fact, all payments whatever to " the apostolic chamber" -  should at once
cease, under the pains and penalties of the statutes
of Provisors and Praomunire. And the power heretofore exercised by the pope over religious houses
was transferred to the king.*   Another act confirmed the doings of the archbishop of Canterbury
in divorcing Catharine, and established and con*Statutes, 25 Hen. VIII. ch. 21.  The right to annul, repeal,
and make void any of the provisions of this very damaging act
was left in the king's hands, as was the act of 1531-32, ch. 20,
against annates, until the feast of the nativity of St. John the
Baptist, or June 24th. The king gave his assent to the act after
the decision of the Romish consistory was known in England,
April 7th, 1534. See ante, p. 67; Statutes, ut sup. sect. 22. "Peter-pence " was an assessment of one penny on every housekeeper
who owned property worth thirty pence per aznu1m, or every
house having a chimney. It was due on the festival of St. Peter
ad vinctla, or August 1st. It is said to have been first instituted
by King Iva, about A. D. 720.




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.            83
firmed the king's marriage with Anne Boleyn;
declaring her children the legitimate heirs of the
kingdom, and requiring all subjects to be sworn to
this effect, at the will of the king.' The same parliament, on the 28th of March, passed an act repealing the bloody law of the 2 Henry IV. against
heretics; and so far mollifying those of Richard II.
and Henry V. against the Lollards, as to require
that heretics should only be proceeded against
upon presentments, and by two witnesses at least,
the accused having the privilege of answering in
open court, instead of the secret chambers of the
bishops; and giving him the right of bail after
being committed to prison. It also provided, that
no man should be troubled upon any of the pope's
canons or laws, or for speaking or doing anything
against them: a most gratifying limitation of the
power of the clergy, as well as of the pope, and an
effectual relief of the people from the vexatious
persecutions to which they had long been exposed.t
This parliament, also, after reiterating the act
for restraining the payment of annates and other
claims of the pope, further enacted that no archbishop or bishop should be presented, nominated,
or commended to the bishop of Rome, " otherwise
called the pope," or should obtain" any manner of
bulls, breves, palls, or other things requisite for an
* Statutes, 25 Hen. VIII. ch. 22.
t Statutes, 25 Hen. VIII. ch. 14. For some account of the old
statutes which were repealed or modified by this act, see ante,
vol. I. pp. 341-45; 332-35; 361-67.




84      HIISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISI.
archbishop or bishop, nor pay any sums of money
for annates, first fruits, or otherwise, for expedition
of such bulls, breves, or palls "; and provided, that
archbishops and bishops should be elected by the
deans and chapters, or priors and convents, under a
license of the king; or in default of such election,
should be presented by his letters patent. The act
also directed how the consecration should be conducted.*
Thus was England's independency of the pope
most emphatically asserted, and the needful provision made for carrying on all ecclesiastical affairs
within the kingdom without any aid from Rome.
And yet it is observable, as illustrating the temper
of the times, that in this long and severe act, in
which the ecclesiastical independence of the realm
is most distinctly asserted, in which all payments
of every kind to Rome are prohibited, and all appeals and suits to the Roman court are cut off, under the pains and penalties of a prwernunire, and all
ecclesiastical, as well as civil authority is declared
to be in the kingdom, without any recourse to
Rome - in this very act there is this remarkable
clause-: "Provided, always, that this act, nor any
thing or things therein contained, shall be hereaftert
interpreted or explained, that your grace, your nobles and subjects intend by the same to decline or
vary from the congregation of Christ's church, in
any things concerning the very articles of the Cath* Statutes, 25 Hen. VIII. ch. 20.




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.          85
olic faith of Christendom; or in any other things
declared by the holy Scripture and the Word of
God necessary for your and their salvation." *
A long act of attainder was passed by this parliament against Elizabeth Barton, the " Maid of
Kent," and her clerical accomplices, Bocking, Deering, Rich, Risby, Goold, and Maister, who, by
"feigned and dissembled revelations, traitorously
conspired against our said sovereign lord * * *
to the intent traitorously to destroy our said sovereign lord, and to deprive him and his lawful succession from the crown and dignity royal of this
realm," etc. etc.t
Bishop Fisher and Ex-Chancellor More were
concerned  in this extraordinary  and impudent
cheat; but were let off without serious difficulty,
though possibly their connection with this popish
soothsayer, if not their actual complicity in the
plot, may have been remembered against them
when they refused to take the oath of succession
to the crown, which was tendered soon after the
adjournment of parliament.
A still more noticeable act was passed by the
convocation of the clergy which sat during the session of this parliament.  In this act the clergy
acknowledged that all their convocations ought to
be assembled by the king's writ; and promised,
" in verbo sacerdotii," that they would never make
*~ Statutes, 25 Hen. VIII. ch. 21, sect. 13.
t Statutes, vol. III. 25 Hen. VIII. ch. 12; Burnet, vol. I. pt. I.
bk. xi. p. 302



86       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
nor execute any canons or constitutions without
the royal assent to them, and that measures should
be taken to reform or abrogate all existing canons
which were prejudicial to the king's prerogative,
contrary to the laws of the land, and heavy to the
subjects. All this was confirmed by an act of parliament.*
The above were the principal reformatory acts
of this celebrated parliament and convocation.
With a strong hand did the king thus drive on the
herculean work of demolishing the papal fortresses
in England: not without opposition and resistance
from the popish clergy, however, but in spite of
all resistance; for Henry VIII. was not a man to
quail before opposition, nor to allow his own imperious will to be effectually resisted in his own kingdom.
What is more remarkable than any reformatory
act of parliament, or convocation even, was the
fact that the very monks, the elite of the Romish
host, were also induced to renounce the pope's supremacy, and to swear allegiance to Henry as the
head of the church of England; and to promise
submission to him, notwithstanding the pope's censures; who, they were made to say, had no more
authority or jurisdiction than any other bishop, beyond the limits of his own diocese.t
* Statutes, 25 Hen. VIII. ch. 19; Burnet, vol. I. pt. I. bk. II. p.
299t Burnet, vol. I. pt. I. bk. II. p. 314. In the Records, vol. I. pt.
xI. bk. II. No. 50, may be found what is declared, by the priors of




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.                87
In addition to these several acts, by which the
pope's authority was officially and legally overthrown in England, the press and the pulpit were
assiduously used for the same purpose. The pope's
name was struck out of all the service-books of the
church; books were published, and preachers were
required constantly to preach, against the pope's
supremacy, and in favor of the king's; and instructions were sent to all the sheriffs to keep a vigilant
eye on the clergy everywhere, to see that they were
faithful to the king in these matters; and still further, spies were sent out by Cromwell, who was
now  (1534) at the head of the government next to
the king, to watch the clergy and the sheriffs, with
orders to report all delinquencies to the government.
Thus were the tables completely turned on the
papists.   The  time was, when the spies of the
clergy were everywhere, to detect the poor men and
women who ventured to speak or act in opposition
to the usurped authority of the bishop of Rome;
and when all officers of state were required, by
six religious houses, to be the free and unconstrained opinion and
assent of themselves and all the brethren of their respective
houses-" uno ore et voce, atque unanime omnium et singulorum consensu et assensu," etc. In this document they say of
the king: "Rex noster Henricus est caput ecclesim Anglicanwe ";
and of the pope: " Quod episcopus Romanus, qui in suis bullis
papse nomen usurpat, et summi pontificis principatum sibi arrogat,
nihilo majoris neque auctoritatis aut jurisdictionis habendus sit,
quam cUteri quivis episcopi in Anglia alibi in sua cujusque diocese."




88      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
royal authority, to aid the clergy to their utmost in
bringing the heretic Lollards to the stake. But
now, the king, the parliament, and the convocation
even, proclaim as the doctrine of the church of
England and the law of the state, the very truths
for which the Lollards died; and spies are everywhere watching the clergy and the state officials,
to see that they are faithful to these Lollard doctrines!
Even a cursory reader of the history of the English Reformation must be impressed with the conviction that wise and far-reaching minds were employed in shaping the public acts of this period,
and minds pretty thoroughly protestantized too.
These acts appear generally to have been carefully
matured, and skilfully adjusted to the circumstances of the country in its new position towards
popery.  Thomas Cromwell, chancellor of the
kingdom, and Thomas Cranmer, archbishop of
Canterbury, were the directing spirits of the Reformation; and most diligently must they have
labored in maturing and carrying forward the important measures which characterize those stirring
times. A glance at the minutes of the privy council will show that the utmost pains were taken to
prepare the minds of the people for the new measures, and to set them forward in the best possible
manner. Take the following memoranda of subjects to be considered, or work to be done, by the
privy council, at a meeting on December 2d, 1534:
- 1. That all the bishops were to be sent for and




THIIE ENGLISH REFORMATION.      89
ex:-inecd apart, whether they by the law of God
could prove that he who is called the pope of
Rome is above the general council, or that above
him; or whether he hath given to him, by the law
of God, any more authority within the realm than
any other foreign bishop.- 2. To devise with all
the bishops, to set forth and preach to the king's
people, that a general council is above the bishop
of Rome, and all bishops, and that the bishop of
Rome hath no more authority in this realm than
any other foreign bishop, and that his exercise of
authority heretofore in the realmn has been usurped,
and only by sufferance of the princes of the realm.
- 3. That order be taken to have this doctrine
preached every Sunday at St. Paul's Cross; and
that the bishop of London suffer no other doctrine
to be preached at St. Paul's.-4. That all the
bishops of the realm be bound and ordered to
preach this same doctrine throughout all their
dioceses. -- 5. That special practice be made,
and also a straight commandment given, to all
provincials, ministers, and rulers of all the four
orders of friars within this realm, that they cause
the same doctrine to be preached by all the preachers of their religion through the whole realmn. - 6.
To practise with all the friars Observantes, and to
command them  to preach in like manner. — 7.
That every abbot, friar, and other heads of religious houses, shall in like manner teach convents
and brethren to teach and declare the same. 8.
That every bishop shall make special command



90      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISMI.
ment to all his clergy to preach in like manner. —
9. Proclamation to be made throughout the realm
of the act against appeals to Rome.
The above is a sample of the minutes. There
is much more of similar import, showing what
painstaking every step in the great reformation
required from the men who directed the affairs of
Church and State in those eventful days.*
In November and December of 1534, there was
another session of parliament, which, though quite
short —from the third of November to the eighteenth of December —was yet a most important
session; for in it was passed the act which established by law the right and title which Henry had
previously extorted from the clergy- that of " Supreme Head of the Church of England."
This act is short, and for its importance deserves
to be given entire, as on it is built the whole fabric
of the present church of England. It is entitled:
" An Act concerning the King's Highness, to be
Supreme Head of the Church of England, and to
have authority to reform and redress all errors,
heresies, and abuses in the same"; and reads thus:
" Albeit the king's majesty justly and rightfully is
and ought to be [oweth to be] the supreme head
of the church of England, and so is recognized by
the clergy of this realm in their convocations; yet,
nevertheless, for corroboration and confirmation
thereof, and for increase of virtue in Christ's relig* State Papers, vol. I. pt. Ir. No. 20, pp. 411-14,




THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.           91
ion within this realm of England, and to repress
and extirpate all errors, heresies, and other enormities and abuses heretofore used in the same: Be it
enacted by authority of this present parliament,
that the king our sovereign lord, his heirs and
successors, kings of this realm, shall be taken, accepted, and reported the only supreme head in
earth of the church of England, called Anglicana
ecclesia, and shall have and enjoy annexed and
united to the imperial crown of this realm, as wvell
the title and style thereof, as all honors, dignities,
preeminences, jurisdictions, privileges, authorities,
immunities, profits, and commodities to the said
dignity of supreme head of the same church belonging and appertaining; and that our said sovereign lord, his heirs and successors, kings of this
realm, shall have full power and authority, from
time to time, to visit, repress, redress, reform, order,
correct, restrain, and amend, all such errors, heresies, abuses, offences, contempts, and enormities,
whatsoever they be, which by any manner, spiritual
authority, or jurisdiction ought or may lawfully be
reformed, repressed, ordered, redressed, corrected,
restrained, or amended, most to the pleasure of Almighty God, the increase of virtue in Christ's religion, and for the conservation of the peace, unity,
and tranquillity of this realm: any usage, custom,
foreign laws, foreign authority, prescription, or any
other thing or things to the contrary hereof notwithstanding." 
* Statutes, 26 Henry VIII. ch. 1, anno 1534.




92       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
In this session, likewise, an act was passed reciting and ratifying the oath of obedience to the
king and his heirs by Queen Anne, required by the
statute 25 Henry VIII. ch. 22, sect. 9;; and another
act, granting to the king and his heirs the payment
of the first fruits, heretofore given to the pope,
and the yearly tenths of all spiritual livings; t and
still another, making it high treason, and taking
away all sanctuaries from persons who should
"wish, will, or desire, by words or writing, or by
craft imagine, invent, practise, or attempt any bodily harm to the king's most royal person, the
queen's, or their heirs apparent, or to deprive them
of the dignity, title, and name of their royal estates,
or slanderously and maliciously publish and pronounce, by express writing or words, that the king
our sovereign lord, should be heretic, schismatic,
tyrant, infidel, usurper of the crown." $
This parliament further proceeded at once to a
practical application of the principles established
by previous acts in reference to the appointment
and institution of bishops, by making provision for
the nomination and consecration of twenty-six new
suffragan bishops. ~  It likewise passed acts of
attainder against Fisher, bishop of Rochester, and
Sir Thomas More, ex-chancellor of the kingdom,
and several others, for refusing to take the oath
relating to the succession of the crown. I[
* Statutes, 26 Henry VIII. ch. 2.    t lb. ch. 3.
A lb. ch. 13.  ~ lb. ch. 14.    II lb. chaps. 22 and 23.




CHAPTER III.
PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION. - THE FIRST ENTIRE
BIBLE IN ENGLISII PRINTED. - SUBSEQUENT ISSUES
OF THE SCRIPTURES IN ENGLISH.
THE  years 1535-1541 were filled with transactions and events of deep moment to the Reformation.   In  1535'the  memorable  visitation  of the
monasteries  began.   These  "religious  houses"
were found to be, generally, cages of unclean birds
or beasts, and the lesser ones were suppressed in
1536, and the greater ones in 1539.' In 1535, also,
fell those great props of popery, Bishop Fisher and
Sir Thomas More.t   Another of the signs of the
$ Statutes of the Realm, 27 Henry VIII. chaps. 27 and 28; and
31 Henry VIII. ch. 13; Buriiet, vol. I. pt. I. bk. III. pp. 388, 445;
Fuller's Church fIistory, bk. vI.; Froude's Hist. Eng., vol. II. ch. x.
f Burnet, vol; s. pt. I. bk. II. p. 321.
Fox calls More, "a bitter persecutor of good men." -Acts and
Mons., II. 293, 294. Froude's account of More and Fisher is very
full and graphic, in vol. II. ch. Ix.  For examples of More's
cruel and persecuting temper, see particularly pp. 72-88, and
229. Burnet says of More: "He was one of the bitterest enemies of the new preachers, not without great cruelty when he
came into power, though he was otherwise a very good-natured
man." -Vol. I. pt. I. bk. I. p. 32.
It is but common justice to his memory to add, that More ex(93)




94         HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISiM.
times was the appearance, by royal authority, of
" A Goodly Prymer" in the English language,
pressly denied having perpetrated some of the specific acts of
cruelty which were charged on him. Lewis, in his preface to
Roper's Life of More, states fairly the charges against More, and
gives the best answers made to these by him and his friends. He
does not, however, attempt to exonerate him from the charge of
harsh treatment of the persons of those reformers who fell into his
hands, and of vituperative and scurrilous language when speaking of them. Singer, in his preface to Sir Thomas More's life,
says: "The only serious and unrefuted charge which can be
brought against his [MAore's] memory, is the severity of misguided
zeal with which he sought out and punished the early reformers,
whom he unrelentingly persecuted with the pen and scourge, as
pernicious heretics." Bishop Atterbury says of More's Latin answer to Luther, that in it he had forgotten himself so far that he
had there "thrown out the greatest heap of nasty language that
perhaps ever was put together," and that " the book throughout is
nothing but downright ribaldry, without a grain of reason to support it, and gave the author no other reputation but that of having
the best knack of any man in Europe at calling bad names in
good Latin; though his passion is sometimes so strong upon him,
that he sacrifices even his beloved purity to it."
Tyndale's Doctrinal Treatises, and his answer to Sir Thomas
More's Dialogue, etc., abound in illustrations of the violent and
even scurrilous language commonly used by More in speaking to
or of the reformers, and of his persecuting spirit towards all of
them within his reach. - Parker Society's Publications. Fox furnishes an illustration of More's special hatred of Tyndale. He
tells us, that More, having any poor man before him who had been
at Antwerp, where Tyndale was supposed to be, employed in
translating the Scriptures and in other labors of love, " most studiously would search and examine all things belonging to Tyndale: where and with whom he hosted; whereabout stood the
house; what was his stature; in what apparel he went; what resort he had," etc. - Acts and Mons., ii. 303. The fruits of this
bitter enmity finally ripened into the betrayal and death of the
good man, by the hands of a pretended friend, introduced from




PROGRESS OF THE REFORMIATION.                95
commonly called the "King's Primer," and characterized by its generally evangelical character, and
by its bold attacks on the cherished dogmas and
practices of the Romish  church.   In this primer
the  popes  are  called  "the  cursed  and  wicked
bishops of Rome, that heretofore have been and
are but lies and vanities." The saying of prayers
before images or pictures is condemned, as involving, in some instances, " the most highest blasphemy
and shameful villany that can be devised to the
merits of the most precious death and blood of
our Saviour Jesus Christ." Praying to saints and
the Virgin  Mary, if not condemned  with all the
pointedness that image-worship is, is yet treated as
unnecessary, and not required by the Scriptures.
Jesus Christ is spoken of throughout this primer
as " our only sufficient and eternal Mediator "; and
England, after being hunted from place to place for years. Any
one who would understand what pains were taken, and what
sums of money were expended by the English government, to
stop the labors of Tyndale and to bring his life to an untimely
end, should read the biographical sketch of the great translator
which prefaces Tyndale's Doctrnlal  Treatises, in the Parker Society's Publications; or Fox's Story of Tyndale, II. 301-8; or,
above all, Anderson's Annals of the English Bible. A very able and
comprehensive review of Sir Thomas More's life and character
may be found in No. 59 of the North British Review.  It was republished in Littell's Living Age, No. 776. More seems to have
sympathized with the church reformers until about the time of
the Anabaptist outbreak and insurrection in Germany. The radicalism of those reformers probably alarmed him, and made him
fear for the safety of the State, if the new doctrine prevailed.




96        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
the popish substitution of the Virgin, in place of
her Son, as vile idolatry. Praying for the dead is
denounced  and  ridiculed, "as  amongst all other
works of darkness and deep ignorance, not one of
the least." *
The year 1535 is specially memorable for the
appearance in print of the first entire English Bible.  Wickliffe's translation had been circulating,
very secretly, in manuscript, for more than a hundred and fifty years, or since about 1380, when he
began the work; Tyndale's translation of the New
Testament had been finding its way, for nine or
ten years, all over England,-  prohibited and con* See the "Admonition to the Reader," introductory to the
Primer, in Formulacries of Faith; Preface to the Litany, ib.; and
"Admonition and Warning," which precedes the " Dirige," ib.
" From 1534 to 1539, this primer must have been extensively
circulated; for another edition was required in 1538.  Though
but a small volume, yet it accomplished a great work in preparing
the minds of the people for the total rejection of the errors of the
Church of Rome." - Lathbury, p. 4.
t Between 1525, when Tyndale's New Testament was first
printed, and 1535-36, fifteen distinct impressions of this excellent
translation found their way covertly into England, and they were
not small editions either; and in 1536 alone, there were ten
editions.  Tyndale first published the gospel of St. Matthew,
" printed as it was written by the Evangelist"; then, the gospel
of St. Mark, probably at Hamburg, in 1525; though "no fragment of this first fruit of Tyndale's scriptural labors is known
to be remaining." Then followed, the same year, " The Newe
Testament in Englysshe," with glosses and a prologue -begun
at Cologne, by P. Quentel, and finished at Worms, by Peter
Schoeffer. Only thirty-one leaves of this edition are now to be
found. The same year, another edition of the same appeared,




FIRST PRINTED ENGLIStH  BIBLE.                97
demned though it was by the Church and State
authorities; and portions of the Old Testament in
English  had  also been put into  circulation;   yet,
previous to this time, no complete Bible in'English had been printed. But in the autumn or winter of this year came from the press this precious
boon to the English  nation-the whole Bible in
English.   It was the work  of Myles  Coverdale,
afterwards, for a little time, bishop of Exeter.   He
was encouraged probably by the queen, Anne Boleyn, and supported  by Lord Cromwell, the vicargeneral of the  kingdom.   Whether this translation was made from the original languages does
not clearly appear, though the title-page and the
prologue seem to imply that it was derived chiefly
from  other translations.t  It was a small folio, or
without name or place. — Anderson's Annals of the English Bible,
vol. I. p. 647, and Index to vol. II. pp. 7, 8; Cotton's Editions of the
Bible, etc., pp. 1, 2.
t Genesis and Deuteronomy in separate books were published
in 1530; The Pentateuch, with a general preface, and a second
edition of Genesis, in January, 1530-31. - Anderson, I. 241, 242,
and II. Index, p. 7.
t " To helpe me herin, I have had sondrye translacions, not
onely in latyn, but also of the Douche interpreters; whom (because of theyr syngular gyftes and speciall diligence in the Bible)
I have ben the more glad to folowe for the most parte, accordynge
as I was requyred." -Prologue.
Whittaker, however, maintains that "the Hebrew text is by
Coverdale most faithfully and ably translated "; and Dr. G(eddes
"scruples not to affirm, that this translation is one of more
merit, and is more according to the original (such as Coverdale had it), than the present authorized version." —llfemoir
of Coterdale, p. 78.  Anderson, on the contrary, insists, that,
vOL. II.              7




98        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.l.
what would now be called royal octavo, very handsomely printed, and illustrated with numerous
wood engravings of indifferent workmanship.  Its
title-page, bordered with small engravings, read
thus: "BIBLIA.   The  Bible, that  is, the  Holy
Scripture of the Olde and  New  Testament, faithfully and truly translated out of the Douche and
Latyn  in to  Englishe.  MDXXXV.  S. Paul iI.
Tessa. III. Praie for vs, that the worde of God
maie have fre passage, and be glorified, & ct. S.
Paul Col. III. Let the worde of Christ dwell in
you plenteously in all wysdome & ct. Josue I.
Let not the boke of this lawe departe out of thy
mouth, but exercyse thyselfe therein daye and
nighte & ct."
On the reverse: "Prynted  in the yeare of oure
Lorde iMD.xxxv., and fynished the fourth daye of
October." *
Neither the printer's name nor the place where
it was printed is given. It is probable, however,
though Coverdale was competent to translate from the Hebrew,
yet his leaning to the Vulgate and German versions is quite apparent, and expediency was far too much consulted in the undertaking throughout.- Vol. I. p. 564. And Cotton says: " We readily
concede to Mr. Anderson, that Coverdale did not translate from
the Hebrew and Greek originals, but from the Latin Vulgate,
* *X still he has deserved well of every friend to the English
Reformation." - Editions of the Bible and Parts thereof in English,
p. 11, Pref. Oxford, 1852.
* This indicates the time when the translator's work was finished, not when the book came from the press. It probably required several weeks to complete the work, bind up the sheets,
and get them to England.




FIRST PRINTED ENGLISH BIBLE.              99
that Frankfort or Zurich was the place, though
Cologne has also been suggested. It was dedicated to the king and to " his dearest just wyfe,
and most vertuous pryncesse, Quene Anne " —
Anne Boleyn. Where the translation was made,
or how long Coverdale was employed on it, is not
known. It has been conjectured with much probability, that he retired to the privacy of his old
convent in Cambridge for this purpose.'
Probably in the winter of 1535-36, a copy of this
Bible was presented to Lord Cromwell, to be submitted to the king for his approval and license.
The king committed the book to Gardiner and
other bishops for examination. But they were in
no haste to report. "After they had kept it long in
their hands, and the king was divers times sued
unto for the publication thereof, at the last being
called for by the king himself, they redelivered the
book. And being demanded by the king what
was their judgment of the translation, they an-: See his letter to Cromwell, dated " from the Augustyns, this
May Day " — convent of the Augustine monks, Cambridge - in
which he says: "I humbly desyre and beseeche your goodnesse, of your gracyus helpe. Now I begyne to taste of Holy
Schryptures; now (honour be to God) I am sett to the most swete
smell of holy lettyres, with the godly savour of holy and awncyent Doctoures, unto whose knowledge I cannot attayne without
dyversyte of bookys, as is not unknowne to your most excellent
cuystome. Nothyng in the world I desyre but bookys, as concernyng my learnyng," etc. etc. - Memorials of the Right Reverend
Fathler in God, SMyles Coverdale, etc. Appendix, No. 1. Lond. Samuel Bagster, 1838. See also Anderson, I. 553.




100        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISMI.
swered that there were many faults therein.'Well,'
said the king,'but are there any heresies main.
tained thereby?' They answered that there were
no heresies that they could find maintained thereby.'If there be no heresies,' said the king,'then, in
God's name, let it go abroad among the people.' ""
The king is reported to have been influenced to
make this decision in favor of Coverdale's translation  by the intercessions of the queen; to whom
is also attributed the royal injunction mentioned
by Fox, as " given about the year of our Lord 1536
and 1537," requiring the clergy to provide " a booke
of the whole Bible, bothe in Latine and also in English, and lay the same in the quire, for every man
that will to look and read thereon," etc.t
But before this injunction could be obeyed, if
not before it could be issued, a change came over
Henry. Anne Boleyn lost his favor, and soon fell
before his wrathful and merciless tyranny; and
* Bishop Fulke's Defence of the Translation of the Holy Scriptures,
Parker Soc. ed., p. 98; Mem. Coverdale, p. 71; Pettigrew's Bibliotheca Sulsseriana, p. 270.
Fulke was a contemporary of Coverdale, and professes to give,
in the words quoted in the text, the substance of what he heard
Coverdale himself say, in a sermon preached at St. Paul's, in defence of his translation of the Bible. Anderson (vol. II. pp. 88, 89)
applies this anecdote to a later edition - to Cranmer's Bible of
1539-40, and says: "this anecdote has been very generally misplaced in its application."
t Fox, II. 324-25. " Through the intercession of Queen Anne,
the king at last granted that the English Bibles might be printed
and placed in every church, where the people might read them."
-Ant. Ecc. Brit., p. 385, ed. 1572, in Mem. of Coverdale, p. 73.




FIRST PRINTED ENGLISH BIBLE.               101
everything on which she had smiled naturally in.
curred the king's frown.'
Under this change of affairs, it would have been
foolhardiness for any one to have attempted to put
into  circulation a book in which Queen Anne was
pronounced the king's " dearest just wife, and most
virtuous princess."
A few copies had, however, got abroad with
these offensive words in them; others were altered
with a pen, so as to read " Quene JAne," instead
of "Anne." But it was obvious that a new dedication was indispensable, and it was prepared.
There was also an attempt to make it appear like
a new  book, by means of a new  title-page.t   Yet,
* Anderson, I. 563. Anne Boleyn was committed to the Tower
on the 2d of May, 1636, and was executed on the 19th of May,
same year. Her fall had doubtless begun several months before
her arrest and confinement in the Tower.
That the king had given his sanction to the publication of Coverdale's Bible, is fairly inferrible from the language of the preface to the Institution of a Christian man, or the King's Book, which
bears date July 23d, 1537. In this, the bishops give thanks to God
for " such a king to reign over us, which so earnestly mindeth
to set forth among us his subjects the light of Holy Scripture, which
alone showeth the right path to come to God."  Certainly this
must refer to Coverdale's translation, for no other then existed in
print in England. — Anderson, I. 575.
t Annals Eng. Bib., I. 562-65. A beautiful copy of this rare and
costly book, the only one in New England, and with a single exception the only one in this country, is found in Mr. George Livermore's rich and extensive collection of Bibles.
F'rom Mr. Livermore, who is authority in all such matters, I
learn that no peifect copy of the original edition of Coverdale's
Bible is known to exist, and that the only copy with the original




102        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
after all, this Bible seems never to have secured
much of the royal favor nor that of the people.
Still, its publication was an event worthy of grateful commemoration.*
The parliament which commenced its sessions
June 8th, 1536, passed a most important act, in
addition to, and in completion of all other acts
on the same general subject, entitled: "An Acte
Extyngurysshing the Auctoryte of Busshop of
Rome." This act, after berating the bishop of
Rome for his usurpations and " his worldly and
carnal affections, as pomp, glory, avarice, ambition,
and tyranny," etc. etc., proceeds to declare, that
if any person or persons within the realm  shall, by
writing, ciphering, printing, preaching, or teaching,
deed or act, hold or stand with, to extol, set forth,
title-page is in the library of the Earl of Leicester; and that
Lea Wilson, of London, the celebrated bibliographist, was so desirous of completing his copy, that he offered one hundred pounds
for a genuine title-page. But not succeeding in obtaining an original, his copy was supplied with a fac-simile. In this condition it
was sold, after Mr. Wilson's death, for three hundred and sixtyfive pounds. A good copy of this Bible now readily sells for two
or three hundred guineas, or from ten to fifteen hundred dollars!
Mr. James Lenox, of New York, is the owner of the only copy of
this Bible, besides Mr. Livermore's, known to be in this country.
* The new title-page read: " The Byble, that is, the Holye
Scrypture of the Olde and New Testamente faythfully translated
in Englysh, and newly ouersene and correcte. MDXXXVII." -
Anderson, ii. Index, p. 8.
Anderson puts this under the year 1536, and so does Cotton
(pp. 10, 11); but if this title is correct, it was published the year
following.




TYNDALE'S BIBLE.                103
maintain, or defend the authority, jurisdiction, or
power of the bishop of Rome, all such persons,
their aiders, abettors, favorers, etc., shall incur and
run into the dangers, penalties, pains, and forfeitures provided and ordained by the statutes of Provisors and Prvemunire. Justices of the assize and
of the peace are required to inquire into these offesces, and justices of the king's bench to proceed
as in cases of prmmunire.'
In 1536 appeared the king's proclamation against
the excessive number of holy-days, particularly in
harvest time, " the keeping of which greatly hindered the gathering in of the corn, hay, fruit, and
other such necessary commodities."  And following this, another royal proclamation against the
abuse of images, pilgrimages, belief in relics and
blind miracles, etc. etc.
The year 1537 deserves special commemoration
in the history of the Reformation, as the year in
which appeared the first royal proclamation in
favor of the Bible in English.  During the previous year an injunction seems to have been drawn
up by the vicar-general, Cromwell, to authorize
the use of Coverdale's Bible in the churches, as
Fox reports.D But, as this article is not found in
* Statutes, 28 Hen. VIII. ch. 10.
t Acts and Mos., II. 324, 325: "Item. That every parson or proprietary of any parish church within this realm, shall on this side
the feast of St. Peters, ad vincula, next coming, provide a book of
the whole Bible, both in Latin and also in English, and lay the
same in the quire, for every man that will to look and read




104        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISIM.
Cranmer's register, the reasonable presumption
is, that the injunction was suppressed, perhaps
in consequence of the fall of Anne Boleyn; and
that the king, though he once may have given his
verbal approval of Coverdale's translation, never
formally and publicly recognized the work, nor authorized its introduction into the churches. This
year, however, appeared a proclamation by the
king's authority, and certain injunctions addressed
to the clergy of the realm, permitting and commanding the Bible, being translated into our
mother tongue, to be sincerely taught and declared
by the clergy, and to be openly laid forth in every
parish church, to the intent that all the king's good
thereon; and shall discourage no man from the reading of any
part of the Bible, either in Latin or English; but rather comfort,
exhort, and admonish every man to read the same, as the very
word of God, and the spiritual food of man's soul, whereby they
may the better know their duties to God, to their sovereign lord
the king, and their neighbor."
Burnet gives this injunction in his copy, but says in a foot-note:
" This paragraph is not among the injunctions in the register." -
Vol. ii. pt. II. bk. III. coll. vII. p. 254. He does not give his authority for inserting it, nor any reason why it is inserted among
the injunctions, if not found in the register. The inference is,
that he thought it belonged there.
In Fox's copy of the injunctions, of which the above forms
one, we read: " In the name of God, Amen. In the year of our
Lord God 1536, and of the most noble reign of our sovereign lord
Henry Eighth, etc. * * * the 28th." But in his account of these
injunctions, Fox says: "After these Injunctions and Articles
afore expressed (which were given about the year of our Lord 1536
and 1537), it was not above the space of a year, but other injunctions also were published," etc. etc.- Vol. II. pp. 323, 325.




TYNDALE'S BIBLE.              105
subjects, as well by reading thereof as by hearing
the true explanation of the same, might first learn
their duties to Almighty God, and his majesty,
and one another; keeping always in remembrance,
that all things contained in this book were the undoubted will, law, and commandment of Almighty
God.*
The Injunctions relating to this matter were as
follows:  " Item: That ye shall provide on this
side the feast of N. [Nativity, Dec. 25th] next coming, one book of the whole Bible of the largest
volume in English, [to distinguish the authorized
Bible, or Matthew's, from Coverdale's, which was
a smaller volume by some two inches,] and the
same set up in sorne convenient place within the
said church that ye have care of, where your parishioners may most commodiously resort to the same
and read it; the charges of which book shall be
ratably borne between you, the parson, and the parishioners aforesaid; that is to say, the one half by
you and the other half by them.  Item: That ye
discourage no man privily or apertly [openly] from
the reading or hearing of the same Bible; but
shall expressly provoke, stir, and exhort every person to read the same, as that which is the very
lively word of God that every Christian man is
bound to embrace, believe, and follow, if he look
a I have given only the gist of the proclamation. It may be
found entire in Chlester's Life of Johnl Rogers, Appendix, pp. 433,
434. It is in abbreviated, awkward English, hardly intelligible to
an unskilled reader.




106       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
to be saved; admonishing them, nevertheless, to
avoid all contention and altercation therein, and to
use an honest sobriety in the inquisition of the true
sense of the same, and to refer the explication of
the obscure places to men of higher judgment in
Scripture.",
Here is a complete and apparently hearty indorsement and commendation of the Bible in English, which would have made an old Lollard's heart
leap for joy.  The king of England, by his vicegerent, calling on the clergy of his realm to " provoke, stir, and exhort every person" in the realm to
read the Bible in English, " as that which is the very
lively word of God that every Christian man is
bound to embrace, believe, and follow, if he look to
be saved"!  What more could be asked?  It was
for this that the king had been petitioned, and the
parliament had been moved; it was for this that
good men had prayed, and labored, and suffered
the loss of all things worldly, yea, had laid down
their very lives, yet all in vain! And now, almost
without an effort, or simply for the asking, the
king grants this greatest of earthly boons to his
poor people!  Surely, " the king's heart is in the
hand of the Lord, as the rivers of water: he turneth it whithersoever he will." -
* Cranmer's Register, fol. 99 b., in Chester's Life of John Rogers,
41, 42; Fox, II. 325; Anderson, II. 33, 34.
t Burnet says of these injunctions: "These were equally ungrateful to the corrupt clergy and to the laity that adhered to the
old doctrine. The very same opinions about pilgrimages, images,




TYNDALE'S BIBLE.               107
And when we consider whose translation of the
Bible the king of England thus sanctions, and
commends to all his subjects as "the very lively
word of God," our admiration  of God's ways
with men must be still more enhanced!  This Bible, which appeared under the fictitious name of
" Thomas Matthew " as the translator, was the work
of William  Tyndale and John Rogers.  From  the
winter of 1523-24, Tyndale had been almost incessantly employed in translating and printing different portions of the Bible. In the midst of poverty and persecution, an exile from his native land,
hiding himself in a foreign country, and driven
from one place to another, his labors often interrupted, his printed sheets seized and destroyed,
himself watched and hunted by the emissaries of
Wolsey and Sir Thomas More, he had nevertheless
persevered in his holy work; and before his toilsome and useful life could be brought to a violent
end, he had succeeded in perfecting and publishing
numerous editions of the New Testament, and had
translated the Old Testament in order, as far as
the end of the Second of Chronicles, and probably other books partially.' Here his labors closed.
and saints departed, and instructing the people in the principles of
Christian religion in the vulgar tongue, for which the Lollards
were not long ago either burnt or forced to abjure them, were
now set up by the king's authority." - Vol. i. pt. I. bk. II. p. 454.
* Azderson, I. 570: "x * *  It must be presumed that there
were other chapters in manuscript. * * * in whole or in part:
Esther viii., Prov. xxxi., Isaiah i. ii. vii. xliv. li. liii. lviii., Jer.




108      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
Sometime in 1535 he was arrested, and confined
in prison at Vilvorde (or Vilvoorden), in Belgium,
and on the 6th of October, 1536, was strangled
and burned to ashes, for being the great instrument
of introducing into his native land the purest and
best translation of the Word of God then, if not
now, extant!  But, though the translator of the
Scriptures was thus cruelly and prematurely cut
off, his manuscripts were saved, and a kindred
spirit was provided to take up the unfinished work
and carry it on to completion. John Rogers, "the
Martyr,"' had been for some time engaged in this
work, and had carried the good book half through
the press, when Grafton and Whitchurch, afterwards the celebrated London printers, became
aware of the fact and proposed to become the
publishers. Grafton put nearly all he was worth
(five hundred pounds) into the enterprise; and it
was driven on with so much energy that before
August 4th, 1537, the completed work was in
England- less than a year after the dying martyr had cried, " Lord, open the king of England's
eyes!"   No time was lost by the enterprising
publishers in placing a copy of this new translation in the hands of Archbishop Cranmer; who,
after an examination, sufficient to satisfy him of
xxviii., Ezek. i. viii. xxxvi., Joel ii. iii., Hosea xi., Amos iv., and
Zech. ii. viii."
* For the particulars of the arrest and execution of Tyndale,
see Anderson, vol. I. sect. xii. p. 416; Fox, ii. 301-8.




TYNDALE'S BIBLE.           109
the general excellence of the work, sent it to Lord
Cromwell, on the 4th of August, 1537, with an
earnest recommendation to this effect:
"Ml[y especial good lord, after most hearty
commendations unto your lordship.  This shall
be to signify unto the same, that you shall receive,
by the bringer hereof, a Bible in English, both of a
new translation and a new print, dedicated unto
the king's majesty, as further appeareth by a pistle
unto his grace, in the beginning of the book,
which, in mine opinion, is very well done, and
therefore I pray your lordship to read the same.
And as for the translation, so far as I have read
thereof, I like it better than any other translation
heretofore made; yet not doubting but that there
may and will be found some faults therein, as you
know no man ever did or can do so well, but it
may be, from time to time, amended; and forasmuch as the book is dedicated unto the king's
grace, and also great pains and labor taken in setting forth of the same, I pray you, my Lord, that
you will exhibit the book unto the king's highness;
and to obtain of his grace, if you can, a license
that the same may be sold, and read of every person, without danger of any act, proclamation, or
ordinance heretofore granted to the contrary, until
such time that we, the bishops, shall set forth a
better translation, which I think will not be till a
day after Domesday. And if you continue to take
such pains for the setting forth of God's word, as




110     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
you do, although in the mean season you suffer
some snubs, many slanders, lies, and reproaches for
the same, yet one day He will requite altogether;
and the same Word (as St. John saith)'which
shall judge every man at the last day,' must needs
show favor to them that now do favor it. Thus,
my lord, right heartily fare you well." *
Lord Cromwell seems to have entered heartily
into the good archbishop's views; and notwithstanding the failure of what may be regarded as
his own special enterprise, the Coverdale Bible,
immediately used his great influence with the king
to secure the licensure and adoption of this new
translation of the Holy Scriptures; and with so
good effect, that in a few days the desired license
was obtained, to the great joy of Cranmer's heart,
as appears from letters addressed to Cromwell, the
first dated the 13th of August, and the other the
28th of the same month. In the first he says:
" Whereas I understand -that your lordship, at my
request, hath not only exhibited the Bible which I
sent unto you, to the king's majesty, but also hath
obtained of his grace that the same shall be allowed by his authority, shall be bought and read
within this realm. My lord, for this your pain
taken in this behalf I give unto you my most
hearty thanks, assuring your lordship for the con-' State Papers, vol. I. pt. ii. No. 94, in Chester's Life of John
Rogers, 425; Anderson, I. 379.




TYNDALE'S BIBLE..11
tention of my mind, you have showed me more
pleasure herein than if you had given me a thousand pounds."  And in another letter, written fifteen days after the above, he says, as if his heart
was overflowing with joy: " This shall be to give
you most hearty thanks that any heart can think,
and that in the name of them  all whic(h favoreth
God's word, for your diligence at this time in
procuring the king's highness to set forth the
said God's word and his gospel by his grace's
authority."'
Thus even the king of England's eyes were
opened by the fingers of the Almighty, and the
precious Word of God, so long hid from the longing eyes of the people of England, allowed to have
free course through the land. And the eager desire of the people to read the Scriptures in their
own mother tongue was so great, that, though one
or more revised editions of Coverdale's Bible appeared this same year,t yet a second edition of two
thousand five hundred copies of the large and expensive volume of Matthew's Bible was called for
in 1538, and no less than seven editions, or impressions, of the New  Testament, not to speak of a
number of issues of portions of God's word with
expositions and commentaries. j
* Cotton's Ms., Cleo p. E. V., fols. 300 and 348, in Chlester's Life of
Rogers, 426, 427.
Meem. of Coverdale, 221, 223; Cotton gives but two, p. 12.
* Cotton, 14; Pettigrew, 270 and on.
I have been thus particular about this Bible, because great con.




112        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISI.
The floodgates of Divine truth were now fairly
opened; and no power, royal, papal, or diabolical, could ever after fully stop the gracious flood.
Strype tells us, that " it was wonderful to see with
what joy this book of God was received, not only
among the learneder sort, but generally all England over, among all the vulgar and common people; and with what greediness God's word was
read, and what resort to places where the reading
of  it was!   Everybody  that could, bought the
book, or got others to read it to them, if they could
not themselves. Divers more elderly people learned
to read on purpose; and even little boys flocked,
fusion prevails respecting its history, and many writers have confounded this with other Bibles, and so mingled the story of this
with other translations as greatly to confound one seeking accurate information; and surely it is worth while to know exactly
the history of the first publicly authorized version of the Bible in
English, as well as that of the first printed English Bible. Take
Mr. Neal's account as an illustration of confusion and error. ITistory of the Puritans, vol. I. p. 69. He says this Bible was first printed
at Hamburg, in 1532; which was five years before it appeared, and
three years before any translation of the entire Bible was printed.
And when it did appear, it did not come from Hamburg. He
says that Coverdale assisted in translating it; which Anderson
shows to have been a mistake. He further says that archbishop
Cranmer reviewed and corrected it, and added a preface; whereas
it is evident from Cranmer's own letter that he could never have
seen it until it was placed in his hands complete and printed. And
finally, that it was sometimes called " Cranmer's Bible "; when
it is well known that " Cranmer's," or " the Great Bible," did not
appear until 1540. The public are greatly indebted to Mr. Anderson for his thorough investigation and elucidation of everything
connected with the history of English Bibles.




PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION.               113
among the rest, to hear portions of the Holy Scriptures read." *
The injunctions issued in 1536, against the excessive number of holy-days, and the abuse of
images, the practice of pilgrimages, and the superstitious belief in relics, etc., were repeated in 1538;
and a practical application of them was made, by
the utter destruction of some of the richest and
most frequented  shrines in the kingdom, and the
exposure of the tricks and contrivances of the
clergy to impose on the people and extort money
by means of certain celebrated images, which had
inward machinery to move their limbs or eyes.
This exposure helped greatly to open the eyes of
the people to the corruptions and falsehoods of the
Romish system, by which they had been cheated
all their lives; and to advance, in a corresponding
degree, the great work of reformation.t
* Strype's Cranlmer, vol. I. ch. xvII. p. 91. Oxford edition, 1840.
t Burnet, vol. I. pt. I. bk. III. pp. 485-; vol. III. pt. I. bk. II,.
p. 254; and pt. II. No. 55; Froude, III. 285-90; Fox, II. 330, 431.
Among the impositions practised by the priests, the following
are enumerated by Lord Herbert, copied from records of the visitors of the monasteries:- In eleven different places was shown
the Virgin Mary's girdle; and in eight different places her milk
was shown. The bell of St. Guthlac, and the felt of St. Thomas,
of Lancaster, were exhibited as remedies for headache. The
penknife, the boots, and a piece of the shirt of St. Thomas, of
Canterbury, were much reverenced. The coals that roasted St.
Lawrence were shown; two heads of St. Ursula; the paring of
St. Edmund's nails; the image of an angel with one wing, that
brought to England the spear's head that pierced Christ's side;
VOL. II.              8




114        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
Another of the  significant public acts of the
times was the supposititious trial and condemnaan image of Our Lady, with a taper in her hand, which burnt
nine years together without wasting, till one, forswearing himself thereon, it went out, and was found to be but a piece of wood;
the Rood of Grace, at Boxley, in Kent. This had cunningly contrived machinery, by means of which the image was made to
move its eyes and lips. At Hales, in Gloucestershire, was shown
the blood of Jesus, brought from Jerusalem, and kept for ages.
This had drawn many offerings, even from remote places. On
examination, it was found to be duck's blood, which was renewed
every week. The blood was placed in a glass, one side of which
was so thick that the blood could not be seen through it, while the
other side was thin. If a visitor did not offer liberally, the thick
side was presented; an increase of the offering brought round the
thin side, and lo, the blood was visible - Herbert's Life of Henry
VII., p. 495. Fox tells us of the images of Walsingham, Ipswich,
Worcester, the Lady of Willesdon, Thos. Becket, with many
more, "having engines, to make their eyes open and roll about,
and other parts of their body to stir; and many other false jugglings * * x all which were espied out and destroyed." - Vol. II.
p. 330. Dr. London, one of the visitors of the monasteries, reported among other things, that he found as many pieces of the
cross of the Saviour as would make a large, whole cross; also,
relics against rain, and for hindering weeds from springing, etc. -
Burnet, vol. I. pt. I. bk. III. p. 485.
As an illustration of the superstitious use made of the shrines
and images in different parts of the kingdom, take the following
account by Price, one of the visitors, of a huge wooden image
which he found in Wales, called Darvel Gatheren. He says,
" that the people of the country had a great superstition for it; so
that the day before he wrote (April 5th, 1537) there were reckoned
to be above five or six hundred pilgrims there. Some brought
oxen and cattle, and some brought money; and it was generally
believed that if any offered to that image, he had power to deliver
his soul from hell." The image was brought to London, "where
it served for fuel to burn friar Forrest." - Burnet, vol. I. pt. I. bk.




PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION.          115
tion, in 1538, for rebellion, contumacy, and treason,
of the world-renowned " Saint Thomas a Becket,"
archbishop of Canterbury, who had been in his
grave between three and four hundred years. For
these alleged crimes the bones of the old sinner
were ordered to be dug up, his shrine at Canterbury demolished, its offerings forfeited to the
crown, his day stricken from the calendar, and
" the office" for his festivity dashed from the breviaries.
The significancy of these acts appears from the
consideration that the Romish church had contrived to make Thomas a Becket -in whose person, or rather in whose death, the papal power had
triumphed over the royal power in England — the
most popular modern saint in all the calendar.
His shrine was more visited than any other in the
kingdom, and the offerings made to it were more
numerous and richer. Pilgrims came to it from
all parts of Christendom, bringing gifts and worship.  Even  princes and  crowned  heads thus
honored the memory of Becket. One of the richest jewels in Europe was presented to this shrine,
by Louis VII., of France. The very pavement
III. p. 487. Dr. Forrest belonged to the convent of " Observant
Friars," at Greenwich, and was confessor to Queen Catharine, and
suffered in 1538 as a traitor and heretic, being suspended by
chains round his waist and under his arms, and thus hung, while
he was consumed by a slow fire; very much as was the brave
old Lollard, Sir John Oldcastle, Lord Cobham, a century and a
quarter before him.




116     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISMI.
around the shrine was worn away by the kneeling
myriads of worshippers. There were two holydays, yearly, devoted to this papal martyr; and
every fiftieth- year there was a jubilee for fifteen
days, during which indulgence was granted to all
who visited the shrine of the martyr. About one
hundred thousand persons are said to have paid
their homage at this shrine during the fifteen days
devoted to the sixth jubilee of Becket's translation,
in 1420. Thus the Romish church was able to
make Becket's bones a constant proclamation to
Christendom of the superiority of papal over
kingly power; while, at the same time, she gathered enormous wealth from her impositions. The
ever flowing stream of pilgrims to this altar, and
the offerings laid thereon, were naturally enough
regarded by Henry and his counsellors as so many
intolerable protests against the royal supremacy.
His saintship was therefore denounced as a traitor
and rebel against his sovereign, and was summoned into court to answer to these charges. The
dry bones, not obeying the summons, were pronounced contumacious, were dug up, and either
burned or mixed with other bones; and, what was
hardly less important in Henry's eyes, two chests
full of gold, so heavy " that they were a load to
eight strong men to carry them out of the church,"
were emptied into the royal treasury.*
* Herbert, p. 501; Burnet; vol. I. pt. I. bk. III. pp. 488-96; Lin
gard, vol. vi. ch. iv. p. 275; Fox, II. 369.




BIBLE. ERA OF THE REFORMATION.   117
In 1539, Hilsey, bishop of Rochester, published
a primer somewhat resembling Marshall's, though
perhaps rather more like the Sarum: Primer, or
the King's Primer. This primer was submitted
to Cranmer, and corrections were made by him,
but they were not admitted by Hilsey; and "in
many particulars, and especially in those connected
with the peculiarities of Romanism, the book differed from the primer by Marshall. It rather re.
ceded on these points."' But, like its predecessor,
it contained various portions of Scripture, and was
of considerable value in familiarizing the common
people, among whom it was particularly designed
to circulate, with the Word of God, and in preparing them to read that sacred book.
The " Matthew Bible," (Tyndale's,) we are told
by Fox, did not a little offend the clergy, namely,
the bishop of Winchester and his fellows; particularly on account of its prologues and its special
table of texts about the Lord's supper, marriage
of priests, and the mass; and Henry was importuned for a new version, without any prologues or
annotations, which they said were made vehicles
of heretical and defamatory matter. So the king
committed the matter to Cromwell; and he authorized Grafton and Whitchurch, the London printers,
to bring out an edition of the Bible which, for correctness and elegance, should surpass any which
had yet appeared. They employed Coverdale to
L* athbury, 5-7.




118      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
superintend the printing, and chose Paris as the
place to print it in, on account of the superiority
of the workmen in that city, and the excellence
of the paper to be had there. The work was immediately commenced; but, before it could be
completed, the Inquisition interfered, arrested the
printer, and seized the printed sheets and ordered
them to be burned. Fortunately, however, Grafton and Coverdale, having some premonition of
the approaching catastrophe, had previously sent
off to England so much of the Bible as was
finished; and of the condemned sheets, "four
great dry fats of them," which had been sold to
a haberdasher for waste paper, instead of being
burned, were recovered by purchase, so that, probably, but a small portion of the entire edition of
two thousand five hundred copies was lost to the
publishers.* The Englishmen escaped unharmed;
and after a while returned to Paris, secured the
presses and types, and even the workmen, removed
them all to London, and there finished the undertaking, and brought out the Bible in April, 1539.t
This was called the " Great Bible," and sometimes
"Cranmer's Bible," though the edition of 1540,
which has a prologue by Cranmer, is more prop* Anderson, ii. 28-30.
t The order from the Inquisition for the seizure of the sheets
was dated Dec. 17th, 1538. The work must then have been very
nearly finished, and very few sheets could have been lost, or it
would not have been completed at this date.




BIBLE ERA OF THE REFORMATION.      119
erly " Cranmer's Bible."  It for a while was the
standard version, for use in the churches.
In 1539, another work of great historical interest and value appeared from the press, under the
favor of Cromwell.  It was "Taverner's Bible,"
with introductory matter, notes, tables, etc.; and
was specially adapted to private use. Two, if
not three, editions appeared in the course of the
year.* What renders this Bible specially deserving of notice is the introductory and explanatory
matter which accompanies the text, in which some
of the leading tenets of popery are distinctly and
pointedly repudiated. For example, in speaking
of the priesthood, Taverner says: " The order
of priesthood is translated; that is to say, abolished, ceased, and finished, in such wise as there
must now be no more; for we are all priests to
God, that we should offer ourselves a spiritual sacrifice, even as Christ offered himself," etc. Of the
mass he says: " This word is not in the Bible,
therefore he could do no better but to send the
reader to the supper of our Lord Jesus Christ."
So he speaks of purgatory as a word not to be
found in the Bible; and tells his readers that there
is no other means provided for the purging away
of their sins but the passion of Christ.  Under
the head of sacrifice, he says: " The bread and
wine received in the supper of Christ are no sacrifice, (for Christ was offered once sufficiently for our
* Cotton, 15, 16; Anderson, II. 80-82.




120     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
sins, Heb. x.) but a holy memory of the death of
Christ." " The supper of our Lord," he says, " is a
holy memory and giving thanks for the death of
Christ."  He speaks of "ministers or bishops."
He asserts that " a man ought to make no images,
for God hateth them; and whosoever maketh them
is cursed of him"; and that "the Lord hateth the
holy-days."  Of the sacraments he says: "' Christ
hath left us two signs, for to show and protest our
faith before his church; that is to say, the water of
baptism, and the bread and wine of his holy supper."  " The keys," he tells us, " are the law and
word of God, by the which we do shut and open
the kingdom of heaven; that is to say, the church.
Christ only giveth the keys to bind and loose by
his word. WThosoever is filled with the Holy Ghost,
hath power to show by the Word of God, that they
which do believe (that remission of sins is done by
Christ) are absolved (which is to open); and that
they which do not believe it, are bound (which is
to shut), Jno. xx."  "Excommunication and rejection from the holy assembly of our Lord Jesus
Christ," he informs us, "is done by the church
against open and obstinate sinners, Matt. xviii."
Among his definitions of a church are the following: " The faithful gathered together in one house
are a church." Rom. xvi., Col. iv. "A bishop," according to Taverner, " is an overseer, a watcher
over any manner of thing whatsoever it be." "
I quote from the edition of 1549, in two small quarto vol



BIBLE ERA  OF THE REFORMATION.             121
Thus we see, in 1539, the priesthood denied by
royal authority; masses and purgatory ignored;
the sacraments described  as nothing but outward
signs; and the eucharist treated as simply a memorial supper, without sacrificial character: all
which, it need hardly be added, was rank Lollardy,
which in previous years had sent hundreds of poor
saints to the prisons of the bishops, and many to
the martyr's stake.
The years 1540 and 1541, though barren of religious interest otherwise,* may be fitly called the Bible
Era of the English Reformation; for, during these
two years, not less than seven distinct editions of
the Bible were printed in London. Six of these
were handsome folios; and the editions consisted
of from  fifteen hundred to two thousand five hundred copies each. Besides these, there were printed
umes, black letter, kindly loaned me by Mr. George Livermore,
of Cambridge. The first editions, of 1539, one in folio and the
other in quarto, I have not been able to find. The "Postils on
the Epistles and Gospels, compiled and published by Richard
Taverner, in the year 1540," were republished at Oxford, in 1840,
in one volume, 8vo. pp. 612. Taverner was one of Wolsey's scholars, who was arrested while at Oxford University, for reading and
having in his possession Tyndale's version of the Scriptures, and
imprisoned with Clark and others. He escaped condign punishmerit by Wolsey's interposition, he saying of him: "He is only
a musician! " He was the organist of his college, and skilled in
music. No less than three editions of Tatverner's Bible appeared
during the year 1539; and two editions of the New Testament by
Taverner, and two by Coverdale. Cotton, pp. 15, 16.
* After 1540, Fox says, "religion began to go backward." -
Vol. II. p. 370.




122      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
three editions of the New Testament; four editions
of the Epistles and Gospels —two of them with
postils " by divers learned men, recognized and
augmented by Richard Taverner "; the Epistle to
the Ephesians, with a commentary; and two editions of portions of the Old Testament.*
Of the Bibles, the first was finished in April,
1540.  It was called the " Great Bible," or " Cranmer's Bible," the archbishop having furnished it
with a prologue, and was printed by Edward
Whitchurch.f  This was regarded during Henry's
reign as the standard edition, to be read in the
churches; for the king not only commanded that
"it be set up in all the churches," and that his
order to this effect be read by all the clergy to their
people, but also that the order be " set up upon
every church door, that it may more largely appear
to our subjects." t
The same month another, and a different folio
edition of the Bible was published by Petyt and
Redman. This is styled by Cotton, " Cranmer's
Bible "; but Anderson says, " it is not only without Cranmer's prologue, and differs from his translation in the psalms and elsewhere, but the New
Testament is said to be after the last recognition
of Erasmus.. * It is on a smaller type and pa* Cotton, 16-18; Anderson, ii. 127-34, and Index.
t Some copies have Richard Grafton's, and others have Edward
Whitchurch's imprint. - Cotton, 16. Anderson, ii. 130, says, "Edward Whytchurche.": Anderson, II. 130; Cotton, ut sup.




BIBLE ERA OF THE REFORMATION.    123
per than the last, and seems to have been intended
for the use of families." Though neither submitted
to any bishop's inspection nor the king's approval,
it was warranted by Cromwell, the great patron of
the Scriptures, without whose authority no Bible
could be published in England.
By July, another edition of the " Great Bible"
was called for and published; and in November of
the same year, still another edition, which bishops
Tunstall and Heath were compelled by the king's
command - Cromwell having now fallen - to
oversee and approve, though, doubtless, greatly to
their annoyance. This, though finished in 1540,
-was not published until 1541. "In addition to
these four [folio] Bibles, it is said that there was
a fifth, and in five volumes, as small as sexto-decimo
[16mo.], printed by Redman." " In 1541, there was
another edition of Tunstall and Heath's overseeing
published, and two of Cranmer's Bible. All these
Bibles were printed in London; and most of them
by means of those very types, presses, and workmen, which were brought from Paris in 1539, when
the Inquisition interrupted the printing of the Holy
Scriptures in that city, as before related.t Thus
did God make the wrath of man to praise him.
Thus were some twelve thousand copies of these
large and handsome Bibles published in England
in the course of two years! which, without these
* Cotton, 17; Anderson, ii. 131-34, and Index.
t Anderson, ii. 129. See ante, p. 118.




124      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
foreign types, presses, and workmen, could not
have been done.
The sale, as well as the publication of these Bibles, was regulated by government. By the minutes of the privy council, held at Greenwich, April
25th, 1541, we learn, that "it was agreed, that
Anthony Marler, of London, merchant, might sell
the: Bibles of the Great Bible, unbound, for xs.
sterling [equal to ~7 10s. of the present currency],
and bound, being trimmed with bullyons, for XIIs.
sterling, or equal to ~9,""  or to nearly forty-four
dollars.
Anthony Marler, of London, here first distinctly
brought before us in connection with this important work of publishing English Bibles, was neither a printer nor a bookseller by profession, but a
member of the honorable company of haberdashers.t  Yet he must have been a princely man; for
on him, not on the king, nor the archbishop, nor
any of the nobility of the realm, but on plain
"' Anthony Marler, haberdasher," as he signs himself, devolved the entire expense and risk of the
numerous and costly folio Bibles which were published in London during these two eventful years
of the Reformation.  And this expense, judging
from the regulated prices of the books, and from
what Grafton invested in the edition of 1537, c_' d
* Anderson, II. 142.
t "Haberdasher. One who deals in miscellaneous goods, or
small wares, as ribbons, tape, pins, needles, thread, twist, buttons,
trimmings, etc." - Worcester's Dictionary.




BIBLE ERA OF THE REFORMATION.       125
not have been less than four or five thousand pounds
sterling; which, for those times, was a very large
sum of money; equal to at least five times that
amount now, or to twenty or twenty-five thousand
pounds sterling, or nearly five times as many thousand dollars! Thus did God raise up men and
means to do his own blessed work!
During the six years between 1535, when the
first Bible in English was printed, and the end of
1541, not less than fifteen distinct editions of the
entire Bible, in English, twenty editions of the
New Testament, and sixteen or eighteen editions
of parts of the Old and New Testaments- many
of them with postils or commentaries attachedwere issued from the press. And, if these editions
averaged, as they undoubtedly did, two thousand
impressions each, there were scattered over England, or laid up in store for future use, in the course
of these memorable years during which the Word
of God was permitted to have " free course," not
less than thirty thousand Bibles, forty thousand
New Testaments, and between thirty and forty
thousand copies of parts of the Bible! A glorious
seed-sowing for future ages! 
The brief review which has now been taken of
the more important acts and transactions which
* Cotton's list gives eighteen editions of the entire English Bible,
and twenty-two editions of the New Testament. - Pp. 8-18. Anderson's list contains twenty-six editions of the New Testament, and
fifteen editions of the whole Bible. - Vol. ii. Index, viii.-x.




126     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
mark the progress of the English Reformation,.
from about the year 1527 to the end of 1541, will
help the reader to trace the gradual development
of the principles embodied and confessed by the
Congregationalists of a subsequent period.




CHAPTER IV.
OBSTACLES  TO  THE  ENGLISH  REFORMATION. -THE
CHANGEABLE COURSE  OF THE   ING. -— TRACT  AND
BOOK DISTRIBUTORS.
IT must not be supposed that the work of turning the pope out of England — the " strong man
armed" out of his palace - was accomplished
without hard fighting.  If "' Michael and his angels
fought against the dragon, the dragon fought and
his angels,"  too.*    The pope did  not yield  his
sovereignty in England without a death-struggle.
He unscrupulously availed himself of traitors with* Bishop Burnet, in his Introduction to the history of the Reformation in 1535, says:-" The king having passed through the
traverses and tossings of his suit of divorce, and having, with the
concurrence both of his clergy and parliament, brought about
what he had projected, seemed now at ease in his own dominions.
But though matters were carried in public assemblies smoothly
and successfully, yet there were many secret discontents, which
being fomented both by the pope and the emperor's agents,
wrought him great trouble, so that the rest of his life was full of
vexation and disquiet."  And he further tells us, that "all who
were zealously addicted to what they called the old religion,
were everywhere mneeting together, and consulting what should
be done for suppressing heresy and preserving the catholic faith."
-Vol. I. pt. I. bk. III. p. 361.
(127)




128     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
in and enemies without. He stirred up the Romish
nobility of the kingdom, to rebel against their
sovereign; and he summoned the kings of the
earth to make war on the heretical English. Most
of the dignified clergy of the land, too, were the
pope's friends, and did their utmost to prevent the
work of reform, or to overturn it after it had been
effected; while many of the inferior clergy, and
especially the monks and friars, were ever ready to
excite the people against the Reformation, at the
bidding of their superiors, because it threatened the
extinction of the despotic and profitable power of
the priesthood over the poor, ignorant devotees of
popery.  Against all these cooperating enemies
the reformers were compelled to fight their upward
way. And, though we may be constrained to condemn the despotic character of the great ruler who
sat at the helm of state during those terrible days
of storm and tempest, yet may we well doubt
whether any sovereign less absolute, unyielding,
fearless, and energetic than Henry VIII., could
have safely weathered the storm.
Let us look for a moment at some of the items
in this general account of obstacles over which the
English Reformation triumphed.
One of the early hostile movements against the
Reformation was the plot of certain priests and
monks, with the cognizance, if not the cooperation
of several high dignitaries in Church and State, to
frighten the king out of his scheme for divorcing
Catharine. The instrument employed was a poor




OBSTACLES TO THE REFORMATION.    129
servant-girl, in Kent, named Elizabeth Barton,
afterwards known as " the Maid of Kent," or " the
Nun of Kent." After a violent nervous sickness,
this young woman fell into a sort of deliriumn, in
which she uttered what the priests were pleased to
call prophecies and revelations. These exciting a
good deal of interest in the neighborhood, she was
taught to continue them, from time to time, and was
furnished with suitable revelations and communications for the purpose. The government suffered
the plot to go on until the cheats had grown to be
rebels; when the Maid and some half a dozen of
her chief accomplices were seized, tried, and executed, for a conspiracy against the king's life and
crown.
It may seem, at first, a light affair —this attempt
of knavish priests to use a simple girl as a prophet;
but it will appear otherwise when we consider that
among the prophecies put into her mouth were
such as these: " that, if the king went on in the
divorce and married another wife, he should not be
king a month longer, * * * but should die a villain's
death"; and when we know that thousands of
people were gathered around her to hear these
prophecies; that books were written of her revelations; that even bishops, who were known to be
devoted to Catharine and the old religion, were on
familiar terms with this half-crazy girl; and that
the number of influential persons interested in the
movement was constantly increasing. When all
these things are considered, it need not be counted
VOL. II.       9




130     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISI.
strange or unpardonable that the government
should interfere, and bring the chief conspirators
to an untimely end.*
The mendicant monks were busy during the
summer of 1534, travelling up and down the
country, in the pope's service; and the religious
orders generally were ready to cooperate in any
promising scheme of resistance or rebellion. But
perhaps the most serious obstruction to the good
work was found in the opposition of two distinguished men, Fisher, bishop of Rochester, one
of the oldest and most influential prelates, and Sir
Thomas More, one of the most learned men and
most distinguished statesmen of the kingdom.
They both openly and perseveringly refused the
oath of succession and supremacy, and for this refusal were finally adjudged guilty of treason, and
were executed; as were also several others, monks
and friars.t These severe acts produced great excitement throughout Christendom, and particularly
in the Roman court, and called forth the famous
bull of Paul III., (for Clement was now dead,) interdicting the kingdom and deposing Henry. This
bull, though known, was not openly promulgated
for some three years afterwards, being kept back
chiefly through the influence of Francis I., king of
France, as has already been mentioned.
In the spring of 1534, soon after the decision
a Burnet, vol. I. pt. I. bk. II. pp. 302-10; and pt. II. p. 434;
Froude, vol. II. ch. vII. pp. 164-82, 198-205.
t Froude, II. 366-95.




OBSTACLES TO THE REFORMATION.    131
of the Romish court against Henry,- which was
greeted at Rome with the firing of cannon, the
blaze of bonfires, processions, shouts in the streets,
and other demonstrations of extravagant joysoon after this, was brought to England the rumor
of gathering hosts on the continent, under the direction of Charles V., to avenge the wrongs of
the papacy and the insult to his aunt, Catharine,
by the conquest of England. And almost simultaneously with this rumor, Ireland, under the sanction of the pope and the direction of Charles V.,
broke out into open rebellion, the progress of which
was marked by scenes of pillage and massacre,
and cold-blooded murders, such as were wont to
characterize Irish movements of this kind.- An
English archbishop, Allen, his chaplains and servants, were among the earliest victims of this
rebellion.
The fall of Anne Boleyn, on the 19th of May,
1536, was another severe stroke to the Reformation; for, whether innocent or guilty, Anne had
been a steady friend to the reformers and their
good work, from her first accession to royal honors
to the end of her brief, but brilliant career. Burnet
attributes to her influence the order from the king,
in 1536, for the immediate preparation and publication of the Bible in the English tongue; which
the bishops had been promising for several years,
but had not furnished. They had condemned
Wickliffe's Bible, as an incorrect translation, and
had obtained its prohibition; they had treated




132     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
Tyndale's translation in like manner; all the time
craftily admitting the value of the book, but declaiming against erroneous translations.  They
talked about making a true and reliable translation
of the Bible, but they were never quite ready to
begin, much less to finish such a work; and the
English nation might not have had this rich boon
when they did, had not Anne Boleyn employed
her great influence with the king to induce him to
order the work done immediately. This was the
last public act of this unfortunate queen, " who,"
as Burnet says, " the nearer she drew to her end,
grew more full of good works." *
The king found immediate consolation for the
loss of his once greatly beloved Anne Boleyn, by
marrying, on the very day after her execution, Jane
Seymour, the most amiable, and probably the best
loved of all his wives, and with whose charms he
had been smitten some time previous to the discovered or invented criminality of Queen Anne.
In the autumn of 1536 came the great northern
rebellion, and the " Pilgrimage of Grace," the most
formidable insurrection which Henry ever encountered. It was stirred up and directed by the pope's
emissaries.t
In 1538-39 the whole country was again thrown
into a state of excitement by the threatened inva* Burnet, vol. I. pt. i. b. k.. pp. 391-94.
t Froude gives a full and graphic account of the insurrectionary
movements in 1536-37. - Hist. Eng., vol. III. ch. xiiI.




OBSTACLES TO THE REFORMATION.           133
sion of the emperor Charles V., commissioned by
the pope to dethrone the king of England, and
punish the nation for its heresy.'
In 1538, Gardiner, the craftiest of the conforming popish bishops, got the ear of Henry, and persuaded him to burn to death that learned, devout,
and faithful Lollard, Lambert, or Nicholson, the
personal friend of Bilney, and Tyndale, and Frith,
who had gone before him in the martyrs' chariot to
heaven.t Lambert being dead, Burnet tells us:
"the party opposed to the Reformation, headed by
Gardiner, persuaded the king that he had got so
much reputation to himself by it, that it would effectually refute all aspersions which had been cast
on him, as if he intended to change the faith."
Neither did they neglect to flatter him  as indeed
" a defender of the faith, and the supreme head of
the church "; and thus to incite him to further acts
of severity against the protestants.   The bitter
fruits of these flatteries appeared in the injunctions
set forth by authority of the king against English
books, sects, sacramentaries, etc. By these injunctions, an English book imported, sold, or published,
* Froude, III. 342-58.
t Froude, III. 337-42. Fox (II. 331-65) tells the story of Lambert with great particularity, and describes the cruel and unrighteous mock trial which he underwent, in which he was brow
beaten and badgered by the king most unmercifully. Lamnbert's
death, though triumphant, was protracted and terrible. He continued to shout, as long as life remained: "None but Christ!
None but Christ!"  See also Burnet, vol. I. pt. I. bk. III. pp.
505-9.




134       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISMI.
without license, exposed the offender to loss of
goods, fine, and imprisonment during the king's
pleasure; and all disputing or arguing about the
sacrament of the altar, except by the learned in
their schools of divinity and other appointed places,
exposed the disputants, not only to fine and imprisonment and confiscation of property, but to loss of
life even.*
Early in 1540 was passed a bill entitled "' An
Act abolishing Diversity in Opinions"; which is
better known as the " Six Articles Act," or "the
Bloody  Statute."   This, so  far as its influence
went, tended to reinstate the doctrines of popery
in the church of England. These articles maintained: 1. That in the sacrament of the altar, after
the consecrating words of the priest, the natural
body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ were
present under the form of bread and wine. - 2.
That communion in both kinds is not necessary.
3. That priests may not marry.-  4. That vows of
* "As the Lord of his goodness had raised up Thomas Cromwell to be a friend and patron to the gospel; so, on the contrary
side, Satan (which is adversary and enemy to all good things) had
his organ also, which was Stephen Gardiner, by all wiles and subtle means to impeach and put back the same. Who, after he had
brought his purpose to pass in burning good John Lambert (as ye
have heard), proceeding still in his crafts and wiles, and thinking
under the name of heresies, sects, anabaptists, and sacramentaries,
to exterminate all good books and faithful professors of God's
word out of England, so wrought with the king that the next
year following, which was of our Lord 1539, he gave out these
injunctions." - Fox, ii. 369.




OBSTACLES TO THE REFORMATION.      185
chastity and widowhood are binding. — 5. That
it is meet and necessary that private masses be
maintained. -6. That auricular confession is expedient and necessary. Any person who, by word,
writing, etc., should impugn the truth of the first
of these articles, was doomed to death by burning,
and to a forfeiture of lands and goods. Any person who should preach, teach, or affirm contrary to
the other five articles, and any priest or person,
having vowed chastity, who should marry, was
declared to be a felon, without benefit of clergy.
And, not contented with this enactment, the parliament of 1540 confirmed and strengthened the statute by two additional acts; one of which gave the
decisions of the clergy in matters of religion, confirmed by the king, the validity and authority of
an act of parliament.*
" The Bloody Statute " kindled at once the spirit
of persecution; or rather, gave vent to that spirit,
which the popish clergy had for a season, though
with difficulty, been compelled to restrain. Complaints, and arrests, and imprisonments were heard
of on every side.  In two weeks' time,five hundred
persons in London alone were under indictment
for violating the six articles; and Fox tells us that
the persecution was not confined to London, but
extended "to Salisbury, Norfolk, Lincoln, and all
other shires and quarters of the realm "; and that
* Statutes, 31 Henry VIII. ch. 14, and 32 Henry VIII. chaps.
15, 26.




1136      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
" such a number out of all parishes in  London,
and out of Calais, and divers other quarters, were
then apprehended through the said Inquisition,
that all prisons in London were too little to hold
them; insomuch that they were fain to lay them in
the halls. At the last, by the means of the good
Lord Audley, such pardon was obtained of the
king that they were all discharged, being bound
only to appear in the star chamber the next day
after All-Souls, there to answer, if they were
called; but neither was any person called, neither
did any appear." 
Shaxton, bishop of Salisbury, and Latimer,
bishop of Worcester, both resigned their bishoprics within a week after the adjournment of parliament, and were subsequently imprisoned for
speaking against the Six Articles. They lay in
prison several years. Cranmer was as much opposed to these articles as either Shaxton or Latimer; but was protected by Cromwell and the king
* Acts and Mons., II. 447-52, where may be found a long list of
sufferers under these Six Articles. Fox raves against these articles, which he calls " the whip with six strings," denouncing them
as "erroneous, pernicious, repugnant and contrarious to the true
doctrine, Christian religion, and the word of God, to nature also
itself, all reason and honesty "; and he says, in view of the unreasonable and extreme penalty attached to a breach of them,
" that a man may deem these laws to be written, not with the ink
of Stephen Gardiner, but with the blood of a dragon, or rather
the claws of the devil." -Acts and M~ons., ii. 418. He devotes
nearly fifty folio pages to a consideration of these articles. - Vol.
II. pp. 370-419.




