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 THE LIBRARY OF THE 
 UNIVERSITY OF 
 NORTH CAROIJNA 
 
 ENDOWED BY THE 
 DIALECTIC AND PHILANTHROPIC 
 SOCIETIES 
 
UNIVERSITY OF N.C. AT 
 
 00020362019 
 
 
 This book is due at the LOUIS R. WILSON LIBRARY on the 
 last date stamped under "Date Due." If not on hold it may be 
 renewed by bringing it to the library. 
 
 DATE ppT^ 
 DUE 
 
 DATE 
 DUE 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 03 
 
 
 
 -•^f^ AUG 
 
 5 0 20051 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 for/n No. 513 
 
 
 
 
Digitized by the Internet Arcliive 
 in 2014 
 
 https://archive.org/details/historyofgreecef01gold_0 
 
THE 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 EARLIEST STATE, - 
 
 TO THE 
 
 DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 
 By OLIVER GOLDSMITH, M. B. 
 
 TO WHICH IS ADDED, A 
 
 ' SUMMARY ACCOUNT OF THE AFFAIRS OF GREECE, 
 
 FROM 
 
 THAT PERIOD, 
 
 TO 
 
 THE SACKING OF CONSTANTINOPLE BY THE OTHOMANS. 
 
 THE TENTH EDITION. 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES. 
 VOL. I. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR R. BALDWIN, F. AND C. RIVINGTON, WILKIE 
 AND ROBINSON, J, WALKER, SCATCHERD AND LETTERMAN, 
 G. ROBINSON, CUTHELL AND MARTIN, R. LEA, J. NUNN, 
 C. LAW, LACKINGTON, ALLEN, AND CO. LONGMAN, HURST, 
 REES, AND ORME, CADELL AND DAVIES, J. MURRAY, 
 J. BOOKER, AND J. RICHARDSON. 
 
 1809. 
 
G. Woodfall, Printer, 
 Patcrnofter-row, Lojidon, 
 
ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 From the times of Alexander to the 
 sacking of Constantinople by the Turks, 
 a period of fifteen centuries, the Grecian 
 states being under the influence of foreign 
 councils, and the controul of foreign arms, 
 had lost their existence as a nation. But 
 neither did they submit to slavery without 
 a struggle, nor did the power which sub- 
 verted their government deface, at once, 
 their national character, or destroy but by 
 degrees, the various effects which flowed 
 from their original genius and political in- 
 stitutions. 
 
 In what is subjoined, in this edition, to 
 the narrative of Dr. Goldsmith, it is 
 the aim of the author to trace amidst the 
 revolutions of nations, the remains of 
 Greece; to take a summary view ot her 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 ments. Man seems scarcely to have any share 
 in the picture^ and while the reader wanders 
 through the most delightful scenes the imagi- 
 nation can Oiler, he is scarce once presented 
 with the actions of such a being as himself. 
 V It would be vain, therefore, and beside the 
 
 present purpose to give an historical air to ac- 
 counts which were never meant to be trans- 
 mitted as true. Some writers indeed have la- 
 boriously undertaken to separate the truth from 
 the fable, and to give us an unbroken narrative 
 from the first dawning of tradition to the dis- 
 play of undoubted history; they have levelled 
 down all mythology to their own apprehensions; 
 every fable is made to look with an air of pro- 
 bability; instead of a golden fleece, Jason goes 
 in pursuit of a great treasure; instead of de- 
 stroying a chimera, Bellerophon reclaims a 
 mountain; instead of an hydra, Hercules over- 
 comes a robber, 
 
 Thiis the fanciful pictures of a strong imagi- 
 nation are taught to assume a -.serious severity, 
 and tend to deceive the reader still more, by 
 offering in the garb of truth what had been only 
 meant to delight and allure him. 
 
 The fabulous age, therefore, of Greece, must 
 have no place in history; it is now too late to 
 separate those parts which may have a real 
 foundation in nature., from those which owe 
 their existence wholly to the imagination. There 
 are no traces left to guide us in that intricate 
 
EARLIEST STATE. 
 
 pursuit; the dews of the morning are past, 
 and it is vain to attempt continuing the chase 
 in meridian splendor. It will be sufficient, 
 therefore, for us to observe, that Greece, like 
 most other countries of whose origin we have 
 any notice, was at first divided into a number 
 of petty states, each commanded by its own so- 
 vereign. Ancient Greece, which is now the 
 south part of Turkey in Europe, was bounded 
 on the east by the ^gean sea, now called the 
 Archipelago; on the south by the Cretan or 
 Candian sea; on the west by the Ionian sea; 
 and on the north by Illyria and Thrace. Of 
 such very narrow extent, and so very contempti- 
 ble, with regard to territory, was that country, 
 which gave birth to all the arts of war and peace, 
 which produced the greatest generals, philoso- 
 phers, poets, painters, architects, and statuaries, 
 that ever the world boasted; which overcame 
 the most powerful monarchs, and dispersed the 
 most numerous armies that ever were brought 
 into the field, and at last became the instructor 
 of all mankind. 
 
 It is said in Scripture that Javan, the son of 
 Japheth, was the father of all those nations that 
 went under the general denomination of Greeks. 
 Of his four sons, Elisha, or Ellas, is said to 
 have given name to the EXXt^vsg, a general name 
 by which the Greeks were known. Tharsis, the 
 second son, is thought to have settled in Achaia ; 
 Chittim settled in Macedonia; and Dodanim, 
 b2 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 the fourth son, in Thessaly and Epinis. How 
 they portioned out the country, what revolutions 
 they experienced or what wars they maintained, 
 are utterly unknown: and, indeed, the history 
 of petty, barbarous states, if known, would 
 hardly recompence the trouble of enquiry. In 
 those early times, kingdoms were but incon- 
 siderable: a single city, with a few leagues of 
 land, was often honoured with that magnificent 
 appellation; it would, therefore, embarrass his- 
 tory to enter into the domestic privacy of every 
 little state, as it would be rather a subject for 
 the economist than the politician. It will suf- 
 fice to observe, that Sicyon is said to be the 
 most ancient kingdom of Greece. The begins 
 niilg of this petty sovereignty is placed by his- 
 torians in the year of the world one thousand 
 nine hundred and fifteen, before Jesus Christ 
 two thousand eighty-nine, and before the first 
 Olympiad one thousand three hundred and thir- 
 teen. The first king was i?igialeus. Its dura- 
 tion is said to have been a thousand years. 
 
 The kinodom of Arpos, in Pelo- 
 A.M.2148. 1 1 J 
 
 ponnesus, began a thousand and 
 
 eighty years before the first Olympiad, in the 
 time of Abraham. The first king was Inachus. 
 
 The kingdom of Mycasna^ succeeded. The 
 seat of government was translated thither from 
 Argos by Perseus, the grandfeon of Acrisius, the 
 last king of that country, whom Perseus un- 
 fortunately slew. The kings who reigned at 
 
EARLIEST STATE. 5 
 
 Mycaense after Perseus, were Electryon, Sthe- 
 
 nelus, and Eurystheus; the latter of whom was 
 
 driven out by the Heraclidse, or the descendants 
 
 of Hercules, who made themselves masters of 
 
 Peloponnesus. 
 
 The kino jom of Athens was first ^ 
 ^ , . ^ , ^ A. M. 2448. 
 
 formed into a regular government 
 
 by Cecrops an Egyptian. This prince, having 
 departed from Egypt, and travelled several years 
 in other places^ came from Phoenicia into Greece, 
 and lived in Attica, where he was kindly received 
 by ActiEus, the king of that country; married 
 his daughter; and, on his death, succeeded to 
 his throne. He taught the people, who were 
 savages, the use of fixed habitations, restrained 
 all licentious lust, obliged each man to marry 
 one wife, and laid down rules for the conduct 
 of life, and the exercise of all religious and 
 civil offices, tie divided the whole country into 
 twelve districts, and also established a court for 
 judging causes, entitled the Areopagus. Am- 
 phictyon, the third king of Athens, procured a 
 confederacy among the twelve states of Greece, 
 which assembled twice a year at Thermopylae, 
 there to offer up common sacrifices, and to con- 
 sult for the common interest of the association, 
 Theseus, one of the succeeding kings of this 
 state, united the twelve boroughs of Cecrops 
 into one city. Codrus was the last of this line, 
 who devoted himself to death for his people. 
 The Heraclidas having made an irruption as far 
 
6 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 as the gates of Athens, the oracle declared, that 
 they should be conquerors whose king should 
 fall in this contest. To take the earliest advan- 
 tage, therefore, of this answer, Codrus disguised 
 himself in the habit of a peasant, and provoking 
 one of the enemy's soldiers, was killed by him. 
 Whereupon the Athenians sent an herald to de- 
 mand the body of their king, which message 
 struck such a damp into the enemy, that they 
 departed without striking another blow. After 
 Codru?, the title of king was extinguished 
 among the Athenians. Medon, his son, was set 
 at the head of the commonwealth, with the title 
 of Archon, which signifies chief governor. The 
 first of this denomination had their places for 
 life; but the Athenians growing weary of a go- 
 vernment which represt their love of freedom, 
 they abridged the term of the archon's power 
 to ten years, and at last made the office elective 
 every year. 
 
 A M 2549 kingdom of Thebes was first 
 
 founded by Cadmus. This hero 
 having had an Egyptian father, was brought up 
 in the religion, and was well acquainted with 
 the history of that country, whence several 
 writers of his life have accounted him an Egyp- 
 tian: and, at the same time, being born and 
 educated in Phoenicia, he became master of the 
 language and letters of that country. He sailed 
 from the coast of Phoenicia, and arriving in 
 Bceotia, he founded, or rebuilt the city, calling 
 
EARLIEST STATE 
 
 7 
 
 it Thebes, from the city of that name in Egypt, 
 and the citadel, from his own name, Cadmea. 
 Here he fixed the seat of his power and domi- 
 nion. To this prince are ascribed sixteen let- 
 ters of the Greek alphabet. But, as the order, 
 names, and characters of these letters bear a 
 near resemblance to the old Phoenician, or He- 
 brew letters, we are not to suppose that he in- 
 vented, but only that he formed them from his 
 own language, as it is probable the Phoenicians 
 had before formed theirs from the Egyptian. 
 The adventures of his unhappy posterity, Laius, 
 Jocasta, CEdipus, Eteocles, and Polynices, make 
 a shining figure among the poetical fictions of 
 that period. 
 
 The kingdom of Sparta or Lacedsemon, is 
 supposed to have been first instituted by Le- 
 lexa. Helena, the tenth in succession from 
 this monarch, is equally famous for her beauty 
 and infidelity. She had not lived above three 
 years with her husband, Menelaus, before she 
 was carried off by Paris, the son of Priam, king 
 of Troy. This seems to be the first occasion in 
 which the Greeks united in one common cause. 
 The Greeks took Troy, after a ten years' siege, 
 much about the time that Jephthah was the 
 Judge in Israel. 
 
 Corinth beofan later than the other ^ , , 
 . . , ° . ^ , r A. M. 2820. 
 cities above-mentioned to be form- 
 ed into a state, or to be governed by its kings. 
 It was at first subject to Argos and Mycasn^e, 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 but Sisyphus, the son of i^iolas, 
 A. M. 2628. , ' , c 1 
 
 made himselr master oi it; ana 
 
 when his descendants were dispossessed, Bac-^ 
 chis assumed the reigns of power. The govern-' 
 ment after this became aristocratical, a chief 
 magistrate being annually chosen by the name 
 of Prytanis. At last Cypselus, having gained 
 the people, usurped the supreme authority, 
 which he transmitted to his son Periander, who 
 was ranked among the seven wise men of Greece, 
 from the love he bore to learning, and his en- 
 couragement of its professors. 
 
 The kingdom of Macedonia was first governed 
 by Caranus, descended from Hercules, and sub- 
 sisted from his time till the defeat of Perseus by 
 the Romans, a space of six hundred and twenty- 
 six years. 
 
 Such is the picture Greece offers in its ear- 
 liest infancy. A combination of little states, 
 each governed by its respective sovereign, yet 
 all uniting for their mutual safety and general 
 advantage. Still, however, their intestine con- 
 tentions were carried on with great animosity ; 
 and, as it happens in all petty« states, under the 
 dominion of a single commander, the jealousies 
 of the princes were a continual cause of discord. 
 From this distressful situation those states, by 
 degrees, began to emerge: a different spirit 
 began to seize the people; and, sick of the con- 
 tentions of their princes, they desired to be 
 free. A spirit of liberty prevailed all over 
 
EARLIEST STATE. 
 
 Greece, and a general change of government 
 was elfected in every part of the country, ex- 
 cept in Macedonia. Thus monarchy gave way 
 to a republican government, which, however, 
 was diversified into as many various forms as 
 there were different cities, according to the dif- 
 ferent genius and peculiar character of each 
 people. 
 
 All these cities, though seemingly different 
 from each other in their laws and interests, were 
 united with each other by one common lan- 
 guage, one religion, and a national pride, that 
 taught them to consider all other nations as bar^- 
 barous and feeble. Even Egypt itself, from 
 whence they had derived many of their arts and 
 institutions, was considered in a very subordi- 
 nate light, and rather as an half barbarous pre- 
 decessor, than an enlightened rival. 
 
 To make this union among the states of 
 Greece still stronger, there were games insti- 
 tuted in different parts of the country, with re- 
 wards for excellence in every pursuit. These 
 sports were instituted for very serious and use- 
 ful purposes; they afforded an opportunity for 
 the several states meeting together; they gave 
 them a greater zeal for their common religion ; 
 they exercised the youth for the purposes of 
 war, and increased that vigour and activity, 
 which was then of the utmost importance in 
 deciding the fate of a battle. 
 
 But their chief bond of union arose frpm the 
 
20 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 CGuncil of the Ampbictyons, which was institu- 
 ted by Araphictyon, king of Athens, as had 
 been already mentioned, and was appointed to 
 be held twice a year at Thermopylas, to delibe- 
 rate for the general good of those states of 
 whose deputies it w^as composed. The states 
 who sent deputies to this council were twelve, 
 namely, the Thessalians, the Thebans, the Do- 
 rians, the lonians, the Perhaabeans, the Mag- 
 nates, the Locrians, the Oetans, the Pthiotes, 
 the Maleans, the Phocians, and the Dolopians. 
 Each of those cities which had a right to assist 
 at the Amphictyonic cou oil, was obliged to 
 send two deputies to every meeting. The one 
 was entitled to the Hieromnemon, who took 
 care of the interests of religion ; the other was 
 called the Pylagoras, and had in charge the civil 
 interests of his community. Each of these de- 
 puties, however, differing in their functions, 
 enjoyed an equal power of determining all af- 
 fairs relative to the general interests of Greece. 
 Bat;, although the number of deputies seems to 
 have been settled originally so as to answer the 
 number of votes which each city was allowed, 
 yet in process of time, on some extraordinary 
 occasions, the principal cities assumed a power 
 of sending more than one Pylagoras to assist in 
 a critical emergency, or to serve the purposes 
 of a faction. When the deputies thus appointed, 
 appear to execute their commission, after offer- 
 ing up sacrifices to Apollo, Diana, Latona, and 
 
EARLIEST STATE. tl 
 
 Minerva, they took an oath, implying, that 
 they would never subvert any city of the Am- 
 phictyons, never stop the course of waters ei- 
 ther in war or peace, and that they would op- 
 pose any attempts to lessen the reverence and 
 authority of the gods, to whom they had paid 
 their adoration. Thus all offences against reli- 
 gion, all instances of impiety and profanation, all 
 contests between the Grecian states and cities 
 came under the particular cognizance of the Am- 
 phictyons, who had a right to determine, to im- 
 pose fines, and even to levy forces, and to make 
 war against those who offered to rebel against 
 their sovereign authority. 
 
 These different motives to confederacy united 
 the Greeks for a time into a body of great 
 power, and greater emulation. By this associ- 
 ation, a country not half so large as England, 
 was able to dispute the empire of the earth 
 with the most powerful monarchs of the world. 
 By this association, they not only made head 
 against the numerous armies of Persia, but dis- 
 persed, routed, and destroyed them, reducing 
 their pride so low, as to make them submit to 
 conditions of peace as shameful to the con- 
 quered as glorious to the conquerors. But among 
 all the cities of Greece, there were two, that by 
 their merit, their valour, and their wisdom, par- 
 ticularly distinguished themselves from the rest : 
 these were Athens and Lacedasmon. As these 
 cities served as an example of bravery or learn- 
 
n HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 ing to the rest, and as the chief burthen of 
 every foreign war devolved upon them, it will 
 be proper to enter upon their particular history 
 with greater minuteness, and to give the reader 
 some idea of the genius, character, manners, 
 snd government of their respective inhabitants. 
 
SPARTA, AND LAWS OF LYCURGUS. 13 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 ' OF THE GOVliRNMENT OF SPARTA, AND THE 
 LAWS OF LYCURGUS* 
 
 Although the kingdom of Lacedsemon was 
 not so considerable as that of Athens, yet as 
 it was of much earlier institution, it demands 
 our first attention. Lacedasmon, as observed 
 above, was in the beginning governed by kings> 
 of which thirteen held the reigns of power in 
 succession, of the race of the Pelopida?. As 
 during this dark interval there were no fixed 
 laAVS to limit the prerogative, nor any ideas of 
 true government among the people, it does not 
 appear that there were any considerable en- 
 croachments made either on the side of the 
 king or that of the people. Under the race of 
 the Heraclidas, who succeeded, instead of one 
 king, the people admitted two, who governed 
 with equal authority. The cause of this change 
 seems to have sprung from a very particular 
 accident; for Aristodemus dying, left two sons, 
 Eurysthenes and Procles, twins, so much alike, 
 that it was hardly possible to distinguish them 
 asunder. From hence the hint was taken by 
 the mother of fixing the crown upon both ; so 
 that when the Spartans came for a king, she was 
 
U mSTO^Y OF GREECE. 
 
 either unwilling or unable to decide which of 
 them w^as first born, or which had the justest 
 pretentions. This form continued for several 
 succeeding centuries, and though the one was 
 almost ever at variance with his associate on the 
 throne, yet the governmeiit remained entire. 
 
 It was during this succession that slavery was 
 first instituted in Sparta. Eurysthenes and Pro- 
 cles having granted the countrymen of Sparta 
 the same privileges with the citizens, Agis re- 
 versed what his predecessors had done in favour 
 of the peasants, and imposed a tribute upon 
 them The Helotes were the only people that 
 would not acquiesce in this impost, but rose 
 in rebellion to vindicate their rights: the citi* 
 zens, however, prevailed, the Helotes were sub- 
 dued, and made prisoners of war. As a still 
 greater punishment, they and their posterity 
 were condemned to perpetual slavery; and 
 to increase their misery still more, all other 
 slaves were called by the general name of 
 Helotes. 
 
 It would appear from hence, that this little 
 state was governed with turbulence and op- 
 pression, and required the curb of severe laws 
 and rigorous discipline. These severities and 
 rigorous discipline were at last imposed upon 
 it by Lycurgus, one of the first and most extra- 
 ordinary legislators that ever appeared • among 
 mankind. There is, perhaps, nothing more re- 
 markable in profane history, yet nothing so well 
 
SPARTA, AND LAWS OF LYCURGUS. 15 
 
 attested^ as what relates to the laws and govern- 
 ment of Lycurgiis. What, indeed, can be more 
 amazing, than to behold a mutinous and savage 
 race of mankind yielding submission to laws 
 that controuled every sensual pleasure and 
 every private affection; to behold them give 
 up, for the good of the state, all the comforts 
 and conveniences of private life, and making 
 a state of domestic privacy more severe and 
 terrible than the most painful campaigns, and 
 the most warlike duties. Yet all this was ef- 
 fected by the perseverance and authority of a 
 single legislator, who gave the first lessons of 
 hard resignation in his own generous example. 
 
 Lycurgus was the son of Eunomus, one of the 
 two kings who reigned together in Sparta. His 
 elder brother Polydectes dying without issue, 
 the right of succession rested in Lycurgus, who 
 accordingly took the administration upon him. 
 But an unexpected event came to interrupt his 
 promotion ; for the queen his sister-in-law, pro- 
 ving with child, his right became doubtful. A 
 man of less probity would have used every pre- 
 caution to secure himself upon the throne, and 
 a proposal which was made by the queen seem- 
 ed to secure his pretensions. She offered to 
 destroy the birth, upon condition that he would 
 marry her, and take her into a share of power. 
 Lycurgus wisely smothered his resentment at 
 so unnatural a proposal, and fearful that she 
 might use means to put her project in execu- 
 
 1 
 
16 HIStORY OF GREECE. 
 
 tion, assured her, that as soon as the child wa^ 
 born, he ^vould take upon himself to remove it 
 out of the way. Accordingly she was delivered 
 of a boy, which Lycurgus commanded to be 
 brought to him, as he was at supper with the 
 magistrates; to them he presented the child as 
 their king, and to testify his own and the peo- 
 ple's joy, gave him the name of Charilaus. 
 Thus Lycurgus sacrificed his ambition to his 
 duty; and still more^ continued his regency, 
 not as king, but governor. However, dread- 
 ing the resentment of the queen, and finding 
 the state in great disorder, he resolved, by 
 travelling, to avoid the dangers of the one, 
 and to procure a remedy for the defects of the 
 other. 
 
 Thus resolving to make himsfelf acquainted 
 with all the improvements of other nations, and 
 to consult the most experienced persons he 
 could meet with in the art of government, he 
 began with the island of Crete, whose hard and 
 severe laws were very much admired. In this 
 island the handicraft trades were brought to 
 some degree of perfection. , There they wrought 
 in copper and iron, and made armour, in which 
 they danced with a confused noise of bells at 
 the sacrifices of their gods. It was from that 
 the art of navigation was first known in Greece, 
 and from them many legislators derived the 
 principles of their respective institutions. 
 
 From Crete Lycurgus passed over into Asia, 
 6 
 
f 
 
 SPARTA, AND LAWS OF LYCURGUS. 1? 
 
 ^here he still found new information, and is 
 said to have first made the discovery of the 
 works of Homer. From thence he went into 
 Egypt, and is said by some to have had con- 
 ferences with the gymnosophists of India. But 
 whilst thus employed abroad, his presence 
 began to be greatly wanted at home. All parties 
 conspired to wish his coming, and many mes- 
 sages were sent to hasten his return. The 
 kings themselves importuned him to that effect, 
 and let him know, that the people were arrived 
 at such a pitch of disorder, that nothing but 
 his authority could controul their licentiousness. 
 In fact, every thing tended to the unavoidable 
 destruction of the state, and nothing but his 
 presence was wished to check its increasing 
 dissolution. 
 
