THE AUSTI RO-HUNGARIAN QUESTION.
CORRE SPONDEDCE
B]ETVEE N
MR. HULSiMT ANN,.R..
AUSTRIAN CHARGE DAFFAIRES,
AND
MR. YVEBSTER,
SEC RETARY OF STATE OF THE.UNITED STATES,.
NTASHIN GTTON:
PRINTED BY GIDEON AND CO.
1851.








CORRESPONDENCE.
IN SENATrE OF THE UNITED STATES,
December 30, 1850.
A message was received from the President of the United States,
oy Mr. M. P. FILLMORE, his private secretary, dated the 30th
instant, communicating, in reply to a resolution of the Senate of
the 20th instant, certain correspondence between our Government
and Austria. The correspondence was read, and is as follows'
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
WASHINGTON, Decemler 30, 1850.
To the President of the United States:
The Secretary of State, to whom has been referred the resolution of the Senate of the 26th instant, requesting the President
"to communicate to the Senate, if not incompatible with the
public interest, copies of any correspondence, if any has taken
place, between the Department of State and the Austrian Charge
d'Affaires, respecting the appointment or proceedings of the agent
sent out to examine and report upon the condition and prospects
of the Hungarian people, during their recent struggle for independence," has the honor to lay before the President a copy of
the correspondence called for by the resolution.
Respectfully submitted,
DANIEL WEBSTER.




fChevaier T.  G. Hiilsemann to the'Secretary of State.
[Translation. 
AUSTRIAN LEGATION,
WASHINGTON, September 30, 1850.
The undersigned, Charge d'Affaires of his Majesty the Emperor
of Austria, has been instructed to make the following communication to the Secretary of State:
As soon as the Imperial Government became aware of the fact
that a United States agent had been despatched to Vienna, with
orders to watch for a favorable moment to recognise the Hungarian Republic, and to conclude a treaty of commerce with the
same, the undersigned was directed to address some confidential
but pressing representations to the Cabinet of Washington against
that proceeding, which is so much at variance with those principles of international law, so scrupulously adhered to by Austria at
all times and under all circumstances, towards the United States.
In fact, how is it possible to reconcile such a mission with the
principle of non-intervention, so formally announced by the United
States as the basis of American policy, and which had just been
sanctioned with so much solemnity by the President, in his inaugural address of March 5, 1849? Was it in return for the friendship and confidence.which Austria had never ceased to manifest
towards them, that the United States became so impatient for the
downfall of the Austrian Monarchy, and even sought to accelerate
that event by the utterance of their wishes to that effect? Those
who did not hesitate to assume the responsibility of sending Mr.
Dudley Mann on such an errand, should, independent of considerations of propriety, have borne in mind that they were exposing
their emissary to be treated as a spy. It is to be regretted that
the American Government was not better informed as to the actual
resources of Austria, and her historical perseverance in defending
her just rights. A knowledge of those resources would have led
to the conclusion that a contest of a few months' duration could




neither have exhausted the energies of that Power, nor turned
aside its purpose to put down the insurrection. Austria has
struggled against the French revolution for twenty-five years;
the courage and perseverance which she exhibited in that memorable contest have been appreciated by the whole world.
To the urgent representations of the undersigned, Mr. Clayton
answered that Mr. Mann's mission had no other object in view
than to obtain reliable information as to the true state of affairs in
Hungary, by personal observation; this explanation can hardly
be admitted, for it says very little as to the cause of the anxiety
which was felt to ascertain the chances of the revolutionists.
Unfortunately, the language in which Mr. Mann's instructions
were drawn gives us a very correct idea of their scope. This
language was offensive to the Imperial Cabinet, for it designates
the Austrian Government as an iron rule, and represents the
rebel chief, Kossuth, as an illustrious man; while improper expressions are introduced'in regard to Russia, the intimate and
faithful ally of Austria. Notwithstanding these hostile demonstrations, the Imperial Cabinet has deemed it proper to preserve
a conciliatory deportment, making ample allowance for the ignorance of the Cabinet of Washington on the subject of Hungarian
affairs, and its disposition to give credence to the mendacious
rumors which are propagated by the American press. This extremely painful incident, therefore, might have been passed over
without any written evidence being left, on our part, in the
archives of the United States, had not General Taylor thought
proper to revive the whole subject by communicating to the Senate,
in his message of the 18th of last March, the instructions with
which Mr. Mann had been furnished on the occasion of his mission to Vienna. The publicity which has been given to that
document has placed the Imperial Government under the necessity of entering a formal protest, through its official representative, against the proceedings of the American Government, lest
that Government should construe our silence into approbation, or