OBSTACLES TO THE REFORMATION.                137
from the popish commissioners who were appointed
to see to the enforcement of the statute.'
In July, 1540, fell -" under the weight of pop.
ular odium  rather than  guilt "-  that great man,
sagacious statesman, and hearty reformer, Thomas
Cromwell.t   His fall left Cranmer almost alone
Buaret, vol. I. pt. I. bk. III. pp. 514-34.  Bernet says, that
"there were also commissions issued out for proceeding upon that
statute; and those who were commissioned for London were all
secret favorers of popery; so they proceeded most severely, and
examined many witnesses against all who were presented; whom
they interrogated, not only upon the express words of the statute,
but upon all such collateral or presumptive circumstances as
might entangle them or conclude them guilty. So that, in a very
little while, five hundred persons were put in prison and( involved
in the breach of the statute. Upon this, not only Cranmer and
Cromwell, but the Duke of Suffolk, and Audley the chancellor,
represented to the king how hard it would be, and of what ill consequence, to execute the law upon so many persons. So the king
was prevailed with to pardon them all; and I find no further proceeding upon this statute till Cromwell fell." - Burnet, vol. I. pt.
I. bk. III. p. 534.
t Statutes, 31 Henry VIII. ch. 14; Froude, III. 303; Hall's
Chronicle, p. 828; Fox, II. 447-52. There were eight charges in
the bill of attainder against Cromwell, four of which related to his
heretical character.  This fact reveals the true ground of the enmity against him. He had risen, by the force of his genius and
capacity for business, from a very humble origin to be the most
powerful and influential subject in the kingdom. For this, he was
hated by the old nobility. But Cromwell's hatred of popery was
undoubtedly his great offence. A forged confession and recantation was published after his death, as was done in the case of that
gallant old Lollard, Lord Cobham, who was hanged and burned
for his protestantism a century and a quarter before Cromwell's
death. The dying prayer of the great statesman and leader of
the Reformation contradicts the calumny that he recanted his
faith in his last hours: " Lord Jesu! Merciful Lord Jesu Christ!




138        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
among the king's counsellors, to support the Reformation;  and  he was in  constant danger.   The
crafty Gardiner was constantly on the alert to overthrow the great bulwark of the Reformation. Repeatedly were snares laid and plots contrived for
the ruin of the good archbishop; and nothing but
the inextinguishable confidence of the king in the
sterling  integrity  of Cranmer, or the danger and
difficulty of supplying his place, should he be removed, saved him  from  the block or the stake.*
The happiness of Henry, with his young and
amiable wife, Jane Seymour, was of short continuance. Soon after the birth of Edward VI. she
I see and acknowledge that there is in myself no hope of salvation; but all my confidence, hope, and trust is in thy most merciful goodness." Such was Cromwell's dying supplication and confession. See the whole prayer, and an interesting account of this
great statesman, in Froude's Hist. Enq., III. 483-526; also Fox's
Acts and Mrons., II. 419-34. See also Warner's Ecc. Hist., vol. II.
p. 197.
* Anderson (Annals of the English Bible, II. 67) suggests — and
it is a suggestion of great force - that friendship for Cranmer had
less weight in the king's mind than regard for his own interest.
He says: "Henry made but one Archbishop of Canterbury, and
in a very strange way; but he could not have made a second without the greatest personal hazard. Had Cranmer been- removed,
Tunstall and Gardiner stood in the way, and could not have safely
been passed over; but though Henry had been listening to their
insidious advice, he had no confidence in either. Besides, bulls
could not now have been obtained from Rome; and though the
king certainly had gone a great way as head of the English
church, an archbishop of his making, without them, would even
yet have stood but a poor chance of acceptance with the priests.
In the king, therefore, it was nothing but policy to uphold his
primate."




OBSTACLES TO THE REFORMATION.        139
died suddenly, on the 24th of October, 1537, sixteen months and four days after her marriage.
After much negotiation and indecision, a German
princess, Anne of Cleves, was chosen to occupy
the vacant place at Henry's side, January 6th,
1540-41.  This marriage was promoted by the
friends of the Reformation, with the hope of bringing about a closer union between England and the
protestant German princes.  But Henry, almost
from the first sight of his bride, conceived such a
loathing of the poor woman, that nothing could
reconcile him to a continuance of the marriage
relation; and he soon rid himself of the incumbrance, being divorced from Anne on the 28th of
July following; and, eleven days afterwards, on the
8th of August, 1541, married Catharine Howard.'
The disgust of Henry towards his German wife,
and his marriage with Catharine Howard, gave the
popish party new life and hopes. These hopes,
however, were speedily dashed by the subsequent
discovery of the wanton character of the new
queen, and her execution on the 12th of February,
1541-42.
The last wife of Henry, married July, 1543, was
Catharine Parr, the widow of Lord Latimer.  She
was regarded as a friend of the Reformation, and
* Fox attributes the passage of the Six Articles bill to "crafty
Winchester," Bishop Gardiner. He calls him " the chief captain "
among "the pestilent adversaries" of the Reformation; and
ascribes to his influence much of Henry's prejudice against Anne
of Cleves. - Acts and Mons., II. 376.




140        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
narrowly escaped losing her head by reason
thereof; * but her influence over the old, diseased,
peevish, and  passionate king, was comparatively
slight. It was rather soothing than controlling:
that of a valued nurse, rather than of a loved mistress.
* Fox, II. 492; Bzrnet, vol. I. pt. I. bk. III. pp. 652, 688- Fox,
in speaking of the period about 1539-40, says: " To many which
be yet alive and can testify these things, it is not unknown, how
variable the state of religion stood in these days; how hardly,
and with what difficulty, it came forth, what chances and changes
it suffered. Even as the king was ruled and gave ear, sometime
to one, sometime to another, at one while it went forward, at another season as much backward again, and sometime clean altered
and changed for a season, according as they could prevail which
were about the king." - Acts and Mlons., ii. 370.
Lord Herbert says of 1541: "And now a cruel time did pass in
England; for, as few durst protect those who refused to subscribe
to the Six Articles, so they suffered daily, whereof Fox hath
many examples; neither was it easy for any man to escape (commissioners being appointed in every shire to search out and examine those who were refractory); nevertheless, their punishment
did but advance their religion; for, as they were notified abroad,
and together their constancy presented, who were burnt, it was
thought they had some assistance from above, it being impossible
otherwise that they should so rejoice in the midst of their torments, and triumph over the most cruel death. Therefore, not
only the over-learned and better-affected sort, but even all Christian princes, endeavored some consent of opinion; the pope himself not omitting to concur therein, as thinking it better to allow
some degrees of latitude, in religion, only when their several authorities might be concerned, than to hazard a general schism and
distinction.  Hereunto, also, it conduced not a little, that the
Turk, taking notice of these divisions, prepared to invade Germany. Therefore, the emperor appointed a meeting at Worms,
where divers learned and able men on both sides should dispute,
hoping so an end would follow." - Life of Ienry VJII., p. 530.




OBSTACLES TO THE REFORMATION.          141
After the death of Cromwell, the Reformation
made little or no progress; indeed, the king's
course was, on the whole, retrograde, though with
occasional turnings towards the right.' The parliament which began its sessions January  22d,
1542-43, passed a severe act, entitled " An Act for
the Advancement of true Religion, and for the Abolishmnent of the contrary."   This confirms the act
of the Six Articles, condemns what it calls "the
crafty, false, and untrue translation of the Old and
New Testament in English, of Tyndale, and all
other books and writings in the English tongue,
teaching contrary to the doctrines set forth by the
king since 1540." It forbids the publication of all
such books, and "the playing, singing, or rhyming
any matter contrary to such doctrines," under the
penalty of forfeiture of goods, and perpetual imprisonment for the second offence.' It forbids all
persons, not specially appointed by lawful authority, to read or expound the Scriptures in any
church or open assembly; noblemen and gentlemen only are allowed to read, or cause to be read,
the Scriptures in their families, to their servants
and others, " quietly and without disturbance of
good order"; it provides that " no women, nor ar* Fox says, that, after the death of Catharine Howard, "the
king, calling to remembrance the words of the Lord Cromwell,
and missing now more and more his old counsellor, and partly,
also, smelling somewhat the ways of Winchester, began a little to
set his foot again in the cause of religion." - Acts and 11Mons., II.
456.




142      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
tificers, apprentices, journeymen, serving-men of the
degrees of yeomen or under, husbandmen, nor laborers, shall read within this realm or in any other
the king's dominions, the Bible or New Testament,
in English, to himself or any other, privately or
openly, upon pain of one month's imprisonment
for every time so offending." A clergyman preaching contrary to the king's doctrine, on refusing to
recant and abjure, or on a third offence, shall be
deemed a heretic, and be burned, and lose all his
goods. Laymen, for the same offence, are doomed,
on refusing to abjure, or on a third offence, to the
forfeiture of all their goods, and to perpetual imprisonment.*
The parliament of 1543-44, January 14th, passed
a bill concerning the Six Articles, which somewhat
mollified the stroke of that terrible scourge - "that
whip with six knots, each one, as heavily laid on,
fetching blood from the backs of the poor protestants." t  This bill forbade private accusations,
which might be the result of malice; directed that
none should be arraigned for any offence under that
act, except on presentment of twelve men, before
three or more commissioners appointed to inquire
into the offence, or at least three justices of the
peace, or other justices; or be arrested, except by
warrant from two of the king's council, or two of
the commissioners or justices aforementioned; and
* Statutes, 34 and 35 Henry VIII. ch. 1.
t Fuller's Church History, bk. v. sect. 14.




CHANGEABLE COURSE OF THE KLNG.    143
that all such accusations be made within twelve
months after the alleged offence.  It further required, that all accusations against preachers for
breaking these articles, except in extraordinary
cases, should be made within forty days after the
alleged offence.'
Fox says: "By the qualifications and moderations of the Six Articles, it may appear that the
king began somewhat to grow out of favor with
Ste. Gardiner, and to descry his doings; whereby
he was the more forward to incline somewhat in
furthering the desolate cause of religion, as may
appear by the premises, and also by other provisions and determinations of the foresaid parliament.
An. 1545." t
This modification of the Six Articles was made,
doubtless, to check the papists, who were pleased
to regard them as a sort of general warrant for the
persecution of the protestants. It was, however,
no part of Henry's plan to allow either of the
great parties in the state an absolute supremacy,
but rather, to play off one against the other; holding the balance in his own hands, and keeping both
parties in hope and in fear. lIe was by nature a
papist of the most uncompromising kind.  Circurnstances only made him favor protestantism.
These were a hook in his nose and a bridle in his
lips, turning him from his natural and desired
* Statutes, 35 Henry VIII. ch. 5
t Acts and Mons., II. 479.




144     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISI.
course. But when left to himself, he became at
once a persecutor of the protestants.
In the year 1544 a litany in English was put
forth by royal authority. This may be considered
as the first official step towards removing the Latin
language from the public services of the church of
England. The special design of this movement
was, to interest the common people in the processions and prayers, in cities, towns, and parishes,
which were ordered by the king about this time, in
view of his war with France and Scotland.
In 1545 "King Henry's Primer," in English,
and in English and Latin, three different sizes,
was published by Richard Grafton and Edward
Whitchurch, by the king's special grant.  The
litany and suffrages in this primer, with slight
alterations, have been retained in the Book of
Common Prayer of the Church of England, to
this day.'  In the original, the "holy virgin, Mary,
mother of God," " all holy angels and archangels,
and all holy orders of blessed spirits," "all holy
patriarchs and prophets, apostles, martyrs, confessors, and virgins, and all the blessed company of
heaven," are invoked to "pray for us." ~  And in
the "Dirige" the dead are prayed for: " Be merciful to the souls of thy servants being departed
from this world in the confession of thy name " * *
* Preface to the Three Primers, pp. lxi.-lxiv.
t Litany, etc., p. 481, in Three Primers; Lathbury's Hist. Corn.
Prayer, 8-10.




CHANGEABLE COURSE OF THE KING.    145
Lord, bow thine ear unto our prayers, wherein
we devoutly call upon thy mercy, that thou wilt
bestow the souls of thy servants (which thou hast
commanded to depart from this world) in the
country of peace and rest, and cause them to be
made partners with thy holy servants, through
Christ our Lord.  Amen." *  Notwithstanding
these and like blemishes, it was a great point
gained to get the royal sanction to the use of the
vernacular, in the public services of the church.
In pursuance of his general plan, to keep both
the great parties of the kingdom in fear and subjection, the king issued a proclamation on the
8th of July, 1546, prohibiting the use of English
books; declaring, "that from henceforth, no man,
woman, or person, of what estate, condition, or
degree soever he or they be, shall, after the last
day of August next ensuing, receive, have, take,
or keep in his or their possession, the text of the
New Testament in Tyndale's or Coverdale's translation in English, nor any other than is permitted by the act of parliament in the four-and-thirtieth and five-and-thirtieth year of his majesty's
most noble reign; nor after the said day shall receive, have, take, or keep in his or their possession,
any manner of books printed or written in the
English tongue, which be, or shall be set forth in
the names of Frith, Tyndale, Wickliffe, Joy, Roy,
Basil, Bale, Barnes, Coverdale, Turner, Tracy, or
x Dirige, p. 492.
VOL. II.        10




146     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
by any of them, or any other book or books containing matter contrary to the said act, made in
the year thirty-four or thirty-five; but shall, before
the last day of August next coming, deliver the
same English book or books *   * to the mayor,
bailiff, or chief constable of the town where they
dwell, to be by them delivered over openly within
forty days' * * to the sheriff of the shire, or to the
bishop's chancellor or commissary of the same
diocese; to the intent the said bishop, etc., * *
may cause them incontinently [immediately] to be
openly burned."
A disregard of this proclamation subjected the
offender to "imprisonment and punishment of the
body, at the king's majesty's will and pleasure ";
and also to " such fine and ransom to his highness
for the same, as by his majesty or four of his
grace's said council shall be determined," etc.*
Then, soon after, as a partial offset to this tyrannical popish proclamation, came out, on the 11th of
August, of the same year, the king's letter to Bonner, commanding him to see enforced the decree
of convocation abrogating sundry holy-days. t
But Henry's work, good and bad, was now
almost finished. His end was near at hand. His
account was about to be sealed up for the great
day of reckoning.  On the 28th of January,
1546-47, after some months of suffering, this great
* FIox, ii. 496.          t Fox, II. 511.




CHANGEABLE COURSE OF THE KING.   147
and accomplished prince - in whom; the hopes and
fears of millions had so long centred; whose
frowns and favors had agitated so many breasts;
who during an entire generation had kept all Europe in a state of feverish excitement; who had
been the chosen instrument in the hands of Divine
Providence to overthrow the papal supremacy in
England, and to weaken its power throughout
Christendom - closed his arbitrary and eventful
reign of thirty-six years, and a life stained with
many acts of ingratitude, meanness, and cruelty,
though adorned with many commendable deeds.
The changeable course of Henry VIII., the
strange admixture of passion and reason, of radicalism  and conservatism, of protestantism  and
popery, in short, of good and bad, in him, make
it extremely difficult to form a just estimate of his
character and reign. Sometimes we are disposed
to laud him, as almost a saint; and at others, to
condemn him, as altogether a sinner. At one
time he seems to be driving on the good work of
reform with a steady, vigorous, careful hand; at
another, equally intent on destroying the work of
his own hands. And not only is he thus changeable and uncertain, but some of his acts seem in
themselves utterly contradictory.  Thus, in the
same fire he burns to death both papist and protestant; he condemns as felony the very sentiments of his favorite archbishop, to whom  he
immediately sends the high officers of his court
to administer comfort, and to assure him of his




148     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
continued regard, or, as Fox says, "to cherish,
comfort, and animate" him.*  The last seven
years of Henry's life seem particularly self-contradictory, and at war with the previous seven years.
But, on the whole, changeable and passionate, uncertain and inconsistent, as Henry confessedly was,
yet, during his eventful reign, great, very great
progress was certainly made in the work of improvement; so great, that, instead of beginning the
English Reformation, as some have done, with the
reign of Edward VI., we should rather regard the
acts of that short reign as simply the finishing
off of the great work.
Not to go into minutiae, Henry did for England
what good men had been sighing and praying for
during many previous generations, but what no
English monarch before his day had the courage,
or perhaps the ability to do, however good his inclination. He broke the galling yoke of popery
from the necks of his subjects; he completely
overturned the pope's supremacy, and dissipated
the phantom of his universal power, demonstrating the utter helplessness of the poor old sinner,
who, calling himself " the servant of servants," yet
assumed to be king of kings, and to rule the
nations with a rod of iron. He made it plain to
Christendom, that, when stripped of his stolen
regalia, and deprived of the support of the kings
of the earth, the pope was really only the bishop
* Acts and Mons., ii. 372.




BIBLE AND BOOK DISTRIBUTION.    149
of Rome, entitled to no more respect, beyond the
bounds of his own diocese, than any other Christian bishop; and illustrated the utter harmlessness
of his excommunications and curses and interdiets, when unsupported by an efficient armed
force.  And this was not all that Henry did,
though it was much, very much to do. He gave
to the English nation the Scriptures of the Old
and New Testament in the English tongue! —a
boon for which the Lollards had been struggling
and dying for more than a century, and which no
other English sovereign had ever dared to grant, in
face of the fierce and deadly opposition of the Romish church.  And in doing this, he laid a broad
foundation for the rational liberty, the intellectual
activity, and the moral superiority of the English
people. Of the important principles and doctrines
developed during his reign, particularly such as
had reference to the order and discipline of the
church, there will be occasion to speak more fully
before we close the story of the Reformation.
But here it is appropriate to consider, how so
radical a change in the religion of the country
could be effected in so short a time; how the English could be induced to change their gods, as they
did during the reign of Henry VIII. The only
entirely satisfactory answer to this is, that the people of England - at least great numbers of them
— must have been prepared beforehand for the
change.  This preparation had been going on
secretly, under ground as it were, for a century or




150      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
more; but it was greatly quickened by the Lutheran reformation, which immediately preceded the
English reformation, and by the newly discovered
power of the printing-press.. Good men, who had.
been driven out of England by the persecution
which disgraced the first twenty years of Henry's
reign, found refuge- in Germany, and there increased their knowledge and strengthened their
faith by an acquaintance with the great reformers
on the continent, and the study of their works.
To occupy their time, and to help forward the
good cause in their native land, some of them set
about translating the Scriptures, and some of the
best works of the continental reformers, into English. These, with Wickliffe's tracts and commentaries, were printed and forwarded to England
secretly, in packages of goods, in sacks of grain,
and in other covert ways. In London these books
and tracts were put into the hands of poor men,
ignorant men, and despised men -so the great
world reckoned them - who were banded together
for the purpose of scattering the precious seed all
over the kingdom, even at the hazard of their
lives. Some of these good men were detected,
and the story of their persecutions and sufferings
for the truth's sake is deeply affecting.* Still the
* See Fox, II. 209, 211-28, 250-69, and especially the affecting story of Garret, the book-distributor in Oxford and elsewhere, and of his friend, Dalaber, and others, at Oxford,
pp. 435-41; also an account of the persecution of Clark, Sumner, Taverner, Frith,: Garret, Dalaber, and others, several of them




BIBLE AND BOOK DISTRIBUTION.       151
work went on. If one faithful laborer was cut
down, another immediately took his place. Men
who had, by the grace of God, been able to grope
their way out of papal darkness into the marvellous light which God's own word sheds on the
soul, were not to be restrained by wicked laws, or
by prisons, or by the stake itself, from doing what
they could to bring others into the same glorious
light and liberty which they enjoyed. They recognized their deep obligation to Him who had said:
" Freely ye have received, freely give." They had
found peace and comfort and joy unspeakable in
reading God's word in their own mother tongue,
and had been helped to understand it by some
simple commentary of Wickliffe's or Luther's, or
some explanatory tract; and should they not carry
these precious books to others, who needed their
light and instruction as much as they themselves
once did?
As early as 1526, and perhaps before that date,
there existed in London an organized club, called
"The Association of Christian Brothers," who had
in view this very business of circulating Bibles and
religious books. " It was composed of poor men,
chiefly tradesmen, artisans, and a few, a very few,
of the clergy; but it was carefully organized, was
provided with moderate funds, which were reguconnected with Wolsey's college, at Oxford, about 1.530-31, in
Froude, II. 45-70, 84-87. See also Anderson's account. -Annals
of the English Bible, vol. I. sect. 3, p. 87, and onward.




152      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
larly audited; and its paid agents went up and
down the country, carrying testaments and tracts
with them, and enrolling in the order all persons
who dared to risk their lives in such a cause."'
This Bible, tract, and colporteur association, all
in one, doubtless contributed largely to prepare the
minds of men for the great events which ten years
subsequently broke like claps of thunder, one after
another, upon Christendom. The popish bishops
strove hard against the quiet, but mighty influence
of these Bible and tract distributors. The poor
men were hounded from one place to another;
compelled to disguise themselves, to hide their
heads in friendly habitations, or in the forests; to
travel by night, and to resort to various stratagems
by day, to escape the bishops' hands; and with all
their care, they were not always able to elude the
diligence and activity of their persecutors. Let
any one read the affecting story, told by Fox, of
Garret's persecution -who, though a scholar and
a fellow of Magdalen College, did not think it beneath him to traverse the country on foot, and
supply the hungry protestants with the Scriptures
and other aids to devotion and instruction - or
of Ferrar's, another of the Christian brotherhood,
if they would understand what these good men
were exposed to in doing their Master's work. It
* Froude's Hist. Eng. ii. 26. He quotes from a manuscript in
the Rolls House, in support of his description of this association
of protestants in 1525.




BIBLE AND BOOK DISTRIBUTION.         153
will be seen from these stories, that not the Bible
and tract distributor alone was subject to persecution, but that the receiver, as well as the circulator
of English books, was doomed to bitter pains and
penalties. Thus, that little band of brethren in
Wolsey's college, in Oxford, to whom Garret carried his precious wares, and who were accustomed
to meet and read the Scriptures, and pray together,
on the detection of the colporteur were themselves
seized, imprisoned, and punished, until death ended
the sufferings of some of them.'
The popish bishops tried another method to stop
the circulation of " heretical books," particularly
Tyndale's New Testament: they bought up the
books, and burned them. But this proved a losing, as well as an expensive business; for the
avails of these sales enabled the reformers to publish new and corrected editions of the burnt books.
And so, in spite of the powers of darkness, the
good work of preparation for the English Reformation went steadily on, until the time arrived for the
king of England to commence the mighty work
of abolishing popery, and introducing the English
Scriptures as the standard of religious faith and
practice.
* See Dalaber's narrative, in Fox, ii. 438-41; and in Froude, ii.
45-70. See also Tyball's confession, and that of other buyers and
readers of protestant books, in 1528.- Strype's Mews., vol. I.
pt. ii. Nos. 17-22, pp. 50-65.




CHAPTER V.
REIGN  OF EDWARD  VI., 1546-1553. — PROGRESS  OF
THE REFORMATION. — DIFFICULTIES ENCOUNTERED.
EDWARD  VI., the only surviving son of Henry
VIII., and the only child of Jane Seymour, was
proclaimed king January 31st, 1546-47. Edward
was born October 12th, 1537, and had been most
carefully  educated.*    His reign, though short, is
memorable, for during it the Reformation was
fully consummated, so far as the church of England was concerned.   Yet, it is not a reign  of
which Englishmen, not even English churchmen,
are particularly proud.
* Strype, in his Ecclesiastical Memorials, gives a list of Edward's
teachers, "happily chosen, being both truly learned, sober, wise,
and all favorers of the gospel." First, Cranmer, his godfather,
had a sort of general supervision of his education; Sir Anthony
Cook, famous for his five learned daughters; Dr. Richard Cox,
"a very reverend divine, some time moderator of the school of
Eaton, afterwards dean of Christ's Church, Oxford, and chancellor
of that university," who instructed him in Christian manners, as
well as other learning. In Latin and Greek he had as a teacher
"that most accomplished scholar, Sir John Cheke, once public
reader of Greek in Cambridge," and John Belmair for the
French. These were his principal teachers. " Other masters attended on him for other tongues. But Cheke did most constantly
reside with him." — Vol. ii. pt. I. ch. 1, pp. 13-16.
(1 5 4)




REIGN OF EDWARD VI.         155
Henry had carefully arranged a plan for the government of England during his son's minority,
vainly hoping to reign by his will when he himself
was no more. To this end, he appointed sixteen
executors, to be regents of the kingdom until Edward was eighteen years old, assisted by twelve
privy councillors, who were also named. But if
Henry forgot that he should cease to be king
when he ceased to live, and that when he ceased
to be king he would neither be feared nor obeyed,
his subjects did not; and one of the first acts of
these executors and councillors, on assuming the
government of the kingdom, was to depart materially from the late king's will by appointing one
of their number to be Protector; who should
represent the king, and be at the head of the government, though without authority to act independently of his coadjutors, the executors and councillors. Their choice fell on the Earl of Hertford,
afterwards created Duke of Somerset, Edward's
maternal uncle.
Henry had endeavored to give to the new government the prominent characteristics of his own.
Accordingly, the administrators of it were in part
reformers and in part papists; the former, however, had the ascendency, and began almost immediately to exert their power in favor of the protestants. Persecution under the Six Articles act was
stopped, and the prisoners for conscience' sake were
set free. Among these was honest " Old Latirner,"
who resigned the bishopric of Worcester on the pas



156        HISTORY  OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
sage of the Six Articles, and who, after repeated
arraignments for his heretical preaching, was finally
imprisoned in the Tower, and there remained six
years.'
The  council also  invited  home  the  Christian
exiles who had been driven abroad by the severity
of Henry's government. Among these were Coverdale, Hooper, Rogers, Philpot, and other distinguished  protestants.   Several learned  foreign
reformers were also invited into England, and
settled in the universities and elsewhere; among
whom were the celebrated Peter Martyr, who was
made professor of divinity at Oxford, and  Martin
Bucer and Paul Phagius, who settled at Cambridge.
Cranmer, who through all the fluctuations of
the latter part of Henry's reign had retained the
* Hugh Latimer seems to have given the rulers of Henry's
church a good deal of trouble. On the 11th of March, 1531, he
was called before the convocation of Canterbury, and pronounced
contumacious.  But ten days after, March 21st, he appeared
again and apologized for his preaching and conduct, subscribed
certain articles which were prescribed, and was absolved from the
sentence of excommunication. On the 22d of April, 1532, he appeared again before the convocation, and made yet fuller confessions of his irregularities, and was fully restored to the communion of the church.  But on the 26th of March, 1533, Latimer's
case was before the convocation a third time. He seems to have
failed to satisfy the clergy by his preaching and living; and on
the 2d of October, 1533, he was forbidden again to preach, by
"John, bishop of London." — Wilkins' Concilia, III. 747, 748, 756,
760; Burnet, vol. I. pt. I. bk. ii. p. 335; vol. III. pt. I. bk. II. pp.
146, 147.




REIGN OF EDWARD VI.               157
king's confidence and enjoyed his favor, was still
archbishop of Canterbury, and was at the head of
the executors of Henry's will and "' governors to
his son and to the kingdom until his son was
eighteen years of age," and next to the head of the
grand council of state, under the Protector. The
measures of religious reform adopted by the council were mainly Cranmer's. It was designed by
him and his friends, as Burnet tells us, " to carry
on the Reformation, but by slow and safe degrees;
not hazarding too much at once." Or, according
to old Fuller, they intended to imitate " careful
mothers and nurses, who, on condition they can
get their children to part with knives, are contented
to let them play with rattles; so they [the Reformers] permitted ignorant people still to retain some
of their fond and foolish customs, that they might
remove from them the most dangerous and destructive superstitions."
In conformity with this " slow and safe" plan,
the council early resolved on a general visitation
of the kingdom, with a view to further religious
reformation.*   This was one of Henry's favorite
methods. For this purpose, thirty commissioners
were appointed, the kingdom was divided into six
* The whole plan seems to have been digested previous to May
4th, 1547, as appears from the king's letter to the archbishop of
York, of that date. - Burnet's Records, vol. II. pt. II. bk. I. No. 7.
But, for some reason, the visitation was not entered upon until
sometime in August. - Burnet's Hist., vol. II. pt. II. bk. I. pp.
52-62; Fuller's Church Hist., vol. Iv. bk. vIII. sect. 3.




158        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
districts, and five commissioners were appointed to
each, consisting of two gentlemen, a civilian, a
registrar, and a divine, whose special business it was
to preach to the people wherever the commissioners went, in order to prepare the way for the intended alterations in religion.* " Articles and Injunctions" were also prepared for the guidance of
the commissioners, and printed and sent forth for
the information of the people.t   A series of twelve
homilies, or short sermons, was also prepared,
chiefly by Cranmer, and published on the 20th of
August, 1547, for the instruction of the people in
some of the more important doctrines and duties
of Christianity; particularly for those congregations which were served by priests who were unwilling or unable to teach these essential truths.t
* Collier, v. 181; Burnet, Ut sup.
t For some reason, these were delayed until July 31st, 1547,
when they were printed.
f Burnet, vol. II. pt. I. bk. I. p. 54. The title of this book of
homilies was " Certain Sermons or Homilies, appointed by the
kings Majestie, to be declared and read by all Parsons, Vicars, or
Curates, everie Sonday, in their Churches where they have
come."
Two editions of these homilies were published during the year
1547, and distributed to the churches and chapels through the
kingdom. But they were much disliked by the papists, and the
good influence of the homilies was neutralized as far as possible
by the conduct of the people or the priests. In some places, we
are told that the people would keep up such "talking and babbling
in church [when the homilies were read] that nothing could be
heard"; and in other churches, where the people were well disposed, and the priest was ill affected, old Latimer tells us, the
priest would " so hawk and chop it, that it were as good for them




REIGN OF EDWARD VI.                 159
The "' Injunctions" were thirty-six  in number.
They required that all ecclesiastical persons should
observe the laws abolishing the pretended and
usurped power of the bishop of Rome, and in confirmation of the king's authority and supremacy;
that once a quarter, at least, they should sincerely
declare the word of God, dissuading their people
from superstitions, fancies of pilgrimages, praying
to images, etc., and exhorting them to works of
faith, charity, and mercy; that images abused with
pilgrimages and offerings be forthwith taken down
and destroyed; and that no more wax candles or
tapers be burned before images, and only two
lights be allowed on the high altar before the sacrament; that on every holy-day, when there was no
sermon, the pater noster, credo, and ten commandments, in English, should be plainly recited in the
pulpit to the people;* that within three months
after this visitation, the Bible of the largest volume
to be without it, for any word that could be understood." - Strype,
vol. II. pt. I. bk. I. ch. 5, p. 49.
* In 1547, Strype tells us: "There was now great care taken
that the vulgar sort might arrive to some understanding of religion, which they were for the most part most barbarously ignorant
of before. And for this purpose, provision was made that the
people might learn in English the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, Ave,
that used always to be said before in Latin; but especially the
Lord's Prayer, commonly called the Pater Noster. And therefore,
the better to inculcate it into the memories of the people, Latimer
used to say this prayer constantly, both before and after the sermon, in the country where he was." - Ecc. Mems., vol. II. pt. I.
ch. 9, p. 112.




160     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
in English, and within twelve months, Erasmus'
paraphrase on the gospel, in English, be placed in
the churches conveniently, to be read by the people;
that all who comre to confession in Lent be examined, whether they can recite the creed, pater noster, and ten commandments in English, before they
receive the blessed sacrament; that they detect
such as are letters (hinderers) of God's word in
English; that every ecclesiastical person under the
degree of bachelor of divinity shall provide for his
own use the New Testament in Latin and English, with Erasmus' paraphrase thereon; and that
the bishops or their officers examine them on their
proficiency in the study of Scripture; that in the
time of high mass the epistles and gospel in English be read, and one chapter from the New Testament at matins, and one from the Old Testament
at evening. All processions about the churches or
church-yards were forbidden. It was required that
the Sabbath be wholly given to God, in hearing
his word read and taught, in private and public
prayers, in receiving the sacrament, and in works
of charity and mercy; that they take away and
destroy all shrines, coverings of shrines, tables, candlesticks, trindles, or rolls of wax, pictures, paintings, and other monuments of feigned miracles, so
that no memory of them remain in walls or windows; and that a comely pulpit be provided in a
convenient place. It was also enjoined, that because of the lack of preachers, curates shall read
homilies, which are and shall be set forth by the




REIGN OF EDWARD VI.                 16)
king's authority; that no forms of prayer shall be
used except such as are set forth in the primer of
Henry VIII., translated into English; and that all
graces before and after meat be said in English.*
These  injunctions  produced  great  excitement
among  the papists, especially the clergy.   Gardiner and Bonner and the Lady Mary protested
against any alterations in religion during the king's
minority, and urged that everything should remain
precisely as left by Henry. The Reformers replied,
that the late king had left things quite unsettled in
religion, and greatly lamented that he must die before he had finished  the work; and that for them
to make further reforms was but to do what the
late king had intended to do, and what he had left
them, as the executors of his will, power to do, in
the act of parliament which he had obtained during his lifetime, giving to the proclamations of his
son's councillors, while he was under age, all the
power which the king's own proclamation would
have.t
* Wilkins' Concilia, vol. Iv. pp. 3-8; Fox, vol. ii. bk. ix. pp.
5-7. Fuller ( Ch. Hist., bk. vii. sect. 1) gives a very good abstract
of the Injunctions.
t Burnet, vol. II. pt. i. bk. I. p. 51. Strype says, that " this visitation * * * was generally very acceptable to most of the lay
people, and grievous only to the clergy, who could not endure to
be unsettled from their old ways and courses in the observances
of religion." - Ecc. Memns., vol. II. pt. I. bk. I. ch. 7, p. 83. In
another place he tells us that the papists cried out of Edward's
doings, as being done in his minority, and done by others, the
thief men about him. " They would ordinarily say:' Tush, this
VOL. II.           11




162       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISAI.
But though the council was evidently in earnest
to promote further reformation in the church of
England, its movements were quite too slow for
the more ardent reformers.  The exiles, who had
suffered deeply under the workings of the semipapal church establishment of Henry VIII., on
getting back to their native land inveighed against
the remaining impurities of the English church,
and earnestly recommended the more simple and
scriptural models of church organization and government with which they had become familiar
abroad.   Some of the clergy and many of the
English laity sympathized with these views. Ridley, in his Lent sermons, early in the spring of
1546-47, so preached against images and holy
water, as to raise a "great heat over England."
Dr. John Haley, of Magdalen College, Oxford,
about the same time, declaimed with great violence against the pope and the old tenets. Images,
and pictures of saints, and the crucifix, were taken
down from  St. Martin's church, London; and on
May-day (1547) the people of Portsmouth pulled
gear will not tarry; it is but my lord protector's and my lord
of Canterbury's doings. The king is a child, and he knows not
of it.' But old father Latimer upon this hath these words:'Have we not a noble king? Was there ever so noble, so godly,
brought up with such noble councillors, so excellent and welllearned schoolmasters? I will tell you this, (and I speak it even
as I think,) his majesty hath more godly wit and understanding,
more learning and knowledge at this age, than twenty of his progenitors, that I could name, had at any time of their life.' "Ecc. Merns., vol. II. pt. i. bk. I. ch. 4, p. 38.




REIGN OF EDWARD VI.            163
down and broke in pieces images of Christ and of
the saints.'  These Portsmouth iconoclasts were
denounced by Bishop Gardiner as hogs, or worse
than hogs, even Lollards.t Collier attributes all
these unauthorized attacks on old rites and superstitions to  "the gospellers, as they were then
called," who "overran the motions of the State,
and ventured to reform without public authority." j
On the 4th of November, Edward's first parliament met. Why it was not called together at an
earlier day does not satisfactorily appear; for it
was generally among the first acts of a new reign
to summon the high court of parliament. The
Reformers might have wanted time to mature
their plans, send out their commissioners, infuse
something of their own spirit into the people at
large, and get some returns from the visitors, before meeting a parliament. The feud with Scotland, too, which broke out into open hostilities
during the summer of 1547, and which required
the protector's personal presence with the English
army in the invasion of that country, may have contributed to defer the calling of parliament. However this may be, one thing is certain, the English
parliament did not assemble until nine months and
more after the accession of Edward VI. to the
English throne. But when parliament did meet,
* Burnet, vol. II. pt. I. bk. I. pp. 17-23.
t See ante, p. 5; Burnet, ut sup.
I Ecc. Hist. of Eng., v. 181, 182. London, 8vo. 1852.




164       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
it was found ready, as usual, to do the will of the
court in respect to religious matters; and under
the direction of the council, it began almost immediately to relax and alter the laws which had borne
so heavily on the protestants in the preceding
reign.*
The first act which had any reference to religion
was introduced on the 12th of November, and relates to the administration of the sacrament of the
altar.   It condemns the unreverent and  ungodly
disputations which had been indulged in by some
persons respecting that most holy mystery, and
the unseemly words which had been applied to it,
and threatens severe punishment on all such irreverent persons.   It, however, provides that the
sacrament shall be commonly delivered and ministered to the people in both kinds, of bread and
wine, as being more conformable to the common
use and practice of the apostles and primitive
church, by the space of five hundred years and
* According to " Thomas Hancock, a preacher, who, in the latter time of King Henry and during the reign of King Edward,
did much good in Wiltshire and Hantshire, by his diligent preaching the gospel," the people of the town of Pole, in the county of
Dorset, " were the first that in that part of England were called
Protestants." This appears to have been'in the first year of Edward's reign. " Which town," we are told, "at that time, was
wealthy; for they embraced God's word; they were in favor with
the rulers and governors of the realm; x' ~ they did love one
another, and every one glad of the company of the others, and
God poured his blessings plentifully upon them." They afterwards, however, fell away, lost their religious character and their
secular prosperity. - Strype, ut sup. ch. 9. pp. 115, 116.




REIGN OF EDWARD VI.            165
more after Christ's ascension.  Private masses
were also prohibited.*
This law, which was accompanied by a royal
proclamation, dated December 27th, 1547, against
"irreverent talkers of the sacrament," was, like
many public acts of this period, two-edged, cutting both papists and protestants.  " The sacrament of the altar," as the Lord's supper was
called by the Romanists, was a fruitful theme of
discussion and disputation. It was a sort of test
question between the two great contending parties
cf the day. The numerous points raised about it,
and the earnestness of the discussions to which it
gave birth, prove this.  For example, we find
priests and people vehemently disputing whether
this rite, ordinance, institution, was a sacrament
or a mass; a commemorative, symbolical act, or an
oft-repeated oblation and sacrifice of the very body
and blood of the Lord Jesus Christ; whether it
should be partaken of by all the people, or by the
priests alone; and whether it should be administered in both kinds, or only in the bread.t  In respect to all these questions, the law decided against
the papists. It abolished the mass, and substituted
for it the sacrament of the Lord's supper. It determined that all Christian people were entitled to
partake of this commemorative supper, and that
* Statutes of the Realm, 1 Edward VI. ch. 1; Burnet, vol. II. pt. I.
bk. I. pp. 84-87.
t Burnet, vol. ii. pt. iI. bk. I., and Records, No. 25.




166    HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
it should be celebrated by the administration of
the consecrated wine, as well as the bread. But
then, the law and the proclamation threatened
condign punishment on those who indulged in
" unreverent and ungodly disputations" about the
holy mystery, and who applied to it "unseemly
words." These clauses were aimed chiefly against
the violent protestants, or anti-Romanists, who,
not content with renouncing the errors of the
popish mass, descended to a species of denunciation and ridicule which was little short of downright impiety and profanity.  The papists had
been teaching for hundreds of years - and burning to death those who denied or even doubted the
truth of their teaching- that Christ was not only
present in the mass, but present corporally in his
real body and blood -that very same body which
was born of the virgin, was crucified, died, and
was buried; and that body, whole and entire, too,
flesh, blood, bones! This was the absurd doctrine
of the church, for the denial of which many a poor
Lollard, as we have seen in the progress of this
history, was burned at Smithfield and elsewhere.
The time had been, when even the expression of a
doubt on this subject was fatal to the doubter.
Now, however, the ban of condemnation being
taken off, and the minds of people being freed from
the awful constraint in which they had been previously held, they not unnaturally went into speculations about the sacramental presence, which
were frivolous, and some of them, certainly, very




REIGN OF EDWARD VI.           167
irreverent, if not absolutely profane.  For instance, they debated, as the proclamation tells
us, " Whether the body and blood aforesaid is
there really or figuratively, locally or circumscriptly, and having quantity and greatness, or
but substantially and by substance only, or else
but in a figure and manner of speaking; whether
his blessed body be there, head, legs, arms, toes,
and nails, or any other ways, shape, and manner,
naked or clothed; whether he is broken or chewed,
or he is always whole; whether the bread there
remaineth as we see, or how it departeth; whether
the flesh be there alone, and the blood, or part, or
each in other, or in the one both, in the other but
only blood, and what blood? that only which did
flow out of the side, or that which remained? with
other such irreverent, superfluous, and curious
questions." * Others went even further than these
speculators; and from being compelled to worship'' the host " in the sacramental bread, they ridiculed
the whole pretence of the papists, speaking of the
host, or sacramental wafer, which was kept in a
pyx, or box, as "Jack in the box"; and of the
Romish sacramental doctrine, which had brought
so many men to untimely deaths, as' the sacrament of the halter "; and of the round wafer itself,
as a "round robin"; and employing other "such
like unseemly terms. Though they meant not
* Strype's Meons., vol. ii. pt. I. bk. I. ch. 9, p. 108; and
ch. 11, p. 126; Lathbury, 14.




168       HISTORY  OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
these contemptible expressions, I suppose, against
the holy supper of our Lord, but only against the
papal mass." *
Another act, and one of great importance to the
protestants, was introduced on the 16th of December. This struck down at a blow all the oppressive and persecuting statutes, not only of Henry
VIII.'s time, but of his predecessors, back to
the 1st of Richard II.  In the first place, the act
repealed all the statutes of the late king, which
made any doctrine or matter of religion treason;
and of Henry V. and of Richard  II., which  made
anything felony or treason except what was deemed
treason by the statute of 25 Edward III.  In other
words, this act of 1 Edward VI. allowed a man
to read and interpret the Scriptures as his reason
and conscience might direct, without danger of the
halter or the fagot; or, in law language, without' Lingard says, that to neutralize the opposition of the prelates,
who were hostile to the bill which legalized the administration of
the sacrament of the Lord's supper to the people in both kinds
- the bread and wine - the bill was artfully appended to another,
which they (the bishops) most anxiously sought to carry, prohibiting, under pain of fine and imprisonment, the application of
scurrilous and offensive language to the sacrament of the eucharist. - Vol. Iv. ch. I. p. 31.  The authors of The Parliamentary
History of England say: "This bill was occasioned by an irreverent treatment that sacred mystery met with at that time from the
then growing sect of the puritans and others." —Vol. III. p. 223,
2d ed., London, 1762. "The puritans," so called, did not make
their appearance on the stage for several years later than this.
But the sort of men of which puritans were made, had been in the
church from the days of Wickliffe.




REIGN OF EDWARD VI.            169
being charged as a felon or a traitor.* Heylyn, the
high-church historian, mourns over this statute as
one by which " all men were now set at liberty to
read the Scriptures, and expound them as they
pleased, and entertain what opinion in religion
best agreed with their fancies, and promulgate
these opinions which they entertained." t  The
common law  for burning heretics, nevertheless,
still remained, and was used with deadly effect in
two instances, hereafter to be noticed. But what
constituted heresy was quite changed.  The most
important enacting clause of this repealing statute
reads thus:-" Be it enacted, that all acts of parliament * * * in any wise concerning religion or
opinions, that is to say, as well the statute made
in the first year of the reign of * * * Richard II.,
and the statute made in the second year of the
reign of King Henry V., and the statute also made
in the twenty-fifth year of the reign of King Henry
VIII., concerning punishment and reformation of
heretics and Lollards, and every provision therein
contained, and the statute made for the abolishment of diversity of opinions in certain articles
concerning Christian religion, commonly called the
Six Articles,  * ". and also the act of parliament
and statute made * * * in the thirty-fourth year
of the reign of the said King Henry VIII. touch* Statutes of the Realml, 1 Edw. VI. ch. 11. See ante, p. 83,
note.
t Parl. Hist., rII. 231.




170     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISMI.
ing, mentioning, and in any wise concerning books
of the Old and New Testament in English, and
the printing, uttering, selling, giving, or delivering
of books or writings, or retaining English books or
writings, and reading, teaching, or expounding of
Scripture, or in any wise * * * concerning any of
the same matters, and also one other statute * * *
of the late King Henry VIII., concerning the qualifications of the statute of the Six Articles, and all
and every other act or acts of parliament, concerning doctrine and matters of religion, and all and
every branch, article, sentence, and matter, pains
and forfeitures, contained, mentioned, or in any
wise declared in any the same acts of parliament
and statutes, shall from henceforth be repealed and
utterly void and of none effect."   This same
statute repealed the act of parliament which made
the king's proclamation of equal authority with an
act of parliament. t
Another act, illustrative of the views of the Reformers on the question of the divine right of
bishops, was passed by this parliament, on the
20th of December.  This act sets forth,' That the
way of choosing bishops by conge d'elire [leave
to elect, obtained from the king] was tedious and
expenseful; that there was only a shadow of election in it; that, therefore, bishops should thereafter
be made by the king's letters patents, upon which
they were to be consecrated; and whereas the
* Statutes, 1 Edw. VI. ch. 12.  1 lb. sect. 4.




REIGN OF EDWARD VI.            171
bishops did exercise their authority, and carry on
processes in their own names, as they were wont
to do in the time of popery; and since all jurisdiction, both spiritual and temporal, was derived from
the king, that, therefore, their courts and all processes should be from henceforth carried on in the
king's name, and be sealed by the king's seal, as
it was in the other courts of the common law,
after the first of July next; excepting only the
archbishop of Canterbury's courts, and all collations, presentations, or letters of order, which
were to pass under the bishop's proper seal, as
formerly." *
Another act of considerable interest and importance was passed by this first parliament of Edward VI. It gave to the king all the lands, rents,
and revenues of such colleges, chantries, free chapels, fraternities, guilds, etc., which had not been in
the actual possession of the late king, Henry VIII.;
and also, all the revenues belonging to any church
for anniversaries, obits, and lights; and directed,
that these funds should be appropriated to the
maintenance of grammar schools, or preaching,
and for the increase of vicarages.  Cranmer opposed this bill; for he foresaw, that, whatever pre.
tence might be made of appropriating these revenues to the support of schools and the clergy, they
would, in all probability, be squandered among the
courtiers and their greedy retainers.  1-Ie was anx* Statutes, 1 Edw. VI. ch. 2; Burnet, vol. II. pt. I. bk. I. p. 88.




172       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
ious to preserve these appropriations intact until
the king came of age; believing he could then persuade him to devote them to the improvement of
the condition of the poor clergy, who, Burnet says,
were now  brought into extreme misery.  The popish bishops also opposed this act; but for quite
a different reason. Nevertheless it passed, after
some delay, and furnished, as Cranmer feared,
rich plunder for the unscrupulous courtiers and
others.'
The doings of the council, and the acts of Edward's first parliament, rather increased than diminished the difficulties with which the new government had to contend. The popish bishops and
clergy, with the ignorant and superstitious people,
and all who loved the old order of things, not only
* Hist. Ref., ut sup. p. 93; Parl. Hist., III. 225-29; Statutes, 1 Edw.
VI. ch. 14. Jacob's Law Dictionary gives the following explanation of the terms employed in this act: A chantry was a little
church, chapel, or particular altar in some cathedral church, etc.,
endowed with lands or other revenues, for maintenance of one or
more priests, daily to sing mass and perform divine service, for
the use of the founders and such others as they appointed. Free
chapels were independent of any church, and endowed for much
the same purpose as the former. The obit was the anniversary of
any person's death; and to observe such day with prayers, alms,
and other oblations, was called keeping the obit. Anniversaries
were the yearly returns of the day of the death of persons, which
the religious registered in their obitual or martyrology, and annually observed in gratitude to the founders or benefactors. Guild
signifies a fraternity or company, from the Saxon, guildan, to pay;
because every one was to pay something towards the charge and
support of the company. - Parl. Hist., III. 225, note.




REIGN OF EDWARD VI.         173
opposed these changes, and made a hue and cry
against all reformation beyond the point to which
Henry VIII. had brought the church at the time of
his death, but strove earnestly to bring back even
the old rites and ceremonies which Henry had abolished. On the other hand, there were preachers
and laymen, "lovers of the gospel and laborers
after a reformation of the old superstitions," as
Strype calls them, who were equally anxious to
drive on the work of reform far beyond what the
law then allowed. These not only preached and
argued against the old rites and ceremonies, but
actually laid them aside, and introduced into the
parish churches new ones, which were deemed
more conformable to the simplicity and purity of
the gospel, and more nearly in accordance with the
practice of the foreign reformed churches. These
proceedings were offensive to the government, and
called forth a proclamation, dated February 6th,
1547-48, against " those who do innovate, alter, or
leave down [or undone] any rite or ceremonie in
the church, of their own private authority; and
against them which do preach without license ";
except bishops in their own dioceses, and parsons,
vicars, etc., in their own cures. And on the 8th of
March of the same year, another prohibition, of
like character, appeared in a royal proclamation,
accompanied with the intimation that the king
might " be encouraged, from time to time, further
to travel for the reformation," if the ardent innovators could be persuaded to " stay and quiet them



174       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
selves with the king's directions, as men content to
follow authority."'
But these proclamations, and all efforts of government, were insufficient to stop the progress of
reform. " Even in cathedrals, as well as other parish churches, various different ways of service were
used, as well in the morning and evening prayers,
as in the office of the communion, and in the administration of the other sacraments." -  To remedy this great evil, as the state reformers regarded
it, the archbishop of Canterbury and several other
bishops and learned men were appointed by the
council to examine all the offices of the church, and
consider how far any of them needed amendment,
and "to draw out a convenient order, rite, and fashion of common prayer, and administration of the
sacraments."
This committee of bishops and divines was in
continuance of one appointed by Henry, for the
same general purpose, and who had made considerable progress before the king's death.  The winter of 1547-48 was devoted to this work of reform; t and as the first-fruits of the committee's
labors, a new office for the communion was drawn
up, and set forth early in March, with the king's
* Vilkins' Concilia, iv. 18, 19, 21; Burnet, vol. ii. pt. I. bk. II.
p. 122, and pt. II. Records, No. 22; Strype's Ecc. Mems., vol. II. pt.
I. bk. I. ch. 11, p. 131.
t Strype's Mems., ut sup.; Burnet, vol. II. pt. I. bk. II. pp. 126, 147.
$ Lathbumry says of the Book of Common Prayer: "It was no
hasty performance of unlearned men; more than two years were
occupied in its preparation." - P. 25.




REIGN OF EDWARD VI.          175
proclamation, commanding it to be used in all the
churches; and at the same time books containing
this new order of service were printed March 8th,
and on the 13th sent to all the bishops to be distributed to all their curates. This order for the administration of the sacrament of the Lord's supper was not essentially different from what is now
used by the church of England, except that the
commissioners "left the office of the mass as it
was, only adding to it that which made it a communion "; and the people were left at liberty to
make general confession, or auricular confession,
as they preferred.* During the same year was
published "A Catechism, or Large Instruction of
Young Persons in the Grounds of the Christian
Religion."  It was prepared by Cranmer, and dedicated to the king. Next came from the committee of bishops and divines, the great work of
Edward's reign, the English Book of Common
Prayer; or the reformed service of the church, set
forth in the English language. The first edition
was published March 7th, 1548-49. This was not
an original work, but a compilation from various
Romish service-books and primers, which had long
been used in different sections of the kingdom.
From these, selections were made and a compilation effected which constituted the Book of Common Prayer of the church of England.t
* Burnet, ut sup,; Lathbury, 16-18.
t Burnet, ut sup. p. 192; Neal, I. 96.




176     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
The first parliament of Edward VI. was prorogued from December 24th, 1547, to April 20th,
1548, at which time it assembled, but was immediately prorogued, on account of the war with
Scotland, to October 15th; when it was again
prorogued, on account of the plague then raging
in London, to November 24th, at which time it
met and proceeded to business; though little or
nothing was done until after January 2d, 1548-49.
Among the earliest acts of this session was one,
read the third time January 15th, entitled: "An
Acte for the Uniformytie of Service and Administration of the Sacrament throughout the Realme." *
The preamble to this act sets forth, " That there
had been several forms of service, and that of late
there had been great difference in the administration of the sacraments and other parts of divine
worship, and that the most effectual endeavors
could not stop the inclinations of many to depart
from the former customs, which the king had not
punished, believing they flowed from a good zeal.
But, that there might be an uniform way over the
kingdom, the king, by the advice of the lord protector and his council, had appointed the archbishop of Canterbury, with other learned and discreet bishops and divines, to draw up an order of
divine worship, having respect to the pure religion
of Christ taught in the Scripture, and to the prac* Statutes, 2 and 3 Edward VI. ch. 1; Burnet, vol. II. pt. I. bk.
I. p. 192; Parl. Hist., III. 232-35.




REIGN OF EDWARD VI.             177
tice of the primitive church, which they, by the aid
of the Holy Ghost, had with one uniform agreement concluded on; wherefore the parliament having considered the book, and the things that were
altered or retained in it, they gave their most humble thanks to the king for his care about it; and
did pray that all who had formerly offended in
these matters, except such as were in the Tower
of London, or the prison of the Fleet, should be
pardoned: and did enact, that from the feast of
Whitsunday next, all divine offices should be performed according to it; and that such of the clergy
as should refuse to do it, or continue to officiate in
any other manner, should, upon the first conviction,
be imprisoned six months and forfeit a year's profit
of their benefice; for the second offence, forfeit all
their church preferments and suffer a year's imprisonment; and for the third offence, should be imprisoned during life. And all that should write,
or put out things in print against it, or threaten any
clergyman for using it, were to be fined ten pounds
for the first offence, twenty pounds for the second,
and to forfeit all their goods and be imprisoned for
life upon a third offence: only at the universities
they might use it in Latin and Greek, excepting
the office of the communion. It was lawful to use
other psalms or prayers taken out of the Bible, so
these in the book were not omitted." *
* Statutes, 2 and 3 Edward VI. ch. 1; Parl. Hist., III. 234, 235;
Lathbury, 18-23. There is still in existence a book entitled
VOL. II.          12




178        HISTORY  OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
This important act was to become the law of the
land, from and after WThitsuntide, or the feast of
Pentecost, June 9th, 1549.'   It passed, however,
as Strype tells us, not without "some struggling
and opposition made against it by the old papalins "; though only four lords are known to have
protested against it. Before it was enacted by parliament, it was presented to the convocation of the
clergy and there debated.t The opinion of the
popish priests was probably correctly represented
in the remark of one of their number, who styled
the English Common Prayer Book " the most devilish thing that ever was devised." j  It was, nevertheless, the great and finishing stroke of the English Reformation. Beyond it the church of England never really went; and on it that church still
"The Order of Matrimony," printed, as Lathbury thinks, in
1547, or early in 1548, intended, apparently, to be used as an addition to the old " Marriage Service " of the church, as the "Order
of Communion" was to the mass. Though not expressly sanctioned by government, it was evidently used to some extent in
the churches. Another book, which seems to have had some currency in the churches at this time, was "A Psalter."  It contained all the psalms, several canticles from different parts of the
Bible, " the Songs of Augustin and Ambrose, the Crede of Doctor
Athanasius," and "the Letani and Suffiages "-the litany of
1544. Lathbury, 19-21.
* In point of fact, the new book was in general use as early as
Easter-day, April 21st, 1549. Lathbury, 27, 28. Whitsuntide, a contraction of White Sunday tide (time), so called from the white
vestments worn by the candidates for baptism on that day.
t Strype's Me7ns., vol. ii. pt. I. bk. I. pp. 136, 137.
t "The parson of Grampnal, in Lancashire." - Strype, ut. sup.
p. 132.




REIGN OF EDWARD VI.               179
rests. And with all its defects, it was a great and
glorious step.* Up to that time the public services
of the church had, for the most part, been said and
sung in a language unintelligible to ninety-nine
hundredths  of the  people.t   Even  the  Lord's
prayer the poor sinners had been compelled, until
within a very short time,j to mumble over in Latin,
not knowing the meaning of one petition which
they uttered; and very many of the priests who
officiated at the altars knew scarcely more of what
they said or sang than the poor people whom they
deluded with their ostentatious ceremonies.   To
gather together the mass-books and primers, cull
from them the best bits and translate them into
English, and place in the hands of the people a
book of prayer, administration of the sacraments,
and other rites and ceremonies, which they could
read and understand, and by means of which they
could intelligently engage in acts of public worship
- to do all these things was indeed a great and
most praiseworthy work. It was to take a long
and bold step towards reformation. And could
the Reformers have appreciated the true spirit of
Christianity sufficiently to have left this reformed
* Some of the more prominent defects of the Common Prayer
Book have been noticed in the View of Congregationalism, pp.
238-62, fourth edition.
t The creed, the Lord's prayer, and the ten commandments
were read in English, and in 1544 a litany in English was put
forth by royal authority. See ante, p. 144; Lathbury, 8, 9.
$ As late as 1547. See ante, p. 159.




180     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
and intelligible service to find friends and make its
way in the world without enforcement by penal
enactments, it would have saved their memory,
and the church of England, from many stains,
which no human hands can now fully remove.
The fatal error of the Church-and-State Reformers
was the delusive idea of enforcing absolute uniformity. The very title of the act which established the new service-book is "An Acte for the
Uniformytie of Service and Administration of the
Sacrament throughout the Realme." The attempt
to compel unvarying uniformity throughout the
~realm, the refusal to grant any liberty to worship
God otherwise than the law prescribed - this was
the great error of the Reformers. And unfortunately it did not die with them, but has been
handed down as an entailed curse on the church
of England almost to the present generation.
In this matter of exact uniformity the Reformers
even outran the very papists; for, previous to the
passage of this act, there was no absolutely uniform service in the English church, but a variety
of forms of prayer and communion were tolerated,
differing in different sections of the country. As
the pope permitted this latitude, so Henry VTII.
seems to have allowed the churches to disregard
all the popish forms and prayers, and to use such
others, even in English, as they preferred. So at
least we infer from what Strype says, when speaking of the variety which existed in England before
the act of uniformity - that " those that liked not




RE1GN OF EDWARD VI.              181
any of these popish forms and Latin prayers, used
other English forms, according as their own fancies
led them."'
Another act passed by this parliament, February
19th, 1548-49, abolished " all and every law and
laws positive, canons, constitutions, and ordinances
heretofore made by the authority of men only,
which do prohibit and forbid marriage to any
ecclesiastical or spiritual person or persons * *'
which by God's law may lawfully marry." t
Though this act thus definitely authorizes the marriage of all spiritual persons, yet in the preamble
the framers pay so much respect to the prejudices
of the age as to base the act entirely on expediency; saying, that " it were better for priests and
the ministers of the church to live chaste and without marriage," but, inasmuch as "great filthiness
of living, with other inconveniences, had followed
on the laws that compelled chastity and prohibited
marriage, * * * it was better they should be suffered to marry than be so restrained."
It was about this time that David's Psalms were
first translated into English metre, and, as Fuller
says, " if not publicly commanded, generally permitted to be sung, in all the churches. The work
was performed by Thomas Sternhold (a Hamp* Ecc. Mems., vol. ii. pt. I. bk. I. p. 134.
t Statutes, 2 and 3 Edward VI. ch. 21; Burnet, vol. it. pt. I. bk.
i. pp. 81-86. This law was confirmed by an act, 5 and 6 Edward
VI. ch. 12, 1551-52, which legitimated the children of priests.




182      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
shire man, esquire, and of the privy chamber to
Edward VI., who, for his part, translated thirtyseven selected psalms), John Hopkins, Robert
Wisedome, etc., men whose piety was better than
their poetry; and they had drunk more of Jordan
than of Helicon." Sternhold appears to have composed these metrical psalms at first merely for his
own solace; but having set and sung them to his
organ, Edward heard them, and was so delighted
that the composer was induced to publish them
and dedicate them to the king.*
The first years of Edward's reign were years of
great anxiety and trouble to the government. The
youth of the king, the determined opposition of
some of the most influential men in the kingdom,
the bitter hostility and all but open rebellion of
"the Lady Mary," the next heir to the crown, and
the uneasiness of the people generally, all together,
made the condition of the new government anything but comfortable, and the prospects of the
Reformation far from flattering.
The restless state of the common people arose
from several causes, some of which were purely
secular, some religious. The popish priests took
pains to increase this popular disquietude, and, as
far as possible, to turn it to their own account
* Fuller, vol. Iv. bk. vii. sect. 31, p. 72. Burnet (vol. ii. pt. I.
bk. i. p. 194) places the introduction of psalms sung into the English church, about 1548-49. But Fuller, ut sup., places it about
1550




REIGN OF EDWARD VI.             183
against the Reformation. And, on the other hand,
the friends of reform inveighed against the old superstitions, and violently urged on further changes,
and thus increased the excitement.  To counteract
these efforts, the council issued the proclamation
in the king's name, already noticed, against unauthorized innovations on old rites and ceremonies,
and against rash preachers; forbidding any to
preach out of their own parishes or precincts, except by license from the king or his visitors, the
archbishop of Canterbury, or the bishop of the
diocese where the preaching was to be. But this
not proving effectual in checking the violence of
the agitators, as several of the bishops and many
of the parish clergy were bitter enemies of the
new religion, the council issued another proclamation, April 24th, 1548, forbidding all preaching
except by persons licensed by the king, the lord
protector, or the archbishop of Canterbury. And
even this failing to stop the evil, on September 23d,
1548, a proclamation came out, forbidding all
preaching, and in all places. This prohibition
lasted but a few weeks.  Fuller excuses it, by saying: " We read of a silence for about the space of
half an hour, even in Heaven itself."'
But all these attempts of the government to prevent agitation among the people were abortive;
for during the very month in which this last proc* Fuller's Ch. Hist., vol. Iv. bk. vII. sect. 1, ~ 16. See the
proclamation in Fuller. Burnet, vol. II. pt. ii. bk. I. p. 166; Strype,
vol. ii. pt. i. bk. I. ch. 12, p. 141; ch. 15, p. 183.




184     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
lamation was issued, the people in Cornwall broke
out into open rebellion; and in the following year,
1549, there was great uneasiness and discontent
all over England, which finally burst into overt
acts of violence. Armed bands, varying in numbers from a few hundred, to ten, and even twenty
thousand, ranged the country, threatening the
utter overthrow of the government. The exciting
causes of these rebellious movements were various
and somewhat mixed, as has been intimated. A
government proclamation issued in the summer of
1548, points to one prominent cause-the turning
of arable land into pasture ground. This had
been extensively and ruthlessly done by rich landowners, so that whole villages were depopulated;
and " where a hundred, or two hundred Christian
people had been inhabiting, and kept households,
to the bringing up and nourishing youth, there
was, 1548, nothing kept but sheep or bullocks";
and all that land which had before been tilled and
occupied with many men, was "now gotten, by
unsatiable greediness of mind, into one or two
men's hands, and scarcely dwelt upon with one
poor shepherd; so that the realm thereby was
brought to a marvellous desolation; houses decayed, parishes diminished, the force of the realm
weakened, and Christian people, by the greedy
covetousness of some men, eaten up and devoured
of brute beasts, and driven from their houses by
sheep and bullocks." In addition to the royal
proclamation, a special commission was ordered,




REIGN OF EDWARD VI.          185
June 1st, 1548, to inquire into the evils complained
of, and to take measures to alleviate them.'
But the council generally do not appear to have
been in harmony with the Protector in these movements. The great land-owners, who were implicated in these harsh proceedings against the small
farmers, of course opposed this commission; and
no effectual relief was afforded the complaining
people. Another kindred complaint against these
rich land-proprietors was, that they had fenced in
the commons, which from time immemorial had
been free pasture ground for the poor man's cow
or sheep. This was a piece of cruel covetousness,
which, while it contributed but slightly to the
wealth of the rich, deprived the poor, not only of
their immemorial rights, but of an important part
of their living, alienated them from the governing
classes, and made them willing dupes of artful
demagogues, who led them into open rebellion
against the government.
These insurrectionary movements, in different
parts of the kingdom, though suppressed without
very great difficulty, but not without the loss of
many lives, occasioned the Reformers much anxiety and trouble, and ought in fairness to be kept
in view when passing judgment on their measures.
In the autumn of 1549, rumors were current,
that the new church service was to be superseded
* Strype's Meems., vol. II. pt. I. bk. I. ch. 12. Bk. I. ch. 21,
is devoted to these insurrections.




186     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
by the old Latin service. The new service, it
was said, was the work of the Duke of Somerset,
and he having now fallen from his high place, the
new book was to fall with him. To counteract
these rumors, and to set the question entirely at
rest, the council, in the king's name, issued an
order to the bishops, on the 25th of December,
1549, and in obedience to it Cranmer issued his
mandate to his clergy, February 14th, 1549-50, to
this effect: " Whereas the book entitled the Book
of Common Prayers and Administration of the
Sacraments and other rites and ceremonies of the
church, after the use of the church of England,
was agreed upon and set forth by act of parliament, and by the same act commanded to be used
of all persons within this our realm, yet nevertheless we are informed that divers unquiet and evildisposed persons, since the apprehension of the
Duke of Somerset, have noised and bruited abroad
that they should have again their old Latin service,
their conjured bread and water, with such like vain
and superstitious ceremonies, as though the setting
forth of the said book had been the only act of the
said duke: we, therefore, by the advice of the
body and state of our privy council, not only considering the said book to be our act, and the act
of the whole state of our realm assembled together
in parliament, but also the same to be grounded
upon the Holy Scripture, agreeable to the order of
the primitive church, and much to the reedifying
of our subjects, to put away all such vain expecta



REIGN OF EDWARD VI.        187
tion, of having the public service, the administration of the sacraments, and other rites and ceremonies again in the Latin tongue — which were but
a preferment of ignorance to knowledge, and darkness to light, and a preparation to bring in papistry and superstition again - have thought good, by
the advice aforesaid, to require, and nevertheless
straitly do command and charge you, that immediately upon the receipt hereof you do command the dean and prebendaries of your cathedral
church, the parson, vicar, or curate, and churchwardens of every parish, within your diocese, to
bring and deliver unto you, or your deputy, any of
them for their church or parish, at such convenient
place as you shall appoint, all antiphonals, missals
grailes, processionals, manuals, legends, pies, portasses, journals, and ordinals, after the use of
Sarum, Lincoln, York, or any other private use,
and all other books of service, the keeping whereof
should be a let to the using of the said book of
common prayers; and that you take the same
books into your hands, or into the hands of your
deputy, and them so do deface and abolish that
they never after may serve, either to any such use
as they were provided for, or be at any time a let
to that godly and uniform order, which by a common consent is now set forth. * * * And further,
whereas it is come into our knowledge, that divers
froward and obstinate persons do refuse to pay
towards the finding of bread and wine for the holy
communion, according to the order prescribed in




188       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
the said book, by reason whereof the holy cornmunion is many times omitted upon the Sunday:
these are to will and command you to convent
such obstinate persons before you, and them to admonish and command to keep the order prescribed
in the said book; and if any shall refuse so to do,
to punish them by suspension, excommunication,
or other censures of the church.'Fail you not
thus to do, as you will avoid our displeasure."' "
And  doubtless with  reference  to  these  same
rumors, the parliament, then in session, (the 3d and
4th of Edward VI., 1549-50,) passed an act abolishing, and ordering to be destroyed, all books
heretofore used in the service of the church; such
as antiphonals, missals, grailes, processionals, manuals, legends, pies, portasses, journals, couchers,
and ordinals, after the use of Sarum, Lincoln,
York, or any other private use. t And all who
* Wilkins, iv. 37, 38; Burnet, vol. iI. pt. I. bk. I. p. 294, and
Records, No. 47.
t An antiphon was a kind of anthem, sung by the cathedral
choirs, with responses from the people; an antiphonal was a book
containing these anthems; a missal contained the service of the
Romish mass; a grayle, or graile, or grayel, was the name of the
book which contained the responses sung by the choir; a processional was a book of service and directions for processions, which
were much practised in those days; a manual was a small servicebook; a legend was a collection of stories about the saints; a pie
was another name for a Romish ordinal, a ritual, a book of religious ceremonies; a portass, or portesse, or porthose, was a Romish priest's office-book, another name for a breviary, or rather, a
small, portable, or pocket book of prayers, etc.; a journal I suppose to have been a book in which the religious services of the




REIGN OF EDWARD VI.              189
had any image which belonged to any church or
chapel were required to deface it before the last
day of June. An exception was made in favor of
the primers, in Latin or English, set out by the
late king, Henry VIII., provided the prayers to the
saints were blotted, or clearly put out of them.
By virtue of this law, visitors were appointed to
examine the churches in London, and see that all
images were taken down and broken to pieces, or
otherwise destroyed or defaced. And the same
work of demolition and destruction was carried on
in all the cathedrals and churches throughout the
kingdom. There was a proviso, however, that
images on the tombs of kings, princes, noblemen,
and others, not reputed to be saints, should be
spared.'
In the year 1550, probably in June, Ridley, who
had just been ordained bishop of London, entered
upon a visitation of his diocese, giving out a series
of injunctions, which, while they illustrate the
abounding and childish superstitions of the age, at
the same time indicate the progress of the Reformation.  In these injunctions, many of the old
superstitions are most distinctly condemned. For
example, he enjoins, "that none maintain purgatory, invocation of saints, the Six Articles, bedrowls
church were arranged for every day; a coucher was probably a
register kept in monasteries- in this connection it may denote
the arranged prayers and services practised by the monks.
* Statutes, 3 and 4 Edw. VI. ch. 10; Parl. Hist., III. 252;
Strype, Ecc. Mems., vol. ii. pt. I. bk. I. ch. 22, pp. 288-90.




190     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISMI.
[bead-rolls — a list of prayers and services], images, reliques, rubrics, primers, justification of man
by his own works, holy bread, palms, ashes, candles, sepulchre paschal, creeping to the cross, hallowing of fire or altar, or any other such like
superstitions and abuses."  But especially emphatic is he in reference to the grand abuse of
Romanism-the mass. He commands "that there
be no reading of such injunctions as extolleth and
setteth forth the popish mass, candles, images,
chantries; neither that there be used any superaltars, or trentals of communion; that no minister do counterfeit the popish mass, in kissing the
Lord's board, washing his hands or fingers after
the gospel, or the receipt of the holy communion,
shifting the book from one place to another, laying
down and licking the chalice after the communion,
blessing his eyes with the sudary [napkin] thereof, or patten, or crossing his head with the same,
holding his forefingers and thumbs joined together
towards the temples of his head, after the receiving of the sacrament, breathing on' the bread or
chalice, saying the agnus before the communion,
showing the sacrament openly before the distribution, or making any elevation thereof, ringing any
sacring bell, or setting any light upon the Lord's
board. And finally, that the minister, in the time
of holy communion, do use only the ceremonies
and gestures appointed by the book of common
prayer, and none other; so that there do not
appear in them any counterfeiting of the popish
mass."




REIGN OF EDWARD VI.          191
Important as these innovations on the old manners and customs and superstitions of the church
confessedly were, another injunction follows, even
more subversive of the mass than any that has
been mentioned: it orders a table to be substituted
for the altar. The essential idea of the popish
mass is, that Christ is offered up anew, as a sacrifice for sin, every time the mass is celebrated.
Hence, the communion-table is turned into an
altar, on which this sacrifice may be set forth.
Against this idea one of IRidley's injunctions is
specially aimed. He orders, that the altars be at
once removed, and " honest tables" be substituted;
thus striking down at one blow the whole complicated fabric of superstition built on this pretended
sacrifice of the mass. His words are: "' Whereas
in divers places some use the Lord's board after
the form of a table, and some of an altar, whereby
dissension is perceived to arise among the unlearned; therefore, wishing a godly unity to be
observed in all our diocese, and for that the form
of a table may more move and turn the simple
from the old superstitious opinions of the popish
mass, and to the right use of the Lord's supper,
we exhort the curates, church-wardens, and questmen here present, to erect and set up the Lord's
board, after the form of an honest table, decently
covered, in such place of the quire or chancel as
shall be thought most meet by their discretion and
agreement, so that the ministers, with the communicants, may have their place separated from the




192       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISIM.
rest of the people; and to take down all other byaltars or tables." *
And about this same time began another innovation on popish custom, which indicates the progress of religious reform, and the disposition of the
people for religious instruction.   I refer to the
practice of preaching  sermons and  lectures on
week-days and working-days; which, we are told,
occasioned a great running of people from neighboring  parishes.   This was not a government
measure.  It was in advance of their movements,
and contrary to the wishes of the council. It may
have been suggested by the "sectaries," which
even then abounded in England. The practice,
so far as the church of England was concerned,f
began in Ridley's diocese; whether at his instigation or otherwise, does not appear. It occasioned
a good deal of talk, and excited no inconsiderable
interest among the people. It was complained of,
and the council directed Ridley to stop all preaching on working-days, on which there should only
be prayers. How this was submitted to, is not
clear.":j
* Burnet, vol. II. pt. I. bk. I. p. 326, and Records, No. 52. The
order of the council to Ridley, to take down altars and place communion-tables in their stead, is dated November 24th, 1550. —
Wilkins, Iv. 63, 64; Lathbury, 31.
t Burnet, ut sup.
X Wilkins, iv. 63, 64, has two letters from the council to the
bishop of London (Ridley), prohibiting week-day preaching: one
dated June 23d, and the other June 25th, 1550.