 Lycurgus, at length persuaded to return, 
 found the people wearied out with their own 
 importunities, and ready to receive any new 
 impressions he might attempt. Wherefore the 
 corruption being general, he found it necessary 
 to change the whole form of the government; 
 sensible that a few particular laws would pro- 
 duce no great effect. But considering the ef- 
 ficacy of religion in promoting every new insti- 
 tution, he went first to consult the oracle of 
 Apollo at Delphos, where he met a reception 
 that might flatter his highest ambition, for he 
 was saluted by the priestess as a friend of the 
 gods, and rather as a god than man. As to his 
 
 VOL. I. c 
 
18 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 new institution also, he was told that the gods 
 heard his prayers, and that the commonwealth 
 he was going to establish would be the most 
 excellent and durable upon earth. 
 
 Thus encouraged, on his return to Sparta, 
 Lycurgus first communicated his designs to his 
 particular friends, and then by degrees gained 
 over the leading men to his party, until, things 
 being ripe for a change, he ordered thirty of 
 the principal men to appear armed in the mar- 
 ket-place. Charilaus, who was at that time king, 
 seemed at first willing to oppose this revolution, 
 but being intimidated by a superior force, he 
 took shelter in the temple of Minerva; where, 
 being prevailed upon by his subjects, and being 
 also of a flexible temper, he came forth and 
 joined the confederacy. The people soon acr 
 quiesced under a set of institutions which were 
 evidently calculated for- their improvement, and 
 gladly acknowledged submission to laws which 
 leaned with equal weight upon every rank of 
 society. 
 
 To continue the kings still with a shadow of 
 power, he confirmed them in their right of suc- 
 cession as before, but diminished their authority 
 by instituting a senate, which was to serve as a 
 counterpoise between the prerogative and the 
 people. They still, however, had all their former 
 marks of outward dignity and respect. They had 
 the chief seats in every public assembly; in- vo- 
 ting they were allowed to give their opinion 
 
SPARTA, AND LAWS OF LYCURGUS. 19 
 
 first ; they received ambassadors and strangers, 
 and overlooked public buildings and highways. 
 In the field they were possessed of greater power; 
 they conducted the armies of the state, and were 
 attended by judges, field-deputies, and a gene- 
 ral of the horse. However, they were not en^ 
 tirely at liberty even in war, as they received 
 their orders from the senate; and though these 
 were for the most part discretionary, yet they 
 were sometimes forced to march against the 
 enemy, or to return home when they least desired 
 to retreat. 
 
 The government hitherto had been unsteady, 
 tending at one time towards despotism, at ano-^ 
 ther to democracy; but the senate instituted by 
 Lycurgus served as a check upon both, and kept 
 the state balanced in tranquillity. This body, 
 which was composed of twenty-eight members, 
 founded their chief policy in siding with the 
 kings when the people were grasping at too 
 much power; and, on the other hand, in es- 
 pousing the interests of the people whenever the 
 kings attempted to carry their authority too far. 
 The senators were composed of those who as- 
 niated Lycurgus in his designs, as well as of se- 
 veral of the citizens remarkable for their private 
 virtues, but none were eligible till sixty years 
 of age. They were continued for life, except 
 upon any notorious crime; and this, as it pre- 
 vented the inconveniences of too frequent a 
 phange, so it was a lasting reward to the old, and 
 
 c 2 
 
20 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 a noble incentive to the young. These formed 
 the supreme court of judicature; and though 
 there lay an appeal from them to the people, 
 yet as they were only convened at the pleasure 
 of the senate, and as the senators were not re- 
 sponsible for any wrong judgment, their decrees 
 generally passed without a repeal. Indeed, for 
 several ages, such was the caution, and such the 
 integrity of this tribunal, that none seemed de- 
 sirous of seeking farther justice, and both parties 
 acquiesced in the justice of their decree. How- 
 ever, the great power which the senate was thus 
 possessed of, was about a century after tem- 
 pered by the erection of a superior court, 
 called the court of the ephohi, which consisted of 
 but five in number, and the members were chosen 
 annually into their office. They were elected 
 from the people, and had the power of arresting 
 and imprisoning even the persons of their kings, 
 if they acted unbecoming their station. 
 
 The PEOPLE also had a nominal share in the go- 
 vernment. They had their assemblies consisting 
 of citizens only, and also their great convention 
 of all persons who were free of the state. But 
 this power of convening was but a mere matter 
 of form, as the senate alone was permitted to 
 call them together, and as it was in the option of 
 that body to dismiss them at pleasure. The sub- 
 ject of deliberation was also to be of their pro- 
 posal, while the people, denied the privilege of 
 debating or discussing^ could only reject or ra- 
 
SPARTA, AND LAWS OF LYCURGUS. 21 
 
 tify with laconic decision. To keep them still 
 more helpless^ they were left out of all offices of 
 the state^ and were considered merely as machines, 
 which their wiser fellow-citizens were to con- 
 duct and employ. 
 
 So small a degree of power granted to the 
 people, might be apt to destroy these institutions 
 in their infancy: but to reconcile them to the 
 change, Lycurgus boldly resolved to give them 
 a share in those lands from whence, by the in- 
 creasing riches of some, and the dissipation of 
 others, they had been deprived. To keep the 
 people in plenty and dependence, seems to have 
 been one of the most refined strokes in this phi- 
 losopher's legislation. The generality of the peo- 
 ple were at that time so poor, that they were 
 destitute of every kind of possession, whilst a 
 small number of individuals were possessed of 
 all the lands and the wealth of the country. In 
 order, therefore, to banish the insolence, the 
 fraud, and the luxury of the one, as well as the 
 misery, the repining, and the factious despair of 
 the others, he persuaded the majority, and forced 
 the rest to give up all their lands to the common- 
 wealth, and to make a new division of them, 
 that they might all live together in perfect equa- 
 lity. Thus all the sensual goods of life were 
 distributed among the governors and the govern - 
 Cid, and superior merit alone conferred superior 
 distinction. 
 
 Lycurgus accordingly divided all the lands of 
 
t2 HtSTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Laconia into thirty thousand parts, and those of 
 Sparta into nine thousand, and these he por- 
 tioned out to the respective inhabitants of each 
 di^rict. Each portion was sufficient to main- 
 tain a family in that frugal manner he proposed; 
 and, though the kings had a larger share assign- 
 ed them to support their dignity, yet their tables 
 had rather an air of decency and competency, 
 than of superfluity or profusion. It is said that 
 tome years after, as Lycurgus was returning from 
 a long journey, observing how equally the corn 
 was divided in all parts of the country, he was 
 heard to observe, smiling on those next him. 
 Does not Laconia look like an estate which 
 several brothers have been dividing amongst 
 them? 
 
 But it would have answered no permanent 
 purpose to divide the lands, if the money had 
 been still suffered to accumulate. To prevent, 
 therefore, all other distinction but that of merit, 
 he resolved to level down all fortune to one 
 standard. He did not, indeed, strip those pos- 
 sessed of gold or silver of their property ; but 
 what was equivalent, he cried down its value, 
 and suffered nothing but iron money to pass in 
 exchange for every commodity. This coin also 
 he made so heavy, and fixed at so low a rate, 
 that a cart and two oxen were required to carry 
 home a sum of ten minas, or about twenty 
 pounds English, and a whole house was neces- 
 sary to keep it in. This iron money had no 
 
SPARTA^ AND LAWS OF LYCURGUS. 2S 
 
 eurr^ncy among any other of the Grecian states, 
 who, so far from esteeming it, treated it with 
 the utmost contempt and ridicule. From the 
 neglect of foreigners, the Spartans themselves 
 began to despise it so, that money was at last 
 brought into disuse, and few troubled themselves 
 with more than was sufficient to supply their 
 necessities. Thus not only riches, but their at- 
 tendant train of avarice, fraud, rapine, and luxury, 
 were banished from this simple state; and the 
 people found in ignorance of riches, a happy 
 substitute for the want of those refinements 
 they bestow. 
 
 But these institutions were not thought suffi- 
 cient to prevent that tendency which maniiind 
 have to private excess. A third regulation was 
 therefore made, commanding that all meals 
 should be in public. He ordained that all the 
 men should eat in one common hall without dis- 
 tinction ; and lest strangers should attempt to 
 corrupt his citizens by their example, a law was 
 expressly made against their continuance in the 
 city. By these means frugality was not only 
 made necessary, but the use of riches was at 
 once abolished. Every man sent monthly his 
 provisions to the common stock, with a little 
 money for other contingent expences. These 
 consisted of one bushel of flour, eight measures 
 of wine, five pounds of cheese, and two pounds 
 and an half of figs. The tables consisted of 
 fifteen persons each, where none could be ad- 
 
U HISTORY OF GREECE.V 
 
 mitted but by the consent of the whole com- 
 pany. Every one without exception of persons 
 was obliged to be at the common meal ; and a 
 long time after, when Agis returned from a suc- 
 cessful expedition, he was punished and repri- 
 manded for having eaten with his queen in pri- 
 vate. The very children ate at these meals, and 
 were carried thither as to a school of temperance 
 and wisdom. At these homely repasts no rude 
 or immoral conversation was permitted, no lo- 
 quacious disputes or ostentatious talking. Each 
 endeavoured to express his sentiments with the 
 utmost perspicuity and conciseness; wit was ad- 
 mitted to season the banquet, and secrecy to 
 give it security. As soon as a young man came 
 into the room, the oldest man in the company 
 used to say to him, pointing to the door, JVb- 
 thing spoken here must go that way. Black 
 broth was their favourite dish, of what ingre- 
 dients it was made is not known, but they used 
 no flesh in their entertainments; it probably 
 resembled those lenten soups which are still in 
 use on the continent. Dionysius, the tyrant, 
 found their fare very unpalatable ; but, as the 
 cook asserted, the broth was nothing without 
 the seasoning of fatigue and hunger. 
 
 An mjunction so rigorous, which thus cut off 
 all the delicacies and refinements of luxury, was 
 by no means pleasing to the rich, who took 
 every occasion to insult the lawgiver upon his 
 new regulations. The tumults it excited were 
 
SPARTA, AND LAWS OF LYCURGUS. 25 
 
 frequent : and in one of these, a young fellow 
 whose name was Alexander, struck out one of 
 Lycurgus's eyes. But he had the majority of- 
 the people on his side, who, provoked at the 
 outrage^ delivered the young man into his 
 hands to treat him with all proper severity. Ly- 
 curgus, instead of testifying any brutal resent.- 
 ment, won over his aggressor by all the arts of 
 affability and tenderness, till at last, from being 
 one of the proudest and most turbulent men 
 of Sparta, he became an example of wisdom and 
 moderation, and an useful assistant to Lycurgus 
 in promoting his new institutions. 
 
 Thus, undaunted by opposition, and steady in 
 his designs, he went on to make reformation in 
 the manners of his countrymen. As the educa- 
 tion of youth was one of the most important 
 objects of a legislator's care, he took care to in- 
 stil such early principles, that children should 
 in a manner be born with a sense of order and 
 discipline. His grand principle was, that chil- 
 dren were properly the possession of the state, 
 and belonged to the community more than to 
 their parents. To this end he began from the 
 very time of their conception, making it the 
 mother's duty to use such diet and exercise, as 
 might fit her to produce a vigorous and healthy 
 offspring. As during this period, all institutions 
 were tinctured with the savageness of the times, 
 it is not wonderful that Lycurgus ordained that 
 all such children as, upon a public view, were 
 
S6 HISTORY OF GREECE^- 
 
 deemed deformed or weakly, and unfit for a fu-' 
 fare life of vigour and fatigue, should be ex-^ 
 posed to perish in a cavern near mount Tay- 
 getus. This was considered as a public punish-' 
 ment upon the mother, arfd it was thought the 
 readiest way to lighten the state of a future en- 
 cumbrance. 
 
 Those infants that were born without An;^ ca- 
 pital defects were adopted as children of the 
 state, and delivered to their parents to' b6 nursed 
 with severity and hardship. Froni their ten- 
 derest age they were accustomed to make no 
 choice in their eating, not to be afraid in the 
 dark, or when left alone, not to be peevish or fret- 
 ful, to walk barefoot, to lie hard at nights, to 
 wear the, same clothes winter and summer, and 
 to fear nothing from their equals. At the age 
 of seven years they w^ere taken from their pa^ 
 rents, and delivered over to the classes for a 
 public education. Their discipline there was 
 little else than an apprenticeship to hardship, 
 self-denial, and obedience. In these classes, 
 one of the boys more advanced and experi- 
 enced than the rest, presided as captain to go- 
 vern and chastise the refractory. Their very 
 sports and exercises were regulated according 
 to the exactest discipline, and made up of la- 
 bour and fatigue. They went barefoot, with 
 their heads shaved, and fought with one another 
 naked. While they were at table it was usual 
 for the masters to instruct the boys^ by asking 
 
SPARTA, AND LAWS OF LYCURGUS. 2t 
 
 them questions concerning the nature of moral 
 actions, or the different merits of the most 
 noted men of the time. The boys were obliged 
 to give a quick and ready answer, which was to 
 be accompanied with his reasons in the con- 
 cisest manner^ for a Spartan's language was as 
 sparing as his money was ponderous and bulky. 
 All ostentatious learning was banished from this 
 simple commonwealth; their only study was to 
 obey, their only pride was to suffer hardship. 
 Every art was practised to harden them against 
 adventitious danger. There was yearly a custom 
 of whipping them at the altar of Diana, and 
 the boy that bore this punishment with the 
 greatest fortitude came off victorious. This was 
 inflicted publicly before the eyes of their pa- 
 rents, and in the presence of the whole city; 
 and many were known to expire under the se- 
 verity of the discipline without uttering a single 
 groan. Even their own fathers, when they saw 
 them covered with blood and wounds, and ready 
 to expire, exhorted them to persevere to the 
 end with constancy and resolution. Plutarch, 
 who says that he has seen several children ex-- 
 pire under this cruel treatment, tells us of one 
 who having stolen a fox, and hid it under his 
 co2it, chose rather to let it tear out his very 
 bowels than discover the theft. 
 
 Every institution seemed calculated to harden 
 the body, and sharpen the mind for war. In 
 order to prepare them for stratagems and suddea 
 
28 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 incursions, the boys were permitted to steal from 
 each other; but if they were caught in the fact, 
 they were punished for their want of dexterity. 
 Such a permission, therefore, was little better 
 than a prohibition of theft, since the punish- 
 ment followed, as at present, in case of detec- 
 tion. In fact, by this institution, negligence 
 in the possessor was made justly liable to the 
 loss of his possessions, a consideration which has. 
 not been sufficiently attended to by subsequent 
 legislators. 
 
 At twelve years old tlie boys were removed 
 into another class of a more advanced kind. 
 There, in order to crush the seeds of vice, which 
 at that time began to appear, their labour and 
 discipline were increased with their age. There 
 they had their instructor from among the men 
 called Psedonomi, and under him the Irasns, 
 young men selected from their own body, to ex- 
 ercise a more constant and immediate command 
 over them. They had now their skirmishes be- 
 tween parties, and their mock fights between 
 larger bodies. In these they often fought with 
 hands, feet, teeth, and nails, with such obstinacy, 
 that it was common to see them lose their eyes, 
 and often their lives, before the fray was deter- 
 mined. Such was the constant discipline of their 
 minority, which lasted till the age of thirty, be- 
 fore which they were not permitted to marry, to 
 go into the troops, or to bear any office, in the 
 state. 
 
SPARTiV, AND LAWS OF LYCURGUS. 29 
 
 With regard to the virgins, their discipline 
 was equally strict with the former. They were 
 inured to a constant course of labour and industry 
 until they were twenty years old, before which 
 time they were not allowed to be marriageable. 
 They also had their peculiar exercises. They ran, 
 wrestled, pitched the bar, and performed all those 
 feats naked before the whole body of the citizens. 
 Yet this was thought no way indecent, as it was 
 supposed that the frequent view of the person 
 would rather check than excite every looser ap- 
 petite. An education so manlike did not fail to 
 produce in the Spartan women corresponding 
 sentiments. They were bold, frugal, and patri- 
 otic, filled with a sense of honour, and a love of 
 military glory. Some foreign women in conver- 
 sation with the wife of Leonidas saying, that the 
 Spartan women alone knew how to govern the 
 men, she boldly replied, the Spartan women 
 alone bring forth men. A mother was known to 
 give her son, who was going to battle, his shield, 
 with this remarkable advice. Return with it, or 
 return upon it. Implying, that rather than throw 
 it from him in flight, he should be borne upon 
 it dead to his friends in Sparta. Another, hear- 
 ing that her son was killed fighting for his coun- 
 try, she answered without any emotion, it was 
 for that I brought him into the world. After the 
 battle of Leuctra, the parents of those who died 
 in the action, went to the temples to thank the 
 gods, that their sons had done their duty, while 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 those whose children survived that dreadful day 
 seemed inconsolable. 
 
 Yet it must not be concealed that in a city 
 where the women were inspired with such a pas- 
 sion for military glory^ they were not equally re- 
 markable for connubial fidelity. In fact, there 
 was no law against adultery, and an exchange of 
 husbands was often actually practised among 
 them. This was always indeed by the mutual 
 consent of parties, which removed the tedious ce- 
 remonies of a divorce. One reason assigned for 
 allowing this mutual liberty, was not so much to 
 gratify licentious desire, as to improve the breed 
 of citizens, by matching such as were possessed 
 of mutual inclination. In fact, in many of the 
 laws of Lycurgus he seems to admit, that private 
 vices may become public benefits, and this a- 
 mong the number. 
 
 Besides these constitutional resolutions, there 
 were many other general maxims laid down, that 
 obtained the force of laws among them. They 
 were forbid to exercise any mechanic art. The 
 chief occupation of the Spartans was bodily ex- 
 ercises or hunting. The Helotes who had lost 
 their liberty some centuries before, and who had 
 been condemned to perpetual slavery, tilled their 
 lands for them, receiving for their labour a bare 
 subsistence. The citizens thus possessed of com- 
 petence and leisure, were mostly in company in 
 their large common halls, where they met and 
 conversed together. They passed Iktie of thei^ 
 
SPARTA, AND LAWS OF LYCURGUS. 31 
 
 time alone, being accustomed to live like bees, 
 always together, always attentive to their chiefs 
 and leaders. The love of their country and the 
 public good was their predominant passion, and 
 all self interest was lost in the general wish for 
 the welfare of the community. Pedarctus having 
 missed the honour of being chosen one of the 
 three hundred who had a certain rank in the city, 
 converted his disappointment into joy, that 
 there were three hundred better men in Sparta 
 than he. 
 
 Among the maxims of this legislator, it was 
 forbidden them to make frequent war upon the 
 same enemies. By this inhibition they were re- 
 strained from lasting and immoderate resent- 
 ment, they were in no danger of teaching their 
 discipline to those they made war upon, and all 
 their alliances were thus more frequently re- 
 newed. 
 
 Whenever they had broken and routed their 
 enemies, they never pursued them farther than 
 was necessary to make themselves sure of the 
 victory. They thought it sufficiently glorious 
 to overcome, and were ashamed of destroying 
 an enemy that yielded or fled. Nor was this 
 without answering some good purposes; for the 
 enemy, conscious that all who resisted were 
 put to the sword, often fled, as they were con- 
 vinced that such a conduct was the surest means 
 of obtaining safety. Thus valour and generosity 
 seemed the ruling motives of this new insti- 
 
32 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 tution ; arms were their only exercise and em- 
 ploymentj and their life was much less austere 
 in the camp than the city. The Spartans were 
 the only people in the world to whom the time 
 of war was a time of ease and refreshment ; be- 
 cause then the severity of their manners was 
 relaxed, and the men were indulged in greater 
 liberties. With them the first and most inviolable 
 law of war was, never to turn their backs on 
 the enemy, however disproportioned in forces, 
 nor to deliver up their arms until they resigned 
 them with life. When the poet Archilocus came 
 to Sparta, he was obliged to quit the city, for 
 * having asserted in one of his poems, that it 
 was better for a man to lose his arms than his 
 . life. Thus resolved upon conquest or death, 
 they went calmly forward with all the confi- 
 dence of success, sure of meeting a glorious 
 victory, or, what they valued equally, a noble 
 death. 
 
 Thus depending upon their valour alone for 
 safety, their legislator forbid walling the city. 
 It was his maxim, that a wall of men was pre- 
 ferable to a wall of brick, and that confined va- 
 lour was scarce preferable to cowardice. Indeed 
 a city, in which were thirty thousand fighting 
 men, stood in little need of walls to protect it; 
 and we have scarce an instance in history of 
 their suffering themselves to be driven to their 
 last retreats. War and its honours was their em- 
 ployment and ambition ; their Helotes, or slaves, 
 
 3 
 
SPARTA, AND LAWS OF LYCURGUS. S3 
 
 tilled their ground?;, and did all their servile 
 drudgery. These unhappy men were, in a man- 
 nef> bound to the soil ; it was not lawful to sell 
 them to strangers, or to make them free. If at 
 any time their increase became inconvenient, 
 or created a suspicion in their fierce masters, 
 there was a cryptia, or secret act, by which they 
 were permitted to destroy them. From this bar- 
 barous severity, however, Lycurgus is acquitted 
 by Plutarch; but it is plain, that his institutions 
 were not sufficient to restrain the people from 
 such baseness and cruelty. It was by this act 
 allowed for several companies of young men to 
 go out of the city by day, and, concealing themr 
 selves in the thickets, to rush out in the night 
 upon their slaves, and kill all they could find 
 in their way. Thucydides relates, that two thou- 
 i^and of these slaves disappeared at once^ with- 
 out ever after being heard of. It is truly ama- 
 zing how a people like the Spartans, renowned 
 for lenity to the conquered, for submission to 
 their superiors, for reverence to old age, and 
 friendship to each other, should yet be so very 
 brutal to those beneath them ; to men that ought 
 to be considered, in every respect, as their equals, 
 as their countrymen, and only degraded by an 
 unjust usurpation. Yet nothing is more certain 
 than their cruel treatment: they were not only 
 condemned to the most servile occupations, but 
 often destroyed without reason. They were 
 frequently made drunk, and (exposed before the 
 
 VOL. T. D 
 
U THE HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 ehildren, in order to deter them from so brutal 
 ^ species of debauchery. 
 