toleration even, of the principles which appear to have guided its
action and the means it has adopted,
In view of all these circumstances, the undersigned has been
instructed to declare that the Imperial Government totally disapproves, and will always continue to disapprove, of those proceedings, so offensive to the laws of propriety; and that it protests
against all interference in the internal affairs of its Government.
Having thus fulfilled his duty, the undersigned considers it a fortunate circumstance that he has it in his power to assure the
Secretary of State that the Imperial Government is disposed to
cultivate relations of friendship and good understanding with the
United States, relations which may have been momentarily weakened, but which could not again be seriously disturbed without
placing the cardinal interests of the two countries in jeopardy.
The instructions for addressing this communication to Mr.
Clayton reached Washington at the time of General Taylor's
death.  In compliance with the requisitions of propriety, the
undersigned deemed it his duty to defer the task until the new
administration had been completely organized; a delay which he
now rejoices at, as it has given him the opportunity of ascertaining from the new President himself, on the occasion of the reception of the diplomatic corps, that the fundamental policy of the'United States, so frequently proclaimed, would guide the relations
of the American Government with the other Powers.  Even if
the Government of the United States were to think it proper to
take an indirect part in the political movements of Europe,
American policy would be exposed to acts of retaliation, and to
certain inconveniences, which could not fail to affect the commerce and the industry of the two hemispheres.  All countries
are obliged, at some period or other, to struggle against internal
difficulties; all forms of government are exposed to such disagreeable episodes; the United States have had some experience in
this very recently.  Civil war is a possible occurrence every
where, and the encouragement which is given to the spirit of in



surreetion and of disorder most; hFreq-t ently falls back upon those
who seek to aid it in its developments, in spite of justice and
wise policy.
The undersigned avails himself of this occasion to renew to the
Secretary of State the assurance of his distinguished considera-.
tion.
HUJLSEIM FANN.
To the Hon. ]DA.NIEL WE BiSTERq
Secretary of S'ate of laUe United Sates.:The  Secretary of Sate  to  Mr.  H.i;senzman.
D.EPARTI ENT OF STATE,
WABSINGTON, December it 2, 1850.
The uandersigned, Secretary of State of the United States, had
the honor to receive, some time ago, the note of Mr. HilUsemann:
Charge d'Affaires of his MaFjesty, the Emperor of Austria, of the
30th September.  Causes, not arising from any want of personal
regard for Mr. Hillsemann, or of proper respect for his Government, have delayed an answer until the present moment.  Ha.v,
ing submitted Mr. Hiilsemann's letter to the Presidentj the tindersigned is now directed by him to return the following reply.
The objects of Mr. Hiilsemann's note are, first, to protest, by
order of his Government, against the steps taken by the late President of the United States to ascertain the progress and probable
result of the revolutionary movements in Hungary; and, secondly, to complain of some expressions in the instructions of the late
Secretary of State to Mr. A. Dudley Mann, a confidential agent
of the United States, as communicated by President Taylor to the.
Senate on the 28th of March last.
The principal[ ground of protest is founded on the idea, or in,
the allegation, that the Government of the United States, by theImission of Mr. Ma.an, and his nstrucl:tions,  has interfered in the:.