CHAPTER  VI.
THE VESTMENT CONTROVERSY. — REMOVAL OF THE OLD
BISHOPS. --- COMPLETION OF THE REFORMATION. —
IRREGULARITIES, FRAUD, AND CORRUPTION.
THE years 1550 and 1551 are memorable as the
time when the Reformers began openly to disagree
among themselves about the right of the State to
enforce absolute religious conformity, even in nonessential particulars. After discussing and settling
all questions relating to the offices and general order of service in the church, the Reformers decided,
though not without considerable debate, to retain
the old garments of the Romish priesthood. It
was objected at the outset, "that these garments
had been part of the train of the mass, and had
been superstitiously abused only to set it off with
the more pomp." To this, however, it was replied,
that white was the color of the priest's garments
under the Levitical dispensation, and was also
adopted by the African churches in the fourth century; and that it was a natural expression of the
purity and decency which became priests. Furthermore, that the clergy generally were so poor
that they could scarcely afford themselves decent
VOL. II.      13                    (193)




194      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
clothing; and that should they attempt to officiate
in their ordinary dress, the people - who, from abject submission to the clergy, were now inclined to
an opposite extreme, of despising them - would
be likely to carry their contempt for the shabby
priests to the services which they were performing.
So it was resolved to retain the old garments of
the priesthood, and to insist on a rigid conformity
to the prescribed habits, as well as to the authorized rites and services of the Book of Common
Prayer.
The controversy which this decision provoked -
which Fuller calls " the saddest difference that ever
happened in the church of England, if we consider
either the time how long it continued, the eminent
persons therein engaged, or the doleful effects
thereby produced" -  broke out with violence in
the summer of 1550.  In May of that year, Dr.
John Hooper was appointed by the king's letters
patent to the bishopric of Gloucester.t He was a
learned, zealous, and devoted man, " bred in Oxford and well skilled in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew."
On the accession of Edward, he returned among
the exiles from Germany, having been driven
* Ch. Hist., vol. Iv. bk. VII. sect. 23, p. 60.
t Burnet says: "On the 3d of July, this year (1550) Hooper
was by letters patent appointed to be his [Wakeman's] successor."
- Vol. II. pt. i. bk. I. p. 152. But the privy council book of
Edward's reign contains this entry: " At Greenwich, the 15th of
May, 1550, Master Hooper was constituted bishop of Gloucester."
- In Bradford's Writings, p. 374.




THE VESTMENT CONTROVERSY.      195
thither during the latter part of Henry's reign. At
Zurich, where he chiefly resided, he imbibed the
spirit of the more thorough continental reformers.
On his return he manifested uncommon ability
and zeal as a preacher, being in the pulpit almost
every day in the week, and preaching to crowded
houses. The appointment of such a man to a
bishopric seemed eminently judicious, and indicated quite significantly the disposition of the government. Hooper, so far from seeking this honor,
actually declined it when pressed upon him. He
was unwilling to take the oath of supremacy in
the form in which it then stood  " By God, by
the saints, and by the Holy Ghost"; for this he
thought was impious, because God only ought to
be appealed to in an oath. He also objected to
the episcopal habits and ornaments - as the rochet,
chimere, square cap, etc.- on the ground that
these were mere human inventions, having no
countenance from the Scriptures, but brought into
the church when in its most corrupt state, by tradition or custom; that they were not suitable to the
simplicity of the Christian religion, and were condemned by the apostle as " beggarly elements";
and especially, that they had been invented chiefly
to give effect to the pompous and idolatrous celebration of the mass, and were so consecrated in
the minds of the ignorant that they were considered essential to the due celebration of religious
services. He was willing to wear a decent, simple
attire, different from the ordinary dress of a lay



196       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
man; but was not willing to sanction the superstitious notions of the people, that the peculiar habits
of the clergy were necessary to the efficacy of religious services - that no priestly act was of any
value, unless performed in a priestly dress.
In relation to the oath of supremacy, the young
king was so satisfied of the justness of Hooper's
objection, that he struck out the offensive words
with his own pen.* But it was not so easy to remove the habits out of the way. Cranmer at first
objected, that he could not dispense with the authorized garments without incurring a prcmnunire.
To this Edward and the council replied by a letter, authorizing the archbishop, and the other
bishops who were to take part in the consecration,
to  dispense with the habits.   Cranmer was then
disposed to yield; but Ridley, the bishop of London, and Dr. Goodrich, strenuously opposed any
concession; declaring that, though "traditions in
matters of faith were justly rejected, in matters of
* Hooper may have objected to the comprehensive character
of the oath of supremacy, as well as to the appeal to the saints
and evangelists. This oath required a bishop to swear to " maintain and defend the whole effects and contents of all and singular
acts and statutes made, and to be made, within this realm, in derogation, extirpation, and extinguishment of the bishop of Rome
and his authority; and other acts and statutes made, and to be
made, in reformation of the king's power of supreme head in
earth of the church of England. So help him God, all saints,
and the holy evangelists." - Statutes of the Realm, 21 Henry VIII.
ch. 2 (A. D. 1534); 28 Henry VIII., ch. 10; and 1 Edward VI.
ch. 12; Gibson's Codex, vol. I. pp. 25-27, 30, 31. See also Soames'
Hist. Ref., III. 568.




THE VESTMENT CONTROVERSY.           197
rites and ceremonies, custom was often a good
argument for the continuance of that which had
been long used "; that " those places of Saint Paul
[alleged by Hooper] did only relate to the observance of the Jewish ceremonies, which some in the
apostles' times pleaded were still to be retained
upon the authority of their first institution by
Moses "; that the apostles, though they condemned
these things when insisted on as necessary to salvation, yet, when they thought them likely to gain
the Jews, both used circumcision and purification
in the temple; that the abuse of the vestments to
idolatry were no better reason for abolishing their
use, than were the superstitious ceremonies used in
the consecration of churches, and the baptism of
bells, a reason for abandoning their use; and furthermore, that " it would bring the papists over to
our church, beholding all things by them used not
totally abolished by the spirit of contradiction, but
some decent correspondences still moderately continued."'
Hooper replied, that "the doctrine of Paul is
this (Gal. iii.): that whosoever recalls things abrogated in Christ, transgresses the will of the Lord;
and the same Paul openly teaches, that the priesthood of Aaron has been abolished in the priesthood
of Christ, (Heb. vii. viii. ix. x.,) with all its rites,
* Burnet's Hist. Ref., vol. II. pt. I. bk. I. pp. 315-; also, Neal's
Puritans, I. 108-14; Fuller's Ch. IHist., vol. iv. bk. vII. p. 66;
Soames' Hist. Ref., III. 558-68; Collier's Ecc. Hist., v. 376-84.




198     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
vestments, unctions, consecrations, and the like:
If, therefore, those shadows of the Aaronic priesthood cannot consist with the priesthood of Christ,
much less that popish priesthood, which, even by
the testimony of their own books, has been derived
either from Aaron or from the Gentiles.'  And to
compel the Christian to these things (these outward rites and ceremonies) is but to take from
them and rob them of their Christian liberty, and
by tyranny to set them under the curse of the law,
from which Christ, by his death and passion, hath
delivered them; and it is one true mark and note
to know antichrist by." iRidley rejoined: - "All the world should know
I do grant the appointed vestments be neither
things to be regarded of necessity to our health
and salvation, or yet as if without them the ministry might not be done; nor that this use of them
is in Scripture; nor that the same doth justify the
doer and user of God's holy word. For so to say
were indeed to defend the papistical and Aaronical
priesthood, both, against Christ's gospel. But all
our controversy is this, whether the vestments as
they be now appointed by the authority of the
church of England, be things lawful to be used, or
may be used without a breach of God's law; that
is, whether they be things, as of themselves indif* Writings of Bradford, p. 373.
t Hooper's Confession of Faith, Art. 83, in Bradford's Writings,
p. 394.




THE VESTMENT CONTROVERSY.                 199
ferent, and not forbidden as sin against God's holy
word, or no." *
This reasoning in favor of the old popish habits, that custom is often a good argument for
the continuance of what has been long used, is
still the favorite argument of English churchmen.
But, if this mode of reasoning proves anything, it
proves too much for the protestant churchman. If
antiquity may be urged in favor of the chemire,
the rochet, and the square cap, which the Reformers retained and enforced, why may not the gloves,
the sandals, the mitre, the ring, and crosier, which
they laid aside, be defended by the same argument? And if this argument is good for the dress
of the clergy, why is it not equally available in
Bradford, p. 375.
Martin Micronius, a German preacher in London, in a letter to
Henry Bullinger, dated London, Oct. 13-20th, 1550, thus speaks of
Hooper's troubles: "The other bishops are giving him  much
trouble. The bishops will not depart a nail's-breadth from their
prescribed form of consecration, which is manifestly superstitious.
The bishops defend the use of peculiar vestments in the church
upon two grounds: first, that they are matters of indifference;
and secondly, that they are prescribed by the king's majesty, with
whom rests the removal or appointment in the church of things
indifferent. Hooper denies, on the other hand, that they are matters of indifference, inasmuch as they obscure the dignity of the
priesthood of Christ, and nurture hypocrisy, superstition, etc.
Master Hooper has just called on me, as I am writing, [Oct. 20th,
1550,] on his return from court. He tells me that yesterday the
Bishop of London [Ridley] was most violent against him before
the council, and that he impugned his doctrine and loaded him
with the greatest insults." — Original Letters relative to the English
Refornmation, A. D. 1537-58, Parker Soc. ed., Letter 244.




200     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
defence of the rites and ceremonies of the ancient
church?  If some of the relics of popery may
properly be venerated for their antiquity, all may
be which have the same recommendation; and if
so, the English church reformation, so far as the
order, rites, and ceremonies of the church were
concerned, was a mistake; yea, an unwarrantable
revolution; and that bitter high-churchman, Heylyn, was not so far astray when he declared that the
reign of Edward VI. was " unfortunate; and that
his death was not an infelicity to the church."
Hooper not being satisfied with these arguments
in favor of the habits - inasmuch as they were the
very arguments with which the papists defended
most of their unscriptural rites and ceremonies, as
well as dresses and ornaments - still declined to
be made a bishop, on the bishops' terms. But this
did not satisfy the reigning powers; they insisted
that John Hooper, willing or not, should be a
bishop of the church of England, and wear the
authorized vestments of the office, or else suffer
pains and penalties for his non-compliance. To
reduce him to obedience, Hooper was first forbidden to preach, which was a severe punishment
to a man like him, whose heart was in the work;
and he probably employed his pen when he could
not his tongue. He was next ordered to confine
himself to his own house; but, disregarding this
arbitrary order, he was committed to Cranmer's
care, January 13th, 1550-51, and removed to the
archbishop's palace for safe-keeping.  But even




THE VESTMENT CONTROVERSY.              201
Cranmer's persuasive powers failed to convince
Hooper; and after two weeks' trial, he was finally
sent to the Fleet prison for his contumacy, January
27th, 1550-51; and there remained, probably, until
about the first of March.*
In the mean time, the judgment of Bucer and
Peter Martyr on the question had been obtained.
These eminent continental reformers, though they
agreed substantially with Hooper on the desirableness of retrieving the ancient purity and unaffected
plainness in religion and in religious rites, keeping
as close as possible to the precedents of holy Scripture and the most uncorrupted ages of the church,
yet thought he might, under the circumstances,
lawfully and properly wear the Romish habits, with
the protest that they were not worn as parts of the
old system, but as things commanded by lawful
authority, and to promote peace in the church.
After eight months' delay, Hooper, influenced
probably more by Bucer and Martyr's opinion and
a desire to prevent further contention among the
Reformers, than by the sufferings of his imprisonment, consented to a sort of compromise with the
ruling powers, to this effect: he should "' be attired
* The entry in the privy council book, under date of " Greenwich, 13th of January, 1551," is to the effect, that it appeared that
Hooper had not kept his house, and had written and printed a book
on the controverted question; and was therefore committed to the
archbishop. Another entry reads thus: "At Greenwich, the 27th
of January, 1551. Upon a letter from the archbishop, that Master Hooper cannot be brought to any conformity, it was agreed he
should be committed to the Fleet." - Bradford's WiS'itings.




202        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISaI.
in the vestments that were prescribed, when he was
consecrated, and when he preached before the king,
or in his cathedral, or in any public place; but he
was dispensed with on other occasions." On these
conditions he was consecrated bishop of Gloucester some time in March, 1550-51.'  After which he
retired to his diocese and devoted himself to the
appropriate work of a Christian bishop, preaching
three or four sermons a day to crowded auditories,
and showing himself in other things a pattern of a
good bishop.f
Though Hooper thus yielded, for the sake of
peace, to the judgment of others, yet, in yielding,
he evidently acted against his own judgment; and
the part which  Ridley took against him  was remembered with grief, if not with anger, until near
the close of life.  When these two good men were
subsequently shut up in prison for the gospel's
The writ for his consecration was dated March 7th, 1550-51.
- Burnet.
Fox thus describes Hooper's first appearance before the king
(and probably his only public appearance in full canonicals) in the
enforced episcopal vestments: " He came forth like a new player
on the stage. His upper garment was a long scarlet chimere,
down to the feet; and under that, a white linen rochet, that covered all his shoulders; and a four-square cap upon his head. But
he took it patiently, for the public profit of the church."
t Burnet. Hooper's wife, in a letter to Bullinger, dated April
3d, 1551, says: "I intreat you to recommend Master Hooper to
be more moderate in his labor; for he preaches four, or at least
three times every day; and I am afraid lest these over-abundant
exertions should cause a premature decay." - Zurich Letters, Nos.
I. XL., in Later Writings of Hooper, p. xvii., Parker Soc. ed.




THE VESTMENT CONTROVERSY.               203
sake, and were about to seal their testimony at the
stake, they interchanged letters and became cordially reconciled  to  each  other.   Ridley had by
that time become convinced of the correctness of
Hooper's views in regard to the popish habits, and
so had Cranmer and others, who were afterwards
sacrificed on the altar of popery.* Fox informs us
that when Dr. Brooks, bishop of Gloucester, aind
his popish assistants, came to the work of formally
degrading Ridley from the priesthood - not recognizing him as a bishop - preparatory to his martyrdom, he utterly refused to put on the surplice,
and they were compelled to put it on him,"  with
all the trinkets pertaining to the mass.  A-d as
they were putting on the same, Dr. Ridley did vehemently inveigh against the Romish bishop and
all that foolish ajpparel; calling him  antichrist, and
the apparel foolish and abominable, yea, too fond
for a vice in a play "- too ridiculous for a buffoon
in a play.t  And when Bonner and his associates
* Ridley wrote to Hooper, when they were both in prison, in
Queen Mary's reign, and about to be offered up: "My Dearly
Beloved Brother and Fellow Elder whom I reverence in the Lord.
Forasmuch as I understand by your works, which I have yet
but superficially seen, that we thoroughly agree, and wholly consent together in those things which are the grounds and substantial points of our religion, against the which the world so furiously rageth in these our days: howsoever in time past, in
smaller matters and circumstances of religion, your wisdom and
my simplicity (I confess) have in some points varied; now I say,
be you assured, that even with my whole heart (God is my witness) in the bowels of Christ I love you." - Works of Ridley, Parker Soc. ed., p. 355.
t Acts and MIons,, II. 427.




204        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
were pulling off the official vestments which had
been placed on Cranmer, in order to his degradation, the archbishop said: "All this needeth not;
I myself had done with this gear long ago."'
Hooper was not alone, even at the first, in his
opposition to the popish garments. Fuller, speaking of the founders of non-conformity, says: " John
Rogers, lecturer in St. Paul's and vicar of St. Sepulchre's, with John  Hooper, afterwards bishop of
Gloucester, were ringleaders of this party." t And
in John  Bradford's Memoir, we read that he too
was decidedly opposed to the garments of popery.:
* Fox, III. 558.
t Ch. Hist., vol. Iv. bk. vii. sect. 24, p. 62.
t "Dr. Ridley, that worthy bishop of London, and glorious
martyr of Christ, according to the order that there was in the
church of England, called him [Bradford] to take the degree of
deacon; which order, because it was not without some abuse, as
to which Bradford would not consent, the bishop, yet perceiving
that he was willing to enter the ministry, was content to order
him deacon without any abuse, even as he desired." This took
place in the summer of 1550.- Writings of Bradford, p. xxii.
Fuller says, "When Hooper, unwillingly willing, wore those
episcopal ornaments, he put on with them a great grudge against
Ridley, who enforced him thereunto. Nor were they fully reconciled till their death, in the days of Queen Mary." - Vol. Iv. bk.
VII. p. 70.
The author of "A Brief Discourse of the Tlroubles begun in Frankfort, in the year 1554 " - probably William Whittingham - speaking of Hooper's ordination, " a man worthy of perpetual memory,"
says: " This man being made bishop by King Edward, there was
obtruded by other bishops of the same order, according to this
book, a rochet and a bishop's robe. This man being well learned,
and a long time nourished and brought up in Germany, as soon as
he refused these proud things that fools marvel at, he was cast
into prison; and at length, by their importunity overcome; and




THE VESTMENT CONTROVERSY.               205
Brook, in his Lives of Puritans, goes so far as
to say: " Most of the reforming clergy were of
HIooper's sentiments in this controversy. Several
who submitted to the habits in the late reign
[Henry VJII.'s] now laid them aside; among
which were bishops Latimer and Coverdale, Dr.
Rowland Taylor, John Rogers, John Bradford, and
John Philpot, all zealous non-conformists. They
declaimed against them as mere popish and superstitious attire, and not fit for the ministers of the
gospel. Indeed, they were not so much as pressed
upon the clergy in general, but mostly left as
matters of indifference."*  And from the writings
of some of the leading churchmen of Elizabeth's
early days, it is quite evident that they, too, were
at one time very much of Hooper's mind respecting the episcopal habits.t
This discussion about priestly vestments, though
in itself confessedly insignificant, was yet the commencement of a controversy which involved the
relenting, he was compelled, to his shame, to give place to their
impudency, with the common grief and sorrow of all goodly
minds." - Troubles, p. 42, editions of 1575 and 1846.
On this controversy about the vestments, the reader can also
consult Hlooper's Later Writings, particularly his " Briefe and Clear
Confession of Faith," first published in 1550, pp. 19-92; and Ridley's Reply to Bishop Hooper, in Writings of Bradford, Letters and
Treatises, pp. 373-95.
* Brook's Pturitans, Introd. vol. I. p. 9.
t See the sentiments of Grindal, Jewel, Sandys, Horn, Cox,
and others, in the chapter on the Ecclesiastical Opinions of the
English Reformers, in this work. See also Appendix, Note A.




206     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
most serious consequences. The triumph of the
court party in this contest was the first stroke on
the wedge which, in subsequent reigns, split the
church of England, first into Conformists and Nonconformists; next, into Church-and-State Reformers and Puritans; and finally, into Churchmen and
Separatists. It was this asserted right to enforce
absolute conformity in all things, claimed and exercised by the reformers of Edward's time, and by
them engrafted into the very spirit of the church
of England, which occasioned to the good people
of England, for successive generations, countless
miseries, some of which we shall be called to notice quite fully in the course of this history.
A marked feature of the Reformation at this
stage was, the importance ascribed to preaching.
The old system relied on its rites and ceremonies,
its festivals, processions, and shows of various
kinds, which attracted and interested the people,
and were well adapted to impress and awe the
ignorant.  But the Reformers having renounced
and denounced this childish and unscriptural dependence on mere outward rites and ceremonies,
and having made their appeal to the Bible, as the
only infallible guide, it became an object of vital
importance with them, to enlighten the people
respecting the teachings of that blessed book.
There was, however, a great scarcity of suitable
men to do this work. The old clergy were to a
very great extent incompetent.  A partial remedy for this incompetency had been sought in the




PREACHING THE GOSPEL.                207
preparation of homilies, or short discourses, to be
read by the clergy to their people on the Sabbath.
This was better than nothing; but it was not, after
all, live preaching. And to meet the exigencies of
the times, the council in 1551 resolved on a system
of itinerancy, by means of which the gospel might
be preached occasionally, by some of the ablest
and most effective pulpit orators, in different parts
of the  kingdom.   Six  eminent  preachers were
accordingly appointed, as the king's chaplains in
ordinary; two of whom were to be constantly at
court, and four of them to itinerate over all England and Wales.'
Another reason for this plan of itinerancy undoubtedly was, the real dislike of the Reformation
which the clergy generally entertained. All the
reformatory movements had been embarrassed and
impeded to the utmost by the secret or open opposition of the clergy. They had conformed when
* Edward, in his Journal, under date of December 18th, 1551,
says: "It was appointed I should have six chaplains ordinary;
of which two ever to be present, and four always absent in
preaching. These six to be- Bill, Harle, Perne, Grindal, Bradford."  The sixth name is "dasht," as Burnet says. It should
probably be Knox. For we read in St;rype (vol. II. pt. II. ch. 29,
p. 73): "Now Knox seems to have gone into parts of Buckinghamshire, and that in his itinerary course of preaching. In some
places in this circuit, and particularly at Amersham, he took a liking, partly for their forwardness to hear him, partly for their civilities towards him."  An explanation of this "forwardness" to
hear this faithful preacher may perhaps be found in the fact
that Amersham was early famed for its attachment to Lollardy,
and that its soil had been enriched by the ashes of several martyrs. See vol. i. p. 542, of this History.




208       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
a measure was absolutely enjoined by authority;
but never until they had resisted as long as they
dared; and their conformity generally was only
just sufficient to satisfy the letter of the law. Gardiner, of Winchester, and  Bonner, of London,
fought the Reformation like demons, inch by inch,
and did not cease their opposition until deprived
of their bishoprics and imprisoned.   They both
lived to quench their vengeance in the blood of the
Reformers. Gardiner was a learned, crafty, unprincipled politician; a man whom Bishop Lloyd
well said, " was to be traced like a fox; and like
the Hebrew, to be read backward."  Bonner was
a foul-mouthed, ferocious creature, who, after advocating the cause of Henry VIII. with such violence that Clement VII. threatened to throw him
into a caldron of melted lead for his impudence,
set himself against every measure of reform during
Edward's reign, and glutted his vengeance during
Mary's reign by tormenting the poor saints who
fell into his hands, and by sending great numbers
of them  to the flames.'  Other bishops were as
unfriendly as Gardiner and Bonner, though not
so violent, or so well able to make the government
trouble.
* Fox paints Bonner's character with a heavy brush; and gives
a full account of the trial, or rather repeated examinations, of the
odious prelate. - Vol. II. pp. 20-46. He has also preserved many
of Gardiner's letters, and the minutes of his examinations, and his
answers to the "articles ministered" to him; which prove him to
have been a man of great ability, shrewdness, courage, and impudence. - Pp. 53-86; Burnet, vol. I. pt. I. bk. II.




REMOVAL OF THE OLD BISHOPS.        209
Five of the old bishops, in all, had to be deprived
of their bishoprics and punished for non-compliance with the reformatory laws and injunctions,
for contempt of authority, for misprision of treason,
or other causes, before the government could enforce its measures. These bishops, though imprisoned, were not otherwise harshly treated; though
Gardiner and Bonner had done enough, by their
sharp speeches and taunts, to provoke the government to punish them severely. Heath, of Worcester, and Day, of Chichester, do not appear to have
been violent men; and the particular cause of their
deprivation and imprisonment is not very clear.
That they opposed the Reformation, in some form,
is certain. Tunstall, of Durham, was deprived
and imprisoned for misprision of treason, or being
privy to treason and concealing the same.  He
was one of the most moderate of the old bishops,
and was Cranmer's personal friend; though he
had little sympathy with the great work of Cranmer's life. It is quite apparent, from the entire
history of these times, that the influence of all
these deprived bishops had been, from the beginning of Edward's reign, against any reformation;
and it was the extreme difficulty experienced by
the government in promoting any reforms while
these dishonest temporizers remained in office,
which finally compelled their deposition.*   The
* In Edward's Journal, under date of February, 155051, we
find the following entry: " The bishop of Winchester [Gardiner]
VOL. II.         14




210        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
Romanists, of course, complained loudly of these
proceedings —and continue to complain to this
day - as unwarrantably severe, and as repugnant
to law and justice,' etc.; forgetting, that, under
after a long trial was deposed of his bishopric." To understand
how long and how patiently the government bore with Bonner
and Gardiner, and how hard it labored to induce them to comply
with the reformatory measures of the Church and State, one has
but to consult the pages of Fox, already referred to. Of Heath,
bishop of Worcester, Burnet says: "He had hitherto [up to 1550]
opposed everything done towards reformation in parliament,
though he had given an entire obedience to it when it was
enacted. He was a man of gentle temper and great prudence,
that understood affairs of State better than matters of religion.
But now it was resolved to rid the church of those compliers, who
submitted out of fear or interest, to save their benefices, but
were still ready, upon any favorable conjuncture, to return back
to the old superstition." - Hist. Ref., vol. II. pt. I. bk. I. pp. 295
and 417;. Strype's Memns., bk. I. ch. 29, p. 372. Bishop Tunstall
was deprived and imprisoned " for consenting, about July, 1550, to
a conspiracy in the North, for raising -a rebellion." - Burnet,
p. 323, note w. See also Strype's Ecc. Mems., vol. ii. pt. ii. ch. 15,
pp. 21-24. Under date of December 20th, 1551, Edward records,
"The bishop of Duresme was, for concealment of treason, written to him, and not disclosed at all till the party did open him,
committed to the Tower." According to Edward's Journal, " The
Bishop Tunstall, of Durham, was deprived of his bishopric,"
October 11th, 1552.  Soames gives a very good account of this
matter. - Hist. Ref., IIn. 701-6.
* See Lingard's Hist., vol. iv. ch. 1. Lingard's treatment of the
Reformers, and their measures during Edward's reign, reminds
one of Hume's treatment of all Christian men and measures. Their
motives and their acts are alike subjected to his insinuations and
slurs, and to his imputations, if not to his direct charges. See a
notable example in his treatment of Archbishop Cranmer, vol.
vII. pp. 199-205.  Pages 17, 68, 71, 73 and 74, 251, 263, 269,
303, et cet., of the same volume, also furnish other illustrations.




THE PRAYER BOOK REVISED.          211
papal rule, bishops who denied the truth of popery,
or deviated from papal prescriptions, not only lost
their bishoprics, but their lives also, and that without mercy.
Burnet tells us, that about the end of 1550,
or the beginning of 1551, the Book of Common
Prayer was revised; several things having been
left in the first edition, not approved by the Reformers, either to draw in some of the bishops, or
in compliance with the prejudices of the people,
who were fond of their old superstitions.
The parliament which began its sessions January 30th, 1551-52, ratified and adopted the new service-book, and ordered it to be used from the feast
of All Saints - the first of November, 1552. The
act forbade the use of any other forms or rites
whatever in public worship, or any person to be
present where other forms were used, upon pain
of imprisonment; and required all persons, having
no lawful and reasonable excuse for being absent,
under pain of spiritual censures, and imprisonment for six or twelve months, or for life, according
to the circumstances of the case, to be present
every Sunday or holy-day, in some church or chapel
where this common prayer and other services were
used.  To this was annexed a "Form of making
Bishops, Priests, and Deacons." 
* Bucer was consulted about this revision of the Prayer Book,
and suggested numerous alterations. Burnet says, that " in almost
every particular, the most material things which Bucer excepted




212        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISMI.
In  1552 was issued a series of doctrinal " articles, agreed upon by the bishops and other learned
men in the convocation held in London in the
year 1552, for the avoiding diversities of opinions
and stablishing consent touching true religion."
In these articles the sovereignty of the Scriptures
is fully recognized; the visible church of Christ is
declared to be " a congregation of faithful men, in
which the pure word of God is preached, and
the sacraments be duly ministered according to
Christ's ordinance, in all those things that of necessity are requisite "; and it is declared, that " it
is not lawful for the church to ordain anything
that is contrary to God's word written." It is also
said, that "our Lord  Jesus  Christ gathered  his
people into a society, by sacraments very few in
number, most easy to be kept, and of most excelto were corrected afterwards."  But Neal says, that "they who
will be at the pains to read over the abstract of Bucer's book, entitled,'Of the Kingdom of Christ,' in Collier's Ecc. Iist., II. 296,
etc., must be of another mind." Burnet gives a summary of Bucer's views of reform. - Vol. II. pt. i. p. 319- Compare Neal's Puritans, I. 122, note; Statutes, 5 and 6 Edw. VI. 1551-52, ch. 1; Burnet, vol. III. p. 390; Strype, vol. II. pt. II. bk. II. ch. 15, pp. 20, 21.
The two editions of Edward's Prayer Book, the Primer and Catechism, together with the first Communion Service, issued during
his reign, have been published by the Parker Society, in one volume, 8vo. The preamble to the act which established this revised
version of the Common Prayer Book sets forth, that " great numbers of people within the realm wilfully and damnably abstain and
refuse to come to their parish churches and other places where the
common prayer, administration of the sacraments, and preaching
of the word" are observed.




THE PRAYER BOOK REVISED.                213
lent signification;  that is to  say, baptism   and
the supper of the  Lord"; and  that "it is  not
necessary that traditions and ceremonies be in all
places one and utterly alike; for at all times they
have been divers; and may be changed according
to the diversities of countries, times, and men's
manners, so that nothing be ordained against
God's word." The book of common prayer, and
other rites and ceremonies of the church of England, are said to be, "both of them very pious,
as to truth of doctrine, in nothing contrary, but
agreeable to the wholesome doctrine of the gospel,
and are by all faithful members of the church of
England- but chiefly of the ministers of the word
- with all thankfulness and readiness of mind, to
be received, approved, and commended to the people of God."'
* Burnet's Hist., vol. ii. pt. II. bk. I. p. 343; and Records, No. 55;
Wilkins, Iv. 73-77. Lathbury says that "Cranmer and his brethren consented, in consequence of the solicitation of some foreign
reformers, to a review of the book of common prayer, not because
the suggested changes were important in their estimation, but for
the sake of peace. The book therefore was submitted to a revision, and certain alterations made. In the communion service
new words were substituted at the delivery of the elements. In
the book of 1549 the words were -' The body of our Lord Jesus
Christ, which was given for thee, preserve thy body and soul,' etc.
In the revision, they were -' Take and eat this in remembrance
that Christ died for thee,' etc. Prayers for the dead were omitted; all second communions were discontinued; the ten commandments were introduced, and the sentences, confession, and
absolution at the commencement of the morning service. There
were various changes in the arrangement of the book; several
rubrics were altered or omitted, and some were added: certain




214       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
In 1552 the convocation of the clergy agreed to
the "' Thirty-nine Articles" of religion; and thus,
according to Burnet, " the reformation of doctrine
and worship were brought to their perfection; and
were not after this a little mended or altered in
this reign, nor much afterwards, only some of the
articles were put in more general words under
Queen Elizabeth."  And the whole remains essentially the same at present.*
It is painfully evident, from the entire history of
the Reformation, that there were many base men
and base measures mingled with the pure and good
in this movement. We get glimpses of the spolia.
tions of churches and church property, from time
to time during this reign, which are most disgraceful, and which give significancy to the declarations
of Fox, Fuller, and others, that Edward's death,
and Mary's subsequent reign of terror, were Divine
punishments for the sins of the English nation.
ornaments were enjoined in the first book which were dispensed
with in the second;'no copes or other vestures were required,
but the surplice only.' "- Pp. 32-35.
* The Thirty-nine Articles here referred to, and the alterations
made in Elizabeth's time, may be seen in No. 55 of Burnet's
Records. Lingard says, that these articles were not sanctioned
by the convocation, and that their authority rested on the king's
proclamation, and the subscription to them by church-wardens,
schoolmasters, and clergymen, which he ordered a short time before his death.-Hist. Eng., vol. IV. ch. 1, p. 127. But Burnet
says, " The convocation at this time [1552] agreed to the Articles
of Religion that were prepared the last year." - Hist., ut sup. and
p. 403. See also Records, as above.




FRAUD AND CORRUPTION.         215
As early as October 1547, the council had addressed a letter to the bishop of Exeter, directing
him " to inquire after things belonging to the
churches, it having been brought to their knowledge, that sundry persons had lately attempted to
make sales of the ornaments, of the plate, jewels,
and bells of sundry churches." * In the winter of
1548-49, the council began in earnest their efforts
to check the extensive depredations on church
property, and to recover the unlawful spoils from
private hands. In a letter of directions to commissioners, dated February 15th, 1548-49, appointed
to make an inventory of church goods, we are
told, that " The king's majesty hath been advertised that a great number of his majesty's subjects * *' have presumed, contrary to his highness' most dread commandments, to alien and sell
away, both the vestments, plate, jewels, and ornaments, and in many places the bells and lead also,
of their churches and chapels, applying the money
thereof either to their own uses, or to such other
private uses as themselves listed."  The commissioners were directed to investigate these cases of
spoliation, and recover the stolen articles, or obtain
from the plunderers the value of the articles in
money.t
But probably very little was accomplished by
this commission. There were too many influential persons interested in these spoliations to make' Wilkins, iv. 17.       t lb. 31.




216     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
it easy to do anything effectual; and besides, the
government itself had its hands full about this
time with the rising insurrections all over the kingdom. And during these turbulent times there were
abundant opportunities for further acts of plunder,
which were, without doubt, improved.  In the
spring of 1552, we are told, "information was
given to the king's council, that much costly furniture which was embezzled, might very seasonably
(such the king's present occasions) and profitably
be recovered; for private men's halls were hung
with altar-cloths, their tables and beds covered with
copes, instead of carpets and coverlets. Many
drank at their daily meals in chalices; and no
wonder if, in proportion, it came to the share
of their horses to be watered in rich coffins of
marble. And, as if first laying of hands upon
them were sufficient title unto them, seizing on
them was generally the price they paid for them.
Now, although four years were elapsed since the
destruction of colleges and chantries, and much of
the best church ornaments was transported beyond
the seas, yet the privy council thought this very
gleaning in the stubble would richly be worth the
while, and that on strict inquisition they should
retrieve much plate in specie, and more money
for moderate fines of offenders herein.  Besides,
whereas parish churches had still many ornaments
left in the custody of their wardens, they resolved
to convert what was superfluous or superstitious
to the king's use; to which purpose commissions




FRAUD AND CORRUPTION.             217
were issued out to some select persons in every
county." *
In the commissions referred to, the king says:
"We are informed that great quantities of the said
plate, jewels, bells, and ornaments be embezzled by
certain private men, contrary to our express commandments in that behalf." The commissioners
are therefore ordered to inquire into the matter, and
ascertain who are the guilty parties, and'"cause
them  to bring into their, the said commissioners'
hands, to our use, the said plate, jewels, bells, and
other the premises so alienated, or the true and just
value thereof." t
The colleges, chantries, free chapels, etc., the
spoils of which the government were now attempting to gather for the use of the king, to pay his
pressing debts - or rather, his father's - had been
given to the crown by the first parliament of Edward VI.  The pretence then was, that these establishments were great nurseries of superstition,
as they no doubt were, being founded and supported chiefly for the purpose of maintaining
masses, and other religious services in memory
of the dead; and that their funds could be much
better employed in supporting grammar schools, or
preachers, or in helping the poor. These were the
* Fuller's Ch. Hist., vol. Iv. bk. vII. sect. 2, pp. 96, 97, Oxford
ed. 1845.
t The commission may be found entire in Fuller, ut sup. pp.
98-102; also in Wilkins, Iv. 77, 78; Burnet's Records, vol. II. pt.
II. bk. I. No. 27.




218     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
original pretences under which the chantries, colleges, chapels, and revenues belonging to any church
or guild for " anniversaries, obits, and lights," etc.,
were given to the crown. But the real reason then
was, that the executors of Henry VIII.'s will wanted
the income of those obnoxious establishments to
pay off the king's debts.  Cranmer at the time
opposed the measure; for he foresaw that neither
grammar schools, preachers, nor the poor would be
much benefited, and that even the king himself
would get only a very moderate share of the spoils,
but that greedy and unprincipled men would plunder on their own behalf.* The law was nevertheless passed, and for four years had been working
out its anticipated results. And now, when the
government commenced its investigations, it was
ascertained that some of the plunderers were irresponsible persons, of whom nothing could be recovered; that more of them had so " cunningly carried
their stealths" that they could not be detected;
and that " many potent persons, well known to
have such goods, shuffled it out with their greatness, mutually connived at therein by their equals,
fellow-offenders in the same kind." t  The commissioners, notwithstanding all difficulties, recovered a considerable amount of property for the
king's use. But more than this, they were author* See Burnet, vol. II. pt. I. bk. I. p. 93-; Strype's Annals, vol.
II. pt. ii. bk. II. chap. 8, pp. 99-102.
t Fuller.




FRAUD AND CORRUPTION.        219
ized to strip the churches generally of what they
might deem superfluous chalices, or cups, or other
ornaments; and this appears to have been done
pretty thoroughly, a single chalice or cup only being left to a church.
These robberies of church property, however inexcusable, were but the legitimate fruits of a system of falsehood and fraud which had been practised on the people for centuries. They had seen
the priestly hierarchy, by various methods and
pretences, gradually absorbing the wealth of the
nation. From the meanest mendicant, who went
about in his accumulated filth, to the pope himself,
the great licenser of them all, who supported his
royal state by means of the money extorted from
all, the people had been taught lessons of dishonesty; and it was not strange that when the spell of
fear was broken, and these plunderers came to be
seen in their true characters, as immoral, unprincipled, dissolute creatures, the people thought themselves entitled to divide the spoil of the spoilers,
and get back into their own possession whatever
they could of the dishonest accumulations of the
priesthood.
Strype draws a pitiable picture of the men and
manners of Edward's reign. He says: "How
good soever Edward was, and what care soever
was taken for the bringing in the knowledge of the
gospel, and restoring Christ's true religion, the
manners of men were very naught, especially of a
great sort of them. Among the grandees and




220     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
noblemen, many were insatiably covetous. The
truth of this appears, not only in their grasping at
the church lands, rents, plate, etc., but in their raising the rents on tenants, enclosing commons which
had been for generations open pasturage for poor
men's cattle, perverting of justice by intimidation or
bribery, and finally, by hoarding up all the gold they
could get. In fine," continues Strype, "to this pass
had covetousness brought the nation, that every
man scraped and pilled [pillaged] from other; every
man would seek the blood of others; every man
encroached upon another. It cut away the large
wings of charity, and plucked all to herself. She
had chested all the old gold in England, and much
of the new."
It is represented as a period of extortion, bribery,
oppression of the poor by the rich; when the
"commonalty" hated the gentry, and "laid all
the misery of the commonwealth upon the gentlemen's shoulders"; when murders were common,
and murderers went unpunished; when divorces
were scandalously frequent, and when, "above all
other vices, the outrageous seas of adultery" and
kindred crimes " burst in, and overwhelmed all the
world." *
Such is the dark picture drawn by no unfriendly
hand, of the men and morals of Edward's reign.
But, though the age was undoubtedly a corrupt
* Ecc. Mems., vol. iI. pt. II. bk. II. ch. 23, pp. 131-37. The
entire chapter (23d) is devoted to " The Manners of all Sorts of
Men in these Times."




FRAUD AND CORRUPTION.        221
one, it may well be doubted whether it was more
corrupt than others which had preceded it and
which followed it in English history. The prominent reason why the corruptions of this period
stand out before us so distinctly, is, that there was
more light let in on England during this period
than ever before; and in that light, vice appears
more distinctly than ever before.  Few periods,
before or since, have had such a reprover of vice
as was old Hugh Latimer; from whose terse,
rough, sharp discourses much of our knowledge
of the prevailing vices and sins of the times is
derived. No doubt, however, wickedness did
abound during the reign of the admirable and
devout young king, Edward VI., much of which
might have been reduced out of sight, if not actually removed from the nation, had that wonderful
prince lived to his father's age. He had but just
begun to exert an influence on the manners of his
age, when he was cut down by death. England
had long been proverbial for its turbulent and lawless conduct during the reign of minors; as, for
example, during the reign of Edward V., Henry
VI., and Richard II., not to instance other reigns.
It required the arm of a strong, brave man to hold
and guide that great flesh-eating, beer-drinking,
war-loving animal, Great Britain; and whenever
an inexperienced, or a weak and timid hand was
laid on the reins, the beast always knew it and
acted accordingly. Edward's reign was no exceptional case therefore. But, besides all this, there




222    HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
were circumstances peculiar in this case. Edward
was brought to the throne in the midst of one of
the mightiest revolutions ever witnessed in that
kingdom or the world —a religious revolution —
a change of religion — a change of gods even.
The pope of Rome, who for centuries had been
revered in England as the vicegerent of Christ,
had just been cast down from his throne, and
thrust out of the kingdom, as a loathsome imposture; and all his power and influence, his peculiar
claims and rights, utterly repudiated; and all the
idolatry of pilgrimages, image-worship, and relicadoration denounced; in a word, the people had
just been cut loose from all their accustomed habits of thought and feeling and acts of worship, and
an entirely new system had been introduced, which
few thoroughly understood, and yet fewer fully
appreciated.  The old religion had been taken
from the nation, and the new had not become
familiar to the people. From a habit of entire
dependence on outward rites and ceremonies and
a peculiarly consecrated priesthood, the people
were now being taught that a man is justified by
faith alone; and that the old system was the work
of the devil. Under these circumstances, it is not
strange —it would have been much more strange
had it been otherwise - that there should have
been an unsettled, unsatisfactory state of things
in the community. The elements had been shaken
up most thoroughly, and time was required for
them to settle.




CHAPTER VII.
ECCLESIASTICAL OPINIONS OF THE ENGLISH REFORMERS. -DISSENTERS IN EDWARD S REIGN.- END OF
THE REFORMATION.
IT has been claimed that the English Reformation was essentially a triumph of Lollardism. A
comparison of the sentiments of the old Lollards
with those of the Reformers of Henry VIII.'s
reign, and even with those expressed in the
authoritative standards of faith promulgated by
Henry, will, it is believed, demonstrate this. It is
not claimed that the English church, as organized
and established at the Reformation, was in all respects such as John Wickliffe would have made it,
had his strong head and warm heart given it outward form and inward organization; but only, that
many of the essential doctrines of the Lollards were
not merely admitted by the Reformers to be sound
and scriptural, but were actually established by law
as the religion of the State.*  Though this matter
has been already alluded to generally, it may be
acceptable to those for whom these pages are
* See Bishop Burnet's remarks on this topic, (Hist. Ref., vol. I.
pt. I. bk. III. p. 454,) quoted ante, page 106.
(223)




224     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
specially designed, to have the ecclesiastical sentiments of the fathers of the English church drawn
out a little more fully and connectedly, that it may
be seen at a glance in what particulars they agreed
with the reformers who preceded them in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and with those who
followed them in the seventeenth century, and in
what particulars these fathers differed from their
children, the churchmen of a later period.
1. The Scriptures were recognized by the fathers
of the church of England as an authoritative rule
of faith and church order, so far at least that nothing contrary to them or not provable from them
should be enforced. The publication of the Bible
in the English tongue, by royal authority; the setting up of a Bible in every church; and the requisition that the clergy should read one or more
chapters in connection with public worship; Archbishop Cranmer's injunctions to the clergy, in
1538, to have, and to study daily, the Bible in
the English and Latin, and to encourage laymen
to do the same; the proclamation of the king,
November, 1539, granting the people generally,
"the free use of the Bible in the English tongue,"
to be read in their houses, as well as in their
churches; the declaration of the king: " In God's
name, let it go abroad among the people," that
" by reading thereof as by hearing the true explanation of the same [the people] might first learn
their duties to Almighty God, and his majesty,
and one another; keeping always in remem



ECCLESIASTICAL OPINIONS OF REFORMERS.  225
brance that all things contained in this book were
the undoubted will, law, and commandment of
Almighty God";-  all these things show  conclusively, that those who had the direction of affairs
at the period under review designed to make the
Bible the standard of truth, so far as they could
have any standard independent of the king's own
pleasure.'
This further appears from the fact that the king
and his counsellors, in their inquiries of the bishops touching proposed reformatory measures, constantly appealed to the Scriptures for proof; and
this not alone in reference to points confessedly
essential to salvation, but also in reference to
points of order and ceremony in the church.
Thus, in the questions proposed to the bishops
and doctors concerning the sacraments, they inquire, " What a sacrament is by the Scripture? "
" How many there be by the Scripture? " Whether
* See Cromwell's directions to the clergy to "provide one book
of the whole Bible, of the largest volume, in English, and the
same set ap in some convenient place within the said church that
ye have care of, where your parishioners may most commodiously resort to the same and read it." - Burnet's Records, vol. I.
pt. II. bk. III. No. 11. Cranmer's injunctions may be found in
No. 12, as above; and the king's proclamation of 1539, in No. 16;
and another proclamation of 1541, requiring "the curates and
parishioners of every town and parish to buy and provide Bibles
of the largest and greatest volume, and cause the same to be set
and fixed in every one of the said parish churches," and also regulating the price of the Bibles, and giving directions how they
should be used, may be found in No. 21.
VOL. II.           15




226      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
confirmation, cum  clrismate, [i. e. accompanied
with anointing,] be found in Scripture? " Whether
a bishop hath authority to make a priest by the
Scripture, or no?" etc. etc.*
Burnet informs us, that Lord Cromwell, sitting
as vicar-general, or king's representative, in the
convocation of June 9th, 1536, declared, that " it
was the king's pleasure that the rites and ceremonies of the church should be reformed by the rules
of Scripture, and that nothing was to be maintained which did not rest in that authority; for it
was absurd, since that was acknowledged to contain the laws of religion, that recourse should
rather be had to glosses, or the decrees of popes,
than to these." t
It may seem a trifling matter to dwell upon -
the fact that the Reformers of Henry's day regarded
the Scriptures as the end of controversy; but he
who calls to mind the fact that in those days the
ecclesiastical laws of Christendom recognized " all
the decrees of the bishop of Rome as God's word,
spoken by the mouth of Peter," and declared that
"whosoever doth not receive them, neither availeth them the catholic faith, nor the four evangelists; but they blaspheme the Holy Ghost, and
shall have no forgiveness" $ - whoever considers
* Burnet's Records, No. 21, ut sup.
t Burnet, vol. I. pt. i. bk. iI. p. 429.
f "A Collection of Passages out of the Canon Law, made by
Cranmer, to show the necessity of Reforming it." -Burnet, Records, vol. I. pt. ii. bk. III. No. 27.




ECCLESIASTICAL OPINIONS OF REFORMERS. 227
these facts, will perceive, at once, that to reject the
pope's authority, and to appeal to the Scriptures
on any point of order which his holiness had settled, was the boldest heresy, the rankest Lollardy.
The opinions of the Reformers on this head are
made still more apparent, by the careful distinction which they drew between such articles of belief " as be commanded expressly by God, and be
necessary to our salvation, and such things as have
been of a long continuance, for a decent order
and honest policy, prudently instituted and used
in the churches of our realm, and be, for that same
purpose and end, to be observed and kept accordingly, although they be not commanded of God,
nor necessary to  our salvation."           These  "rites
* Articles Devised by the Kinges Highness Majestie, published in
1536. Preface, p. xvi. I quote from the " Fornmularies of Faith put
forth by Authority during the Reign of Henry VIII. viz. Articles about Religion, 1536; The Institution of a Christian Man,
1537; and A Necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christian
Man, 1543. Oxford, at the Clarendon Press, M.DCCC.XXV., 8vo.,
pp. 388; Edited by Charles Lloyd." These three formularies are
the earliest authoritative standards of faith of the reformed English church. They were issued by Henry's command, and signed
and commended by the high dignitaries of that church. In this
volume, there are two versions of the first formulary: one entitled, " Articles Devised by the Kinges Highness Majestie, to stablyshe Christen Quietnes and Unitie among us, and to Avoyde
Contentious Opinions, which Articles be also approved by the
Consent and Determination of the hole Clergie of this Realme.
Anno, M.D.XXVI."; the other entitled simply, "Articles about
Religion, set out by the Convocation, and published by the King's
Authority." This last is probably the draught as it came from the
convocation; and the other, the same work after it had passed




228        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
and  ceremonies,"  and  this  " good  and  politic
order" of the churches, they allowed not to be at
through the king's hands. The variations are somewhat numerous
in the two draughts, but do not affect the sense materially. Burnet prints only the convocation copy, as found among the Cotton
manuscripts, not being aware, probably, of the printed copy, by
Berthelet, the king's printer, which was found by the editor of the
"Three Formularies of Faith " among Bishop Tanner's valuable
collection, in the Bodleian Library. See the Preface to the Formularies, p. vi.
The "Institution," or King's Book, and the "Erudition," or
Bishops' Book, are very much alike, the latter being somewhat
more full, and less protestant than the other. Bishop Gardiner,
that cunning and "thorough-paced" papist, being more in favor
at the time the Bishops' Book was issued, is supposed to have had
more to do with it than with the Institution, and to have given
it a Romish shading, which the " King's Book " has not. - Preface, ut sup. pp. vi.-ix.
In the article pertaining to the church (the ninth) there is a
marked difference in the phraseology of the two works, the Erudition being much less Scriptural and protestant than the Institution. The Erudition says: " In our English tongue, by the word
church we understand not only the multitude of people which be
called of God to one faith, be they of the clergy or of the laymen,
but also by the same word we signify the place wherein the word
of God is commonly preached, and the sacraments ministered
and used, and call that the church." - P. 244 of Formularies. The
Institution says: " This word church in Scripture is taken sometime, generally, for the whole congregation of them that be
christened and profess Christ's gospel; and sometimes it is taken
for the catholic congregation, or number of them only which be
chosen, called, and ordained to reign with Christ in everlasting
life." - P. 75 of Formularies.
Throughout the articles there is an equally marked difference
in phraseology. The Institution uses the word congregation continually, as synonymous with church; whereas the Erudition
avoids the use of the word entirely. It defines ecclesia, it is true,
as "an assembly of people called out from other, as from infidels




ECCLESIASTICAL OPINIONS OF REFORMERS.  229
all essential to salvation, because not enjoined in
the  Scriptures.   And for the same reason, they
admitted that the outward form and order of the
church might be changed and modified by the
reigning  powers.   The jure divino, divine right
of episcopacy, was not then taught, had not then
been discovered. The king required his archbishops and bishops, "in their own persons," to "set
forth to the people the word of God sincerely and
purely; declaring the difference between the things
commanded by God, and these rites and ceremonies commanded only by a lower authority." And
in his letter to the commissioners appointed to draw
up and publish " The Institution of a Christian
Man," the king says: " Our desire was (and ye
say ye have endeavored to accomplish the same)
to have a sure and certain kind of doctrine, not as
made by men, but by them searched out of the
Holy Scriptures." *
or heathen, to one faith and confession of the name of Christ," but
goes no further.
"A more detailed account of these works may be found in
Strype's Memorials of Cranmer, i. chs. 11, 13, and 20; in his
Ecclesiastical Memorials, I. ch. 41 and 48; in Lord Herbert's History of Henry VIII., pp. 465 and 557; in Fuller, bk. v. sect. 3;
Collier, bk. II. pp. 122, 127, and 128; and Wilkins' Concilia, III.
p. 817; and more especially in Dr. Laurence's Bampton Lectures,
pp. 14 and 189, who has corrected the extraordinary mistakes and
inaccuracies of Burnet; in Todd's Introduction to the Declarations of our Reformers; and Dr. Barrow's Introduction to his
Summary of Christian Faith and Practice." - Preface to Formularies, p. ix.
* Cranmer's ]Torks, II. 469. Appendix, Parker Society's edition.




230      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
Respecting these rites and ceremonies instituted
by men, either for the sake of the beauty, the order,
or the discipline of the church, the Reformers maintained that they were by no means necessarily the
same in all places; but were subject to change,
and adaptation to the peculiar manners and customs of different regions, provided they were not
inconsistent with God's word -"ut sint consentientes verbo Dei." *
2. Two orders of clergy were all that the early
Reformers recognized as jure divino.
Thus, in "The Institution of a Christian Man,"
or the Bishops' Book, published in 1537- the
fullest authoritative exposition of the faith and
order of the church of England which had at that
time appeared, and which was subscribed and recommended by the two archbishops, nineteen bishops, eight archdeacons, and sundry professors of
theology and ecclesiastical and civil law —it is
said: " The truth is, that in the New Testament
there is no mention made of any degrees or distinctions in orders, but only of deacons or ministers,
and of priests or bishops, nor is there any word
spoken of any other ceremony used in the conferring of this sacrament, but only of prayer and the
imposition of the bishop's hands." t The Institution also maintained the perfect equality of all
"priests or bishops": "It is out of all doubt," it
* See "A definition of the Church, corrected in the margin by
Henry's own hand." -Burnet, vol. I. Addenda, No. 12.
t Institution, p. 105 of Formularies of Faith.




ECCLESIASTICAL OPINIONS OF REFORMERS. 231
says, "that there is no mention made, neither in
Scripture, neither in the writings of any authentical
doctor or author of the church, being within the
time of the apostles, that Christ did ever make or
institute any distinction or difference to be in the
preeminence of power, order, or jurisdiction, between the apostles themselves, or between the
bishops themselves; but that they were all equal
in power, order, and jurisdiction."'
These doctrines of the Institution respecting the
identity of bishops and priests and the equality of
all, it will be remembered were among the " heresies" of Wickliffe.t
3. In regard to the nature of the power and authority conferred on church officers, the Institution
says: " This office, this ministration, this power
and authority, is no tyrannical power, having no
certain laws or limits within the which it ought to
be contained, nor yet none absolute power; but it
is a moderate power, subject, determined, and restrained unto those certain ends and limits, for the
which the same was appointed by God's ordinance;
which, as we said before, is only to administer and
* Institution, p. 118 of Formularies (f Faith.
t See ante, vol. I. p. 301, of this work. Another old Lollard doctrine is recognized in the Institution as follows: "It is out of all
doubt that the priests and bishops never had any authority by the
gospel to punish any man by corporal violence." - Formularies,
pp. 108, 110. The Wickliffe heresy on this point, one hundred
and fifty years before the Reformation, was, " That neither the
pope nor any other prelate of the church ought to have prisons
wherein to punish transgressors." -Ante, vol. II p. 297.




232      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
distribute unto the members of Christ's mystical
body spiritual and everlasting things, that is to say,
the pure and heavenly doctrine of Christ's gospel
and the graces conferred in his sacraments; and
further to do and execute such other things appertaining unto their office as were before rehearsed." *
The language of the King's Book and of the
Bishops' Book is, throughout, quite consistent with
this express statement in regard to the officers of
the church -that but two orders of ecclesiastical
officers are jufre divino. Thus we read of " bishops
and preachers," of " priests or bishops," of " pastors and rectors (as the apostle calleth them),"
of " bishops and ministers (or deacons)," of "deacons or ministers," and of " priests and ministers
of Christ's church," as the only jure divino officers of the church. Throughout the article on the'" Sacrament of Orders," there is a studious avoidance of any implication that there is any distinction in order between a bishop and a priest. A
bishop is identical with a preacher, and a priest is
identical with a bishop. The words are used interchangeably, continually, as if for the express purpose of confounding the old popish notion, that a
bishop was, jure divino, something superior to a
priest.t  The Institution even insists that the title
of bishop or overseer has reference to their care
of particular flocks or churches, and not of one
another.  Thus: "Surely the office of preaching
* Formularies, pp. 102, 103.
t Formularies, see particularly pp. 110-23.




ECCLESIASTICAL OPINIONS OF REFORMERS. 233
is the chief and most principal office, whereunto
priests or bishops be called by the authority of the
gospel; and they be also called bishops or archbishops, that is to say, superalttendents or overseers,
specially to signify, that it is their office to oversee,
to watch, and to look diligently upon their flock,
and to cause that Christ's doctrine and his religion
may be truly and sincerely conserved, taught, and
set forth among Christian people, according to the
mere and pure truth of Scripture; and that all
erroneous and corrupt doctrine, and the teachers
thereof, may be rejected and corrected accordingly."  
And it seems that men of standing and ability
in the English church went even further than the
standards of faith, in the direction of Lollardism.
For Froude tells us, that, among the theological
manuscripts drawn up about 1537, "one of the
ablest and most liberal papers argues, from the etymology of the word presbyter, that lay seniors, or
antient men, might, to some intents, be called
priests." t
The doctrine that bishops are a superior order
to priests (jure divino) was a novelty in the church
of England nearly fifty years later than this date.';Dr. Bancroft, who was [afterwards] archbishop
of Canterbury, preaching at Paul's Cross on February 9th [Neal says, January 12th] in that noted
year 1588, told his auditors that LErius was conFormularies, pp. 109, 110.
t Hist. Eng., III. 243, note.




234     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
demned of heresy, with the consent of the whole
church, for asserting that there was no difference
by divine right between a bishop and a presbyter;
and that the puritans were condemned by the
church in SErius. The famous Sir Francis Knolls,
being surprised at such doctrine, to which they
were not in that age so much used as we have
been since, wrote to the learned Dr. John Raynolds,
who was universally reckoned the wonder of his
age, to desire his sense about the matter. The
doctor wrote him word, that even Bellarmine the
Jesuit owned the weakness of the argument of
Epiphanius to the argument of 2Erius. As for the
general consent of the church, which the doctor
[Bancroft] says condemned IErius' opinion for
heresy, what proof does he bring?'It appears,'
he says,' in Epiphanius.' But I say it does not.
And the contrary appears by St. Jerome, and sundry others who lived about the same time. * * *
Besides, all that have labored in reforming the
church for five hundred years, have taught, that all
pastors, be they entitled bishops or priests, have
equal authority and power, by God's word; as
first, the Waldenses, next Marsilius Patavinus,
then Wickliffe and his scholars, afterwards Huss
and the Hussites; and last of all, Luther, Calvin,
Brentius, Bullinger, and Musculus. Among ourselves, we have bishops, the queen's professors of
divinity in our universities, and other learned men
consenting herein, as Bradford, Lambert, Jewel,
Pilkington, Humnphreys, Fulke, et cet. But what




ECCLESIASTICAL OPINIONS OF REFORMERS. 235
do I speak of particular persons? It is the common judgment of the reformed churches of Helvetia, Savoy, France, Scotland, Germany, Hungary, Poland, the Low Countries, and our own." *
The learned Calderwood, in his Altare Darmascenum, devotes a long chapter to the discussion of
this proposition: Episcopus et presbyter sunt ejusdem gradus-  A bishop and presbyter are of the
same rank.t
In 1543 was published another formulary of
faith and practice, entitled, "A Necessary Doctrine
and Erudition for any Common Man," sometimes
called " The King's Book."  This work, though
substantially the same as the "'Institution of a
Christian Man," is yet scarcely so scriptural in its
teachings; but, nevertheless, is quite clear and emphatic in regard to the question of clerical orders,
duties, etc. Thus it says: "As the apostles themselves, in the beginning of the church, did order
priests and bishops, so they appointed and willed
the other bishops after them to do the like, as St.
Paul manifestly showeth in his epistle to Titus,
saying thus:' For this cause I left thee at Crete,
that thou shouldest ordain priests in every city, according as I have appointed thee.' And to Timothy he saith,' See that thou be not hasty to put
thy hands upon any man.' And here is to be
noted, that, although this form, before declared, is
* See Calamy's Defence of Non-conformity, vol. I. pp. 87-89; Neal's
Hist. Puritans, I. 480-83.
t Chap. Iv. pp. 83-221, quarto ed. 1708.




236      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
to be observed in giving orders, yet there is no certain rule prescribed or limited by the word of God
for the nomination, election, presentation, or appointing of any such ecclesiastical ministers; but
the same is wholly left unto the positive laws and
ordinances of every Christian region, provided and
made, or to be made, in that behalf, with the assent of the prince and ruler. And, as concerning
the office and duty of the said ecclesiastical ministers, the same consisteth in true preaching and
teaching the word of God unto the people, in dispensing and ministering the sacraments of Christ,
in consecrating and offering the blessed body and
blood of Christ in the sacrament of the altar, in
loosing and assoyling from sin such persons as be
sorry and truly penitent for the same, and excommunicating such as be guilty in manifest crimes,
and will not be reformed otherwise; and finally, in
praying for the whole church of Christ, and specially for the flock committed unto them. And,
although the office and ministry of priests and
bishops stand chiefly in these things, before rehearsed, yet neither they nor any of them may
exercise and execute any of the same offices, but
with such sort and such limitation as the ordinances and laws of every Christian realm do permit and suffer."'
In regard to the order of deacons, the Erudition holds the following language: " Moreover, as
* Formularies, 278, 279; Lathbury, 4, 7, 8.




ECCLESIASTICAL OPINIONS OF REFORMERS. 237
touching the order of deacons, we read in the Acts
of the Apostles, that they were ordered and insti.
tuted by the same apostles, by prayer and imposition of their hands upon them. And as for the
qualities and virtuous conversation which be required in them, St. Paul setteth them out, in his
epistle to Timothy, in these words:' Deacons ought
to be chaste, not double-tongued, no drunkards,
not greedy of filthy lucre, having the mystery of
faith in a pure conscience.' And their office in the
primitive church was partly in ministering meat
and drink, and other necessaries, to poor people
found of the church, partly also in ministering to
the bishops and priests, and in doing their duty in
the church. And of these two orders ONLY, that
is to say, priests and deacons, Scripture maketh
express mention, and how they were conferred of
the apostles by prayer and imposition of their
hands. And to these two the primitive church did
add and conjoin certain other inferior and lower
degrees, as sub-deacons, acolytes, exorcists, with
divers other, of the which mention is made, both
of the most ancient writers that we have in the
church of Christ, after the apostles, and also in
divers old councils. * *' And whereas we have
thus summarily declared what is the office and
ministration which in holy Scripture hath been
committed to bishops and priests, and in what
things it consisteth, as is afore rehearsed, lest peradventure it might be thought to some persons
that such authorities, powers, and jurisdictions, as




238      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
patriarchs, primates, archbishops, and metropolitans
now have, or heretofore at any time have had justly
and lawfully over other bishops, were given theml
by God in holy Scripture, we think it expedient
and necessary, that all men should be advertized
and taught, that all such lawful powers and authorities of one bishop over another were and be given
to them by the consent, ordinance, and positive
laws of men only; and not by any ordinance of
God in holy Scripture. And all other power and
authority which any bishop hath used or exercised
over another, which hath not been given to him by
such consent and ordinance of men, (as is aforesaid,) is in very deed no lawful power, but plain
usurpation and tyranny." 
Now, although the Erudition, like its predecessor the Institution, contains much that savors of
despotism, and somewhat of popery and religious
error, still the reader will not fail to notice the effects of "Wicleue learning " in the passages quoted.
In the document already referred to - a Series
of Questions proposed by the King to the bishops
and doctors — the archbishop of Canterbury, in
reply to Question 12, " Whether bishops or priests
were first? " t says: " The bishops and priests were
* Formularies, 280-82. See also Neal's Puritans, I. 81, 82, note;
and Calancy's Defence, I. 90, 91.
t On this point, and probably in some other particulars, Cranmer must have subsequently changed his opinions and held others
more nearly in accordance with modern churchmen, as set forth
in the Book of Common Prayer and other authorized standards




ECCLESIASTICAL OPINIONS OF REFORMERS.  239
at one time, and were no two things, but both one
office in the beginning of Christ's religion."   The
same  opinion, for substance, was expressed  by
other bishops and doctors to whom the question
was proposed.  " The apostles made both bishops
and prestes: the names whereof in the Scripture
be  confounded."   Dr. Cox  said: "Although  by
Scripture (as St. Hierome saith) priests and bishops be one, and therefore the one not before the
other; yet bishops, as they be now, were after
priests, and therefore made of priests."' The bishop
of London said: " I think the bishops were first,
and yet I think it is not of importance whether the
which were published in Edward's reign. See Burnet, vol. I. pt. I.
bk. III. p. 579; Lathbury, 38-40.
* Dr. Richard Cox was a distinguished scholar and divine. He
was born at Whaddon, Bucks, 1499. He was educated at Eton
and at Cambridge, and was a fellow of King's College. He was
invited by Wolsey to become one of his scholars in his new Christ
College, Oxford, with Clark, Dalaber, Sumner, Taverner, Frith,
and others. His reformatory opinions after a while drove him
from his fellowship and threw him into prison. Cranmer, however, became his friend and patron, and he was made master of
Eaton school, archdeacon and prebendary of Ely and Lincoln, and
dean of Christ's Church. He was appointed tutor to Edward VI.,
became a privy councillor, chancellor of Oxford, dean of Westminster, and canon of Windsor. He took a prominent part in the
compilation of the English liturgy, and was the translator of the
four Gospels, the Acts, and the Epistle to the Romans, for " The
Bishops' Bible," so called. During the reign of Mary he found
refuge in Frankfort. He was a man of high spirit, and much
attached to the liturgy which he had helped to make, and caused
much trouble among the refugees in Frankfort, by insisting on its
use. He died in 1581, aged 82 years.




240     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISI.
priest then made the bishop, or else the bishop the
priest; considering (after the sentence of St. Jerome) that in the beginning of the church there
was none (or if there were any, very small) difference between a bishop and priest, especially touching the signification." Dr. Day said: " The apostles were both bishops and priests. *. and in the
beginning of the church, as well that word episcopus as presbyter was common, and attributed
both to bishops and priests." Dr. Redmayne said:
" They be of like beginning, and at the beginning
were both one, as Hierome and other old authors
show by the Scripture." *
4. Respecting the rights of the people to choose
their own pastors and to exercise discipline, the
Reformers held the following language: " In the
apostles' time, when there were no Christian princes
by whose authority ministers of God's word might
be appointed, nor sins by the sword corrected, there
was no remedy then for the correction of vice, or
appointing of ministers, but only the consent of
Christian multitudes among themselves, by an uniform consent, to follow the advice and persuasion
of such persons whom God had most endowed
with the spirit of counsel and wisdom.' * * Sometimes the apostles and others, unto whom God had
given abundantly his Spirit, sent or appointed ministers of God's word; sometimes the people did
choose such, as they thought meet thereunto; and
* Burnet's Records, vol. I. pt. II. bk. III. No. 21, Question 10.




ECCLESIASTICAL OPINIONS OF REFORMERS. 241
if any were appointed or sent by the apostles or
others, the people of their own voluntary will with
thanks did accept them; not for the supremity,
empire, or dominion that the apostles had over
them to command, as their princes and masters,
but as good people, ready to obey the advice of
good counsellors, and to accept anything that was
necessary for their edification and benefit."'
Thus spake his grace of Canterbury. Verily
one might almost suspect his lordship of being one
of those " gainsayers " of a later period, to whom
Wickliffe has been compared.  But we have not
yet seen  the end of my lord primate's "crude
assumptions." t   In his answer to the question,
" Whether any other but only a bishop may make
a priest?" he is so bold as to assert, that even a
Christian people may make their own bishops or
priests by election. But the reader shall see Cranmer's own words: "A bishop may make a priest
by the Scripture, and so may princes and governors
also, and that by the authority of God committed
to them, and the people also by their election; for
as we read that bishops have done it, so Christian
emperors and princes usually have done it, and the
people before Christian princes were, commonly
did elect their bishops and priests.":   And in an* Burnet's Records, vol. I. pt. II. bk. III. No. 21, Qu. 9.
t See Mr. Taylor's learned and rather pretentious work, Ancient Christianity, p. 33, Am. ed., where he speaks of the "crude
assumptions on which the modern Congregational system rests."
$ Cranmer's Works, II. 116, 117; Burnet, ut sup. Qu. 11.
VOL. II.          16




242     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
swer to the question, " Whether in the New Testament be required any consecration of a bishop
and priest, or only appointing to the office be sufficient?" the archbishop goes yet further, and declares that even any consecration, further than an
" election or appointing" to the office, is unnecessary.  His words are: "In the New  Testament,
he that is appointed to be a bishop, or priest, needeth no consecration by the Scripture, for election,
or appointing thereto, is snuficient."
5. Cranmer further held, in regard to confirmation, that " there is no place in Scripture that declareth this sacrament to be instituted of Christ.
First, for the places alleged for the same be no institutions, but acts and deeds of the apostles. Second, these acts were done by a special gift, given
to the apostles for the confirmation of God's word
at that time.  Thirdly, the said special gift doth
not now remain with the successors of the apostles." * The very doctrine of Congregationalists,
ancient and modern.
Such appear to have been the opinions of the
celebrated Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury during the whole period of the Reformation, and the
very spring and life of the whole movement, so far
as it was a religious reformation. It is true that
Cranmer was ahead of most of the divines of his
day in the boldness and scriptural character of
many of his opinions; yet, it is evident from an
* Cranmer's Works, ii. 80 and 117; Burnet, ut sup. Qu. 12.




ECCLESIASTICAL OPINIONS OF REFORMERS. 243
examination of this list of questions and answers
from which I have been quoting - occupying over
sixty octavo pages - that there were others among
the bishops and doctors of that period who were not
far behind the archbishop on any point, and even
outran him on some points of doctrine. For example, Dr. Cox said: " By Scripture there is no
consecration of bishops and priests required, but
only the appointing to the office of a priest, cumr impositione manuum." *  Dr. Leyghton asserted, that
the power of the keys resided chiefly in the church
- "potestas clavium residet prcecipue in Ecclesia."
And, in another place, " That not only bishops and
priests may excommunicate, but any other man
appointed by the church; or such as have authority to appoint men to that office may excommunicate." t  Dr. Cosen asserted, that "forasmuch as
the keys be given to the whole church, the whole
congoregation may excommunicate, which excommunication may be pronounced by such an one as the
congregation does appoint, although he be neither
bishop or priest." t Dr. Oglethorp agreed with
Dr. Cosen, saying: "Non solumn episcopus excommunicare potest, sed etiam tota congregatio " - not
only may a bishop excommunicate, but also the
whole congregation; that is, for deadly and public crimes, by which scandal is brought upon the
church; not, however, on account of pecuniary
* Burnet, vol. I. pt. II. bk. XII. NO. 21, Qu. 12.
t lb. Qu. 15 and 16.            t Qu. 16.




244      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
matters (re pecuniaria), as was formerly common.*
My lord elect of Westminster, Dr. Tresham, and
also Dr. Oglethorp, say further, " that the power of
excommunication was given to the church [or congregation], and to such as the church shall institute." t
On all the above points, and on many others,
the Reformers' sentiments, if not absolutely identical with those of modern Congregationalists,
were much nearer to them  than to those entertained by Romanists, or even by Protestant highchurchmen.
6. In relation to the sacraments, the Reformers
all agreed, " that it is not evident by Scripture what
a sacrament is, but mysterium; that is, a secret, or
a hid thing"; but according to ancient authors,
many of them agreed in saying that " a sacrament
is a visible form of invisible grace"; or, as Cranmer says, " sacrce rei signum; viz: visibile verbum,
symbolum, atque pactio qua sumus constricti "- a
sign of a sacred thing; as, for example, a visible
word or symbol, and the compact by which we are
bound. And then, in regard to the number of sacraments, they all agreed, " that there is no certain
number of sacraments by Scripture, but even as
many as there be mysteries; and none of these
seven called sacrament, but only matrimony in
Scripture." And as to the teaching of old authors,
* Burnet, vol. I. pt. i. bk. III. No. 21, Qu. 15, 16.
t Ib. Qu. 16.




ECCLESIASTICAL OPINIONS OF REFORMERS. 245
Cranmer said: "the old authors never prescribed
any certain number of sacraments, nor in all their
books I never read these two words joined together,
viz: septem sacranmenta." And the bishops of Hereford and St. David's, Dr. Day and Dr. Cox, said,
that "this word sacrament, in the old authors, is
not attributed unto the seven only, and ought not
to be attributed."' Cranmer seems to have received fully, as sacraments enjoined by the Scriptures, only baptism and the Lord's supper; though
he says of penance and matrimony he found much
said in Scripture; but, " of the matter, nature, and
effect of the other three [sacraments], that is to
say, confirmation, order, and extreme unction, I
read nothing in the Scripture, as they be taken for
sacraments." t
7. In answer to the question relative to the power
of laymen, in cases of necessity, to do ministerial
work, Archbishop Cranmer and some of his associate reformers go as far as any Congregationalist would go.  For example, on the question,
" Whether if it fortuned a Christian prince learned
to conquer certain dominions of infidels, having
none but temporal learned men with him, if it be
defended by God's law, that he and they should
preach and teach the word of God there, or no?
and also make and constitute priests, or no?"
Cranmer replies: "It is not against God's law;
* Burnet's Records, vol. I. pt. i. II. k. I. No. 21, Qu. 1-6 inclusive.
t Burnet, ut sup. No. 21, Qu. 7.