 Such was tlie general purport of the institu- 
 tions of Lycurgus, which from their tendency;, 
 gained the esteem and admiration of all the sur- 
 rounding nations. The Greeks were ever apt 
 to be dazzled rather with splendid than useful 
 virtues, and praised the laws of Lycurgus> which 
 at best were calculated rather to make men war- 
 like than happy, and to substitute insensibility 
 instead of enjoyment. If considered in a poli- 
 tical lights the city of Lacedsemon was but a 
 military garrison, supported by the labour of a 
 numerous peasantry that were slaves. The laws 
 by which they were governed are not much more 
 rigorous than many of the miilitary institutions 
 of modern princes; the same labour, the same 
 discipline, the same poverty, and the same sub- 
 ordination, is founded in many of the garrisoned 
 towns of Europe, that prevailed for so many , 
 centuries in Sparta. The only difference that 
 appears to me between a soldier of Lacedasmon 
 and a soldier in garrison at Gravelin^ is, that the 
 one was permitted to marry at thirtVj» and the 
 other is obliged to continue single all his life; 
 the one lives in the midst of a civilized country, 
 which he is supposed to protect; the other lived 
 in the midst of a number of civilized states, 
 which he had ho inclination to offend. War is 
 equally the trade of both; and a campaign is 
 
SPARTA, AND LAWS OF LYCURGUS. S5 
 
 frequently a relaxation from the more rigorous 
 confinement of garrison duty. 
 
 When Lyeurgus had thus completed his mili- 
 tary institution, and when the form of govern- 
 ment he had established seemed strong and 
 vigorous enough to support itself, his next care 
 was to give it all the permanence in his power. 
 He therefore signified to the people, that some- 
 thing still remained for the completion of his 
 plan ; and that he was under a necessity of going 
 to consult the oracle of Delphos, for its advice. 
 In the mean time, he persuaded them to take an 
 oath for the strict observance of all his laws till 
 his return, and then departed with a full resolu- 
 tion of never seeing Sparta more. When he 
 was arrived at Delphos, he consulted the oracle, 
 to know whether the laws he had made were 
 sufficient to render the Lacedaemonians happy; 
 and being answered that nothing was wanting 
 to their perfection, he sent this answer to Sparta, 
 and then voluntarily starved himself to death. 
 Others say, that he died in Crete, ordering his 
 body to be burnt, and his ashes to be thrown 
 into the sea. The death of this great lawgiver 
 gave a sanction and authority to his laws^ which 
 his life was unable to confer. The Spartans re- 
 garded his end as the most glorious of all his 
 actions, and a noble finishing of all his former 
 services: they built a temple, and paid divine 
 honours to him after his death; they considered 
 themselves as bound by every tie of gratitude 
 d2 
 
36 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 and religion to a strict observance of all his in- 
 stitutions; and the long continuance of the 
 Spartan government is a proof of their perse- 
 vering resolution. 
 
 The city of Lacedasmon, thus instituted, 
 seemed only desirous of an opportunity of dis- 
 playing the superiority of their power among 
 the neighbouring states, their rivals. The war 
 between them and the Messenians, soon taught 
 them to know the advantages of their military 
 institution ; but as I am hastening to more im- 
 portant events^ I will touch upon this as con- 
 cisely as I can. There was a temple of Diana 
 common to the Messenians and Lacedaemonians, 
 standing upon the borders of either kingdom. 
 It was there that the Messenians w^ere accused 
 of attempting the chastity of som.e Spartan vir- 
 gins^ and of killing Teleclns, one of the Spar- 
 tan kings, who interposed in their defence. 
 The Messenians, on the other hand, denied the 
 charge: and averred, that those supposed virgins 
 were young men thus dressed up with daggers 
 under their clothes, and placed there by Tele- 
 clus, with an intent to surprise them. To the 
 mutual resentment occasioned by this, another 
 cause of animosity was soon after added : Poly- 
 chares, a Messenian, who had won the prize in 
 the Olympic games, let out some cows to pas- 
 ture to Euphsenus, a Lacedaemonian, who was 
 to pay himself for their keeping with a share of 
 the increase. Euphaenus sold the cows, and 
 
SPARTA, AND LAWS OF LYCURGUS. 37 
 
 pretended they were stolen from him. Poly- 
 dhares sent his son to demand the money; but 
 the Lacedaemonian to aggravate the crime, killed 
 the young man, and persuaded his countrymen 
 to give no redress. Poly chares, therefore, un- 
 dertook to do himself justice, and killed all the 
 Lacedasmonians that came in his way. Expos- 
 tulations passed between both kingdoms, till at 
 last the affair came to a general war, which was 
 carried on for many years with doubtful success. 
 In this situation the Messenians sent to consult 
 the oracle of Delphos, who required the sacrifice 
 of a virgin of the family of iEpytus. Upon 
 casting lots among the descendants of this prince, 
 the chance fell upon the daughter of Lyciscus; 
 but being thought to be supposititious, Aristode- 
 mus offered his daughter, whom all allowed to 
 be his own. Her lover, however, attempted to 
 avert the blow, by asserting, that she was with 
 child by him ; but her father was so enraged, 
 that he ripped up her belly with his own hand, 
 publicly to vindicate her innocence. The en- 
 thusiasm which this sacrifice produced, served 
 for a while to give the Messenians the advan- 
 tage ; but being at last overthrown and besieged 
 in the city of Ithoe, Aristodemus, finding all 
 things desperate, slew himself upon 
 his daughter's grave. With him fell 
 the kingdom of Messenia ; not without a most ob- 
 stinate resistance, and many a defeat of the 
 Spartan army, which they held thus engaged for 
 
38 HISTORY OF GR|:ECE. 
 
 above twenty year;?. Nor must we 6mit 6ne 
 memorable transaction of the Lacedaemonians 
 during this war : having drained their city of all 
 its male inhabitants, and obliged themselves by 
 oath not to return until their designs were ac- 
 complished; their women in the mean time re- 
 monstratedj that from their long absence all 
 posterity would be at an end. To remedy this 
 inconvenience, they detached fifty of their most 
 promising young men from the army to go to 
 Sparta, and to lie promiscuously with all the 
 young women they fancied. The offspring of 
 these virgins were from them called Partheniae, 
 who finding themselves contemned and slighted 
 by the Spartans on their return, as a spurious 
 brood, joined some years after in an insurrection 
 with the Helotes, but were soon suppressed. 
 Being expelled the state, they went under the 
 conduct of their captain^ Philantus, and settled 
 at Tarentum in Italy. 
 
 After a rigorous subjection of thirty-nine 
 years^ the Messenians once more made a vi- 
 gorous struggle for freedom, being headed by 
 Aristomenes, a young man of great 
 A. . 3319. ^,^3^^^gg ^j^^ capacity. The success 
 
 of the first engagement was doubtful, and the 
 Lacedaemonians being advised by the oracle to 
 send for a general from among the Athenians, 
 this politic state sent them Tyrtseus a poet and 
 schoolmaster, whose chief business was to ha- 
 rangue and repeat his own verses. The Spartans 
 
SPARTA, AND LAWS OF LYCURGUS. SB 
 
 were little pleased with their new leader, but 
 their veneration for the oracle kept them obe- 
 dient to his commands. Their success, however, 
 did not seem to improve with their duty : they 
 suffered a defeat from Aristomenes, who, losing 
 his shield in the pursuit, their total overthrow 
 was prevented. A second and a third defeat fol- 
 lowed soon after; so that the Lacedaemonians, 
 quite dispirited, had thoughts of concluding a 
 peace upon any terms. But Tyrtaeus so in» 
 flamed them by his orations and songs in praise 
 of military glory, that they resolved upon ano- 
 ther battle, in which they were victorious; and 
 soon after Aristomenes was taken prisoner in a 
 skirmish with fifty of his followers. 
 
 The adventures of this hero deserve our notice, 
 —-Being carried prisoner to Sparta, he was 
 thrown into a deep dungeon, which had been 
 used for the execution of malefactors, and his 
 fifty soldiers with him. They were all killed by 
 the fall, except Aristomenes, who finding a wild 
 beast at the bottom preying upon a carcase, se- 
 curing the animal's mouth, he continued to 
 hold by the tail, until the beast made directly 
 to its hole. There finding the issue too narrow, 
 he was obliged to let go his hold ; but following 
 the track with his eye, he perceived a glim- 
 mering from above, and at length wrought his 
 way out. After this extraordinary escape, he 
 repaired immediately to his troops, and at their 
 head made a successful sally, by night, against 
 
40 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 the Corinthian forces. Nevertheless, he was 
 once more, shortly after, taken by some Cre- 
 tans ; but his keepers being made drunk, he 
 stabbed them with their own daggers, and re- 
 turned to his forces. But his single valour 
 was not sufficient to avert the ruin of his coun- 
 try; although, with his own single prowess, 
 he had thrice earned the Hecatomphonia, a sa- 
 crifice due to those who had killed one hundred 
 of the enemy hand to hand in battle) yet the 
 body of his forces being small, and fatigued 
 with continual duty, the city of Eira, which he 
 defended, was taken, and the Mes- 
 
 A. M 3340. 
 
 senians were obliged to take refuge 
 with Anaxilas, a prince of Sicily. As for Tyr- 
 tasus, the Lacedasmonians made him free of 
 their city, which was the highest honour they 
 had in their power to bestow. By the accession 
 of the Messenian country lo the territory of 
 Sparta, this state became one of the most pow- 
 erful of all Greece ; and was second only to 
 Athens, which state it always considered with 
 an eye of jealousy. 
 
 V 
 
'GOVERNMJINT OF ATHENS, &c: 
 
 41 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 QF THE GOVERNMENT OF ATHENS:, THE LAWS OP 
 §OLON, AND THE HISTORY OF THE REPUBLIC 
 FROM THE TIME OF SOLON TO THE COMMENCE- 
 MENT OF THE PERSIAN WAR. 
 
 We now return to Athens. Codrus, the last 
 king of this state, having devoted himself 
 for the good of his country, a magistrate, under 
 the title of Archon, was appointed to succeed 
 him. The first who bore this office was Medon, 
 the son of the late king, who, being opposed by 
 his brother Nileus, was preferred by the oracle, 
 and accordingly invested with his new dig- 
 nity. This magistracy was at first for life; 
 it was soon after reduced to a period of ten 
 years, and at last became annual; and in this 
 state it continued for near three hundred 
 years. During this inactive government, little 
 offers to adorn the page of history: the spirit 
 of extensive dominion had not as yet en- 
 tered into Greece; and the citizens were too 
 much employed in their private intrigues to 
 attend to foreign concerns. Athens, there- 
 fore, continued a long time incapable of en- 
 larging her power ; content with safety amidst 
 * the contending interests of aspiring potentates 
 and factious citizens. 
 
4^ HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 A desire of being governed by written laws, 
 
 at last made wav for a new chanse 
 A. M. 3380. . / ^ , ° 
 
 in government, ror more than a 
 
 century they had seen the good effects of laws 
 in the regulation of the Spartan commonwealth ; 
 and, as they were a more enlightened people^ 
 they expected greater advantages from a new 
 institution. In the choice^ therefore, of a legis- 
 lator, they pitched upon Draco, a man of ac- 
 knowledged wisdom and unshaken integrity, 
 but rigid, even beyond human suiferance. It- 
 does not appear that any state of Greece was 
 possessed of written laws before his time. 
 However he was not afraid to enact the most se- 
 vere laws, which laid the same penalties on the 
 most atrocious and the most trifling offences. 
 These laws punished all crimes with death, and 
 are said not to be written with ink, but with 
 blood. This legislator being asked why he pu- 
 nished most offences with death ? replied. Small 
 crimes deserve death, and I have no higher for 
 the greatest. But the excessive severity of his 
 laws prevented them from being justly admi- 
 nistered. Sentiments of humanity in the judges, 
 compassion for the accused when his fault was 
 not equal to his suffering, the unwillingness of 
 witnesses to exact too cruel an atonement, their 
 fears also of the resentment of the people; all 
 these conspired to render the laws obsolete be- 
 fore they xould well be put in execution. Thus 
 the new laws counteracted their own purposes, 
 1 
 
GOVERNMENT OF ATHENS, &c. 43 
 
 and their excessive rigour paved the way for 
 the most daugerous impunity. 
 
 It was in this distressful state of the common- 
 wealth that Solon was applied to for his advice 
 and assistance, as the wisest and the justest man 
 of all Athens. His great learning had acquired 
 him the reputation of being the first of the seven 
 wise men of Greece, and his known humanity 
 procured him the love and veneration of every 
 rank among his fellow citizens. Solon was a na- 
 tive of Salamis, an island dependant on Athens, 
 but which had revolted, to put itself under the 
 power of the Megareans. In attempting to re- 
 cover this island, the Athenians had spent much 
 blood and treasure, until at last, wearied out with 
 such ill success, a law was made, rendering it ca- 
 pital ever to advise the recovery of their lost pos- 
 session. Solon, however, undertook to persuade 
 them to another trial ; and feigning himself mad, 
 ran about the streets, using the most violent ges- 
 tures, and language; but the purport of all was 
 to upbraid the Athenians for their remissness and 
 effeminacy, in giving up their conquests in des- 
 pair. In short, he acted his part so well, by the 
 oddity of his manner, and the strength of his 
 reasoning, that the people resolved upon another 
 expedition against Salamis; and, by a stratagem 
 of his contrivance, in which he introduced se-^ 
 veral young men upon the island in women's 
 clothes, the place was surprised, and added to 
 the dominion of Athens. 
 
44 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 But this was not the only occasion on which 
 he exhibited superior address and wisdom. At 
 a time when Greece had carried the arts of elo- 
 quence, poetry, and government, higher than 
 they had yet been seen among mankind, Solon 
 was considered as one of the foremost in each 
 perfection. The sages pf Greece, whose fame is 
 still undiminished, acknowledged his merit, and 
 adopted him as their associate. The correspon- 
 dence between these wise men was at once in- 
 structive, friendly, and sincere. They were seven 
 in number, namely, Thales the Milesian, vSolon 
 of Athens, Chilo of Lacedsemon, Pittacus of Mi- 
 tylene, Periander of Corinth, Bias and Cleobu- 
 lus, whose birth places are not ascertained. Those 
 sages often visited each other, and their conver- 
 sations generally turned upon the methods of in- 
 stituting the best form of government, orthe arts 
 of private happiness. One day when Solon went 
 to Miletos to see Thales, the first thing he said, 
 was to express his surprize that Thales had never 
 desired to marry, or have children. Thales made 
 him no answer then; but, a few days after, he 
 contrived that a stranger, supposed to arrive from 
 Athens, should join their company. Solon hear- 
 ing from whence the stranger came, was inqui- 
 sitive after the news of his own city ; but was 
 only informed that a young man had died there, 
 for whom the whole place was in the greatest 
 affliction, as he was reputed the most promising 
 youth in all Athens. Alas ! cried Solon, how 
 
 6 
 
GOVERNMENT^OF ATHENS, &c. 45 
 
 much is the poor father of the youth to be pitied ! 
 — pray, what is his name ? I heard the name, re- 
 plied the stranger, (who was instructed for the 
 occasion ) but I have forgot it : I only remem- 
 ber that all people talked much of his wisdom 
 and justice. Every answer afforded new matter of 
 trouble and terror to the inquisitive father, and 
 he had just strength enough to ask, if the youth 
 was the son of Solon ? The very same, replied 
 the stranger ; at which words Solon shewed all 
 the marks of the most inconsolable distress. 
 This was the opportunity which Thales wanted, 
 who took him by the hand, and said to him, with 
 a smile. Comfort yourself my friend; all that has 
 been told you is a mere fiction, but may serve 
 as a very proper answer to your question, why 
 I never thought proper to marry. 
 
 One day, at the court of Periander of Corinth, 
 a question was proposed, which was the most 
 perfect popular government? That, said Bias, 
 where the laws have no superior. That, said 
 Thales, where the inhabitants are neither too 
 rich or too poor. That, said Anacharsis, the Scy- 
 thian, where virtue is honoured and vice detect^ 
 ed. That, said Pittacus, where dignities are al- 
 ways conferred upon the virtuous, and never 
 upon the base. That, said Cleobulus, where the 
 citizens fear blame more than punishment. 
 That, said Chilo, where the laws are more re- 
 garded than the orators. But Solon's opinion 
 seems to have the greatest weight, who said. 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 where an injury done to the meanest subject is 
 an insult upon the whole constitution. 
 
 Upon a certain occasion, when Solon was con- 
 versing with Anacharsis, the Scythian philoso- 
 pher, about his intended reformations in the 
 state; " Alas/' cried the Scythian, all your 
 laws will be found to resemble spider's webs; 
 " the weak and small flies will be caught and 
 entangled, but the great and powerful will al- 
 ways have strength enough to break through." 
 Solon's interview with Croesus, king of Lydia, 
 is still more celebrated. This monarch who was 
 reputed the richest of all Asia Minor, was will- 
 ing to make an ostentatious display of his wealth 
 before the Greek philosopher; and after shew- 
 ing him immense heaps of treasure, and the 
 greatest variety of other ornaments, he demand- 
 ed whether he did not think the possessor the 
 most happy of all mankind. No, replied Solon : 
 I know one man more happy; a poor peasant 
 of Greece, who neither in affluence or poverty 
 has but few wants, and has learned to supply 
 them with his labour. This answer was by no 
 means agreeable to the vain monarch, who by 
 his question only hoped for a reply that would 
 tend to flatter his pride. Willing, therefore to 
 extort one still more favourable, he asked, w^he- 
 ther at least, he did not think him happy ? Alas, 
 cried Solon, what man can be pronounced happy 
 before he dies ? The integrity and the wisdom 
 of Solon's replies appeared in the event. The 
 
GOVERNMENT OF ATHENS, &c. 47 
 
 kingdom of Lydia was invaded by Cyrus^ the 
 empire destroyed and Croesus himself was taken 
 prisoner. When he was led out to execution, ac- 
 cording to the barbarous manners of the times, he 
 then, too late, recollected the maxims of Solon, 
 and could not help crying out, when on the scaf- 
 fold upon Solon's name. Cyrus hearing him re- 
 peat the name with great earnestness, was desirous 
 of knowing the reason ; and being informed by 
 Croesus of that philosopher's remarkable observa- 
 tion, he began to fear for himself; pardoned Croe- 
 sus, and took him for the future into confidence 
 and friendship. Thus Solon had the merit of 
 saving one king's life, and of reforming another. 
 
 Such was the man to whom the Athenians ap- 
 plied for assistance in reforming the severity of 
 their government and instituting a just body of 
 laws. Athens was at that time divided into as 
 many factions, as there were different sorts of 
 inhabitants in Attica. Those that lived upon 
 the mountains were fond of exact equality ; those 
 that lived in the low country were for the domi- 
 nion of a few; and those that dwelt on the sea 
 coasts, and were consequently addicted to com- 
 merce, were for keeping those parties so exactly 
 balanced, as to permit neither to prevail. But 
 besides these, there was a fourth party, and that 
 by much the most numerous, consisting wholly 
 of the poor, who were grievously harassed and 
 oppressed by the rich, and loaded with debts 
 which they were not able to discharge* This 
 
48 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 unhappy party which:, when they know their own 
 strength, must ever prevail, were now deter- 
 mined to throw off the yoke of their oppressors, 
 and to chuse themselves a chief who should make 
 a reformation in government, by making a new 
 division of lands. 
 
 As Solon had never sided with either, he was 
 regarded as the refuge of all; the rich liking 
 him because he was rich, and the poor because 
 he was honest. Though he was at first unwilling 
 to undertake so dangerous an employment, he 
 at last suffered himself to be chosen archon, and 
 to be constituted supreme legislator with the 
 unanimous consent of all. This was a situation 
 iin which nothing could be added to his power, 
 yet many of the citizens advised him to make 
 himself king, but he had too much wisdom to 
 seek after a name which would render him ob- 
 noxious to many of his fellow citizens, while he 
 was, in fact, possessed of more than regal au- 
 thority. A tyranny, he would say, resembles a 
 fair garden; it is a beautiful spot while we are 
 within, but it wants a way to get out at. 
 
 Rejecting, therefore, the wish of royalty, he 
 resolved upon settling a form of government 
 that should be founded on the basis of just and 
 reasonable liberty. Not venturing to meddle 
 with certain disorders which he looked upon as 
 incurable, he undertook to bring about no other 
 alterations but such as were apparently reason- 
 able to the meanest capacity. In short, it was 
 
GOVERNMENT OF ATHENS, Sec. 
 
 49 
 
 his aim to give the Athenians not the best of 
 possible constitutions, but the very best they 
 were capable of receiving. His first attempt 
 was, therefore, in favour of the poor^ whose 
 debts he abolished at once by an express law 
 of insolvency. But to do this with the least in- 
 jury he could to the creditor, he raised the value 
 of money in a moderate proportion, by which 
 he nominally increased their riches. But his 
 management on this occasion had like to have 
 had very dangerous consequences, for some cf 
 his friends, to whom the scheme had been pre- 
 viously communicated, took up vast sums of 
 money while it was low, in order to be possessed 
 of the difference when it became of greater value. 
 Solon himself was suspected of having a hand in 
 this fraud; but, to wipe off all suspicion, he re- 
 mitted his debtors five, or, as others say, fifteen 
 talents, and thus regained the confidence of the 
 people. 
 
 His next step was to repeal all the laws en- 
 acted by Draco, except those against murder. 
 He then proceeded to the regulation of officers, 
 employments, and magistracies, all which he 
 left in the hands of the rich. He distributed the 
 rich citizens into three classes, ranging them 
 according to their incomes. Those that were 
 found to have five hundred measures yearl}^, as 
 well in corn as liquids, were placed in the first 
 rank; those that had three hundred were placed 
 in the second ; and those that had but two hun- 
 
 VOL. I. E 
 
so HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 dred made up the third. All the rest of the ci- 
 tizens whose income fell short of two hundred 
 measures were comprized in a fourth and last 
 class, and were considered as unqualified for any 
 employment whatever. But to compensate for 
 this exclusion, he gave every private citizen a 
 privilege of voting in the great assembly of the 
 whole body of the state. This, indeed, at first 
 might appear a concession of small consequence, 
 but it was soon found to contain very solid ad- 
 vantages; for, by the laws of Athens, it was per- 
 mitted, after the determination of the magistrates, 
 to appeal to the general assembly of the peoples 
 and thus in time, all causes of weight and mo- 
 ment came before them. 
 