domestic affairs of Austria in a manner unjust or disrespectful
toward that Power.  ThePresident's message was a communication made by him to the'Senate, transmitting a correspondence
between the Executive Government and a confidential agent of its
own. This would seem to be itself a domestic transaction, a mere
instance of intercourse between the President and the Senate, in
the manner which is usual and indispensable in communications
between the different branches of the Government.  It was not
addressed either to Austria or Hungary; nor was it any public
manifesto, to which any foreign State was called on to reply. It
was an account of its transactions communicated by the Executive Government to the Senate, at the request of that body; made
public, indeed, but made public only because such is the common
and usual course of proceeding; and it may be regarded as somewhat strange, therefore, that the Austrian Cabinet did not per-'ceive that, by the instructions given to Mr. Hiilsemann, it was
itself interfering with the domestic concerns of a foreign State,
the very thing which is the ground of its complaint against the
United States.
This Department has, on former occasions, informed the Ministers of Foreign Powers that a communication from the President
to either House of Congress is regarded as a domestic communication, of which, ordinarily, no foreign State has cognizance;
and, in more recent instances, the great inconvenience of making
such communications subjects of diplomatic correspondence and
discussion has been fully shown. If it had been the pleasure of
his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, during the struggles in Hungary, to have admonished the Provisional Government or the
-people of that country against involving themselves in disaster,
-by following the evil and dangerous example of the United States
of America in making efforts for the establishment of independent
Governments, such an admonition from that Sovereign to his
Hungarian subjects, would not have originated here a diplomatic
correspondence. The President might, perhaps, on this ground,




nave declined to direct any particular reply to Mr. Hiilsemann's
note; but, out of proper respect for the Austrian Government, it
has been thought better to answer that note at length; and the
more especially, as the occasion is not unfavorable for the expression of the general sentiments of the Government of the United
States upon the topics which that note discusses.
A leading subject in Mr. Hiilsemann's note, is that of the correspondence between Mr. Hiilsemann and the predecessor of the
undersigned, in which Mr. Clayton, by direction of the President,
informed Mr. Hiilsemann "that Mr. Mann's mission had no other
object in view than to obtain reliable information as to the true
state of affairs in Hungary, by personal observation."' Mr. Hiilsemann remarks, that "this explanation can hardly be admitted, forit says very little as to the cause of the anxiety which was felt to
ascertain the chances of the revolutionists.j"  As this, however,
is the only purpose which can, with any appearance of truth, be
attributed to the agency; as nothing whatever is alleged by Mr.
Hiilsemann to have been either done or said by the agent inconsistent with such an object, the undersigned conceives that Mr.
Clayton's explanation ought to be deemed not only admissible,
but quite satisfactory. Mr. Hiilsemann states, in the course of his
note, that his instructions to address his present communication to
Mr. Clayton reached Washington about the time of the lamented
death of the late President, and that he delayed from a sense of
propriety the execution of his task until the new Administration
should be fully organized: "a delay which he now rejoices at, as
it has given him the opportunity of ascertaining from the new
President himself, on the occasion of the reception of the diplomatic corps, that the fundamental policy of the United States, so
frequently proclaimed, would guide the relations of the American
Government with other powers."  Mr. Hiilsemann also observes
that it is in his power to assure the undersigned "that the Imperial Government is disposed to cultivate relations of friendship
and good understanding with the United States."  The President




receives this assurance of the disposition of the Imperial Government with great satisfaction, and, in consideration of the friendly
relations of the two Governments thus mutually recognised, and
of the peculiar nature of the incidents by which their good understanding is supposed by Mr. Hiilsemann to have been, for a momnent, disturbed or endangered, the President regrets that Mr.
Hilsemann did not feel himself at liberty wholly to forbear from
the execution of instructions, which were of course transmitted
from Vienna without any foresight of the state of things under
-which they would reach Washington.  If Mr. Hiilsemann saw in
the address of the President to the diplomatic corps, satisfactory
pledges of the sentiments and the policy of this Government, in
regard to neutral rights and neutral duties, it might, perhaps, have
been better not to bring on a discussion of past transactions.  But
the undersigned readily admits that this was a question fit only for
the consideration and decision of 1Mr. Hiilseman'n himself; and
although the President does not see that any good purpose can be
answered by re-opening the inquiry into the propriety of the steps
taken by President Taylor, to ascertain the probable issue of the
late civil war in Hungary, justice to his memory requires the undersigned briefly to re-state the history of those steps, and to show
their consistency with the neutral policy which has invariably
guided the Government of the United States in its foreign relations, as well as with the established and well-settled principles
of national intercourse, and the doctrines of public law.
The undersigned will first observe that the President is persuaded, His Majesty the Emperor of Austria, does not think that the
Government of the United States ought to view, with unconcern,
the extraordinary events which have occurred, not only in his
dominions, but in many other parts of Europe, since February,
1848. The Government and people of the United States, like
other intelligent governments'and communities, take a lively interest in the movements and the events of this remarkable age,
in whatever part of the world they may be exhibited.  But the