246      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
but contrary, they ought indeed so to do; and there
be histories that witnesseth, that some Christian
princes, and other laymen unconsecrate, have done
the same." Dr. Cox, in reply to this question, said:
" It is not against God's law, that the prince and
his learned, temporal men may preach and teach,
and, in these cases of extreme necessity, make and
institute ministers."  And Dr. Day said: " In this
case (as I think) the prince and other temporal
learned men with him, may, by God's law, teach
and preach the word of God, and baptize, and
also (the same necessity standing) elect and appoint men to those offices." Dr. Redmayne said,
in answer to this same question: "I think they
might, in such case of necessity; for in this case
the laymen made the whole church there, and the
authority of preaching and ministering the sacraments is given immediately to the church; and the
church may appoint ministers, as is thought convenient."'
8. The Erudition defines the catholic or general church thus: " It comprehends all assemblies
of men over the whole world that receive the faith
of Christ; who ought to hold a unity of love and
brotherly agreement together, by which they become members of the catholic church." t
The jure divino of episcopacy was no part of
* Burnet, ut sup. No. 21, Qu. 15.
t Burnet, Hist., vol. I. pt. I. bk. III. p. 577. Dr. Redmayne "was
esteemed the most learned and judicious divine of that time." -
Burnet, ut sup. p. 575.




ECCLESIASTICAL OPINIONS OF REFORMERS. 247
the Reformers' belief.  Thus the learned bishop
Stillingfleet, in his Irenicum, first published in 1661
or 1662, distinctly admits that the episcopal form
of government in the English church was a mere
matter of convenience; and adds, that "the main
ground for settling episcopal government in this
nation was not accounted any pretence of divine
right, but the convenience of that form of church
government to the state and condition of this
church at the time of the Reformation." *  And
in "A Definition of the Church," corrected in the
margin by the king's own hand, preserved by Burnet, after defining the term church (ecclesia) very
nearly as any Congregationalist would, as having
two principal acceptations in the Scriptures - one
designating the whole company of saints and real
believers in Christ the true Head, who have been
sanctified by his Spirit, and the other designating
the congregation of all those who are baptized in
the name of Christ, and have not openly denied
Christ, nor are excommunicate; having thus defined the word church, the paper proceeds to say:
" But, as to forms and religious rites and ceremonies, which, either for the sake of decency or order,
or for the purposes of church discipline, are instituted by men, there is no necessity at all that they
should be the same everywhere, or be exactly alike;
for these may not only be different in different
* Irenicznm, or the Divine Right of Particular Forms qf Ch]urchl Government Discussed and Examined," ch. vIII. pt. II. p. 385. Lond.
1662.




248       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
countries, but be changed, in order to adapt them
to the altered manners of a country; provided
only, that these be in accordance with the word
of God.*
No one, it is presumed, will suppose the writer
simple  enough  to  believe  that Henry VIII., or
Thomas Cranmer, or vicegerent Cromwell, had
any intention of reducing the English hierarchy to
the simplicity of Congregational churches.   Far
from this. These men were essentially Erastians
at this time, however their opinions may have
changed afterwards. They believed that the outward order of the church might and ought to be
regulated by the prince or magistrates of every
Christian country, as seemed best suited to the circumstances and peculiarities of that country. This
certainly was Cranmer's belief, during Henry's
reign. And so fully did he act up to it, that he
took his archiepiscopal office subject to the king's
pleasure; and at the decease of Henry he resigned
his office, and declined serving any longer as archbishop of Canterbury until reappointed by the new
governments
*- Hist. Ref., vol. I. Addenda, No. 12. "Traditiones vero et ritus
atque caeremonioe quwe vel ad decorem, vel ordinem, vel disciplinam
ecclesise ab hominibus sunt institute, non omnino necesse est, ut
eadem sint ubique aut prorsus similas; hae enim et varis fuere
et variari possunt pro regionum atque morum diversitate et commodo, sic tamen ut sint consentientes verbo Dei."
t See Cranmer's answer to the question, " Whether the apostles, lacking a higher power, as in not having a Christian king




ECCLESIASTICAL OPINIONS OF REFORMERS.  249
Cranmer and those who acted with him were
emphatically the Fathers of the English church.
Their ecclesiastical opinions are, therefore, worthy
of very special regard, as presenting a striking contrast with the opinions afterwards broached, and
still insisted upon, by those occupying the seats of
the Reformers. One can hardly avoid feeling that
those wise men-  wise above what is written
who praise so highly the Reformers of their church,
and condemn so roundly the " crudities " of Congregationalism, would do well to remember that the
first archbishop of Canterbury in the reformed
church of England, and some of the most learned
doctors of his day, believed in several of these very
crudities of modern Congregationalists; and this,
because these good men relied much more entirely
on the teachings of the New  Testament respecting
among them, made bishops by that necessity, or by authority
given by God  " - Burnet's Records, No. 21, Qu. 9, ut sup.
Cranmer and the bishops of England took new commissions
from Edward for their bishoprics. - Bernet, vol. ii. pt. I. bk. I.
p. 11; and Records, pt. ii. bk. I. No. 2.
Lathbury and other churchmen are loath to admit Cranmer's
Erastianism; and yet it is not easy to see how it can be justly
denied, while the Records from which I have quoted are "not
questioned," as they are not. Any subsequent denial of these
opinions, implied or explicit, would not affect the archbishop's sincerity at the time he expressed them, any more than his subsequent recantation of Protestantism invalidated his honesty previously. And, if Cranmer entertained the views quoted from his own
writings above, then he was an Erastian, whatever he might have
been when he indorsed the Book of Common Prayer some years
afterwards.




250     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
the order of the Christian Church than do many
modern churchmen.
Though during the latter part of Henry's reign,
and the first year or two of Edward's, there are few
traces of dissenting protestant congregations in
England, yet we must believe that congregations
did exist in secret, for they appeared very distinctly
in the early years of Henry's reign, and in the latter years of his son's. Early in 1549, if not before,
there were many baptists - or, as they are usually
called in the old histories, anabaptists, or rebaptizers - in different parts of the kingdom. They
were of two classes: unitarian baptists and evangelical baptists. The unitarians were chiefly foreigners- Germans and Dutch; the evangelicals
were probably descendants of the old Lollards,
some of whom early embraced tenets kindred to
modern baptist opinions. Against the latter sort
there is no evidence that any particular severities
were practised, though all anabaptists were excepted out of the king's general pardon in 1550.
Books were written against them, and books were
written by them in reply. But this was all, so far
as I have discovered. Against the unitarian baptists, however, who are represented to have " denied
almost all the principles of the Christian doctrine,"
and to have been " men of fierce and barbarous
tempers," such as had " broken out into a general
revolt over Germany, and raised the war called the




DISSENTERS IN EDWARD'S REIGN.            251
Rustic War "-  against these, more active measures were adopted.* On the 27th of April, 1548,t
Archbishop Cranmer and other commissioners had
before them, in the chapel of the " blessed Mary,
within the cathedral of St. Paul's," John Champneis, of the parish  of Stratford -le- Bow, in  the
county of Middlesex, diocese of London, charged
with certain errors, heresies, and damnable opinions, contrary and repugnant to the catholic faith,
which he had not only professed, but set forth in
a book.
It is not easy to decide exactly what Champneis, or Champney, actually taught; though it is
clear that he was a dissenter from  the established
church.   From  his confession -for he seems to
have somewhat readily renounced his opinions,
after being dealt with by the commissioners on heresy, and bore a fagot on his shoulders during sermon on the following Sunday at St. Paul's —the
* Latimer, in his Lent Sermon, preached before Edward VI.,
1550, says: " I should have told you here of a certain sect of heretics that speak against this order of doctrine; they will have no
magistrates, no judges on earth; here I have to tell you what I
have heard of late, by the relations of a credible person and worshipful man, of a town of this realm of England, that hath above
five [hundred] heretics of this erroneous opinion in it, as he said."
Crosby, in his History of English Baptists, says: " That the Baptists were very numerous [in 1553] is without controversy; and
without doubt many of the martyrs in Queen Mary's days were
such, though other historians seem to be silent with respect to the
opinion of the martyrs about baptism." - Vol. i. pp. 62, 63. Lond.
1738.
t Wilkins'Concilia, Iv. 39-42.




252        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
inference would be, that he was a sort of Arminian
baptist and Antinomian perfectionist.' He probably belonged to a class of dissenters whose sentiments appear more distinctly in other examinations, and are described by Burnet as persons who
believed "that a man regenerate could not sin;
that though the outward man sinned, the inward
man sinned not - That there was no trinity of persons in the Godhead - That Christ was only a holy
prophet, and not at all God - That all we had by
* Champneis' confession and renunciation was as follows: "I
John Champneis of Stratford on the Bowe, in the county of Middlesex, of my hart and freewill, voluntarily and freely and sincerly knowledge, confess, and openly recognize, that, in times
past I thought, believed, saide, helde, writte, and taught, and presumptuously in my booke sette fourthe in my name, these and all
other errours, heresies, and damnable opinions following, that is to
say:- First, that a man after he is regenerate in Christe cannot
synne. Item, secondly, that I have defended the said first article,
graunting that the outward man might synne and the inward man
cold not synne. Thirdly, that the gospel hathe bene so muche
persecuted and hated ever sythens the apostelles tyme, that no
man might be suffered openly to follow hyt. Fourthly, that godly
love falleth never away from them whiche be regenerate in Christ.
Fifthly, that that was the most principall of our marked mann's
doctryne, to make the people beleve, that there was no suche
spirite given unto man, whereby he sholde remayne righteous alwaies in Christe, which is a most develishe errour. Sixthly, that
God doth permitte to all his electe people their bodilie necessities
of all worldly things."
All these " errours, heresies, and damned opinions, and all other
heresies, false doctrynes, and damned opinions contryned in my
boke, and all the Anabaptistes errours, and all other heresies in
generall, contrary and repugnant to the faith of Christ, I utterly
abjure, forsake, and purely renounce," etc. - Wilkins, Iv. 39, 40.




DISSENTERS IN EDWARD'S REIGN.      253
Christ was, that he taught us the way to heaven
- That he took no flesh of the virgin - And that
the baptism of infants was not profitable." *
On the 28th of December, 1548, another of these
unitarian dissenters was arraigned before the archbishop of Canterbury, sitting at Lambeth.  His
name was John Ashton, a presbyter, and parson
of Shiltetington, diocese of Lincoln, charged with
sundry " errors, heresies, and damnable opinions,"
as follows:-" That the trinitie of persons was
established by the confession of Athanasius, declared by a psalme,' quicunque vult,' etc., and that
the lollie Ghoste is not God, but only a certeyn
power of the Father. Secundarilye, that Jesus
Christ, that was conceyved of the virgyn Mary,
was a holy prophet and speciallie beloved of God
the Father, but that he was not the true and lyving
God, for as much as he was seen and leved, hungred and thirsted. Thirdly, that this onley is the
fruite of Jesus Christes passion, that whereas we
were straungers from God, and had no knowledge
of his testament, hit pleased God by Christ to bring
us to the acknowledging of his hollie power by the
testament." f These errors and opinions Ashton
renounced, and he was discharged.
Early in 1549, complaints were made to the
council of the spread of anabaptists and heretics;
and on the 12th of April a commission was issued
* Hist. Ref., vol. ii. pt. I. bk. I. p. 229.
t Wilkins, Iv. 40-42.




254      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
to Cranmer and others —three of them being a
quorum - "to examine and search after all anabaptists, hereticks, or contemners of the common
prayer."    On the 11th of May, 1549, Michael
Thombe, a London butcher, was arraigned before
these commissioners, and charged with errors, heresies, and damnable opinions, as for example:" that
Christ toke no flesh of our Lady; and that the
baptism of infantes is not profitable, because it
goeth without faith." These heresies, etc., he was
induced to confess and renounce, and was discharged.t
The same commissioners examined the famous
Joan Bocher, or Joan of Kent. She was charged
with belonging to the detestanda anabaptistarum
secta.t Joan was a shrewd, quick-witted woman,
of unusual intelligence, but of violent temper, and
very abusive and all but frantic in the use of her
tongue. She had been an active reformer in the
days of Henry; and is charged with having smuggled into the king's own palace, English testaments,
concealed under her dress. But she had indulged
in some philosophical speculations about the incarnation of Christ, which exposed her to the charge
of denying his proper humanity. Burnet tells us,
that 1" she denied that Christ was truly incarnate of
the virgin, whose flesh being sinful, he could take
* Rymer's Feedera, vol. vI. pt. III. p. 170, Hague, ed. 1740; Burnet, ut sup. p. 229.
t Wilkins, Iv. 42.             t Wilkins, iv. 43.




DISSENTERS IN EDWARD'S REIGN.          255
none of it; but the Word, by the consent of the
inward man in the virgin, took flesh of her." *
Joan, nevertheless, believed in the humanity of
Christ, though she denied that he received his
humanity from the flesh of the virgin Mary.  She
said, Christ passed through the virgin, as light
through glass, and received his humanity in some
manner unknown, and undefined in the Scriptures.t
Whatever her opinions were, she held them most
tenaciously, and defended them with much adroitness. The archbishop seems to have been very
unwilling to give her up, and labored long and earnestly to dissuade her from her opinions; but all in
vain. She railed against the bishops, and met her
sentence, April 30th, 1549, and her cruel death at
the stake, May 3d, 1550, with unflinching courage, $ but in a way so frantic, that it is strange
that she had not rather been taken to Bedlam than
to Smithfield.
On the 18th of January, 1550-51, another commission was ordered, to inquire into the errors of
the anabaptists and freethinkers (anabaptistarumS
et libertionorum errores) and other heretics. This
commission consisted of Cranmer and thirty-one
* Hist. Ref., ut sup. pp. 229-31; Records, No. 35.
t See the Biographical Notice of Roger Hutchinson, who visited
Joan in prison, prefixed to his works, published by the Parker
Society.
t She was kept in confinement a year after her condemnation,
with the hope that she would relent. - Burnet, ut sup. p. 281.




256      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISI.
others, clergymen and laymen.' Before these commissioners, a Dutch surgeon, George Van Parres,
or Parr, residing in London, an excommunicated
member of the Dutch church of that city, was arraigned, April 6th, 1551, charged with saying that
" the Father was only God; and that Christ was
not very God."  He maintained his opinions with
great constancy, was condemned as an obstinate
heretic, given up to the secular arm on the 7th of
April, and burned to death in Smithfield, on the
25th of April.t "He suffered," says Burnet, " with
great constancy of mind, and kissed the stake and
the fagots that were to burn him." He is represented to have been a man of unblemished moral
character, and of devotional habits.t  It is a relief
to add, that this was the last victim of religious
persecution unto death in Edward's reign. But,
while we utterly condemn these acts of official violence towards dissenters, it is but just to the Reformers of this reign, to remark, that, though possessed of power almost as absolute as the late
king's, and educated to regard punishment, and
even death itself, perfectly lawful and proper, as
well as expedient, in cases of obstinate heresy, yet
they stained their hands with the blood of but two
poor heretics, namely, Joan Bocher and George
Van Parres.  These alone suffered death for their
religious opinions during the seven years of Ed* Rymer, vol. vI. pt. III. p. 197; Strype's Mems., vol. II. pt. I.
bk. I. ch. 29, p. 385.
t Wilkins, iv. 44, 45.      1 Burnet, ut sup. p. 231.




DISSENTERS IN EDWARD'S REIGN.         257
ward's reign; and their heresies were considered as
peculiarly hateful and dangerous, tending to the
utter subversion of Christianity itself.
But opposition to the doctrines and orders of the
church of England was not confined to isolated
individuals. The appointment of these several
commissions, and the number and the character of
the men who sat upon them —being among the
most distinguished men in Church and State —
suggest as much. Had not serious danger been
apprehended from these dissenters, they would
probably have been left to the regular ecclesiastical courts. And when we examine carefully the
history of these eventful times, we find intimations
that there were not only many " sectaries," as they
are called, but organized congregations of dissenters in different parts of the kingdom.
It was among the topics of inquiry addressed by
the bishops to their clergy, " Whether any anabaptist or others used private conventicles, with different opinions and forms from those established by
law?" *  And Fox tells us of whole congregations
of these sectaries in Essex and Kent, at Bocking,
Feversham, and other places.  Strype says, that
during the year 1550, "in the further parts of Essex were many earnest gospellers. And for their
better edification, they procured preachers sometimes to preach to them on the week-days." t He
* See Bishop Ridley's Inquiries, addressed to his clergy in 1550,
in Burnet, vol. II. pt. i. b. k.  p. 325-; Records, No. 52.
t Ecc. 1fems., vol. II. pt. I. bk. I. chl. 27, p. 341.
VOL. II.         17




258     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
also tells us, that " sectaries appeared now in Essex
and Kent, sheltering themselves under the profession of the gospel; of whom complaint was made
to the council. These were the first that made
separation from the reformed church of England,
having gathered congregations of their own. The
congregation in Essex was mentioned to be at
Bocking; that in Kent was at Feversham, as I
learn from an old register. From whence I also
collect that they held the opinions of the anabaptists and Pelagians; that there were contributions
made among them for the better maintaining of
their congregations; that the members of the congregation in Kent went over unto the congregation
in Essex, to instruct and to join with them; and
that they had their meetings in Kent in divers
places beside Feversham.  Their teachers and
divers of them were taken up, and found sureties
for their appearance, and at length brought into
the ecclesiastical court, where they were examined
in forty-six articles or more." * "But beside these
sectaries, there was information sent to the court
in June this year [1550] of another sort in Essex;
but they, as it seems, more harmless; namely,
certain that came together on other days besides
Sundays and holy-days, to hear sermons, who had
preachers that then preached to them; and that,
for aught I perceive, was all their fault; for I do
not find any false doctrine or sedition laid to their
* Ecc. Menes., ut sup. ch. 29, pp. 369, 370, 385.




DISSENTERS IN EDWARD'S REIGN.    259
charge. The Lord Chancellor Rich, who was no
favorer of the gospel, being, as it seems, at one of
his houses in Essex, sent word of this to the council, showing the danger of this practice, as being
likely to breed the common people up in a neglect
of their ordinary callings, and an indulging of
themselves to idleness. But I suppose the truth
was, he was afraid the knowledge of the gospel
should spread too much."'
On the 23d of June, the council issued an order
to the bishop of London to stop these irregular
proceedings.  The orders of council seem  not,
however, to have been effectual in breaking up the
congregations of anabaptists and such like sectaries who showed themselves in Kent and Essex;
for in January, 1550-51, we are told, that "a special
commission was issued forth against them, from
the king, to one-and-thirty persons," at the head
of which was Cranmer. These commissioners, or
three of them, were authorized "to correct and
punish all anabaptists, and such as did not duly
administer the sacraments according to the Book
of Common Prayer set forth by the king's majesty." J But still the sectaries flourished; for as
late as October, 1552, another commission was
issued to the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop
of London, and others, for the examination and
punishment of erroneous opinions in religion. We
have no evidence, however, that the dissenting con* Strype, ut sup.      t Ecc. Mems., ut sup. p. 385.




260     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
gregations were broken up, or their numbers diminished; and it is altogether probable that some of
them kept up their organizations, and their meetings even, through Mary's reign of fire.
Cranmer was not a persecutor. A man of gentle, kindly spirit, he was entirely averse to violence
of any kind. And then, his principles were so liberal and catholic, that he would have been one of
the last men to enforce pains and penalties on an
honest Christian dissenter. He was probably in
advance of most of his clergy in liberal scriptural
views of doctrine, religious and ecclesiastical.
And there is no reliable evidence that Cranmer
ever sought the death of any sectary, or even his
severe punishment. This is said with a full knowledge of the obloquy which the good man's name
still bears for the part he is accused of acting in
the punishment of that half-crazed Arian, Joan
Bocher, or Joan of Kent, of which the Romanists
have made the most. The faithful old martyrologist, Fox, has unwittingly furnished the enemies
of the archbishop with their chief weapon against
the good prelate. In his account of the martyrdom of Joan, Fox makes the following statement:
"When Joan Bocher should be burned, all the
council could not move him [Edward] to put to
his hand, but were fain to get Dr. Cranmer to persuade him  so to do, saying:' What, my lord,
will ye have me to send her quick to the devil in
her error?' so that Dr. Cranmer himself confessed, that he had never so much to do in all his




DISSENTERS IN EDWARD'S REIGN.            261
life, as to cause the king to put to his hand, saying,
that he would lay all the charge thereof upon
Cranmer before God." * Soames calls in question
the truth of Fox's statement. He alludes to the
fact that Cranmer was not present at the council
board on the day that Joan was sentenced; that
Edward makes no allusion to this reported conference between him and Cranmer, though he mentions the fact of Joan's condemnation, etc., in his
Journal; which he could scarcely have failed to do
had any such conversation as Fox reports between
the king and the archbishop actually occurred.t
And in the biographical sketch of Roger Hutchinson, the editor satisfactorily shows that Fox must
have been mistaken in his report about Cranmer's
interview with Edward, to persuade him to sign
Joan's death-warrant; and that there is really no
foundation whatever for this charge against the
archbishop, which the enemies of the Reformation,
and of Cranmer especially, have used so effectually
against him.t
x Acts and Mons., ii. 2.
t Soamnes' Hist. Ref., III. 442-45.
$ See Works of Hutchiinson, Biog. Notice, pp. i.-v. Parres is
doubtless referred to in the following entry in Edward's Journal
under date of April 11th, 1551: "A certain Arrian, of the strangers, a Dutchman, being excommunicated by the congregation of
his countrymen, was, after long disputation, condemned to the
fire."
Another entry in Edward's Journal reads thus: "May 2d,
1550 -Joan Bocher, otherwise called Joan of Kent, was burnt, for
holding' That Christ was not incarnate of the Virgin Mary'; being
condemned the year before, but kept, in hope of conversion; and




262     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
The two martyrs of Edward's reign were executed by authority of the common law, made in the
days of popery, by which obstinate heretics, after
trial and condemnation by the clergy, were liable
to death, by virtue of the king's writ issued out to
that effect. Though these two persons were the
only martyrs to religious opinion during this reign,
their deaths have left a deep stain on the protestant
reformers of that period, which we would gladly
wipe away if it were in our power. Their conduct
may be palliated by various considerations; still it
must be confessed that in these two instances they
acted in the spirit of popery, the suppression of
which was the great object of their lives. Cranmer must bear the reproach of having given up
these unitarian baptists, Bocher and Parres, to the
secular arm to be punished, knowing that death
must be the penalty of their heresies. Cranmer
must bear this load; for, though he was only one
of the commissioners - there being four others in
the case of Bocher, and seven in the case of Parres
-yet, being at the head of both commissions, he
doubtless could have saved the victims had he earnestly tried. But the charge of having gone beyond the simple line of his supposed duty, in judging and condemning these " heretics," is certainly
not sustained.
the 30th of April, the bishop of London and the bishop of Ely
were to persuade her; but she withstood them, and reviled the
preacher that preached at her death."




SUMMARY OF EDWARD'S WORK.                  263
We have now reached the utmost limits of the
English Reformation. The death, by consumption, of "that incomparable young prince," Edward VI., on the 6th of July, 1553, in the sixteenth
year of his age, after a reign of six years, five
months, and six days, not only checked all further attempts at reform, but made way for a papal
successor and the utter overthrow of English protestantism.* Had Edward lived to the age of his
In Lodge's Illustrations of British History, etc., are letters from
the privy council to the English ambassadors at the French and
Imperial courts, in one of which the death of Edward VI. is thus
spoken of: " In one word, we must tell you a great heap of infelicity. God bathe called out of this world our sovereign Lord,
the sixth of this month. The disease of which his majesty died,
was the disease of the lungs, which had in them two great ulcers,
and were putrified, by means whereof he fell into a consumption,
and so hath he wasted, being utterly incurable." - Vol. I. p. 180.
Quarto, London, 1791.
Strqype (Anno 1553) says: "The last winter the king fell sick of
a cough, which brought him into a consumption of the lungs;
and so he lingered, and grew worse and worse." *   *  " That he
died by poison would not out of the people's minds and mouths."
But this report the council authoritatively contradicted. "His
disease whereof he died," they said, " was of the putrefaction
of the lungs, being utterly uncurable of this evil." And Dr.
Haddon, a court physician, some twenty years after, replied to
this charge when urged by a Portuguese bishop, that " the physicians reported that he died of consumption. The same was affirmed by the grooms of his privy chamber, which did keep
continual watch with the sick king." - Ecc. Mlems., vol. II. pt. II.
bk. II. p. 117. For notices of Edward's character, see Strype's Memorials, vol. ii. pt. I. bks. I. and II.; vol. ii. pt. II. pp. 117-; Fox's
Acts and Mons., vol. II. bk. ix.; Fuller's Ch. Hist., bk. vII. sect. 2;
Burnet's Hist. Beyf, vol. II. pt. ii. bk. i. pp. 1-5, 453-65; Kennet's
Hist. Eng., vol. II. p. 274.




264     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
father, English history would not have read as it
now does. But the inscrutable purposes of God
required the early removal of the wise and good
king, and the enthronement of that odious woman,
Mary Stuart.
Having now briefly examined the work of reformation during the reign of Edward VI., it may be
satisfactory, before we pass to another chapter, to
pause and consider what progress had really been
made in the reformation of religion from the point
at which Henry VIII. left it.
During the brief reign of the devout young king,
the churches were purged of images; masses for
the dead were put down by public authority -
though the late king had left six hundred pounds
sterling to support daily masses at his tomb and
four obits and four sermons yearly; homilies in
English, containing sound religious instruction,
were published and ordered to be read in all the
churches; the persecuting laws against protestants
were all repealed; the communion was ordered to
be administered to all Christian people in both
kinds, and a table substituted for an altar; auricular confession was no longer required; a sort
of catechism, in English, adapted to instruct the
young in the principles of religion, was published
by authority in 1547, and another in May, 1553,
and ordered to be taught in schools; * a new liturgy, in English, was prepared, and the Book of
* Collier, v. 497.




SUMMARY OF EDWARD'S WORK.        265
Common Prayer, all in English, published and
given to the churches for their directory in public
worship; the translation of David's psalms into
verse was made, and the singing of them in public worship encouraged; the gospel was freely
preached all over England, by the most faithful
and competent divines; doctrinal articles of religion were adopted and published, such as have
been, for substance, approved of and adopted by
protestant Christians to this day; thirty-five editions of the New  Testament and thirteen of the
entire Bible in English were published by authority, and the Bible was "not only suffered to
be read by particular persons, but ordered to be
read over yearly in the congregation, as a principal part of divine service."'  There were also
three editions of Erasirmus' Paraphrase of the New
Testament, in part or entire, translated into English, published during this reign, though the work
had been commenced during the preceding reign.
Cranmer prepared a treatise in Latin on Tradition, containing a collection of passages from
Scripture and from the Fathers, to prove the sufficiency of Holy Writ as the source of religious
knowledge, and the incompetence of everything
else to establish articles of faith not evidently
deducible from  the sacred record.  These were
the prominent reformatory measures of Edward's
reign; and they were nearly all an advance, in the
- Anderson, II. 244, and Index, pp. xi.-xiii.; Fuller's Ch. Hist.,
bk. vII. p. 28.




266     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
line of reformation, on what had preceded them.
"Private individuals were also active in enlightening, by means of the press, the public mind respecting the errors of popery." *
Mr. Neal gives the following summary of the
views entertained by the Reformers of this reign:
"1. In matters of faith the first Reformers followed
the doctrine of St. Austin, in the controverted
points of original sin, predestination, justification
by faith alone, effectual grace, and good works. -
2. They were not satisfied with the present discipline of the church, though they thought they
might submit to it, till it should be amended by
the authority of the legislature. -3. They believed
but two orders of churchmen in holy Scripture,
viz: bishops and deacons; and consequently, that
bishops and priests were but different ranks or degrees of the same order. -4. They gave the right
hand of fellowship to foreign churches, and ministers that had not been ordained by bishops; there
being no dispute about reordination in order to
any church preferment, till the latter end of Queen
Elizabeth's reign. In all which points most of our
modern churchmen have departed from them." -
Edward greatly excelled all his predecessors in
the founding of free schools.  Strype tells us:
"How  King Edward's good heart stood affected
to the forwarding both of learning and sound religion too, appeared by appointing a school in his
* Soanzes, IIi. 68-72.
t Hist. Putritans, I. 123; also, pp. 106, 120.




SUMMARY OF EDWARD'S WORK.               267
court for his henchmen, that is, his majesty's pages
and other youth attending on him. But especially
this appeared by his founding so many schools in
the nation; more by a great many than any of his
predecessors had done. For, to compute only from
the time that Bishop Goodrich had the great seal,
in a little more than sixteen months, he founded at
least sixteen free schools."   These were all founded, as it appears, between December 5, 1551, and
May 26, 1553, and were in addition to others
founded by him in 1550-51, in Suffolk, Lincolnshire,  Essex,  Yorkshire,  and   Nottinghamshire.
"These  schools  had  governors  appointed  over
them, and master and usher, and endowed commonly with 201., 301., or 401. per annum. And, indeed, for the most part, the endowments were out
of tithes formerly belonging to religious houses, or
out of chantry lands given to the king in the first
of his reign, according to the intent of parliament
therein."' Thus it appears, that, though there was
frightful waste of property during this young king's
* Strype, vol. ii. pt. ii. bk. ii. pp. 50-, 278-; and Repository of
Originals, bk. II. pp. 502-.
In the Lords' Journal we find numerous notices of bills introduced for the establishment of free schools in different parts of
the kingdom. Several such appear as early as 2d Edward VI.,
1547-48. Thus, on the 4th of March of that year, a bill was introduced for the erecting of a free school in the town of St. Albans, or elsewhere, by Richard Borman, clerk. On the 5th of the
same month, a bill was introduced for the foundation of a school
at Barkhampstede, in the county of Hereforde; and on the 8tl
a bill was read for the foundation of a school in Stamforde.
See vol. i. p. 354, etc.




268     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
reign - and, as for that, during his father's also -
yet it was not altogether waste. Of the spoils of
the religious houses something was saved to promote the cause of sound learning.
Great as was the advance towards a real reformation of faith and order, indicated by the acts
and expressed opinions of the Reformers, it is quite
evident, from all contemporaneous history, that they
had by no means perfected, in their own judgments,
the work of reforming the church. They went as
fast and as far as they judged it safe and expedient
to go. The people were, to a lamentable extent,
ignorant and superstitious, and to abolish superstitious rites and ceremonies was, in their eyes, to destroy religion itself; and not a few were ready to
break into open rebellion at what was done to
purify the church. It was in view of this state
of feeling that some of the old superstitions and
errors were suffered to remain, as Burnet tells us,
"to draw the people more entirely into the reformation." Other things were tolerated, as Bishop
Grindal and Bishop Horn tell us, " till the Lord
should grant better times."  John a Lasco, a noble
Polander, superintendent of the foreign churches
which were allowed in London during Edward's
reign, says:  "King Edward desired that the rites
and ceremonies used under popery should be
purged out by degrees; that it was his pleasure
that strangers should have churches to perform all
things according to apostolical observation only,
that by this means the English churches might be




SUMMARY OF EDWARD'S WORK.              269
excited to embrace apostolical purity with the
unanimous consent of the states of the kingdom." 
Edward's " Discourse about the Reformation  of
Many Abuses," suggested by Bucer's book "6 Concerning the Kingdom of Christ," written at the
king's request, in which the remaining errors and
corruptions of the English church are pointed out,
shows conclusively that some at least of the
Reformers, and  the king  himself, would  gladly
have gone much further than they did in purifying
the church.t Dr. Cox, the king's tutor, wrote to
the learned Bullinger, of Zurich, in 1550, as follows: "' I think all things in the church ought to
be pure and simple, removed at the greatest distance from the pomps and elements of this world.
But, in this our church, what can I do in so low a
station?   I can only endeavor to  persuade our
bishops to be of the same mind with myself.  This
I wish truly, and I commit to God the care and
conduct of his own work."  Mr. Neal tells us, on
the authority of Bullinger, that Archbishop Cranmer was not satisfied with the liturgy, "though it
had been twice reformed.":
From the above extracts it appears that some
* Neal, I. 121. See also Lasco's work on the Sacraments, prefatory epistle, in Strype, vol. II. pt. iI. bk. Ir. pp. 33-36.
t Burnet, vol. ii. pt. II. bk. I. p. 324-; and Edward's Remains, in
Burnet, vol. II. pt. ii. bk. ii. No. 2. Collier gives a pretty full abstract of Bucer's discourse " Concerning the Kingdom of Christ."
-Vol. v. pp. 397-408.
$ Neal, I. 123; Strype and Burnet, ut sup.




270        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
of the Reformers-  the " fathers of the church of
England," as they are called — had no thought
that they had completed their work. Acting upon
the principles which they had embraced, and surrounded with most serious and menacing difficulties, they did what they thought they could, leaving it in trust to those who should come after
them to finish the work which they had bravely
begun.'
* It is hardly necessary to say that the statement in the text is
controverted by some able and learned churchmen. Mr. Lathbury, for example, says: "Many puritan writers, and some of
our own church, have alleged, though without the slightest evidence, that our Reformers intended to have altered and rejected
certain things which we retain. The puritans who lived at the
time, and some moderate men who remained in the church, undoubtedly wished to proceed further; but the Reformers themselves understood their work, which was to restore, not to destroy;
and they stopped at that point at which they believed their object
would be accomplished. That some men of the period of the Reformation were anxious to go further is true; that the Reformers
themselves ever entertained such a wish is contrary to fact." —
Pp. 120, 121. The only answer which these positive assertions
require is a reference to the quoted sentiments of Cranmer, Cox,
Grindal, Horn, and others, as given'abundantly in the preceding
pages.




CHAPTER  VIII.
THE REIGN OF MARY, 1553-1558. - THE RESTORATION
OF POPERY.
THE reign of Mary Tudor can never be contemplated by a protestant without loathing, nor by an
honest papist without shame. It is " all over mean
and black." It; is smeared with human blood. It
has no redeeming feature. Still the record must
stand on the pages of English history as an illustration of despotic, unrestrained Romanism, as a
beacon-light to subsequent generations.
The English crown was settled on Mary by the
will of her father and the act of parliament (35
Henry VIII.), in the event of Edward's death without issue. For, though Mary and Elizabeth had
both, in turn, been declared illegitimate by Henry
and his obedient parliaments, and their titles to the
throne set aside, yet, in perfect consistency with
their unparalleled inconsistency, Henry and his
parliament finally recognized the titles of both sisters to the crown. Mary, therefore, as the elder
sister, had an undoubted right to Edward's vacant
throne. But the apprehended consequences of the
reign of a bitter and exasperated papist, such as
Mary was known to be, had been used by the
(271)




272      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
ambitious Duke of Northumberland to induce the
dying Edward to disregard the will of his father
and the act of parliament, and to set aside the
claims of Mary and Elizabeth, and the queen df
Scotland, and settle the succession on the daughter-in-law  of the duke, the amiable and accomplished Lady Jane Grey, whose mother, the Duchess
of Suffolk, stood next to Henry's own daughters in
the line of succession established by the king and
parliament. Edward's act, however, was so manifestly illegal, that some of the chief Reformers
even, refused to countenance it, though they foresaw the disastrous consequences of Mary's reign.
Among these objectors were Archbishop Cranmer,
the very head and life of the Reformation, and
Judge Hales, "a most steady and zealous man for
the Reformation," )  who, Fox says, " ventured his
life for queen Mary's cause, in that he would not
subscribe to the uninheriting of her by the king's
will." t
On the death of the king, the first care of Northumberland was to conceal the event, in order to
get possession of Mary and Elizabeth, to whom
messages had been sent to come and comfort their
sick brother.  Mary was actually within half a
day's journey of London when she learned, by a
secret message from the Duke of Arundel, the
* Burnet, vol. ii. pt. I. bk. I. pp. 456-58.
t Acts and Alons., III. 11, 16. Yet Hales was imprisoned, and so
treated by Mary's government, that, in a fit of desperation, he
drowned himself. - Fox, III. 79, 152, 153; Burnet, ut sup. pp. 495-.




THE REIGN OF MARY.         273
death of her brother and the purposes of Northumberland. She immediately retired into Norfolk,
and took refuge in the castle of Framlingham,
near the sea, that she might escape to her cousin,
Charles V. of Spain, if unsuccessful in her attempts to obtain the throne. Finding his secret
was betrayed, and that Mary was on her guard,
Northumberland and his party immediately (July
10th) proclaimed the Lady Jane Grey queen of
England, she being a passive, unwilling instrument in the hands of her ambitious kindred. The
proclamation was rather coolly received by the
people; for, though Lady Jane was everything
that could be asked for in a young queen, her
father-in-law, on whom it was foreseen the management of affairs would chiefly devolve, was extremely unpopular. Mary in the mean time had
gathered around her a strong body of friends and
supporters, including a considerable number of the
zealous friends of the Reformation, and asserted
resolutely her claim to the throne. Northumberland feeling obliged to march at the head of the
government troops to oppose Mary's gathering
forces, the council turned traitors to his interests,
and on the 19th of July proclaimed Mary. Thus,
almost without a struggle, the crown fell to its lawful possessor; and on the 3d of August, Mary entered London in triumph, the recognized sovereign
of the kingdom.
Once in full possession of the throne, Mary began
to shape her course with reference to the overthrow
VOL. II.       18




274      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISMI.
of the protestant religion, and the punishment of all
who had acted a conspicuous part in its establishment, and of all, however humble, who insisted on
maintaining, or even quietly believing, the protestant
doctrines. The successive steps or stages of the
queen's course in this fatal direction deserve particular notice. Soon after Mary's arrival at Framlingham castle, and when she was in great need
of friends and supporters, a large body of Suffolk
men, who, we are told, were all for the Reformation, gathered around her and inquired whether she
would allow the protestant religion to remain unmolested if she succeeded in reaching the throne.
She gave them the most positive assurances that
she would make no innovations on the religion established during Edward's reign, but content herself with the private exercise of her own religion.
Assured on this fundamental point, the nobility,
gentry, and the commons of the county immediately rallied around the queen's standard, and
placed her on the throne.' This was her first step.
Her second step was taken on the 12th of August, nine days after her triumphal entry into London. She then made an open declaration in council, that,  although her own conscience was staid
in the matters of religion, yet she was resolved not
to compel or strain others, otherwise than as God
should put into their hearts a persuasion of that
truth she was in; and this she hoped should be
* Fox, III.- 12; Burnet, vol.: II. pt I.   I bk.. p. 475; Collier, vi. 6.




THE REIGN OF MARY.           275
done by the opening his word to them, by godly,
virtuous, and learned preachers." Here we perceive that the queen Mary begins to modify, somewhat, the promise of the lady Mary. She has
now concluded not to content herself with the private exercise of her own religion, but to employ
"godly, virtuous, and learned preachers," to persuade her people that hers is the only true faith.
Nine days' further reflection and preparation
brought the queen another step- downward. On
the 18th of August, an inhibition in the queen's
name was put forth, declaring herself of "that religion she had professed from her infancy, and that
she would maintain it during her time, and be glad
that all her subjects would charitably receive it.
Yet, she did not compel any of her subjects to it
till public order should be taken on it by common
consent." Then, as a further aid towards a charitable reception of her religion, she "C straightly
charges" her subjects, "that none should preach,
or expound scripture, or print any books or plays
without her special license."   So, then, it seemed,
the queen's notion of being "content with the private exercise of her own religion" included not
only proselyting her subjects by means of " godly,
virtuous, and learned preachers " of Romanism, but
also the absolute prohibition of all other preaching
in the kingdom, and the stopping of every protes* Burnet, ut sup. p. 490; Collier, vi. 12. Fox, IIi. 14, contains
this " Inhibition."




276     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISMI.
tant pen as well as mouth in the nation. And all
this, bad as it was, and in open violation of her
solemn engagement, was only preparatory, as was
clearly intimated, to that time of promise when
" public order should be taken" to suppress the established religion of the kingdom, and restore popery to its ancient stronghold. On the publication
of this inhibition, some of the Suffolk men, who
had been so serviceable to the queen in the day of
her extremity, ventured into her presence with a
reminder of her promise to them. The only justification of her course which she vouchsafed tc
them was, first, a reprimand for their impertinence,
and to one of their leaders the honor of standing
for three days in the pillory, for defaming the queen
by reminding her of her promise!  Others were
sent to prison for their presumption in supplicating
a continuance of the protestant religion.
The queen is now so firmly seated on the throne,
and her plans so fully matured, that further pretence and concealment are hardly deemed necessary; and the measures of the court are hurried
forward with the utmost activity. Between the
15th and 18th of August, a considerable number
of protestants, under various pretences, were arrested and imprisoned; among them John Rogers
and John Bradford. On the 22d, a commission
was issued for restoring Bonner, and probably all
the other deprived prelates — Gardiner, Tunstall,
Heath, and Day; and on the 29th a commission
was issued to Gardiner, under the great seal, " to




THE REIGN OF MARY.           277
license such as he thought meet to preach God's
word."'  Many of the Reformers, nevertheless,
continued their ministerial labors, some preaching
openly, and others in a more private way instructing and directing their people. Before the close of
the month, Bishop Coverdale of Exeter and Bishop
Hooper of Worcester were summoned before the
council; and on the first of September Hooper
was sent to the Fleet prison, and Coverdale placed
under restraint. Images were set up in various
places, and the Latin service was used by individuals, though expressly against the unrepealed laws
of the kingdom.
Cranmer's friends urged him to flee from the impending storm; but, while he advised others to do
this, he refused to leave his post; and on the 8th
of September received his first summons before the
council.  On the 12th he was called again, and
on the next day was sent to the Tower, together
with old Latimer. About the same time, the
French protestants who resided in London had orders to leave the kingdom; and John a Lasco, the
superintendent of the foreign churches in London,
was first silenced and then sent out of the country,
as were the other foreign protestant preachers. In
company with these foreigners, and in other ways,
great numbers of English protestants —eight or
ten hundred, it is said —escaped from the kingdom. But Mary had no intention of losing her
* Fox, III. 12-15; Burnet, vol. II. pt. I. bk. ix. pp. 498-96.




278       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
prey thus;r she had her injuries to: revenge, as well
as her religion to impose?upon her subjects; and
she therefore forbade. any one to depart the kingdom without license. Most of the leading Reformers, bishops and divines, who had not escaped beyond the sea, were now  in prison; Gardiner, the
most cunning and capable priest and politician of
his day, was at the head of the government, as
lord chancellor; and all things were now  made
ready for the coronation of the queen, and for the
first parliamentary assembly of her reign. Mary
was crowned on the 1st of October, by Gardiner
and half a score of Romish bishops, with their
mitres, copes, and crosiers, and with all the popish
pomp and ceremony thought becoming the occasion.
Mary's first parliament met on the 5th of October, 1553, and continued in session-  an adjournment of three days intervening - until December
6th.*   The acts of this parliament with which we
have special concern were, first, one declaring the
lawfulness of Henry's marriage with Catharine of
* Statutes of the Realm, 1 Mary, vol. Iv. p. 197; Parl. Hist., III.
289, Lond. 1762. Fox (III. 15) says this parliament met Oct. 10th,
misled probably by the continuation of Fabian's Chronicle. See
Strype, vol. III. pt. I. ch. 4, p. 57. Beal, clerk of the council in
Elizabeth's reign, says, that in many places men were chosen to
this parliament "by force and threats; in other places those employed by the court did by violence hinder the commons from
coming to choose; in many places false returns were made; and
that some were violently turned out of the house of commons." -
Burnet, vol. II. pt. I. bk. II. p. 505.




TIE REIGN OF MARY.             279
Aragon and the legitimacy of Mary, (and, by necessary inference, the illegitimacy of Elizabeth,)
and repealing all acts of parliament and sentences
of divorce had and made to the contrary. Second,
an act repealing all the laws about religion made
during the reign of Edward VI., and enacting, that,
after the 20th of December, 1553, " no other kind
nor order of divine service, nor administration of
sacrament, be used or ministred within the said
realm of England than was most commonly used,
ministred, and frequented in the said last year
of the reign of the said late king Henry VIII."
Third, an act to punish all who should disturb,
molest, or disquiet any preacher or priest of the
old religion, or should break altars, crucifixes, and
crosses. Fourth,-an act making it felony for twelve
or more persons to meet together to alter anything
established by law relating to religion. This last
act made plain and easy the work of punishing
the little congregations of dissenters who might
meet in private for religious worship.*
A convocation of the clergy, as usual, accompanied this parliament. Harpsfield, Bonner's chaplain, preached the concio ad clerLrn on the occasion.
In his sermon he praises the queen ad nauseam:
comparing her to Judith, who cut off the head of
Holophernes; to Esther the queen; to Deborah,
a mother in Israel; to Mary, who had chosen the
* The several acts referred to in this paragraph may be found
in Statutes, 1 Mary, session 2d, chaps. 1, 2, 3, and 12.




280      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISiM.
good part; and finally, to the virgin Mary, whom
all nations called blessed.'
While these important acts were in progress
through the parliament and convocation, other
agents were busy, preparing for the tragic scenes
which were soon to be enacted in the kingdom.
On the 3d of October, Archbishop Cranmer, with
Lord Dudley, and Lady Jane Grey, his wife, were
brought to their trial, and condemned as traitors;
though Cranmer plead the unwilling part which he
acted in the matter of the succession.  On the 4th,
the archbishop of York was sent to the Tower.
Thus the church was stripped of both her archbishops, as well as of nearly all her bishops.t
As early as the first of November, " the Spanish
match " had begun to be agitated. Mary, to be
sure, was thirty-seven years old, and far from personally attractive; t and Philip, the eldest son of
Charles V., was but twenty-nine, and by no means
enamored of the English queen; but then, her
kingdom was a prize worth making a sacrifice for.
England united to Spain! What a splendid kingdom! What wealth and political influence would
flow from such a union! The trade of the world
would be at its disposal; and its voice would be
paramount among all the kingdoms of Europe!
These were visions too flattering to the ambition
* Strype, vol. III. pt. I. ch. Iv. p. 60-65.
t Burnet, ut sup. p. 425; Fox, III. 24.
$ Fuller says Mary had " her father's feature, a face broad and
big, with her mother's color, a somewhat swarthy complexion."




THE REIGN OF MARY.           281
of Charles V. and his haughty son Philip to be
lightly regarded; and, if we may believe the historian of the Reformation, both father and son were
ready to lavish Spanish gold without stint, to pave
the way to the English throne.
But, unfortunately for the wishes of Charles and
Philip, the English nation did not take the same
view of this match as the Spaniards did. When
the matter became known in London, the commons were so much disturbed and alarmed, that
they came to a resolution to address the queen
against the match; and sent their speaker, with
some twenty of their number, to her with a humble and very earnest petition that she would not
marry a stranger.  What the queen said in reply
we do not know; but what she did is on record:
she immediately dissolved the parliament, trusting
to the means which princes then knew how to use,
to secure more pliant materials through another
election. Probably another reason for this dissolution of parliament was " the disinclination of the
members for restoring the papal supremacy," on
which step her majesty was resolved.*
While these things were transpiring in public, a
messenger from the pope's legate in Spain found
his way clandestinely into the private closet of the
queen, and obtained the solemn assurance of her
purpose to reconcile the kingdom to the see of
* Parl. Hist., 1II. 299-301; Burnet, vol. ii. pt. I. bk. II. pp. 524-26,
536-38; Collier, vI. 29.




282     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
Rome just so soon as she dared; for she assured
him that it must be managed with great prudence
and secrecy. Having obtained a letter from the
queen to the pope, expressing her filial obedience,
and another to Cardinal Pole, and receiving the
injunction of the queen that he should move the
pope to send Pole as papal legate to England, the
crafty priest returned to Rome, and set the city in
an uproar of rejoicing for three days over the good
news from England. Cardinal Pole was soon on
his way to England, with full legatine powers to
reconcile the kingdom to the papal dominion.
The knowledge of these movements reaching the
ear of Gardiner, he was at once alarmed lest his
well-laid plans should be defeated by the premature development of the queen's purposes; and immediately applied to the emperor to stop Pole on
his journey; and finally persuaded Mary to request the legate to delay his appearance in England until the way was more fully prepared.
In January, 1553-54, occurred the unsuccessful
rebellion, under the leadership of the Duke of Suffolk, Sir Thomas Wyat, Sir Peter Carew, and
others.:The Spanish match was the chief topic
employed to stir up this rebellion. The people
were told, that, if Philip married Mary, England
would become a mere province of Spain, and be
governed with all the tyranny which marked the
Spanish rule in the Netherlands, in Milan, Naples,
Sicily, and the West Indies; and, to crown all, that
the Inquisition would be introduced. To over



THE REIGN OF MARY.             283
throw Mary's government, and to save the nation
from the rule of popery, were undoubtedly the
great ends of this rebellion. Its partial success,
under circumstances extremely unfavorable, proves
that the spirit of discontent was deep and widespread in the nation. The premature discovery of
the plans -of the conspirators, however, deranged
and defeated the whole plot, and brought the rebellion to a speedy and ignominious end; and more
than all, furnished a pretence for beginning the
bloody work for which this reign of Mary will be
forever infamous.
On the 12th of February, Lord Dudley and the
innocent Lady Jane Grey were brought to the
scaffold for the sin of her father.  The Duke of
Suffolk followed. her on the 21st of the same
month; Wyat's execution succeeded the duke's;
and more than fifty others paid the penalty of
their lives for being engaged in this rebellion, while
some hundreds of others escaped only with halters
about their necks.
An unsuccessful attempt was made to compromise the lady Elizabeth, and the Earl of Devonshire, who was understood to be a suitor for Elizabeth's- hand.  They were both thrown into prison,
and others were brought into danger for the same
cause.*
* Burnet, vol. ii. pt. I. bk. ii. pp. 538-48; Collier, vi. 50-62.
Lingard says that about sixty persons were executed for participating in Wyat's rebellion. And while he apologizes as well as
he can for the execution of the Lady Jane Grey, he yet says: " It




284       HISTORY OF CONGREGATrONALISM.
On the 4th of March, 1553-54, feeling herself
now secure on the throne, Mary issued a series of
eighteen articles, addressed to the bishops, requiring the immediate execution of all such canons
and ecclesiastical laws as were in use during the
reign of Henry VIII., which were not directly and
expressly contrary to the existing laws of the realm;
forbidding them to proceed in their courts any
longer in the queen's name; commanding that no
ecclesiastical person should be required to take the
oath of supremacy or succession as heretofore administered; that the bishops and their officers have
a vigilant eye and use special diligence and foresight that no person be admitted to any ecclesiastical function, benefit, or office, being a sacramentary, infected or defamed of any notable kind of
heresy or other great crime; and that they do diligently travail for the suppressing of heresies and
notable crimes, especially in the clergy, duly repressing and punishing the same; and that they
do likewise condemn and repress corrupt and
would, perhaps, have been to the honor of Mary, if she had overlooked the provocation, and refused to visit on the daughter the
guilt of the father " - Hist. Eng., vol. vii. ch. II. pp. 221-24. He,
however, charges Elizabeth with being privy to this conspiracy,
p. 224; and seems disposed to implicate her and the " gospellers "
in every movement against the government during this reign.
See pp. 297-300.
Collier says: "I have seen a letter in the paper-office, under the
lady Elizabeth's own hand, in which she purges herself from this
imputation [of complicity with Wyat's rebellion] with the strongest imprecations imaginable." - Vol. vi. p. 58.




THE REIGN OF MARY.           285
naughty opinions, unlawful books, ballads, and
other pernicious and hurtful devices. All married
clergymen and other ecclesiastical persons were to
be proceeded against summarily, and with all
speed, depriving them of their livings, and sequestering the fruits and profits of their benefices, and
also requiring them to be divorced at once from
their " women "; and it was commanded that all
manner of processions, after the old order of the
church, in the Latin tongue, be used, frequented,
and continued; also, that the laudable and honest
ceremonies which were wont to be used in the
church be restored; together with such holy-days
and fasting-days as were observed in the late time
of King Henry VIII. It was further required, that
a uniform doctrine be set forward by homilies, and
that the parishioners be compelled to come to their
several churches; that all schoolmasters and teachers of youth not friendly to popery be removed,
and catholic men be placed in their room, " with a
special commandment, to instruct their children so
as they may be able to answer the priest at the
mass, and so help the priest to mass, as hath been
accustomed." *
Another royal act, of the same general character
as the above, was the issuing of a commission,
dated March 15th, 1553-4, to six bishops, with Gardiner at their head, authorizing any two of them
to call before them, try, deprive, and punish the
* Burnet, vol. ii. pt. I. bk. ii. p. 549, and Records, No. 10.




286       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
archbishop of York, and the bishops of St. David's,
Chester, and Bristol, for having broken their vows
and defiled their function by contracting marriage;
and the bishops of Lincoln, Gloucester, and Hereford, for preaching erroneous doctrine, and for inordinate  life and conversation.  Thus seven sees
were at once made vacant in the most summary
manner.  But Gardiner, with the secret approbation of the pontiff, consecrated catholic prelates Vt
supersede these deposed Reformers, and thus:immediately supplied their places.'
* Burnet, ut sup. pp. 549-54; Linqard, vii. 239; Collier, vI. 6567. Strype, in his Memorials, tells us, that, at, the beginning of
1554, "it was thought convenient to remove out of the way the
bishops and clergy"; and that all of most note and eminency
were " clapped up " on some pretence or other, " so that the Tower,
the Fleet, the Marshalsea, the King's Bench, Newgate, and the
two Counters were full of them." - Vol. III. pt. I. ch. 17, p. 221.
The prisoners in the King's Bench and the Marshalsea, at first,
at least, seem to have been kindly treated, and to have had every
liberty and enjoyment which their situation admitted — even that
of holding religious meetings among themselves. - This was owing to the friendliness of the keepers, and of the knight marshal, Sir William Fitz-William. The prisoners had outside friends,
who kindly furnished funds for their support. The names of
these Christian men and women were of necessity kept secret;
but Strype has preserved a list of some thirty, who are known to
have been large contributors to this dangerous charity, and gives
some account of these good people, relating incidents which will
start the water in the: reader's eye. This treatment was an exception to the rule; for, in giving a summary of matters:. in 1555,
Strype says: "The protestants were now dealt withal as the
worst of malefactors; and things were carried in that severity, as
though it were resolved utterly to extinguish the religion forever
in England." - Vol. III. pt. i. ch. 31. p. 400.




THE REIGN OF MARY.           287
Mary's second parliament was convened April
2d, 1554, but remained in session only to Mlay 5th.
The business of this parliament, according to the
chancellor's introductory speech, was chiefly "for
corroboration of true religion, and concerning the
queen's highness' most noble marriage."'  The
first act of this parliament declares that the regal
power of the realm is in the queen's majesty as
fully and absolutely as it was in any of the kings
of the realm. The second act is entitled, "An Act
touching the articles of the queen's highness' most
noble marriage."  It was introduced on the 7th of
April, and driven along with such rapidity, that,
important as it was, it passed its several stages
and was ready for the royal assent on the 12th of
the same month - five days only, and one of them
the Sabbath, having intervened between the first
presentation of the bill to the house of lords, and
its complete enactment and return to their lordships by the commons.t
The 16th, 17th, and 18th of April, 1554, are
memorable in the history of Mary's reign, as the
days on which the venerable and amiable Archbishop Cranmer, Bishop Ridley, and "Old Latimer"
were baited and abused at Oxford, under pretence
of debating the sacramental question.  They were
ordered to appear, each his day, before the gathered champions of popery, to dispute on the subject named. No conference with each other was
* Parl. Hist., iii. 303-5; Statutes, 1 Mary, 3d session.
t Statutes, chaps. 1 and 2, ut sup.; Parl. Hist., III. 302




288      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
allowed; but alone, with only such preparation as
could be made within their prison-walls, each was
bidden to dispute on themes drawn up by their
subtle enemies.  The Reformers met the trial like
men, but were treated like wild beasts. Weston,
" known to be a constant drunkard," * was the prolocutor and presiding officer of the tumultuous assembly. Ite railed on Cranmer, calling him " an
unlearned, unskilful, and impudent man"; and
Weston's associates, taking their cue from him,
often hissed down the archbishop, drowning his
voice so that he could not be heard at all. Ridley,
when it camne his day to dispute, begged that he
might not be interrupted while speaking, and the
promise was made to him; but it was broken, and
the bishop was hooted down very much as Cranmer had been.  Ridley, in his account of the
scene, says: " There was great disorder, perpetual
shoutings, tauntings, and reproaches, so that it
looked like a stage [rather] than a school of divines."  Four or five were speaking at once.  This
was called a disputation, by the papists; and the
prolocutor declared the Reformers vanquished. No
less than fourteen learned papists were pitted
against this one bold protestant; yet all were
compelled to admit that he maintained his ground
with great ability.t
* Burnet. Fox says that Weston had " his tippling-cup standing
at his elbow all the time of his disputation." - Vol. III. p. 70.
t Fox, III. 36-76; Burnet, vol. II. pt. II. bk. II. pp. 562-73; Collier, vI. 72-75.




THE REIGN OF MARY.             289
On the 20th of July, Philip arrived at Southampton, was received with great pomp, and conducted on to Winchester, where he was met by the
enamored queen. He was married by Gardiner on
the 25th. Two days after, they were proclaimed
by the  following  sounding titles: "Philip  and
Mary, King and Queen of England, France, Naples, Jerusalem, and Ireland; Princes of Spain
and Sicily, Defenders of the Faith; Archdukes of
Austria; Dukes of Milan, Burgundy, and Brabant;
Counts of Habspring, Flanders, and Tirol "! With
such triumphing did this bridal pair enter upon
their new life.  The selfish ambition of the stately
bridegroom was gratified by the addition of new
and valuable titles to his long list of hereditary
honors, and the foolish bride had the desire of her
heart in the possession of a royal, catholic husband;
and now the world was to see, on a regal scale, one
of the three things for which the earth is disquieted
-" an odious woman when she is married." Philip
brought a large amount of treasure into the country, but not enough to buy the affections, or even
the moderate good-will of the English;* and he
probably derived as little pleasure from his new
connection as he imparted. It was an unhappy
affair in all its aspects.*
* " The 12th of February, [1554-5,] ninety-nine horses and two
carries laden with treasure of gold and silver, brought out of
Spain, was conveyed through the citie to the Tower of London.
under the conduct of Sir Thomas Gersham, the queen's merchant and other." - Stowe's Chronicle.
VOL. II.         19




290      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
During the summer of 1554, the bishops were
busy in visiting their respective dioceses, to see
enforced the queen's injunctions.  Bonner went
raving through his field like a madman, or one
possessed of a devil; or rather like a wild beast.
Whenever he found matters not to his mind, he
railed and swore at the priest and the people, and
even employed personal violence to illustrate his
meaning.  In his attempt to strike Dr. Bricket,
parson of Hadham, he missed his aim, and the
blow fell with great force on Sir Thomas Josselin's
ear. One of the bishop's attendants apologizing
for Bonner, by saying that his being confined in the
Marshalsea prison had disordered him, so that he
did not know in his passion what he did, Sir
Thomas replied, that he thought now he was taken
out of the Marshalsea he should be carried to Bedlam. The carvers and makers of statues had now
abundant employment, roods and other images
being ordered up all over the diocese of London;
for it was Bonner's anxious care to restore the old
idolatrous order of things in the churches, as far
and as fast as possible.*
This visitation of the country prepared the way
for the third and the most important parliament of
this reign: the one that was to repeal all the offensive laws against the pope, reconcile the kingdom
* " October 16th [1554], Dr. Story and another were appointed
by the cardinal to visit every parish church in London and Middlesex, to see their rood-lofts repaired, and the images of the crucifixes, with Mary and John thereon, to be fixed." - Stowe's Chzron.




THE REIGN OF MARY.  -           291
to the Romish church, revive the old persecuting
statutes of the realm, and introduce the scenes of
blood which have marked with an everlasting
stigma this popish queen, as " The Bloody Mary! "
In the writs which summoned this parliament,
the title of "Supreme Head of the Church of
England" was, for the first time since Henry assumed it, dropped. The session commenced November 12th, 1554, and continued to January 16th,
1554-5.*   Especial care had been taken by the
court to secure the election of persons friendly to
popery. The queen went so far as to address a
circular letter to the sheriffs, in which she cornmmanded them to use their influence to prevent any
but "grave and catholic sort" being returned to
parliament.t The great body of the commons, on
assembling, were found to be of the right sort;
and the especial work of the session was pushed
on rapidly, and satisfactorily to the court; though
thirty-nine members, finding the majority determined to sacrifice everything on the altar of popery,
on the 12th of January withdrew wholly from parliament, of whom " the great lawyer Plowden was
one." t
The first important act of the session was the
* Statutes of Philip and Mary, anno 1 and 2.
t Parl. Hist., III. 311; Strype, vol. III. pt. I. ch. 19, pp. 244-46.: The names of these bold men, who were afterwards indicted
in the queen's bench for their boldness, are given by Lord Coke,
in his Institutes, pt. Iv. p. 13; by Strype, ut sup. ch. 20, p. 262; and
by the authors of the Parl. Hist., III. 333.




292       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
repeal of the bill of attainder against Cardinal
Pole.*   Two  days after, the cardinal arrived in
London; and on the 27th of November a message
was sent to both houses, to come to Whitehall and
hear the legate's message to the rebellious, but now
repenting kingdom. He made the members a long
speech, setting forth his legatine authority from the
pope, and inviting them to return and be reconciled
to his holiness, the sovereign pontiff. Two days
after, the parliament, in a humble petition to the
king and queen, to intercede with the pope for the
reconciliation of the kingdom to the see of Rome,
confessed their sin for what had been done against
his holiness, and humbly begged on their knees,
forgiveness, and the restoration of his favor. The
legate was only too happy to receive this confession, and to grant this prayer; and so England,
after twenty years of alienation from mother church,
was absolved and restored to her loving arms forthwith, to the unutterable joy of the pope and his
conclave at Rome.
This great work accomplished, the ministry now
* So the Parliamentary History says: " The first bill that appeared in the lords was to repeal the act of attainder against Cardinal Pole." It was introduced on the 17th of November, passed
both houses on the 21st, and had the royal assent on the 22d, the
king and queen being both present on this occasion. - Vol. III.
p. 313, or vol. I. p. 617, of Hansard's edition. The printed Statutes
of the Realm do not contain this act; though it is in the list of acts
of that parliament, and numbered 18. The printed collection contains only 17. See Public Records, Statutes of the Realm, pt. I. vol.
Iv. p. 237, comp. p. 264.




THE RESTORATION OF POPERY.           293
drove on the work arranged for this parliament.
First came the repeal of "all statutes, articles,
and provisions, made against the see apostolique
of Rome, since the twentieth year of King Henry
VIII." The title of "Supreme Head of the
Church " was erased from the royal titles; it was
declared that bulls from Rome might be executed,
and the statutes of mortmain were repealed; in
short, that the whole fabric of law by which the
Reformation had been established and sustained in
England should be at once and forever overthrown.
There was only one topic on which the voice of
parliament was not in accordance with the queen's
and the pope's wishes, and that was the church
lands which had been alienated to the laity. It
was found necessary to make a proviso in the
statute of general repeal, "for the establishment
of all spiritual and ecclesiastical possessions and
hereditaments conveyed to the laity." Without
this, it was thought the pope's supremacy could
not have been restored.'
By another bill, the persecuting statutes of Richard II., Henry IV., and Henry V., against the Lollards, were restored to their full force again.t  A
bill was passed making it treason, punishable with
death, to pray " that God would turn the queen's
* Statutes, 1 and 2 Philip and Mary, ch. 8. This act is very
minute in its provisions, containing twenty-six sections, and filling
eight and a half folio pages. Parl. Hist., pp. 324-28; Burnet, vol.
II. pt. II. bk. iI. pp. 589-98.
t Statutes, ut sup. ch. 6.




294     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
heart from idolatry to the true faith, or else shorten
her days and take her quietly out of the way."
And still another instrument of persecution was
framed, in an act entitled, "An Act for the punishment of seditious words and rumors." Justices of
the peace were authorized to take cognizance of
all such seditious words, and to punish the offenders by the pillory, a heavy fine, by cutting off the
ears, and by imprisonment; and if the offence was
committed by books, rhyme, ballad, or letter, the
offender was to have his right hand cut off.*
The appointed work of this third parliament of
Mary's reign being now finished, on the 15th of
January, 1554-5, a grand procession was made
through the city by the members of both houses,
accompanied by the lord mayor of London, with
the aldermen, and the several companies in livery.
This procession was made as imposing as possible.
"Ninety crosses, one hundred and sixteen priests
and clerks, each attired in his cope, and after them
eight bishops in their pontificalibus, followed by
Bonner, bishop of London, carrying the pyx under
a canopy," were among its adornments. The procession was a thank-offering for the conversion of
the kingdom to popery; and was terminated by
mass in St. Paul's. The next day parliament was
dissolved.t
* Parl. list., III. 330, 331; Statutes, ch. 3.
t Parl. Hist., III. 332, 333; Burnet, vol. II. pt. II. bk. II. p. 602;
Fox, iii. 96.




CHAPTER IX.
MARTYRDOM OF THE PROTESTANTS. - MARY'S DEATH
AND CHARACTER.
FOR nearly eighteen months the queen and her
councillors and obedient parliaments had been
carefully preparing the tragedy which is now to be
put upon the stage.  During nearly all these
months, numbers of learned and excellent men,
including the highest dignitaries of the church, the
most devoted bishops and faithful clergy, had been
pining in the common prisons, among felons and
murderers, not only deprived of their livings, but
stripped even of their little personal property, and
made dependent in a great measure on the charity
of friends, who ministered to them at the hazard
of their own liberty and lives. And all this time
the martyrs were refused a judicial trial; their
prayers for a hearing were disregarded, and they
were treated like the worst of malefactors; and all
because they had embraced and preached the doctrines which the Scriptures had taught them, and
practised the rites and ceremonies which the laws
of the land had established.
But their time of deliverance was at hand. Immediately after the adjournment of parliament, the
(295)




296     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
work of death began. On the 22d of January,
1554-5, the council began by calling before them
John Rogers, a prebend of St. Paul's, and esteemed
one of the most learned of the Reformers. Why
he was selected first does not clearly appear. It is
not improbable that the fact that he had a wife and
ten children dependent on him may have been the
principal reason. To have had this in mind would
have been like Gardiner, the craftiest of men. his
theory was, that the Reformers would not burn for
their religion; and that the true policy of the government was to adopt, not the mild course advocated by Pole, but a sharp and vigorous prosecution. This he fancied would bring the leaders at
once to terms; and then the commonalty, he argued, would readily follow them back to the church
of Rome. Rogers was a leading spirit in London;
and though a man of known firmness and decision,
Gardiner may have shrewdly anticipated that a
wife and ten helpless children would be just so
many irresistible arguments against his laying
down his life in defence of his faith. But in this,
as in many other things, the cunning chancellor
found himself mistaken. He urged Rogers to acknowledge the pope's supremacy, and threatened
him if he refused.  But his arguments and his
threats were alike insufficient, and the good man
was remanded to prison. Ten other protestants
were then brought before the council, and all but
one refused to acknowledge the pope's supremacy; and that one, by the favor of a friend at court,




MARTYRDOM OF THE PROTESTANTS.    297
was let off on a simple promise to be an " honest
man."
On the 28th of January, Bishop Hooper, another strong man, was called before the bishops of
Winchester, London, Durham, Salisbury, Norwich,
and Carlisle, with certain of the council, sitting as
an ecclesiastical commission to try heretics. The
bishop refused submission. Rogers wa/s also called
before this tribunal the same day, and still refused
to deny his faith. One night was given them both
for further reflection.  Being found still firm in
their purpose to die rather than deny their Lord,
they were both condemned as obstinate heretics,
and given into the sheriff's hands for execution,
after being degraded from their ecclesiastical character, according to papal law. On the same day,
Taylor and Bradford were brought before this
commission, though their examination was deferred until the 30th; when they, with Crome and
Sanders, and Ferrar, bishop of St. David's, were
arraigned, and Taylor, Bradford, and Sanders were
condemned as obstinate heretics, excommunicated,
and given up to the flames. The other two were
respited for a while.
On the 4th of February, 1554-5, the fires of
Smithfield, which were destined to continue burning, almost without cessation, while this wicked
queen lived, were lighted to consume the first
Christian martyr of this popish reign. Early in
the morning, John Rogers was wakened from a
deep sleep, and required to Prepare for the flames.




298       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
He cheerfully obeyed the summons, making but
one request for himself- that he might be permitted to speak to his wife before he suffered. This
Bonner refused to allow; and the good man was
led away to the flames, repeating the fifty-first
Psalm. A pardon was offered to him before the
flames were kindled; but he refused, preferring to
lose his life rather than his soul; and with a few
words to the people, in which he exhorted them  to
continue in the doctrine which he had taught them,
he washed his hands in the flame, and cheerfully
gave up his life a sacrifice to the truth.
Four days after this, on February 8th, Sanders,
whom  Collier calls "a Wickliffite,"  was burned
at Coventry; and the next day Bishop Hooper
was roasted with green wood for three quarters of
an hour before life was extinct, at Gloucester, in
his old bishopric.  He was refused the privilege of
addressing his beloved people before his death.
On the same day, Taylor was burned at Hadley,
after being subjected to most brutal treatment at
the stake.t
*Ch. Hist., vi. 106.
t For the particulars of the trials of these learned and good
men, and their patient sufferings and triumphant deaths, the
reader should consult Fox's Acts and Monuments, vol. IIi. pp.
98-119, and 137-48.  See also, Chester's Lift of John Rogers.
Lond. 1861, 8vo.
Bernet says that the council were so fearful of the effect on the
people of any addresses from the martyrs at the stake, that they
compelled those who were sent from London to be burned in the
country, to promise that they would not address the people;




MARTYRDOM OF THE PROTESTANTS.    299
The reign of terror was now fairly inaugurated.
Gardiner had made full trial of his scheme of
intimidation; but how had it worked?  Four of
the leading spirits among the Reformers had gone
cheerfully, and joyfully even, to the stake, refusing
proffered pardons, and sealing their faith with their
blood before admiring and sympathizing thousands. Thus, instead of being intimidated by the
fire, and renouncing their faith, as Gardiner predicted, their faith had carried them triumphantly
to their end. And the people generally who had
embraced the Reformation, instead of being frightened by the severities inflicted on their leaders,
were greatly strengthened in their belief of the
gospel; and were ready to offer themselves as sacrifices to the same good cause.  No less than six
new arrests of protestants were made on the very
day of Sanders' death; and on the next day, while
Hooper was burning, were examined by Bonner,
and, refusing to recant, were condemned as obstinate heretics, and five of them soon after burned.
After these condemnations, Fox says: " Steven
Gardiner, seeing thus his advice disappointed, and
that cruelty in this case would not serve to his expectation, gave over the matter as utterly discouraged, and from that day [February 9th, 1554-5]
meddled no more in such kind of condemnations,
but referred the whole doing thereof to Bonner,
threatening to cut out their tongues at once if they would not thus
promise. - Vol. iI. pt. ii. bk. ii. p. 610.




300      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
bishop of London."  Whether this was the true
reason why Gardiner meddled no more with the
bloody work, or whether his duties as lord chancellor and chief manager of the affairs of the kingdom engrossed his time, or he was annoyed to be
reminded, as he had been most pointedly by those
brave old martyrs, and might be by others, of
his former labors and writings against the pope's
supremacy; or wished to avoid the odium which
soon attached to all the active agents in this
cruel persecution - whether some of these considerations may not have had quite as much to do
with Gardiner's course as that which Fox assigns,
the reader must judge.  Be this as it may, a full
share of the guilt of this terrible persecution attaches to Gardiner; for Pole was averse to violent
measures, and even Philip sought to screen himself.
The people ascribed the persecution mainly to
Philip, who had been bred in the land of the Inquisition. But his confessor, Alphonse, took pains
publicly to announce his conviction, that the burning
of men for religion was not consistent with the teachings of Scripture; evidently to clear Philip of this
odium. Perhaps he belied his master's sentiments
and his own; nevertheless, his purpose is plain.-l
* Acts and Mons., IIn. 149. Burnet makes the same representation. - Ut sup. p. 609.
t Fox, iII. 149; Burnet, ut sup. 612. This friar, Alphonse de
Castro, and another Spanish friar, had a conference with Bradford, the martyr, when in prison, February 20th, 1554-5. Alphonse




MARTYRDOM  OF THE PROTESTANTS.               301
The guilt was then attributed to the bishops. But
Gardiner on one occasion clearly intimated that
there was a power behind them, which drove them
on. The bishops after a while left this work mainly
to Bonner; but even he, bad as he was, complained
that he had to do the work and bear the stigma
which belonged to others; and he took pains to
leave on record the letters of the council, stirring
him up and setting him on the scent for blood. All
the great agents in the Marian persecution, then,
except the queen herself, seem to have sought to
screen themselves from the terrible odium of burning so many innocent and good men and women.
And though they were all guilty of innocent blood,
and Gardiner, as prime minister of the kingdom,
the early advocate of violent proceedings, and at
least the tacit consenter to their continuance, must
be held specially accountable, yet there can be no
was introduced to Bradford as the person who had written a book
in Latin against heresies. —Fox, III. 248. This book seems to
have been put into Bradford's hands and read by him; and when
the martyr was told of Alphonse's sermon against persecution,
he replied: " Verily, I had a book within these two days, of his
writing, and therein he saith that it is not meet nor convenient
that the heretics should live." - Fox, IIi. 253.
According to the Biographie Universelle, this monk was one of
the most celebrated Spanish preachers and theologians of the six.
teenth century, of the order of St. Francois'a Salamanque, and died
at Brussels in 1558, at the age of sixty-three. The most important
work of his is entitled Adversus Omnzes Hcereses, in fourteen books.
He also published De Juste Hcereticorum Puritione, in three books;
and De Potestate Legis Penalis, in two books.  He was honored
with the title " HIeresio-mastix acerrimus, scriptorumque felicissimus."