 In some measure to counteract the influence 
 of a popular assembly, he gave greater Weight 
 to the court of Areopagus, and also instituted 
 another council, consisting of four hundred. 
 The Areopagus, so called from the place where 
 the court was held, had been established some 
 centuries before, but Solon restored and aug- 
 mented its authority. To this court was com- 
 mitted the care of causing the laws to be obser- 
 ved and put in execution. Before his time the 
 citizens of the greatest probity and justice were 
 made judges of that tribunal. Solon was the 
 first who thought it convenient that none should 
 be honoured with that dignity but such as Lid 
 passed through the oflBce of archon. Nothiiig 
 was so august as this court, and its reputr o^a 
 
GOVERNMENT OF ATHIINS, &c. 51 
 
 for judgment and integrity became so very great 
 that the Romans sometimes, referred causes 
 which were too intricate for their own decision, 
 to the determination of this tribunal. Nothing 
 was regarded here but truth : that no external 
 objects might pervert justice, the tribunal was 
 held in darkness, and the advocates were denied 
 all attempts to work upon the passions of the 
 judges. Superior to this, Solon instituted the 
 great council of four hundred, who were to judge 
 upon appeals from the Areopagus^ and maturely 
 to examine every question before it came to be 
 debated in a general assembly of the people. 
 
 Such was the reformation in the general in- 
 stitutions for the good of the state; his particular 
 laws for dispensing justice Were more numerous. 
 In the first place, all persons who in public dis- 
 sentions and diflferejices espoused neither party, 
 but continued to act with a blameable neutrality, 
 were declared infamous, condemned to perpetual 
 punishment, and to have all their estates con- 
 fiscated. Nothing could more induce mankind 
 to a spirit of patriotism than this celebrated law. 
 A mind thus obliged to take part in public con- 
 cerns, learns, from habit, to make those Concerns 
 its principal care, and self-interest quickly sinks 
 before them. By this method of accustoming 
 the minds of the people to look upon that man 
 as an enemy that should appear indifferent and 
 unconcerned in the misfortunes of the public, 
 
 e2 
 
52 HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 he provided the s^tate with a quick and general 
 resource in every dangerous emergency. 
 
 He next permitted every particular person to 
 espouse the quarrel of any one that was injured 
 or insulted. By this means every person in the 
 state became the enemy of him who did wrong, 
 and the turbulent were thus overpowered by the 
 number of their opponents. 
 
 He abolished the custom of giving portions 
 in marriage with young women, unless they were 
 only daughters. The bride was to carry no 
 other fortune to her husband than three suits of 
 cloaths, and some houshold goods of little value. 
 It was his aim to prevent making matrimony a 
 traffic : he considered it as an honourable con- 
 nexion, calculated for the mutual happiness of 
 both parties, and the general advantage of the 
 state. 
 
 Before this lawgiver's time the Athenians were 
 not allowed to make their wills, but the wealth 
 of the deceased naturally, and of course, de- 
 volved upon his children. Solon allowed ev^ry 
 one that was childless to dispose of his whole 
 estate as he thought fit ; preferring, by that 
 means, friendship to kindred, and choice to ne- 
 cessity and constraint. From this institution the 
 bond between the parents and children became 
 more solid and firm: it confirmed the just au* 
 thority of the one, and increased the necessary 
 dependence of the other. 
 
 He made a regulation to lessen the rewards to 
 
GOVERNMENT OF ATHENS, &c. 53 
 
 the victors at the Olympic and Isthmian games. 
 He considered it as unjust, that a set of idle peo- 
 ple, generally useless, often dangerous to the 
 states, should receive those rewards which should 
 go to the deserving. He wished to see those 
 emoluments q-q to the widows and families of 
 such as fell in the service of their country, and 
 to make the stipend of the state honourable, by 
 being conferred only on the brave. 
 
 To encourage industry, the Areopagus was 
 charged with the care of ex^^mining into every 
 man s method of living, and of chastising all 
 v/ho led an idle life. The unemployed were 
 considered as a set of dangerous and turbulent 
 spirits, eager after innovation, and hoping to 
 mend their fortunes from the plunder of the 
 state. To discountenance all idleness, therefore, 
 a son was not obliged to support his father in 
 old age or necessity, if the latter had neglected 
 giving him some trade or occupation. All ille^ 
 gitimate children were also exempted from the 
 same duty, as they owed little to their parents, 
 except an indelible reproach. 
 
 It was forbidden to revile any one in public: 
 the magistrates, who were not eligible till thirty, 
 were to be particularly circumspect in their beha- 
 viour, and it was even death for an archon to be 
 taken drunk. It is observable, that he made no 
 law against parricide, as supposing it a crime 
 that could never exist in any community. 
 
 With regard to women, he permitted any man 
 
54 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 to kill an adulterer^ if he was taken in the fact 
 -He allowed of public brothels, but prohibited 
 mercenary prostitutes from keeping company 
 with modest women ; and, as a badge of distinc- 
 tion, to wear flowered garments, The men also, 
 who were notorious for frequenting their com- 
 pany, were not allowed to speakin public ; and 
 he who forced a woman incurred a very heavy 
 fine. 
 
 These were the chief institutions of this cele-r 
 brated lawgiver; and although neitherso striking 
 nor yet so well authorised as those of Lycurgus,- 
 they did not fail to operate for several succeeding 
 ages, and seemed to gather strength by observ- 
 ance. As these laws became the basis of Roman 
 jurisprudence, which has since been received al^ 
 most throughout Europe, under the name of the 
 civil law, it may be affirmed that many of Solon's 
 institutes are yet in force. After he had framed 
 these institutions, his next care was to give them 
 such notoriety that none could plead ignorance. 
 To this end transcripts of them were publicly 
 hung up in the city for every one to peruse, 
 while a set of magistrates, named Thesmothetas, 
 were appointed to revise them carefully, and 
 distinctly repeat them once a yean Then, in 
 order to perpetuate his statutes, he engaged the 
 people by a public oath to observe them reli- 
 giously, at least for the term of an hundred 
 years: and thus having compleated the task 
 assigned him, he withdrew from the city, to avoid . 
 
GOVERNMENT OF ATHENS, &c; S5 
 
 the importunity of some, and the captious petu- 
 lance of others. For, as he well knew, it was 
 hard, if not impossible, to please all. 
 
 Solon being thus employed on his travels in 
 visiting Egypt, Lydia, and several other coun- 
 tries, left Athens to become habituated to his 
 new institutions, and to try by experience the 
 wisdom of their formation. But it was not easy 
 for a city, long torn by civil dissensions, to yield 
 implicit obedience to any laws, how wisely so 
 ever framed; their former animosities began to 
 revive, when that authority was removed, which 
 alone could hold them in subjection. The fac- 
 tions of the state were headed by three different 
 leaders, who inflamed the animosity of the peo- 
 ple against each other, hoping, by the subver- 
 sion of all order, to indulge their own private 
 hopes of preferment. A person, named Lycur- 
 gus, was at the head of the people that inhabit- 
 ed the low country; Pisistratus declared for those 
 who lived in the mountains; and Megacles was 
 the leader of the inhabitants upon the sea coast. 
 
 Pisistratus was of these the most powerful. 
 He was a well bred man, of a gentle and insinu- 
 ating behaviour, ready to succour and assist the 
 poor, whose cause he pretended to espouse. 
 He was wise and moderate to his enemies, a 
 most artful and accomplished dissembler, and 
 was every way virtuous, except in his inordinate 
 ambition. His ambition gave him the appear- 
 ance of possessing qualities which he really 
 
56 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 wanted : he seemed the most zealous champion 
 for equality among the citizens, while he was 
 actually aiming at the entire subversion of free- 
 dom ; and he declared loudly against all innova- 
 tions^ while he was actually meditating a change. 
 The giddy multitude, caught by these appear- 
 ances, were zealous in seconding his views, and 
 without examining his motives, were driving 
 headlong to tyranny and destruction. 
 
 It was just at the eve of success, and upon 
 the point of being indulged in his utmost ambi- 
 tion, that Pisistratus had the mortification of ^ 
 seeing Solon return, after an absence of ten 
 years, apprized of his designs and willing to sub- 
 vert his schemes. Sensible, therefore, of his 
 danger, and conscious of the penetration of this 
 great lawgiver, the aspiring demagogue used all 
 his artifice to conceal his real designs ; and while 
 he flattered him in public, used every endeavour 
 to bring over the people to second his interests. 
 Solon at first endeavoured to oppose art to his 
 cunning, and to foil him at his own weapons. 
 He praised him in his turn, and was heard to 
 declare, what might have been true, that, ex- 
 cepting the immoderate ambition of Pisistratus, 
 he knew no man of greater, or more exalted 
 virtues. Still, however, he set himself to counter- 
 act his projects, and to defeat his designs before 
 they were ripe for execution. 
 
 But in a vicious commonwealth no assiduity 
 can warn, no wisdom protect. Pisistratus still 
 
 1 
 
GOVERNMENT OF ATHENS, &c. 57 
 
 urged his schemes with imabating ardour, and 
 every day made new proselytes by his profes- 
 sions and his liberalities. At lengthy finding his 
 schemes ripe for open action, he gave himself 
 several wounds, and in that condition, with his 
 body all bloody, he caused himself to be carried 
 in his chariot to the market place, where, by his 
 complaints and eloquence, he so inflamed the 
 populace, that they considered him as the victim 
 of their cause, and as suffering such cruel treat- 
 ment in their defence. An assembly of the peo- 
 ple was, therefore, immediately convened, from 
 whom he demanded a guard of fifty persons for 
 his future security. It w^as in vain that Solon 
 used all his authority and eloquence to oppose 
 so dangerous a request. He considered his suf- 
 ferings as merely counterfeited. He compared 
 him to Ulysses in Homer, who cut himself with 
 similar designs ; but he alleged that he did not 
 act the part right, for the design of Ulysses was 
 to deceive his enemies, but that of Pisistratus 
 was levelled against his friends and support- 
 ers. He upbraided the people with their stu- 
 pidity, telling them, that for his own part he 
 had sense enough to see through this design, 
 but they only had strength enough to oppose it. 
 His exhortations, however, were vain ; the party 
 of Pisistratus prevailed, and a guard of fifty men 
 was appointed to attend him. This was all that 
 he aimed at, for now having the protection of 
 so many creatures of his own, nothing remained 
 
58 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 but insensibility to increase their number. 
 Thus every day his hirelings were seen to aug- 
 ment, while the silent fears of the citizens in- 
 creased in equal proportions. But it was now 
 too late, for having raised the number so as to 
 put him beyond the danger of a repulse, he at 
 length seized upon the citadel, while none was 
 left who had courage or conduct to oppose him. 
 
 In this general consternation, which was the 
 result of folly on the one hand, and treachery 
 on the other, the whole city was one scene of 
 tumult and disorder, some flying, others inward- 
 ly complaining, others preparing for slavery 
 with patient submission. Solon was the only 
 man, who, without fear or shrinking, deplored 
 the folly of the times, and reproached the Athe- 
 nians with their cowardice and treachery. You 
 might, said he, with ease have crushed the tyrant 
 in the bud; but nothing now remains but to 
 pluck him up by the roots. As for himself, he 
 had at least the satisfaction of having discharged 
 his duty to his country and the laws ; as for the 
 rest he had nothing to fear: and now, upon the 
 destruction of his country, his only confidence 
 was in his great age, which gave him hopes of 
 not being long survivor. In fact, he did not sur- 
 vive the liberty of his country above two years: 
 he died at Cyprus, in the eightieth year of his 
 age, lamented, and admired by every state of 
 Greece. Besides his skill in legislation, Solon 
 was remarkable for several other shining quali- 
 
GOVERNMENT OF ATHENS, &c. 59 
 
 fications. He understood eloquence in so high 
 a degree^ that from him Cicero dates the origin 
 of eloquence in Athens. He was successful also 
 in poetry; and Plato asserts that it was only 
 for want of due application that he did not 
 come to dispute the prize with Homer himself. 
 
 The death of Solon only served to involve 
 Athens in new troubles and commotions. Ly- 
 curgus and Megacles, the leaders of the two 
 opposite factions, uniting, drove Pisistratus out 
 of the city; but he was soon after recalled by 
 Megacles, who gave him his daughter in mar- 
 riage. New disturbances arose: Pisistratus 
 was twice deposed, and twice found means to 
 reinstate himself, for he had art to acquire power, 
 and moderation to maintain it. The mildness 
 of his government, and his implicit submission 
 to the laws, made the people forget the means 
 by which he acquired his power : and, caught 
 by his lenity, they overlooked his usurpation. 
 His gardens and pleasure grounds were free to 
 all the citizens; and he is said to be the first 
 who opened a public library at Athens. Cicero 
 is of opinion, that Pisistratus first made the 
 Athenians acquainted with the books of Homer, 
 that he disposed them in the order in which 
 they now remain, and first caused them to be 
 read at the feasts called Panathanea, which were 
 in honour of Minerva, and were at first called 
 Athenea; and when afterwards revived and am- 
 plified by Theseus, who had collected the f eo- 
 
60 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 pie of Attica into one city, were called Pana- 
 tlinnea, the sacrifice of all the Athenians. His 
 justice was not less remarkable than his polite- 
 ness. Being accused of murder, though it was 
 in the time of his tyranny, he disdained to 
 take the advantage of his authority, but went 
 in person to plead his cause before the Areo- 
 pagus, where his accuser would not venture to 
 appear. In short, he was master of many ex- 
 cellent qualities, and perverted them no farther 
 than as they stood in competition with empire. 
 Nothing could be objected to him but his hav- 
 ing greater power than the law.*, and by not 
 exerting that power he almost reconciled the 
 citizens to royalty. Upon these accounts he 
 was deservedly opposed to usurpers of fewer 
 virtues; and there seemed such a resemblance 
 between him and a more successful invader of 
 his country's freedom, that Julius Caesar was 
 called the Pisistratus of Rome. 
 
 Pisistratus dying in tranquillity, transmitted 
 fhe sovereign power to his sons, Hippias and 
 Hipparchus, who seemed to inherit all their 
 father's virtues. A passion for learning, and 
 its professors, had for some time prevailed in 
 Athens ; and this city, which had already far 
 out-gone all its contemporaries in all the arts 
 of refinement, seemed to submit tamely to 
 kings, who made learning their pride and their 
 profession. Anacreon, Simonides, and others 
 were invited to their courts, and richly re- 
 
GOVERNMENT OF ATHENS, &c. 61 
 
 warded. Schools were instituted for the im- 
 provement of youth in the learned professions, 
 and Mercuries were set up in all the highways, 
 with moral sentences written upon them, for 
 the instruction of the lowest vulgar. Their 
 reign, however, lasted but eighteen years, and 
 ended upon the following occasion. 
 
 Harmodius and Aristogiton, both citizens of 
 Athens, had contracted a very strict friendship 
 for each other, and resolved to revenge the in- 
 juries which should be committed against either 
 with common resentment. Hipparchus being 
 naturally amorous, debauched the sister of Har- 
 modius, and afterwards published her shame as 
 she was about to walk in one of the sacred pro- 
 cessions, alledging, that she was not in a con- 
 dition to assist at the ceremony. Such a com- 
 plicated indignity naturally excited the resent- 
 ment of the two friends, who formed a fixed 
 resolution of destroying the tyrants, or falling 
 in the attempt. Willing, however, to wait the 
 most favourable opportunity, they deferred their 
 purpose to the feast of the Panathanea, in which 
 the ceremony required that all the citizens 
 should attend in armour. For their greater se- 
 curity, they admitted only a small number of 
 their friends into the secret of their design, 
 conceiving that upon the first commotion they 
 should not want for abettors. Thus resolved, 
 the day being come, they went early into the 
 market-place, each armed v/ith his dagger, and 
 
62 History of greecei. 
 
 stedfast to his purpose. In the mean timC;, Hip-* 
 pias was seen issuing with his followers from the 
 palace, to give orders without the city to the 
 guards for the intended ceremony. As the two 
 friends continued to follow him at a little dis- 
 tance, they perceived one of those to whom 
 they had communicated their design, talking 
 very familiarly with him,which made them appre- 
 hend their plot was betrayed. Eager, therefore, 
 to execute their design, they were preparing 
 to strike the blow, but recollected that the real 
 aggressor would thus go unpunished. They once 
 more, therefore, returned into the city, willing 
 to begin their vengeance upon the author of 
 their indignities. They were not long in quest 
 of Hipparchus, they met him upon their return, 
 and rushing upon him, dispatched him with 
 their daggers without delay, but were soon after 
 themselves slain in the tumult. Hippias hearing 
 of what was done, to prevent farther disorders, 
 got all those disarmed whom he in the least sus- 
 pected of being privy to the design, and then 
 meditated revenge. 
 
 Amons: the friends of the late assertors of 
 freedom, was one Leona, a courtezan, who by 
 the charms of her beauty, and her skill in play- 
 ing on the harp, had captivated some of the 
 conspirators, and was supposed to be deeply 
 engaged in the design. As the tyrant, for such 
 the late attempt had rendered him, was conscious 
 that nothing was concealed from this woman, he 
 
 6 
 
GOVERNMENT OF ATHENS, &c. 65 
 
 ordered her to be put to the torture, in order to 
 extort the names of her accomplices. But she 
 bore all the cruelty of their torments with in- 
 vincible constancy; and lest she should in the 
 agony of pain be induced to a confession, she 
 bit off her own tongue and spit it in the tyrant's 
 face. In this manner she died faithful to the 
 cause of liberty, shewing the world a remark- 
 able example of constancy in her sex. The 
 Athenians would not suffer the memory of so 
 heroic an action to pass into oblivion. They 
 erected a statue to her memory, in which a 
 lioness was represented without a tongue. 
 
 In the mean time, Hippias set no bounds to 
 his indignation. A rebellious people ever makes 
 a suspicious tyrant. Numbers of citizens were 
 put to death ; and to guard himself for the fu- 
 ture against a like enterprize, he endeavoured 
 to establish his power by foreign alliances. He 
 gave his daughter in marriage to the son of the 
 tyrant of Lampsachus, he cultivated a corres- 
 pondence with Artaphanes, governor of Sardis, 
 and endeavoured to gain the friendship of the 
 Lacedaemonians, who were at that time the most 
 powerful people of Greece. 
 
 But he was supplanted in those very alliances 
 from which he hoped the greatest assistance. 
 The family of the Alcmseonidae, who from the 
 beginning of the revolution had been banished 
 from Athens, endeavoured to undermine his 
 interests at Sparta, and they at length succeeded. 
 
64 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Being possessed of great riches, and also very 
 liberal in their distribution, among other public 
 services, they obtained liberty to rebuild the 
 temple at Delphos, which they fronted in a most 
 magnificent manner with Parian marble. So 
 noble a munificence was not without a proper 
 acknowledgment of gratitude from the priestess 
 of Apollo, who, willing to oblige them, made 
 her oracle the echo of their desires. As there 
 was nothing therefore, which this family so ar- 
 dently desired as the downfal of regal power in 
 Athens, the priestess seconded their intentions; 
 and whenever the Spartans came to consult the 
 oracle, no promise was ever made of the god's 
 assistance, but upon condition that Athens should 
 be set free. This order was so often repeated 
 by the oracle, that the Spartans at last resolved 
 to obey. Their first attempts were, however, 
 unsuccessful ; the troops they sent against the 
 tyrant were repulsed with loss. A second effort 
 succeeded. Athens was besieged, and the chil- 
 dren of Hippias were made prisoners as they 
 were secretly conveyed to a place of safety out 
 of the city. To redeem these from slavery, the 
 father was obliged to come to an accommodation, 
 by which he consented to give up his preten- 
 sions to the sovereign power, and to depart out 
 of the Athenian territories in the space of five 
 days. Thus Athens was once more set free 
 from its tyrants, and obtained its liberty the very 
 
GOVERNMENT OF ATHENS, &c. 65 
 
 aiae year that the kings were ex- ^^^^^ 
 pelled from Rome. The family of * ' 
 Alcmaeon were chiefly instrumental, but the 
 people seemed fonder of acknowledging their 
 obligations to the two friends who struck the 
 first blow. The names of Harmodius and Aris- 
 togiton were held in the highest respect in all 
 succeeding ages, and scarce considered inferior 
 even to the gods themselves. Their statues 
 were erected in the market-place, an honour, 
 which had never been rendered to any before; 
 and, gazing upon these, the people caught a 
 love for freedom, and a detestation for tyranny, 
 which neither time nor terrors could ever aftef 
 remove. 
 
 Vol, u 
 
m 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 A SHORT SURVEY OF TPIE STATE OF GREECE PRS- 
 VIOUS TO THE PERSIAN WAR. 
 
 Hitherto we have seen the states of Greece 
 in constant fluctuation, different states rising^ 
 and others disappearing, one petty people op- 
 posed to another, and both swallowed up by a 
 third. Every city emerging from the ancient 
 form of government which was originally im- 
 posed upon it, and by degrees acquiring greater 
 freedom. We have seen the introduction of 
 written laws, and the benefits they produced, 
 by giving stability to government. 
 
 During these struggles for power among their 
 neighbouring states, and for freedom at home, 
 the moral sciences, the arts of eloquence, poetry, 
 arms, were making a rapid progress among them, 
 and those institutions which they originally bor- 
 rowed from the Egyptians, were every day re- 
 ceiving signal improvements. As Greece was 
 now composed of several small republics, bor- 
 dering upon each other, and differing in their 
 laws, characters, and customs, this was a conti- 
 nual source of emulation ; and every city was 
 not only desirous of warlike superiority, but 
 also of excelling in all the arts of peace and re- 
 finement. Hence they were always under arms. 
 
PREVIOUS TO PERSIAN WAR. 67 
 
 and continually exercised in war, while their 
 philosophers and poets travelled from city to 
 city^ and by their exhortations and songs^ warm- 
 ed them with a love of virtue^ and with an ar- 
 dour for military glory. These peaceful and 
 military accomplishments raised them to their 
 highest pitch of grandeur, and they now only 
 wanted an enemy worthy of their arms to shew 
 the world their superiority. The Persian mo- 
 narchy, the greatest at that time in the world, 
 soon offered itself as their opponent, and the 
 contest ended with its total subversion. 
 
 But as Greece was continually changing not 
 only its government, but its customs, as in one 
 century it presented a very different picture 
 from what it offered in the preceding, it will be 
 necessary to take a second view of this confe- 
 deracy of little republics previous to their con- 
 tests with Persia, as by comparing their strength 
 with that of their opponent, we shall find how 
 much wisdom, discipline, and valour, are su- 
 perior to numbers, wealth, and ostentation. 
 