interest taken by the United States in those events, has not proceeded from any disposition to depart from that neutrality toward
foreign Powers, which is among the deepest principles and the
most cherished traditions of the political history of the Union. It
has been the necessary effect of the unexampled character of the
events themselves, which could not fail to arrest the attention of
thue contemporary world; as they will doubtless fill a memorable
page in history.  But the undersigned goes further, and freely
admits that in proportion as these extraordinary events appeared
to have their origin in those great ideas of responsible and popular
governments, on which the American Constitutions themselves
are wholly founded, they could not but command the warm sympathy of the people of this country.
Well known circumstances in their history, indeed their whole
history, have made them the representatives of purely popular
principles of government.  In this light they now stand before the
world.  They could not, if they would, conceal their character,
their condition, or their destiny. They could not, if they so desired, shut out from the view of mankind the causes which have
placed them, in so short a national career, in the station which
they now hold among the civilized States of the world.  They
could not, if they desired it, suppress either the thoughts or the
hopes which arise in men's minds, in other countries, from contemplating their successful example of free government. That very
intelligent and distinguished personage, the Emperor Joseph the
Second, was among the first to discern this necessary consequence
of the American Revolution on the sentiments and opinions of the
people of Europe. In a letter to his Minister in the Netherlands in
1787, he observes that I6 it is remarkable that France, by the assistance which she afforded to the Americans, gave birth to regfections on freedom."2 This fact, which the sagacity of that
monarch perceived at so early a day, is now known and admitted
by intelligent Powers all over the world. True, indeed, it is,
that the prevalence on the other continent of sentiments favorsa



ble to republican liberty, is the result of the re-action of America
upon Europe; and the source and centre of this re-action has
doubtless been, and now is, in these United States.  The position
thus belonging.to the United States is a fact as inseparable from
their history, their constitutional organization, and their character, as the opposite position of the Powers composing the European alliance is from the history and constitutional organization
of the Government of those Powers. The sovereigns who form
-that alliance have not unfrequently felt it their right to interfere
with the political movements of foreign States; and have, in their
manifestoes and declarations, denounced the popular ideas of the
age in terms so comprehensive as of necessity to include the United States, and their forms of government. It is well known that
one Qf the leading principles announced by the allied sovereigns,
after the restoration of the Bourbons, is, that all popular or constitutional rights are holden no otherwise than as grants and indulgences from crowned heads.  "Useful and necessary changes
in legislation and administration," says the Laybach Circular of
May, 1821,'ought only to emanate from the free will and intelligent conviction of those whom God has rendered responsible for
power; all that deviates from this line necessarily leads to disorder, commotions, and evils far more insufferable than those
which they pretend to remedy."  And his late Austrian Majesty,
Francis I, is reported to have declared in an address to the Hungarian Diet, in 1820, that "the whole world had become foolish,
and, leaving their ancient laws, was in search of imaginary constitutions." These declarations amount to nothing less than a
denial of the lawfulness of the origin of the Government of the
United States, since it is certain that that Government was established in consequence of a change which did not proceed from
thrones, or the permission of crowned heads. But the Government of the United States heard these denunciations of its fundamental principles without remonstrance, or the disturbance of its
equanimity.  This was thirty years ago.