302     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
doubt but that Mary was the mainspring of the
persecution.
From the 9th of February to the 16th of March,
1554-5, there was a cessation of burnings. Gardiner's withdrawal, and Alphonse's sermon against
burning people, may have occasioned this. But
on the 16th of March the fires of Smithfield were
again lighted, to consume the body of a pious but
unlearned man, Thomas Tompkins, a weaver.
Bonner had kept him a prisoner for about six
months, during which time he had exhausted his
persuasive and abusive powers on the poor sufferer.
He had coaxed him to renounce his faith, but in
vain; he had then beaten him and burned him,
with the same result; and finally had doomed
him a whole burnt-offering. After this followed a
quick succession of martyrdoms in different parts
of the kingdom. Before the close of the month,
Canston and Highbed, two gentlemen of good estate, were burned near their own houses, in Essex;
others were burned at Brentwood, Braintree, Malden, and Colchester.
But all this infernal activity of her servants did
not satisfy the queen; for, on the 26th of March,
1555, their majesties sent forth an order to the justices of the peace in Norfolk, requiring them to
" lay special weight upon those which be teachers
and preachers of heresy, or procurers of secret
meetings for that purpose "t; and " to have in every
parish or part of the shire, as near as may be,
some one or more honest men, secretly instructed




MARTYRDOM OF THE PROTESTANTS.        303
to give information of the behaviour of the inhabitants amongst and about them." 
On the 30th of March, Bishop Ferrar, of St. David's, after being condemned by his popish successor, Morgan, who acted as his judge, was burned
at Caermarthen, Wales.  And about the same
time a poor old Welsh fisherman, named Rawlins
White, was burned at Cardiff for sending his son
to school that he might learn to read the Bible to
him, and for heresy.
Though during the month of April there were
several arrests of " heretics," we have but two martyrdoms to record: John Awcock died in prison,
and was buried in the fields, being denied Christian burial; and a priest named George Marsh
was burnt at Chester, under circumstances of special cruelty.  A firkin of pitch was fastened above
his head, which melted and ran down upon him,
scalding him with every drop.
About this time, Bonner, getting weary of his
bloody work, refused to try any who did not belong to his diocese; and for five weeks burnt none.
But on the 24th of May he received a letter from
their " Christian majesties," Philip and Mary, setting him on afresh after his prey; t and he began
to send his victims by pairs to the stake. On the
30th of May, a priest and a mechanic were burned
at Smithfield. About the 9th of June, a weaver
BEurnet, vol. ii. pt. II. bk. ii. p. 624, and Records, No. 19.? See the letter of the king and queen in Burnet's Collections,
vol. II. pt. II. bk. ii. No. 20.




304     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
was burnt at Colchester; on the 10th, two husbandmen were sent down from London to Essex,
to be burnt; a gentleman was burnt at Coxhall,
Essex; and a linen-draper at Chelmsford. On the
15th, two more mechanics suffered, one at Manning-Tree, the other at Harwich. On the 25th of
June, two priests and two laymen were burnt at
Canterbury. During July the fires of martyrdom
were kept briskly burning in different parts of the
kingdorn. In Tunbridge the first woman-martyr
of this reign suffered at this time. Her name was
Margaret Polley. A man was burnt at Darford,
another at Lewes, another at Stoning, and another
at Chichester, during the month.
In July, also, that devout and most excellent
man, and almost Congregationalist martyr, John
Bradford, was sent off to heaven in his chariot of
fire, from Smithfield. Fox's account of this good
man's last days is one of the most beautiful and
touching memorials which the great martyrologist
has left on record. Bradford seems to have early
intended to devote himself to the law; but becoming particularly interested in religious matters while
a resident in the Temple, he threw up the law and
all his worldly prospects, and retired to Cambridge
for further study; was admitted to the degree of
M. A. after a year's residence, and was elected fellow of Pembroke Hall. Bucer became deeply interested in this devout and earnest student, and endeavored to persuade him to take license, but could
not overcome his diffidence. At length Ridley




MARTYRDOM OF THE PROTESTANTS.         305
called him to be a deacon, gave him a license to
preach, and made him a prebend of St. Paul's.
There he distinguished himself during the last
years of Edward's reign, by his devoted and successful labors.  On the 13th of August, just after
Mary's reign began, there was a terrible tumult
raised in St. Paul's by the preaching of a violent
popish sermon by one " master Bourne, then bishop
of Bath."  The preacher became so alarmed that
he called on Bradford, whose influence with the
people was very great, to interpose for his protection. This the good man readily did, and succeeded at once in quieting the rioters, and rescuing
Bourne from his perilous situation. His success
in this kindly undertaking, instead of securing the
gratitude of the papists, involved Bradford in lifelong trouble. The government argued, that the
ease with which Bradford stilled the London mob
proved that he must have been privy to the riot,
and a leader of the rioters. He was therefore at
once arrested and cast into prison, and was kept a
prisoner, being shifted from prison to prison, until
July, 1555, nearly two years.* He bore his confinement very patiently, and so demeaned himself
in prison as to secure the confidence of all about
him. His keeper allowed him to preach, and even
administer the sacrament, within the prison-walls;
* Bradford had experience of nearly all the famous prisonhouses in London. He was first sent to the Tower, then to the
King's Bench, in Southwark, to the Clink, the Compter, and
finally to Newgate.
VOL. II.          20




806     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
and one of his keepers so trusted him, that, on his
simple promise to return, he allowed him to go out
and visit a sick friend in the city. The night before he was offered up to the Moloch of popery,
he was taken from the Compter prison to Newgate; and on his departure, "when he was in the
court, all the prisoners cried out to him, and bade
him farewell, as the rest of the house had done
before, with tears." And though it was near midnight when his transfer to Newgate was made, yet
the streets were occupied with great numbers of
people, who, hearing of the movement, had come
out to see him; and " most gently bade him farewell, praying for him with most lamentable and
pitiful tears," and so he went on to Newgate.
It was noised about that night, that Bradford
was to be hurried out to execution by four o'clock
the next morning, before the city was astir. At four
o'clock, however, Smithfield was occupied by multitudes of both men and women, to take their last
look of the beloved man, and see how a Christian
could suffer. But they were compelled to wait
until nine o'clock, when Bradford and a Christian
apprentice named John Leaf, nineteen or twenty
years of age, were brought to the stake. They
first fell flat upon their faces on either side of the
stake, and prayed long and fervently. When commanded by the sheriff to rise and make an end,
Bradford took a fagot in his hand and kissed it, as
he did likewise the stake; and having laid off his
outer garment, and given it to his servant, a poor




MARTYRDOM OF THE PROTESTANTS.            307
man, to whom he had nothing else to- give, he
went to the stake, and then lifting his hands and
countenance towards heaven exclaimed: " O England, England! repent thee of thy sins, repent
thee of thy sins!  Beware of idolatry! beware of
false antichrists! take heed they do not deceive
you!"   Here the sheriff interfered and stopped
him.  The martyr then "asked all the world forgiveness, forgave all the world, and prayed the people to pray for him." Then turning to the young
man who was to suffer with him, he said: "Be of
good comfort, brother, for we shall have a merry
supper with the Lord to-night." Then embracing
the fagots, he said: " Straight is the gate and narrow is the way that leadeth unto life, and few
there be that find it." The fire was now kindled,
and "thus like two lambs, they both ended their
mortal lives, without any alteration of their countenance, being devoid of all fear, hoping to obtain
the prize for which they had long run; to which
may Almighty God happily conduct us, through
the merits of Jesus Christ our Lord and Saviour,
Amen." *
* Fox's account of Bradford is particularly full and affectionate.
- Vol. iIi. pp. 232-300; Burnet, vol. II. pt. II. bk. iI. pp. 628-30.
The Parker Society have published two volumes of the Writ.
inqs of Bradford —8vo. pp. xlviii. and 432, xii. and 592 —in
which may be found nearly everything which remains to us of
this learned, pious, gentle, yet brave man. His numerous confer.
ences while in prison with distinguished papists prove not only
their great anxiety to pervert him to their religion, but also the




308      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISMI.
There is not, perhaps, a martyr among all the
hundreds who perished during this hateful reign
whose name has come down to us more pure and
fragrant than that of John Bradford. Meek and
lowly in spirit, but utterly fearless in the discharge
of duty, truthful and reliable, studious and devotional, generous and self-denying, kindly and sympathetic, he won the respect and love of all who
knew hirn.
With this execution of Bradford and Leaf, Bonner ceased again, for a while, his bloody work. But
other hands took it up, in different parts of the
kingdom; and during the remainder of July, four
were burnt in one fire, in Canterbury, and two at
least perished in prison.  In August, sixteen or
eighteen victims were offered up at the shrine of
popery, six in the same fire, at Canterbury. On
the 6th of September, five victims were consumed
in one fire at Canterbury; and seven others at different places perished during the month. On the
16th of October, perhaps the ablest man among
the reformed bishops, Ridley, and the most devout
and apostolic of their number, Latimer, perished
at the same stake at Oxford.'
No important acts touching ecclesiastical affairs
were passed by Mary's fourth parliament, which
began its sessions October 21st, 1555, and closed
great ability of Bradford, and the uncommon suavity of his manners, as well as the devotion of his heart to God and his truth.
* Fox, iII. 300-27; Burnet, ut sup 627-42.




MARTYRDOM OF THE PROTESTANTS.    309
them December 9th following, except "An Act for
the extinguishment of the first fruits, and touching the order and disposition of the tenths of spiritual and ecclesiastical promotions, and of rectories and parsonages impropriate, remaining in the
queen's majesty's hands";* or, in plain English,
an act whereby the crown resigned to the church
all those profits from ecclesiastical sources which
had been appropriated to its own use, by statute
26 of Henry VIII. chapter 3. This, however, was
the smaller part of the queen's design. She wished
to resign not only all the profits of ecclesiastical
property at her disposal, but also to restore all
church lands which had been alienated to the
crown, and been sold or given to private persons.
She took pains to sound some of her nobility on
this subject, but " found such a general aversion to
any kind of restitution in the lay-nobility, that she
was advised to desist from that unprofitable undertaking." And Heylyn says: " Certain it is that
many who were cordially affected to the queen's
religion were very much startled at the noise of
this restitution; insomuch that some of them are
said to have clapped their hands upon their swords,
affirming, not without some oaths, that they would
never part with their abbey-lands as long as they
were able to wear a sword by their sides."
On the 12th of November, 1555, Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, and chancellor of the
* Statutes, 2 and 3 Philip and Mary, chap. 4.




310        HISTORY  OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
kingdom, passed to his dread account.* In his last
sickness, conscience seems to have awakened within
him  a sense of sinfulness, and death overtook him
while repeating to himself: " Erravi cum  Petro, et
non flevi cum Petro!" t
Near the close of November the fires of Canterbury were lighted again, and three persons were
burnt at one stake; and during December some
eighteen more protestant victims were slaughtered
by the bishops, among whom was the learned and
* Parl. Hist., vol. III. pp. 344, 345, or vol. I. p. 626 of Hansard's
ed.; Burnet, vol. ii. pt. II. bk. ii. p. 642.
i Lingard says: " During his last sickness he edified all around
him by his piety and resignation, often observing,' I have sinned
with Peter, but with him I have not wept bitterly. - Negavi cum
Petro, exivi cum Petro, sed nondum flevi amare cum Petro!' -
Vol. vii. p. 292.
One is tempted to inquire whether these oft-repeated words of
the dying sinner do not rather imply the absence of the essential
element of true piety- godly sorrow for sin. "I have denied
my Lord with Peter; I have gone out from his presence with
Peter; but as yet I'have not wept bitterly over my sins with
Peter!"  This language suggests that his conscience was awakened - that he saw the sinful inconsistency of his life; and also
the hope that at the very last he may have found peace where
Peter did, and where the dying thief found it; but certainly does
not afford a very edifying illustration of apostolic piety and resignation.
Fox is very bitter against Gardiner, III. 447-58. He says that
Gardiner "neither was true protestant, nor right papist; neither
constant in his error, nor yet steadfast in the truth; neither friend
to the pope, and yet a perfect enemy to Christ; false in King
Henry's time, a dissembler in King Edward's time, double perjured and a murderer in Queen Mary's time, mutable and inconstant in all times."  Strype calls Gardiner " that implacable, bloody
man." - Vol. III. pt. ii. ch. 53, p. 61.




MARTYRDOM OF THIE PROTESTANTS.    311
famous John Philpot, on the 18th of the month.*
During January, 1555-6, the fires of persecution
raged with great violence. The bishops, not content with burning men and women singly, or by
pairs, now sent them in companies of four, five,
seven, thirteen, and even sixteen, to the stake. On
the 27th, five men and two women were burned at
one stake in Smithfield. Among these seven martyrs was Thos. Whittle, a preacher, whom Bonner
beat with his fist, and otherwise grievously abused;
of whom Fox gives a most interesting account,
particularly of his recantation and immediate horror of conscience, and speedy repentance.  Another of these sufferers was Joan Lashford, alias
Warne. She was the daughter of John and Elizabeth Warne, who were members of the protestant
church which was surprised in Bowe churchyard,
London. They were then seized, and subsequently
burnt. And now the daughter, aged about twenty
years, having been arrested while ministering to
her imprisoned parents, and herself imprisoned for
months, lays down her life.t  On the 31st, one
man and four women were consumed in the same
fire at Canterbury.  In March, besides tradesmen and women, the venerable Archbishop Cranmer was sent home through the flames, from Oxford. This occurred on the 21st of March, 1555-6,
in the sixty-seventh year of his age. Every other
* Fox, III. 458; Burnet, vol. ii. pt. II. bk. iI. pp. 658.
t Fox, III. 513-30.




312      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
day, on an average, during April, 1556, a burntoffering was consumed; six in one fire at Smithfield, and the same number in another fire at
Colchester. During May, the devil's work went
briskly on; and from burning women and youth,
the bishops went to burning the blind and the halt.
A poor cripple, sixty-eight years old, and a blind
man, were burnt together, by Bonner, at Stratfordle-Bow.  They comforted themselves as the fire
was kindling, that they should soon be freed of
their infirmities.   The cripple, casting away his
crutch, cries to his blind associate: " Be of good
comfort, my brother; for my lord of London is
one good physician! He will heal us both shortly;
thee of thy blindness, and me of my lameness!"
Another blind man was burnt at Gloucester.  Between twenty and thirty - I make twenty-two -
perished in June; thirteen were burnt in one fire,
at Stratford-le-Bow, by Bonner's command, two
of them women. Three died in prison. With
this holocaust Bonner ceased his burnings until
April, 1557. But other bishops kept up the work
during the whole year, burning men, women, and
even an infant child; so that, in all, between eighty
and ninety victims were sacrificed on the altar of
popery in the course of this year.*
Fox, III. 592-95, 639; Burnet, ut sup. Fox says that "these
months of September, November, and December, [1556,] as they
were troublesome to divers other places, and especially to the diocese of Canterbury * * * so likewise they brought no little business in the country, to Litchfield and Coventry, by a cruel bishop




MARTYRDOM  OF THE PROTESTANTS.              313
For two years, now, popery had reigned triumphant in England; and during that time it had sent
nearly one hundred Christian men and women to
the stake. And these poor Christians, let it be remembered, had not the privilege of an open trial.
They were rarely confronted with witnesses; they
had no skilful attorneys to defend them.  Nothing
of the kind! But caught up on suspicion, by the
bishops' officers, or on the reports of hired spies,
they were hurried off to the common jails, or to
the bishops' own prisons, or coal-holes, loaded with
manacles in many cases, and then, without any
specific information of what they were to be
charged with, arraigned at the bishops' good pleasure, and after being browbeaten and abused by
their haughty judges, generally disposed of summarily, and driven off to the stake in pairs, or
larger companies, like sheep to the slaughter.
Such was the experience of scores of freeborn
there, called Ralph Baine, and a more cruel chancellor, named
Dr. Draicon." He gives a list of about sixty persons who suffered in various ways, in this diocese, during the month of September alone, as it would seem; and these he gives as a sample
only of " what a number there were, not only in the county of
Litchfield, but also in other parts, in heart set against the pope's
proceedings, if that fear rather than conscience had not compelled
them to the contrary."  In summing up the history of this year,
he says: "The number of all which [were] slain and martyred in divers places of England, at sundry times this year
[1556], came to above eighty-four persons, * * x besides them
which otherwise by secret practice were made away, or driven
out of goods and houses, or out of the realm, or else within the
realm were put to penance." - Vol. III. p. 638.




314     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
Englishmen, for two full years, ending with Feb.
ruary, 1556-7. And what was accomplished by
this tyrannical cruelty, and these wholesale murders? Was heresy - as a belief in the gospel was
then called -suppressed?  Was the number of
believers even diminished? Nothing of the kind.
The queen had to learn, to her deep chagrin, after
all this slaughtering of the innocents, that the
number of " heretics " rather increased than diminished under her maternal discipline. Complaints
were made, too, that the inferior magistrates
throughout the kingdom had become slack in
searching out the heretics; and that, in the cities
particularly, they were even protected and encouraged, the people generally having become utterly
disgusted with the queen's bloody sway. BuO all
this, instead of satisfying the court that protestantism could never be burnt out of the heart of the
English nation, any more than popery could be
burnt in - as it would have done any but a priestguided government- only stirred up their catholic
majesties and their obedient councillors to devise
other and more stringent measures to suppress the
truth and to establish popery. Letters were written to different towns, directing the people to
choose more catholic mayors, and even designating the persons to be chosen. A scheme was also
concocted for the establishment of a grand central
inquisitorial court, in London, with inferior courts
in other sections of the country, for the suppression
and complete eradication of " heresy " and kindred




MARTYRDOM OF THE PROTESTANTS.            315
crimes.  On the 8th of February, 1556-7, a royal
commission was issued "to the right reverend
father in God, Edmond [Bonner] bishop of London," the bishop of Ely, lords Windsor and North,
Bourne, one of the secretaries of state, and several other officers of the court, knights, and doctors
of the law, etc., in all twenty-two, "trusty  and
well-beloved" papists, any three of whom  were
authorized, appointed, and assigned to be the
queen's commissioners, " to inquire, as well by the
oaths of twelve good and lawful men, as by witnesses, and all other means and politic ways you
can devise, of all and sundry heresies, heretical
opinions, Lollardies, heretical and seditious books,
concealments, contempts, conspiracies, and of all
false rumors, tales, seditions, and clamorous words
and sayings, raised, published, bruited, invented, or
set forth against us, or either of us, or against the
quiet governance and rule of our people and subjects, by books, letters, tales, or otherwise, in any
county, city, borough, or other place or places
within this our realm of England, and elsewhere
in any place or places beyond the sea," etc.* And
* Burnet, vol. II. pt. ii. bk. ii. p. 697; and bk. ii. Records, No. 32.
"Heretical books " were the special terror of Mary's councillors,
and in addition to various other methods adopted to this end, several royal proclamations were made against them, and the most
active measures adopted to prevent their circulation. Thus, on
the 13th of June, 1555, appeared a proclamation against Luther's
books, and those of the chief foreign Reformers, and against most
of the English Reformers', as Coverdale's, Tyndale's, Cranmer's,
Frith's, Roy's, and even Hall's Chronicles. - Fox, vol. IIi. p. 225.




316        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
all justices of the peace, mayors, sheriffs, bailiffs,
constables, and all other officers, ministers, and
faithful subjects, were commanded to help these
commissioners, at their command.
Here certainly are powers, ample as can well be
conceived, conferred on any three of the trusty persons named, to proceed, in any way they might
judge best, to suppress and punish anything they
chose to pronounce heretical, or injurious to the
reigning powers in Church and State.  If this commission was not the very Spanish Inquisition, it
was certainly, in spirit, very near to that cherished
popish institution. To aid this grand central court,
inferior tribunals were constituted in different parts
of the country, armed with needful power to carry
on the hateful work of persecution and death for
conscience' sake.
The  effect of  all these  arrangements  was a
greatly quickened activity in the work of slaughter
during the year 1557. Three men and two women
As early as about the fifth of October, 1554, Fox reports that
" within one fortnight there were little less than threescore, as well
householders as servants and prentices, apprehended and taken,
and committed to sundry prisons, for having and selling of certain
books which were sent into England by the preachers that fled into
Germany and other countries." - Vol. III. p. 86. Most of these
condemned books were such as any Christian man might lawfully
and properly read and circulate; a few were more objectionable;
for the persecuted protestants sometimes gave vent to their pentup feelings in denunciatory, if not treasonable, language, as in the
Treatise on Politic Power, and Blasts against the Gomernlent of Women,
and Wherein Superior Powers nay be lawfully Resisted. Fox, III. 326;
Collier, vI. 176.




MARTYRDOM OF THE PROTESTANTS.    317
were burnt at Smithfield, April 12th; three were
burned at Southwark, May 3d; three more were
burnt at Bristol on the 7th; two men and five
women were burnt at Maidstone, June 18th, and
on the next day, three men and four women were
burnt at Canterbury -" fourteen being thus, in two
days, destroyed by Thornton and Harpsfield." On
the 22d of the same month, six men and four
women were burnt at Lewes, in Sussex. One of
these ten Lewes martyrs was Richard Woodman,
of whom Fox gives a very extended account. He
was an iron-maker by trade, of the parish of Warbleton, in Sussex. He was twice arrested. On
his first arrest, in June, 1553, he lay in the King's
Bench prison nearly a year and a half, and then
was put into Bonner's coal-hole for a month before
he was even examined. On the 18th of December, 1555, he was discharged, with four other prisoners, after having undergone twenty-six examinations. He had been at liberty but a little while
before he was sought after again, but escaped, and
after lying in the woods six or seven weeks, went
abroad; but being unhappy there, he came home
again, and was betrayed by his own father and
brother; and so was sent up to London, to Bishop
Bonner, a second time. There he remained in the
coal-house eight weeks lacking one day, and underwent six more examinations. His second arrest
was in 1557. At length he was condemned to
death; but before his death he wrote out accounts
of his several examinations, and a letter to a Chris



318     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
tian friend. In this letter he says, among other
like things: "I do earnestly believe that God,
which hath begun this good work in me, will perform it to the end, as he hath given me grace, and
will alway, to bear his easie yoke and light burden;
the which I have always found, I praise my Lord
God; for when I have been in prison, wearing one
while bolts, another while shackles, other while lying on the bare ground, sometimes sitting in the
stocks, sometime bound with cords, that all my
body hath been swollen, much like to be overcome
for the pain that hath been in my flesh, sometime
fain to lye without in the woods and fields, wandering to and fro, few I say that durst keep my
company, for fear of the rulers; sometime brought
before the justices, sheriffs, lords, doctors, and
bishops; sometime called dog, sometime devil,
heretick, whoremonger, traitor, thief, deceiver, with
divers such like; yea, and even they that did eat
of my bread, that should have been most my
friends by nature, have betrayed me. Yet, for all
this, I praise my Lord God that hath separated me
from my mother's womb, all this that hath happened unto me bath been easie, light, and most delectable and joyful of any treasure that ever I possessed. For I praise God they are not able to
prove one jot or tittle of their sayings true."
Such is a glimpse of what these poor martyrs
underwent before they were given to the flames;
and such was the spirit with which hundreds in
England, who could say with the apostle, " I die




MARTYRDOM  OF THE PROTESTANTS.              319
daily,"  met their lot, and  bore  what they  had
learned to call Christ's " easie yoke and light burden." *
In July, only two appear to have been burned, at
Norwich; but on the 2d of August, 1557, ten victims, half of them women, were offered up at Colchester.   These ten  martyrs were a part of the
twenty-two- fourteen men and eight women -
who were there " apprehended at one clap," some
time before, and driven up to London, to Bonner,
very much as slaves were driven to market, in
pairs, with a rope between them, which they were
required to take hold of, and another rope around
the outside arm of each, and guarded by armed
men.t " That bloody butcher, Bonner," was thrown
into very bad humor that these " Christian lambs "
should be thus brought to his presence, attracting,
as they did, a great crowd of people.
* Fox, IlI. 695. This ancient town of Lewes, in the county of
Sussex, about fifty miles south from London, and its neighborhood, were somewhat famed for martyrs during Mary's reign. On
the 10th of June, 1555, Derrick Carver, a brewer of Brighthampstead, or Brighthelmster, was burned in front of the Star inn,
at Lewes, the people calling on him, and "beseeching God to
strengthen him in the faith of Jesus Christ." - Fox, III. 317-20.
In 1556, Harland, Oswald, Ovington, and Reed were burnt together at Lewes, after long imprisonment. A fortnight after, June
20th, 1556, Thomas Wood, a protestant minister, and Thos. Mills,
were burnt on the same spot. Besides these, twenty-six others,
belonging to this diocese of bishop John Christopherson, perished
at the stake during this reign. - Horsfield's Hist. of Lewes, I. 184-88.
Sussex Press, Eng., 1824, quarto, 2 vols.
f Fox, III. 656; Strype's lMems., vol. III. pt. II. ch. 53, p. 61.




320     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
In his account of the matter to Cardinal Pole,
Bonner says: "And, albeit I took order that the said
hereticks should be with me very early on Saturday morning, to the intent they might quietly come
and be examined by me, yet it was between ten
and eleven o'clock before they would come; and
no way would they take but through Cheapside, so
that they were brought to my house with about
a thousand persons. Which thing I took very
strange; and spake to Sir John Gressam, then
being with me, to tell the mayor and the sheriff
that this thing was not well suffered in the city.
These naughty hereticks, all the way they came
through Cheapside, both exhorted the people to their
part, and had much comfort e promisczua plebe "from the promiscuous crowd. Another cause of
vexation to Bonner in having such a crowd sent to
him  was, that he had "to bear their charges";
which, with another company sent to him  near
the same time, he says, 1" stood me about twenty
nobles [about thirty-two dollars], a sum of money
I thought full evil bestowed."'
All these things combined to put Bonner so out
of humor that he would have made quick work
with them. But Pole had complained of his hasty
sentence of a previous company belonging to his
diocese, and therefore Bonner thought it his duty,
before he further proceeded, to advertise his grace,
the cardinal, and to know his good pleasure. For: Fox, III. 659.




MARTYRDOM3 OF THE PROTESTANTS.    321
some reason, Pole thought proper to let off these
two-and-twenty Christian professors on their signing a confession, which did not violate their consciences - " a very easie submission," as Fox calls
it. They all went back to their homes. But the
activity of their enemies caused the arrest of some
of them a second time, and they perished in the
flames at Colchester, on the 2d of August, 1557.
The sympathy of thousands assembled to witness
these tragic scenes was shown by the general exclamation: "The Lord strengthen them!  The
Lord comfort them! The Lord pour his mercies
upon them!" And this the good Lord evidently
did; for these martyrs went smilingly and joyfully
to the stake, praying and exhorting, and uttering
words of triumph.  Clasping the stake, one of
them cried out: " Farewell all the world; farewell
faith; farewell hope; welcome charity!" *
George Eagle, a tailor by trade, was burned at
Chelmsford, in August, 1557. He was a most laborious and useful man, who travelled extensively
over the kingdom, visiting the suffering saints, and
gathering them for prayer and conference. This
he had long done - Fox says, a year or two, " especially in Colchester and the quarters thereabout,"
so that he was nicknamed Trudge-over. For a
long time Eagle baffled the diligence of his enemies.  As a good soldier he endured hardness,
wandering from town to town, having no abiding* Fox, III. 696-700.
VOL. II.        21




322     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
place, living sometimes in the woods, and often
lying abroad without covering.  So active and
useful a man could not of course be suffered to
live long in Mary's England. The government,
after employing spies to watch him, with orders to
bring him, dead or alive, but all in vain, at length
issued a proclamation through the counties of Essex, Suffolk, Kent, and Norfolk, offering twenty
pounds sterling for his arrest as a traitor. This
bribe finally secured the arrest of Eagle. He was
tried and condemned as a traitor, and sentenced to
be hanged, drawn, and quartered, because he had,
contrary to law, assembled together more than six
persons - though this was for the worship of God
— and had, as was alleged, prayed "that God
would turn Queen Mary's heart, or else take her
away." Though thus executed as a traitor, Fox
tells us that " the real cause was religion." Eagle,
at his examination, denied that he had ever prayed
that God should take the queen away, though he
had prayed that God would turn her heart. His
sentence was carried out under circumstances of
revolting cruelty; he being cut down before he
was dead, and his head hacked off with a blunt
cleaver.*
On the 22d of December, 1557, another good
man, in whose history we are particularly interested, was burnt at Smithfield.  His name was
John Rough, a Scotchman, a converted priest. He
* Fox, III. 700.




MARTYRDOM OF THE PROTESTANTS.   323
had lived abroad during the first years of Mary's
reign, supporting himself by knitting " caps, hose,
and such things." But, lacking some materials for
his manufactures, " about the end of October" he
came to London to get them. There, "' hearing of
the secret society and holy congregation of God's
children there assembled, he joined himself to
them; and afterwards, being elected their minister
and preacher, continued most virtuously exercised
in that godly fellowship " until the 12th of December, when the congregation was betrayed by a false
brother, brought in unawares, and Rough and his
deacon, Sympson, and some others were seized, as
they were assembling for worship at the Saracen's
Head, in Islington.
After several examinations, Rough was sent to
Newgate prison, and the minutes of his examinations were put into Bonner's hands. This bloody
man lost no time in preparing charges against his
prisoner; and calling him before him, accused him
of speaking against " the seven sacraments " - but
especially of affirming, that, in the sacrament of
the altar, there was not present, really and truly,
the very body and blood of Christ; that confession
to a priest, and absolution by him, were neither
necessary nor available: also, that he disliked the
existing religion and ecclesiastical service of the
kingdom; that he had spoken against the pope,
and had persuaded others to speak and do likewise; and that he was familiar with those who
had fled the country on account of religion, and




324      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
had succored and helped them, and had brought
their " seditious letters and books into the realm,"
etc. Rough admitted the truth of these charges,
and so provoked Bonner by his plain dealing that
the wild beast sprang upon him, "plucked off a
piece of his beard," and hurried him off to Smithfield, where he was burnt at six o'clock in the
morning. In company with this bold, good man
perished Margaret Mearing, for like " heresies." *
And so the work went on nearly through the
year, making an aggregate of seventy-nine victims,
fifteen of whom were women: nearly double the
number that had suffered during either of the preceding years of Mary's reign.
Through January and February, 1557-8, the
fires of persecution were allowed to smoulder; for
the fifth of Mary's parliaments was then in session, and it was remarked that " the bishops, when
the parliament was sitting, did always intermit
their cruelties." Parliament opened January 20th,
and was prorogued March 7th, to November 5th,
1558.1  Spain and France were now at war, and
England had been drawn into the quarrel.  Scotland, too, had shown a disposition to renew her
hereditary contest with England; the queen's treasury was exhausted, and this parliament was called
to raise supplies. But the nation had been irri* Fox, iii. 722-25.
t Burnet, vol. II. pt. iI. bk. II. pp. 363, 730; Statutes, 4 and 5
Philip and Mary, vol. iv. p. 313; Part. Hist., vol. III. pp. 354-59,
Hansard, vol. i. pp. 629-82.




MARTYRDOMI OF THE PROTESTANTS.    325
tated almost beyond endurance by the merciless
persecutions which the queen had driven on with
fiendish zeal.  Another cause of bitter irritation
was the loss of Calais, the key to France, which
the English had held for two hundred and ten
years.  This stronghold was captured  by the
French, January 7th, 1557-8. And when parliament met on the 20th, the commons were found in
anything but a compliant temper. It was said,
that the queen had put the government into the
hands of priests, who neither understood war nor
were sensible of the honor of the nation; that they
had drained the treasury to advance their ecclesiastical projects, and being aware how much the nation hated them, had set the queen on other ways
of raising money than by parliament. There had
been no parliament now for two years. And the
poor pope-wedded and priest-driven queen, whose
heart had never manifested an emotion of pity for
the hundreds of victims whom she had dragged
into the flames, and the thousands of mourning
friends - this same hateful woman felt so keenly
the complaints of her subjects, and above all, the
shame of losing a fortress which had been the
pride of a long line of English monarchs, and
which had cost the nation much blood and treasure, that, if we may credit good catholic authority,
it broke her heart. However this may be, the dis* Mary is said to have ascribed her death to the loss of Calais;
and to have declared, that, if her heart should be examined after




326       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
order into which the kingdom had fallen, while the
queen and her councillors were chiefly intent on
killing protestants and establishing popery in the
country, ending with the loss of Calais, no doubt
contributed materially to the sufferings of the unhappy queen, if it did not hasten her death.
Soon after the adjournment of parliament, the
burnings were resumed. On the 28th of March,
Deacon Cuthbert Sympson, a layman,* a tailor by
trade, and Hugh Fox and John Devenish were
burnt at Smithfield. They had been in prison
since December 13th, 1557, and Sympson, at least,
had been subjected to one of those " politic ways "
for converting heretics which had been authorized
by the royal commission issued in February of the
preceding year. Three times he had been racked,
and at one time he was three hours on the rack;
and other torments had been employed, to make
him divulge the names of the protestant church of
which he was a deacon, and who met in the fields
her death, Calais would be found written upon it. - Lingard, vol.
VII. ch. III. p. 237. Fox relates, that Master Rice and Mistress Clarentius, who were " most familiar with her, and most bold about
her," told her at a certain time, that "they found she took
thought for King Philip's departing from her.' Not that only,'
said she,' but when I am dead and opened, you shall find Calais
lying on my heart.'"
* Burnet speaks of him as " in deacon's orders." He was a deacon, but not a preaching deacon. He is called by his pastor, Mr.
Rough, a tailor. - Fox, III. 724. Fox says that Rough was " the
minister of the congregation," and Sympson "the deacon also of
the said godly company or congregation." -Vol. III. p. 726.




MARTYRDOM OF THE PROTESTANTS.    327
and elsewhere, secretly, to worship the God of their
fathers.'
In April, one only was burned, and he " was so
simple a good soul, that many esteemed him half
foolish."  Nevertheless, he had wit enough to die
like a brave good man in a good cause; and, as
Fox says, " the more simplicity and feebleness of
wit appeared in him, the more beastly and wretched
doth it declare their cruel and tyrannical conduct"
who burnt him. In May, the inquisitors made up
for their recent remissness by burning three at
Norwich, on the 19th, and three more at Colchester, on the 26th.
On the 5th of June, 1558, the temper of the
government was still further illustrated by a proclamation against all who might have in their
possession anti-papal books, such as the foreign
protestants were constantly smuggling into the
kingdom, and some of the persecuted English
themselves were occasionally publishing.  This
proclamation set forth, that, " whereas divers books,
filled bothe with heresy, sedition, and treason, have
of late, and be daily brought into this realm, out
of foreign countries and places, beyond the seas,
and some also covertly printed within this realm,
and cast abroad in sundry parts thereof, whereby
not only God is dishonored, but also an encouragement given to disobey lawful princes and gov* The story of Cuthbert Sympson's sufferings is given at
length by Fox, iii. 726-28.




328     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
ernors; the king and queen's majesties for redress
hereof do by this present proclamation declare and
publish to all their subjects, that whoever shall,
after the proclaiming hereof, be found to have any
of the said wicked books, or finding them do not
forthwith burn the same, without showing or reading the same to any other person, shall in that case
be reputed and taken for a rebel, and shall, without
delay, be executed for that offence, according to the
order of martial law." *
Some time about the last of April, a company of
about forty men and women were discovered " secretly in a back close, in the field, by the town of
Islington, sitting together at prayer, and virtuously
occupied in meditation of God's holy word." Their
devotional exercises were interrupted by the appearance of a band of armed men, headed by the
constable of Islington. Twenty-two of the company were arrested and taken before Sir Roger
Cholmley, and by him sent to Newgate. After
lying in prison about seven weeks, seven of them
were brought before Bonner, on the 14th of June;
and after repeated examinations, in which they
were charged with nothing worse than a rejection
of the peculiar doctrines and practices of popery,
were finally condemned to the fire. They suffered,
with unflinching and joyful courage, at Smithfield,
June 27th, 1558. The day they were led out to
the slaughter, a proclamation was made, forbid* Fox, III. 732.




THE END OF MARY'S REIGN.         329
ding any one to speak to them, receive anything
from them, touch them, pray for them, or even
say, " God help them," on pain of imprisonment
without either bail or mainprise; nevertheless, the
people would cry out, "' God strengthen them! "'
On the 14th of July, six more of these Islington prisoners were burnt at Brentford, seven miles
from London. Besides these, two of the company
died in prison. The remainder were kept in prison,
and made to suffer in various ways - by being put
into the stocks, being fed on bread and water, and
by corporal punishment, Bonner himself trying
his hand at beating them with a rod until weary
with the pastoral exercise.i
The work of persecution went moderately on up
to the 10th day of November, when five martyrs
perished at Canterbury —three men and two
women; and this finished the bloody offerings for
this year, making in all thirty-nine victims.
On the 5th of November, 1558, Mary's last parliament reassembled, amidst general gloom and discontent, disorder, sickness, and death at home, and
war abroad.  The kingdom  had been greatly impoverished to carry on a war with France, in order
to gratify the queen's husband. To support this
war the queen had been compelled to borrow a
- It is probable that these martyrs belonged to the same church
which. was interrupted at the Saracen's Head, Dec. 12th of the previous vear.
t Fox, III. 732-41.




330        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISi1.
great deal of money from the city of London, and
from most of the rich men in the kingdom; and
it is said that she even condescended to take
the most trifling sums -fifty, forty, twenty, and
even ten pounds — wherever she could not extort more; " which," Strype says, "' caused a great
grudging among the people, because, but the year
before, she had borrowed from the city and of most
rich men in all parts of the nation." * On the
meeting of parliament, one of the first objects of
the queen was to secure a subsidy. But the conmmons seemed quite ill-disposed to make such a
grant; and while they talked, intelligence was
brought to them  that the queen was dead.  She
died of dropsy, accompanied by " a feverish distemper," which prevailed extensively at that time,
Parl. Hist., iII. 357, 358; Strype's Ecc. Menrs., vol. III. pt. II.
ch. 62, p. 128.
Stowe says: "In the month of March [1557-8] a prest was
granted to the queen by the citizens of London, of twenty thlousand pounds; which was levied of the companies; for the which
sum to be repaid again, the queen bound certain lands, and also
allowed for interest for the money twelve pounds of every hundred a year."- C/hrozicle, p. 632. In the year 1556, " the queen
demanded a loan of six thousand pounds from one thousand persons; she exacted a loan of one hundred pounds from every person possessing [an income of] twenty pounds a year; she extorted
sixty thousand marks from seven thousand yeomen; and exacted
thirty-six thousand pounds from the cloth merchants trading to
Antwerp, and upon refusal seized on their ships and cargoes, laying upon each piece of cloth a subsidy of twenty shillings; to get
this duty abolished, they paid her forty thousand pounds, and engaged for two thousand pounds more, payable in a month." —
Wade's British Chronology, p. 137. Loend. 1844.




MARY'S DEATH AND CHARACTER.             331
and carried off many persons of quality.*   Her
disease was probably aggravated by the neglect of
her husband, who forsook her after he found that
there was no hope of an heir for the English
throne; and by her anxiety on account of the disorder into which the affairs of the state had fallen,
by the mismanagement of her ghostly counsellors,
the climax of which was the loss of Calais. Mary
was in the forty-third year of her age, and had
reigned five years, three months, twenty-eight days
-  days and months and years of darkness and distress, of shame and humiliation, to England.
It is hard for a protestant to speak with calmness of the reign of this Mary; and even the Romanists have found it a difficult task to discover her
excellences and defend her reign. Her consistency
in persecuting is shocking. A man, and even a
woman, in a sudden heat of passion, may do most
barbarous acts; but to find a monarch, and a
woman, reared among civilized, not to say Christianized people, who for successive years could
keep up such a systematic butchery of men,
* Strype, and Dr. Haddon in Strype's iMems., vol. III. pt. II. ch.
64, pp. 138-44.
Fuller says: "She, melancholic in mind, unhealthful in body,
little feared of her foreign foes, less beloved by her native subjects,
not over-dear to her own husband, unsuccessful in her treaties for
peace, and unfortunate in her undertakings for war, having deceived the gentry of Norfolk and Suffolk by her false promises,
was deceived herself by a false conception; and having consumed
so many of God's saints by fire, died herself by water, an hydropical tympany." - Vol. iv. p. 200.




332      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
women, and even youth, spotless in their morals,
and unoffending in their lives - except in the matter of their conscientious religious belief- as did
this popish queen of England, we must look only
to Romish church history.
Mary's reign is evidently an unwelcome episode
in Dr. Lingard's history of England. He makes
the best of it; but his defence of Mary is feeble,
and apparently not very hearty.*  Dodd, another
catholic historian, in his Church History, apologizes for Mary, and smoothes over her persecutions
more than Lingard does.t Hume, in summing up
Mary's character, says: " She possessed few qualities either estimable or amiable; and her person
was as little engaging as her behavior and address.
Obstinacy, bigotry, violence, cruelty, malignity, revenge, tyranny; every circumstance of her character took a tincture from her bad temper and narrow understanding.  And amidst that complication
of vices which entered into her composition, we
shall scarcely find any virtue but sincerity, a quality which she seems to have maintained through
her whole life, except in the beginning of her
reign," etc. t
Not to insist on the exception to Mary's sincerity to which Hume alludes - though this exception is sufficiently broad - there is another on record, which the historian must have overlooked. I
* Hist. Eng., vol. vi. chll. III. pp. 257-87.
t Vol. III. pp. 106, 107.
Elist. Eng., vol. Iv. ch. 37, p. 141.




MARY'S DEATH AND CHARACTER.      333
refer to her submission, from " the bottom of her
heart and stomach," to her father, made in 1536.
In this document, she puts soul and body, for time
and eternity, into the hands of her most princely
father. She says, among other things of the same
import: "As I have, and shall, knowing your excellent learning, virtue, wisdom, and knowledge, put
my soul into your direction; and by the same
havey and will in all things from henceforth direct
my conscience, so my body I do wholly commit to
your mercy and fatherly piety, desiring no state, no
condition, nor no meaner degree of living, but such
as your grace shall appoint me; acknowledging
and confessing, that my state cannot be so vile, as
either the extremity of justice would appoint unto
me, or as mine offences have required or deserved."
And in a letter to Cromwell, the king's vicegerent,
upon the same topic, Mary says: "' For mine opinion touching pilgrimages, purgatory, reliques, and
such like, I assure you I have none at all, but such
as I shall receive from him who hath mine whole
heart in keeping, that is, the king's most gracious
highness, my most benign father, who shall imprint
in the same touching these matters and all other,
what his inestimable virtue, high wisdom, and excellent learning shall think convenient, and limit
unto me."  How much of sincerity or truth was
there in all this turning up of her heart? Mary, it
is true, was sufficiently resolute in the maintenance
of her popish principles during Edward's reign;
but there were personal and selfish reasons enough




334     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
for this; and she well knew that she had little to
fear from Edward. Under her father it was otherwise; and she was then sufficiently craven-spirited
and hypocritical.'
The work of persecution may be said to have
begun with Mary's reign, in August, 1553; but the
burnings did not begin until about eighteen months
after, on February 4th, 1554-5. From tha't day the
fires of martyrdom were never extinguished but for
a short time until seven days before this unhappy,
wicked woman died, when five persons —three
men and two women -were burned at Canterbury.t
The great end of this persecution was not merely
to silence and overawe protestantism, and to establish popery in the land, but utterly to root out and
destroy all who disbelieved, or even doubted, the
divinity of popery. Protestants were forbidden to
leave the kingdom, and were hunted down with
the most pertinacious cruelty. Spies were everywhere busy; a premium was set on the head of
those who could not be trapped by ordinary means;
proclamations were fulminated, and royal letters
were repeatedly sent out, to stir up the magistrates,
and even the bishops, to greater activity in hunting
for the precious lives of God's people. The slightest suspicion was sufficient to cause the arrest of
man or woman, their immediate confinement in
the filthy public prisons, or in the dungeons and
* Burnet, vol. II. pt. II. bk. II. p. 483, and Records, Nos. 3-6.
t Burnet, ut sup. p. 732-; Fox, iII. 750.




MARY'S DEATH AND CHARACTER.       335
coal-holes of the bishops; where they were laid in
irons, thrust into the stocks, racked, and otherwise
tormented, to make them betray themselves or their
friends. A series of carefully drawn and artful
questions were put to them, which they were compelled to answer at once, and categorically, or by
their refusal expose themselves to immediate condemnation for contumacy. Collier, by no means a
partial friend of the protestants, says: " To speak
clearly, their judges seldom showed much inclination to preserve them. They were nice and particular in their inquiry; they put the tests home, and
pressed the corporal presence and transubstantiation in the most ensnaring terms; neither would
they be satisfied with less than distinct and categorical answers."'
The number who were thus trapped and killed
is variously estimated.  The lowest number is
that made by Lingard, who says: "After making
every allowance, it will be found that in the space
of four years [three years and nine months] almost
two hundred persons perished in the flames for
religious opinions." t Other authorities raise the
number as high as eight hundred. But, besides
those who perished in the flames for their religious
opinions, a very considerable number died in prison.
Sixty are known thus to have died; j and it is quite
probable that many more perished miserably in
- Collier, VI. 113.  t Hist. Eng., vol. vII. ch. II. p. 285.. Burnet, ut sup. p. 732.




836      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
this way, of whom we have no account. Then,
let it be considered how many, who escaped the
hands of their persecutors, must have shattered
their health and shortened their lives by exposures
and hardships, in their efforts to avoid being arrested.  The life of poor Eagle (" Trudge-over "),
hunted as a wild beast through fields and forests,
gives us a glimpse of the life of many a poor,
persecuted saint of those times. Cecil, Lord Burleigh, who wrote in the succeeding reign, in his
" Execution of Justice," makes the number of public executions about four hundred, besides those
who were secretly murdered in prison. Heylyn, an
historian by no means ultra-protestant, says: "' The
martyrs in all parts of the kingdom amounted to
the number of two hundred and seventy-seven persons, of all sorts and sexes. But more particularly; there are said to have perished in these flames,
five bishops, twenty-one divines, eight gentlemen,
eighty-four artificers, one hundred husbandmen,
servants and laborers, twenty-six wives, twenty
widows, nine virgins, two boys, and two infants.
Sixty-four more in those furious times were persecuted for their faith; whereof seven were whipped,
sixteen perished in prisons, twelve were buried in
dunghills, and many more lay in captivity, condemned, which were delivered by the opportune
death of Queen Mary." * Strype, one of the most
* I quote from Dodd's Church History, the work of a Roman
Catholic priest, vol. ii. p. 106. London, 1839.




MARY'S DEATH AND CHARACTER.       337
painstaking and accurate of writers, gives the
number of executions, and the counties and places
where these took place, during the four years of
the persecution. He makes the whole number of
executions in the year 1555, seventy-one; in 1556,
eighty-nine; in 1557, eighty-eight; in 1558, forty;
total, two hundred and eighty-eight!  Burnet
makes the total number of executions two hundred
and eighty-four.t
From these several statements of men who had
the opportunity to investigate the subject, with a
fair allowance for the number who must have lost
their lives in this persecution, though not actually
burned at the stake, we may safely conclude that
the number of protestant victims offered to the
Moloch of popery during Mary's reign could not
have been less than Lord Burleigh estimated -four
hundred persons! or, on an average, more than
two victims a week from the beginning to the end
of the persecution. Add to this list the thousand
suffering English refugees on the continent; and
consider the number of poor, bereaved, and suffering wives and orphan children, and the poverty, the
distress, and the broken health occasioned by this
merciless persecution; and consider, too, that all
this burden of suffering, for nearly four years, was
forced on these men, women, and children, not because they were immoral in their lives, or disloyal
* Strype's Ecc. eHems., vol. III. pt. II. Catalogue, No. 85.
t list. Ref., vol. II. pt. II. bk. I. p. 732.
VOL. II.        22




338      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISMI.
in their characters, or lawless in their habits - for
they were the very reverse of all this - but simply
and solely because, instead of the pope, they feared
God, and strove to keep his commandments, as
revealed in his most holy word — let the reader
consider these facts, and he will understand why
Mary Tudor is called the " BLOODY MARY! "
Mary's reign was a miserably memorable one
for England in other respects, if we may credit the
old writers of that period. We are told, for example, that during one year the country was visited
with " immoderate rains and tempests "; and that
"' intolerable heats and droughts " prevailed another
year. Then we are called to consider " what penury and scarceness of corn and victuals, what hunger and famine followed! what diseases and sicknesses everywhere prevailed, the like whereof had
never before been known! Hot, burning fevers,
strange diseases, began in 1556, and increased
more and more in 1557 and 1558." In the summer of 1557 these raged horribly, and killed an
exceeding great number, especially of gentlemen
and men of wealth.* Besides all this, the country
was drained of its wealth, was loaded with debt,
and was covered with shame by the loss of its
hereditary possessions on the continent!
* Stlrype, vol. III. pt. ii. pp. 156, 157; Burnet, vol. iI. pt. II. bk.
II. p. 734-.
Strype says: "She left the nation in a poor, mean condition,
sunk in their spirits with persecution, and the sense of their
shame in the loss of Calais." - U5t sup. p. 145.




MARY'S DEATH AND CHARACTER.                339
In less than twenty-four hours after the queen's
death, her distinguished kinsman, and one of the
wisest and best of her counsellors, Cardinal Pole,
archbishop of Canterbury, closed his checkered and
eventful life, in the fifty-ninth year of his age.*
He died, according to Fuller, " neither of Italian
physic, wilfully taken by himself, as an English
author insinuates, nor of poison given to him  by
the protestants, as a Spanish writer suggests, but
of a quartan fever, then epidemical in England, and
malignant above the ordinary nature of that disease." t
Parliament was in session at the time of Mary's
death; and at about nine o'clock on the 17th of
November, the lord chancellor went to the house
* Mary died between five and six o'clock, A. M., November
17th, 1558, and Pole died at about three o'clock the following
morning.-Soames' Hist. Ref., Iv. 595; Fuller's Church History, vol. Iv. bk. viii. p. 244, note b. The author of the note
says, "he [Pole] outlived the queen but sixteen hours; she dying
between five and six o'clock in the morning, and he about three
o'clock the succeeding morning." This would make the time between their deaths, not sixteen, but about twenty-one or two hours.
Burnet (ut stup. p. 741-) speaks in respectful and kind terms of Pole,
or Pool, as he calls him. He says: " He was a learned, modest,
humble, and good-natured man; and had indeed such qualities,
and such a temper, that, if he could have brought the other
bishops to follow his measures, or the pope and queen to approve
of them, he might have probably done much to have reduced this
nation to popery again. But God designed better things for it; so
he gave up the queen to the bloody counsels of Gardiner and the
rest of the clergy. It was the only thing in which she was not
led by the cardinal."
t Church History, ut sup. pp. 245, 246.




340       HISTORY OF COlNGREGATIONALISM.
of lords and informed them  of the event.- Soon
after, a message was sent by  the lords to  the
lower house, requiring the speaker and the whole
house to come to them, when they should hear certain matters of importance that the lords had to
communicate to them.*   The speaker and the commons accordingly repaired to the lords, and were
told by the lord chancellor, "that God had taken
the queen to his mercy, but had furnished them
with another sovereign lady, my Lady Elizabeth,
her grace; and -then willed the commons to resort
to the palace, where the lords would come and
cause her grace to be proclaimed queen of England. And immediately after, the said proclamation was there made." t
Just before her death, Mary sent a message to
Elizabeth, to the effect that the throne was to be
left to her; and in consideration thereof, she was
desired to retain all her sister's old councillors, to
promise that no alterations should be made in religion, and that the queen's debts should all be
paid. The impudence of this message was suit* Burnet (ut szul. p. 747) says: "Mary's death was concealed for
some hours. What the secret consultations were upon it is not
known; but the issue of them appeared about nine o'clock." But
if Mary died between five and six o'clock, A. M., and the event
was officially declared to parliament "about nine o'clock" the
same day, it could hardly be said in truth to have been " concealed
for some hours." There would seem, too, a propriety in reserving the first public knowledge of the queen's death for the parliament; and. they could not have been long in session at nine A. M.
t Parl. Hist., I. 632.




MARY'S DEATH AND CHARACTER.     341
ably appreciated and answered by Elizabeth, who
sent the queen word that she did not thank her
majesty for leaving the crown to her, for it was
hers by right. As to councillors, Mary had chosen
her own, and she should do the same. In religion,
she would be governed by God's word.  The
queen's debts should be paid. Elizabeth had suffered enough from Mary's religion and councillors,
to make her cautious about committing herself to
either.




CHAPTER X.
CONGREGATIONALISM IN QUEEN MARY'S REIGN.
IN preceding chapters, the slender thread of Congregationalism has been followed through successive periods of English history, down to the commencement of Mary's reign. We have now to
inquire: Is that thread still distinguishable, amidst
the fire and blood of this period? The answer is,
that it is; and, what is more, that it has become
broader and plainer, more marked and distinctive,
than ever before. Through the entire reign of the
bloody Mary, distinct bodies of dissenting Christians maintained their existence in the kingdom;
and these bodies had some of the essential features
of Congregational churches. The names of members were enrolled; they had pastors and deacons;
they held stated meetings for religious conference
and worship, and the celebration of the Lord's
Supper, on which occasions they took up contributions for their poor and imprisoned brethren, and
attended to matters of discipline among themselves
Let us now gather up the evidence which justifies
these statements.
We learn from Fox, that on new year's day,
1554-5, in the evening, certain honest men and
(342)




CONGREGATIONALISM  IN MARY'S REIGN.   343
women of the city of London, to the number of
thirty, and a minister with them, named Master
Rose, were taken in a house in Bowe churchyard,
at the communion, and committed to prison.* And
under date of December 12th, 1557, the same author gives an account of the arrest, at a tavern at
Islington, of John Rough and Cuthbert Sympson,
and others, " members of the secret society and
holy congregation of God's children," in London.
They were betrayed " through the crafty and traitorous suggestion of a false hypocrite and dissembling brother, called Roger Sargeant, tailor; and
were apprehended by the vice-chamberlain of the
queen's house, at the Saracen's Head, in Islington,
where the congregation had then proposed to assemble themselves to their godly and accustomable
exercises of prayer and hearing the word of God." t
Strype thus speaks of this same congregation:
"On December 12th, being Sunday, at Islington,
there met certain persons that were gospellers, and
* Acts and Mons., III. 93.
t Acts and Alons., III. 723.
This "secret society and holy congregation of God's children " we probably have had a glimpse of before. Fox speaks of
"the congregation " which met "in a warehouse in Bow Lane,"
in 1531-32, before which Bainham made his confession. - Vol. 1i.
p. 247; and Anderson's Anlnals English Bible, vol. I. pp. 333, 334,
compared with vol. ii. pp. 265-71. Anderson says of this " congregation of the faithful, assembling for worship in the days of
Queen Mary: with all its imperfections, there certainly never was
in England a body of Christians more highly honored by God,'in resisting unto blood, striving against sin.'"




344        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISMI.
some pretended players, and one Ruff, [Rough,] a
Scot, formerly a friar.   And under the pretence
of a play, (which seemed indeed to be begun,) he
was to have read a lecture to the assembly. And
the communion was played, and should have been
administered; but the guards came too soon, or
ever the chief matter was begun.  Of this Rough
and his martyrdom something will be said in due
place." 
* Ecc. M1ems., vol. iII. pt. II. ch. 50, pp. 22, 23.
Ruft, or Rough - called by Strype, " Sir John Ruft, priest" -
entered among the Blackfriars in Stirling, Scotland, at the age of
seventeen years, and remained there sixteen years. The earl of
Arran, lord governor of Scotland, obtained from Cardinal Beaton liberty for him to become his chaplain. After about a year,
the earl thought fit to dismiss from his service all who favored the
new opinions, and so discharged Rough. After this he continued
to preach in St. Andrews and elsewhere, part of the time in company with Knox, until Edward's reign. He then preached in
England until Mary's persecution; then went abroad, but returning on business, he lost his life. A sermon preached by Rough,
at St. Andrews, Scotland, is said to have been made a great blessing to John Knox, and to have been the means of bringing him
forth to engage in his public ministry.
This sermon related to "the election of ministers," wherein he
set forth " what power the congregation, how small soever it was,
passing the number of two or three, had above any man in whom
they supposed and espied the gifts of God to be, and how dangerous it was to refuse, and not to hear the voice of such as desire to
be instructed."  He then addressed Knox personally, and charged
him not to refuse the holy vocation to which he was called. Knox
burst into tears, and withdrew to his chamber. But on a following Sabbath he appeared in the pulpit, according to appointment,
and commenced his preaching career. - Bioqraplhia Britalnica,
art. Kniox, vol. iv. pp. 2864-66; Anderson's Annals, II. 265-68.




CONGREGATIONALISM IN MARY'S REIGN.  345
That this was not a mere casual meeting of good
men and women for religious purposes is suggested
by Fox's remark, that they were engaged in " their
accustomable exercises of prayer," etc. This appears also from the statement that Rough, coming
to London and " hearing of the secret society and
holy congregation of God's children there assernbled, joined himself to them, and afterwards being
elected their minister and preacher, continued most
virtuously exercised in that godly fellowship, teaching and confirming them in the truth of the gospel
of Christ." The character of this assemblage appears still clearer from the account given of Cuthbert Sympson, the deacon of this church - not a
man "in deacon's orders," as Burnet calls him, but
a simple, apostolic deacon; a layman, a tailor by
trade - who kept the records of the church; or, as
Fox tells us, a book containing "the names and
accounts of the congregation."   Understanding
Sympson's relation to the "' secret society and holy
congregation," Bonner did his utmost to make him
produce the church records, or reveal the names
and residences of the congregation. He was put
into the stocks, in Bonner's coal-hole; he was
racked repeatedly in the Tower, and tormented in
various other ways; and was at last burnt at the
stake, on the 2Sth of March, 1558, in company
with two others; but all in vain, for the good man
would not betray his brethren. Strype, in speaking of this auto-de-fe, says: " One whereof was
Cuthbert Sympson, the faithful deacon of the con



346     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
gregation, who endured infinite tortures, to make
him confess and discover the names of members
of this congregation, which he would not." * And
Fox says: " This Cuthbert Sympson was a man
of faithful and zealous heart to Christ and his true
flock, insomuch that he never ceased laboring and
studying most earnestly, not only how to preserve
them without corruption of the popish religion, but
also his care was very vigilant how to keep them
together without peril or danger of persecution."
At Rough's examination, Bonner charged him
with having "in sundry places of this realm, since
the queen's reign, ministered and received the communion as it was used in the late days of King
Edward VI.," and with knowing' of divers that
yet do keep books of the said communion, and
used the same in private houses out of the church,
and entertain opinions against the sacrament of the
altar." To this Rough replied, " that he did well
like the communion used in King Edward's day;
but he had not ministered or received the same
here in England since the queen's reign, neither
yet knew any that had the books thereof." t
In April of this year, we get another glimpse of
this same " secret society and godly congregation"
of believers, near where their pastor, deacon, and
some others were arrested four months before," sitting together at prayer, and virtuously occupied
* Ecc. Memrs., vol. III. pt. ii. ch. 58, pp. 110.
t Acts and Mons., III. 724, Quest. and Ans. 4.




CONGREGATIONALISM IN MARY'S REIGN.  347
in meditation of God's holy word," "secretly in
a back close, in the field, by the town of Islington." There were about forty persons present at
this meeting, twenty-two of whom were arrested
and sent to Newgate, thirteen of whom were burnt,
and two died in prison. At their examination before Bonner, they were charged with not going to
their parish churches; not going in processions;
not conforming to the customs, rites, and ceremonies of the churches; neglecting confession and
the absolution of the priests; not receiving the sacrament; not believing in the corporeal presence in
the sacrament; not believing the faith and religion
then observed in the church of England to be a
true faith and religion in all points; not regarding
the common Latin service as good and lawful and
according to God's word; approving the service
in English and the Book of Common Prayer of
Edward VI.; and, instead of going to their parish
churches, going in time of divine service into the
fields and profane places, to read English psalms
and certain English books.' These were, for substance, the heavy crimes charged against these
poor Christians, and for which they were mercilessly burned to death.
We have in these details, certainly, very distinct
intimations of the existence of an organized church
or churches in London, having their members
* Fox, III. 732. The account given of the examination of these
good men shows that they possessed much of the spirit of the
old Lollards.




348        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
enrolled, holding meetings for preaching, and for
prayer and conference, choosing pastors, and having lay deacons, whose work had special reference
to the temporalities of the church. Bonner called
this body "the church of schismatics and heretics." ~
He was doubtless correct in calling them a " church,"
and if his faith and practice were the standard,
they were schismatics and heretics too.
The  church  in  London  is said  to  have been
formed soon after Mary's accession, and to  have
consisted of as many as two hundred members at
a time. Their meetings were often held near Aldgate, though the place of meeting was frequently
changed: sometimes at Sir Thos. Cardene's, at
Blackfriars; in a cooper's shop, Pudden Lane; in
x See Bonner's speech to Roger Holland, " a merchant tailor of
London," but who describes himself as a poor, unlearned layman,
an apprentice to some handicraft. Holland was, nevertheless, a
very sensible, intelligent, and shrewd man. Bonner seems to
have been impressed with these traits of character, and sought by
fair as well as foul means to persuade Holland to recant, but without the least success. The entire story, as given by Fox, is extremely interesting; and when we read Holland's apt and scriptural replies to Bonner's arguments, and his quick and sharp retorts on his attacks, we are forcibly reminded of some of those
brave old Lollards who fought the same power of "the beast" in
England a century before. - Fox, III. 737. See Anderson's interesting account of Holland's trial and death; and particularly his
declaration, or prophecy, addressed to those present at his condemnation: "After this day [June 28th, 1558] in this place, there
shall not be any by him [Bonner] put to the trial of fire and
fagot." And he and his companions in very deed proved to be
the last whom Bonner burned at Smithfield. - Annals Eng. Bible,
II. 269-71.




CONGREGATIONALISM IN MARY'S REIGN.   349
Thomas Street; in a cloth-worker's loft, in Cheapside; in ships on the river; once or twice in a ship
at Billingsgate, belonging to a good man of Lee,
Essex; at other times, in a ship called "Jesus'
ship," lying between Ratcliff and Roth. Sometimes they assembled in the villages around London - Islington, for some reason, being a favorite
place. They were often compelled to meet in the
night, and in secret places. They repeatedly had
very narrow escapes from spies, and from the
bishops' officers; and several times were detected,
and considerable numbers of them arrested and
burned.  But these hazards did not deter them
from  continuing their meetings; and during the
last year of Mary's reign their numbers and their
boldness increased, so that they sometimes assembled by hundreds without detection.*   They are
known to have had five different ministers among
them.  Their first pastor was Edward Scarnbler,
who was soon driven into exile.  Their second
pastor was Mr Fowler, of whom  nothing more is
known; their third was John Rough, who was
martyred; they then chose Augustus Bernher; and
finally, Thomas Bentham. Under the last named,
the church increased and prospered without detection.t Bentham, in a letter to his friend Lever,
* Clarke's Mart yrology, p. 515; Wilson's Dissenting Churches, vol.
I. pp. 4-7; Strype, Ecc. Mlewns., vol. III. pt. ii. ch. 64, pp. 147-50.
Strype mentions an instance in which a spy was converted in one
of their meetings.
t Strypoe represents that "many congregations of gospellers




350        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
then at Arrowv, in Switzerland, dated July 17th,
1558, gives some account of the burning of several
of his brethren in Smithfield, as follows: " There
were seven men burned in Smithfield, the 28th of
June,* altogether; a fearful and cruel proclamation
beyng made, that under payne of present death,
no man shold either approche ny unto theym,
nether speak unto or comfort the theym; yet were
they so mightily spoken unto, so comfortably taken
by the hands tand so godly comforted, notwithstandyng that fearful proclamation and the present
threatnyngs of the sheriff and sergyants, that the
adversaryes themselves were astonyned."   He says,
in reference to himself: "I am every moment of
an hour in danger of takyng, and fear of bodily
death.  I am  in mynd, the Lord be praised, most
continued in London throughout this reign, from the beginning to
the end of it, in spite of the hardships thereof, and notwithstanding the taking off so many of their number." He further represents, that " there was one chief congregation above the rest, the
pastor whereof was as superintendent. Their pastors were Mr.
Scambler, afterwards bishop; Mr. Fowler; Thomas Rose; Rough
(a Scot), afterwards burnt; Aug. Bernher, Latimer's faithful servant. The last year of the queen succeeded in this office Thomas
Bentham, lately an exile in Germany, afterwards bishop of Litchfield." To this list of pastors, Brook adds the name of John Pullain. -Ecc. Mems., vol. III. pt. ii. ch. 63, pp. 132, 147; Brook's
Putritans, vol. I. Introd. p. 14; Anderson's Annals Eng. Bible, II. 266.
* In the letter it is " the 28th of JulIy," which is manifestly a
mistake - a slip of his pen or a misprint - for Bentham says at
the close of this letter: " Written at London, the 17th of July."
Fox places this martyrdom one day earlier, "about" June 27th.
* Vol. iII. 732-34.




CONGREGATIONALISMI IN MARY'S REIGN.   351
quiet and joyful; seying the fervent zeal of so
many, and such increase of our congregation in
the midst of this cruel and violent persecution." *
And Strype tells us, that at the burning, as soon
as Bentham saw the fire put to them, he cried
aloud to the people: "' We know they are the people of God; and therefore we cannot choose but
wish well to them, and say, God strengthen them!'
And then added: c GOD ALMIGHTY, FOR CHRIST'S
SAKE, STRENGTHEN THEM!' and he was presently
answered by multitudes,'AMEN, AMEN!' to the
amazement of the officers." t
At their meetings, " the gospellers" took up collections for the poor, and for the imprisoned saints;
and most liberal collections these must have been,
for we are told that these little congregations sometimes gave ten pounds sterling' at a collection;
which, considering the value of money in those
days - at least five times greater than at present
— was equal to about two hundred and fifty dollars Federal money!  And there appear to have
been men among them who, if not chosen by the
congregations for the purpose, volunteered to visit
the prisons and comfort and relieve the saints confined there - Relievers. Strype gives the names
of two of these brave men: Robert Coles and
John Ledley, who " were great concealers and har* Strqpe's Ecc. liems., vol. III. pt. II. ch. 63, pp. 133, 134; MWison's Dis. Chh., I. 6, 7.
t Ecc. Mems., ut sup. p. 135.




352      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
borers of good men; and resorted to the King's
Bench, to the prisoners there about religion.' 
We have no reason to suppose that independent
dissenting  churches were  confined  to  London.
For, though our information about the London
churches is fuller and more definite than it is about
those in other parts of the kingdom, yet there are
scattered items of information in the accounts of
the general persecution, sufficient to confirm the
conclusions to which we should naturally come
from analogy and from our knowledge of'the history of dissent in England - that there were many
protestant, dissenting churches in different parts
of the kingdom during Mary's reign.-t  The story
of George Eagle, or Eagles, already alluded to,4 is
to the point.   This good man was nicknamed
" Trudge," or " Trudge-over," or " Trudge-over-theworld," because of his extraordinary and continual
travels over the kingdom, for the purpose of exhorting and comforting the poor, persecuted saints.
The activity and the usefulness of this itinerant laborer were so great, that the council at length gave
orders to have him waylaid and caught.  "' But he
and his company concealed themselves a great
*- Strype's Ecc. Meems., vol. III. pt. II. ch. 53, p. 63; ch. 64, p. 147.
t Anderson says: " We have alluded to a congregation of these
people [' the earliest resemblance of a Christian church founded
on the Scriptures' of those days], meeting in London; but there
were groups in secret, throughout different counties." - Annals,
I. 344.
l Page 321 of this volume.




CONGREGATIONALISM IN MARY'S REIGN.   353
while in the northern parts of Essex, in privy closets, and barns, in holes and thickets, in fields and
woods." And it was not until a reward of twenty
pounds was offered for him that he was caught,
near the town of Colchester.  " His haunts," according to Strype, extended over four counties -
Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk, and Kent.  And in another place, Strype says that "at the latter end of
the year 1557, the' gospellers' and' professors' did
more boldly than before exercise their religion,
and make an open profession of it, particularly in
Much Bentley." They assembled in service time,
in private houses, and kept their schools of heresy
there. And particular mention is made of Ralph
Allerton, of Bentley, on the Colchester side, who,
" having good learning, did use to read the English
testament and other good books, and to pray with
the well-disposed professors, meeting together in
houses, and woods, and sometimes in churches
too." And we read of " several other pious men
in the said county of Essex, that preached and exhorted, and travelled about for the edification of
the professors of the gospel in those parts." *
We learn from  other sources. that " there was a
consideranle congregation of these excellent Christians at Stoke, in Suffolk; with whom, on account
* Ece. Mees., ut sup. pp. 61-63. For further particulars about
Colchester and its martyrs, see Suckling's Antiquities of Essex, pp.
114-19, Lond. 1845; Wright's Hist. Essex, vol. I. ch. 3, particularly pp. 277, 278 and note, and 312; Fox, III. 697; Strype's Ecc.
Mems., vol. III. pt. II. ch. 63, pp. 124-26.
VOL. II.           23




354     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISAM.
of their number and unanimity, the bishops were
for sometime afraid to interfere. They constantly
attended their private meetings, and never went to
church." The bishop of Norwich tried to enforce
attendance at church, and on the popish ceremonies
of the church, but without effect. He finally suspended and excommunicated the whole congregation; but the officers never succeeded in arresting
them.* And Strype tells us that there were in the
north many professors, who had their preachers
and pastors. George Marsh, who suffered at Chester, was one of them; Mr. Best, in Yorkshire, was
another; and the names of Brodbank, Reneses,
and Bussel are also given, as persons who went
privately from place to place in Lancashire and the
bordering parts, preaching and administering the
sacraments to the scattered congregations of believers.
In 1555, Strype informs us that " endeavors
were especially used to dispense and take off the
preachers and ministers. Of these, in the county
of Kent, where religion had taken good footing,
were Thomas Woodgate, William  Maynard, and
one Harwich, who went about in that county, and
in secret meetings of the gospellers preached unto
them; confirming them in the doctrines they had
received, and exhorting them to stand fast in those
critical times. In the beginning of April, of this
year, letters were sent from above, to the high
* Clarke's Mlartyrology, p. 313; Brook's Pur., Intr. vol. I. p. 13.




CONGREGATIONALISM IN MARY'S REIGN.   355
sheriff, to seize these men, and to send them
up."
The parish of Stoke-Clare, in the county of Suffolk, near the border of Essex, is mentioned as one
that was early inclined to the Reformation. And
this seems to have been in consequence of the circulation in that vicinity of portions of the New
Testament —no doubt Wickliffe's, which had existed in manuscript long before the publication of
Tyndale's New Testament, and had prepared the
minds of men to receive Tyndale's when it appeared in 1525. Anderson, in his Annals of the
English Bible, copies from Bishop Tunstall's register an interesting account of the conversion of two
Augustine friars, by the perusal of Tyndale's New
Testament, procured by two countrymen of StokeClare, who travelled to London on purpose to obtain the book. "Wickliffe's Wicket," a copy of
which was found in the bedchamber of Richard
Foxe, a curate, whose place one of these friars,
Topley, had been employed to take for a season,
seems to have begun the good work of bringing
the friar into doubt about some of the popish doctrines.t
It is not probable that all these Christians were
dissenters from episcopacy; or that these preachers would have hesitated to conform to the polity
* Ecc. Mems., vol. III. pt. I. ch. 31, p. 401.
t See Coverdale's Remains, pp. viii.-ix., Parker Soc. ed.; Ander.
son's Annals, I. 185.




356     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
of the church of England as established by Edward, or even Elizabeth; but that many of them
would have been non-conformists to episcopal government in either of these reigns, there can be little doubt. The burning of martyrs during Mary's
reign, instead of frightening men and women out of
a love and belief of simple truth, served rather as
beacon-lights to guide inquiring souls to the apostolic faith and order of the churches.  Thus one
Dale, a promoter, or an informer, told Mr. Living,
a minister, and in bonds for religion, in 1558, " you
care not for burning; by God's blood (as he swore)
there must be some other means found for, you." *
The fact was, as Strype tells us, that " so far were
the persecutors from obtaining their ends, [viz:
that, by burning some, the terror thereof might reduce the rest to: submit to the old superstitions,]
that it had a quite contrary effect. They were encouraged, and made more strong and resolute to
persist in their principles, by the many examples
of constancy they had so often before their eyes."
So true was this, that at one of the last burnings
of martyrs in London, during Mary's reign, the
number of persons present - most of whom openly
sympathized with the sufferers - was estimated as
high as twenty thousand! And it was the responsive: cry - AMEN! AMEN! - from this great multitude, to the prayer of Bentham, which filled the
officers of government with such amazement, and
* Strype, vol. III. pt. II. ch. 62, p. 124.