 Foremost in this confederacy we may reckon 
 the city of Athens, commanding the little state 
 of Attica, their whole dominions scarce exceed- 
 ing the largest of our English counties in cir- 
 cumference. But what was wanting in extent 
 was made up by the citizens being inured to 
 war, and impressed with the highest ideas of their 
 own superiority. Their orators, their philoso- 
 phers, and their poets, had already given lessons 
 
 J 2 
 
68 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 of politeness to mankind; and their generals> 
 though engaged only in petty conflicts with 
 their neighbours, had begun to practise new 
 stratagems in war. There were three kinds of in- 
 habitants in Athens, citizens, strangers and ser- 
 vants. Their numbers usually amounted to twenty- 
 one thousand citizens, ten thousand strangers, 
 and from forty to three score thousand servants. 
 
 A citizen could only be such by birth, or adop- 
 tion. To be a natural denizen of Athens, it was 
 necessary to be born of a father and mother both 
 Athenians, and both free. The people could 
 confer the freedom of the city upon strangers, 
 and those whom they had so adopted, enjoyed 
 almost the same rights and privileges as the na- 
 tural citizens. The quality of citizens of Athens 
 was sometimes granted in honour and gratitude 
 to those who merited well of the state, as to Hip- 
 pocrates the physician; and even kings some- 
 times canvassed that title fur themselves and 
 their children. When the young men attained 
 the age of twenty, they were enrolled upon the 
 list of citizens, after having taken an oath, and in 
 virtue of this they became members of the state- 
 Strangers or foreigners, who came to settle at 
 Athens, for the sake of commerce, or of exerci- 
 sing any trade, had no share in government, nor 
 votes in the assemblies of the people. They put 
 themselves under the protection of some citizen, 
 and upon that account were obliged to render 
 him certain duties and services. They paid a 
 6 
 
PREVIOUS TO PERSIAN WAR. 69 
 
 yearly tribute to the state of twelve drachmas^ 
 and in default of payment were made slaveS;, and 
 exposed to sale. 
 
 Of servants, there were some freej and others 
 slaves, who had been taken in war, or bought 
 of such as trafficked in them. The former were 
 freemen, who, through indigence, were driven 
 to receive wages; and, while they were in this 
 state, they had no vote in the assembly. Slaves 
 were absolutely the property of their masters, 
 and, as such, were used as they thought proper. 
 They were forbidden to wear clothes, or to cut 
 their hair like their masters, and, which indeed 
 is amazing, Solon excluded them from the plea- 
 sure or priviledge of paederasty, as if that had 
 been honourable. They were likewise debarred 
 from anointing and perfuming themselves, and 
 from worshipping certain deities: they were not 
 allowed to be called by honourable names, and 
 in most other respects were treated as inferior 
 animals. Their masters stigmatized them, that 
 is, branded them with letters in the forehead, 
 and elsewhere : however, there was even an asy- 
 lum for slaves, where the bones of Theseus had 
 been interred; and that asylum subsisted for 
 near two thousand years. When slaves were 
 treated with too much rigour and inhumanity, 
 they might bring their masters to justice; who, 
 if the fact were sufficiently proved, were obliged 
 to sell them to another master. They could even 
 ransom themselves against their master's consent^ 
 
70 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 when they had laid up money enough for that 
 purpose ; for out of what they got by their la- 
 bour^ after having paid a certain proportion to 
 their master, they kept the remainder for them- 
 selves, and made a stock of it at their own dis- 
 posal. Private persons, when they were satis- 
 fied with their services, often gave them their 
 liberty; and when the necessity of the times 
 obliged the state to make their greatest levies, 
 they were enrolled among the troops, and from 
 thence were ever after free. 
 
 The revenues of this city, according to Ari- 
 stophanes, amounted to two thousand talents, or 
 about three hundred thousand pounds of our 
 money. They were generally gathered from the 
 taxes upon agriculture, the sale of woods, the 
 produce of mines, the contributions paid them 
 by their allies, a capitation levied upon the in- 
 habitants of the country, as well natives as stran- 
 gers, and from fines laid upon different misde- 
 meanors. The application of these revenues 
 was in paying the troops, both by land and sea, 
 building and fitting out fleets, keeping up 
 and repairing public buildings temples, walls, 
 ports, and citadels. But in the decline of their 
 republic, the greatest part was consumed in fri- 
 volous expences, games, feasts, and shows, which 
 cost immense sums, and were of no manner of 
 utility to the state. 
 
 But the greatest glory of Athens, was its 
 being the school and abode of polite learning, 
 
 1 
 
PREVIOUS TO PERSIAN WAR, 71 
 
 arts, and sciences. The study of poetry, elo- 
 quence, philosophy, and mathematics began 
 there, and came almost to their utmost perfec- 
 tion. The young people were first sent to learn 
 grammar under masters who taught them regu- 
 larly, and upon the principles of their own lan- 
 guage. Eloquence was studied with still greater 
 attention, as in that popular government it open- 
 ed the way to the highest employments. To the 
 study of rhetoric was annexed that of philosophy, 
 which comprised all the sciences ; and in these 
 three were many masters, very conversant, but, 
 as is common, their vanity still greater than 
 their pretensions. 
 
 All the subordinate states of Greece, seemed 
 to make Athens the object of their imitation ; 
 and though inferior to it upon the whole, yet 
 each produced great scholars, and remarkable 
 warriors in its turn. Sparta alone took example 
 from no other state, but still rigorously attached 
 to the institutions of its great lawgiver, Lycur- 
 gus, it disdained all the arts of peace, which, 
 while they polished, served to enervate the mind; 
 and formed only for war, looked forward to cam- 
 paigns and battles, as scenes of rest and tran- 
 quility. All the laws of Sparta, and all the in- 
 stitutions of Lycurgus seemed to have no other 
 object than war; all other employments, arts, 
 polite learning, sciences, trades, and even hus- 
 bandry itself, were prohibited amongst them. 
 The citizens of Lacedasmon were of two sorts : 
 those who inhabited the city of Sparta, and who 
 
72 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 for that reason were called Spartans ; and those 
 who inhabited the country dependent thereon. 
 In the times of Lycurgus the Spartans amount- 
 ed to nine thousand men, the countrymea to 
 thirty thousand. This number was rather dimi- 
 nished than increased in succeeding times, but 
 it still composed a formidable body, that often 
 gave laws to the rest of Greece. The Spartan 
 soldiers, properly so called, were considered as 
 the flower of the nation ; and we may judge of 
 their estimation, by the anxiety the republic 
 expressed, when three hundred of them were 
 once taken prisoners by the Athenians. 
 
 But notwithstanding the great valour of the 
 Spartan state, it was formed rather for a defen^ 
 sive than an offensive war. They were always 
 careful to spare the troops of their country, 
 and as they had very little money, they were 
 not in a capacity to send their armies upon dis- 
 tant expeditions. 
 
 The armies both of Sparta and Athens were 
 composed of four sorts of troops; citizens, 
 allies, mercenaries and slaves. The greatest 
 number of troops in the two republics were 
 composed of allies, who were paid by the ci- 
 tizens who sent them. Those which received 
 pay from their employers were styled merce- 
 naries. The number of slaves attending on 
 every army was very great, and the Helotes, in 
 particular, were employed as light infantry. 
 The Greek infantry consisted of two kinds of 
 
PREVIOUS TO PERSIAN WAR. 73 
 
 soldiers; the one heavy armed, and carrying 
 great shields^, spears, and scymitars ; the other 
 light armed, carrying javelins, bows, and slings. 
 These were commonly placed in the front of 
 the battle, or upon the wings, to shoot their 
 arrows or sling their javelins and stones at the 
 enemy, and then retire through the intervals 
 behind the ranks, to dart out occasionally upon 
 the retiring enemy. 
 
 The Athenians were pretty much strangers 
 to cavalry, and the Lacedaemonians did not be- 
 gin the use thereof till after the war with Mes- 
 sene. They raised their horse principally in a 
 small city not far from Lacedasmon, called Sci- 
 ros, and they were always placed on the extre- 
 mity of the left wing, which post they claimed 
 as their rightful station. 
 
 But to recompense this defect of cavalry, 
 the Athenians in naval affairs, had a great su- 
 periority over all the states of Greece. As they 
 had an extensive sea-coast, and as the profes- 
 sion of a merchant was held reputable among 
 them, their navy increased, and was at length 
 sufficiently powerful to intimidate the fleets of 
 Persia. 
 
 Such were the two states, that in some mea- 
 sure engrossed all the power of Greece to them- 
 selves ; and, though several petty kingdoms 
 still held their governments in independence, 
 yet they owed their safety to the mutual jea- 
 V lousy of these powerful rivals, and always found 
 
n HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 shelter from the one against the oppressions of 
 the other. Indeed the dissimilarity of their 
 habits, manners, and education, served as well 
 to divide these two states, as their political am- 
 bition. The Lacedaemonians were severe, and 
 seemed to have something almost brutal in their 
 character. A government too rigid, and a life 
 too laborious, rendered their tempers haughtily 
 sullen and untractable. The Athenians were 
 naturally obliging and agreeable, cheerful among 
 each other, and humane to their inferiors ; but 
 they were restless, unequal, timorous friends, 
 and capricious protectors. From hence neither 
 republic could sufficiently win over the smaller 
 states of Greece to their interests; and, although 
 their ambition would not suffer the country to 
 remain in repose, yet their obvious defects were 
 always a bar to the spreading their dominion. 
 Thus the mutual jealousy of these states kept 
 them both in constant readiness for war, while 
 their common defects kept the lesser states in- 
 dependent. 
 
EXPULSION OF HIPPIAS. 75 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 FROM THE EXPULSION OF HIPPIAS TO THK 
 DEATH OF DARIUS. 
 
 It was in this disposition of Athens and Sparta 
 and of the lesser states, their neighbours, that 
 the Persian monarchy began to interest itself in 
 their disputes, and made itself an umpire in 
 fheir contentions for liberty, only to seize upon 
 the liberties of all. It has been already related, 
 that Hippias being besieged in Athens, and his 
 children being taken prisoners, in order to re- 
 lease them, he consented to abdicate the sove- 
 reign power, and to leave the dominions of 
 Athens in five days. Athens, however, in reco- 
 vering its liberty, did not enjoy that tranquillity 
 which freedom is thought to bestow. Two of 
 the favourite citizens, Calisthenes, a favourite 
 of the people, a d Isagoras, who was support- 
 by the rich, began to contend for that power 
 which they had but a little while before joined 
 in depressing. The former, who was become 
 very popular, made an alteration in the form of 
 their establishment ; and instead of four tribes, 
 whereof they before consisted, enlarged their 
 number to ten. He also instituted the manner 
 of giving votes by Ostracism, as it was called. 
 The manner of performing this, w^as for every 
 
76 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 freeman not under sixty years old, to give in a 
 name of some citizen, whose power or fortune 
 had, in his opinion, become dangerous to the 
 state, written upon a tile, or oyster-shell ( from 
 whence the method of voting had its name) and 
 he upon whom the majority fell, was. pro- 
 nounced banished for ten years. These laws, 
 evidently calculated to increase the power of the 
 people, were so displeasing to Isagoras, that, 
 rather than submit, he had j recourse to Clco- 
 menes king of Sparta, who undertook to espouse 
 his quarrel. In fact, the Lacedaemonians only 
 wanted a favourable pretext for lessening and 
 destroying the power of Athens, which in con- 
 sequence of the command of the oracle, they 
 had so lately rescued from tyranny. Cleomenes. 
 therefore, availing himself of the divided state 
 of the city, entered Athens, and procured the 
 banishment of Calisthenes, with seven hundred 
 families more who had sided with him in the 
 late commotions. Not content with this he en- 
 deavoured to new model the state; but being 
 strongly opposed by the senate, he seized upon 
 the citadel, from whence, however, in two days 
 he was obliged to retire. Calisthenes perceiving 
 the enemy withdrawn, returned with his fol- 
 lowers, and finding it vain to make any farther 
 attempts for power, restored the government as 
 settled by Solon. 
 
 In the mean time, the Lacedaemonians repent- 
 ing the services they had rendered their rival 
 
tlXPULSION OF HIPPIAS. 
 
 77 
 
 state, and perceiving the imposture of the ora- 
 cle, by which they were thus impelled to act 
 against their own interests, began to think of 
 reinstating Hippias on the throne. But, previous 
 to their attempt, they judged it prudent to con- 
 sult the subordinate states of Greece, and to see 
 what hopes they had of their concurrence and 
 approbation. Nothing, however, could be more 
 mortifying, than the universal detestation with 
 which their proposal was received by the de- 
 puties of the states of Greece. The deputy of 
 Corinth expressed the utmost indignation at the 
 design, and seemed astonished that the Spartans, 
 who were the avowed enemies of tyrants, should 
 thus espouse the interests of one noted for 
 cruelty and usurpation. The rest of the states 
 warmly seconded his sentiments, and the Lace- 
 daemonians, covered with confusion and re- 
 morse, abandoned Hippias and his cause for 
 ever after. 
 
 Hippias being thus frustrated in his hopes of 
 exciting the Greeks to second his pretensions, 
 was resolved to have recourse to one who was 
 considered as a much more powerful patron. 
 Wherefore, taking his leave of the Spartans, he 
 applied himself to Artaphernes, governor of 
 Sardis for the king of Persia, whom he endea- 
 voured by every art to engage in a war against 
 Athens. He represented to him the divided 
 state of the city, he enlarged upon its riches, 
 and the happiness of its situation for trade. He 
 
n HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 added the ease with which it might be taken, 
 and the glory that would attend success. In- 
 fluenced by these motives, the pride and the 
 avarice of the Persian court were inflamed, and 
 nothing was so ardently sought as the pretext 
 of a dispute with the Athenians. When, there- 
 fore, that city sent to the Persian court to vin- 
 dicate their proceedings, alledging, that Hip- 
 pias deserved no countenance from so great a 
 people ; the answer returned was. That if the 
 Athenians ivould be safe, they must admit 
 Hippias for their Jang. Athens havirig so 
 lately thrown off the yoke, had too lively a sense 
 of its past calamities to accept safety upon such 
 base conditions, and resolved to suffer the last 
 extremity rather than open their gates to a ty- 
 rant. When Artaphernes, therefore, demanded 
 the restoration of Hippias, the Athenians boldly 
 returned him a downright and absolute refusal. 
 From this arose the war between Greece and 
 Persia, one of the most glorious, and the most 
 remarkable that ever graced the annals of king- 
 doms. 
 
 But there were more causes than one tending 
 to make a breach between these powerful nations, 
 and producing an irreconcileable aversion for 
 each other. The Greek colonies of Ionia, MoIib, 
 and Caria, that were settled for above five hun- 
 dred years in Asia Minor, were at length sub- 
 dued by Croesus king of Lydia ; and he, in turn, 
 sinking under the power of Cyrus, his conquests 
 
EXPULSION OF HIPPIAS. 71 
 
 of course fell in with the rest of his dominions. 
 The Persian monarch, thus possessed of a very 
 extensive territory, placed governors over the 
 several cities that were thus subdued; and as 
 men bred up in a despotic court, were likely 
 enough to imitate the example set them at home, 
 it is probable they abused their power. Be this 
 as it may, in all the Greek cities they were 
 called Tyrants; and as these little states had not 
 yet lost all idea of freedom, they took every 
 opportunity to recover their liberty, and made 
 many bold, but unsuccessful struggles in that glo- 
 rious cause. The lonians particularly, who bore 
 the greatest sway among them, let no occasion 
 slip which promised the smallest hopes of shaking 
 off the Persian yoke. 
 
 That which favoured their designs upon the 
 present occasion, was the expedition of Darius 
 into Scythia, into which country he sent a nu- 
 merous army, laying a bridge over the rivei? 
 Ister for that purpose. The lonians were ap- 
 pointed to guard this important pass, but were 
 advised by Miltiades, whom we shall afterwards 
 find performing nobler exploits, to break down 
 the bridge^ and thus cut off the Persian retreat. 
 The lonians, however, rejected his counsel, and 
 Darius returned with his army into Europe, 
 where he added Thrace and Macedon to the 
 number of his conquests. 
 
 Histiaeus, the tyrant of Miletus, w^as the per- 
 son who opposed the advice of Miltiades. Being 
 
80 , HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 of an ambitious and intriguing disposition, he 
 was willing to lessen the merit of all his con- 
 temporaries in order to enhance his own. But 
 he was deceived in his expectations of success; 
 from these schemes Darius justly suspecting his 
 fidelity, took him \vith him to Susa, under pre- 
 tence of using his friendship and advice, but in 
 reality of preventing his future machinations at 
 home. But Histiaeus saw too clearly the cause 
 of his detention, which he regarded as a spe- 
 cious imprisonment^ and therefore took every 
 opportunity of secretly exciting the lonians to 
 a revolt, hoping, that himself might one day 
 be sent to bring them to reason. 
 
 Aristagoras was at that time this statesman's 
 deputy at Miletus, and received the instructions 
 of his master to stir up the Ionian cities to re- 
 volt with the utmost alacrity. In fact, from a 
 late failure of this general upon Naxos, his cre- 
 dit was ruined at the Persian court, and no 
 other alternative remained for him, but to com- 
 ply with the advice of Histiaeus in stirring up a 
 revolt, and of trying to place himself at the 
 head of a new confederacy. 
 
 The first step Aristagoras took to engage the 
 affections of the lonians, was to throw up his 
 power in Miletus, where he was deputy, and to 
 reinstate that little place in all its former free- 
 dom. He then made a journey through all 
 Ionia, where, by his example, his credit, and 
 perhaps his menaces, he induced every other 
 
lEXPULSION OF HIPPIAS- 
 
 81 
 
 governor to imitate his example. They all 
 complied the more cheerfully^ as the Persian 
 power, since the check it had received in Scy- 
 thia, was the less able to punish their revolt, or 
 to protect them in their continued attachment. 
 Having thus united all these little states by the 
 consciousness of one common offence, he then 
 threw off the mask, declaring himself at the 
 head of the confederacy^ and bid defiance to 
 the power of Persia. 
 
 To enable himself to carry on the war with 
 more vigour, he went in the beginning of the 
 following year to Lacedaemon, in order to en- 
 gage that state in his interests, and engage it 
 in a war with a power that seemed every day to 
 threaten the general liberty of Greece. Cieo- 
 menes was at that time king of Sparta, and to 
 him Aristagoras applied for assistance, in what 
 he represented as the common cause. He re- 
 presented to him, that the lonians and Lacedse- 
 raonians were countrymen ; that it would be for 
 the honour of Sparta to concur with him in the 
 design he had formed of restoring the lonians 
 to liberty ; that the Persians were enervated by 
 luxury ; that their riches would serve to reward 
 the conquerors, while nothing was so easy as 
 their overthrow. Considering the present spirit 
 of the lonians, it would not be difficult, he said, 
 for the victorious Spartans to carry their arm«s 
 even to the gates of Susa, the metropolis of the 
 - Persian empire, and thus give laws to those who 
 
 VOL I. G 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 presumed to call themselves the sovereigns of 
 the world. Cleomenes desired time to consider 
 this proposal; and, being bred up in Spartan 
 ignorance^, demanded how far it was from the 
 Ionian sea to Susa? Aristagoras, without con- 
 sidering the tendency of the question, an- 
 swered, that it might be a journey of three 
 months. Cleomenes made no answer, but turn- 
 ing his back upon so great an adventurer, gave 
 orders, that before sun-set he should quit the 
 city. Still, however, Aristagoras, followed him 
 to his house, and finding the inefficacy of his 
 eloquence, tried what his offers of wealth would 
 do. He at first offered him ten talents, he then 
 raised the sum to fifteen ; and it is unknown 
 what effect such a large sum might have had 
 upon the Spartan, had not his daughter, a child 
 of nine years old, who was accidentally present 
 at the proposal, cried out. Fly father, or this 
 stranger will corrupt you. This advice, given 
 in the moment of suspense, prevailed; Cleo- 
 menes refused his bribes, and Aristagoras went 
 to sue at other cities, where eloquence was more 
 honoured, and wealth more alluring. 
 
 Athens was a city where he expected a more 
 favourable reception. Nothing could be more 
 fortunate for his interests than his arrival at the 
 very time they had received the peremptory 
 message from the Persians to admit their tyrant, 
 or to fear the consequences of their disobedi- 
 ence. The Athenians were at that time all in 
 
EXPULSION OF HIPPIAS. 83 
 
 an uproar, and the proposal of Aristagoras met 
 with the most favourable reception. It was much 
 easier to impose upon a multitude than a single 
 person. The whole body of citizens engaged 
 immediately to furnish twenty ships to assist his 
 designs: and to these, the Eretrians and Eu- 
 boeans added five more. 
 
 Aristagoras, thus supplied, resolved to act 
 with vigour; and having collected all his forces 
 together, set sail for Ephesus : where, leaving 
 his fleet, he entered the Persian frontiers, and 
 marched by land to Sardis, the capital city of 
 Lydia. Artaphernes, who resided there as the 
 Persian viceroy, finding the city untenable, re- 
 solved to secure himself in the citadel, which 
 he knew could not easily be forced. As most 
 of the houses of this city were built with reeds, 
 and consequently very combustible, one of the 
 houses being set on fire, by an Ionian soldier, 
 the flames quickly spread to all the rest. Thus 
 the whole town was quickly reduced to ashes, 
 and numbers of the inhabitants were slain. But 
 the Persians were soon avenged for this unne- 
 cessary cruelty; for either recovering themselves 
 from their former panic, or being reinforced by 
 the Lydians, they charged the lonians in a body, 
 and drove them back with great slaughter. Nor 
 was the pursuit discontinued even as far as Ephe- 
 sus, where the vanquished and the victors ar- 
 riving together, a great carnage ensued, and but a 
 small part of the routed army e^aped, which took 
 
 G 2 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 shelter aboard the fleet, or in the neighbouring 
 cities. Other defeats followed after this. The 
 Athenians, intimidated with such a commence- 
 ment of ill success, could not be persuaded to 
 continue the war. The Cyprianfi were obliged 
 once more to submit to the Persian yoke. The 
 lonians lost most of their towns one after the 
 other, and Aristagoras flying into Thrace, was 
 cut off by the inhabitants with all his forces. 
 