13
The power of this Republic, at the presentfmoment, is spread
over a region, one of the richest and most fertile.on the globe,
and of an extent in comparison with which the possessions of the
IHouse of Hapsburg are but as a patch on the earth's surface. Its
population, already twenty-five millions, will exceed that of the
Austrian empire within the period during which it may be hoped
that Mr. HUlsemann may yet remain in the honorable discharge of
his duties to his Government. Its navigation and commerce are
hardly exceeded by the oldest and most commercial nations; its
maritime means and its maritime power may be seen by Austria
herself, in all seas where she has ports, as well as it may be seen,
also, in all other quarters of the globe. Life, liberty, property,
and all personal rights are amply secured to all citizens, and protected by just and stable laws; and credit, public and private, is
as well established as in any government of Continental Europe.
And the country, in all its interests and concerns, partakes most
largely in all the improvements and progress which distinguish
the age.  Certainly, the United States may be pardoned, even by
those who profess adherence to the principles of absolute governments, if they entertain an ardent affection for those popular
forms of political organization which have so rapidly advanced
their own prosperity and happiness, and enabled them, in so short
a period, to bring their country and the hemisphere to which it
belongs, to the notice and respectful regard, not to say the admiration, of the civilized world. Nevertheless, the United States
have abstained, at all times, from acts of interference with the
political changes of Europe.  They cannot, however, fail to
cherish always a lively interest in the6fortunes of nations struggling for institutions like their own. But this sympathy, so far
from being necessarily a hostile feeling toward any of the parties
to these great national struggles, is quite consistent with amicable relations with them all. The Hungarian people are three or
four times as numerous as the inhabitants of these United States
were when the American Revolution broke out.  They possess,




14;in a distinct language, and in other respects, important elements of
a separate nationality, which the Anglo-Saxon race in this country
did not possess; and if the United States wish success to countries contending for popular constitutions and national independence, it is only because they regard such constitutions and such
national independence, not as imaginary, but as real blessings~
They claim  no right, however, to take part in the struggles of
foreign Powers in order to promote these ends.  It is only in
defence of his own Government, and its principles and character,
that the undersigned has now expressed himself on this subject.
But when the United States behold the people of foreign countries
without any such interference, spontaneously moving toward the
adoption of institutions like their own, it surely cannot be expected of them to remain wholly indifferent spectators.
In regard to the recent very important occurrences in the Austrian empire, the undersigned freely admits the difficulty which
exists in this country, and is alluded to by Mr. Hiilsemann, of
obtaining accurate information. But this difficulty is by no means
to be ascribed to what Mr. Halsemann calls —with little justice,
as it seems to the undersigned-"-the mendacious rumors propagated by the American press." For information on this subject,
and others of the same kind, the American press is, of necessity,
almost wholly dependant upon that of Europe; and if "'mendacious rumors" respecting Austrian and Hungarian affairs have
been any where propagated, that propagation of falsehoods has
been most prolific on the European continent, and in countries
immediately bordering on the Austrian empire. But, wherever
these errors may have originated, they certainly justified the late
President in seeking true information through authentic channels.
His attention was first particularly drawn to the state of things irHungary, by the correspondence of Mr. Stiles, Charge d'Affaires
of the United States at Vienna.  In the autumn of 1848, an application was made to this gentleman, on behalf of Mr. Kossuth,
formerly Minister of Finance for the kingdom of Hungary by am



15
perial appointment, but at the time the application was made, Chief
of the Revolutionary Government. The object of this application
was to obtain the good offices of Mr. Stiles with the Imperial
Government, with a view to the suspension of hostilities. This
application became the subject of a conference between Prince
Schwarzenberg, the Imperial Minister for Foreign Affairs, and
Mr. Stiles. The Prince commended the considerateness and propriety with which Mr. Stiles had acted; and, so far from disapproving his interference, advised him, in case he received a further communication from the Revolutionary Government in Hungary, to have an interview with Prince Windischgritz, who was
charged by the Emperor with the proceedings determined on in
relation to that kingdom.  A week after these occurrences, 1Mr.
Stiles received, through a secret channel, a communication signed
by L. Kossuth, President of the Committee of Defence, and countersigned by Francis Pulsky, Secretary of State. On the receipt
of this communication, Mr. Stiles had an interview with Prince
Windischgratz, "who received him with the. utmost kindness,
and thanked him for his efforts toward reconciling the existing
difficulties." Such were the incidents which first drew the attention of the Government of the United States particularly to the
affairs of Hungary, and the conduct of Mr. Stiles, though acting
without instructions in a matter of much delicacy, having been
viewed with satisfaction by the Imperial Government, was approved by that of the United States.
In the course of the year 1848, and in the early part of 1849, a
considerable number of Hungarians came to the United States.
Among them were individuals representing themselves to be in
the confidence of the Revolutionary Government, and by these
persons the President was strongly urged to recognise the existence
of that Government.  In these applications, and in the manner in
which they were viewed bythe President, there was nothing unusual; still less was there anything unauthorized by the law of nations.
It is the right of every independent State to enter into friendly