CONGREGATIONALISM IN MARY'S REIGN.   357
probably convinced them that it was quite time to
stop such exhibitions in London.
From these brief notices of the." gospellers, or
professors," it is evident that there were, during
Mary's reign, associations, assemblies, congregations, churches, whatever they may be called, in
the different counties of England, who were not
only opposed to popery, but refused to pay any respect to its Latin service, or its various rites and
ceremonies; and, instead of going to the parish
churches to worship, assembled in private houses,
or in the woods and secret places, or more openly,
by themselves for religious worship. How many
of these little churches were the fruits of the popish persecution of the period, it is impossible now
to determine. It is quite likely that many of them
were; but that they were not all of so recent an
origin appears probable from what has been said
of dissenting churches under the reign of Edward.
The story of the trial of Humphrey Middleton,
of Ashford, Kent, illustrates this matter. He was
a member of a dissenting, or non-conforming congregation, which was troubled by the bishop's officers as early as about 1552; and was tried before
Cranmer, charged with being a member of a sect
newly sprung up in Kent. For his non-conformity,
he was committed to prison, and was there found
on Mary's accession. He appears to have been
liberated from prison on the coming in of Mary;
but was arrested again, and finally perished at the
stake, July 12th, 1555.  Fox tells us "that when




358       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
he [Middleton] and some others had been kept
prisoners in the last year of Edward by the archbishop, and had been dreadfully teased by him and
the rest of his commission with him, and even now
just upon being condemned in open court, he said
to him:' Well, reverend sir, pass what sentence
you think fit upon us; but, that you may not say
you was not forewarned, I testify that your own
turn will be next.' " *
This story of Middleton and his associates in
Ashford shows conclusively that there were dissenting congregations in England before the time
of Mary, even during Edward's reign.   And if
there were, we have no reason to suppose that they
would be disbanded when the reign of popery began.  In a previous chapter, I have gathered the
scattered evidences of the existence of dissenting
congregational churches in  England, under Edward's reign.t  I call those churches Congregational, for, in Edward's reign, when pure doctrine
was recognized in the established church, and the
word of God was not bound, but free to all, there
would, of course, be but few dissenting congrega* Acts and Mlons., III. 301, 309, 313; Peirce's Vindication of Dissenters, pt. I. p. 35; Brook's Puritans, I. 10.
t See ante, pp. 250-262.
Anderson mentions the existence of congregations of good people in different parts of England, as early as 1509-21, who met to
read, and hear read and expounded, Wickliffe's Bible. - Annals,
I. 174. These were, doubtless, Lollards, of whom particular account is given in the first volume of this work.




CONGREGATIONALISM IN MARY'S REIGN.  359
tions, or churches, except on the ground of church
polity; and in the days of Mary's persecution there
could be no others than those which were substantially Congregational, for none but single congregations, organized and governed on essentially Congregational principles, could exist during those terrible days when popery was suffered to reign and
burn without restraint in England.  And it certainly deserves notice, that the Congregational polity may be observed as perfectly during persecution
as during the most abundant prosperity. And this
is no insignificant argument, by the way, in favor
of Congregationalism, as the form of church government designed by the Head of the Church for
universal adoption: that it is equally adapted to
all circumstances in which churches may be placed
- to times of persecution, as well as prosperity.
The reader will, of course, understand, that, in
speaking of Congregational churches, I do not
mean to intimate that these persecuted Christians,
who were associated together for the worship of
God and the celebration of religious ordinances,
had carefully studied out the principles of church
polity now known as Congregationalism. They
simply enrolled themselves as members of the congregation of God's people, pledging themselves to
one another, and calling God to witness the sincerity of their vows; then, taking the apostolic
churches for their pattern, choosing a pastor and
teacher, and one or more deacons to attend to their
temporalities, they were sufficiently organized for




360     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISMI.
all necessary church purposes. Less than this they
could not well do; and from the fragments of their
history which we can pick up, we learn that they
did all this. More than this they had no occasion
to do, to constitute them essentially Congregational churches. All over England there appear
to have been such sort of churches, or " congregations," as they are called, during Mary's reign;
some more completely organized, and others less
so, according to circumstances. Without any deliberate purpose, in most cases, doubtless, they naturally fell into substantially such organizations as
have been described; some of which were brought
into being during the reign of Mary, and it is
likely fell apart on the restoration of protestantism
in Elizabeth's reign. Others, we are justified in believing, were of an earlier date, and continued their
separate existence under Elizabeth's hierarchy, as
they had under Mary's and Edward's and perhaps
Henry's.
That this is not mere supposition, appears from
the words of the Rev. John Penry, one of the martyrs of Elizabeth's reign.  In an address to the
queen, dated Edinburgh, April 30th, 1593, he tells
her: " If we had had Queen Mary's days, I think
that we should have had as flourishing a church
this day, as ever any. For it is well known, that
there was then in London under the burden, and
elsewhere in exile, more flourishing churches than
any now tolerated by your authority.  Madam,
thus much we must needs say, that, in all likeli



CONGREGATIONALISM IN MARY'S REIGN.  361
hood, if the days of your sister, Queen Mary, and
her persecution, had continued unto this day, the
church of God in England had been far more
flourishing than at this day it is.  For then,
madam, the church of God within this land, and
elsewhere, being strangers, enjoyed the ordinances
of God's holy word, as far as then they saw."'
Penry, if not personally cognizant of the things
of which he here speaks, yet was contemporaneous
with men who took part in these scenes to which
he alludes, and could not have been mistaken in
his statement of facts.
The existence of these protestant congregations
in Mary's time was laid hold on by the churchmen
in the early part of the succeeding century (1604-10)
in their controversies with the separatists, to prove
a sort of unbroken succession of the church of
England. They argued, that "their church was
gathered by the preaching of the word; and that
the first conversion of the land to the faith of
Christ was by the preaching of the gospel, as appears by the best historians. And so they go on
and tell us of many from age to age, called by the
same means, who in the time of persecution sealed
the truth with their blood, and in the time of freedom  did openly profess the same."  And they
seem to have dwelt particularly on the presumed
existence of numerous secret congregations of true
believers in Queen Mary's day, who "did upon
* Strype's Whitgift, II. 179, 180; Paget, in Hanbury, I. 15.




362'HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
Queen Elizabeth's entrance, openly confess the
gospel," and thus become a nucleus of truth,
around which the church of England was gathered, and by means of which the apostolic succession of churches, so to speak, was perpetuated and
handed down.* While this argument about the
number of secret congregations in Queen Mary's
day was treated by the separatist as " but a
boast "; and it was asserted that " there were very
few of them  in any "- i. e., very few church-ofEngland believers in any of the secret congregations; it was utterly denied that there was a single
congregation of them who retained their separate
character, and thus joined themselves to the church
of England in Elizabeth's day, or became part of
that hierarchy. Robinson says: " The congregations were dissolved, and the persons in them bestowed themselves in their several parishes, where
their livings and estates lay"; and he challenges
his opponents to show him one of their clergy continuing his charge in Queen Elizabeth's days, over
the flock to which he ministered the persecuted
gospel in Queen Mary's days.  Now, Robinson's
assertions and arguments on this topic - one on
which he must have been well informed -go to
confirm the position assumed in these pages, that
the organized bodies of believers in different parts
* A Justification of Separation, by John Robinson, pp. 485-90, in
vol. ii. of Robinson's Works, 12mno.; published by the Congregational Board of Publication Society. Boston, 1851.




CONGREGATIONALISM IN MARY'S REIGN.  363
of the kingdom during Mary's reign were, for the
most part, dissenters from hierarchal church government, whether Romish or protestant; and that
they were the friends of a more simple and apostolic form of church organization and government
than either Mary's or Elizabeth's hierarchy allowed.
Another argument relied on by the churchmen
against the separatists, was, that some of their
principal men had recanted and renounced their
errors; and " one Bolton," who is called "the
first broacher of this way"- this Congregational
way - was instanced as an example. In replying
to this invidious argument, Robinson drops an
item of historical information which we might
otherwise never have known; namely, that there
were those who agreed with him essentially on the
subject of church organization, earlier even than
the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, in 1550. He
says to Bernard: " It is true that Bolton was,
though not the first in this way, an elder of a separated church in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's
days; and falling away from his holy profession,
recanted the same at St. Paul's Cross, and afterwards hung himself, as Judas did. And what marvel if he which had betrayed Christ in his truth, as
Judas did in his person, came to the same fearful
end which Judas did?" *
This assertion and argument of Bernard's was
but a repetition of Giffard's, who wrote against the
* Justification of Separation, p. 57.




864      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
separatists as early as 1590. Giffard had asserted
that " there was a church of them [separatists]
eighteen years ago [i. e. in 1572] in London,
wherein one Bolton was a chief doer, whose fearful end is not forgotten."  Ainsworth replies to
Bernard, that Bolton was " one of the elders of
that separated church whereof Mr. Fitz was pastor, in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign;
he was but a ruling elder, and not' the first broacher
of this way.'"!
But I am anticipating somewhat the course
of our history, in order to show the probability
that some of the scattered, secret, Congregational
churches which existed in Mary's day, continued
into Elizabeth's time.
* Hanbury, I. 67, comp'd with p. 7 and note b.




CHAPTER  XI.
THE CHURCHES OF THE EXILES, PARTICULARLY THE CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH AT FRANKFORT, GERMIANY.
THERE is another phase of this question of Congregationalism in Mary's reign, which must not be
overlooked. I refer to the course adopted by the
exiles from England who found refuge on the continent during Mary's reign.  We have already
seen that several hundred protestants fled from
England to Germany, Switzerland, Holland, and
elsewhere on the continent, soon after it became
evident that there was to be -no toleration under
Mary's administration. These men, being free to
act out their convictions in relation to ecclesiastical matters in those countries where the protestant
reformation had been successful, would, of course,'shape their church polity and government in accordance with what they thought true and right.
And if we can learn what their course was, we
may reasonably infer what was the course of those
of like spirit who remained in England; for we
know that the exiles and their persecuted brethren
at home were in constant friendly communication,
letters and messengers passing frequently between
them.
It is very fortunate for our purpose, that we have
(365)




366       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
one original and authentic and particular account
of some of these exiles, written by one of their
own number, at or about the time of the thansactions referred to, and published, in defence of some
of these same exiles, about seventeen years after
the death of Mary, and consequently in the lifetime of many of the actors and sufferers in the
scenes related. I refer to the " Brief Discourse of
the Troubles begun at Frankfort, in 1554." *
From this narrative we learn, that, after it had
pleased the Lord God to take away, for the sins of
the English people, that noble prince of famous
memory, King Edward VI., and to place Queen
Mary in his room, sundry godly men, as well strangers as of the English nation, fled, for the liberty of
their conscience, over the seas, some to France,
some to Flanders, and some to the high countries
of the empire. Among these exiles for conscience'
sake, " in the year of our Lord 1554, and the 27th
of June, came  Edmonde  Sutton, William  Wil* The exact title of this valuable work is: "A Brieff discours
off the troubles begonne at Franckford in Germany Anno Domini
1554. Abowte the Booke off common prayer and Ceremonies,
and continued by the Englishe men theyre, to thende off Q.
Maries Raigne, in the which discours, the gentle reader shall see
the very originall and beginninge off all the contention that hathe
byn, and what was the cause off the same. Marc. 4.'For there
is nothinge hid that shall not be opened neither is there a secret
but that it shall come to light, yff anie mon haue eares to heare,
let him heare.' M. D. Lxxv." The author is supposed to have
been William Whittingham, a celebrated puritan, who was a chief
actor in the scenes described, and was one of the translators of
what was known as "the Geneva Bible."




THE CHURCHES OF THE EXILES.     367
liams, William Whittingham, and Thomas Wood,
with their companies, to the citie of Franckford in
Germany; the first Englishmen that there arrived
to remain and abide." On the very night of their
arrival, a French minister, " Maister Valaren Pullan," called on them, and invited them to unite
with his congregation in religious worship, the
magistrates having kindly appropriated a church to
their use. But after consultation, the Englishmen
thought best to apply to the magistrates first, for
leave to remain in the city, and for permission for
their countrymen to join them, who should for like
cause with themselves leave England. These requests being granted, by the advice of their French
brethren, Whittingham and his companions, on the
8th of July, applied to " Maister John Glawberge,
one of the chiefest senators, for a place or churche,
wherein they and all their countrymen might have
God's word truly preached, and the sacraments
sincerely ministered in their natural tongue."
Glawberge promised to move the whole senate in
favor of the request.  This he did; and, on the
14th of the same month, the senate granted them
the liberty requested, and assigned to them the use,
in common with the French, of the same church,
on alternate days during the week, and at such
hours on the Sabbath as they could agree on.
This was granted with the stipulation that the
English should not dissent from the French in doctrines or ceremonies to such an extent as to produce discord among them.




368     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
These preliminaries being settled, the English
next consulted among themselves what order of
service they should use; for the magistrates had
told them they were at liberty to adopt any form
of worship, etc., to which the French church should
not object. The result is thus stated by one of
their own number: "At length, the English order
was perused, and this by general consent was concluded: that the answering aloud after the minister should not be used, the litany, surplice, and
many other things also omitted; for that, in those
reformed churches, such things would seem more
than strange. It was further agreed upon, that
the minister, in place of the English confession,
should use another, both of more effect, and also
framed according to the state and time. And the
same ended, the people to sing a psalm in metre,
in a plain tune, as was and is accustomed in the
French, Dutch, Italian, Spanish, and Scottish
churches; that done, the minister to pray for the
assistance of God's Holy Spirit, and so to proceed
to the sermon. After the sermon, a general prayer
for all estates, and for our country of England,
was also devised, and at the end of which prayer
was enjoined the Lord's prayer and the rehearsal
of the articles of our belief, which ended, the people to sing another psalm, as afore, then the minister, pronouncing this blessing,' the peace of
God,' etc.,- or some other of like effect, the people
to depart. And as touching the ministration of
the sacraments, sundry things were also, by com



THE CHURCHES OF THE EXILES.     369
mon consent, omitted, as superstitious and superfluous.
"After that the congregation had thus concluded
and agreed, and had chosen their minister and deacons, to serve for a time; they entered their church,
the 29th of the same month [July, 1554]. And
for that it was thought the church could not long
continue in good order without discipline, there
was also a brief form devised, declaring the necessity, the causes, and the order thereof, whereunto
all those that were present subscribed, showing
thereby that they were ready and willing to submit
themselves to the same, according to the rule prescribed in God's holy word; at which time it was
determined by the congregation that all such as
should come after should do the like, before they
were admitted as members of that church."
Having thus set their house in order, the church,
perhaps unwisely, thought good to try to gather all
the exiles into one body at Frankfort; and so proceeded to advertise their countrymen and brethren
in exile of their good fortune and comfortable position in Frankfort, " the like whereof could nowhere
else as yet be obtained; and to persuade them
(all worldly respects put apart) to repair thither,
that they might all together, with one mouth
and one heart, both lament their former wickedness, and also be thankful to their merciful Father,
that had given them such a church in a strange
land, wherein they might hear God's word truly
preached, the sacraments rightly ministered, and
VOL. 1i.       24




370     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
discipline used, which in their own country could
never be obtained."*  Accordingly, on the 2d of
August, letters were despatched from the congregation at Frankfort to the English exiles in Zurich,
Strasburg, Doesbury, Embden, and Wesel, inviting, and even urging their brethren then residing in
those cities to come at once to Frankfort, and not
only enjoy " the sweete allurements" of the word
of God preached and the sacraments ministered,
and discipline used according to God's word, but
also to be an example to others, and to stop the
mouth of the adversary, who cavilled at their dispersion.
These earnest and affectionate letters to their
dispersed brethren, instead of bringing new members and increased strength to the little church at
Frankfort, brought disturbance and division; for
the learned men in Zurich and Strasburg, on receiving the letter of the church at Frankfort, immediately undertook, by letters and messages, to
" set the new church in order " according to another
pattern than that already chosen, and to introduce
the English Book of Common Prayer.  This was
no part of the church's request or desire; and several letters passed between the parties, and conferences were held on the subject, and the congregation were greatly troubled. In progress of time
the celebrated John Knox visited Frankfort, and
was elected one of the ministers of the congrega* Brief Discourse, pp. 6-8.




THE CHURCHES OF THE EXILES.     371
tion. Knox, Whittingham, and some others, apprehending serious trouble among them from this
attempt to enforce upon the congregation the use
of the English prayer book, took pains to draw
out in Latin a description of the book, and sent it
to Calvin for his opinion and advice. He replied,
among other things to like effect: "As I behave
myself gentle and tractable in mean things (as external ceremonies), so do I not always judge it
profitable to give place to their foolish stoutness,
which will forsake nothing of their old wonted custom. In the liturgy of England, I see that there
were many tolerable foolish things; by these words
I.mean, that there was not that purity which was
to be desired. If godly religion had flourished till
this day in England, there ought to have been
a thing better corrected, and many things clean
taken away." But Calvin deprecated all contention
on this subject of forms and ceremonies; recommended mutual forbearance, and commended them
to the protection and direction of Christ the Lord.*
This letter from Calvin produced considerable
effect on the congregation, so that many gave up
their efforts to introduce the English prayer book.
And after an abortive attempt to get the Geneva
form of worship and service introduced, a committee of four -" Master Knox and Master Whittingham, Master Parry and Master Lever" - was
raised by the church, to " devise some order, if it
* Brief Discourse, pp. 34-36.




372     HISTORY OF - CONGREGATIONALISM.
might be, to end all strife and contention."  The
conciliatory course adopted by Knox enabled this
committee to devise an order of service which the
church appear to have adopted unanimously and
cheerfully. For, on the meeting of the committee,
we are informed that "'first, Master Knox spake
to the rest on this wise:' For so much (saith
he) as I perceive that no end of contention is to
be hoped for, unless the one, part something relent,
this will I do for my part, that quietness may
ensue'-  Whereupon, after some conference, an
order was agreed upon; some part taken forth of
the English book, and other things put to, as
the state of that church required." This order,
which was reported February 6th, 1554-5, the
committee proposed should continue to the last
of April; and if any contention arose in the
mean time, that the matter should be referred to
"' these five notable and learned men, to wit, Calvin,
Musculus, Martyr, Bullinger, and Viret.  This
agreement was put in writing. To that all gave
their consent.  This day was joyful.  Thanks
were given to God. Brotherly reconciliation followed; great familiarity used; the former grudges
seemed to be forgotten. Yea, the~ holy communion was upon this happy; agreement also ministered." *
This pleasant state of things had continued only
a little more- than a month, when, on the 13th of
*: Brief Discourse, pp. 37, 38.




THE CHURCHES OF THE EXILES.    373
March, 1554-5, Dr. Cox, a learned and distinguished English divine, who had been one of King
Edward's tutors, came with others to Frankfort,
and began at once to disturb the peace of the
church, in order to introduce the English churchservice. Whether or not he came for this special
purpose, does not appear; but the fact that the
doctor left Frankfort soon after he had effectually
broken up the order of the church there, and. introduced another, certainly suggests that this was his
errand to the place.
The author of the "Brief Discourse" tells us,
that Dr. Cox "began to break that order which
was agreed upon [on the 9th of February] first, in
answering aloud after the minister, contrary to the
church's determination; and being admonished
thereof by the seniors of the congregation, he,
with the rest that came with him, made answer,
that they would do as they had done in England,
and that they would have the face of an English
church. And the Sunday following, one of his
company, without the consent and knowledge of
the congregation, got up suddenly into the pulpit,
read the litany, and Dr. Cox with his company
answered aloud, whereby the determination of the
church was broken."
It being Knox's turn to preach in the afternoon,
he sharply reproved the impudent proceedings of
the doctor and his party, whereby " a godly agreement" of the congregation " that day was ungodly broken; which thing it became not (as he said)




374     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
the proudest of them all to have attempted."  He
also took occasion to say, that," forasmuch as in
the English book were things both superstitious,
unpure, and unperfect, (which he offered to prove
before all men,) he would not consent that of that
church it should be received; and that in case men
would go about to burden that free congregation
therewith, so oft as he should come in that place
(the text offering occasion) he would not fail to
speak against it." *
Knox "was very sharply charged and reproved,
as soon as he came out of the pulpit, for his plain
speaking," especially " of such as had many livings
in England"; for he had particularly condemned
the English custom of conferring on one man
" three, four, or five benefices, to the great slander
of the gospel and defrauding the flock of Christ."
The troublesome question being thus thrust again
upon the poor church, they agreed to meet on the
Wednesday following "to talk over these things
more at large." On the appointed day, the church
being assembled, an earnest request was made that
Dr. Cox and his company "might be admitted to
have voices in the congregation." This request was
refused, as improper and unreasonable; until Knox
interfered, and made "entreaty that they might
have their voices amongst the rest." This being at
length consented to, the doctor and his party came
in, and, siding with those already inclined to the
* Brief Discoirse, p. 38.




THE CHURCHES OF THE EXILES.       375
English book, made a majority, overturned the old
order of the church, " forthwith forbade Knox to
meddle any more in that congregation," and, in
short, took entire possession. This, to be sure, was
not all done at once, or without a struggle on the
part of Whittingham and his friends, the original
founders of the church; and not until Dr. Cox had
driven Knox out of Frankfort, by trumping up
against him charges of high treason against the
emperor, for having, in the beginning of Mary's
reign, compared him to Nero, saying he was no
less an enemy to Christ than was Nero.  Whittingham and his fiiends proposed to refer these
difficulties to an impartial arbitration; but Cox's
party refused; and the doctor, with his clerical
associates, assembled at his lodgings, to " consult
together whom they thought most meet to be
bishop, superintendent, or pastor, with the rest of
the officers, as seniors, ministers, and deacons, as
if there had been neither orders, officers, nor church
there before their coming." *
Finding that no satisfaction could be obtained
from these intruders, and that they could not live
peaceably and comfortably in Frankfort, Whittingham, John Fox, Goodman, Gilby, Thomas
Cole, William Kethe, Roger Hart, John Hilton,
with certain others, took their departure for Basil
and Geneva. Thus, like the camel in the fable,
Dr. Cox, with his party, first, by favor of the
Brief Discourse, pp. 47, 55, 56.




376      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALIS1M.
occupants, got his nose into the church, then his
neck, and finally his whole body; and when the
old occupants complained that there was not room
for him and them, he coolly replied, " that if they
found themselves grieved, they should seek remedy
where they thought good ";' signifying his intention, and that of his friends, to stay where they
were. And they did, to the expulsion of the body
of the old church.  So much for the troubles of
the first English Independent, or Congregational
church in Frankfort, Germany.
Prince, in his New England Chronology, in speaking of this church, and others formed elsewhere
abroad by the original leaders in this enterprise,
says: "I call them  all Independent churches; for,
though their historians give them not this title, yet
they were plainly such in reality." t For the same
reason I call this church a Congregational church:
not because the builders of it thus styled it; not
because it was in all respects like a modern Congregationalist church; but because in its organization some of the fundamental principles of this
system were recognized - because it was, in point
of fact, embryo Congregationalism.  The whole
history of this Frankfort church justifies this conclusion. They acted as a Congregationalist church
would have done in like circumstances.  They
recognized fully the right of the whole body of the
Brief Discourse, p. 58.
t V... Chron. p. 287. Boston, 1826. 8vo.




THE CHURCHES OF THE EXILES.       377
church — or congregation, as the associated believers there are often called- to deliberate, and
to decide by a major vote on the order and discipline of the church; they elected their ownl officers;
they determined on the order of public worship;
in short, they did all the appropriate ecclesiastical
work of a Congregational church. Thus we are
told, that, after the exiles had obtained permission to
remain in Frankfort, and had secured the use of a
house of worship, "they consulted together among
themselves what order of service they should use.
At length, the English order was perused, and this
by general consent was concluded: that the answering aloud after the minister should not be used, the
litany, surplice, and many other things also [be]
omitted." And then follows an account of other
matters connected with the order of public worship, which were "further agreed upon"; and
"' sundry things touching the ministration of the
sacraments," which " were also by common consent
omitted as superstitious and superfluous."* In the
same spirit, were "chosen their minister and deacons, to serve for a time "; they thus asserting the
right of the church, not only to choose their own
officers, but even to limit their continuance in
office. Then, as it respected church discipline -
a matter almost utterly neglected in the church of
England, and with which the people composing
that church had absolutely nothing to do — this
little company of believers agreed among them* See ante, pp. 366-69.




378     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
selves, that " the church could not long continue in
good order without discipline "; and there was,
therefore, "a brief form devised, declaring the
necessity, the causes, and the order thereof."
They further symbolized with Congregationalists
by all subscribing to this discipline, and thus entering into covenant with each other, and 6" showing
thereby that they were ready and willing to submit
themselves to the same, according to the rule prescribed in God's holy word." And it was at the
same time " determined by the congregation, that all
such as should come after should do the like, before
they were admitted as members of that church." *
This may be regarded as pretty fair Congregationalism - a full recognition of the right of a single congregation of believers, associated together
for the worship of God and the celebration of
church ordinances, to adopt its own rules of order
and government; to choose its own officers; to discipline its members; and to do all other appropriate
business, independently of any other church or ecclesiastical body, or person whatever; always supposing that all these things are done agreeably to
apostolic injunction, "; decently and in order," and
in accordance with the particular instructions of
the New Testament, so far as any are given; or in
default of these, agreeably to the general spirit of
God's holy word. Nothing of this sort did they
learn in the Romish church; and very little did
they learn in the reformed church of England.
* Ante, pp. 366-69.




THE CHURCHES OF THE EXILES.      379
Something they may have learned from the purer
churches of the continent; but their knowledge
of ecclesiastical matters must have been derived
mainly from the inspired word - those Scriptures
which are "' profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for
correction, for instruction in righteousness: that
the man of God may be perfect, thoroughly furnished unto all good works."
That this church recognized this great principle
of Congregationalism-the supremacy of the Scriptures in relation to matters of order and government- is evident not only from the general tone
of their proceedings, but also from particular acknowledgments. Their discipline, as we have
seen, was to be in accordance with God's word;
and they constantly appealed to this same standard, as that by which they were to measure all
rites, ceremonies, and church order. Accordingly,
they said to their Zurich friends, who were anxious
to have the English Common Prayer Book introduced entire: "As touching the effect of the book,
we desire the execution thereof as much as you,
(so far as God's word doth command it,) but as for
the unprofitable ceremonies, as well by his consent,
[Mr. Chambers', the messenger sent from Zurich
to confer with the church at Frankfort,] are not to
be used." * And to the Strasburg delegation the
church declared, "that what they could prove of
that book to stand with God's word, and the coun* Brief Discourse, p. 21.




380     HISTORY- OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
try permit, that should be granted them."*  And
in their supplication to the senate of Frankfort,
the church said: "And because we saw that in the
prolix and ceremonious book of the church of England be many things (that we may speak no worse
of it) -not most perfect, it seemed best to reduce it
to the perfect rule of the Scriptures." t  And in a
conference between Whittingham and his friends
on the one side, who proposed arbiters, and Dr.
Cox and his friends on the other, Whittingham
said: " Would to God that not only the difference
in those articles, [of the sacraments and predestination,] but also in all others which be of weight
and importance, might be decided by the authority
of God's word, and arbitrament of godly, learned
men." $  He also asserted, "that a church well reformed must be builded upon the doctrine of the
prophets and apostles; the unity whereof St. Paul
comprehendeth in these words:'One God, one
faith, one baptism'; not beggarly ceremonies and
obscurations."
The character of the church erected by Whittingham, Goodman, and Knox, in Geneva, and by
Fox and others, at Basil, we do not certainly know.
Baylies, in his Historical Memoir of Plymouth
Colony, says of the Geneva church, that "in its
discipline, government, and form of worship [it] is
said to have varied but little from that of the Congregational churches of the present day." But he
* Brief Disc., pp. 24, 26.    t lb., p. 41.  t lb., p. 57




THE CHURCHES OF THE EXILES.           381
does not give his authority for this; and though it
is quite likely to be true, I have not been able to
find any proof of it, except what the known character of the parties furnishes, and the assertion of
Prince, already referred to. It is certainly a fair
inference, that men who put themselves to so much
inconvenience rather than submit to episcopal
forms, rites, and ceremonies, and who avowed such
principles as those men did, would, when left to
themselves, build a church after a very different
pattern from that which had occasioned them so
much trouble, and which they regarded as inconsistent with the teachings of the Scriptures. The
church in Wesel, Westphalia, which was erected
about the same time with the Geneva church, is
called "^ an open church for our English men "; to
which the Frankfort church, after the introduction
of the prayer book, were afraid many would go.*
A striking illustration of the prevalence of Congregational principles of church order and government among the English protestants is afforded by
the subsequent history of the church in Frankfort,
after the departure of Whittingham and his associates to Geneva, Basil, and elsewhere. This history is given at considerable length, and with great
] Master Cole, one of Whittingham's friends, who remained at
Frankfort after his brethren had left, describing the state of things
after their departure, says: "A lucky matter is attained at Wesel
in Westphalia, an open churche for oure Englishe men, to whiche,
bicause off nighnesse, they feare many will go from hence, but
moo wil come owte off Englande to yt." - Brief Disc., pp 59-61.




382     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
minuteness, in the " Troubles at Frankfort "; and
from it we learn that Dr. Cox remained as pastor
of that church but a little while, and Master Robert Horne was chosen to succeed him.  It was,
however, but a short time before difficulties arose
between the pastor and ministers and elders of the
church on the one side, and the body of the church
on the other, after this wise: a "  Master Ashley "
had given some offence to Master Horne, the pastor, and to the elders, by speaking " certain words,"
as they alleged, " tending to the slander of them
and their ministry "; and they undertook to discipline him for the same. Ashley objected to the
competency of his judges, inasmuch as they were
the parties offended; and proposed to refer the
case to the whole church. This being refused, he
next offered to refer the case to the arbitration of
eight or ten upright and disinterested men. This
the pastor and elders also refused to do, declaring
their purpose to proceed against him, as the appointed governors of the church; and threatening
to inform the magistrates against him if he did not
submit. Ashley being "a worshipful man," and
withal a man of clear head and decided principles,
took opportunity to tell " the whole matter to the
church, and desired that the church would understand of the whole matter between the pastor and
elders as the one party, and himself as the other."
The question was then asked, in the name of the
whole church, of the pastor and elders, if they
were a party against Ashley. They replied, that




THE CHURCHES OF THE EXILES.     383
they were not; but that he had slandered them all.
It was then asked, in the name of the whole
church, who were his accusers. To this no answer
was given.  Ashley was then called on by the
church to read his statement of the case. This
being done, it was asked of the pastor and elders,
if this statement was true. " The pastor answered,
in all their names, that they would not answer
more largely or any otherwise, to any questions
than they had erewhile answered: and so the congregation was dismissed."' Much controversy and
repeated meetings followed; the pastor and elders
denying the right of the church to meddle with the
matter, reluctantly consenting to call church meetings for the purpose, and finally utterly refusing to
answer the church, or to be present at the church
meetings when the matter was under consideration.
Nevertheless, the majority of the church went forward, held a meeting, and "fully decreed," among
other things, "that the pastor and elders in such
causes as those in which they were an adversary
party, were not fit arbiters or judges; but that
such causes did appertain and belong either to the
knowledge of the congregation, or of such as the
congregation would appoint to that purpose." And
it was further " decreed, that if the pastor and elders were required to be present at an assembly, and
would not come, that the assembly was lawful notwithstanding their absence, and that those things
* Brief Disc., pp. 62-64.




384     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
which they decreed should be had and esteemed as
a lawful decree."@  Thirty-three members of the
church, which was " a great deale the bygger parte
off the churche," subscribed their names to these
ordinances.
At another meeting, " it was affirmed that the
church was above the pastor, and not the pastor
above the church; and that, therefore, though the
pastor departed and pronounced that he brake up
the assembly, yet was the assembly which remained
and tarried behind [being a majority of the church]
a lawful assembly, and had authority to make effectual decrees, by which they might bind all and
every member of the church without exception." t
Thirty-two names subscribed this decree.  The
pastor and elders utterly refusing to act in their
official capacity, the church proceeded to appoint
certain men to "take charge of the church, and
for all things to be done in the congregation."
This bitter and most troublesome controversy
opened the eyes of the body of the church to the
necessity of revising their articles of discipline, and
providing more carefully for such emergencies.
And another trouble, which came up in connection
with this with the elders, induced the church "a to
have a deaconship, appointed more uprightly, according to the rule described in the Acts of the
Apostles and the example of other godly instituted
churches," who should have the care of the treas* Brief Disc., pp. 71, 72.  t lb., pp. 77, 78.




THE FRANKFORT CHURCH DISCIPLINE.   385
ure or common money of the congregation, as well
as other temporalities.*
The ~" New Discipline" of this church is a curious and instructive document, very full and elaborate, containing no less than seventy-three articles.
It was first debated, article by article, by a committee of fifteen, chosen for the purpose by the
church. It was then read and discussed no less
than five times, on different days, before the whole
church, and was finally subscribed to on the 30th
of March, 1557, by forty-two hands, " which was
the greater parte by a great deale off the church;
for the whole church at that time present had not
above sixty-two." It afterwards received the signatures of thirty-nine others, all men, on the 27th
of December, 1557; making a total of eighty-one
male subscribers.t An examination of this book
of discipline becomes, therefore, very important, in
an historical point of view, as an exhibition of
the views of church order and government which
prevailed among the more earnest protestants of
Mary's day.
1. It sets out with the declaration, that "it is
most comely and godly that Christian people resort
together in place and time, thereunto by common
consent appointed, there to hear the pure doctrine
of God's word taught, and themselves openly with
their presence and voice to declare the consent of'
their hearts to the same, and to confess with their
* Brief Disc., pp. 83, 84, 88.  t lb., pp. 89 —96, 133-35.
VOL. II.         25




386     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
mouth agreeably their belief and faith upon God
and his holy word, according to the Scriptures."
2. It teaches that " the congregation thus assembled is a particular church, such as may be in divers
places of the world very many. And all these particular churches joined together, not in place (for
that is not possible) but by the conjunction of true
doctrine and faith in the same, do make one whole
church in the world."
3. That " the signs and notes of a visible church
are these: first, true and godly doctrine; secondly,
the right ministration of the sacraments and cornmon prayer; thirdly, honest and holy life, if not
in the whole multitude, yet in many of them;
fourthly, discipline; that is, the correction of
vices. But the two first notes are such as without the which no form of any godly, visible church
can possibly be; wherefore they be the principal
and chief notes. And therefore we define a particular church visible to be -the congregation of
Christian men, whether they be few or many, assembling together in place and time convenient, to
hear Christ's true doctrine taught, to use his holy
sacraments rightly, and to make their common
prayer together; in the which there appeareth a
study of honest and godly life, and which hath in
it a godly discipline; that is to say - ordinances
and decrees ecclesiastical, for the preservation of
comely order and for the correction of vices."
4. "' The doctrine which we hold and profess in
our church is the same that is taught in the




THE FRANKFORT CHURCH DISCIPLINE.   387
canonical books of the holy Bible. The sum of
the whole, as concerning faith, is briefly and truly
comprehended in the three creeds: the common
creed, commonly called the creed of the Apostles,
the Nicene creed, and the creed of Athanasius."
5. " We observe and keep the form and order of
the ministration of the sacraments and common
prayer, as it is set forth by the authority of the
blessed King Edward, of famous memory, in the
last book of the English service. Whereof, notwithstanding, in the respect of times and places
and other circumstances, certain rites and ceremonies appointed in said book, as things indifferent, may be left out, as we at this present do."
6. Article sixth provides that the time of public
worship, etc., shall be by common consent agreed
upon.
7. " It is thought expedient for the church at this
present, to have two ministers or teachers of the
vword elected. And that the said two ministers and
teachers of the word shall in all things and points
be of like authority, and neither of them superior
or inferior to other."
8. Defines the duties of these ministers to preach
on Wednesday, Thursday, and Sunday, examine
the youth in the catechism, minister the sacraments, visit the sick, and bury the dead.
9. Provides for the appointment of helpers of the
ministers in reading and expounding the chapters,
in catechising, ministering the sacraments, etc.
10-14. Relate to provisions for the careful in



388      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
struction of the youth, servants, and the whole
congregation, and particularly the students, in
Christian doctrine; and the arrangement and use
of a library of the church.
15-31. Are devoted chiefly to the duties and
responsibilities of the deacons. After setting forth
the duty of the church to provide for the poor, the
discipline says: "It appeareth, as well by God's
word, as by the examples of churches rightly reformed, that both the keeping and also the distributing of the treasure of the church appertain'
eth to the deacons, who be necessary ministers in
the church of Christ, that without them it cannot
well be; for Christ saith, ye shall have always
poor men among you.  Wherefore we think it
expedient for the church that four men of special
gravity, authority, and credit in the church, such
as of themselves be able to live, and will do this
godly office rather for Christ's sake and the love they
bear to him and his poor flock, than for any their
own necessity or worldly reward, be chosen to be
deacons; which four deacons shall have the custody of the treasure and distribution of the same,
and other alms of the church to remain in their
hands and keeping, in such sort as it shall seem
good to the ministers, seniors, and deacons, for the
most safety of the said treasure."
The 31st article is very explicit, and indicates
beyond a doubt the views of this church respecting
the non-clerical character of deacons, as follows:
"Item, we think it expedient that the said four




THE FRANKFORT CHURCH DISCIPLINE.   389
deacons be charged neither with the helping of the
ministers in the preaching of the word, neither in
the catechising of the youth, neither in ministering
of sacraments, or saying of common prayer; or
specially the visiting of the sick, other than the
poor, for the relieving of their necessity, as with
things pertaining to the office of deaconship, nor
with any other offices other than is expressly declared in God's word appertain to the deacons."
32. Provides that " there be four grave and honest women, either widows, or wives, (such as have
need of the help of the church,) appointed and
chosen with the consent of their husbands, to keep
the poor when they be sick, and to watch with
them by course, one after another, and that they
have therefore out of the treasure of the church a
certain stipend quarterly paid unto them."
Articles 33-38 relate to discipline; for the execution of which " it is agreed, that six men of special
gravity, authority, and wisdom, such as the rule of
the holy Scriptures doth set forth as much as may be,
shall be chosen to be seniors; which six seniors, with
the two ministers of the word, shall have the execution of the discipline and government of the church.
Provided always, that the said ministers and seniors, severally and jointly, shall have no authority to
make any manner of decrees or ordinances to bind
the congregation, or any member thereof; but shall
execute such ordinances and decrees as shall be
made by the congregation and to them delivered."
39. " Item, it is agreed that all seniors, deacons,




390     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISIM.
and all other ministers (whatsoever they be), the
two teachers and ministers of the word only excepted, shall, once a year, that is, the first day of
March, take an end of their ministry whatsoever
it be; and they from that day till a new election
be made, which shall be within one fortnight after
the said first day of March, (unless some great
causes incident do let [hinder] the same,) shall be
all private persons, as other members of the congregation, and so continue still, till they be new
elected, to the same, or other ministry or office;
every one of them  yet notwithstanding, in the
mean time, from the said first day of March till
new ministers be elected, doing the duty and
duties to your office belonging."
40-43. Provide that public prayer and fasting
precede and accompany all elections of all ministers; " that before the election of ministers, seniors, and deacons, the places of the Scriptures for
that purpose most fit be openly read, and a sermon
be read upon the same"; that it be *by ballot,'" every man bringing a little bill rolled up [containing] the names of such persons appointed as they
shallithink most meet for the office whereunto the
election is then made "; and "' that imposition of
hands with- prayer be used at the institution of the
said ministers, seniors, and deacons, according to
the doctrine and examples of the Scripture."
44-48. "' That the ministers and seniors thus
elected have now authority, as the principal members of the congregation, to govern the said con



THE FRANKFORT CHURCH DISCIPLINE.   391
gregation according to God's word, and the discipline of the church as is aforesaid. And also, to
call together and assemble the said congregation,
for causes, and at times, as shall to them seem expedient. Provided always, that if any dissension
shall happen between the ministers and the seniors, or the more part of them, and the body of the
congregation, or the more part of it, and that the
said ministers and seniors in such controversy being
desired thereto, will not assemble the congregation, that then the congregation may of itself come
together, and consult and determine as concerning
the said controversy or controversies, and the said
assembly to be a lawful congregation; and that
which they, the more part of them so assembling,
shall judge or decree, the same to be a lawful
decree and ordinance of sufficient force to bind
the whole congregation and every member of the
same."
Then follow sundry provisions for the orderly
management of the meetings; and the chapter
closes thus: " Item, that it shall be lawful that every
member of the congregation making protestation
of license before [i.e. asking liberty to speak] to
the ministers, seniors, and the whole congregation,
may speak his mind in the congregation, so he
speak quietly, and not against God's truth; for, in
case he speak ungodly, that then it shall be lawful
for the ministers, seniors, or any of them, to command him silence by and by."
49. " First for the avoiding of all heresies and




392     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
sects in our churches, every one, as well men as
women, which desire to be received, shall make a
declaration, or confession of their faith, before the
ministers and elders, showing himself fully to consent and agree with the doctrine of the church, and
submitting themselves to the discipline of the same,
and the same to testify, subscribing thereto, if they
can write."
50. Persons of corrupt behavior, or evil opinions
in doctrine, not to be received into the congregation
or church.
51. "Item, that none of the youth be admitted
to the communion, till they be able to make a profession of their faith before the whole congregation,
and also have an honest testimony of towardness
in godly conversation."
52. No notorious offender in doctrine or practice
to be admitted to the communion.
The remaining articles, from 53 to 67, both included, relate to " the execution of the discipline
and the correction of offences." Most of these are
so significant and so important to our purpose,
that they must be given somewhat more in detail.
53. " Forasmuch as no church is so perfect but
offences may rise, for godly and charitable redressing
and reforming of such this order is to be observed:
First, if any of the congregation be offensive in
manners or doctrine to any of the brethren, so
that the offence be private, and not publicly known,
there can be no better order devised than that




THE FRANKFORT CHURCH DISCIPLINE.   393
which Christ himself hath appointed; which is,
first, brotherly to admonish him alone. If that do
not prevail, to call one or two witnesses; if that
also do not profit, then to declare it to the ministers
and elders, to whom the congregation hath given
authority to take order in such cases according to
the discipline of the church."
54. " Item, that it may be the better known what
is meant by the word discipline or correction of
vice, we think there be three degrees of ecclesiastical discipline: the first, that the offender acknowledge his fault, and show himself penitent before
the ministers and the seniors; the second, that if
he will not so do, as well his original crime, as
also his contempt of the ministers and elders who
have the authority of the church, be openly declared by one of the ministers, before the whole
congregation, and that he therefore make satisfaction, both for his original crime, and also for his
contempt of the ministers, before the whole congregation; and that he be not admitted to the communion before he have satisfied. The third, that
if he remains still obstinate before the whole congregation, after a time, to him by the whole congregation limited, to repent in, he then shall be
openly denounced excommunicate; which excommunication, seeing it is the uttermost penalty of
ecclesiastical power, shall not therefore be executed
until the matter be heard by the whole church, or
such as it shall especially appoint thereunto."
55. "ltem, if any person shall be a notorious




394     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
known offender, so as he is offensive to the whole
congregation, then shall the ministers and elders
immediately call the offender before them, and
travel with him to reduce him to true repentance
and satisfying of the congregation.  Which, if he
obstinately refuse to do, then one of the ministers
shall signify his offence and contempt to the whole
congregation, desiring them to pray for him, and
further to assign him a day to be denounced excommunicate before the congregation; except, in
the mean time, the offender submit himself, before
the whole congregation, to the order of the discipline."
56-58. Relate to the settlement of civil matters
by way of arbitration, rather than by appeals to
the magistrates, and urge on the congregation the
duty of such settlements.
59. "Item, that the ministers and seniors shall
have authority to hear and determine, on behalf
of the whole church, all offences (determinable by
the congregation) committed by any person in the
congregation, unless the party called before them
have just occasion to take exceplions to the said
ministers and seniors, or to appeal from them as
not competent judges."
Articles 60-64 regulate the methods of procedure in cases of appeal from the ministers and
elders, or a part of them; and provide that the
body of the congregation may appoint so many of
the congregation as they may judge proper, to sit
with the ministers and seniors to hear the case, or




THE FRANKFORT CHURCH DISCIPLINE.   395
in place of the ministers and seniors, if they are
all objected to. And, also, how the ministers and
seniors are to proceed if the majority of the congregation are deemed partial judges, in an appeal
to the magistrates.
The 62d article reads thus: "If any of the
ministers and seniors be suspected, or found parties, or if any appeal be made from them, that
such appeal be made to the body of the congregation, the ministers, seniors, and parties excepted;
and that the body of the congregation may appoint so many of the congregation to hear and
determine the said matter or matters, as it shall
seem good to the congregation."
65. "Item, that the ministers and seniors, and
every of them, be subject to ecclesiastical discipline and correction, as other private members of
the church be. And that, in case any person or
persons accuse any of the ministers or elders, or
the more part of them, or them all, of any crime
or crimes, the same order of proceeding in all
points be used as it is heretofore particularly expressed in the making of the exception to some,
or more part, or all, the said ministers and seniors,
as parties or otherwise incompetent arbiters."
Article 66 provides that no accusation shall be
admitted against a minister or elder, except by at
least two witnesses; and also for the punishment
of such as unjustly accuse them.
67. " Item, if any controversy be, upon the doubtful meaning of any word or words in the disci



396     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
pline, that first it be referred to the ministers and
seniors, and if they cannot agree thereupon, then
the thing to be brought and referred to the whole
congregation."
Articles 68-73, are not to our purpose. They
relate to the cancelling of the old discipline; keeping of church records, of church acts, members,
marriages, baptisms, and deaths; to wills, and to the
reading of the discipline quarterly before the whole
congregation.
I have thus endeavored to give the reader a fair
account of this remarkable book of discipline,
quoting, verbatim, all the articles which bear on the
question of the ecclesiastical character of this large
exile church. And what do we here find? Not,
certainly, a prelatical church. There is no recognition here of the existence of but one order in the
ministry — that of pastor, or minister; there is no
mention, even, of a bishop. Not a presbyterian
church; for, though the ministers and seniors are
intrusted with the general government of the
church, they are temporary officers, who are required once a year to lay down their official rank
and become private church members, and from
whom there is a constant appeal to the body of
the church, which claims for itself the ultimate and
the absolute power of government and discipline.
The church used the Book of Common Prayerthough not without the omission of " certain rites
and ceremonies appointed in said book"; otherwise the general order and discipline and worship




THE FRANKFORT CHURCH DISCIPLINE.   397
of this church is not materially different from what
the puritans established in New England, when free
to erect their own system.
And let it be borne in mind, that this second
Frankfort church was formed by the men who
drove off the more rigid independents, who would
not consent to the use of the prayer book to even
the extent admitted by those who remained.
All these things considered, it cannot reasonably
be questioned but that this church was essentially a
Congregational church - in what constituted a particular, visible church of Christ - in its mode of admitting and disciplining members - in the fact that
it claimed for the whole body of the membership the
supreme power under Christ, and to be the ultimate
appeal in all cases of doubt, difficulty, or discipline
- in that it chose from its own private membership
its ministers, elders, and deacons, and, claiming to
be above them all, required them to lay down office
at the bidding of the church, and subjected them
to the discipline of the body of the church as every
"other private member" was; and had no other
officers and helpers in the church than Congregational churches have had, and chose them and set
them apart to their office-work as Congregationalists have been wont to do. All these things go to
show that this church at Frankfort was essentially
an Independent or Congregational church. This
they were from no deliberate design, but simply
because, left to themselves, with the New Testament for their guide and the aid of some experi



398     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
ence in ecclesiastical affairs, they came naturally,
and almost of necessity, into some such system as
would recognize the essential principles of Congregationalism.
And now, from what we know of this church in
Frankfort-which was originally far from  being
specially favorable to our principles - we may
safely infer that other English churches in exile,
of which we have not so particular an account,
were imbued with essentially the same principles;
and that the secret churches in England during
this same period were generally not less Congregational in their general character.




CHAPTER XII.
ACCESSION OF ELIZABETH, 1558. - PUBLIC ACTS RELATING TO RELIGION. - ROMISH TENDENCIES OF THE
QUEEN.
ELIZABETH, the daughter of Henry VIII. and
Anne Boleyn, was joyfully proclaimed queen of
England on Thursday, November 17th, 1558,
" about eleven or twelve o'clock, forenoon."  " In
the afternoon the bells in all the churches in London rung in token of joy; and at night bonfires were
made, and tables set out in the streets, where was
plentiful eating and drinking, and making merry.
The next day being Friday [a fast day], it was not
thought decent to make any public rejoicing, * * *
but on the next, viz: Saturday, November 19th,
Te Deum Laudamnus was sung and said in the
churches of London. Thus the satisfaction generally conceived by the people for this new queen
superseded all outward appearances of sorrow for
the loss of the old one." * Elizabeth's accession
to the throne was in accordance with the act of
succession, 35 Henry VIII. And though Mary's
death was concealed for a few hours,t as if to
* Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. I. p. 1, Introduction.
Camden's Elizabeth, in Kennet's Hist. Eng., vol. ii. p. 369,
folio, Lond. 1719.
(399)




400        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
give her council time for deliberation, no opposition was made to her successor; which is the more
remarkable, since the propriety of removing Elizabeth out of the way had been repeatedly considered during her sister's reign.'
Elizabeth was born September 13th or 14th,
1553,t and consequently had passed her twenty* Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. I. sect. 1, p. 4; Mem7orials, vol. iii. pt.
II. ch. 64, p. 138. See also Fox's "Miraculous Preservation of
the Lady Elizabeth," III. 792-800; Sharon Turner's Modern History of Eing.lnd, vol. II. pp. 435-43.
Dr. John Story, a civilian of considerable distinction, and " one
of Queen Mary's trusty commissioners for taking up, imprisoning,
and burning the gospellers," in a bold and bitter speech in the
house of commons against the act for the uniformity of common
prayer, etc., justified his cruelties against the protestants, and said,
"'he saw nothing to be ashamed of, nor sorry for; and that it
grieved him that they labored only among the young and little
twigs, whereas they should have struck at the root!' By which
words it was well enough known he meant the queen."- Strype's
Annals, vol. I. pt. I. ch. 3, p. 115. See "A Declaration of the Life
and Death of John Story," Phoenix Britannicus, pp. 289-97. Burnet
says that Gardiner " thought all they did about religion was but
half work, unless the Lady Elizabeth were destroyed." - Vol. II.
pt. I. bk. IIi. pp. 576, 727-29. Fox tells us that "Ste. Gardiner
especially hunted for the life of the Lady Elizabeth." - Acts and
Mons., Iil. 450. See also pp. 33, 794, 797. Strqpe calls Gardiner
Elizabeth's " great enemy." - Memorials, vol. iII. pt. I. ch. 9, p. 131.
Hallanl seems disposed to speak a kind word for Gardiner, who,
he says, "had some virtues, and entertained sounder notions of
the civil constitution of England than his adversaries. According
to Lingard, on the imperial ambassador's authority [Noailles], he
saved Elizabeth's life against all the council." - Constitutional Hist.,
vol. I. pp. 96, 97, note, Lond. 1846; Lingard, vii. 165. The most
elaborate defence of Gardiner may be found in the Biographia
Britannica, vol. III. pp. 2089-2129.
t Strype says: "Queen Elizabeth was born the 13th or 14th of




ACCESSION OF ELIZABETH.                 401
fifth birthday when called to the throne. She had,
besides mature years to recommend her, a mind
quick, acute, and comprehensive, which had been
diligently cultivated and disciplined by study.*
September, for so Cranmer wrote to Hawkins." - Burnet, vol. iiI.
pt. II. Appendix No. 6, p. 543. Other authorities say, September
7th.
* Dr. Haddon, a contemporaneous writer, praises her " sharpness
and judgment," and " strength of reason and understanding";
and says that "she read the holy Scriptures much and often;
that she compared the best interpreters together; that she collected everywhere the sentences of the most learned divines; that
of herself she excelled in the knowledge of tongues; and that as
she was of a prompt and sharp wit, so she added so much wisdom
to it as was scarcely credible in that sex." - Reply to Osorius, in
Strype's Annals, vol. r. pt. II. ch. 37, p. 80.
The famous Greek and Latin scholar, Roger Ascham, was her
classical teacher, and in a letter to his friend Sturmius, speaks of
the almost incredible rapidity with which she acquired Greek and
Latin. - Ascham's Eng. Works, p. 337. Lond. 1815. And in a letter to the same correspondent, dated September 14th, 1555, Ascham
praises her excellence in the Greek, Latin, Italian, and French
languages. He says that in reading lEschines and Demosthenes
for the Crown, she, at the first glance, seemed not only to understand the meaning of the language and the force of the oratory,
but also the whole cause of contention, the situation of the people,
and the manners and customs of the city. And that he himself
was one day present at court, when she gave audience, at the
same time, to a Spanish, and French, and Swedish ambassador,
whom she readily addressed, without hesitation or perturbation,
one after another, in Italian, French, and Latin. - Aschami Epistolce, pp. 20, 51, 53, 56. Oxoniae, ed, 1703.
Giovanni Michele, the Venetian ambassador to England in
1557, speaking of Elizabeth, says: "She is a lady of great elegance, both of body and mind, although her face may rather be
called pleasing than beautiful. She is tall and well made; her
complexion fine, though rather sallow. Her eyes -but above all
VOL. II.           26




402       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
She was mistress of the Latin  and  Greek languages, and was able to converse in the chief modern languages of the continent -- French, Italian,
Spanish, German.   She was a woman of great
energy and firmness, with a will like her father's,
strong and imperious, and a temper as violent,
which all the trials and dangers of her early life
did little to chasten and mellow. Unlike Mary,
she was not vindictive. She manifested no disposition to avenge the insults and injuries which she
had suffered from her sister's instruments. Even
Sir Henry Benefield, who had used her so roughly
while in his custody at Woodstock that she apprehended a design to murder her privately, she merely
called her "jailor," when he made his court to her
after her accession. But Benefield felt the taunt
so keenly, though spoken playfully, that he never
again appeared at court. All of Mary's bishops,
who went to meet Elizabeth at Highgate, immediately on her accession, she treated civilly, except
her hands, which she takes care not to conceal - are of superior
beauty." —Ellis' Orlq. Letters, 2d series, vol. II. p. 237. And
even sober, practical Burleigh, in reply to a playful remark of
Elizabeth's, which was reported to him —that she would have
a battle with his fingers - gallantly retorted: " I have no warrant
for my fingers; but her majesty is allowed to say as King David
said in the one hundred and forty-fourth Psalm [first verse]:' Benedictus Dominus meus, qui docet manus meas ad prelium,
et digitos meos ad bellum!'.     * * If her majesty's hands and
fingers were to fight, I durst match her with King Philip, and
overmatch him." — Wright's Orig. Letters, vol. II. p. 453. Lond.
ed. 1838.




ACCESSION OF ELIZABETH.                  403
Bonner; and that " beast," though imprisoned by
her, she did not otherwise harm.'
Elizabeth had outwardly conformed to all the
requisitions of the papal hierarchy during her sister's reign - she was ever a dissembler when her
interests tempted her; t yet, the fact that her
mother had been  a cordial friend  of the Reformation, and that her own legitimacy had never been
acknowledged by the papal church, naturally rendered her sincerity suspected during Mary's reign,
and might have cost her life, had not Philip befriended her. This he did, as was generally believed, in the hope of one day finding in her what
* Burnet, vol. II. pt. II. bk. II. pp. 573, 729, 748; bk. III. pp. 749,
791, 792.
Fox gives some particulars of" the rude and ungentlemanly behavior of Sir Henry Benefield" towards the Lady Elizabeth. -
Acts and lions., IIs. 796. So does Burnet, vol. II. pt. II. bk. II. p. 729.
Strype calls him "an austere man."  But Miss Aiken says: "The
instances related of the severity and insolence of Sir Henry Beddingfield [Benefield?] are to be received with more distrust, for it
is known from the best authority, that Beddingfield was frequently
at the court of Elizabeth, and that she once visited him on a
progress." - Memoirs of the Court of Queen Elizabeth, vol. I. p. 174,
Lond. 1826. And Lingard calls Fox's stories about Benefield's
treatment of Elizabeth, slander. - Hist. Eng., vII. 167, note. It is
obvious that if the forgiving character ascribed to Elizabeth was
her real character, then the facts adduced by Miss Aiken, and relied on by Lingard as a vindication of Benefield from " the slander
of Fox," may prove nothing in Benefield's favor, though much in
Elizabeth's.
t Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. I. sect. 1, pp. 2, 3. " For my part,"
says Lloyd, a panegyrist of Elizabeth, "I don't pretend to deny
that she made great use of dissimulation * * * But the question
is to know whether, in her circumstances, her dissimulation was
blamable." -State Worthies, vol. I. p. 349. Lond. 1766.




404        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISI.
he had failed to find in her- sickly and unattractive
sister; or, as is quite as probable, from motives of
policy, for, if Elizabeth had been removed, the
next heir to the English throne would have been
Mary, queen of Scots, who was then married to
the dauphin of France. A union of England,
Scotland, and France, against Spain, was to be
carefully guarded against.*
Elizabeth  was  environed  with  difficulties  and
dangers on her accession to the throne. The country was entangled in a war with Scotland on the
one side, and France on the other; the government
was owing  "an  incredible sum  of money," and
was suffering under "a great decays and losses of
honor, strength, and treasure," particularly by the
recent loss of Calais; and in short, as Lord Keeper
Bacon said, in Elizabeth's first parliament, England
was " a ragged and torn State by misgovernance." t
* Burnet says that "Philip ordered the duke of Feria, whom
he had sent over in his name to comfort the late queen in her
sickness, to congratulate the new queen, and in secret to propose
marriage to her." - Vol. ii. pt. I. bk. III. pp. 748-50; Neal, I.
139; Turner's MIodern Hist. Eng., II. 491, 497-; Biog. Brit., art.
Gardiner, vol. III. p. 2115, note DD.
Though Elizabeth refused King Philip's hand, she freely and
repeatedly acknowledged her obligations to him. In a public
" Declaration touching the Slanders published of Her Majesty,"
dated October 1st, 1585, she says: " Toucling, our ingratitude
towards the king of Spain, we do most willingly acknowledge
that we were beholden to him in the time of our late sister, which
we then did acknowledge very thankfully, and have sought many
ways since, in like sort, to requite, as in our former declaration by
our actions may appear * * * "- Phcenix Britannicus, p. 308.
f )'Ewes' Journals qf all the Parliaments during the Reign of Queen




ACCESSION OF ELIZABETH.         405
The people were also irreconcilably divided on
religion.  A  large and influential portion were
zealous protestants, exasperated to madness by the
merciless persecutions of Mary; while all the offices of trust and influence in the kingdom were
filled by zealous papists, backed by a strong body
of people who were devoted to the old religion.
The queen herself was a protestant, in policy at
least, and was expected to become the defence of
the reformed religion. But while all popedom
watched every movement, ready to work her ruin
if she turned against their gods, it became her to
move cautiously. And this she did, and so cautiously that for a long time it was not easy to discern whither she was tending. She retained, for
official advisers, thirteen out of thirty-five of her
sister's old popish councillors, and added to them
eight protestants. Among the latter was Sir William Cecil, afterwards Lord Burleigh, who had
been her brother Edward's secretary, and was
esteemed "a person of rare and uncommon abilities." *  He was made secretary of state.  Sir
Nicholas Bacon, a learned lawyer, shrewd and cautious, was made lord keeper of the great seal. In
addition to her council of state, the queen early
selected a sort of private cabinet council, consisting of a few prominent protestants of rank and influence, whose attention was directed especially to
Elizabeth, pp. 13, 14, folio, Lond. 1682; Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. I.
sect. 1, p. 3.
* Camden, in Kennet's Hist. Eng., ii. 369.




406        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
measures for restoring the Reformation, but with
great precaution and gradual advances.*
For "a full month  or more after the  death  of
Mary," Camden says, everything in the church
remained unaltered. And even as late as the last
of February, or the first of March, when Jewel arrived in England, he complained that the Roman
pontiff was not yet cast out, and that no part of
* Collier's Ecc. Hist., vI. 185; Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. I. ch.
2, p. 74; Dodd's Ch. Hist., vol. II. pp. 122, 123, and notes, Lond.
1839. Lingard (VII. 252) says of the council of state: " This
council was rather for show than real use. There was another
and secret cabinet, consisting of Cecil and his particular friends,
who possessed the ear of the queen, and controlled through her
every department of state."  Burnet calls Cecii " the wisest statesman of that age, and perhaps of any other." - Vol. ii. pt. i. Preface. But Mr. Motley speaks of him rather contemptuously. He
describes his course towards the Netherlands as " shrinking and
shivering," " rarely decided and netver lucid," " deeply pondering
and painfully balancing," "puzzled himself and still more puzzling to others," etc. - United Netherlands, vol. I. pp. 87, 88, 303.
N. Y., 1861. Lingard, of course, speaks ill of Cecil, accusing him
of " feigning an attachment to the Catholic faith, to worm himself
into the good graces of Mary. But that queen already doubted
his sincerity." - Vol. viI. p. 251. Dodd, another Romish historian, calls Cecil " a man of singular craft and zeal." - Vol. II. p.
134. The curious reader will find a very complete vindication of
Elizabeth's favorite man of council and business in the Comnpleat
Statesman, pp. 1-49, in Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, lib. I.
Camden says of Cecil: "He had few or no superiors as to the
several qualifications of probity and prudence, industry, temperance, and justice. He had, besides these accomplishments, an
easy and flowing eloquence." - Kennet's Eng., ii. 609. And of
Bacon he says he was " a man exceeding gross-bodied [he became
very corpulent in his old age], sharp-witted, of singular wisdom,
rare eloquence, excellent memory, and the life as it were of the
privy council." - Kennet, ut sup. p. 464.




ACCESSION  OF ELIZABETH.                  407
religion  was  yet restored; that the country was
everywhere desecrated with the mass; and that the
pomp and insolence of the bishops was unabated.*
Many prisoners for religion had, indeed, been released, and the returned protestant exiles had been
well received; t one of the leading protestants, Dr.
Bill, had been invited to preach at St. Paul's; and
Christopherson, bishop of Chichester, had been imprisoned for his violent harangue against the new
* Zurich Letters, 1st series, No. 4; Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. I.
ch. 1, p. 54.
I Camden, vol. II. p. 377; Strype, ut sup. pp. 74, 165, and pt. II.
App. iv. Fuller says: "For the first six weeks the queen and her
wise council suffered matters to stand in their former state, without the least change; as yet not altering, but consulting what
should be altered." - Clt. List., vol. iv. bk. ix. p. 259, Oxford,
1845; Zlurich Letters, 1st series, No. 3. Jewel's letter bears date,
London, March 20th, 1558-59; and he says he arrived in London
on the fifty-seventh day after leaving Zurich.
Burnet (vol. III. pt. III. bk. vi. p. 519) says that " the queen's inclinations to the Reformation were universally relied on. The news
of the queen's coming to the crown no sooner reached Zurich
than all those who had retired thither resolved to return to England. Horn and Sandys went first to England." They left Strasburg, December 21st, and probably reached London early in January. Jewel, who was following them, writes from Strasburg, on
the 26th of January, 1558-59, to Peter Martyr, that " their return
was very acceptable to the queen, and she has openly declared
her satisfaction." - Zurich Letters, ut sup. Sttrype says: " One of
her earliest actions was, to release the captives, and to restore liberty to the freeborn."-Annals, vol. I. pt. I. sect. 3, p. 36. Harsnet,
in his sermon on the anniversary of the accession, in 1601, calls the
day of Elizabeth's accession, "a day shining graciously to many
poor prisoners who long had been wearied in cold and heavy irons,
and had been bound in the shadow of death." - Iu Lathbury's flist.
B. C. P., p. 42.




408        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
religion on the Sunday following;* but still the
popish clergy held their places; not one of the
ejected protestants was reinstated; and the Romish
service, mass and all, continued to be celebrated as
before.
On the 18th of December a slight intimation
was given of the temper of the new government,
by an order to the inquisitors appointed by Mary
in 1556, to extirpate the Lollards (" as the professors of the gospel were called"), to appear before
the council and give account of all such matters as
had been brought before them; and some time in
December, Bonner was called to account for the
property  which  he had "forcibly and injuriously
taken possession of," belonging to Bishop Ridley.
On the 25th of the same month the queen gave a
still more distinct intimation of her religious tendencies, by leaving her chapel, with all her attend* "Queen Elizabeth, on the Sunday after her accession [viz:
November 20th, 15581, caused the gospel to be preached at the
celebrated St. Paul's Cross, which took place to the great joy of
the people. But on the following Sunday, the bishop of Chichester, by name Christopherson, and a notorious papist, occupied
the same place, and in a sermon, with great vehemence and freedom, (for the papists are always bold enough,) refuted everything
that had been said on the Sunday preceding, loudly exclaiming:' Believe not this new doctrine; it is not the gospel, but a new
invention of new men, heretics,"' etc. Christopherson was summoned into the presence of the queen and sent to prison for his
impertinence. He died within a month after his sermon was
preached, and was buried, with all the popish ceremonies, at
Christ's church, London, December 28th. —Zurich Letters, 1st
series, Nos. 2 and 3.




ACCESSION OF ELIZABETH.                  409
ants, just as mass was about to be celebrated.*
Two days after this very significant act, she issued
a proclamation forbidding the elevation of the host,
or, in other words, the worship of the sacramental
elements; and also prohibiting all preaching, and
the celebration of religious service in any other
form than that established by law, except that
the litany, the Lord's prayer, the ten commandments, and the apostles' creed should be recited
in English, and " the epistle and gospel at the time
Ellis' Orig. Letters, 2d series, vol. II. p. 262; W'right's Qtteen
Elizabeth and Times, vol. i. p. 3. " Oglethorpe, bishop of Carlisle,
preparing to say mass in the royal chapel on Christmas lay, received an order not to elevate the host in the royal presence. He
replied that his life was the queen's, but his conscience was his
own; on which Elizabeth, rising immediately after the gospel,
retired with her attendants. i * ) It was at the offertory, not
at the elevation, that she withdrew." - Lingard's Hlist. zEng., VII.
255.
The following contemporaneous account of this first important
step, indicative of' Elizabeth's views on ecclesiastical affairs, is
found in a letter of Sir Wm. Fitzwilliam to Mr. More, high sheriff
of Surrey, written probably December 26th, 1558: "This nyght
I came home late ffrom Londyn: and ffor newes you shall ondyrstande, that yestyrdaye, beyng Crysteinas day, the Quene's Majestie repayryed to hyr great Closet, wyth hyr nobles and ladyes,
as hath been accustomyd in shuche hyghe ffeasts: and she parsewyng a Bysshope preparying hym selfe to masse, all in the
olde ffowrme, she tarryyd there ontyll the Gospelle was done:
and when all the people lokyd for hyr to have offryde, accordyng
[to] the olde ffacyon, She, with hyr nobles, returnyd agayn ffrom
the Closet and the mase onto hyr Priveye Chamber, which
was strange onto dyvers * *   " —In Ellis and Wright, ut sup.
There are some slight differences between the versions of Ellis
and of Wright, but chiefly in spelling, which is abominable in
either.




410       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISMI.
of the high mass," which the queen continued to
attend for a month, forbidding only the elevation
of the host.' This proclamation was probably
called forth by the disputes which had sprung up
between the papist and protestant preachers, and
the general disturbance of the public tranquillity
thereby.   The protestant preachers, immediately
on the queen's accession, began to preach, and
to celebrate divine worship after the order of
Edward's  service  book;  and, not content with
this, many of them, " without authority, abhorring
the superstitions and idolatries remaining in the
churches, were guilty of great disorders, in pulling
down images and such other relics there." To this
the papists offered the most violent opposition.
They  "spared  not for lewd  words, poured  out
against the queen, without measure or modesty.
And both took their occasion to speak freely their
minds in the pulpits."t   Among  others, White
preached, December 13th, " a most furious and tur* Camden, II. 377; Strype, vol. I. pt. I. ch. 2, p. 77. "The litany was used on the first of January, 1558-9. An edition, on a
single sheet, was printed in 1558, containing the clause against the
bishop of Rome. A question naturally arises: Was this edition
used in the queen's chapel? Either this edition, or the litany
in King Edward's book, must have been used; in both the petition
is found. In 1559, it [the litany] was again put forth in a separate form, but without the petition in question. That of 1558
agrees with the litany in the ordinal of 1549, in having the
words,'Pitifully behold the dolours of our heart."' - Lathblry,
p. 43, note.
t Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. x. ch. 1, pp. 58-60.




ACCESSION OF ELIZABETH.             411
bulent discourse at the funeral of Mary, [from Ecclesiastes iv. 2,] in which he declared, that everything was to be attempted rather than that any alteration should be made in religion, and that it
would be a meritorious act for any one to kill the
exiles on their return."'  Jewel writes to Peter
Martyr, from   Strasburg, January  26th, 1558-9:
" The queen has forbidden  any person, whether
papist or gospeller, to preach the word to the people.   Some think the reason of this to be, that
there was at that time only one minister of the
word in London, namely, Bentham, whereas the
number of papists was very considerable; others
think that it is owing to the circumstance that having heard only one public discourse of Bentham's,
the people began to dispute among themselves
about ceremonies, some declaring for Geneva and
some for Frankfort." t The proclamation forbidding all preaching, like many of Henry's edicts,
was two-edged, and hurt both parties. The protestants disregarded it, continuing their meetings,
though with more caution, often assembling in private houses, but sometimes in churches, where the
magistrates were friendly.4   Many arrests were
* Jewel to Peter Martyr, Zurich Letters, 1st series, No. 3; Strype's
Mllemnorials, vol. III. pt. II. ch. 64, pp. 139-43, where may be found a
general account of the sermon and of the pomp of the funeral; and
No. 83 of the Catalogue of original papers, pp. 536-52, where may
be seen White's sermon entire.
t Zurich Letters, 1st series, No. 3.
t Thos. Lever, in a letter to Bullinger, dated August 8th, 1559,
says: " Some of us preachers, who had returned to England from




412        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
made  of protestant and  popish  preachers, chiefly
the latter, for their disregard of the queen's proclamation.'
On the  15th of January, 1558-9, Elizabeth was
crowned by Dr. Oglethorpe, bishop of Carlisle, who
alone of all the bishops would consent to do this
work; and even he is said to have regretted the
act. The archbishopric of Canterbury was at this
time vacant, and a considerable number of other
sees were without occupants, the bishops having
been carried off by a pestilential sickness, which
prevailed during the year 1558.t
Germany, being much affected with these things, and considering
that silence imposed for a long and uncertain period was not
agreeable to the command and earnest injunction of Paul, to
preach the word of God in season and out of season, having been
requested to do so, forthwith preached the gospel in certain parish
churches, to which a numerous audience eagerly flocked together."
- Zurich Letters, 2d series, No. 13; Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. i.
ch. 1, pp. 58-60.
* Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. I. ch. 1, pp. 60-71.
t Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. I. chaps. 2, 12, pp. 73, 227; Canmden,
xI. 372. " The realm had been extremely visited, in the year foregoing [Elizabeth's accession], with a dangerous and contagious
sickness, which took away almost half the bishops, and occasioned
such mortality among the rest of the clergy, that a great part
of the parochial churches were without incumbents. The rest of
the bishops, twelve deans, as many archdeacons, fifteen masters
of colleges and halls, fifty prebendaries of cathedral churches, and
about eighty beneficed men, were deprived at once for refusing
the queen's supremacy."- Heylyn's Adrius Redivivus, or the Iist.
of the Presbyterians, p. 213, quarto, Lond. 1672. On the 26th of
January, 1558-9, Jewel wrote from Strasburg to Peter Martyr:
"Christopherson, that brawling bishop of Chichester, is certainly
dead; the same is also reported of Watson, bishop of Lincoln;




PUBLIC ACTS RELATING TO RELIGION.   413
Elizabeth's first parliament, summoned by writs
dated December 1st, met at Westminster, January
23d, 1558-9. But the health of the queen not
allowing her to open its sessions in person, as she
wished to do, it was prorogued to the 25th, when
it was opened with regal pomp.* The protestants,
through the interference of the council, as the
papists alleged, were in a majority in the house.
Lord Keeper Bacon, in his opening speech, said:'" The matters and causes whereupon you are to
consult are chiefly and principally three points.
Of these the first is of well-making of laws for
the according and uniting these people of the
realm into an uniform order of religion." He then
admonished the members "that no contentious,
contumelious, nor opprobrious words, as' heretic,'
schismatic,'' papist,' and such like names, being
nurses of such seditious factions and sects, be
used, but may be banished out of men's mouths,
as the causers, continuers, and increasers of displeasure, hate, and malice, and as the utter enemies of all concord and unity, the very marks that
you are now come to shoot at." t The first and
which if it be true, there are at this time no less than fourteen sees
vacant." - Zurich Letters, 1st series, No. 3. Anderson, in his Annals of the English Bible, (II. 277,) remarks on the brief career of
most of Mary's bishops.  The bench under Mary contained
twenty-seven bishops. By the month in which Mary herself
was interred, nineteen had died; and in thirteen months after, six
more followed her to the judgment.
* D'Ewes' Journals of Parliament, pp. 9-11; Journals of the House
of Lords, vol. I. p. 542.
t D'Ewes' Journals, pp. 11, 12; Parl. Hist., vol. I. cols. 336-38.




414      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
most important act of this parliament was the
"Act of Supremacy."  It is entitled: "An Act
restoring to the Crowne thauncyent Jurisdiction
over the State Ecclesiasticall and Spirituall, and
abolyshing all Forreine Power, repugnaunt to the
same." *  This act first revives all the statutes of
Henry VIII. against the pope's authority and jurisdiction in the realm, and confers on Elizabeth and
her successors all the sovereignty, ecclesiastical and
spiritual, exercised by Henry VIII.  It revives,
also, the statute of 1 Edward VI. ch. 1, against
irreverent speaking of the sacrament of the altar,
and provides for the receiving thereof under both
kinds. It repeals the act and statute of 1 and 2
Philip and Mary, which revived the statutes of 5
Richard II., 2 Henry IV., and 2 Henry V., against
heresies - declaring such acts and statutes " utterly
repealed, voide, and of none effecte, to all intentes
and purposes." It provides that all foreign spiritual jurisdiction in the realm be abolished and extinguished; and " all such jurisdictions, privileges,
superiorities, preiminences spiritual and ecclesiastical, as hath been before exercised or used for the
visitation of the ecclesiastical state or persons, and
for reformation, order, and correction of the same,
and of all manner of errors, heresies, schisms,
abuses, offences, contempts, and enormities, shall
forever be united and annexed to the imperial
crown of this realm." Also, that the queen and
her successors " shall have full power and author* Statutes of the Realm, 1 Elizabeth, ch. 1.