 In the mean time Histiasus, who was the ori- 
 ginal cause of all these misfortunes, finding that 
 he began to be suspected in Persia, left that 
 court under a pretence of going to quell those 
 troubles, which he had all along secretly fo- 
 mented ; but his duplicity of conduct rendered 
 him now suspicious to either party. Arta- 
 phernes, the Persian viceroy, plainly accused 
 him of treachery, while his own Milesians re- 
 fused to admit him as their master. Thus waver- 
 ing, uncertain, and not knowing where to turn, 
 having picked up a few scattered remains, of the 
 routed armies, he fell in with Harpagus, one of 
 the Persian generals, who routed his forces, and 
 made Histiseus himself a prisoner. Being sent 
 to Artaphernes, that inhuman commander im- 
 mediately caused him to be crucified, and or- 
 dered his head to be sent to Darius, who received 
 the present with that disgust which evidenced 
 his superior humanity. He wept over it with a 
 friendly sorrow, and ordered that it should re- 
 ceive honourable interment. 
 
EXPULSION OF HIPPIAS. 85 
 
 In the mean time the affairs of the Ionian 
 confederacy every day became more desperate. 
 The Persian generals, finding that Miletus was 
 the city which they chiefly depended on^ re- 
 solved to march thither with all their forces ; 
 concluding, that having carried that city, all the 
 rest would submit of course. The lonians hav- 
 ing intelligence of this design, determined in a 
 general assembly to make no oppc^ition by 
 land, where the Persians were too powerful ; 
 but to fortify Miletus, and exert all their efforts 
 by sea, where they hoped for the advantage, 
 from their superior skill in naval evolutions. 
 They accordingly assembled a fleet of three 
 hundred ships at a little island over against Mi- 
 ietuS:, and on the superiority of this fleet they 
 placed their whole reliance. But the Persian 
 gold effected what their arms were unable to 
 compass. Their emissaries having secretly de- 
 bauched the greatest part of the confederates, 
 and engaged them to desert; when the two 
 fleets came to engage, the ships of Samos, 
 Lesbos, and several other places, sailed off, and 
 returned to their own country. Thus the re- 
 maining part of the fleet, which did not amount 
 to more than an hundred ships, was quickly 
 overpowered and almost totally destroyed. 
 
 After this the city of Miletus was besieged, 
 and was easily taken. All the other cities, as 
 well on the continent as among the islands, 
 were forced to return to their duty. Those 
 
S6 HISTORY OF^REECE. 
 
 who continued obstinate were treated with great 
 severity. The handsomest of the young men 
 were chosen to serve in the king's palace, and 
 the young women were all sent into Persia. 
 Thus ended the revolt of the lonians, which con- 
 tinued six years, from its first breaking out, 
 under Aristagoras, and this was the third time 
 the lonians were obliged to undergo the yoke 
 of foreign dominion: for they inherited a natu- 
 ral love of freedom^, which all the Greeks were 
 known to possess. 
 
 The Persians, having thus subdued the greatest 
 part of Asia Minor, began to look towards Eu- 
 rope, as offering conquests worthy their ambi- 
 tion. The assistance given the lonians by the 
 Athenian fleet, and the refusal of that state to 
 admit Hippias as their king; the taking of Sardis, 
 and the contempt they testified for the Persian 
 power, were all sufficient motives for exciting 
 the resentment of that empire, and for marking 
 out all Greece for destruction. Darius, therefore 
 in the twenty-eighth year of his reign, having 
 recalled all his other generals, sent Mardonius, 
 the son of Gobryas, a young nobleman who had 
 lately married one of the king's daughters, to 
 command in chief throughout all the maritime 
 parts of Asia; and particularly to revenge the 
 burning of Sardis. This was an offence which 
 that monarch seemed peculiarly to resent; and 
 from the time of that conflagration, he had gi- 
 ven orders for one of his attendants, every time 
 
EXPULSION OF HIPPIAS. 87 
 
 he sat down to table^ to cry out — Remember the 
 Athenians. 
 
 Mardonius, willing to second his master's ani- 
 mosity^ quickly passed into ThracC;, at the head 
 of a large army^, and so terrified the inhabitants 
 of that country, that they yielded implicit obedi- 
 ence to his power^ From thence he set sail for 
 Macedonia, but his fleet attempting to double 
 the Cape of Mount Athos^ in order to gain the 
 coast of that country, were attacked by so violent 
 a tempest, that upwards of three hundred ships 
 were sunk, and above twenty thousand men pe- 
 rished in the sea. His land army, that took the 
 longest way about, met, at the same time, with 
 equal distresses ; for, being encamped in a place 
 of no security, the Thracians attacked them by 
 night, and made a great slaughter among the 
 enemy. Mardonius himself was wounded, and 
 finding his army unable to maintain the field, he 
 returned to the Persian court, covered with grief 
 and confusion, having miscarried both by sea 
 and land. 
 
 But the ill success of one or two campaigns 
 was not sufficient to abate the resentment or the 
 ardour of the king of Persia. Possessed, as he 
 was, of resources almost inexhaustible, wealth 
 without end, and armies that seemed to increase 
 from defeat, he only grew more determined from 
 every repulse, and doubled his preparations in 
 proportion to his former failure^ He now per- 
 ceived that the youth and inexperience of Mar- 
 
"8S HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 donius were unequal to so great an undertaking: 
 he therefore displaced him, and appointed two 
 generals;, Datis, a Mede, and Artaphernes, the 
 son of him who was late governor of Sardis, in 
 his stead. His thoughts were earnestly bent 
 on attacking Greece with all his forces. He 
 wished to take a signal revenge upon Athens, 
 which he considered as the principal cause of 
 the late revolt in Ionia i besides, Hippias was 
 still near him to warm his ambition, and keep 
 his resentment alive. Greece, he said, was now 
 an object for such a conqueror; the world had 
 long beheld it with an eye of admiration, and 
 if not soon humbled, it might in time supplant 
 even Persia in the homage of the world. 
 
 Thus excited by every motive of ambition 
 and revenge, Darius resolved to bend all his at- 
 tention to a war with Greece. He had in the 
 beginning of his reign sent spies with one De- 
 mocedes, a Greek physician, as their conductor, 
 to bring him information with respect to the 
 strength and situation of all the states of Greece. 
 This secret deputation failed ; he was, therefore, 
 willing once more to send men under the cha- 
 racter of heralds, to denounce his resentment; 
 and, at the same time, to learn how the different 
 states of the country stood affected towards him. 
 The form used by the Persians, when they ex- 
 pected submission from lesser states, was to 
 demand earth and water in the monarch'^ name, 
 and such as refused w^ere to be considered as 
 
EXPULSION OF HIPPIAS. 89 
 
 opposers of the Persian power. On the arri- 
 val, therefore, of the heralds amongst the Greeks, 
 many of the cities, dreading the Persian power, 
 complied with their demands. The iEginetans, 
 with some of the islands also, yielded up a ready 
 submission; and almost all but Athens and Sparta, 
 were contented to exchange their liberties for 
 safety. 
 
 Bur these two noble republics bravely dis- 
 dained to acknowledge the Persian power ; they 
 had felt the benefits of freedom, and were re- 
 solved to maintain it to the last. Instead, there- 
 fore, of offering up earth and water, as demand- 
 ed, they threw the heralds, the one into a well, 
 the other into a ditch ; and, adding mockery to 
 insult, desired them to take earth and water 
 from thence. This they probably did to cut off 
 all hopes of a reconciliation, and to leave no 
 safety but in perseverance and despair. 
 
 Nor were the Athenians content with this out- 
 rage, but resolved also to punish the ^ginetans, 
 who, by a base submission to the Persian power, 
 had betrayed the common cause of Greece. 
 They accordingly represented the affair to the 
 Spartans, with all its aggravating circumstances, 
 and heightened with that eloquence for which 
 they were famous. Before such judges, it was 
 not likely that cowardice or timidity would find 
 many defenders : the Spartans immediately gave 
 judgment against the people of ^gina, and sent 
 Cleomenes, one of their kings, to apprehend 
 
the authors of so base a concession. The peo- 
 ple of ^gina^ however, refused to deliver them, 
 under pretence that Cleomenes came without 
 his colleague. This colleague was Demaratus, 
 who had himself secretly furnished them with 
 that excuse. As soon as Cleomenes was returned 
 to Sparta, in order to be revenged on Demaratus 
 for thus counteracting the demands of his coun- 
 try, he endeavoured to get him deposed, as not 
 being of the royal family. In fact, Demaratus 
 was born only seven months after marriage, and 
 this was supposed by many to be a sufficient 
 proof of his bastardy. This accusation, there- 
 fore, being revived, the Pythian oracle was ap- 
 pointed to determine the controversy; and the 
 priestess being privately suborned by Cleo- 
 menes, an answer was given against his colleague, 
 just as he had dictated. Demaratus thus being 
 illegitimate, and unable to endure so gross an 
 injury, banished himself from his country, and 
 retired to Darius, who received him with great 
 friendship, and gave him a considerable settle- 
 ment in Persia. He was succeeded in the throne 
 by Leoty chides, who concurring with the views of 
 Cleomenes, punished the iEginetans, by placing 
 ten of their most guilty citizens in the hands 
 of the Athenians; while Cleomenes, some time 
 after, being detected of having suborned the 
 priestess, slew himself in a fit of despair. 
 
 On the other hand, the JEgmet2Lns complained 
 of the severity of their treatment; but finding 
 
EXPULSION OF HIPPIAS. $1 
 
 no likelihood of redress, they resolved to ob- 
 tain that justice by force which was refused to 
 their supplications. Accordingly they inter- 
 cepted an Athenian ship, which, in pursuance 
 of an annual custom ever since the times of 
 Theseus, was going to Delos to offer sacrifice. 
 This produced a naval war between these two 
 states; in which, after a variety of fortunes, 
 the iEginetans were worsted, and the Athe- 
 nians possessed themselves of the sovereignty 
 of the seas. Thus those civil discords, which 
 seemed at first to favour the designs of the 
 common enemy, turned out to the general ad- 
 vantage of Greece; for the Athenians thus ac- 
 quiring great power at sea, were put in a ca- 
 pacity of facing the Persian fleets, and of cut- 
 ting off those supplies which were continually 
 carrying to their armies by land. 
 
 In the mean time, the preparations on both 
 sides for a general war were carried on with 
 the greatest animosity and dispatch. Darius 
 sent away his generals, Datis and Artaphernes, 
 whom he had appointed in the room of Mardo- 
 nius, to what he supposed a certain conquest. 
 They were furnished with a fleet of six hundred 
 ships, and an army of an hundred and twenty 
 thousand men. Their instructions were, to 
 give up Athens and Eretria, a little city which 
 had joined in the league against him, to be 
 plundered ; to burn all the houses and temples 
 pf both, and to lead away all the inhabitants 
 
f2 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 into slavery. The country was to be laid 
 solate; and the army was provided with a suf- 
 ficient supply of chains and fetters for binding 
 the conquered nations. 
 
 To oppose this formidable invasion, the 
 Athenians had only their courage, their animo- 
 sity, their dread of slavery, their discipline, 
 and about ten thousand men. Their civil com- 
 motions with the other states of Greece had 
 given them a spirit of war and stratagem, while 
 the genius of their citizens, continually excited 
 and exercised, was arrived at the highest pitch, 
 and fitted them for every danger. Athens had 
 long been refining in all those arts which qua- 
 lifies a state to extend, or to enjoy conquest; 
 every citizen was a statesman and a general, 
 and every soldier considered himself as one of 
 the bulwarks of his country. But in this little 
 state, from whence first flowed all those im- 
 provements that have since adorned and civi- 
 lised society, there was at that time three men 
 who were considered as superiors to all the rest, 
 all remarkable for their abilities in war, and 
 their integrity in peace; for those qualifications 
 that are fitted to advance the glory of states, or 
 procure the happiness of the individual. 
 
 Of these Miltlades, as being the most expe- 
 rienced, was at that time the most known. He 
 was the son of Cimon, and nephew of Milti- 
 ades, an illustrious Athenian, who accepted' the 
 government of the Dolonci, a people of the 
 
EXPULSION OF HIPPIAS. m 
 
 Thrasian Chersonesiis. Old MilUades dying 
 without issue, he was succeeded in his govern- 
 ment by Stesagoras, his nephew ; and he also 
 dying, young Miltiades was chosen as his suc- 
 cessor. He was appointed to that government 
 the same year that Darius undertook his unsuc- 
 cessful expedition against the Scythians. He 
 was obliged to attend that prince as far as thd 
 Ister, with what shipping he was able to sup- 
 ply; but, ever eager to throw off the Persian 
 yoke, it was he who advised the lonians to de- 
 stroy the bridge, and leave the army of Darius 
 to its fate. When the affairs of the continent 
 began to decline, Miltiades rather than live in 
 dependence, resolved to return once more to 
 Athens; and thither he returned with five ships, 
 which were all that remained of his shattered 
 fortunes. 
 
 At the same time, two other citizens, 
 younger than Miltiades, began to distinguish 
 themselves at Athens, namely, Ari^rtides and 
 Themistocles. These were of very different 
 dispositions; but from this difference resjulted 
 the greatest advantages to their country. The- 
 mistocles was naturally inclined to a popular 
 government, and omitted nothing that could 
 render him agreeable to the people, or gain 
 him friends. His complaisance w^as boundless, 
 and his desire to oblige sometimes out-stepped 
 the bounds of duty. His partiality was often 
 conspicuous. Somebody talking with him once 
 
I 
 
 94 mStORV OF GREECE. 
 
 on the sutject> told him he would make an ex- 
 cellent magistrate, if he had more impartiality : 
 God forbid, replied he, that I should ever sit 
 upon a tribunah where my friends should find 
 no more favour than strangers, 
 
 Aristides was as remarkable for his justice 
 and integrity. Being a favourer of Aristocracy, 
 in imitation of Lycurgus, he was friendly, but 
 never at the expence of justice. In seeking 
 honours, he ever declined the interests of his 
 friends, lest they should in turn, demand his 
 interest, when his duty was to be impartial. 
 The love of the public good was the great 
 spring of all his actions, and with that in view, 
 no difficulties could daunt, no success or ele- 
 vation exalt him. On all occasions he pre- 
 served his usual calmness of temper, being 
 persuaded that he was entirely his country's, 
 and very little his own. One day when an 
 actor was repeating some lines from iEschylus 
 on the stage, coming to a passage which de- 
 scribed a man as not desiring to appear honest, 
 but to be so, the whole audience cast their eyes 
 on Aristides, and applied the passage. In the 
 administration of public offices, his whole aim 
 was to perform his duty without any thought of 
 enriching himself. 
 
 Such were the characters of the illustrious 
 Athenians that led the councils of the state, 
 when Darius turned his arms against Greece. 
 These inspired their fellow-citizens with a noble 
 6 
 
EXPULSION OF HIPPIA^. 
 
 confidence in the justice of their cause, and 
 made all the preparations against the coming 
 invasion that prudence and deliberate valour 
 could suggest. In the mean time Datis and 
 Artaphernes led on their numerous forces to- 
 wards Europe ; and after having made them- 
 selves masters of the islands in the i^lgean sea 
 without any opposition^ they turned their course 
 towards Eretria, that city which had formerly 
 assisted the lonians in their revolt. The Ere- 
 trians now driven to the last extremity, saw no 
 hopes of meeting the enemy in the^field; where- 
 fore they sent back four thousand men that the 
 Athenians had supplied them with, and resolved 
 patiently to stand a siege. For six days the 
 Persians attempted to storm the city^ and were 
 repulsed with loss ; but on the seventh, the city, 
 by the treachery of some of the principal in- 
 habitantSj being betrayed into their hands, they 
 entered, plundered and burned it. The inha- 
 bitants were put in chains, and sent as the first- 
 fruits of war to the Persian monarch; but he, 
 contrary to their expectation, treated them with 
 great lenity, and gave them a village in the 
 country of Cissa for their residence, where Apol- 
 lonius Tvanaeus found their descendants six hun- 
 dred years after. 
 
 After such splendid success at Eretria, no- 
 thing now remained but the apparently easy 
 conquest of Greece. Hippias, the expelled ty- 
 rant of Athens, still accompanied the Persian 
 
m 
 
 HISTORY GF GREECE. 
 
 army, and led them by the safest marches into 
 •the heart of the country; at lengthy flushed 
 with victory, and certain of success, he con- 
 ducted them to the plains of Marathon, a fertile 
 valley but ten miles distant from Athens. From 
 thence they sent to summon the citizens, ac- 
 quainting thenl with the fate of Eretria, and 
 informing him that not a single inhabitant had 
 escaped their vengeance. But the Athenians 
 were not to be intimidated by any vicinity of 
 danger. They had sent, indeed, to Sparta to 
 implore succours against the common enemy, 
 which were granted without deliberation ; but 
 the superstition of the times rendered their as- 
 sistance ineffectual, for it was an established 
 law among the Spartans not to begin a march 
 before the full moon. They applied also to 
 other states, but they were too much awed by 
 the power of Persia to move in their defence. 
 An army of an hundred and twenty thousand 
 men, exulting in the midst of their country, 
 was too formidable for a weak and jealous con- 
 federacy to oppose. The inhabitants of Platea 
 alone furnished them with a thousand soldiers, 
 and they were left to find all other assistance in 
 ' their courage and their despair. 
 
 In this extremity they were obliged to arm 
 their slaves for the safety of all, and their forces, 
 thus united, amounted to but ten thousand men. 
 Hoping therefore to derive from their discipline 
 what they wanted in power, they placed their 
 
EXPULSION OF HIPPIAS. 97 
 
 whole army under the conduct of ten generals^, 
 of whom Miltiades was chief ; and of these each 
 was to have the command of the troops day 
 about, in regular succession. An arrangement 
 in itself so unpromising, was still more embar- 
 rassed by the generals themselves disputing 
 whether they should hazard a battle, or wait the 
 approach of the enemy within the walls. The 
 latter opinion seemed for a while to prevail : it 
 was urged that it would be rashness itself to face 
 so powerful and well appointed an army with 
 an handful of men. It was alleged, that the 
 soldiers would gather courage from their se- 
 curity behind their walls, and that the forces of 
 Sparta without might make a diversion in case 
 of a sally from within. Miltiades, however, 
 declared for the contrary opinion, and shewed 
 that the only means to exalt the courage of 
 their own troops, and to strike a terror into 
 those of the enemy, was, to advance boldly to- 
 wards them, with an air of confidence and des 
 perate intrepidity. Aristides also strenuously s 
 embraced this opinion, and exerted all his mas- 
 culine eloquence to bring over the rest. The 
 question being put, when the suffrages came to 
 be taken, the opinions were equal on either side 
 of the argument. It now, therefore, remained 
 for Callimachus, the Polemarch, who had aright ' 
 of voting as well as the ten commanders, to give 
 his opinion, and decide this important debate. 
 It was to him Miltiades addressed himself with 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 11 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 the utmost earnestness, alledging that the fate 
 of his country was now in his power; that his 
 single vote was to determine whether his country 
 should be enslaved or free ; that his fame might 
 now, by a single word, be made equal to that of 
 Harmodrus and Aristogiton, who ^vere the authors 
 of Athenian liberty. If. said he, we decline a 
 battle, I foresee some great dissention will shake 
 the fidelity of the army, and induce them to a 
 compliance with the Medes ; but if we fight be- 
 fore corruption insinuates itself into the hearts 
 of the Athenians, we may hope, from the equity 
 of the gods, to obtain the victory. Thus ex- 
 horted, Callimachus did not long debate, but 
 gave his voice in favour of an open engage- 
 ment; and Miltiades, thus seconded, prepared 
 to marshal up his little army for the great en- 
 counter. 
 
 In the mean time it appeared, that so many 
 leaders commanding in succession, only served 
 to perplex and counteract each other. Aris- 
 tides perceived that a command which changes 
 every day must be incapable of projecting any 
 uniform design ; he therefore gave it as his opi- 
 nion, that it was necessary to invest the whole 
 power in one single person, and to induce his 
 colleagues to conform, he himself set the first 
 example of resignation. When the day came, 
 on which it was his turn to command, he resigned 
 it to Miltiades/ as the more able and experi- 
 enced ^^cneral, while the other consmanders. 
 
EXPULSION OF HIPPIAS. 99 
 
 warmed by so generous a preference, followed 
 his example. 
 
 Miltiades, thus vested in the supreme com- 
 mand, which was now the post of highest dan- 
 ger, like an experienced general, endeavoured, 
 by the advantage of his ground, to make up for 
 his deficiency in strength and numbers. He 
 was sensible, that by extending his front to op- 
 pose the enemy he must weaken it too much, 
 and give their dense body the advantage. He 
 therefore drew up his army at the foot of a 
 mountain, so that the enemy should not sur- 
 round him, or charge him in the rear. On the 
 flanks on either side he caused large trees to be 
 thrown, which were cut down for that purpose, 
 and these served to guard him from the Persian 
 cavalry, that generally wheeled on the flank in 
 the heat of an engagement, 
 
 Datis, on his side was sensible of this advan- 
 tageous disposition; but relying on his supe- 
 riority of numbers, and unwilling to wait till 
 the Spartan reinforcements should arrive, he de- 
 termined to engage. And now was to be fought 
 the first great battle which the Greeks had ever 
 engaged in. It was not like any of their former 
 civil contests, arising from jealousy, and termi- 
 nating in an easy accommodation: it was a bat- 
 tle that was to be decided with the greatest mo- 
 narch of the earth, with the most numerous 
 army that had been hitherto seen in Europe. 
 This wai« an engagement that was to decide the 
 
 H S 
 
100 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 liberty of Greece, and, what was of infinitely 
 greater moment, the future progress of refine- 
 ment among mankind. Upon the event of this 
 battle depended the complexion which the 
 manners of the West were hereafter to assume; 
 whether they were to adopt Asiatic customs 
 with their conquerors, or to go on in modelling 
 themselves upon Grecian refinements, as was 
 afterwards the case. This, therefore, may be 
 considered as one of the most important battles 
 that ever was fought, and the event was as little 
 to be expected as the success was glorious. 
 