relations with every other independent State.  Of course, questions of prudence naturally arise in reference to new States,
brought by successful revolutions into the family of nations; but
it is not to be required of neutral Powers that they should await
the recognition of the new Government by the parent State. No
principle of public law has been more frequently acted upon,
within the last thirty years, by the great Powers of the world than
this.  Within that period eight or ten new States have established
independent Governments within the limits of the colonial dominions of Spain, on this continent; and in-Europe the same thing
has been done by Belgium  and Greece. The existence of all
these Governments was recognised by some of the leading Powers
of Europe, as well as by the United States, before it was acknowledged by the States from which they bad separated themselves.
If, therefore, the United States had gones so far as formally to
acknowledge the independence of Hungary, although, as the result has proved, it would have been a precipitate step, and one
from which no benefit would have resulted to either party;-it
would not, nevertheless, have been an act against the law of nations, provided they took no part in her contest with Austria.
But the United States did no such thing.  Not only did they not
yield to Hungary any actual countenance or succor; not only did
they not show their ships of war in the Adriatic with any menacing or hostile aspect, but they studiously abstained from every
thing which had not been done in other cases in times past, and
contented themselves with instituting an inquiry into the truth
and reality of alleged political occurrences.  Mr. Hiilsemann incorrectly states, unintentionally certainly, the nature of the mission of this agent, when he says that " a United States agent had
been dispatched to Vienna with orders to watch for a favorable
moment to recognise the Hungarian republic, and to conclude a
treaty of commerce with the same."  This, indeed, would have
been a lawful object, but Mr. Mann's errand was, in the first instance, purely one of inquiry. He had no power to act, unless




17
he had first come to the conviction that a firm and stable Hungarian Government existed.  "The principal object the President
has in view," according to his instructions, "is to obtain minute
and reliable information in regard to Hungary in connexion with
the affairs of adjoining countries, the probable issue of the present
revolutionary movements, and the chances we may have of forming commercial arrangements with that Power favorable to the
United States."  Again, in the same paper, it is said: "The
object of the President is to-obtain information in regard to Hungary, and her resources and prospects, with a view to an early
recognition of her independence and the formation of commercial
relations with her."  It was only in the event that the new Government should appear, in the opinion of the agent, to be firm
and stable, that the President proposed to recommend its recogni=
tion.
Mr. Hiilsemann, in qualifying these steps of President Taylor
with the epithet of "hostile," seems to take for granted that the
inquiry could, in the expectation of the President, have but one
result, and that favorable to Hungary. If this were so, it would
not change the case. But the American Government sought for
nothing but truth; it desired to learn the facts through a reliable
channel. It so happened, in the chances and vicissitudes of hu.
man affairs, that the result was adverse to the Hungarian revolution. The American agent, as was stated in his instructions to
be not unlikely, found the condition of Hungarian affairs less
prosperous than it had been, or had been believed to be. He did
not enter Hungary, nor hold any direct communication with her
revolutionary leaders. He reported against the recognition of her
independence, because he found she had been unable to set up a
firm and stable government. He carefully forbore, as his instructions required, to give publicity to his mission, and the undersigned
supposes that the Austrian Government first learned its existence
from the communications of the President to the Senate.
Mr. Hiilsemann will observe from this statement that Mr.
2