PUBLIC ACTS RELATING TO RELIGION.   415
ity, by virtue of this act, by letters patent under
the great seal of England, to assign, name, and
authorize, when, as often as your majesty or your
heirs or successors shall think meet and convenient,
and for such and so long as shall please your highness, your heirs or successors, to exercise, use, occupy, and execute under your highness, your heirs
or successors, all manner of jurisdictions, privileges,
and pre'iminences in anywise touching or concerning any spiritual or ecclesiastical jurisdiction within
these your realms. And to visit, reform, redress,
order, correct, and amend all such errors, heresies,
schisms, abuses, offences, contempts, and enormities
whatsoever, which by any manner spiritual or ecclesiastical power, authority, or jurisdiction, can or
may lawfully be reformed, ordered, redressed, corrected, restrained, or amended."
It was this clause which furnished the foundation on which was reared those inquisitorial boards
of High Commissioners which were the tormentors and executioners of good men for successive
generations.
This important act of supremacy further provides that all archbishops, bishops, and judges, and
all ministers and officers, spiritual and temporal,
and every person having her highness' fee or wages,
shall make and receive an oath upon the evangelist according to the tenor and effect hereafter following, that is to say: "' I, A B, do utterly testify
and declare in my conscience, that the queen's
highness is the only supreme governor of this




416      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
realm and of all other her highness' dominions and
countries, as well in all spiritual or ecclesiastical
things or causes, as temporal, and that no foreign
prince, person, prelate, state, or potentate hath, or
ought to have, any jurisdiction, power, superiority,
preeminence, or authority, ecclesiastical or spiritual,
within this realm; and therefore I do utterly renounce and forsake all foreign jurisdictions, powers, superiorities, and authorities; and do promise
that from henceforth I shall bear faith and true allegiance to the queen's highness, her heirs and lawful successors, and to my power shall assist and
defend all jurisdictions, preeminences, privileges,
and authorities, granted or belonging to the queen's
highness, her heirs and successors, or united or annexed to the imperial crown of this realm: So help
me God, and by the contents of this book."
A refusal to take this oath exposed one to loss
of promotion and office during his life, and disabled him forever from holding any office.  Every
person using livery, or doing homage to the crown,
and every person taking orders or degrees in the
universities, was also required to take this oath.
This statute also provides, that, if any person
shall, by writing, printing, teaching, preaching, express words, or deed, or act, advisedly, maliciously,
and directly affirm, hold, stand with, set forth, maintain, or defend the authority, preeminence, power,
or jurisdiction, spiritual or ecclesiastical, of any
foreign prince, prelate, person, state, or potentate
whatsoever, heretofore claimed, used, or usurped




PUBLIC ACTS RELATING TO RELIGION.   417
within this realm, or any dominion of her majesty, every such person and persons, their abettors,
aiders, procurers, and counsellors, being thereof
lawfully convicted, for his first offence shall forfeit
and lose to the crown all his goods and chattels as
well real as personal; if he is not worth twenty
pounds, then, besides the forfeiture of all he has,
he shall suffer imprisonment one whole year without bail or mainprise. The benefices and other
ecclesiastical promotions and dignities of every
spiritual person thus offending, after conviction and
attainder, were made as utterly void, to all intents
and purposes, as though the incumbent thereof
were dead. For the second offence, the convicted
person incurred the dangers, penalties, and forfeitures ordained and provided by the statute of Provisors and Premunire. For the third offence, he
was liable to the pains and penalties, forfeitures
and losses, as in case of high treason. It was,
however, provided that no person should be punished for teaching, preaching, or words only, unless
complained of and convicted within six months
after the offence. Ecclesiastical commissioners under this statute could not adjudge any matter to be
heresy but such as had been determined to be heresy by authority of the canonical Scriptures, or by
the first four general councils, or any other general
council wherein the same was declared heresy by
the express and plain words of the said Scriptures,
or such as should be determined to be heresy by
parliament, with the assent of the clergy in their
VOL. II.        27




418        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
convocation.   Offences under this act had to be
proved by two sufficient witnesses at least, who
were to be brought face to face before the accused,
if he required it, and testify there what they could
savy.
But this statute went much further than the
mere letter of it suggests. By reviving sundry
statutes of 25 Henry VIII., the titles only of which
are recited, it gave the queen absolute control over
the clergy of the kingdom: no convocation could
be called without her consent; no canons enacted
by them were of any authority without her approbation; and no bishop could be elected without
her cong'e d'elire -  leave to elect.  In fact, she was
endowed with all the despotic power over the clergy
which her father had exercised, and which the pope
had claimed before him.t
Statutes, 1 Elizabeth, ch. 1, sects. 1, 2, 5-12, 14, 15, 19-21.
t The statutes revived by this act were those of 25 Henry VIII.
ch. 19, sects. 1, 2, 3; and ch. 20, sect. 3.
Burnet says: "This act [of supremacy] was in many things
short of the authority that King Henry had claimed, and the severity of the laws he had made."  But the only evidences which
he adduces are that the title of Supreme Head was left out of the
oath, and that the punishment for denying the supremacy and refusing the oath was not so severe. - Vol. II. pt. ii. bk. II. p. 772.
But it is obvious that supreme governor is equivalent, in the authority implied over the church, to supreme head. And Elizabeth
exercised the same authority over the church by her commissioners, that Henry did by his vicegerent. The title of " governor"
was less offensive to the papists than that of " head of the church ";
and, as a matter of policy, she adopted that which was least offensive to them. And if the penalties for denying the supremacy
and refusing the oath of obedience to her ecclesiastical regula



BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER.                 419
Another important act passed by this parliament
provided for the restoration of the Book of Common
Prayer and Order of Divine Service of Edward VI.
For this there had been careful, though secret preparation.* A commission of divines and civilians
prepared "a book or platform  of religion," which
was first presented to her majesty, and approved by
her, then laid before parliament for approval and
sanction. This commission consisted of Drs. Bill,
Parker, and  May; Mr. Guest, who seems to have
taken Parker's place in his absence, and to have
had an important part of the work intrusted to
him; t Messrs. Cox, Whithead, Grindal, and Pilkerton, returned exiles; and Sir Thomas Smith, " a
learned knight and doctor of civil law."
The result of this commission was, that the
prayer book of Edward VI., with sundry variations
tions were not quite so severe as those under Henry, the difference was of very little account, as the provisions of this statute
and that for uniformity, and the history of her cruelties towards
those who resisted her supreme governorship, abundantly prove.
* Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. I. ch. 1, p. 74; Burnet's Records, vol.
II. pt. II. bk. III. No. 1.
t Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. I. ch. 4, pp. 120-22. Guest seems to
have been the most active agent in this work. " Him the secretary [Cecil] required diligently to compare both King Edward's
commission books together, and from them to frame a book for the
use of the church of England, by correcting and amending, altering and adding, or taking away, according to his judgment and
the ancient liturgies." He also prepared a paper vindicating his
revision, and containing some suggestions, which was given to
Cecil to be submitted to parliament. But Guest's recommendations as to kneeling at the sacrament, and some other particulars,
were disregarded.




420       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
from the second book, and those rather in favor of
popery, was laid before parliament, and a bill was
immediately presented and passed, entitled: "An
Acte for the Uniformitie of Common Prayoure and
IDyvyne Service in the Churches, and the Administration of the Sacramentes."* This act provides
for the restoration of the book of common prayer
of the 5 and 6 of Edward VI., with the alterations
and additions made by this statute, and declares
that it " shall stande and bee, from and after the
feaste of the natyvitee of Saint John Baptiste, in
full force and effecte, according to the tenour and
effecte of this statute." And all ministers are required to perform religious service according to this
book, " with one alteration or addition, of certain
lessons to be used on every Sunday in the year,
and the form of the litany altered and corrected,
and two sentences only added in the delivery of
the sacrament to the communicants, and none
other, or otherwise." t Ministers refusing to use
*Statutes, 1 Elizabeth, ch. 2.
t The book of common prayer and service actually imposed
on the church of England by Elizabeth is not described accurately in this act. Her prayer book differed from Edward's second book in many more particulars than are here enumerated;
and her injunctions even contravened her own book; as, for example, in respect to the sacramental bread.  Lathbury, in his
History of the Book of Comnlon Prayer, notices the discrepancy between the act of parliament and Elizabeth's book, and admits that
"many other alterations were introduced, and some of them of
considerable importance." - P. 44.
See Note B, Appendix, in which these alterations are particularly noted. These are important to an understanding of the con



BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER.             421
this book, or using any other, or preaching in derogation thereof, and lawfully convicted thereof, were
to lose and forfeit to the queen's highness, for the
first offence, one year's profits of all their benefices,
and to suffer six months' imprisonment. For the
second offence, they were to suffer one year's imprisonment and deprivation. For the third offence,
they were to be deprived and imprisoned for life.
If not beneficed clergymen, offenders were to be
imprisoned one year for the first offence; and for
life for the second offence.  For depraving this
book, or ridiculing it by interludes, plays, songs, or
rhymes, or by other open words, or causing any
other form of service to be used in churches, or interrupting any minister, the offender was liable to a
fine of one hundred marks (about three hundred
and twenty-two dollars) for the first offence; four
hundred marks for the second offence; and a forfeiture of goods, and imprisonment for life, for the
third offence. This statute further provides, that
all persons in the realm, and in all the queen's
dominions, shall resort diligently and faithfully to
their parish churches, where common prayer and
such other lawful service is used, on Sundays and
all other holy-days.  And that every absentee,
without lawful and reasonable excuse, shall for
each offence be liable to the censure of the church,
troversies which subsequently arose in the church of England,
out of which grew the acknowledged Congregationalism of the
kingdom.




422       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
and to a fine of twelve pence, to be levied by way
of distress on his goods, lands, or tenements.*
Arbitrary and oppressive as these provisions confessedly were, we have not yet seen the worst of
this statute. The thirteenth section was, perhaps,
that which gave most offence to the puritans. In
this the queen is invested with sovereign authority
to order and change the rites and ceremonies, as
well as the ornaments of the church and the ministers.  This provision is important enough to be
copied entire. It reads thus: " Provided always
and be it enacted, that such ornaments of the
church and of the ministers thereof shall be retained and be in use as was in the church of England, by authority of parliament, in the second
year of the reign of King Edward the Sixth, until
other order shall be therein taken by the authority
of the queen's majesty, with the advice of her commissioners, appointed and authorized under the
great seal of England, for [ecclesiastical causes], or
of the metropolitan of this realm. And also, that
* Statutes, 1 Elizabeth, ch. 2, sects. 1, 2, 3. In estimating the
severity of these penalties, it must be borne in mind that the
value of coin was then about five times greater than at the present time; that is, a pound would buy about five times as much
food, or pay for five times as much labor, as it now will. "A
great authority writes that fourteen hundred pounds, as late as the
reign of Henry VIII., would be equivalent to eight thousand
pounds in the reign of Queen Victoria. * * * Prices doubled
themselves in Queen Elizabeth's reign." - Roberts' Social History
of England, p. 194, Lond. 1856; Strype's Mems., vol. ii. pt. I. ch.
27, p. 347.




BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER.                   423
if there shall happen any contempt or irreverence
to be used in the ceremonies or rites of the church,
by the misusing of the orders appointed in this
book, the queen's majesty may, by the like advice
of the said commissioners or metropolitan, ordain
and publish such further ceremonies or rites as may
be most for the advancement of God's glory, the
edifying of his church, and the due reverence of
Christ's holy mysteries and sacraments." *
* Statutes, 1 Elizabeth, ch. 2, sect. 13.
Edward's first book, published in the second year of his reign,
required that "in the singing or saying of mattens and evensong,
baptizing and burying, the minister, in parish churches and chapels annexed to the same, shall use a surplice. And in all cathedral
churches and colleges, archdeacons, deans, provosts, masters, prebendaries, and fellows being undergraduates, may use in the choir,
besides their surplices, such hoods as pertain to their several degrees which they have holden in any university within this realm;
but, in all other places, every minister shall be at liberty to use
any surplice or no."
It further says: " It is also seemly that graduates, when they
do preach, should use such hoods as pertaineth to their several degrees. And whenever the bishop shall celebrate the holy communion in the church, or execute any other public ministration,
he shall have upon him, besides his rochet, a surplice or alb, and a
cope or vestment, and also his pastoral staff in his hand, or else
borne or holden by his chaplain. Upon the day, and at the time
appointed for the holy ministration of the holy communion, the
priest that shall execute the holy ministry shall put upon him the
vesture appointed for that ministration, that is to say, a white alb,
plain, with a vestment or cope. And when there be many priests
or deacons, then so many shall be ready to help the priest in the
ministration as shall be requisite. And shall have upon them
likewise the vestures appointed for the ministry, that is to say,
albs, with tunicles."  The cope, with an alb, or surplice, was also to
be worn in that portion of the communion service which is used
when there is no communion. " As touching kneeling, crossing,




424       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
This section places everything, except the polity
and doctrine of the church, entirely at the mercy
of the queen and her ecclesiastical commissioners.
Now, since it was about rites and ceremonies
and ornaments alone that there was any dispute
among the protestants, and as it was chiefly
about these that they and the papists disagreed,
for the parliament to ordain a book of service, and
to establish rites and ceremonies, and then to give
the queen power to alter these at her pleasure, was
to make her lady - absolute in the church. This
statute allowed her to ordain such " ceremonies
and rites " as she and her commissioners pleased,
and to compel men to observe them, just as if
parliament itself had enacted them. Thus, according to her own words, " The full power, authority,
jurisdiction, and supremacy in church causes, which
heretofore the popes usurped and took to themselves, is united and annexed to the imperial crown
of this realm." "  And to this sovereignty she attached so much importance, that it is doubtful
whether she would have given her royal assent to
this statute, had it not contained this sweeping
clause.t
holding up of hands, knocking upon the breast, and other gestures," Edward's book says, "they may be used or left, as any
man's devotion serveth, without blame." - Liturgies of Edward VI.,
p. 157; Wheatly's Rational Illustration, p. 100, Oxford, 1819, in
Soames' Eliz. Relg. Hist., pp. 26, 27, notes. The above directions
about dress, etc., are all left out of Edward's second prayer book.
* Strype's Wliitqgfjt, I. 495.
t Archbishop Parker, in a letter to Cecil, in 1570, says that in a




BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER.          425
The two statutes which have now.been particularly described — of supremacy and uniformity -
were the great sources of that despotic and tyran.
nous power which Elizabeth so actively and unmercifully employed against her protestant subjects
during her long and eventful reign.
In justice to the queen's first parliament, it
should be recorded that these Draconic statutes
were not enacted without very considerable delay
and opposition. It seems to have been nearly
three months from the time that the supremacy
bill was first introduced into the house of commons before it was finished and passed upon by
both houses; during which time it was under consideration in the commons on no less than thirteen
different days; and was read and referred to a committee, " dashed," and redrawn, and read, and reread, passed and sent to the lords, altered and sent
back to the commons, altered again and returned
to the lords, and finally, after being two months
and twenty days boxed about between the two
houses, was enacted and made the law of the
realm. This long delay and these numerous
changes from the original bill are a sufficient proof
that parliament was not over ready to pass the
bill. The act of uniformity also encountered
strong opposition; though it seems to have been
conversation with her majesty she signified, that, if this proviso
had not been added to the statute of uniformity, " her highness
would not have agreed to divers orders of the book " of common
prayer. - Strpe's Parker, vol. ii. p. 34.




426       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
more carefully prepared, and to have passed with
less delay than the supremacy act.'
Parliament having restored the Reformation, so
far as legal acts could do it without the advice or
concurrence of the convocation, and having put
absolute power into the hands of the queen, to do
her sovereign pleasure in the church of England,
adjourned, May, 8th, 1559.
Some of the clergy introduced Edward's second
book immediately after Mary's death; but the
practice was discouraged by Elizabeth, and the
Latin mass book was still used, and the priests celebrated divine service for the most part as they had
done before Mary's death, with the exception of
the portions required to be in English, already mentioned.  Elizabeth introduced the new service into
her own chapel as early as the 12th of May; and
it was introduced into  St. Paul's cathedral with
considerable pomp, May 15th; t but the old Roman
offices were generally continued until June 24th,
1559, when the new book of common prayer became the law of the land by parliamentary enactment. " When that day came, the protestants
generally received the book with great joy, finding
it to consist of the same divine service with that in
Camclen, II. 372; D'Ewes, 28, 29, 45, 47, 52, 53, 55, and note
to pp. 28, 29 particularly; Lingard, vII. 261.
t Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. I. chaps. 11 and 14, pp. 200, 285;
Strype's Grindal, pp. 35, 39. Lathbnury (Hisi. Book of C. P.) says:
"On the 1st of May the book was used in her majesty's chapel,
and in all the churches on St. John Baptist's day [June 24th],
1589."-P. 59.




FIRST HIGH COMMISSIONERS.             427
godly Edward's days."*  It was, for substance, it
is true, " the same divine service " used in Edward's
days; and yet there were many alterations from
that, and some of considerable importance too;
and the book sent forth by the queen, and the one
described in the act of parliament, differed so much
as to occasion considerable remark and complaint,
particularly by the more zealous protestants.t
Some time in June, 1559, the queen instituted
her high commissioners' court, agreeably to the
act of supremacy, to visit all ecclesiastical persons
and places, and reform all abuses, to discharge all
prisoners on account of religion, to restore to their
benefices all who had been unjustly deprived, and
to reinstate the reformed religion throughout the
kingdom.:   She published, at or about the same
time, a code of injunctions, for the guidance of the
commissioners in their visitations. These injunctions were fifty -three in number; and the first
eighteen were, in substance, quite like those issued
in the early part of Edward's reign, of which a
brief abstract has been given.~ They were, how* Strype's Annals, vol. i. pt. I. ch. 11, p. 201.
t The variations from Edward's book are sufficiently noted
elsewhere. Appendix, Note B. See also Lathbury, pp. 43-60,
who says: " The puritans in this and the succeeding reign were
quite correct in their statements respecting the differences between
the two books - the book in use and the book as described by the
act."
I " This was the first high commission that was given out."
- Burnet, vol. II. pt. I. bk. Iii. p. 801.
~ See ante, pp. 159-61; WFilkins' Concilia, Iv. 3-8.




428     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
ever, much more extended and minute, and the last
half of them, in many particulars, were much less
liberal and truly protestant than Edward's injunctions. For example: Edward forbids all processions -" They shall not from henceforth, in any
parish church, at any time use any procession about
the church, or churchyard, or other place." But
Elizabeth makes an-exception, that " once in a year,
at the time accustomed, the curate and substantial
men of the parish walk about the parishes, as they
were accustomed " - that is, according to old popish usage. The twenty-ninth injunction was undoubtedly suggested by Elizabeth's antipathy to
the marriage of all ecclesiastics; and it throws as
many difficulties in the way of such marriages as
could well be done without a direct prohibition of
them. It provides that no priest or deacon shall
marry without the allowance of his bishop and
two justices of the peace; and that no bishop
shall marry without the allowance of his metropolitan and such commissioners as the queen shall appoint. So in relation to the clerical vestments,
these injunctions are less liberal than Edward's.
These expressly require all archbishops and bishops, and all who preach or administer the sacraments, or are admitted to any ecclesiastical vocation, or into either of the universities, to wear
such garments and square caps as were worn in
the reign of Edward. By these injunctions, no
person was allowed to be absent from his own parish church, or to resort to another, except to some




FIRST HIGH COMMISSIONERS.       429
parish of the same town, and on extraordinary
occasions. No person was allowed to teach school
but by permission of the ordinary of the diocese.
Three or four persons were to be appointed by the
ordinaries in every parish, to see that all the parishioners duly resorted to church, and to report defaulters, after admonition, to the ordinary. Singing men were to be maintained in all collegiate
churches. Contentious disputes in regard to religion were forbidden, and the use of opprobrious
words, as " papist, papistical, heretic, schismatic,
or sacramentary " - offenders to be reported to the
ordinary. No book or pamphlet was to be printed
or made public without license from the queen, or
six of her privy councillors, or her ecclesiastical
commissioners, or the archbishop of Canterbury
or York, or the bishop of London, the chancellors
of both universities, or the bishop and archdeacon
of the diocese where the printing was to be done.
In the time of reading the litany, and all other collects, and common prayer, it is required that all the
people shall devoutly kneel; and when the name
of Jesus shall be in any lesson, sermon, or otherways pronounced in the church, due reverence shall
be made of all persons, with lowliness of courtesy,
and uncovering the heads of the men, as has been
heretofore accustomed.*  In an addenda to these
injunctions, the queen clearly intimated that she
cared very little for the enforcement of the order for
* Wilkins' Concilia, iv. 3-8; Neal's Puritans, I. 186-89.




430       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
substituting sacramental tables for popish altars:
" Saving for an uniformity, there seemeth no matter of great moment, so that the sacrament be duly
reverently ministered." And where the table took
the place of the altar, she was willing to have it
look as much like the old altar as possible. She
therefore directed that " the holy table in every
church be decently made and set in the place where
the altar stood, and there commonly covered," etc.
Disobedience to any of these injunctions exposed
the offender to suspension from  office, deprivation,
sequestration of the fruits of benefices, and the
benefices themselves, and to excommunication, imprisonment, or such other legal punishment as the
judgment of the commissioners, or any two of
them, might deem proper.
The commissioners began their labors early in
July, by tendering the oath of supremacy to the
bishops and clergy. Of the fifteen bishops then
alive, all but Dr. Kitchin, bishop of Landaff, refused
the oath, and were deprived of their bishoprics; but
out of nine thousand four hundred ecclesiastics in
the kingdom, not over two hundred and fifty refused to renounce the pope, in order to keep their
livings.* The great majority of these men were,
* Strype tells us, that out of "nine thousand and four hundred
ecclesiastical persons, but one hundred and seventy-seven left their
livings rather than renounce the pope and change their idolatrous
mass for the use of the English liturgy." But in his enumeration
of the deprived ecclesiastics, he makes the number one hundred
and ninety-two, thus: fourteen bishops, thirteen deans, fourteen
archdeacons, fifteen heads of colleges, fifty prebendaries, eighty




FIRST HIGH COMMISSIONERS.                 431
undoubtedly, Romanists in their principles, so far
as they had any beyond  self-interest.  If we may
believe  Sanders (" mendaciorum  pater Sanderus "),
the great calumniator of the protestants of this
period — and we may believe him here if anywhere — some  of the  conforming  clergy  of this
reign read the service and administered the sacrament of the Lord's supper in the churches, and on
the same day celebrated  mass in private houses;
or, to use his own language, often officiated at the
Lord's table and the devil's, or at the most holy
eucharist and the Calvinistic supper, on one and
the same day.*
Another result of the commissioners' visitation
was the destruction of many of the monuments of
rectors of churches, six abbots, priors, and abbesses. Camden says,
eighty rectors, fifty prebendaries, fifteen heads of colleges, twelve
archdeacons, twelve deans, six abbots and abbesses, and fourteen
bishops refused the oath of supremacy, making a total of one hundred and eighty-nine.-Hist. Eliz., ii. 376. Neal (I. 192) says: " It
appeared that not above two hundred and forty-three clergymen
quitted their livings, viz: fourteen bishops, and three bishops elect,
one abbot, four priors, one abbess, twelve deans, fourteen archdeacons, sixty canons or prebendaries, one hundred beneficed
clergymen, fifteen heads of colleges in Oxford and Cambridge; to
which may be added about twenty doctors in several faculties."
These foot up two hundred and forty-four. How many of them
were " clergymen," does not appear. Strype's Annals, vol. II. pt. I.
ch. 8, p. 106. Burnet follows Camden, or gives precisely the same
figures. - Hist. Retf, vol. II. pt. II. bk. III. pp. 796-802.
* De Schisnla Anglicanurn, p. 161, ed. 1585: " S.apeque et mensie
Domini, ac calicis demoniorum, hoc est, sacrosancte Eucharistse,
et cenTe Calvinicae, uno eodemque die, illo luctuoso tempore, participes fierent."




432     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
idolatry in the churches, such as roods - images
of Christ on the cross, with Mary and John standing by- images of the apostles and saints, and
even popish altar-cloths, copes, books, and banners.
These were brought out and burned.  And the
people, outrunning the commissioners and the
wishes of the government, went so far as to take
down bells that had been consecrated, and broke
up or defaced monuments of the dead, which had
emblems of idolatry about them. This provoked
the queen, and called forth a proclamation, dated
September 19th, 1559, " against breaking or defacing of monuments of antiquity, being set up in
churches or other places for memory, and not for
superstition," and against taking away bells, lead,
etc., from the churches.*
Popish altars and vestments and ceremonies
were still retained, and the queen kept a crucifix
on her altar in her oratory, and burnt candles before
it; and was, in fact, with great difficulty brought
to consent to such purgation of the churches as
had already been made.
Jewel wrote in February, 1559, that he wished
even " the very slightest footsteps of popery might
be taken both out of the church and out of the
minds of men. But that the queen could, at that
time, bear no change in religion [' other than what
was already done and established']." Cox, Grindal, Horn, Sandys, Parkhurst, and Bentham, at
* Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. I. ch. 14, p. 279.




ROMISH TENDENCIES.:         433
that time, essentially agreed with Jewel in the wish
for a thorough purification of the churches from all
symbols of popery.'
Elizabeth's hierarchy was now speedily comnpleted. Dr. Parker was consecrated archbishop of
Canterbury, December 17th, 1559; and soon after,
Grindal was consecrated bishop of London; Horn
of Winchester; Pilkinton of Durham; Cox of Ely;
Sandys of Worcester; Barlow of Chichester; and
Scovy of Hereford.
Though the queen had removed the old popish
bishops, and filled their places with good protestants, her policy was to make everything as easy
and comfortable for the papists as possible, consistent with the maintenance of her absolute supremacy over all. The great body of the inferior clergy
- perjured Romanist — were allowed to hold their
livings. And though there was a sad deficiency
of capable preachers, yet she refused license to all
who would not observe all the rites and ceremonies
of her hierarchy, and minister in the old popish
garments. To supply the deficiency of preachers,
the bishops were compelled to license mechanics
and husbandmen, unlearned and unqualified, to administer religious rites, and supply the destitute
churches with ministers; and this while numbers
of faithful and accomplished men were refused,
not only all preferment, but even the poor privilege
* Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. I. ch. 13, pp. 262-64.
VOL. II.       28




434       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
of preaching gratuitously the gospel to the hungry
people, because they could not conscientiously conform to all the requisitions of ecclesiastical law.
The queen's plan seems to have been to keep
the new hierarchy so much like the old popish one
that ordinary persons should discern no essential
difference. And she so far succeeded in this that
the people generally attended the parish churches
without hesitation, and continued so to do for several years after her accession.* The truth is, Elizabeth was far from being a hearty protestant. She
was only a State protestant, while in heart a Church
papist.  Strype says of her, in 1558:" What to
think of the queen at this time, as to her religion,
one might hesitate somewhat, who in her sister's
reign went to mass and complied outwardly with
her practice."  "She protested to Count Feria [the
Spanish ambassador] that she acknowledged the
real presence in the sacrament." Whether she
meant the corporal presence does not appear, for
the two are often confounded.  " The same also
she protested to Lord Lamac; and also, that she
* Heylyn quotes Parsons, the Jesuit, as saying that " for twelve
years together the court and state was in great quiet, and no question made about religion "; and Brierly, another papist, as acknowledging that "in the beginning of the queen's reign, most
part of the catholics for many years did go to the heretical
churches and service." -Hist. Presb., p. 226.  Soames says 
" Hardly any of the laity, however notoriously and avowedly partial to Rome, kept away from church during Elizabeth's first five
years. * * * It was only something less through another five
years." - Eliz. Hist., pp. 10, 12.




ROMIS1H  TENDENCIES.                 435
did  now   and  then  pray  to  the  Virgin  Mary."*
Camden says of Elizabeth's religious character:
"As for the doctrines relating to the cross, the
blessed virgin, and the saints, she had very honorable  sentiments of them." f   Sir Francis Englefield (or Inglefield) one of Mary's chief household
officers during Edward's reign, and master of
wards after her accession, and one of her grand
inquisitorial court, erected in 1556-7, says, that
"when  she  [Elizabeth] was upon  other matters
sometimes examined by commissioners from the
queen, she would herself take occasion to complain
that the queen, her sister, should seem to have any
doubt of her religion, and would thereupon make
protestation, and swear that she was a catholic." $
* Strype, vol. I. pt. I. sect. 1, pp. 2 and 3, Intr. Sir Henry Ellis
says: " There can be little doubt that Queen Elizabeth was a believer in a real, but not in a transubstantiated presence." - Original Letters, pp. 269, 271, in Lathbury, p. 54. Lathbury complains
that "by the puritans no distinction was made between the corporal presence of the papists and the real presence of the Lutherans. A real, spiritual presence is held by the church of England,
in opposition to the popish doctrine of transubstantiation, on the
one hand, and the Zuinglian notion of a mere memorial, on the
other." - Hist. B. of C. P., p. 53. The puritans were not the only
writers who failed to discriminate between a real, spiritual, though
inexplicable presence of Christ in the consecrated elements, and
a corporal presence - a transubstantiation, or a change of the
bread and wine into the actual body and blood of Christ. Burnet
uses the words interchangeably sometimes, speaking of the "real
or corporal presence." - Lathbury, p. 53, note h. Lathbury devotes
several pages to this matter, which deserve the attention of those
who would thoroughly understand this subject. - Pp. 45-58.' Life of Elizabeth, ii. 371.
t Pattinson's Jerusalem and Babel, p. 435, in Dodd's Ch. Hist., II,
119, note.




436      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
And Lingard tells us, on the authority of a manuscript Life of the Duchess Feria, that Elizabeth,
when urged by Mary on her death-bed to declare
her real sentiments on religion, " prayed God that
the earth might open and swallow her up alive,
if she were not a true Roman Catholic." *
How much of truth there may be in these reports, and how much of sincerity in these protestations of Elizabeth, if really made, it is impossible to decide; for some of them were made under
duress, and others for the accomplishment of selfish ends; but this is certain, that her religious
character was an impenetrable mist, and her hierarchal establishment was so like the old popish one.
which it supplanted, that even the most discerning
eyes could with difficulty detect the difference.
Thus Sir Edward Coke said of Elizabeth's hierarchy: " The review of the common prayer book,
the throwing out the petition against the pope in
the litany, and restoring some parts of King Edward's first book in the communion office, the decency of the sacerdotal habits, the music and solemnity of the service, reconciled a great part of the
catholic laity to our communion." f   And Archbishop Parker, in a letter to Lord Burleigh, said:
"I have heard say, that when Cardinal Lorrain
saw our prayer book in Latin or in French, he
* Uist. Eng., vii. 24. The Count Feria was a Spanish ambassador to Elizabeth's court, and employed in confidential service for
his master, Philip.
t In Collier's Ecc. Hist., vol. vI. p. 254.




ROMISH TENDENCIES.           437
should answer that he liked well of that order,' if,'
saith he,' they would go no further.''"  And in a
letter to Walsingham, dated May, 1571, in describing a conversation with the French ambassador at
the time negotiations were in progress about the
queen's marriage with the duke of Anjou, he says,
with reference to the English service: " The ambassador himself being appointed to confer with
my lord of Leicester and me, made the cause very
hard, alleging directly, that Monsieur would never
sustain that dishonor, as to come hither with an
accompt to the world that he should have no religion; and then I answered, as is contained in the
queen's majesty's letters, setting out the. nearness
of ours to such as was good and sound in the
Roman, adding that we omitted nothing but those
which were impious and doubtful to be against the
Scriptures."t  And in "A Summary of Answers
made by the Queen's Majesty to the French Ambassador," we read: " If the form of the religion
in England were considered by them, it should be
found that there is nothing in the same contrary to
the Roman religion, differing only, that the same is
translated out of the Latin tongue into the English, and some things, for reasonable respects, are
omitted."    Heylyn says: " The liturgie of the
church had been exceedingly well fitted to their apOriginal Letters, Parker Society's ed. p. 398.
t Burleigh to Walsingham, in Digges' Compleat Ambassador, p.
100. London, 1655.
t Digges, p. 113.




438        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
probation [the papists'] by leaving out an offensive
passage against the pope; restoring the old form of
words, accustomably used in the participation of
the holy sacrament; the total expunging of a rubric, which seemed to make a question of the real
presence; the situation  of the holy table in  the
place of the altar; the reverend posture of kneeling at it, or before it, by all communicants; the retaining of so many of the ancient festivals; and
finally, by the vestments used by the priest or minister in the ministration. And so long as all things
continued in so good a posture, they saw no cause
of separating from the rest of their brethren in the
acts of worship."* And Elizabeth herself, in a
letter to Walsingham, dated May 11th, 1571, said
of the English  service: "In ours there is no part
that hath not been, yea, that is not at this day used
in the church of Rome, as of late the same hath
been allowed by the last council at Trent." t
* Hist. Presb., p. 224; see also p. 226. See an illustration of the
influence of this pompous ritual on a Roman gentleman - "an
intelligencer from Rome of good parts and account" - mentioned
by Sir Geo. Paule, in his Life of Whitgifl, pp. 104-6. After witnessing the pomp in which Whitgift celebrated divine service in the
cathedral of Canterbury, attended by " a hundred of his own servants, whereof there were forty gentlemen in chains of gold, also
by the deans, prebendaries, and preachers, in their surplices and
scarlet hoods," and hearing "the solemn music, with the voices,
and organs, cornets, and sagbuts, he was overtaken with admiration; and for himself protested, that, unless it were in the pope's
chapel, he never saw a more solemn sight, or heard a more heavenly sound."
t Digges, p. 98.




ROMISH TENDENCIES.           439
So impressed was pope Pius IV. with the congeniality of the queen's temper and hierarchy with
his own, that, on the 15th of May, 1560, he addressed a letter " To Our Dearest Daughter in
Christ, Elizabeth, Queen of England," in which
he exhorted and persuaded his " most dear daughter " to yield obedience to his " paternal and wholesome admonitions. By doing which," he says,
"you may promise yourself everything at our
hands that you can desire, not only towards the
happiness of your soul, but the establishment also
of your royal dignity, according to the authority,
place, and function intrusted to us by God." * This
letter he sent by his nuncio, who was instructed to
bring about a harmonious agreement between the
queen and the pope. In the prosecution of his
mission, the nuncio is understood to have offered,
in the pope's name, to confirm the English liturgy,
to allow the partaking of the sacrament in both
kinds, as it was in Bohemia, nay, and that he
would disannul the sentence against the queen's
mother's marriage, in case Elizabeth would submit
herself and subjects to the pope's authority. The
queen refused the tempting offer, but not in a way
to discourage further overtures from his holiness;
for the very next year Pius wrote another letter,
full of love, to her majesty, and' started another
nuncio for England; but he was stopped by the
* Camden, in Kennet, II. 384; Collier, vI. 298; Strype's Annals,
vol. I. pt. I. ch. 69, p. 339-, Oxford, 1824.




440       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
queen's command in Flanders.*   He nevertheless
loitered around for many months, hoping to obtain
permission to enter England, through the exertions
of the bishop of Aquila, Philip's ambassador, "a
clever and crafty old fox, and formed for intrigue,"
who did his utmost to induce Elizabeth to give the
nuncio an audience, but all in vain.t
I have been thus particular with the details of
Elizabeth's hierarchal establishment, especially its
external conformity to Romish usage and doctrine,
because on these points the whole subsequent history of ecclesiastical affairs in England was made
to turn. It was the attempt to enforce these Romish practices -  these " li{tle things," as the queen
and her coadjutors in Church and State called them
* Camden, ut sup.; Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. I. ch. 69, p. 340.
t Zurich Letters, Jewel to Martyr, and Jewel to Bullinger, Nos.
43 and 44. " The pope, both in public and private, is plotting
mischief to the utmost of his power. Fourteen months since [this
letter is dated February 9th, 1561-62] he sent a nuncio [the abbot
of Martinengo] to Queen Elizabeth. But as he cannot yet be admitted into England, he is still loitering in Flanders." Bishop
Parkhurst wrote to Bullinger, August 20th, 1562: "After I had
written this, too good news was brought me; namely, that the
crucifix and candlesticks in the queen's chapel are broken in
pieces, and, as some one has brought word, reduced to ashes." -
Zurich Letters, 1st series, No. 53, p. 122; Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. I.
ch. 13, p. 260. April 26th, 1563, Parkhurst wrote again: " I wrote
you word that the cross, wax candles, and candlesticks had been
removed from the queen's chapel. But they were shortly after
brought back again, to the great grief of the godly. The candles
were heretofore lighted every day; but now not at all." - Zurich
Letters, No. 57, p. 129; Strype, ut sup.




ROMISH TENDENCIES.          441
-that occasioned all the ecclesiastical troubles
which followed, and finally rent the protestant
church of England in pieces. They were the little
wedges, which, one after another, were forced into
the rock of protestantism, and which, strong as it
was, finally burst it asunder. No one of them
alone would have done the work; but all together,
perseveringly driven home by a child of Henry
VIII., they did all the mischief which followed in
subsequent years.
The history of Congregational Dissent in England cannot be understood without a full knowledge of the peculiarities of Elizabeth's hierarchy.
It is now, however, time for us to press on rapidly
to the results — the workings of this semi-popish
system of church order and government.




CHAPTER XIII.
CONFORMITY ENFORCED. - PERSECUTION OF THIE PURITANS. - SEPARATISTS' MIEETINGS, 1564-1566.
HAVING completed her ecclesiastical establishment, and settled the affairs of State, Elizabeth
thought it time to begin the work of subjugating
the English people to her sovereign will. She disclaimed any intention to " ransack men's consciences," but avowed her determination to enforce
absolute outward conformity. Her bishops were
at first averse to severe measures. They had been
fellow-sufferers with many of the nonconforming
puritans, and were disposed to allow considerable
latitude, not only in respect to dress, but also in
administering the service of the church. In consequence of this, some of the clergy, for a while, wore
the square cap, as prescribed, others the round cap,
and others still, hats; some appeared in the habits
of scholars, and others without this distinction;
some read the service and the prayers in the chancel, others in the body of the church; some officiated in seats, others in the pulpits, with their faces
towards the people; some kept close to the rubric,
others entertained their people with singing of
psalms between the services; and some read with
(442)




CONFORMITY ENFORCED.             443
the surplice on, others without it.* In consequence
of this diversity among the clergy, the queen addressed a letter to Archbishop Parker, on the 25th
or 28th of January, 1564-65, complaining that "in
sundry places of our realm of late, for lack of regard given thereto, in due time, by such superior
and principal officers as you are, being the primat,
and other the bishops of your province, with sufferance of sundry varieties and novelties, not only
in opinions, but in external ceremonies and rites,
there is crept and brought into the church an open
and manifest disorder, and offence to the godly,
wise, and obedient persons, by diversitie of opinions, and specially in the external, decent, and
leeful rites and ceremonies to be used in the
churches"; and requiring immediate correction at
the hands of the archbishop and his fellows.t
Thus called upon, the archbishop began to move;
and, two days after the receipt of the queen's letter,
issued his orders to the bishop of London, in conformity with the queen's commands; and soon afterwards, with five of his bishops - London, Lincoln, Winchester, Ely, and Rochester —drew up
a book of articles for enforcing uniformity, which
he afterwards published under the title of "Adver-..
tisements," which were sent to Secretary Cecil for
the queen's approval.
* Collier, vI. 384.
t Strype's Parker, III. 65-69, App. xxIv.; Annals, vol. I. pt. iI.
ch. 19, p. 126.
t Strype's Parker, I. 309, and App. xxvi., 315-18; Cardwell, vol.
I. No. lxv.; Neal, I. 217, 228, note; Burnet, vol. III. pt. I. bk. vI. p.




444       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISAv.
On the 3d of March, four prominent nonconforming London ministers, and two men " of high
renown throughout the nation for learning, piety,
and zeal for the Reformation, who were exiles for
religion in Queen  Mary's reign"-  Rev. Thomas
Sampson, dean of Christ's church, Oxford, and Dr.
Lawrence Humphrey, Regius professor of divinity
at Oxford and president of Magdalen College —
were summoned before the ecclesiastical commissioners. Refusing to wear the habits, Sampson and
Humphrey were both detained in London a year or
more, and finally ordered into custody, and Sampson was deprived of his deanery.*
Thus was opened anew  the controversy about
the ecclesiastical habits, and thus began the work
of persecution in the protestant church of England
for non-conformity to non-essentials; and from
this dates the era of PURITAN  NONCONFORMITY.
Other clergymen were soon afterwards sum588. By these advertisements, all licenses issued previously to
March 1st, 1564, were made null and void, and all preachers were
required to take out new licenses.
* Strype's Parker, I. 319-45, 367-74; Annals, vol. I. pt. II. ch. 19,
p. 132-. Dr. Sampson afterwards obtained the mastership of the
hospital at Leicester, and the prebend of St. Frances in the cathedral of St. Paul's; and after a while, by the favor of the queen, was
allowed to be a theological lecturer in Whitington College, London; though he never yielded his opposition to the clerical habits.
Humphrey, being a man of conciliatory manners, of learning, and
of great purity of character, moderate and conscientious, obtained
toleration, and after ten or twelve years, was allowed some preferment in the church, being made dean of Gloucester; and finally
was persuaded to wear the habits. - Hopkins, I. 234; Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. ii. ch. 19, pp. 143-53; Soames, 29, 36.




PERSECUTION OF THE PURITANS.                445
nioned before the ecclesiastical commissioners, conferred  with, admonished, and threatened.   " But
the effect did not correspond at all [with the wishes
of the commissioners]; but rather what they did
proved the occasion to others of becoming more
refractory." *
The archbishop was therefore very anxious to get
the royal sanction to his "Advertisements," knowing
that little could be done without this.  He accordingly sent his book to the queen's council a second
time for approval, they having declined heretofore to
give this, greatly to  Parker's vexation.   The truth
was, that several of Elizabeth's influential, leading
councillors were either friendly to the puritans, or
inimical to the archbishop, or at least averse to a violent enforcement of merely external rites. Among
them was the queen's special favorite, the earl of
Leicester; also, Sir Francis Knollys, Lord North,
Sir Francis Walsingham, the earls of Bedford and
Warwick, and even Cecil, Lord Burleigh, himself.t
* Strype's Parker, I. 320; Annals, vol. I. pt. ii. ch. 41, p. 129.
t Strype's Whitgift, I. 308, 425, 597-601; Neal, I. 227.
Strype tells us, that when Cecil was urged by Dr. Sampson, in
1573, to recommend to the queen the reformation of' the church
according to Bucer's "Book of the Kingdom  of Christ," and
that the people should be gathered into distinct congregations,
with resident pastors, and a government such as is prescribed in
the gospel, he confessed, "that, for his part, he liked well of his
motion, so far as respected the reforming of what was amiss in the
church, but that he could not do that good which either he would,
or others did think he could." - Life of Parker, ii. 325, and App.
xcIIi. Strype calls Knollys the puritans' "great instrument." In
his report of a conference with Ballard, a Romish priest confined
in the Tower, and afterwards executed for plotting the assassina



446        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
Pilkington, bishop  of Durham, and Whittingham,
dean of Durham, both wrote to Leicester against
pressing conformity, and the queen was persuaded
to forbear awhile; and nothing of importance seems
to have been done for about a year after this first
onslaught by the archbishop.* But though persuaded to avoid the odium which would attach to a
State persecution of the nonconformists, the queen
induced the archbishop to go forward in the wicked
work which he had begun, on his own canonical
authority, supported by the ecclesiastical, or high
commissioners.t The archbishop, though for himtion of the queen, Knollys said, that " he obstinately affirmed that
he would require no better books to prove the doctrine of popery
by, than the archbishop's [Whitgift's] writings against Cartwright,
and his injunctions, set forth in her majesty's name." - Life of
Whityift, I. 390, 506; Neal, I. 469. Aylmer, bishop of London, in
a letter to Lord Burleigh, dated May, 1579, said: "To be plain
with you, my lord, you are the man that do most discourage me.
* * * For when such words shall pass from you:'that such and
such things be not of the substance of religion —that the ecclesiastical jurisdiction (which you yourself by statute have confirmed) is mere papal —that you would such and such should
preach,' which are disturbers, etc. - it cannot be, my lord, but
[that] three words from your mouth, hujus generis, shall more embolden them and hinder our labors than our toil and moil shall in
many years be able to help and salve." - Strype's Aylmer, p. 186.
Oxfbrd, 1821.
* In a letter to Cecil, dated March 12th, 1565-66, the archbishop
says: "He had made a stop for a while, in urging the clergy's
obedience to the queen's commands, upon the political considerations which they who were the secret friends to nonconformity
urged. But he did no ways approve of these delays and cold
doings." - Strype's Parker, I. 423.
t Strype's Parker, I. 424; Annals, vol. I. pt. ii. ch. 41, pp. 129-31.
The high commissions' court, of which we read so much dur



PERSECUTION  OF THE PURITANS.               447
self quite willing to do the queen's bidding, was
much embarrassed by the backwardness of his fellow-bishops and the council; and his most earnest
endeavors accomplished but little. This so vexed
his lordship, that he finally threatened to abandon
the work entirely, if he was not better supported
by the court; saying to  Cecil, " If you remedy it
not by letter, I will no more strive against the
stream, fume or chide who will." *
ing this and subsequent reigns, was erected under the' act which
established the queen's supremacy. By this act, she was authorized to exercise her supremacy in things ecclesiastical by means
of commissioners appointed under the great seal. This court, in
the zenith of its power (about 1583), consisted of forty-four commissioners, twelve of whom were bishops, many more privy
councillors, and the rest clergymen and civilians. This court
continued its inquisitorial powers until the 16th of Charles I.,
1642. " The germ of the high commission court seems to have
been a commission granted by Mary, February, 1557, to certain
bishops and others, to inquire after all heresies, punish persons
misbehaving at church, and such as refused to come thither. * *
But the primary model was the inquisition itself." - Hallam's
Const. Hist., vol. I. p. 201, note; also, pp. 200, 516-18. Lond. 1846.
* Strype's Parker, I. 318. In one of his letters to Cecil, the
archbishop said: "' If the queen would not authorize it [the archbishop's book of articles], the most part [of the orders therein prescribed] were like to lie in the dust, for execution on their parties,
laws were so much against their own private doings.' By which
words suggesting," says Strype, "that many of the leading
clergy (and probably some of the highest order) neglected the enjoined apparel and rites, and so would be very backward to execute and perform the directions of the book, unless the queen's
absolute commands were annexed." - Strype's Parker, I. 316.
The archbishop was particularly troubled with Grindal, bishop
of London, " whose temper was naturally mild and averse from
rigorous methods." - lb., pp. 321, 430.




448     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
At length the queen was induced to issue her
proclamation, which had the force of law, peremptorily requiring uniformity; and the archbishop received her majesty's express commands to proceed
resolutely with the London ministers, who were
among the most strenuous nonconformists in the
kingdom.*
Near the end of March, 1565-66, the London
ministers were cited, a second time, before the
ecclesiastical commissioners at Lambeth, together
with the archbishop's " peculiars" of the city and
of Southwark — ecclesiastical officers who were
exempt from the jurisdiction of the bishop of the
diocese, and subject to the archbishop only -to
the number of one hundred and forty, " and there
they were all peremptorily required to promise and
subscribe conformity to the habits prescribed, to
the rites of common prayer, the thirty-nine articles,
and the queen's injunctions, or be deprived within
three months."i  The arraigned clergy were not
allowed to say one word in argument or defence,
or to utter an objection to the requisition; but
were ordered to give a categorical answer at once,
yea or nay, whether they would or would not conform. Thirty were able to stand in this day of
trial, and refuse to conform, and were forthwith
suspended; all the others submitted to ecclesiastical authority, though many to the great damage of
their consciences, crying out as they left the room:
* Strype's Parker, I. 423, 427.
1 Strype's Annals, vol. i. pt. ii. ch. 41, p. 129; Grindal, p. 144.




PERSECUTION OF THE PURITANS.        449
" We are killed! we are killed in the soul of our
souls, for this pollution of ours! for that we cannot
perform our holy ministry in the singleness of our
hearts! "His lordship cared very little for the consciences
of his clergy. His sole object was to enforce absolute outward conformity; and he immediately went
forward with a high hand in his work of persecution. An oath was framed, which all clergymen
were required to take before the cure of souls
should be granted them, to the effect that they
would obey all the queen's injunctions and letters
patent, and all the letters from the lords of the
privy council, and all the articles and injunctions
of the metropolitan, as well as all the articles and
mandates of their bishops, archdeacons, chancellors, summoners, receivers, etc., etc.; "and in a
word, be subject to the control of all their superiors, with patience." In every parish a board of
spies was appointed, to watch the ministers and
their parishioners, and be prepared to report to the
high commissioners, as often as required, the state
of the parish. And to make his work more sure,
the archbishop called in all licenses, and required
every preacher in the province to take a new license,
and promise anew obedience and conformity, and
that they would suffer no person to preach in their
parishes upon any former license.t
* Strype's Grindal, p. 145.
t Neal, I. 240; Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. II. ch. 41, pp. 131, 132;
Parker, I. 431, 432.
VOL. II.         29




450     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
Thus. effectually was every avenue but one to
the pulpits of the parish churches shut up against
the puritans. This one open avenue was through
the University of Cambridge, which had the right
to license twelve ministers yearly, who could go
anywhere and preach, without obtaining license
from any bishop. This was a sore thing to the
archbishop, and he sought earnestly, but in vain, to
deprive the university of this time-honored privilege, originally conferred by Pope Alexander VI.,
and confirmed by letters patent from Elizabeth.
The university insisted on retaining and using its
chartered right, despite the wrath of the archbishop.
By means of this, Cambridge was able, while under
puritan influence, to keep a few good men in the
Christian ministry, who were not the archbishop's
tools, or slaves to ritual conformity.  And the
university about this time, 1565-67, was deeply
imbued with the spirit of puritanism. In Trinity
College, all but three of the scholars declared
against the surplice; and three hundred of the
students of St. John's came to the chapel on a festival occasion without their hoods or surplices, and
continued to do so for some time. Other colleges
sympathized fully in the hostility to the popish garments. Indeed, so strong was this feeling at Cambridge, that the heads of colleges addressed their
chancellor, Cecil, urging indulgence in relation to
the matter, assuring him " that a great many persons in the university, of piety and learning, were
fully persuaded of the unlawfulness of the habits;




PERSECUTION OF THE PURITANS.               451
and therefore, if conformity were urged, they would
be forced to desert their stations, and thus the university would be stripped of its ornaments."
But this petition found no favor at court; and
all the heads of colleges were commanded to assist
the vice-chancellor in reducing the refractory scholars to conformity. This was attempted, but was
not fully successful until after several years of
trial.*
In consequence of the violent measures of the
archbishop and the ecclesiastical commissioners,
which stopped the labors of many of the best and
most active ministers, many London churches were
entirely closed, for the supply of protestant preachers at the best was very limited.t The Londoners
largely sympathized with the excluded ministers,
* Strype's Parker, I. 381-94; Annals, vol. I. pt. ii. chaps. 43, 48,
57, pp. 152, 217, 372; Neal, I. 244.
t Collier, vI. 412-19; Strype's Parker, I. 427; Hopkins' Puritans,
vol. I. pp. 236-38. In Neal, I. 236-42, may be found the substance
of " a paper of reasons against the popish apparel," which contains a summary and very able presentation of the objections of
the puritans to the ecclesiastical habits which were imposed on
them, and made absolutely necessary to a clerical standing in the
church of England.
Six hundred persons are said to have visited a single church in
London, on Palm Sunday, to receive the sacrament; but the
doors were shut for lack of a minister. - Strype's Parker, I.
247-52; Hopkins, I. 239. In 1561, there were nine thousand parishes in England, and yet there were but two thousand preachers;
and this proportion of preachers to parishes seems not to have increased during the next twenty years. —Strype's Whitgift, in
Sorames' Elizabethan Hist., p. 32




452       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
and refused to hear the archbishop's chaplains who
were sent to supply vacant pulpits; and even disturbed them in their services.' Many people would
not go to church at all; others followed Coverdale,
Sampson, and Lever, who, though'they would not
wear the ecclesiastical habits, were connived at in
their preaching from place to place, which they endeavored to do with as little notoriety and offence
as possible.
The pulpits of the established church being thus
entirely shut against the nonconforming ministers,
they next resorted to the press, and published to
the world a treatise, entitled: "A  Declaration of
the Doings of those Ministers of God's Word and
Sacraments in the city of London, which have refused to wear the upper Apparel and ministering
Garments of the Pope's Church."   This was answered by the archbishop himself, or some of his
partisans. The puritans replied, paragraph for paragraph. Several other pamphlets on either side
appeared; and the controversy attracted so much
popular attention that the archbishop became
* Strype's Parker, I. 447-51; Neal, I. 228. Whitgift, in his Defense, p. 256, says to the puritans: " Some of you have taught, that
pollution dothe sticke in the thinges themselves, as that the wearing
of them had power to pollute and make unclean the wearers. Else
why doe they refuse to come to our churches, our sermons, yea,
to keep us companie, or to salute us; why spitte they in our faces,
revile us in the streets, and shew such like villanie unto us, and
that onely bicause of our apparrell    I "- In Soames, p. 5; Strype's
Annals, vol. I. pt. ii. ch. 41, p. 126.




PERSECUTION OF- THE PURITANS.               453
alarmed lest the silenced ministers should do,
by means of their pens, what he had sought to
prevent them  from  doing by preaching-convert
the masses to puritanism. A decree was therefore
obtained from the star chamber,* forbidding any
person to " print or publish any book against the
queen's injunctions, ordinances, or letters patent,
set forth or to be set forth, or against the meaning
of them," under the penalty of a forfeiture of the
books, three months' imprisonment, and being deprived of ever practising the art of printing any
more. All persons were forbidden to sell, bind, or
stitch such books, under penalty of twenty shillings
for each book. All suspected places were to be
* Hopkins (I. 203, note) gives the following summary account
of this famous court: " The star-chamber court was held in Westminster Hall, in a chamber,' the roof thereof decked with the
likeness of stars gilt,' whence its name; or perhaps from the word
starra, or starrs, the name of contracts in olden times there enrolled.
- Stowe's Survey, 175, and note.
" This court consisted of the archbishop and other bishops, the
lord chancellor or keeper, the privy council, and the judges; all
of whom were appointed to their offices by the queen, and held
them during her pleasure. Her majesty, when she chose to be
present, was sole judge.  The others could only advise. In her
absence, the determination was by a majority, the lord chancellor
or keeper having a casting vote. It took cognizance of all sorts
of offences, contempts, and disorders, not within the reach of the
common law; nor did it govern itself by any statute law, but
fined, imprisoned, banished, or inflicted corporal punishment, according to the will of the queen, without limitation. Its determinations were as binding upon the subject as an act of parliament. - Strype's Whitg~if, 322, folio, Lond. 1718; Warner, ii. 463;
HiSume, III. 245, and Appendix 3."




454     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
searched, and all offensive books and pamphlets
seized, and the offenders brought before the ecclesiastical commissioners. And, as a further security,
all stationers, booksellers, and merchants trading in
books, were required to enter into bonds to observe
the premises.'
The press and the pulpit being now both forbidden them, the disfranchised ministers were driven,
reluctantly, to consider the question of setting up
separate worship among themselves. "At length,
after having waited about eight weeks" from the
time the London ministers were silenced, "to see
if the queen would have compassion on them, several of the deprived ministers had a solemn consultation with their friends, in which, after prayer and
serious debate about the lawfulness and necessity
of separating from the established church, they
came to this agreement: that since they could not
have the word of God preached, nor the sacraments administered without idolatrous gear, therefore it was their duty, in their present circumstances, to break off from the public churches, and
to assemble as they had opportunity in private
houses or elsewhere, to worship God in a manner
that might not offend against the light of their consciences." t
This decision was probably reached during the
* Neal, I. 248-51; Strype's Parker, I. 442.
t Neal, I. 252.




SEPARATE MEETINGS.                   455
summer of 1566, (Neal says, August 6th,) and the
nonconforming puritans began immediately to hold
separate meetings,* at first very secretly, in private
houses, in barns, in the woods, and other retired
places in the suburbs of London; thus reenacting
the scenes of the old Lollard times, and indeed
of apostolic times.t
These separate meetings continued for about a
year before they could be detected; the bishops in
the mean time trying to reach their invisible opponents by means of printed remonstrances and exhortations.  The queen, in a passion  at these flagrant violations of her cherished uniformity, issued
* It must be borne in mind that there were now two classes of
puritans. iStrype's description of them, though tinged with his
general prejudice against all dissenters, is in the main true. " The
refusers of the orders of the church (who by this time were commonly called puritans) were grown now [1.566] into two factions.
The one was of a more quiet and peaceable demeanor; who indeed would not use the habits, nor subscribe to the ceremonies
enjoined, as kneeling at the sacrament, the cross in baptism, the
ring in marriage; but held to the communion of the church, and
willingly and devoutly joined with the common prayers. But
another sort there was, which disliked the whole constitution of
the church lately reformed, charging upon it many gross remainders of popery, and that it was still full of corruptions not to be
borne with, and antichristian; and especially the habits which
the clergy were enjoined to use in their conversation and ministrlation. Insomuch that these latter separated themselves into pri-vate assemblies, meeting together, not in churches, but in private
houses, where they had ministers of their own." - Life of Grindal,
p. 168.
t Strype's Grindal, 168-; Neal, I. 250-64; Collier, vi. 433. See
ante, vol. I. of this work.




456        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
orders to her bishops and high commissioners, to
stop these illegal meetings. This, however, was
found to be no easy thing; and the meetings continued, until the nonconformists, becoming more
bold, ventured into the city and undertook to hold
perhaps a somewhat larger meeting than common,
in Plumber's Hall, Anchor Lane, June 19th, 1567.
Here, about one hundred persons were detected,
including four deprived London ministers;* thirty* Peirce, in his Vindication of the Dissenters, (p. 63,) seems to regard this Plumber's Hall congregation as one of the dissenting
churches which flourished in London during Mary's reign. And
Smith, one of the prisoners examined by Grindal and others, said:
" We remembered that there was a colngregation of us in this city in
the days of Queen Mary." —Brook's Lives of Puritans, I. 135.
And Thomas Lever, in a letter dated London, August 8th, 1559,
addressed to Bullinger, refers to the same fact: " When, then, I
returned to England * * * I shrunk from seeing masses and follies
and abominations of popery everywhere sanctioned by the authority of the laws, and the gospel nowhere to be met with, except
among some persons at London, who were admitted to preach before the queen at court on a few stated days, only in the time of
Lent, or else in a congregation that remained in concealment during the
whole time of persecution; and then not venturing forth beyond such
private houses as were opened to them, on the cessation of the
persecution, they were permitted by Queen Elizabeth in open private houses, but in no public churches." - Zurich Letters, 2d series,
No. 13.
Brook says that Mr. Evans was "one of the ministers belonging
to the congregation of separatists in London in the beginning of
the reign of Queen Elizabeth; and as a punishment for his nonconformity, he was sent by the high commissioners into Scotland." He returned in May, 1568, " kept private assemblies with
others of his brethren, as he had done before," and on the recommendation of Grindal, was convened before her majesty's council for keeping conventicles. What punishment he received is not




SEPARATE MEETINGS.                457
one of whom - twenty-four men and seven women
— were  arrested  and  thrown  into  the  Compter
prison.* The next day, six or seven of the prisoners were arraigned before Bishop Grindal and other
commissioners, for violating the ecclesiastical laws
of the land. The commissioners urged on the
prisoners, that the gospel was preached in their
parish churches, and the sacraments duly administered; and that the ceremonies and habits were indifferent things, which did not touch the essence of
the gospel, and which the prince had a right to enjoin for decency and order, and which good subjects were bound to regard. The prisoners admitted that Grindal and  some others of the  State
clergy preached the gospel sincerely; but declared
that many other preachers were mass-priests in disguise, some of whom  they knew to be bitter persecutors in Queen Mary's time, and had never recanted. They gave the names of some of these
preachers; and one of the prisoners said his own
parish priest was a papist. Yet these dishonest
men, it was urged, were allowed to remain in the
recorded. Mr. Fits was another of the pastors of this separatist
congregation, probably after their release from prison. John Bolton was an elder of this congregation. He recanted at Paul's
Cross, and for this was reproved by the church, and excluded from
their fellowship. In his distress and despair he went and hanged
himself. - Brook's Lives of Puritans, JII. 502-3.
* Strype says, "about fourteen or fifteen of the chief of them
[were] taken." - Grindcl, p. 169. Collier says, "about fifteen of
them were committed." -Vol. vi. p. 433.  But we find that
thirty-one were discharged from prison at the end of " about a
twelvemonth." - Grindal, p. 200.




458     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
ministry, while godly and faithful ministers, who
could not subscribe to the habits and ceremonies,
were silenced and driven out of the churches.
The prisoners further urged, that the garments
were the very same worn by the mass-priests, and,
so far as these garments distinguished the wearers
from other men, made these men, in the eyes of
the people, mass-priests. And yet further, that
these garments were manifestly not regarded by
the queen and the hierarchy as indifferent, unimportant matters, but as necessary and essential
things; because no man was allowed to remain in
the ministry who did not rigidly conform  to the
law which required the use of these priestly garments. The prisoners further declared themselves
to be good and loyal subjects of the queen, and
disposed to obey all her laws which did not conflict
with their consciences; but by the church they had
been driven, either to separation, or to sanction the
idolatrous gear of the papists.
Failing to convince the prisoners of their error
in obeying the dictates of their own consciences,
enlightened by God's word, rather than the commands of their prince, the commissioners remanded
them to prison in Bridewell; whence, after remaining about a year, they were liberated at the intercession of Grindal, being warned that they would
be visited with severe punishments if they repeated
their " disorderly and factious meetings." 
* Strype's Grindal, pp. 168-77, 200, 226-31; Collier, vI. 433;
Neal, I. 263-67; Hopkins, I. 307-17; Brook's Puritans, article Haw



SEPARATE MEETINGS.                   459
After this arrest of the Plumber's Hall assembly,
we hear of no other arrests of dissenting congregations for several years. Yet we have intimations
that separate meetings were continued, and even
enjoyed some sort of toleration  so long as Grindal
was bishop of London; for he was quite averse to
persecuting Christians. Strype, in giving an account of the transactions in 1569, says: " The separatists, who at the beginning of this year had the
favor shown them to be set at liberty by the bishop
kins, (vol. I. pp. 133-49,) gives the dialogue between the commissioners and the separatist prisoners, apparently verbatim, from
manuscript sources; from which the reader will get a much more
correct impression of this examination than from Strype. There
is also, in the same, apparently a verbatim report of a subsequent
examination of one of the chief of the laymen of this company,
William White.
Authorities differ as to the time of their confinement. Brook
(I. 145) makes it "two years "; Neal (I. 267) "above a year";
Strype (Grindal, 200) "about a twelvemonth"; Hopkins (i. 317)
"ten and a half months."  The prisoners themselves say, they
"were kept in prison one whole year." - Grindal, p. 226. They
were confined, June 19th, 1567. The order for their release was
signed by the council, April 28th, 1568. But five days elapsed before they were brought before Grindal again, May 3d; and it may
be that some six weeks more elapsed before they were all discharged. Some sort of a subscription was required of them, (Annals, vol. TI. pt. i. ch. 3, p. 40,) and some of them may have refused to make that, and so were kept longer in prison. Indeed,
the Londoners of the party say that they made no promises: " We
never yielded to no condition in our coming forth of prison, but
minded to stand fast in the same sincerity of the gospel that we
did when we were in prison." — Grindal, 227. Brook may include
in his "two years," subsequent imprisonment, which some of
this same party endured for their nonconformity. See articles
Hawkins, White, Bonham, Crane.




460      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
[Grindal], did, it seems, continue their former practices, of using private assemblies, and performing
religious offices in a way of their own, different
from what was allowed and enjoined, notwithstanding the bishop's admonition, and the threatenings of the council. Their chief teachers were
Bonharn and Crane, who, at these house-meetings,
did use to preach and expound the Scriptures, baptize, administer the communion, marry according
to the Geneva book," etc.* And in a petition presented to the honorable privy council, in 1569,
by " the Londoners of their party, who also had
been under confinement at Bridewell, and set at
liberty," they say that on their discharge from
prison they were given to understand that "we
were freed from our parish churches, and that we
might hear such preachers whom we liked best of
in the city; also, whereas we requested to have
baptism truly administered to our children, according to the word and order of the Geneva book,
he [Bishop Grindall said that he would tolerate it,
and appoint two or three to do it; immediately
after, at our request, he appointed two preachers,
Bonham and Crane, under his handwriting, to
keep a lecture." t And in his Annals, Strype, in
giving an account of Sandys' first visitation of
his new diocese of London, says, that certain injunctions were given out, one of which read thus:
"All clerks' toletations to be called in." "'This,"
Strype's Grindal, 226.    t lb., 226.




SEPARATE MEETINGS.           461
he adds, " will be better understood, when we are
informed that there had been divers ministers who
had private meetings in houses, where they preached,
baptized, administered the communion after a new
way, different from the public liturgy, and also
condemned it and the established government of
the church. For which some of them were imprisoned. But such was the clemency of the government of the former bishop, by permission and
order of the privy council, [that he] granted them, after about a year's restraint, their liberty; and upon
promise of their peaceable behavior, and a certain
subscription, allowed them some toleration." *
* Annals, vol. I. pt. I. sect. 3, p. 40.




CHAPTER  XIV.
TROUBLES IN THE STATE. -— THE PAPISTS BUSY. — ATTEMPTS AT CHURCH REFORMATION.- CARTWRIGHT S
VIEWS. - ELIZABETH'S MORALS. - COURT CORRUPTION.
THOUGH Elizabeth's sovereignty in Church and
State was now fully established, yet the period between 1566 and 1572 was one of great excitement,
and of imminent danger to her government. It
was at this time that the league between the chief
papal princes of Europe was consummated, if not
formed, having for its grand object the dethronement of Elizabeth and all other protestant princes,
and the utter extirpation of protestantism. As a
preparatory step, Pope Pius V. issued his bull in
May, 1566, "to anathematize and confound the
heretics, and to sow discord among them." In this
bull, he anathematized " all heretics, [and all] living, trading, or travelling, in or among the same,
wheresoever dispersed over the face of the whole
earth; and further willed, and authorized the wise
and learned of his ecclesiastics to labor, endeavor,
and contrive all manner of devices to abate, assuage, and confound these heretics. That thereby
the heretics might be reclaimed to confess their
(462)




THE PAPISTS BUSY.                463
errors, and acknowledge the jurisdiction of the see
of Rome, or that a total infamy be brought upon
them and their posterities, by a perpetual discord
and  contention  among  themselves.   By  which
means they might either speedily perish by God's
wrath, or continue in eternal difference." *
This bull quickened the papists in the work
which Pius IV. (about 1560) and the council of
Trent had previously devised to prevent the union
of protestants proposed by Calvin.t Popish emissaries soon swarmed over England, in various disguises, secular and ecclesiastical. They even assumed the garb of puritan ministers, and travelled
about preaching ultra and extravagant doctrines of
any description which they thought adapted to disturb and divide protestants. These popish missionaries were allowed to marry, and to take all necessary oaths, in order to deceive the government; and
even to change their names, and to have several
different names, the better to accomplish their nefarious purposes.t Books, too, against Elizabeth
* Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. ii. ch. 48, p. 218.
t Strype's Parker, I. 141; Annals, vol. I. pt. I. ch. 18, p. 341.
t Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. ii. ch. 48, pp. 218-. The directions
furnished these cheats by the council of Trent, were: " That they
were not to preach at all after one manner, but to observe the
places wherein they came. If Lutherism was prevalent, then
to preach Calvinism; if Calvinism, then Lutherism.  If they
came into England, then either of these, or John Huss' opinions,
anabaptism, or any that were contrary to the holy see of Peter;
I)v which their functions would not be suspected, and yet they
might still drive on the interest of the mother church; there be



464        HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
and her government were freely dispersed abroad;*
and popish astrologers and conjurers predicted that
strange things were to happen - even the death of
the queen and the overthrow of protestantism.t
About 1567-68, the English catholics, who before had been comparatively quiet, and had attended the parish churches, and partaken of the
sacrament without much scruple, began, not only
to forsake the established worship of the State, but
to attend mass, and to celebrate religious services
by themselves; while licensed agents of the pope
were busy " reconciling" the lapsed penitents back
to the bosom of the Romish church.4
In 1568 or 1569, the famous Douay College was
established in Flanders, by William  Allen, a Romish priest, and afterwards a cardinal. The design
of this establishment -- which was the precursor
of nearly half a score of similar institutions - was
to educate English-born youth to become Romish
missionaries and spies in their native land.~
ing, as the council was agreed on, no better way to demolish this
church's heresy, than by mixtures of doctrines, and by adding of
ceremonies more than were at present permitted." - Annals, vol.
I. pt. I. ch. 19, p. 341; and vol. I. pt. II. chaps. 36, 48, pp. 55, 56,
219.
* Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. ii. ch. 46, p. 192.
t Strype's Parker, II. 1-5; Annals, vol. I. pt. II. ch. 56, p. 354.
t Sanders, De Schisiza Anyl., p. 180; lHopkins, I. 336-44; Strype's
Annals, vol. i. pt. II. ch. 12, pp. 243-; LZfe and Tinzes of Sir Chlristopher Hatton, by Sir Harris Nicholas, p. 457, London, 1847.
~ Sanders, De Schisma Angl., pp. 178, 179, says that in the course
of about fifty years, colleges,- similar in character and design to
the Douay, were established by the Romanists in Rome, Vallado



THE PAPISTS BUSY.                   465
These various popish agencies and exertions
conspired to prepare the way for the great rebellion  of 1568-69, when  thousands of Elizabeth's
subjects broke out into open war against the government. In the north of England, the communion table, the English Bible, and the church of
England service-book were torn in pieces; mass
was openly celebrated before thousands of people in
the cathedral of Durham; and nearly six thousand
men were mustered in arms, led by the Earls of
Northumberland and Westmoreland. Their avowed
lid, Seville, St. Omers, Madrid, Louvaine, Liege, and Ghent. According to Sanders, Douay and Rome, in the course of a few
years, sent over to England no less than three hundred missionary
spies, to work for Rome. Mr. Neal says: "The popish nobility
and gentry sent over their children to these colleges for education;
and it is incredible what a mass of money was collected in England for their maintenance, by their provincials, sub-provincials,
assistants, agents, coadjutors, familiars, etc., out of the estates of
such catholics as were possessed of abbey lands; the pope dispensing with their holding them on these considerations." -Hist. Puritalns, I. 344. The oath taken by every student on his admission
to one of these colleges was as follows: " I, A B, considering how
great benefits God hath bestowed on me, but then especially when
he brought me out of mine own country, so much infected with
heresy, and made me a member of the catholic church, as also
desiring, with a thankful heart, to improve so great a mercy of
God, have resolved to offer myself wholly up to divine service,
as much as I may to fulfil the end for which this our college was
founded. I promise, therefore, and swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that I am prepared from mine heart, with the assistance of divine grace, in due time to receive holy orders, and to
return into England, to convert the souls of my countrymen and
kindred, when, and as often, as it may seem good to the superior
of my college to command me." - Fuller's Ch. Hist., vol. ii. bk.
ix. p. 486-91; Collier's Ecc. Hist. of Great Britain, vI. 470.
VOL. II.           30




466       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
object was to liberate Mary, Queen of Scots, and
reestablish the catholic religion in England.
In 1570, Pope Pius V. publicly excommunicated
Elizabeth, "pretended queen of England, and all
heretics adhering to her." * Thus everything seemed
to be gathering and combining to crush the queen
and destroy the protestant religion; and the hearts
of all good protestants were ready to faint through
fear of what might be coming  upon them, from
the combination of foreign princes and the machinations of home rebels against the government.
Strype calls this "a year of extreme danger and
apprehension to the queen and to the whole kingdom."
Yet, during this very time, persecution was kept
up by the queen against the puritans, the truest
friends of her government and the Reformation,
and Bridewell and other prisons were full of them.t
* Collier, vi. 466. " More privately sent about 1569." - Strype's
Annals, vol. I. pt. II. ch. 19, p. 354. " Secretary Cecil drew up a
memorial in 1569, on the perils of the kingdom and their remedies.
Among the then present perils, he enumerates:'A conspiration
of the pope, King Philip, the French king, and sundry potentates
of Italy, to employ all their forces for the subversion of the professors of the gospel. The intention of the same, formed to be
extended against England, immediately after the subduing of the
prince of Conde and his associates. The discovery of a great
number of gentlemen lately in Lancashire, that have upon persuasion forborne to come to the church, with opinion shortly to enjoy the use of the popish religion.' - Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt.
I I. ch. 54, p. 309.
t Neal, i. 270. The Rev. Mr. Axton, minister of Morton-Corbet, in Leicestershire, who was three times, during the year 1570,




CARTWRIGHT'S VIEWS.                 467
The controversy between the churchmen and
the puritans began about this time to assume a
new phase. In 1570, the Rev. Thomas Cartwright,
Lady  Margaret professor in  Cambridge, had discussed in his lectures questions which affected the
very foundations of the English hierarchy. lie
maintained, for example, that "the  names and,
functions of archbishops and archdeacons ought to
be abolished, as having no foundation in Scripture "; that " the offices of the lawful ministers of
the church, viz: bishops and deacons, ought to be
reduced to the apostolical institution -the bishop
to preach the word of God and pray, and deacons
cited into the bishop's court for nonconformity, and finally silenced
and driven out of the kingdom, though a learned and faithful minister, doubtless spoke the sentiments of the puritans generally,
in one of his examinations. The bishop having said: " You, in
refusing the surplice, are disloyal to the queen, and show a contempt for her laws," Axton replied: "You do me great injury
in charging me with disloyalty; and especially when you call me
and my brethren traitors, and say that we are more troublesome
subjects than the papists.
" Bishop. - I say still, the papists are afraid to stir, but you are
presumptuous, and disquiet the State more than they.
"Axton.- If I, or any that fear God, speak the truth, doth this
disquiet the State? The papists have for twelve years been plotting treason against the queen and the gospel, and yet this doth
not grieve you. But I protest in the presence of God, and of you
all, that I am a true and faithful subject to her majesty; also I
do pray daily, both publicly and privately, for her majesty's safety,
and for her long and prosperous reign, and for the overthrow of
all her enemies, and especially the papists. I do profess myself
an enemy to her enemies, and a friend to her friends; therefore,
if you have any conscience, cease to charge me with disloyalty to
my prince." - Neal, I. 278, note.