 The signal was no sooner given than the Athe- 
 nians, without waiting the Persian onset, rushed 
 in upon their ranks with desperate rapidity, as 
 if wholly regardless of safety. The Persians re- 
 garded this first step of the Athenians as the 
 result of madness, and were more inclined to 
 despise them as maniacs, than oppose them as 
 'soldiers. However they were quickly unde- 
 ceived. It had never before been the custom of 
 the Greeks to run on with this headlong valour; 
 but comparing the number of their own forces 
 with that of the enemy, and expecting safety- 
 only from rashness, they determined to break 
 through the enemy's ranks, or fall in the attempt. 
 The greatness of their danger added to their cou- 
 rage, and despair did the rest. The Persians, 
 however, stood their ground wath great intrepi- 
 dity, and the battle was long, fierce, and obsti- 
 nate. Miitiades had made the wings of his army 
 
EXPULSION OF HIPPIAS. 101 
 
 exceeding strong, but had left the main body 
 more weak and not so deep; for having but 
 ten thousand men to oppose to such a numerous 
 army, he supposed the victory could be obtained 
 by no other means than strengthening his flanks; 
 not doubting but when his wings were once 
 victorious, they would be able to wheel upon the 
 enemy's main body on either side, and thus put 
 them easily to the rout. The Persians, therefore, 
 finding the main body weakest, attacked it with 
 their utmost vigour. It was in vain that Aristides 
 and Themistocles, who were stationed in this 
 post of danger, endeavoured to keep their troops 
 to the charge. Courage and intrepidity were 
 unable to resist the torrent of increasing num- 
 bjers, so that they were at last obliged to give 
 ground. But in the mean time the wings were 
 victorious; and now just as the main body was 
 fainting under the unequal encounter, these 
 came up, and gave them time to recover their 
 strength and order. Thus the scale of victory 
 quickly began to turn in their favour, and the 
 Persians, from being the aggressors, now began 
 to give ground in turn ; and being unsupported 
 by fresh forces, they fled to their ships with the 
 utmost precipitation. The confusion and dis- 
 order was now universal, the Athenians followed 
 them to the beach, and set many of their ships 
 on fire. On this occasion it was that Cyndasyrus, 
 the brother of the poet iEschylus, seized with 
 his hand one of the ships that the enemy was 
 
102 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 pushing off from the shore. The Persians within, 
 seeing themselves thus arrested, cut off his right 
 hand that held the prow; he then laid hold of 
 it with his left, which they also cut off; at last 
 he seized it with his teeth, and in that manner 
 expired. 
 
 Seven of the enemy's ships were taken, above 
 six thousand persons were slain, without reckon- 
 ing those who were drowned in the sea as they 
 endeavoured to escape, or those who were con- 
 sumed when the ships were set on fire. Of the 
 Greeks not above two hundred men were killed, 
 among whom was Callimachus, who gave his 
 vote for bringing on the engagement. Hippias, 
 who was the chief incendiary of the war, is 
 thought to have fallen in this battle, though 
 some say he escaped and died miserably at 
 Lemnos. 
 
 Such was the famous battle of Marathon, which 
 the Persians were so sure of gaining, that they 
 had brought marble into the field in order to 
 erect a trophy there. Just after the battle, an 
 Athenian soldier whose name was Eucles still 
 covered all over with blood and wounds, quitted 
 the army and ran to Athens, to cairy his fellow- 
 citizens the news of the victory. His strength 
 just sufficed to reach the city, and throwing him- 
 self into the door of the first house he met, he 
 uttered three words. Rejoice, we triumph, and 
 instantly expired. 
 
 While a part of tht army marched forward to 
 
EXPULSION OF HIPPIAS. 10$ 
 
 Athens^ to protect it from the attempts of the 
 enemy^, Aristides remained upon the field of 
 battle to guard the spoil and the prisoners; and 
 although gold and silver were scattered about 
 the enemy's deserted camp in abundance, though 
 their tents and gallies were full of rich furniture 
 and sumptuous appare\, he would not permit any 
 of it to be embezzled, but reserved it as a com- 
 mon reward for all who had any share in the 
 victory. Two thousand Spartans also, whose 
 laws would not permit them to march until the 
 full of the moon, now came into the field, but 
 the action being over the day before, they only 
 had an opportunity of paying due honours to 
 those who gained so glorious a victory, and to 
 bring back the news to Sparta. Of the marble 
 which the Persians had brought with them, the 
 Athenians made a trophy, being carved by Phi- 
 dias into a statue, in honour of the goddess 
 Nemesis, who had a temple near the field of 
 battle. 
 
 In the mean time, the Persian fleet, instead 
 of sailing directly back to Asia, made an attempt 
 to surprize Athens before the Greek forces could 
 arrive from Marathon. But the latter had the 
 precaution to move directly thither, and per- 
 formed their mrarch with so much expedition, 
 that though it was forty miles from Marathon, 
 they arrived there in one day. In this manner 
 the Greeks not only repelled their enemies, but 
 eonfirrped their security. By this victory the 
 
10* 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Grecians were taught to know their own strength^ 
 and not to tremble before an enemy terrible 
 only in name. This taught them through the 
 whole of succeeding ages to imitate their ances- 
 tors with an ardent emulation, and inspired them 
 with a wish of not degenerating from the Grecian 
 glory. Those Athenians that were slain in battle 
 had all the honour immediately paid them that 
 was due to their merit. Illustrious monuments 
 were erected to them all in the very place where 
 the battle was fought, upon which their names 
 and the tribe to which they belonged, were in- 
 scribed. There were three distinct sorts of mo- 
 numents set up: one for the Athenians, one for 
 the Plataeans, and a third for the slaves who had 
 been enrolled into their troops upon that urgent 
 occasion. 
 
 But their gratitude to Miltiades spoke a noble- 
 ness of mind, that far surpassed expensive tri- 
 umphs, or base adulation. Sensible that his 
 merits were too great for money to repay, they 
 caused a picture to be painted by Polygnotus, 
 one of their most celebrated artists, where Mil- 
 tiades was represented at the head of the ten 
 commanders exhorting the soldiers, and setting 
 them an example of their duty. This picture 
 was preserved for many ages, with other paint- 
 ings of the best masters, in the portico- where 
 Zeno afterwards instituted his school of philoso- 
 phy. An emulation seemed to take place in 
 every rank of life; Polygnotus valued himself 
 
EXPULSION OF HIPPIAS. 105 
 
 so much upon the honour of being appointed 
 to paint this picture^, that he gave his labour 
 for nothing. In return for such generosity, the 
 Amphictyons appointed him a pub- ^ 
 lie lodging in the city where he * ' 
 might reside during pleasure. 
 
 But though the gratitude of the Athenians to 
 Miltiades was very sincere^ yet it was of no long 
 continuance. This fickle and jealous people, 
 naturally capricious, and now more than ever 
 careful of preserving their freedom, were will- 
 ing to take every opportunity of mortifying a 
 general, from whose merit they had much to 
 fear. Being appointed with seventy ships to 
 punish those islands that had favoured the Per- 
 sian invasion, he sailed to Paros. The reason 
 he alleged for invading this island was, that the 
 inhabitants had assisted the Persians with ships, 
 in the expedition of Marathon ; but the true 
 ground of his hatred to that people was, that one 
 Lysagoras, a Parian, had done him ill offices with 
 Hydarnes, the Persian. When he arrived on the 
 island, he sent heralds to the capital, requiring 
 an hundred talents to be paid to him; threaten- 
 ing, in case of refusal to besiege the city; and, 
 if he should take it, to give it up to be phmdered 
 by his soldiers. The Parians, however, were not 
 to be terrified ; they even refused to deliberate 
 on his proposition, and prepared themselves for 
 an obstinate defence. Miltiades caused the place 
 to be invested, and carried on the siege with 
 
106 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 great vigour, till one Time, a Parian woman, a 
 priestess, pretended to inform him how he might 
 take the city. In consequence of what this wo- 
 man told him, he repaired to the temple of Ceres 
 the lawgiver, and, not being able to open its 
 gates, he climbed to the top of the wall, and 
 from thence leaped down. Being seized with a 
 sudden tremor, and resolving to return, he re- 
 ascended the wall ; but his foot slipping he fell, 
 and either broke his thigh-bone or dislocated 
 his knee-pan. However, he was constrained to 
 raise the siege, and to return wounded to Athens 
 where an unfortunate man was never welcome. 
 The whole city began to murmur; and one 
 Xanthippus accused him of having taken a bribe 
 from Persia. As he was not in a condition to 
 answer this charge,being confined to his bed by 
 the wound he received at Paros, the accusation 
 took place against him, and he was condemned 
 to lose his life. The manner of executing cri- 
 minals found guilty of great offences, was by 
 throwing them into the Barathrum, a deep pit, 
 from whence none were ever seen to return. 
 This sentence was pronounced against him, but 
 his former services were such as to have this pun- 
 ishment commuted into a penalty of fifty talents, 
 the sum which it had cost the state in fitting: out 
 the late unsuccessful expedition. Not being rich 
 enough to pay this sum, he was thrown into pri- 
 son, where his wound growing worse, from bad air 
 
EXPULSION OF HIPPIAS. 107 
 
 and confinement, it turned at last to a gangrene, 
 and put an end to his life and misfortunes. 
 
 Cimon, his son, who was at this time very- 
 young, signalized his piety on this occasion. 
 As this ungrateful city would not permit the 
 body of Miltiades to be buried until all his 
 debts were paid, this young man employed all 
 his interest among his friends, and strained his 
 utmost credit to pay the fine, and procured, his 
 father's body an honourable interment. 
 
 Miltiades has very justly been praised for his 
 condescension, moderation, and justice. To him . 
 Athens was indebted for all its glory ; he being 
 the man who first taught her to despise the 
 empty menaces of the boastful Persian king. 
 
108 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 CFIAP. VI. 
 
 FROM THE DEATH OF MILTIADES, TO THE RETREAT 
 OF XERXES OUT OF GREECE. 
 
 The misfortunes of Darius only served to in- 
 crease his resentment, and give spirit to his 
 perseverance. Finding the ill success of his 
 generals, he resolved to try the war in person, 
 and dispatched orders throughout the whole do-- 
 minions for fresh preparations. However, a re- 
 volt in Egypt for a while averted his resent- 
 ment; a contest among his sons about nomir 
 nating his successor, still farther retarded his 
 designs ; and at last, when he had surmounted 
 every obstacle, and was just preparijig to take 
 a signal vengeance, his death put an end to all 
 his projects, and gave Greece a longer time for 
 preparation. 
 
 Xerxes, his son, succeeded, who, with the 
 empire, inherited also his father's animosity 
 against Greece. Having carried on a successful 
 expedition against Egypt, he expected the same 
 good fortune in Europe. Confident of victory, 
 he did not chuse, he said, for the future, to buy 
 the figs of Attica; he would possess himself of 
 the country, and thus have figs of his own. But 
 before he engaged in an enterprize of that im- 
 portance, he thought proper to assemble his 
 
RETREAT OF XERXES. lt)9 
 
 covincil, and collect the opinions of the principal 
 officers of his court. In his speech at opening 
 the council^ he evidently shewed his desire of 
 revenge, and his passion for military glory. 
 The best way, therefore, to pay court to this 
 young monarch, was by flattering him in h'i» 
 favourite pursuits, and giving his impetuous 
 aims the air of studied designs. Mardonius, 
 grown neither wiser nor less ambitious, by his 
 own bad success, began by extolling Xerxes 
 above all other kings that had gone before. He 
 urged the indispensible necessity of avenging 
 the dishonour done to the Persain name; here- 
 presented the Greeks as cowards, that were ac-» 
 cidentally successful; and was firmly of opinion, 
 that they would never more stand even the ha- 
 zard of a battle. A discourse that so nearly 
 coincided with his own sentiments, was very 
 pleasing to the young monarch ; and the rest of 
 the company, by their looks and their silence, 
 seemed to applaud his impetuosity. But Arta- 
 banus, the king's uncle, who had long learned 
 to reverence courage, even in an enemy, and 
 presuming upon his age and experience to speak 
 his real sentiments, rose with an honest freedom 
 to represent the intended expedition in its true 
 light. " Permit me, sir,'* said he, to deliver 
 my sentiments upon this occasion, with a li- 
 " berty suitable to my age, and your interest. 
 When Darius, your father and my brother, 
 first thought of making war against the Scy- 
 1 
 
IIO HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 " thians, I used all my endeavour to divert him 
 " from it. The people you are going to attack 
 *^ are infinitely more formidable than they. If 
 
 the Athenians alone could defeat the nume- 
 " rous army commanded by Datis and Arta- 
 " phernes, what ought we to expect from an 
 
 opposition of all the states of Greece united? 
 
 You design to pass from Asia into Europe, 
 " by laying a bridge over the sea. But what if 
 
 the Athenians should advance and destroy this 
 " bridge, and so prevent our return ? Let us 
 " not expose ourselves to such dangers, as we 
 " have no sufficient motives to compel us to 
 
 face them; at least let us take time to reflect 
 
 upon it. When we have maturely deliberated 
 
 upon an affair, whatever happens to be the 
 " success of it, we have nothing to regret. Pre- 
 
 cipitation is imprudent, and is usually unsuc- 
 " cessful. Above all, do not suffer yourself, 
 *^ great prince, to be dazzled with the splendor 
 
 of imaginary glory. The highest and the 
 *^ most lofty trees have the most reason to dread 
 
 the thunder. God loves to humble the osten- 
 ^' tatious, and reserves to himself alone the pride 
 
 of importance. As for you, Mardonius, who 
 " so earnestly urge this expedition, if it must 
 ^ be so, lead it forward. But let the king, 
 
 whose life is dear to us all^ return back to 
 " Persia. In the mean time, let your children 
 
 and mine be given up as a pledge, to answer 
 " for the success of the war. If the issue be 
 
RETREAT OF XERXES. 131 
 
 favourable, I consent that mine be put to 
 ^ death; but if it be otherwise, as I well foresee, 
 
 then I desire that you and your children may 
 
 meet the reward of rashness." 
 
 This advice, which was rather sincere than 
 palatable, was received by Xerxes with a de- 
 gree of rage and resentment. Thank the 
 gods," cried he, " that thou art my father's bro- 
 
 ther: were it not for that, thou shouldst this 
 " nvoment meet the just reward of thy auda- 
 
 cious behaviour. But you shall have your 
 " punishment. Remain here behind, among 
 " the women; these you but too much resem- 
 
 ble in your cowardice and fear. Stay here, 
 
 while I march at the head of my troops where 
 
 my duty and glory call me.'' Upon cooler 
 thoughts, however, Xerxes seemed better re- 
 conciled to his uncle's opinion. When the first 
 emotions of his anger were over, and he had 
 time to reflect on his pillow upon the different 
 counsels that were given him, he confessed the 
 rashness of his former rebuke, and ingenuously 
 ascribed it to heat of youth, and the ardour of 
 passion. He offered to come over to his opinion, 
 at the same time assuring the council, that from 
 his dreams he had every encouragement to pro- 
 ceed with the expedition. So much conde- 
 scension on the one hand, and such favourable 
 omens on the other, determined the whole coun- 
 cil to second his inclinations. They fell pros- 
 trate before him, eager to shew their submission 
 
m HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 and their joy. A monarch thus surrounded by 
 flatterers, all striving which should most gratify 
 his pride and passions, could not long con- 
 tinue good, though naturally inclined to virtue. 
 Xerxes> therefore, seems a character thus ruined 
 by power; exerting his natural justice and wis- 
 dom at short intervals, but then giving way to 
 the most culpable and extravagant excesses. 
 Thus the council of Artabanus being rejected, 
 and that of Mardonius favourably received, the 
 most extensive preparations were made for car- 
 rying on the war. 
 
 The greatness of these preparations seemed 
 to shew the high sense which the Persians had 
 of their enemy. Xerxes, that he might omit 
 nothing conducive to success, entered into an 
 alliance with the Carthaginians, who were, at 
 that time, the most potent people of the West; 
 with whom it was stipulated, that while the Per- 
 sian forces should attack Greece, the Carthagi- 
 nians should awe the Greek colonies, dispersed 
 over the Mediterranean, from coming to their 
 assistance. Thus having drained all the East to 
 compose his own army, and the West to supply 
 that af the Carthaginians under Amilcar, he set 
 out from Susa in order to enter upon this war, 
 
 ten years after the battle of Ma- 
 
 . A. M. 3523. 
 
 rath on. 
 
 Sardis was the place where the various nations 
 that were compelled to his banner were to as- 
 semble. His fleet was to advance alono: the , 
 
RETREAT OF XERXES. 
 
 lis 
 
 coasts of Asia Minor towards the Hellespont. 
 But as in doubling the cape of Mount Athos 
 many ships were detaineof, he was resolved to 
 cut a passage through that neck of land which 
 joined the mountain to the continent, and thus 
 give his shipping a shorter and safer passage. 
 This canal was a mile arid a half long, and hoi* 
 lowed out from a high mountain. It required 
 immense labour to perform so great a work, but 
 his numbers and his ambition were sufficient to 
 surmount all difficulties. To urge on the un- 
 dertaking the faster, he treated his labourers 
 with the greatest severity; while with all the 
 ostentation of an eastern prince, he gave his 
 commands to the mountain to sink before him; 
 Athos J thou proud, aspiring mountain, that 
 liftest up thy head unto the heavens, be not so 
 audacious as to put obstacles in my way. If 
 thou givest me that opposition, I will cut thee 
 level to the plain, and throw thee headlong into 
 the sea. 
 
 As this monarch passed on his march to the 
 place of general destination, he went through 
 Cappadoeia, crossed the river Halys, and came 
 to Calene, a city of Phrygia, near the source of 
 the river Meander. He was there met by Py- 
 thias, a Lydian prince, who, by the most extreme 
 parsimony and oppression, had become, next 
 to Xerxes, the most opulent man in all the Per- 
 sian empire. His treasures, however, were not 
 gitfficient to buy off the attendance of his eldesf 
 
 VOL. I. ^ 1 
 
114 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 soiij whom he requested might be permitted to- 
 remain with him^ as he was old and helpless^ 
 He had before offered hismoney^, which amount- 
 ed to about four millions sterlings for the mo- 
 narch's use; but this Xerxes had refused: and 
 now, finding the young prince willing to remain 
 with his father, he was so enraged, that he com - 
 manded him to be put to death before his fa- 
 ther's eyes. Then causing the dead body to be 
 cut in two, and one part of it to be placed on 
 the right, and the other on the left, he made the 
 whole army to pass between them, to terrify 
 them from a reluctance to engage by his ex- 
 ample. 
 
 From Phrygia Xerxes marched to Sardis, and, 
 in the opening of spring, directed his march 
 down towards the Hellespont, where his fleet lay- 
 in all their pomp, expecting his arrival. Here 
 being arrived, he was desirous of taking a survey 
 of all his forces, which composed an army which 
 was never equalled either before or since. It 
 was composed of the most powerful nations of 
 the East, and of people scarce known to posterity, 
 except by niime. The remotest India contri- 
 buted its supplies, while the coldest tracts of 
 Scythia sent their assistance. Medes, Persians, 
 Bactrians, Lydians, Assyrians, Hyrcanians, and 
 an hundred other countries, of various forms, 
 complexions, languages, dresses, and arms. The 
 land army which he brought out of Asia, con- 
 sisted of seventeen hundred thousand foot, and 
 
RETREAT OF XERXES. 
 
 115 
 
 fourscore thousand horse. Three hundred thou- 
 sand more, that were added upon crossing the 
 Hellespont, made all his land forces together 
 amount to above two millions of men. His 
 fleet, when it set out from Asia, consisted of 
 twelve hundred and seven vessels, each carrying 
 two hundred men. The Europeans augmented 
 his fleet with an hundred and twenty vessels, 
 each of which carried two hundred men. Besides 
 these there were a thousand smaller vessels, 
 fitted for carrying provisions and stores ; the 
 men contained in these, with the former, amount- 
 ed to six hundred thousand ; so that the whole 
 army might be said to amount to two millions 
 and an half, which, with the women, slaves, and 
 suttlers, always accompanying a Persian army, 
 might make the whole above five millions of 
 souls: a number, if rightly conducted, capable 
 of overturning the greatest monarchy; but being 
 commanded by presumption and ignorance, they 
 only served to obstruct and embarrass each other. 
 Lord of so many and such various subjects, 
 Xerxes found a pleasure in reviewing his forces, 
 and was desirous of beholding a naval engage- 
 ment, of which he had not hitherto been a spec- 
 tator. To this end a throne was erected for him 
 upon an eminence, and in that situation be- 
 holding all the earth covered with his troops, 
 and all the sea crowded with his vessels, he felt 
 a secret joy diffuse itself through his frame, 
 from the consciousnessof hisown superior power* 
 
 1% ■ 
 
116 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 But all the workings of this monarch's minci 
 were in extreme : a sudden sadness soon took 
 place of his pleasure, and dissolving in a showed 
 of tearSj he gave himself up to the reflection, 
 that not one of so many thousands would be alive 
 a hundred years after, 
 
 Artabanesy who neglected no opportunity of 
 moralizing upon every occurrence, took this oc- 
 casion to discourse with him upon the shortness 
 Sind miseries of human life. Finding this more 
 distant subject attended to, he spoke more closely 
 to the present occasion, insinuated his doubts of 
 the success of the expedition; urged the many 
 inconveniences the army had to suffer, if not 
 from the enemy, at least from their own num- 
 bers. He alledged, that plagues, famine, and 
 confusion, were the necessary attendants of such 
 ungovernable multitudes by land, and that empty 
 fame was the only reward of success. But it 
 was now too late to turn this young monarch 
 from his purpose. Xeroxes informed his monitor, 
 that great actions were always attended with 
 proportionable danger; and tbat if his prede-^ 
 cessors had observed such scrupulous and timo- 
 rous rules of conduct, the Persian empire would 
 never have attained to its present height of 
 glory. 
 