18
Mann's mission was wholly unobjectionable, and strictly within
the rule of the law of nations, and the duty of the United States
as a neutral Power.  He will accordingly feel how little foundation there is for his remark, that "those who did not hesitate to
assume the responsibility of sending Mr. Dudley Mann on such
an errand, should, independent of considerations of propriety, have
borne in mind that they were exposing their emissary to be treated
as a spy." A spy is a person sent by one belligerent to gain secret
information of the forces and defences of the other, to be used for
hostile purposes. According to practice, he may use deception,
under the penalty of being lawfully hanged if detected. To give
this odious name and character to a confidential agent of a neutral
Power, bearing the commission of his country, and sent for a purpose fully warranted by the law of nations, is not only to abuse
language, but also to confound all just ideas, and to announce the
wildest and most extravagant notions, such as certainly were not
to have been expected in a grave diplomatic paper; and the President directs the undersigned to say to Mr. Hiilsemann, that the
American Government would regard such an imputation upon it
by the Cabinet of Austria, as that it employs spies, and that in a
quarrel none of its own, as distinctly offensive, if it did not presume, as it is willing to presume, that the word used in the origin
nel German was not of equivalent meaning with " spy" in the
English language, or that in some other way the employment of
such an opprobrious term may be explained. Had the Imperial
Government of Austria subjected Mr. Mann to the treatment of a
spy, it would have placed itself without the pale of civilized na=
tions; and the Cabinet of Vienna may be assured that if it had
carried, or attempted to carry, any such lawless purpose into
effect, in the case of an authorized agent of this Government, the
spirit of the people of this country would have demanded immediate hostilities to be waged by the utmost exertion of the power
of the Republic, military and naval.
Mr. Hiilsemann proceeds to remark that c this extremely pain,




19
ftil incident, therefore, might lave been passed over, without any
written evidence being left on our part in the archives of the Uni=
ted States, had not General Taylor thought proper to revive the
whole subject, by communicating to the Senate, in his message
of the 18th [28th] of last March, the instructions with which Mr.
Mann had been furnished on the occasion of his mission to Vienna.
The publicity which has been given to that document has placed
the Imperial Government under the necessity of entering a formal
protest, through its official representative, against the proceedings
of the American Government, lest that Government should construe our silence into approbation, or toleration even, of the principles which appear to have guided its action and the means it
has adopted."  The undersigned re-asserts to Mr. Hiilsemann,
and to the Cabinet of Vienna, and in the presence of the world,
that the steps taken by President Taylor, now protested against
by the Austrian Government, were warranted by the law of nations and agreeable to the usages of civilized States.  With respect to the communication of Mr. Mann's instructions to the
Senate, and the language in which they are couched, it has
ahlready been said, and Mr. Hiilsemann must feel the justice of
the remark, that these are domestic affairs, in reference to which
the Government of the United States cannot admit the slightest
responsibility to the Government of his Imperial Majesty. No
State, deserving the appellation of independent, can permit the
language in which it may instruct its own officers in the discharge
of their duties to itself to be called in question under any pretext
by a foreign Power. But, even if this were not so, Mr. Hiilsemann is in an error in stating that the Austrian Government is
called an " Iron Rule" in Mr. Mann's instructions. That phrase
is not found in the paper; and in respect to the honorary epithet
bestowed in Mr. Mann's instructions on the late chief of the Re=
volutionary Government of Hungary, Mr. Hiilsemann will bear
in mind that the Government of the United States cannot justly
be expected, in a confidential communication to its own agent, to




20
withhold friom an individual an epithet of distinction of which a
great part of the world thinks him worthy, merely on the ground
that his own Government regards him as a rebel. At an early stage
of the American Revolution, while Washington was considered by
the English Government as a rebel chief, he was regarded on the
continent of Europe as an illustrious hero. But the undersigned
will take the liberty of bringing the Cabinet of Vienna into the
presence of its own predecessors, and of citing for its consideration
the conduct of the Imperial Government itself. In the year 1777,
the war of the American Revolution was raging all over these
United States; England was prosecuting that war with a most
resolute determination, and by the exertion of all her military
means to the fullest extent. Germany was at that time at peace
with England; and yet an agent of that Congress, which was
looked upon by England in no other light than that of a body in
open rebellion, was not only received with great respect by the
Ambassador of the Empress Queen at Paris, and by the Minister
of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, who afterwards mounted the imperial throne, but resided in Vienna for a considerable time; not,
indeed, officially acknowledged, but treated with courtesy and
respect; and the Emperor suffered himself to be persuaded by
that agent to exert himself to prevent the German Powers from
furnishing troops to England to enable her to suppress the rebellion in America. Neither Mr. Hiilsemann, nor the cabinet of
Vienna, it is presumed, will undertake to say that any thing said
or done by this Government in regard to the recent war between
Austria and Hungary is not borne out, and much more than borne
out, by this example of the Imperial Court. It is believed that
the Emperor Joseph the Second, habitually spoke in terms of
respect and admiration of the character of Washington, as he is
known to have done of that of Franklin; and he deemed it no
infraction of neutrality to inform himself of the progress of the
Revolutionary struggle in America, nor to express his deep sense
of the merits and the talents of those illustrious men who were