468      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
to take care of the poor"; that " the government
of the church ought not to be intrusted with archbishops' chancellors, or the officials of archdeacons,
but every church should be governed by its own
ministers and presbyters "; that " ministers ought
not to be at large [i. e. ordained without reference
to some particular church], but every one should
have the charge of a certain flock"; that " nobody
should ask or stand as a candidate for the ministry "; that " bishops should not be created by civil
authority, but ought to be fairly chosen by the
church." *
Cartwright was one of the most learned men of
his time, an admired preacher and a popular lecturer. These sentiments, though at first thrown
out rather as suggestions with reference to a more
perfect form of ecclesiastical government than
with any purpose of controversy, yet, falling in
with the private convictions of many thinking men
among the puritans, produced great excitement,
and raised a storm of persecution against the
learned professor, which ultimately, in spite of all
he or his influential friends could do, drove him
from the university, deprived him of his degree of
doctor of divinity, removed him  from  his lectureship and fellowship, and finally compelled him to
leave the country. In most particulars, the treat* Neal, i. 279; Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. II. ch. 57, pp. 879-;
Brook, ii. 140; Collier, vi. 478-78. All these authorities vary in
the phraseology of Cartwright's propositions, though they agree
in substance. I have followed Mr. Neal.




PARLIAMENT FOR REFORMATION.     469
ment of this bold confessor was like that experienced by Wickliffe, who, two hundred years before,
promulgated similar sentiments.
Repeated efforts were made by the puritans and
their friends, between 1566 and 1572, to get some
relief from their burdens from parliament, from the
convocation, and the queen. The commons were
quite inclined to aid this good work; and bills were
several times introduced, " touching reformation of
matters of religion," and some brave and bold
speeches were made in support of them, by men
of standing and influence in parliament. For example, in the parliament of 1571, Mr. Strickland,
" a grave and ancient man of great zeal," made a
long speech in the house, in which, among other
things, he said: "Although the Book of Common
Prayer is (God be praised) drawn very near to the
sincerity of the truth, yet are there some things inserted more superstitious than in so high matters
be tolerable; as, namely, in the administration of
the sacrament of baptism, the sign of the cross to
be made with some ceremonies, and such other errors, all which might well be changed, without note
of chopping or changing of religion, whereby the
enemies might slander us. He spake at large of
the abuses of the church of England, and of the
churchmen; as, first, that known papists are admitted to have ecclesiastical government and great livings; that godly, honest, and learned protestants
have little or nothing; that boys are dispensed
with, to have spiritual promotions; that, by friend



470       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
ship with the master of the faculties, either unable
men  are qualified, or some one man  allowed to
have too many several livings." Mr. Norton, " a
man wise, bold, and eloquent, stood up next," and
seconded Mr. Strickland; saying, that "he was of
Mr. Strickland's mind, chiefly for the avoiding and
suppressing of simonical engrossment."'
In accordance with these sentiments, bills were
discussed and referred to committees; and three
were actually passed and sent up to the lords,
notwithstanding her majesty had signified, very
distinctly, her disapproval of this meddling with
matters which, in her judgment, pertained to her
prerogative  alone.   She, however, succeeded  in
"dashing" the bills, and they came to nothing.t
The  puritans next addressed the convocation.
April 3d, 1571, Gilbert Alcock,'' an excellent minister of puritan principles, but silenced with many
of his brethren for nonconformity, presented a supplication to the convocation, in behalf of himself
and his suffering brethren, earnestly soliciting the
* D'Ewes, Journals of Parlianzment, pp. 147, 156; Strype's Parker,
II. 62, 63; Annals, vol. iI. pt. I. ch. 7, p. 93.
t D'Ewes gives an extended account of these bills, and of
the various discussions which they underwent. —Journals, pp.
156-58, 160, 180, 182, 184, 185,.213. See also Hopkins, I. 379-86.
Strype (Annals, vol. iI. pt. II. ch. 7) gives- the proceedings of
this: parliament with reference to these reformatory bills. He
says.: "There was a. strong party in the house that resolved to
press as vigorously as might be a further reformation of religion;
namely, by altering several things in the common prayer and the
ceremonies established." - P. 98.




THE PURITANS AND THE CONVOCATION.  471
house to consider their case, and redress their griev.
ances." In this supplication, after alluding to the
ceremonies which were urged upon the consciences
of Christians, he goes on to say: " If a minister
preach true doctrine, and live virtuously, yet omit
the least ceremony for conscience sake, he is immediately indicted, deprived, cast into prison, and
his goods wasted and destroyed; he is kept from
his wife and children, and at last excommunicated,
even though the articles brought against him be
ever so false. Those who observe your ceremonies,
though they be idolaters, common swearers, adulterers, or much worse, live without punishment,
and have many friends. We, therefore, beseech
your fatherhoods to pity our case, to take these
stumbling blocks from us, that we may live quiet
and peaceable lives, to the honor of our God."'
But the "fatherhoods," though they could not
deny the truth of the good man's declarations, yet
cared very little for such trifling matters as men's
consciences or church purity; and the burdens of
which the puritans complained were not only allowed to remain — the convocation refusing to
touch them with one of their fingers - but were
actually increased. New canons were passed, forbidding any minister to preach, or even to read
the common prayers in a private house, without
license; and all bishops were required to call all
preachers before them and take away their licenses,
* Brook's Lives of the Puritans, I. 170, 171; Neal, I. 288.




472     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
and then to license anew only those who would
promise absolute conformity to all the canons of
the convention, and who were in all other respects
agreeable to the licensers.*
So tyrannical were these new ecclesiastical in.
junctions, that Grindal, now archbishop of York,
refused to press them in his province. Pilkington,
of Durham, and some other bishops, also, were
quite unwilling to enforce the new canons; yet, so
determined was the queen known to be, that when
the elector of the Palatine of the Rhine, touched
with the sufferings of the puritan ministers, addressed a letter to the queen, beseeching her not to
insist on subscriptions, or upon wearing the habits,
even Grindal, to whom the letter was enclosed,
dared not deliver it, for fear of the royal displeasure.t
In the parliament of 1572, a further attempt was
made to secure some reformation in regard to
" rites and ceremonies " in the church. A bill was
read the third time on Tuesday, the 20th of May,
1572; but on Thursday, May 22d, the queen's
majesty signified that her highness' pleasure was
" that from henceforth no bills concerning religion
shall be preferred or received into this house unless
the same should be first considered and liked by
the clergy. And further, that her majesty's pleasure is, to see the two last bills read in this house
* Sparrow's Collections; Strype's Parker, II. 51-62; Hopkins, I.
405, 406.
t Neal, I. 289.




PARLIAMENT FOR REFORMATION.       47.3
touching rites and ceremonies." The bills were
accordingly sent to her, and the house never saw
them again.
Parliament, being thus forbidden to proceed in
these matters, next resorted to petitions to her maj-.
esty. They represented " that for lack of true discipline ill the church, great numbers are admitted
ministers that are infamous in their lives and conversations; and among those that are of ability,
their gifts in many places are useless, by reason
of pluralities and non-residency, whereby infinite
numbers of your majesty's subjects are like to
perish for lack of knowledge," etc.; and humbly
prayed for some redress.*
But the queen was as deaf to petitions as she
was averse to parliamentary action, and dissolved
parliament on the 29th of May, without deigning to notice the prayer of her commons; though
not without a severe reprimand to the reformers
for "their audacious, arrogant, and presumptuous
folly, thus by superfluous speech spending much
time in meddling with matters neither pertaining to
them, nor within the capacity of their understandings." t
The imperious queen now drove on apace the
work of persecution, by means of her willing servant, Archbishop Parker; and every minister who
could be reached, was compelled to conform to
every iota of her ceremonial laws, or suffer their
* Neal's Hist. Pur., I. 287, 288; Brook, I. 31.
t Dl'Ewes, p. 151.




474     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
bitter penalties. Yet, after all, it was a work of
useless cruelty, so far as the great end contemplated was concerned; for the puritans, instead of
being intimidated and driven into conformity, were
made by persecution more and more averse to a
hierarchal establishment in which external conformity to rites and ceremonies and dress was regarded as more important than honesty, fidelity,
learning and piety in a minister.  This persecution had also the natural effect of creating sympathy for the sufferers, and multiplying the number
of their friends. Thus Strype tells us, that, " notwithstanding the opposition they [the puritans]
met with from the queen and her commissioners,
by her repeated orders and commands; yet they
daily got ground, and increased more and more,
being favored and countenanced by many in court
and city. They issued out their books in great
plenty. The bishops they labored to make odious,
and termed them persecutors; and they gave out
that what the bishops did was not so much for the
church as for securing their own credit. At the
council board they had professed friends, such as
the Earl of Leicester, Sir Ralph Sadlier, and divers
others. Insomuch that the church had but two or
three fast friends there, whereof the lord Burleigh,
lord treasurer, was the chief." And in a letter to
the lord treasurer, written in November, 1572,
Archbishop Parker explains, that he and the commissioners had been comparatively quiet of late,
because of the strength of public opinion against




IRRELIGION IN CHURCH AND STATE.           475
them.   He  says, they knew  that the  puritans
were printing and scattering abroad their books;
but their presses, after diligent search, could not
be found; and "he understood," he said, "how,
throughout all the realm, among such as professed
themselves protestants, the matter was taken: they,
the puritans, rightly justified, and we judged to be
extreme persecutors."   He adds, that "the  more
they [the puritans] writ, the more they shamed
our religion; the more they were applauded, the
more they were comforted." *
The puritans had at least one steady, consistent,
hearty hater, and that was Elizabeth Tudor. She
had no personal experience of a scrupulous conscience, and could not understand why others
should be troubled in that way. All she asked,
all she cared for, was absolute outward conformity
to her sovereign will. The faith and morals of the
people were of little account. They might think
and believe what they would, provided they did
not interfere with her sovereignty in Church and
State.t
* Strype's Parker, ii. 191, 192.
t In 1570, the queen directed the lord keeper to declare, in the
star chamber, to all her loving subjects, that, "as long as they
shall openly continue in the observation of her laws, and shall not
wilfully and manifestly break them by their open actions, her
majesty's meaning is, not to have any of them molested by any
inquisition or examination of their consciences in causes of religion." - Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. ii. ch. 57, pp. 371, 372.
Elizabeth did pretend, on one occasion at least- or rather Burleigh did for her -to have conscientious scruples: "Her majesty




476       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
The state of morals and religion in the court
and country were what might have been expected
from the queen's character and conduct. Strype,
a willing panegyrist of Elizabeth whenever he
could be, draws a picture of the court and country
about the year 1572, sombre enough to please
Elizabeth's worst enemies. He says: "The state
of the church and religion at this time was but
low and sadly neglected, occasioned in a great
measure by these unhappy controversies about the
church's government and other external matters in
religion, which so employed the thoughts and zeal
of both clergy and laity, that the better and more
substantial parts of it were very little regarded.
The queen's own court [was] an harbor for epicures
and atheists, and a kind of lawless place, because
it stood in no parish; which made good men fear
some sad judgments impending over the nation." *
The queen herself was far from being a pattern
of good works. She had a low opinion of preachwould have you all understand," said the lord treasurer to the
ecclesiastical commissioners, in 1573, " that as she herself cannot
be quiet in her conscience, without earnest prosecuting the reformation hereof," that is, of those who thought it " a burden of conscience to observe the orders and rites of the church established
by law." - Strype's Parker, II. 351, 352.
* Life of Parker, ii. 204.
Mr. Hopkins has collected many evidences of Elizabeth's loose
notions of the Sabbath. While at Kenilworth, she is said to have
attended church in the morning, and recreated herself with " sports
and pastimes, as on other days, in the afternoons."- Vol. II. p. 13ti;
vol. III. pp. 586-91; Strype's Annals, vol. ii. pt. I. ch. 4, p. 58.




IRRELIGION IN CHURCH AND SrATE.            477
ing as a means of improving men, and, it is said,
rarely heard a sermon except in Lent, and thought
three or four preachers sufficient for a whole county.   Her life, too, if not openly licentious, was
such as to occasion constant scandal, which was
freely circulated, not only through her own kingdom, but in foreign courts. That the many disreputable stories about the queen had something more
than the mere malice of her enemies for a foundation, is quite evident from all contemporaneous
history. The letters of Sir Christopher Hatton,
one of Elizabeth's chief favorites, addressed to the
queen, are such as no subject would have dared to
write, if he had not been admitted  to great familiarities with her.  Some of these letters are impassioned love-letters.  Leicester, too, wrote about her
what no man could have written about a woman
of strict propriety of life.'
With a queen whose daily life exposed her to
* Life and Times of Sir Christopher Hatton, pp. 4-7, 25, 30; Lingard's Hist. Eng., viii. 285-88; Hopkins' Hist. Puritans, vol. I.
chap. ix. entire, and pp. 460-65, note.
" It being now the latter end of January, the archbishop's
thoughts were busied about providing preachers before the queen
the ensuing Lent; which was the chief, if not the only time in
the year of her majesty's hearing sermons, if we may believe a
late writer." - Strype's Parker, I. 401. The reference here is to
Howell's Familiar Letters, book iv. letter 12, pp. 462-65. London,
1754. The reader will find there a sad picture of Elizabeth and
her court, including even her maids of honor. The writer says:
" Touching the religion of the court, she seldom came to sermon
but in Lent-time; nor did there use to be any sermon upon Sundays, unless there were festivals."




478     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
the grossest scandal while claiming to be supreme
governor of the church, and a court which was " a
harbor for epicures and atheists, and a kind of lawless place," what could be expected but that " the
church and religion" of the country should be
" low and sadly neglected"?




CHAPTER XV.
FRUITLESS  EFFORTS  OF THE  PURITANS AT  CHURCH
REFORMATION  AND  DISCIPLINE. -  ARBITRARY  ACTS
OF THE QUEEN, 1572-1579.
IN the spring of 1572, the puritans made another
effort to present their cause fairly before the country, and to obtain some reformation in the church
and some relief from  personal hardships.  Two of
their number, Rev. Mr. John  Field and  Rev. Mr.
Thomas Wilcox  (or Welcocks), drew  up "An Admonition to Parliament for Reformation of Church
Discipline." *  This set forth the chief grievances
Strype says that " several persons had assembled privately together in London (as Dr. Bancroft was informed), namely, Gilby,
Sampson, Lever, Field, Wilcox, and some other - Cartwright very
likely among the rest; and then it was agreed upon, that an Admonition should be compiled and offered unto the parliament approaching," though, he says, "it never was offered to them." —
Life of WVhityjft, I. 54; Life of Parker, II. 110. Cartwright probably had no hand in this first Admonition, if Mr. Neal's account of
him is true; for he says, that, in 1570, " Mr. Cartwright, being
now out of all employment " - being forbidden to read lectures,
denied his degree of doctor in divinity, deprived of his professorship, and expelled from the university - " travelled beyond sea.
While he was abroad he was chosen minister to the English merchants at Antwerp, and afterwards at Middleburgh, where lie
continued two years, with little or no profit to himself." - Hist.
Pur., I. 282. And from his foreign residence, Cartwright did not
(479)




480     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
of the puritans; it exposed the corruptions of the
hierarchy, and the cruel proceedings of the bishops.
It contained, also, a platform  of a church; the
manner of electing ministers; their several duties,
and their equality in government; and concluded
with a petition to parliament that a discipline
more consonant with the Scriptures, and more in
accordance with that of the reformed churches of
the continent than was that of the English church,
might be established by law in England. The
fundamental idea of this proposed reformation was
that which lies at the foundation of the Congregational system: "In matters of government and
discipline, the word of God is our only warrant;
but rites and ceremonies not mentioned in the
Scripture are to be used or refused, as shall best
appear to the edification of the church." *
Cartwright maintained essentially the same great
principle - that the holy Scriptures were not only a
standard of doctrine, but of discipline and government also; and that the church of Christ in all
ages was to be regulated by them. While Whitgift, the archbishop's champion, maintained, " that,
though the holy Scriptures were a perfect rule of
faith, they were not designed as a standard of
church discipline or government; but that this was
changeable, and might be accommodated to the
civil government we live under; that the apostoliapparently return until after the publication of the first Admonition. - Neal, I. 301.
* Brook's Lives of Puritans, ii. 189.




PURITANS  PETITION  PARLIAMENT.               481
cal government was adapted to the church in its
infancy, and  under persecution, but was to be enlarged and altered as the church grew to rnaturity,
and had the civil magistrate on its side."'
Messrs. Wilcox  and  Field  presented  their petition to the house, or to some members of it, among
whom  Mr. Wilcox had  friends, who were well disposed to second his laudable efforts at reformation.t
For this bold step, the petitioners were arrested
(July 7th, 1572) and thrown into prison, and after
three months' confinement, sentenced, on the 2d of
October, to one year's imprisonment in the common jail of Newgate, agreeably to the Act of Uniformity  (sect. 2) against "declaring  anything  in
derogation  or depraving of the Book of Common
* Neal, I. 307.
t "Mr. Wilcox was intimate with the celebrated Sir Peter
Wentworth, who had the highest respect and esteem for him." -
Brook, II. 193. Strqype, in his Annals, (vol. II. pt. I. ch. 20, p. 275,)
says: "Two of these [new-discipline men] were taken up and
imprisoned, namely, Field and Wilcox, for offering this seditious
book [the Admonition] to the parliament."  But in Whitgift's Life
(I. 54) he says: " The book was called'An Admonition to the Parliament (first and second part),' though it never was offered to
them."  Whityift, in his Defense, (p. 13,) says: " They [the puritans] did not only propounde it [the Admonition] out of time [after
the parliament was ended], but out of order also, that is, in the
manner of a libell" —a little book. Soanes says: "It never
came before the members [of parliament] in their corporate capacity. The world knew nothing of it until the prorogation." —
Eliz. Hist., p. 163. This may be true, and yet the Admonition
may have been presented to some member of parliament by Wilcox, to be laid before the house; and even been offered to the
house, and not have been publicly known until it was published
after the prorogation.
VOL. II.              31




482      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
Prayer." And though the sufferers urged, that
" they had not attempted to correct or change anything of themselves, but only by parliament, and
with the queen's approbation, in a quiet and legal
way"; and though earnest petitions were addressed
to Burleigh, to Leicester, and to the council; yet
these poor men were compelled to pay the full forfeit of the statute, and more too, amidst the filth
and pestilential atmosphere of a London prison,
among the vilest creatures of earth. They were so
poor that they could neither buy food nor clothing
that was suitable; while their wives and children
were left beggars by the confinement of their natural guardians. And all this for presuming to exercise the right of freeborn Englishmen, to petition
parliament for the reform of notorious public grievances. Such were the tender mercies of the great
queen Elizabeth and her chosen instruments of
hierarchal government.
But, though these petitioners were thus doomed
to a loathsome prison, their petition had free course;
and, in spite of all the efforts of Archbishop Parker and his coadjutors, passed through three or four
editions in the course of this and the following
year. So important was this matter considered by
the archbishop, that, finding he could not prevent
the circulation of the "Admonition," he set Dr.
Whitgift to answer it.*  About this time, Mr.
* Neal, I. 300-5; Hopkins, I. 415-, 441-; Strype's Whitgifi, vol.
I. p. 64; Brook, I. 318-. Whitgift, in a letter to his friend Norton, who had tried to dissuade him from answering the Admoni



WILCOX AND FIELD'S VIEWS.               483
Cartwright returned to England, and was induced
to enter the lists against Whitgift. He published
first: "A Second Admonition, with a Humble Pe.
tition to both houses of Parliament for Relief
against Subscription";  and  also, "A  Reply to
Whitgift's Answer."
In December, 1572, Mr. Wilcox and Mr. Field
wrote a confession of their faith, with a preface,
"' to testify their persuasion in the faith, against the
uncharitable surmises of Dr. Whitgift, uttered in
his answer to their Admonition, in defence both of
themselves and their fautors." This was dated at
Newgate, December 4th, 1572, where they had
then been held prisoners for a year and four months,
" which they apprehended to be contrary to law ";
and by which " they and their poor wives and children were utterly impoverished, their health very
much impaired by the unwholesome savor of the
place, and the cold weather"; and where, they suption, on the ground that the matter would more quickly die
out if let alone, says: "There is no likelihood that the matter
should die, seeing the book be once again printed, and in every
man's hand and mouth." This letter was dated "the 25th of October, 1572"; so that the "Admonition" had reached a second
edition within a few months of its first publication. - Strype's
Whitqift, I. 62. Strype's Parker (II. 109) says: "The Admonition had now by this time [before the close of 1572] been printed
and reprinted privately no less thanfour times, (in such a vogue it
was,) notwithstanding the diligence of the bishops to suppress it."
Strype is evidently mistaken when he says, " Thomas Cartwright
was the chief author."  Brook says: " Mr. Cartwright was not
the author, as many writers have asserted, but Mr. John Field,
assisted by Mr. Thomas Wilcox." - Lives of the Puritans, II. 143.




484      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
posed, " they were like to suffer yet greater extremities." This document, expressing as it doubtless
does the opinions and faith of multitudes of good
men in the English nation, who were at that time
struggling up from the rubbish of popery and tyranny, towards scriptural truth and order in the
churches, deserves attention.s
In the preface, the authors say: "Because we
would have bishops unlorded, according to God's
word, therefore it is said, we seek the overthrow of
civil magistrates; because we say, all bishops and
ministers are equal, and therefore may not exercise
sovereignty over one another, therefore they say,
when they have brought this in among the bishops,
we shall be for levelling the nobility of the land;
because we find fault with the regimen of the
church as drawn from the pope, therefore they say,
we design the ruin of the State; because we say
the ministry must not be a bare reading ministry,
but that every minister must be learned, able to
preach, to refute gainsayers, to comfort, to rebuke,
and to do all the duties of a shepherd, a watchman,
and a steward, therefore they bear the world in
hand, that we condemn the reading of the holy
Scriptures in churches; because we are afraid of
joining with the church in all her rites and ceremonies, therefore we are branded with the odious
* Neal says: "I have the whole before me [in manuscript], but
shall only transcribe a few passages relating to the present controversy." - Vol. 1. p. 30., note. See also vol. I,. p. 282.




WILCOX AND FIELD'S VIEWS.      485
names of Donatists, Aerians, Arians, Hickfeldians,
Puritans," etc.
The confession contains the following statements, to most of which modern Congregationalists would cheerfully assent: "We hold and believe that we ought to keep inviolably that kind of
government that is left us in the gospel. - That
the office of a pastor is to preach the word and administer the sacraments; and therefore, that bare
readers, or single service-sayers, are no more fit for
pastors than women and children that can read
well; yet we deny not the reading of the Scriptures
in all congregations; but this is not a part of the
minister's office. - We affirm that the church of
God is a company, or congregation, of the faithful,
called and gathered out of the world by the preaching of the gospel, united in the true faith, and resolving to form their lives, government, order, and
ceremonies according to the word of God. - We
hold that there ought to be joined to the pastors of
the church, elders and deacons, for the bridling of
vices, and providing for the poor. - That no pastor
ought to usurp dominion over another; nor any
church exercise lordship or rule over another. - We
believe that the pastor should be chosen by the congregation; and being chosen, should be confirmed
in his vocation by the elders, with public prayer
and imposition of hands. - Concerning ceremonies,
we hold that they ought to be few, and such as
have no show of evil, but manifestly tend to decency and good order. We reject, therefore, all




486       HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
popish ceremonies and apparel. -We hold that
churches may differ in order and ceremonies, and
yet keep the unity of the faith; and therefore we
condemn not other churches that have ceremonies
different from ours." *
The public enunciations of Cartwright, followed
by those of Field and Wilcox, fairly opened a new
era in the history of puritanism. They brought
mnen out upon a higher plain, to more scriptural
ground as to church order and government, than
had been publicly taken since the exiles in Frankfort framed their " New Discipline," which claimed
for particular churches, or congregations of believers, the scriptural right to choose their own ministers and deacons, and to administer their own
affairs by the voice of the majority of the congregation.t There was, to be sure, as early as about
1560, an anonymous paper written, doubtless by
some puritan reformer, which claimed this apostolic
right for the churches; but it does not seem to
have attracted  much attention.:  Now, however,
these and kindred sentiments began to find free
* Neal's Puritans, I. 3038, 304, note.
t See ante, pp. 385-98.
t See Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. I. ch. 17, pp. 312-18. This paper
is entitled: "Notes for some reformation of the ministry and ministers in this corrupt time and state of the church of England, to be
observed until better reformation may be devised and executed."
It contains nine articles, the first of which reads thus: " First,
that none be admitted into the ministry of the word and sacraments, but such as be able to minister the same according to God's
word, and such as shall be at the same time admitted to a certain
place and congregation."




CHARKE'S AND DEERING'S VIEWS.      487
utterance and hearty belief.  For example: the
Rev. William Charke, fellow of Peter-house, Cambridge, " a man of parts," in a concio ad clerum, delivered in the university pulpit, December, 1572,
maintained, among other things, the following startling propositions: 1st. That "bishops, archbishops,
metropolitans, patriarchs, and popes were introduced into the church by Satan. 2d. That among
ministers of the church, one ought not to be superior to another."'  The Rev. Edward Deering,
Lady Margaret lecturer to the university of Cambridge, is charged with saying, in one of his lectures, "that of right the election of ministers to
benefices or cures belongeth to the people, and of
ancient writers is justified that it ought to be so." t
And in a letter to Lord Burleigh, November 1st,
1573, he draws this striking contrast between the
primitive bishops and those who then reigned in
England: " The bishops and ministers were then
one in degree; now they are divers. There were
many bishops in one town; now there is but one
in a whole county. No bishop's authority was
more than in one city; now it is in many shires.
The bishops then used no bodily punishments;
now they imprison, fine, etc. Those bishops could
not excommunicate or absolve, of their own aunthority; now they may. Then, without consent,
they could make no ministers; now they do. They
* Strype's Whitgifi, I. 88; Parker, ii. 194; Annals, vol. II. pt. I.
ch. 20, p. 278.
t Strype's Parker, ii. 240.




488     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
could confirm no children in other parishes; they
do now in many shires. Then they had no living
of the church, but only in one congregation; now
they have. Then they had no officials under them,
nor commissaries, nor chancellors.  Then they
dealt in no civil government, by any established
authority. Then they had no right in alienating
any parsonage, to give in lease. Then they had
the church where they served the cure, even as
those whom we call now parish priests, although
they were metropolitans or archbishops."'
A little before this time, the puritans who still
remained in the church of England had put in
operation private associations among themselves,
with a view to personal improvement, and to supply in part the lack of discipline and religious instruction in the church. In addition to other selfimposed duties, these associationists had agreed to
maintain religious exercises, at which one after
another should speak on some text of Scripture or
important religious topic, adapted to improve their
own minds and hearts, and their parishioners' and
others who should be present on the occasion.
These meetings were commonly called " Exercises,"
or " Prophecyings "; the name being suggested by
the apostle's words to the Corinthian church (1
Cor. xiv.): " Ye may all prophesy, one by one, that
all may learn, and all may be comforted." These
exercises soon became quite popular, attracting the
* Strype's Annals, vol. ii. pt. I. ch. 28, pp. 411, 412; Hopkcins, I. 517.




THE EXERCISES OR PROPHECYINGS.          489
laity, and even the magistrates to them; and, receiving the countenance of many of the bishops,
they rapidly extended into different parts of the
kingdom, and "were much used now  throughout
most of the dioceses." i
It seems to us strange that any one who had the
best interest of the English nation at heart could
have objected to these exercises.  But there was
one English woman, of great influence, to whom
they were quite distasteful, namely, Elizabeth Tudor; " seeing, probably," says her apologist, " how
very apt they were to be abused. Nor did she like
that the laity should neglect their secular affairs
by repairing to these meetings [which were held
usually on Tuesdays and Thursdays]; which she
thought also might fill their heads with notions,
and so occasion discussions and unquiet disputes,
and it may be seditions in the State." She was
offended, also, at the number of preachers who attended these meetings. She thought that three or
four preachers to a county were all sufficient! and
that reading of homilies to the people was enough.
She, therefore, ordered the suppression of the exercises, and the reduction of the number of the
clergy.t
$ Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. I. chaps. 10, 31, pp. 133, 325, 472-;
vol. II. pt. iI. ch. 25, p. 494; Grindal, p. 260; Neal, I. 390-; Hleylyn's Hist. Presb., pp. 245-, sect. 15.
t This final order for suppressing the prophecyings was given
to Grindal some time in 1576, he being then archbishop of Canterbury. The good man had the courage to disobey the queen's
orders, and to write her a plain and earnest and able protest. For




490        HISTORY  OF CONGREGATIONALISMI.
England at this time probably had a population
of five million souls, dispersed over forty counties;
or, including Wales, sixty-two  counties; now, to
give each of these counties four preachers, would
give about one preacher to every twenty thousand
souls!    The queen had  her will, and  even  more,
probably, than she willed; for soon whole counties
were without a single preacher. Neal says, that in
the year 1579 the populous town of Northampton
had not a single preacher! and that there were in
the county of Cornwall one hundred and forty
clergymen, not one of whom was capable of preaching a sermon, and most of whom were pluralists or
non-residents; and even that the city of London
was in a lamentable case. A petition, presented to
this he lost her favor, and was suspended and sequestered; and
the queen sent her commands directly " to the bishops throughout England, to suppress the exercise called prophecying." —
Sts-ype's G(rindal, p. 28, and Appendix, No. 9, which contains
Grindal's noble letter to the queen, dated December 20th, 1576,
and App. No. 10, which contains the queen's letter to the bishops
of England, ordering the suppression of prophecying. But two
years previous, as early as March 25th, 1574, Parker, by command of the queen, forbade these meetings in the diocese of Norwich. The reason assigned was, that many of the ministers took
occasion in these meetings "to vent controversies concerning
matters of church discipline, and to call in question the establishment of this church by episcopacy." - Strype's Parker, II. 358-62.
The bishop of Norwich, Parkhurst, submitted to this order very
reluctantly, protesting that there had been irregularities only
"once or twice by busy speakers against conformity in religion.
But that they had been silenced until they should subscribe the
articles," etc. -Annals, vol. II. pt. I. ch. 31, p. 477.
* Mfc Culloch's Brit. Emnpire, vol. I. pt. I. sect. 1, partic. p. 399.




SCARCITY OF GOOD MINISTERS.      491
the parliament of 1579-80, says that at least one
half the churches of the city were unfurnished with
preaching ministers; and scarcely one in ten, even
of those which had ministers, had men who conscientiously served their parishioners.* In the supplication of the people of Cornwall, they say: " We
are above the number of fourscore and ten thousand souls, which for the want of the word of God
are in extreme misery and ready to perish; and
this, neither for want of maintenance nor place;
for, besides the appropriations in our shire, we
allow yearly about nine thousand two hundred
pounds, and have about one hundred and sixty
churches, the greatest part of which are supplied
by men who are guilty of the grossest sins; some
fornicators, some adulterers, some felons, bearing
the marks in their hands for the said offence, some
drunkards, gamesters on the Sabbath-day," etc. t
The description of a contemporary writer of this
period of the ministry of the church of England,
though incidentally introduced, is confirmatory of
the preceding statements.  The author of the
" Brief Discourse," (probably William  Whittingham,) published in England in 1575, says: " It is
high time to look unto this [the correct translation
of the Bible], considering that in most parts of this
realm preachers ye have none, nor any that can or
will preach (very few excepted) saving certain wanderers, amongst whom (and specially in some
* Hist. Pur., I. 368.      t Neal, I. 369.




492     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
shires) are such ruffianly rake-hells, and common
cozeners permitted and suffered, by whose preachings the word of truth is become odious in the
eyes of the people. Seeing then, I say, that in
most places the ministry doth stand and consist of
old popish priests, tolerated readers, and many newmade ministers, whose readings are such that the
people cannot be edified, especially when one is
tolerated to serve two or three churches, and turning their backs to the people, I leave to the consideration of such (who have to deal in this matter)
what great and intolerable mischances may come
more and more (by suffering such corrupt Bibles in
churches and elsewhere) to the poor simple flock
of Christ." 
Another measure, devised by the puritans " after
some debate," to secure a degree of discipline in
the church, and to promote the cause of religion
generally, was to organize presbyteries. The first
association of this kind in England was formed at
Wandsworth, a small village of Surrey, about five
miles from London, on the river Wandle, near its
entrance into the Thames. This occurred probably
early in the summer of 1572. Fifteen or sixteen
clergymen, with " a number of very considerable
laymen," united in this measure. And on the 20th
of November, eleven elders were chosen. Though
the bishops were almost immediately informed of
this movement, and the ecclesiastical commission* Brief Discourse, p. cxciii.




ACTIVE PERSECUTION OF PURITANS.               493
ers at once adopted measures to discover these bold
innovators, the secret was so well kept that none,of the members could be detected; nor could the
formation of similar associations in neighboring
counties be prevented.*
During the years 1571-72, not less than one hundred clergymen, suspected of puritan tendencies,
were deprived of their benefices and ecclesiastical
preferments; and " great numbers of both sexes all
over the realm, who were suspected of religion not
agreeable to  the  State, were committed to  close
prison." t
* Neal, I. 313; i ist. Surrey, vol. III. p. 342; Fuller's Ch. Hist.,
vol. Ii. bk. ix. sect. 3, p. 505.
Neal calls this "the first Presbyterian church in England ";
and Collier (vi. 520) says the puritans now "set up altar against
altar, and declare for a separate communion." But it is doubtful
whether this was in its design anything more than a modification
of the Northampton associational scheme. Compare Strype's Parker, II. 282-85; Collier, VI. 519-30; Neal, I. 330; Hffopkins, ii. 265,
438, and notes. Fuller gives the names of sixteen clergymen who
were concerned in the formation of this presbytery, and divides
them  into "two sorts of ministers": Field, Wilcox, Standen,
Jackson, Bonham, Seintlac, Crane, and Edmonds, he says, were
"'principally against ministers' attire and the common prayer
book "; while Charke, Travers, Barber, Gardner, Cheston, Crooke,
Egerton, "endeavored the modelling of a new discipline; and it
was not long before, both streams uniting together, non-conformity began to bear a large and great channel in the city of London." - Ut sup. But if Field and Wilcox were original members of this presbytery, it must have been organized previously to
July 7th, 1572; for on that day they were both committed to
prison, where they were kept until the close of 1573, if not longer.
See ante, p. 481; Brook's Pur., I. 322; Soamues' Eliz. Hist., 186.
t Strype's Annals, vol. II. pt. I. chaps. 7 and 20, pp. 106, 276,
277; LNeal, I. 299; Hopkins, I. 457.




494      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
A new issue of the Admonition to the parliament, in 1573, and Cartwright's reply to Whitgift's
Answer, and the murder of one of the queen's offi-.
cers, by a crazy man, reputed to be a puritan, awakened anew the anger of the queen, and she issued
a proclamation in June against the Admonition
and the Reply, and ordered all who had them in
possession to bring them in, under pain of imprisonment.* The archbishop was greatly exercised
by the state of things, and particularly that not one
of the condemned books had been brought to the
bishop of London, though there were, doubtless,
some thousands of them dispersed in the city and
other parts of his diocese. Parker, however, found
some relief in the sessions of the commissioners,
in the star chamber. Coming home from one of
these meetings, where sundry puritans had been
under examination, we are told that the archbishop
seconded what he had done at the star chamber,
by a letter to the lord treasurer. "~ They had been
there," he said, "pretty brisk upon these men, but
fearing they should cool again, as they had done
formerly, he excited him and all the rest, in his said
letter, to proceed against them." t
To help her archbishop in his merciless persecution of the puritans, the queen issued a proclamaIf the reader would understand the views of the persecuting
party in Church and State of this Hacket affair, he should read
Dr. Cosin's Conspiraciefor Pretended Reformation. It is bound up
with Paule's Life of Whitgift.
t Strype's Parker, ii. 255-58; Neal, I. 309, 318.




ACTIVE PERSECUTION OF PURITANS.    495
tion on the 20th of October, 1573, commanding all
archbishops and bishops, all justices of assizes, and
all others having authority, to put in execution the
Act for the Uniformity of Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments, with all diligence
and severity; and requiring the immediate arrest
and imprisonment of all offenders, and the punishment,' with more care and diligence than heretofore hath been done," of all who should neglect to
come to the common prayer, and to receive the
sacraments of the church according to the order in
the book allowed. And further, commanding that
if any persons should, either in private houses or
public places, make assemblies, and therein use
other rites of common prayer and administration
of the sacraments than is prescribed in the said
book, or should maintain in their houses any persons notoriously charged with any attempts to
alter the said orders, by books or preaching, they
should see such persons punished with all severity.'
This proclamation was followed, on the 7th of
November, by a sharp letter from the council, by
the queen's command, addressed to the bishops, in
which they were told, that " it was mostly their fault
that such diversities, contentions, and unseemly
disputations had arisen; that they and their officers had heretofore performed their visitations and
held their courts more - and more the pity - to
e- Cardwell's Documentary Annals, vol. I. No. LXXI. p. 383, Oxford, 1844; Strype's Parker, II. 320.




496     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
get money, or for some other sinister purposes, than
to keep their churches in uniform and godly order."?
This, certainly, might be called being "pretty
brisk " with the bishops and commissioners, but
all this even did not satisfy the imperious queen;
so on the 28th of November the ecclesiastical commissioners were called into the star chamber to receive the final instructions and the strict injunctions of her majesty, before setting out on their
several circuits. They were then told by the lord
treasurer, in the queen's name, that " a number of
vicars and curates, preachers and readers, young in
years, but over-young in brains, have made sundry
alterations, according to their own imaginations
and conceits, in the common services of the church.
They have also diffused erroneous opinions, such
as make men think the prescribed orders and rites
of the church burdenous to conscience. This is a
matter pernicious to the state of government, a
danger which her majesty, by the charge committed to her by Almighty God, is bound to stay by
speedy good means. These corrupt opinions tend
to the violation of laws without offence to conscience. Hence come violent and audacious attempts, of which her majesty is daily hearing. And
as you are now to repair to your several counties,
she reiterates her earnest intent to reform these disorders and corruptions, which are brought about
* Cardwell, vol. I. No. lxxx. p. 387; Strype's Parker, ii. 345.




ACTIVE PERSECUTION OF PURITANS.    497
both by malpractice and by unsound doctrine. She
cannot be quiet in her conscience without earnestly
prosecuting the reformation hereof; nor can she
think any of her subjects, especially her ecclesiastical officers, worthy to live under her protection,
or anywise to enjoy her favor, who shall directly or indirectly maintain any person to alter, by
example or doctrine, the established orders of the
church." *
Stimulated by these pungent instructions from
the queen, the ecclesiastical commissioners went
forth, fired with new zeal and girded with new
strength, to their hateful work of persecution.
Strict and harsh as had been their previous inquisitions and judgments, new and more cruel measures were now devised, to entangle, convict, and
punish all nonconformists, lay as well as clerical.
New forms of subscription were drawn up, and
new modes of objuration invented and practised
by them; and all puritans who could be reached
by these inquisitors, however blameless and exemplary their lives and character, were immediately
subjected to arrest, to exorbitant costs and heavy
fines, or to imprisonment in the common jails,
where they were often suffered to languish for
months without even a trial. By these means
many honest, conscientious men were impoverished,
and broken in health, and actually killed, even
when nothing could be proved against them but
* Strype's Parker, ii. 350.
VOL. II.        32




498     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
their unwillingness to submit to illegal tests and
oaths.*
Thus, says Strype, "the prosecution of the puritans went now vigorously forward, more than ever
it had done, the queen being resolved to suppress
them. About this time, in the beginning of the
year, divers of the most eminent men among them
were taken up and brought before the council, and
before the ecclesiastical commission. And particularly about Cartwright's book, several were examined, namely, Dering, Wiborn, Johnson, Brown,
Field, Wilcox, Sparrow, and King." The last four
were sent to prison, and the others were suspended
and silenced. This inquisition was not on account
of anything which they were accused of having
done amiss, but to ascertain their secret opinions
on sundry points; as, Whether it was lawful to
condemn what was established by public authority,
until supplication had been made to said authority
under the person's own name? - Whether the book
of service be good and godly, every title grounded
on the holy Scriptures? - Whether the book of
articles established by parliament be agreeable to
God's word or not?- Whether we must of necessity follow the primitive church in such things as
be used or established or not? - Whether all ministers in the church of God should be of equal
authority? t
* Neal's Puritans, I. 320-30.
t Strype's Parker, ii. 238-41; Collier, vi. 523.




ACTIVE PERSECUTION OF PURITANS.   499
Many suffered at this time, of whom there is
now no particular record on earth; as is evident
from what Mr. Wilcox writes to " Good Father
Gilby," December 21, 1573: "Mr. Fulwer, our
dear friend and brother in the Lord, with divers
others, are prisoners in the same Compter, and for
the same cause that our brother Edmunds is. Our
brother Johnson, minister of the church without
Temple Bar, and others with him, are laid in the
Gatehouse, at Westminster. Our brother Wight,
and others with him, are committed to Newgate."
And in a letter dated six weeks after the above,
Mr. Wilcox tells father Gilby that "the commissioners go forward in their haughty proceedings.
Three of them that they have imprisoned are dead
already. What shall become of the rest, God
knoweth. We here persuade ourselves of nothing
but great extremity." * Brook, in his Lives of the
Puritans, has preserved a record of many of the
sufferers of this year, and alludes generally to
many others of whom no particulars remain.t The
case of Robert Johnson, of King's College, Cambridge, and domestic chaplain in Lord Keeper Bacon's family, was one of peculiar hardship. For
some slight deviations from order, he was imprisoned in the Gatehouse, in December, 1573, where
he sickened, and notwithstanding the efforts of the
council even, was suffered by Parker and Sandys
to die in prison. Several others, cast into prison
x Brook, II. 192.           t lb., I. 35.




500      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
at the same time, also perished. And no wonder,
if Johnson's description of the prisons was true:
" Filthy jails, more unwholesome than dunghills,
and more stinking than pigsties." *
Mr. Bonham, Mr. Standen, and Mr. Fenn were
committed to prison this same year; and though
two of them sickened in prison, it required a second and peremptory order to the archbishop from
the lords of the council, in the queen's name, even
to get them a hearing before their judges.t  Such
was clerical mercy towards nonconformists. About
the same time, five clergymen of the diocese of
Peterborough were suspended, and then deprived
of their livings, for the same offence. Four of
these men had been licensed by the university as
learned and religious divines. Many ministers in
the diocese of Norwich were prosecuted in the
ecclesiastical courts; and many nonconformists
in the university of Cambridge suffered severely.
Even laymen were committed to prison for this
same crime of nonconformity; spies being stationed in the parish churches to detect those who
absented themselves.t
A striking illustration of the tyranny of these
times is furnished by Strype, in his account of the
treatment experienced by certain religiously dis* Brook (I. 176-88, IIi. 503-6) gives a full and interesting account of Robert Johnson, with a specimen of his examination before the ecclesiastical governors, his letters to his persecutors, etc.
t Brook, I. 174-76.
t Ib., I. 36, 145; Neal, I. 327.




ACTIVE PERSECUTION OF PURITANS.    501
posed conformists in Balsham, Cambridgeshire,
and Strethall, Essex, in 1574. It seems that some
of the inhabitants of these parishes had contracted
the habit of meeting together on holy-days, after
dinner or supper, for religious conference and worship, and to read the Scriptures and confirm each
other in Christian faith, and for the reformation of
vice in themselves and their families. The ecclesiastical commissioners hearing of these " unlawful
assemblies," immediately sent for the ministers of
these parishes, and ordered them to suppress forthwith these dangerous meetings, and it was done;
though the parties complained of declared: " We
do not favor or maintain any of the opinions of
the anabaptists, puritans, papists, or libertines, but
would be glad to learn our duty towards God, our
prince, and magistrates, towards our neighbors and
our families, in such sort as becomes good and
faithful and obedient subjects "; and though they
thus plead, in excuse for their religious meetings:
"' The occasion of our assemblies on the holy-days
after supper was this: for that heretofore we have
at divers times spent and consumed our holy-days
vainly, in drinking at the alehouse, and playing at
cards, tables, dice, and other vain pastimes, for the
which we have been often blamed of our parson,
we thought it better to bestow the time in sober
and godly reading the Scriptures, only for the purpose aforesaid and no other."*
* Strype's Parker, II. 381-85; Neal's Hist. Pur., I. 338.




502     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
Notwithstanding the harmless and Christian
character of these poor men and their meetings,
Mr. Strype tells us:" Yet such were the times
now, that even these commendable courses were
strictly and jealously looked into by special order
from the archbishop." Or, in other words, the rulers of the church of England thought it a less evil
for men to spend their time on holy-days in drinking and gaming, than in " unauthorized " meetings
for reading the Scriptures, prayer, and conference!
In May, 1:57.5, that arch-persecutor, Matthew
Parker, archbishop of Canterbury, was called to
his final account, having pursued the puritans
with relentless rigor to the very close of his threescore and twelve years. He was a man of moderate abilities, a narrow mind, and a hard, unsympathizing nature, and possessed an unusual amount
of dogged perseverance, mixed largely with petulant impatience when crossed in his persecuting
plans, or not duly supported.
Edmund Grindal, archbishop of York, was
elected to the vacant throne of Canterbury, on the
queen's nomination, and entered on the duties,
responsibilities, and trials of the office, February
15th, 1575-76. But not proving a sufficiently pliable instrument in the hands of the arbitrary queen
- being in fact too conscientious and good a man
to occupy the metropolitan's seat in times like
those in which he lived- he was soon laid aside,
and ultimately gave place to John Whitgift, a
worthy successor of Matthew Parker.




ACTIVE PERSECUTION OF PURITANS.    50The work of persecution for conscience' sake
was carried on with unremitting activity during
the years 1576-80.  Many faithful ministers were
shut up in prison; others were silenced or suspended for the most trivial deviations from canonical conformity, such as not using the surplice
when officiating, neglecting to make the sign of
the cross in baptism, not using the ring in the
marriage - service, or omitting some part of the
common prayer in public worship. For these and
such like offences, numbers of learned and pious
men were indicted at the assizes, and subjected to
cruel and humiliating punishments.'
Among the sufferers of this period were the Rev.
John Nash, who was imprisoned in the Marshalsea, William Drewet, who was sent to Newgate,
and Rev. Mr. Harvey, a learned and zealous minister of Norwich, who was suspended. This good
man, in a letter to his bishop, on his suspension,
uttered some plain, bold truths. He told his lordship, among other things: " We find in the Scriptures of truth, that when Christ ruled and reigned
in his church, his officers were bishops or pastors,
and elders and deacons. But when the pope set
aside this government, he appointed new governors
in the church, as cardinals, archbishops, lordships,
deans, chancellors, commissioners, and many others. The government of the church is much the
same as it was under popery. The pope's officers,
* Neal, I. 373; Brook's Puritans, I. 37-43, 278, 449; III. 507.




504     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
you know, still bear rule; and therefore the reins
of government are not in the hands of Christ, but
in the hands of antichrist.  Moreover, as Jesus
Christ is the only lawgiver in his church, and he
alone has power and authority to appoint its officers, if any king or prince in the world appoint
other officers in the church than Christ hath already
allowed and appointed, we will lay down our necks
upon the block rather than consent to them."'
Nine ministers of Norwich or its immediate
vicinity were suspended about this time, besides
numbers in other parts of the kingdom.
These violent proceedings called forth remonstrances from gentlemen of influence in different
quarters. One from Suffolk, addressed to the lords
of the council, holds the following language: "' The
painful pastors and ministers of the word — by
what justice we know not — are now of late
brought to the bar at every assize, marshalled with
the worst malefactors, indicted, arraigned, and condemned for matters, as we presume, of very slender moment: some for singing the hymn Nunc
DiZmittis in the morning; some for turning the
question in baptism from the infants to the godfathers, which is only youl for thou; some for leaving out the cross in baptism; some for leaving out
the ring in marriage; whereunto neither the law
nor the law-makers, in our judgment, had ever any
regard." t
* Brook, I. 192.
t Parte of a Register, p. 128, in Brook, I. 43.




THE IMPERIOUS QUEEN.        505
But the queen and many of her bishops and
counsellors thought otherwise. They insisted on
tithing the mint, and the cummin, and the anise;
they demanded an exact and punctilious regard to
every external rite, ceremony, and usage of the lawestablished church; while the weightier matters of
the law, judgment, mercy, and faith, they recklessly
disregarded.
A striking illustration of the sensitive bigotry of
the queen is furnished by her treatment of the parliament of 1579-80.  Early in the session, the
commons passed a vote to this effect: " That as
many of their members as conveniently could,
should, on the Sunday fortnight, assemble and
meet together in the Temple church, there to have
preaching, and to join together in prayer, with
humiliation and fasting, for the assistance of God's
Spirit in all their consultations during the parliament; and for the preservation of the queen's majesty and her realms." No sooner, however, was
this modest and pious resolution known to her
majesty, than she took the alarm, and scenting
danger, if not treason, in the measure, ordered her
vice - chamberlain, Sir Christopher Hatton, to inform the commons that " she did much admire at
so great a rashness in that house as to put in execution such an innovation, without her privity and
pleasure first made known unto them." Sir Christopher then moved the house "to make humble
submission to her majesty, acknowledging said offence and contempt, craving the remission of the




506     HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
same, with a full purpose to forbear the committing of the like hereafter." This was done, and so
the matter ended.*
But this movement of the commons furnished a
pretence for the queen to exact additional parliamentary protection for her royal prerogative, in the
form of a new statute, entitled: "An Act to retain
the Queen's Majesty's Subjects in their due Obedience."  The fifth section of this act provides
"that every person above the age of sixteen years,
which shall not repair to some church, chapel, or
usual place of common prayer, shall forfeit to the
queen's majesty for every month after the end of
this session of parliament, which he or she shall so
forbear, twenty pounds of lawful English money;
and that, over and besides the said forfeitures,
every person so forbearing by the space of twelve
months, as aforesaid, shall, for his or her obstinacy,
be bound with two sufficient sureties, in the sum
of two hundredpounds at least, to good behavior;
and so to continue bound until such time as the
persons so bound do conform themselves and
come to the church."  Another section provides
that "if any person shall devise, write, print, or
set forth, any book, rhyme, ballad, letter, or writing, containing any false, seditious, and slanderous matter, to the defamation of the queen, or to
the stirring or moving of any rebellion, or shall
cause any such book, rhyme, writing, etc., to be
H* eylyn's Hist. Preb., p. 249; Neal, I. 371.




THE IMPERIOUS QUEEN.         507
written, printed, or published, then every such offence shall be adjudged felony." *
The imperious queen went even beyond what
has now been recorded, in humbling this very parliament. The commons being pressed with petitions for the removal of unfaithful, unworthy, and
dissolute ministers - men that were gamesters on
the Sabbath day, drunkards, fornicators, adulterers,
felons, bearing the marks of their crimes in their
hands- and the appointment of faithful men,
who would preach the word of God; and being
forbidden by her majesty to take any action themselves, ventured to raise a committee to confer
with the bishops touching some reformation of the
church, and to move her highness in it. Some of
the bishops feeling the necessity of reformation in
the particulars complained of, joined the commons
in a petition to her majesty. She received the petition, and directed Sandys, the archbishop of York
- Grindal, of Canterbury, being then " under a
cloud" -to call to him three or four bishops to
consult about the matter. They agreed on certain
reformations, which they " thought good, and could
gladly yield " to, and made their report to the queen.
She took the report and retained it; and when
pressed for an answer, replied that she " was sufficient of herself to deal with the clergy in matters
ecclesiastical, and that the parliament-house should
not meddle therein, neither could her majesty yield
* Statutes, 23 Eliz. ch. 1, sect. 5, and ch. 2, sect. 1.




508      HISTORY OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
unto the alteration of any ecclesiastical law." 
Thus ended the last attempt of the commons to
secure some relief for the suffering puritans.
These accumulating acts of ecclesiastical tyranny were more than enough to satisfy some of
the puritans that nothing remained for them but
abject submission to the queen's authority in matters ecclesiastical, or open separation from the
church of England.  Multitudes chose the latter
alternative, resolving to worship God agreeably to
the dictates of their consciences, enlightened by
God's word, and dare the wrath of their despotic
and irreligious queen. And to the history of these
brave Christians we now especially turn; for among
them  will be found the men who reasserted the
principles of Congregationalism, and finally succeeded, at the cost of great suffering, and even of
their very lives, in firmly establishing in England
this scriptural and apostolic system of church order
and government.
* Neal, I. 36; Hopkins, ii. 171-80; Sandys' letter to William
Chatterton, in Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, vol. I. bk. III. No. 29,
Lond. 1779, quarto.




APPENDIX.
NOTE A, TO PAGE 205.
OPINIONS OF THE FATHERS OF THE ENGLISH CHURCH.
PEIRCE, in his Vindication of the Dissenters, says: — " All
our divines, who truly hated popery, labored earnestly, in the
beginning of Elizabeth's reign, that the reformation begun in
King Edward's time might now be carried on much further.
But the queen was of another mind, and she managed all things
as she pleased. But it will give less offence if I use here
churchmen's words, rather than my own. Mr. George Cranmer,
in his letter to Mr. Hooker, says:'It may be remembered that
at first the greatest part of the learned of the land were either
eagerly affected, or favorably inclined that way [of the nonconformists]. The books then written for the most part savored
of the disciplinary style; it sounded everywhere in pulpits,
and in common phrase of men's speech. The contrary part
began to fear they had taken a wrong course.'
"Bishop Burnet- likewise tells us:' It appears by the letters
of the bishops to Bullinger, that they preserved the ancient
habits rather in compliance with the queen's inclinations than
out of any liking they had to them. Jewel, in a letter bearing
date the 8th of February, 1566, wishes that the vestments,
together with all the other remnants of popery, might be
thrown out of their churches, and out of the minds of the
people; and laments the queen's fixedness to them, so that she
would suffer no change to be made. And in January of the
same year, Sandys writes to the same purpose: Disputes are
now on foot concerning the popish vestments, whether they
(509)




510                    APPENDIX.
should be used or not; but God will put an end to these things.
Horn, bishop of Winchester, went even further; for in a letter
dated 16th of July, 1565, he writes of the act concerning the
habits with great regret, and he seems to stand in doubt whether
he should conform to it or not. And in many letters writ on that
subject, it is asserted th'at both Cranmer and Ridley intended
to procure an act for abolishing the habits; and that they only
defended their lawfulness, but not their fitness; and therefore
they blamed private persons that refused to obey the laws.
Grindal, in a letter dated the 27th of August, 1566, writes that
all the bishops who had been beyond sea, had, at their return,
dealt with the queen to let the matter of habits fall; but she was
so prepossessed, that, though they had all endeavored to divert
her from prosecuting the matter, she continued still inflexible.
This had made them submit to the laws, and to wait for a fit
opportunity to reverse them. Cox, bishop of Ely, in one of his
letters, laments the aversion they found in the Parliament to
all the propositions that were made for the reformation of
abuses.'... And when some matters enjoined by the Common
Prayer Book were charged upon the bishops by Bullinger, and
some other learned foreigners of the Reformation, they [the
bishops] replied in their letters,' that none of them were of the
parliament house at the passing of the book, and that they had
therefore no voice in making of the law. But that after it was
passed, they, being chosen to be bishops, must either content
themselves to take their places, or else leave them to Papists
and Lutherans; but in the mean space, they promised not to
urge their brethren in these things; and when opportunity
served, to seek reformation of them."' - Vindication, pp. 43-45.
London, 1717.
Though these sentiments were uttered in 1566-67, a period
somewhat later than that now under consideration, they were
the sentiments of men who breathed much of the spirit of Cranmer and Ridley and Hooper and Latimer, and of the pious
young King Edward himself.
There is, indeed, abundant evidence in the writings of the
eminent Reformers of Edward's time, that the very " fathers of




APPENDIX.                      511
the church of England " were by no means satisfied with the
Reformation as it was left by Edward, and submitted for the
time to many things which they did not approve, hoping to be
able to purge out abuses at a future day, which, alas, they
never did. Hooker's Ecclesiatical Polity, Appendix No. 2, to
book v. vol. II. p. 60, New York ed. 1851, or vol. I. pp. cxxv.cxxxiii. Hanbury's ed. London, 1833.  See Jewel's Works, Parker Soc. ed. vol. Iv. p. 1267.
Jewel's words, addressed to Bullinger, Feb. 8th, 1566, and
referred to above, were as follows: — "Atque utinam, omnia
etiam tenuissima vestigia papatus et e templis, et multo maxime
ex animis omnium, auferri posset t! Sed regina ferre mutationell in religione hoe tempore nullam potest."
In Strype's account of the synod of 1562, under the head of
" Rites and Ceremonies debated in the Synod," the reader will
find, that not only Sandys went for a reformation in respect to
the vestments, but also in respect to private baptism, and crossing the infant in the forehead, and for a general revision of
ecclesiastical orders and rules, for the good government of the
church. And from the same account, it will be seen that a
large number of deans, archdeacons, and clergy were equally
anxious for further reformation in the church; and that the
Reformers missed their motion by just one vote, in an assembly
of one hundred and seventeen. - Strype's Annals, vol. I. pt. I.
ch. 29, pp. 499-507.
Grindal, in his letter to Bullinger, August 27th, 1566, referred
toby Burnet above, says: " We who are now bishops, on our
first return, and before we entered on our ministry, contended
long and earnestly for the removal of those things that have
occasioned the present dispute; but, as we were unable to prevail, either with the queen or the parliament, we judged it best,
after a consultation on the subject, not to desert our churches
for the sake of a few ceremonies, and those not unlawful in
themselves, especially since the pure doctrine remained in all its
integrity and freedom," etc. - Zurich Letters, 1st series, No. 78.
Strype says: " And as for other ceremonies used in the Romish
church, these our divines could have been contented at this




512                    APPENDIX.
juncture [1559] to have been without, observing what jealousies were taken at them; and that there might not be the
least compliance with the popish devotions." And in another
place he says: "And the first bishops that were made, and who
were but newly returned out of their exiles, as Cox, Grindal,
Horn, Sandys, Jewel, Parkhurst, Bentham, upon their first
returns, before they entered upon their ministry, labored all
they could against receiving into the church the papistical
habits; and that all the ceremonies should be clean laid aside.
But they could not obtain it from the queen and the parliament. And the habits were enacted.  Then they consulted
what to do, being in some doubt whether to enter into their
functions. But they concluded, unanimously, not to desert their
ministry, for some rites, that, as they considered, were but a
few, and not evil in themselves, especially since the doctrine of
the gospel remained pure and entire." - Annals, vol. I. pt. I.
ch. 13, pp. 262-64.
The depth and extent of the opposition to popish rights and
ceremonies, and the earnest desire of the best men in the English
church for further reformation, is forcibly expressed by Grindal
in one of his letters to Bullinger, in which he says: "It is
scarcely credible how much this controversy about things of no
importance has disturbed our churches, and still in a great
measure continues to (ldo. Many of the most learned clergy
seemed on the point of forsaking their ministry. Many of the
people also had it in contemplation to withdraw from us, and
set up private meetings; but, however, most of them, through
the mercy of the Lord, have now returned to a better mind."
- Zurich Letters, 1st series, No. 73.
This letter was written August 27th, 1566. It is a question
which deserves an answer, how so many of the more learned
and confessedly devoted clergy, and so many of the people, too,
could have been so strenuous about "things of no importance."
They were of importance — of great importance - as the
whole subsequent history of the church shows; and the returning
of so many of the exiles and other good men into the church of
England, with all her imposed rites and ceremonies and orders




APPENDIX.                    513
and constitutions derived from popery, did not settle the controversy - did not quiet the convictions of good men, and did
not prove that it was not wrong to symbolize with popery.
Of all Elizabeth's first bishops, Archbishop Parker, probably,
was most inclined to favor the observance of an imposing external ritual. He, alone, of all the first bench, had not been
abroad and seen the simple forms of the reformed churches
on the continent. " Having indeed concealed himself at home
during the Marian persecution, he had never seen protestantism under any other form than that which it wore during Edward's reign. He had, accordingly, no thought of reconstructing a church upon some alleged reference to Scripture merely,
and had no further wish than to free the religious system, immemorially established, from blemishes detected by recent
inquirers of undeniable competence. He even doubted the
expediency of removing crosses from the churches, and argued
in favor of them before a parliamentary committee, assisted
by Dr. Cox." — Soames' Elizab. Relig. Hist., p. 15; Jewel
to Peter Martyr, Zurich Letters, February 4th, 1560. " But
Grindal, bishop of London, though satisfied with his country's
liturgy, was not equally so with her ecclesiastical attire. James
Pilkington, bishop of Durham, came home (from Switzerland)
under apprehensions of' unprofitable ceremonies.' Robert Horn,
bishop of Winchester, landed in his native country, with such
prejudices against the habits, as had usually flowed from a
residence in Switzerland. The celebrated Bishop Jewel did
not return from his exile at Frankfort and Zurich without sharing in the sentiments ordinarily brought home. Edwin Sandys,
who filled successively the sees of Worcester, London, and York,
was another brief objector to the habits. The same opinions
were entertained by other prelates, but further particulars
are needless.  All the bench, however, that returned from
exile, had contended long and earnestly, before preferment
was accepted, for a complete revolution in ecclesiastical attire."
— Soames, ut sup., pp. 21-26.
Thomas Sampson, writing to Peter Martyr, from Strasburg,
Dec. 17th, 1558, says, among other things: "Such is the degenerVOL. II.           33




514                    APPENDIX.
acy from the primitive institution, as regards their [the bishops']
election, (for there is required neither the consent of the clergy
nor of the people,) such, too, is the variety, not to say unseemliness of their superstitious dresses, that I think it hardly endurable, even if we are to act in all things according to the law of
expediency." -Zurich Letters, 1st series, No. 1.
Jewel, in a letter to Peter Martyr, probably written in May,
1559, says: " The scenic apparatus of divine worship is now
under agitation; and those very things which you and I have
so often laughed at are now seriously and solemnly entertained
by certain persons, (for we are not consulted,) as if the Christian
religion could not exist without something tawdry. Our minds,
indeed, are not sufficiently disengaged to make these fooleries of
much importance." - Zurich Letters, 1st series, No. 9.
I must not, however, weary the reader with any further proof
of this important truth - that the very fathers of the Reformed
church of England, up to the time of which we are now writing
(1553) -yea, and beyond this time even ten or fifteen years -
did not regard the work of reformation in the church of England as by any means complete.  They believed that not
merely the popish vestments, but also sundry rites, ceremonies,
and practices, authorized, instituted, and required by the governing powers in Church and State, needed reformation.
NOTE B, TO PAGE 420.
THE BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER OF EDWARD VI.
In Edward's litany there was this significant petition: —:" From all sedition and privy conspiracy, from the tyrranny of
the bishop of Rome, and all his detestable enormities," etc.,
"good Lord, deliver us."  This was struck out of Elizabeth's
prayer book. - Edward's Lit., p. 233, compared with Elizabeth's,
p. 283, Parker's Society's editions; Strype, vol. I. pt. I. ch. 4,
p. 123.




APPENDIX.                     515
In Edward's second book is the following explanatory-passage: —" Whereas it is ordained in the Book of Common Prayer,
in the administration of the Lord's supper, that the communicants kneeling should receive the holy communion; which
thing being well meant, for a signification of the humble and
grateful acknowledging of the benefits of Christ given unto the
worthy receiver, and to avoid the profanation and disorder which
about the holy communion might else ensue; lest yet the same
kneeling might be thought or taken otherwise, we do declare,
that it is not meant thereby that any adoration is done, or
ought to be done, either unto the sacramental bread or wine
there bodily received, or to any real and essential presence
there being of Christ's natural flesh and blood. For, as concerning the sacramental bread and wine, they remain still in
their very natural substances, and therefore may not be adored,
for that were idolatry to be abhorred of all faithful Christians.
And as concerning the natural body and blood of our Saviour
Christ, they are in heaven, and not here. For it is against the
truth of Christ's true natural body, to be in more places than in
one at one time." — Liturgies of Edward VI., p. 283. This
passage is erased entirely from Elizabeth's prayer book.
It was proposed by those who revised Edward's book for
Elizabeth's use, to leave it optional with the communicants to
receive the sacrament standing or kneeling, as each preferred. -
Strype, ut sup., p. 122. But the queen made kneeling necessary: " all kneeling humbly upon their knees." - Bookc of Common Prayer, 1559, Order of the Communion; Areal, I. 177.
By Edward's second prayer book (1552) all the popish
garments were laid aside except the surplice and rochet. The
rubric reads thus: " And here it is to be noted, that the minister at the time of communion, and at all other times in his
ministrations, shall use neither alb, vestment, nor cope; but being
archbishop or bishop, he shall have and wear a rochet, and
being a priest or deacon, he shall have and wear a surplice
only." - Order for Morning and Evening Prayer, p. 217, in
Liturgies, compared with p. 157, ib.
The chief difference between a rochet and an alb was, that




516                    APPENDIX.
the former was more like a surplice, worn under the silk robes;
while the alb was a long, close-fitting garment, reaching to the
ankles and girded at the waist. Both were of linen. A cope
was a long cloak, with a hood. It might be of any color - red,
white, crimson, purple, black, etc. It was often of velvet or
satin, richly embroidered, and ornamented with gold and precious
stones. A vestment (or chasuble) was the upper or last vestment put on before celebrating mass. It was a sort of cape, or
shawl, or mantle; originally perfectly round, and gathered up
over the arms in front. - Pugin's Glossary of Ecclesiastical
Ornament and Costume. Lond, 1846, quarto.
But Elizabeth restored these popish garments. Her service
book reads: " And here is to be noted, that the minister at the
time of the communion, and at all other times in his ministrations, shall use such ornaments in the church as were in use
by authority of parliament in the second year of the reign of
King Edward the VI., according to the act of parliament set in
the beginning of this book." — The Order of Morning and
Evening Prayer, in Elizabeth's Liturgy, p. 53; Strype, vol. I.
pt. I. ch. 4, p. 123.
In the delivery of the sacramental elements there is a deviation in Elizabeth's book from Edward's, evidently designed to
blind the papists. Edward's second book reads thus: " Take
and eat this in remembrance that Christ died for thee; and feed
on him in thy heart by faith, with thanksgiving."  And when
the cup is delivered: " Drink this in remembrance that Christ's
blood was shed for thee, and be thankful."
Elizabeth's book requires the minister to say in delivering the
bread: " The body of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was given
for thee, preserve thy body and soul unto everlasting life. Take
and eat this," etc. And at the delivering of the cup: " The
blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was shed for thee, preserve thy body and soul unto everlasting life. Drink this," etc.
Strype, ut sup., p. 124; Edward's Liturgies, p. 279.
Another particular in which Elizabeth reformed the church
backward, was in respect to the kind of bread which was used
on sacramental occasions. In the first ages of the church the




APPENDIX.                    517
bread used for sacramental purposes was taken from common
loaves. After a while, small, round rolls, called of ets, each containing a handful, and stamped with a cross, and the name of
our Lord, were made on purpose. These continued to be used
until after the middle of the eleventh century, when the wafer,
the modern Romish host, came into use. These were not much
larger than an American dime. Edward's first service book
prescribed substantially the same kind of bread for sacramental
use, except that it was to be somewhat larger and without any
print upon it.  "For avoiding of all matters and occasion of
dissension, it is meet that the bread prepared for the communion
be made, through all this realm, after one sort and fashion; that
is to say, unleavened, and round, as it was afore, but without all
manner of print, and something more larger and thicker than
it was, so that it may be aptly divided in divers pieces; and
every one shall be divided in two pieces, at the least, or more,
at the discretion of the minister, and so distributed."- Edward's
Liturgies, p. 97. In his second book, however, " to take away
the superstition which any person hath or might have in the
bread and wine," it is provided and directed, that " it shall suffice
that the bread be such as is usual to be eaten at the table with
other meats, but the best and purest wheat bread that conveniently may be gotten." - Liturgies, p. 282. Elizabeth, however,
by her " Injunctions," which had the force of law, if not by her
prayer book, provided for the use of the wafer cakes, prescribed
in Edward's first book, which were essentially popish in their
character. - Sparrow's Collection.
Edward's first book, in one of the communion prayers, has
the following: "We commend unto thy mercy (O Lord) all
other thy servants, which are departed hence from us, with the
sign of faith, and now do rest in the sleep of peace: Grant
unto them, we beseech thee, thy mercy, and everlasting peace,
and that at the day of the general resurrection, we and all they
which be of the mystical body of' thy Son, may all together be
set on his right hand, and hear that, his most joyful voice:
Come unto me, O ye that be blessed of my Father, and possess
the kingdom which is prepared for you from the beginning




518                    APPENDIX.
of the world: Grant this, O Father, for Jesus Christ's sake,
our only Mediator and Advocate." - Liturgies, p. 88. Omitted
in the second book, p. 271.
In the burial service the same general sentiment is repeated.
"We commend into thy hands of mercy, most merciful Father,
the soul of this our brother departed," etc. p. 145.  " Grant,
we beseech thee, that at the day of judgment his soul and all
the souls of thy elect departed out of this life, may with us,
and we with them, fully receive thy promises," etc., p. 146.
And again, " Grant unto this thy servant, that the sins which
he committed in this world be not imputed unto him," etc.,
p. 147. All left out of the second book.
In Edward's Injunctions, (1547,) in "the Form of Bidding
the Common Prayers," we read: " Thirdly, ye shall pray for
all them that be departed out of this world in the faith of
Christ, that they with us, and we with them, at the day of
judgment, may rest both body and soul, with Abraham, Isaac,
and Jacob in the kingdom of heaven." - Sparrow's Collection.
Elizabeth, in her Injunctions, (1559,) varied from this direction thus: "Finally, let us praise God for all those that are
departed out of this life in the faith of Christ, and pray unto
God that we may have grace for to direct our lives after their
good example, that, after this life, we with them may be made
partakers of the glorious resurrection in the life everlasting." -
Sparrow.
Whether or not this injunction is so worded as to give the
impression that prayers for the dead were still to be continued,
I leave for the reader to judge. To me, it seems very like it;
especially when taken in connection with the knowledge of her
general policy; and thus it seems to have been understood;
for praying for the dead, though not distinctly recognized in
Elizabeth's book, yet was allowed and practised in her majesty's
churches for many years. Mr. Soames, in his Elizabethan History, alluding to this matter, thus writes: " Another remnant
of the ancient system stood upon a more questionable ground
[than that of the wafer bread at the sacrament]. King Edward's first service book gave some authority, tacitly withdrawn




APPENDIX.                      519
in the second, to prayers for the dead. At Northampton, down
to the year 1569, persons were requested, by sound of bell
carried before the corpse, to pray for the soul recently departed." A proof of this is furnished by one of the rules, or
stipulations, in the agreements by the ministers of Northampton
in 1571. The 16th article reads thus: "The carrying of the
bell before corpses in the streets, and bidding prayers for
the dead [calling on people to pray for the dead], which was
there used until within these two years, is restrained."- Stlrype's
Annals, vol. Ii. pt. I. chaps. 10, 31, pp. 136, 472; 7Veal, I. 291.
Archbishop Williams, in his Manual of Prayers, (pages
84-87,) says that the prayers in the old liturgies, said to have
been offered for the dead, "were conceived for men dying and
passing, not dead already, and so they are still (1672) used
in the church of England."  But Lathbury, a very thorough
churchman, says: "Williams evidently confounds two practices
together, namely, praying for the faithful departed, and for
those who were in dying circumstances.  The latter custom
was retained by the Reformers, as is manifest from the rule
relative to the passing bell, but the former existed in some
early liturgies, notwithstanding the assertion of Williams, and
this was rejected by the English church." - Hist. Book of
Common Prayer, p. 6. From what has been quoted from Edward's liturgy, it is evident that praying for the dead was at
first enjoined by the early Reformers, and only tacitly withdrawn by them and by Elizabeth.
END OF VOL. II.