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then leading their country to independence and renown. The
undersigned may add, that in 1781, the Courts of Russia and
Austria proposed a diplomatic Congress of the belligerent Powers,
to which the Commissioners of the United States should be adIitted.
Mr. Hiilsemann thinks that in Mr. Mann's instructions, improper
expressions are introduced in regard to Russia; but the undersigned has no reason to suppose that Russia herself is of that opinion. The only observation made in those instructions about Russia is that she "has chosen to assume an attitude of interference,
and her immense preparations for invading and reducing the Hungarians to the rule of Austria, from which they desire to be released, gave so serious a character to the contest as to awaken
the most painful solicitude in the minds of Americans." The
undersigned cannot but consider the Austrian Cabinet as unnecessarily susceptible in looking upon language like this as a "hostile
demonstration." If we remember that it was addressed by the
Government to its own agent, and has received publicity only
through a communication from one Department of the American
Government to another, the language quoted must be deemed
moderate and inoffensive.  The comity of nations would hardly
forbid its being addressed to the two Imperial Powers themselves.
It is scarcely necessary for the undersigned to say, that the relations of the United States with Russia have always been of the
most friendly kind, and have never been deemed by either party
to require any compromise of their peculiar views upon subjects
of domestic or foreign polity, or the true origin of Governments.
At any rate, the fact that Austria, in her contest with Hungary,
had an intimate and faithful ally in Russia, cannot alter the real
nature of the question between Austria and Hungary, nor in any
way affect the neutral rights and duties of the Government of the
United States, or the justifiable sympathies of the American people. It is, indeed, easy to conceive, that favor toward struggling
Hungary would be not diminished, but increased, when it was




22
seen that the arm of Austria was strengthened and upheld by a
Power whose assistance threatened to be, and which in the end
proved to be, overwhelmingly destructive of all her hopes.
Toward the conclusion of his note Mr. Hiilsemann remarks that
"if the Government of the United States were to think it proper
to take an indirect part in the political movements of Europe,
American policy would be exposed to acts of retaliation, and to
certain inconveniences which would not fail to affect the commerce and industry of the two hemispheres." As to this possible fortune, this hypothetical retaliation, the Government and
people of the United States are quite willing to take their chances
and abide their destiny.  Taking neither a direct nor an indirect
part in the domestic or intestine movements of Europe, they have
no fear of events of the nature alluded to by Mr. Hiilsemann. It
would be idle now to discuss with Mr. Hiilsemann those acts of
retaliation which he imagines may possibly take place at some
indefinite time hereafter.  Those questions will be discussed
when they arise; and Mr. Hiilsemann and the Cabinet at Vienna
may rest assured that, in the mean time, while performing with
strict and exact fidelity all their neutral duties, nothing will deter either the Government or the people of the United States
from exercising, at their own discretion, the rights belonging to
them as an independent nation, and of forming and expressing
their own opinions, freely and at all times, upon the great political events which may transpire among the civilized nations of the
earth. Their own institutions stand upon the broadest principles
of civil liberty; and believing those principles and the fundamental laws in which they are embodied to be eminently favorable to
the prosperity of States-to be, in fact, the only principles of government which meet the demands of the present enlightened
age-the President has perceived, with great satisfaction, that, in
the Constitution recently introduced into the Austrian Empire,
many of these great principles are recognised and applied, and




23
he cherishes a sincere wish that they may produce the same
happy effects throughout his Austrian Majesty's extensive dot
minions that they have done in the United States.
The undersigned has the honor to repeat to Mr. Hiilsemann
the assurance of his high consideration.
DANIL WEBSTER,