 Xerxes, in the mean time, had given orders 
 for building a bridge of boats across the Hel^ 
 l^spont, for the transporting- his army into Eu- 
 rope. Th^<5 narrow srtrait, which now goes hf 
 
RETREAT OF XERXES. 
 
 the name of the Dardanelles, is near an English 
 mile over. But soon after the completion of 
 this work, a violent storm arising, the whole was 
 broken and destroyed, and the labour was to be 
 undertaken anew. The fury of Xerxes upon 
 this disappointment, was attended with equal 
 extravagance and cruelty. His vengeance knew 
 no bounds; the workmen who had undertaken 
 the task, had their heads struck off by his order; 
 and that the sea itself also might know its duty, 
 he ordered it to be lashed as a delinquent, and 
 a pair of fetters to be thrown into it to curb its 
 future irregularities. Thus having given vent 
 to his absurd resentment, two bridges were or- 
 dered to be built in the place of the former, one 
 for the army to pass over, and the other for the 
 baggage and the beasts of burthen. The work^ 
 men, now warned by the fate of their prede^ 
 cessors, undertook to give their labours greater 
 stability : they placed three hundred and sixty 
 vessels across the strait, some of them having 
 three banks of oars, and others fifty oars a piece. 
 They then east large anchors into the water on 
 both sides, in order to fix these vessels against 
 the violence of the winds, and the current. They 
 then drove large piles into the earth, with huge 
 rings fastened to them, to which were tied six 
 vast cables, which went over each of the two 
 bridges. Over all these they laid trunks of trees, 
 cut purposely for that use, and flat boats again 
 pver them, fastened and joined together, so a& 
 
m. HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 to serve fol- a floor or solid bottom. When the 
 whole work was thus completed, a day was ap- 
 pointed for their passing over ; and as soon a^j 
 the first rays of the sun began to appear, sweet 
 odours of all kinds were abundantly : cattered 
 over the new work, and the way was strewed 
 with myrtle. At the same time Xerxes poured 
 out libations into the sea, and turning his face 
 towards the east, worshipped thatbright luminary 
 which is the god of the Persians, Then, throw- 
 ino; the vessel which had held his libation into 
 the sea, together with a golden cup and Persian 
 cimeter, he v/ent forward, and gave orders for 
 the army to follow. This immense train were 
 no less than seven days and seven nights passing 
 over, while those who were appointed to con- 
 duct the march, quickened the troops by lash- 
 ing them along; for the soldiers of the East, at 
 that time and to this very day, are treated like 
 slaves. 
 
 Thus this immense army having landed in 
 Europe, and being joined by the several Euro- 
 pean nations that acknowledge the Persian 
 power, Xerxes prepared for marching directly 
 forward into Greece. Beside the generals, of 
 every nation, who each of them commanded 
 the troops of their respective countries, the 
 land army was commanded by six Persian ge- 
 nerals, to whom all the rest were subordinate. 
 These were Mardonius, Tirintatechmus, Smer- 
 donus, Massistus, Gergis, and Megabyzus. Ten 
 
RETREAT OF XERXES- 119 
 
 thousand Persians, who were called the Im- 
 mortal Band, were commanded by Hydarnes, 
 while the cavalry and the fleet had their own 
 respective commanders. Beside those who were 
 attached to Xerxes from principle, there were 
 some Greek princes, who, either from motives 
 of interest or fear, followed him in this expe- 
 dition. Among these were Artemisia, queen 
 of Halicarnassus, who, after the death of her 
 husband, governed the kingdom for her son. 
 She had brought indeed but the trifling succour 
 of five ships, but she had made ample amends 
 by her superior prudence, courage, and conduct. 
 Of this number also was Demaratus, the exiled 
 king of Sparta, who, resenting the indignity 
 put upon him by his subjects, took refuge in 
 the Persian court, an indignant spectator of its 
 luxuries and slavish submission. Being one 
 day asked by Xerxes if he thought the Grecians 
 vfould dare to wait his approach, or would ven- 
 ture an engagement with armies that drank up 
 whole rivers in their march, "Alas, great prince," 
 cried Demaratus, Greece, from the beginning 
 of time, has been trained up and accustomed 
 to poverty ; but the defects of that are amply 
 recompensed by virtue, which wisdom culti- 
 vates, and the laws support in vigour. As for 
 the Lacedaemonians, as they have been bred up 
 in freedom, they can never submit to be slaves. 
 Though all the rest of the Greeks should forsake 
 them, though they should be reduced to a band 
 
HISTOKY OF GREECE. 
 
 of a thousand men, yet still they would face 
 every danger, to presence what they hold dearer 
 than life. They have laws, which they obey 
 with more implicit reverence than your subjects 
 are obeyed by you. By these laws they are 
 forbid to fly in battle, and they have only the 
 alternative to conquer or die." Xerxes was not 
 offended with the liberty of Demaratus, but, 
 smiling at his blunt sincerity, ordered his army 
 to march forward, while he had directed his 
 fleet to follow him along the coast, and to re- 
 gulate their course by his motions. 
 
 In this manner he pursued his course without 
 any interruption ; every nation near which he 
 approached, sending him all the marks of ho- 
 mage and subjection. Wherever he came, he 
 found provisions and refreshments prepared be- 
 fore-hand, pursuant to the orders he had given. 
 Every city he arrived at, exhausted itsejf in 
 giving him the most magnificent reception. 
 The vast expence of these feasts, gave a poor 
 Thracian an opportunity of remarking, that it 
 w^as a peculiar favour of the gods, that Xerxes 
 could eat but one meal a day. Thus did he 
 continue his march through Thrace, Macedonia, 
 and Thessaly, every knee bending before him 
 till he came to the straits of Thermopylae, where 
 he first found an army prepared to dispute his 
 passage. 
 
 This army was a body of Spartans, led on by 
 Leonidas their king, who had been sent thiihei 
 
RETREAT OF XERXES. l^l 
 
 to oppose him. As soon as it was known in 
 Greece that Xerxes was preparing to invade 
 that country, and that an army of millions were 
 eomins: on with determined resolution to ruin 
 it, every state seemed differently affected ir^ 
 proportion to its strength, its courage, or its si- 
 tuation. The Sicilians refused their aid, being 
 kept in awe by Amilcar the Carthaginian. The 
 Corcyreans pretended that they were wind- 
 bound, and would not let their ships stir from 
 the harbour. The Cretans, having consulted 
 the Delphic oracle, absolutely determined to 
 remain inactive. The Thessalians and Macedo- 
 nians, from their situation, were obliged to 
 submit to the conqueror, so that no states were 
 found bold enough to face this formidable army 
 but Athens and Lacedasmon. These states had 
 received intelligence of the Persian designs 
 from DemaratuJ, long before they had been put 
 into execution. They had also sent spies to 
 Sardis, in order to have a more exact informa- 
 tion of the number and quality of the enemy's 
 forces. The spies indeed were seized, but 
 Xerxes ordered them to be conducted through 
 his army, and to give an exact account of what 
 they had seen at their return. They had sent 
 deputies to all the neighbouring states to awaken 
 their ardour, to apprize them of their danger, 
 and to urge the necessity of fighting for their 
 common safety. But all their remonstrances 
 tvere vain; fear, assuming the name of pr«- 
 
122 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 dence^, offered frivolous excuses^ or terms which 
 are inadmissible. Relying therefore on their 
 own strength, these generous states resolved to 
 face the danger with joint forces^, and conquer 
 or fall in the cause of freedom. Having sum- 
 moned a general council at the Isthmus, they 
 there solemnly resolved to wave all private quar- 
 rels or pretensions, and join against the com- 
 mon danger. 
 
 One cannot, without astonishment, reflect on 
 the intrepidity of the Greeks, who determined 
 to face the innumerable army of Xerxes with 
 such disproportioned forces. All their forces 
 joined together, amounted only to eleven thou- 
 sand two hundred men. But they were all sol- 
 diers, bred amidst fatigue and danger, all de- 
 termined to a man either to conquer or die. 
 Their first care, however, was to appoint a ge- 
 neral. It was then that the most able and ex- 
 perienced captains,, terrified at the danger, 
 had taken the resolution of not presenting 
 themselves as candidates. Epicydes indeed, a 
 great orator, but a man of ignorance, avarice, 
 and presumption, was reacjy to lead them on ; 
 but under his guidance nothing could be hoped 
 for but confusion and disappointment. In this 
 pressing juncture, therefore, Themistocles, con- 
 scious of his own capacity, and warmed with a 
 love of glory, which was great in proportion to 
 the danger, resolved to use every art to get 
 himself appointed to the command. For this 
 
RETREAT OF XERXES. 
 
 1^3 
 
 purpose he used all his interest, and even dis- 
 tributed bribes to remove his competitor; and 
 having gratified the avarice of Epicydes, which 
 was his ruling passion, he soon found himself 
 appointed to the command, which was the dar- 
 ling object of his ambition. 
 
 But in this pressing exigence, it was incum- 
 bent on the Athenians to avail themselves of 
 every person that might be serviceable, how- 
 ever obnoxious he might appear to their resent- 
 ment. There were many useful citizens whom 
 they had upon some factious discontents, sent 
 into banishment, and these they now repentinglj 
 wished to restore. Among this number was 
 Aristides, that brave and just man, who had, at 
 the battle of Marathon, and upon other occa- 
 sions, been instrumental in gaining their vic- 
 tories ; and who had upon all occasions, im- 
 proved them by the disinterestedness and inte- 
 grity of his exampk. This magistrate having 
 had many contests with Themistocles, who was 
 his rival in power and fame, and alwaye^wished 
 to supplant him, was at length condemned to 
 go into banishment by the power of his pre- 
 vailing faction. It was on that occasion that a 
 peasant, who could not write, and did not know 
 Aristides personally, applied to himself, and de- 
 sired him to write the name of Aristides upon 
 the shell by which his vote was given against 
 him. Has he done you any wrong," said 
 Aristides, " that you are for condemning him 
 
 3 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 ill this manner?" No/' replied the peasant;, 
 but I hate to hear him praised for his jm- 
 ticeJ' Aristides, without saying a word more, 
 cahnly took the shell, wrote down his name upon 
 it^ and contentedly retired into banishment. But 
 the present distresses of his country were now 
 zn object that strongly solicited his return. 
 Even Themistocles, his rival, was so far from 
 remembering his old resentments, that he now 
 ardently desired the assistance of his counsel, 
 and gave up all his private resentments to thp 
 good of the state. The hatred of these great 
 men had nothing in it of that bitter and impla- 
 cable spirit which prevailed among the Romans 
 in the latter times of the republic, or perhaps 
 the desperate situation of their country might 
 only occupy their thoughts at that time. 
 
 But the preparations by land alone were not 
 sufficient to repel the growing danger. If the 
 Greeks had trusted to their land armies, without 
 further succour, they must have been undone. 
 Themi^tocles, who saw that the victory of Mara- 
 thon must be followed by many more before 
 Safety could be ascertained, had prudently caused 
 ^n hundred gallies to be built, and turned all 
 his thoughts to give Athens a superiority at sea. 
 The oracle had declared some time before that 
 Athens should only defend herself with wooden 
 walls; and he took the advantage of that ambir 
 guity to persuade his countrymen, that by such 
 walls was only meant her shipping. He had the 
 
RETREAT OF XERXES. m 
 
 address to procure some money annually com* 
 ing in from silver mines which the Athenians 
 had in their district, to the purposes of equip- 
 ping and manning this fleet ; and now, upon 
 the approach of Xerxes, the confederates found 
 themselves at the head of a very powerful squa* 
 dron of two hundred and eighty sail, the com- 
 mand of which was conferred upon Eurybiades^ 
 a Lacedaemonian. 
 
 When the news came to Athens, that the Per- 
 sians were on the point of invading Greece, and 
 that to this end they were transporting their 
 forces by sea, Themistocles advised his country-* 
 men to quit their city, embark on board their 
 gallies, and meet their enemies while they were 
 yet at a distance. To this expedient they would 
 by no means consent. He then put himself at 
 the head of their army. 
 
 All measures being taken that this brave con- 
 federacy could devise, it next remained to set- 
 tle in what place they should first meet the Per- 
 sians in the field, in order to dispute their en- 
 trance into Greece, The people of Thessaly 
 represented, that as they were most exposed, 
 and first liable to be attacked by the enemy, it 
 was but reasonable that their security should be 
 the first object of attention. The Greeks, will- 
 ing to protect all who would declare in their 
 quarrel, in pursuance of this request, resolved 
 tp send their chief forces to guard the passage 
 which separates Macedonia from Thessaly, near 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 the river Peneus. But Alexander, the son of 
 Amyntas, representing that post as untenable, 
 they were obliged to change their measures ; 
 and at last resolved to send a body of men to 
 guard the pass at Thermopylae, where a few were 
 capable of acting against numbers. 
 
 Thermopylae was a narrow pass of twenty-five 
 feet broad, between Thessaly and Phocis, de- 
 fended by the remains of a wall, with gates to it, 
 formerly built by the Phocians, to secure them 
 against the incursions of their neighbouring 
 enemy. From these gates, and some hot baths, 
 which were at the entrance into the pass, the 
 strait had its name. This was pitched upon, as? 
 well for the narrowness of the way, as for its 
 vicinity to the sea, from whence the land forces 
 could occasionally receive assistance from the 
 -fleet. The command of this important pass was 
 given to Leonidas, one of the kings of Sparta, 
 who led thither a body of six thousand men. Of 
 these three hundred were Spartans, the rest con- 
 sisting of Boeotians, Corinthians, Phocians, and 
 Arcadians, all such as in the present exigency 
 were prepared for the field, and were not afraid 
 of the numbers of the enemy. Each of these 
 had particular commanders of fheir ov^^n, but 
 Leonidas had the conduct of the' whole. But 
 though the determined resolution of these troops 
 was incapable of being shaken, little was expected 
 from the nature of their destination. They were 
 all along taught to look upon themselves as at 
 
RETREAT OF XERXES. 127 
 
 forlorn hope, only placed there to check the pro- 
 gress of the enemy, and give them a foretaste of 
 the desperate valour of Greece; nor were even 
 oracles wanting to check their ardour. It had 
 been declared, that to procure the safety of 
 Greece, it was necessary that a king, one of the 
 descendants of Hercules, should die* This task 
 was cheerfully undertaken by Leonidas; and as 
 he marched out from Lacedasmon, he considered 
 himself as a willing victim offered up for the 
 good of his country. However, he joyfully put 
 Jiimself at the head of his little band, took pos- 
 session of his post, and with deliberate despe- 
 ration, waited at Thermopylse for the coming up 
 of the Persian army. 
 
 Xerxes, in the mean time, approached with 
 his numerous army, flushed with success, and 
 confident of victory. His camp exhibited all 
 the marks of eastern magnilicence and Asiatic 
 luxury. He expected to meet no obstruction 
 on his way to Greece ; he led on his forces ra- 
 ther to terrify the enemy than to fight them; 
 great, therefore was his surprize, to find that few 
 desperate men were determined to dispute his 
 passage. He had all along flattered himself, that 
 on the first hearing of his arrival the Grecians 
 would betake themselves to flight; nor could 
 he ever be persuaded to believe what Demaratus 
 had assured him, that at the first pass he came 
 to his whole army would be put to a stand. He 
 himself took a view of their camps and intrench- 
 
|2i - HISTORY OF GREECB. 
 
 snents. The Lacedemonians were some of the^it 
 calmly amu-ing themselves with military ex- 
 ercises, others with combing their long hair. 
 He enquired the reason of this conduct ; and he 
 was informed that it was the Spartan manner of 
 preparing themselves for battle. Still, however, 
 entertaining some hopes of their flight, he wait- 
 ed four days to give them time to reflect on the 
 greatness of their danger; but they still con- 
 tinued gay and unconcerned, as men who re- 
 garded death as the end of labour. He sent to 
 them to deliver up their arms. Leonidas, with 
 truly Spartan contem.pt, desired him to corne and 
 take them. He offered^ if they would lay down 
 their arms, to receive them as friends, and to 
 give them a country much larger and better than 
 what they fought for. No country, they replied-, 
 was worth acceptance, unless won by virtue ; 
 and that for their arms, they should want them, 
 w^hether as his friends or enemies. Upon thisy 
 the monarch addressed himself to Demaratus, 
 asking, if these desperate men could expect to 
 out-run his horses? Demaratus answered,^ that 
 they would fight it out to the last, and not a man 
 of them would survive his country's freedom. 
 Some men were heard to say, that the Persians 
 were so numerous, that their darts would darken 
 the sun. Dieneces, a Spartan, replied. Then we 
 shall fight in the shade. 
 
 Xerxes, thus treated with contempt, at length 
 ordered a body of Modes to ad\ance; desiring 
 
RETREAT OF XERXES. m 
 
 such as had lost any of their relations at the bat- 
 tle of Marathon, to take their revenge upon the 
 present occasion. Accordingly they began the 
 onset, but were repulsed with great loss. The 
 number of the assailants only served to increase 
 their confusion ; and it now began to appear^ that 
 Xerxes had many followers, but few soldiers. 
 These forces being routed by the Grecian troops, 
 the Persian Immortal Band was brought up^.. con- 
 sisting of ten thousand men, to oppose them. 
 But these were as unsuccessful as the former. 
 The charge w^as renewed the next day, Xerxes 
 endeavouring to inspire his troops with the pro- 
 mises of reward, since he found they were dead 
 to the sense of shame. But though their charge 
 was violent, it was unsupported ; and the Greeks 
 standing closely connected in a body, withstood 
 the shock, and filled the way with Persian car- 
 casses. During these unsuccessful assaults 
 Xerxes was a spectator, sitting upon his throne, 
 placed upon an eminence^ and directing the 
 order of battle, impetuous in his pride and re- 
 sentment, and now and then seen to leap from 
 his seat when he beheld his troops in confusion, 
 or offering to give way. 
 
 Thus did the Greeks keep their ground for 
 two days, and no power on earth seemed capable 
 of removing them from their advantageous situ- 
 ation. Xerxes, out of all hopes of being able 
 to force a passage, appeared under the greatest 
 consternation ; but he was relieved from his 
 
 VOL. I. K 
 
ISO HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 embarrassment by the appearance ofEpialtes, 
 a Trachinian. who had deserted from the enemy, 
 and undertook to shew his troops a secret path, 
 that led through the defiles of the mountains, 
 and through which a body of forces might be 
 led to fall upon the Grecians in the rear. He 
 quickly, therefore, dispatched a body of twenty- 
 thousand men thither, v.ho marching all night, 
 arrived, at the break of day, at the top of the 
 mountain, and possessed themselves of that ad- 
 vantageous post. 
 
 The Greeks were soon apprized of this mis- 
 fortune; and Leonidas, seeing that his post was 
 ho longer tenable, advised the troops of his al- 
 lies to retire, and reserve themselves for better 
 times, and the future safety of Greece. As for 
 himself, and his fellow Spartans, they were ob- 
 liged by their laws not to fly ; that he owed a 
 life to his country, and that it was now his duty 
 to fall in its defence. Thus having dismissed all 
 but his three hundred Spartans, with some Thes- 
 pians and Thebans, in all not a thousand men, 
 he exhorted his followers in the most cheerful 
 manner to prepare for death. Come, my fdlom 
 soldiers, says he, let us dine cheerfully here, 
 for to night we shall sup with Pluto. His men, 
 upon hearing his determined purpose, set up a 
 loud shout, as if they had been invited to a ban- 
 quet, and resolved every man to sell his life as 
 dearly as he could. The night now began to 
 advance, and thig was thought the most gloriou? 
 
 4 
 
RETHEA'T OF XERXES, 181 
 
 opportunity of meeting death in the enemy'^ 
 camp> wliere the silence would favour despera- 
 tion, and hide the smallness of their numbers. 
 Thus resolved, they made directly to the Persian 
 tents, and in the darkness of the night, had 
 almost reached the royal pavillion, with hopes of 
 surprising the king. The obscurity added much 
 to the horror of the scene; and the Persians, 
 falling upon each other without distinction, 
 rather assisted the Grecians than defended them- 
 selves. Thus success seemed to crown the rash* 
 ness of their enterprize, until the morning be- 
 ginning to dawn, the light discovered the small- 
 ness of their numbers. They were soon, there- 
 fore, surrounded by the Persian forces, who, 
 fearing to fall in upon them, flung their javelins 
 from every quarter, till the Greeks not so much 
 conquered, as tired with conquering, fell amidst 
 heaps of the slaughtered enemy, leaving behind 
 them an example of intrepidity never known 
 before. Leonidas was one of the first that fell, 
 and the endeavours of the Lacedaemonians to 
 defend his dead body were incredible. It was 
 found after the battle, buried under a mountain 
 of the dead, and was nailed to a cross by way of 
 infamy, by the brutal victor. Of all the train, 
 two only escaped, whose names were Aristodemus 
 and Panites. The latter, upon his return to 
 Sparta, was branded with infamy, and treated 
 with such contempt, that he killed himself. 
 Aristodemus reserved himself for-another occa- 
 
 K 2 
 
132 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 sion, and by his bravery at the battle of Plates^ 
 recovered that honour which he had lost. Some 
 time after this transaction, the Amphyctions 
 ordered a magnificent moiiiirnent to be erected 
 over those brave defenders of their country, 
 and Simonides, the poet, wrote their epitaph. 
 
 Xerxes in this battle is said to have lost 
 twenty thousand men, among whom were two 
 of his brothers. But to conceal the greatnesi 
 of his loss from the army, he caused all but a 
 thousand of those that were slain, to be buried 
 in holes indiscriminately; however, this stra- 
 tagem had very bad success, for when the sol- 
 diers of his fleet were curious some time after 
 in taking a survey of the field of battle, they 
 discovered the artifice, and urged it as an act 
 of flagrant impiety against him. 
 
 Dismayed at an obstinacy in the enemy that 
 cost him so dear, Xerxes was, for some time, 
 more inclined to try his fortune at sea, than to 
 proceed immediately into the country, where 
 he had learned from Demaratus, that eight 
 thousand Spartans, such as he had but lately 
 fought with, were ready to receive him. Ac- 
 cordingly, the very day of the battle of Ther- 
 mopylae, there was an engagement at sea be- 
 tween the two fleets. The Grecian fleet con- 
 sisted of two hundred and seventy-one vessels. 
 That of the enemy had lately lost four hundred 
 vessels in a shipwreck but was still greatly su- 
 perior to the fleet of the Grecians. To repair 
 
HETREAT OF XERXES. ISS 
 
 this loss by a victory, two hundred Persian 
 vessels had orders to take a compass and sur- 
 prize the Grecians lying in the streights of 
 Euboea; but the Grecians being apprized of 
 their designs, set sail by night, and so, by a 
 counter surprize, fell in with them while they 
 were thus separated from their main squadron, 
 took and sunk thirty, forced the rest to sea, 
 and there, by stress of weather, they were all 
 soon after either sunk or stranded. Enraged at 
 these disappointments, the Persians bore down 
 the next day with their whole fleet, and draw- 
 ing up in form of an half-moon, made an offer 
 of battle, which the Greeks as readily acce* t- 
 cd. The Athenians, having been reinforced 
 with three and fifty sail, the battle was very 
 obstinate and bloody, and the success pretty 
 nearly equal on both sides, so that both parties 
 seemed content to retire in good order. 
 
 All these actions which passed near Artemisa, 
 though at that time indecisive, yet served not 
 a little to animate and inspire the Athenians, 
 who were now tauglvt to think that there was 
 nothing either formidable in their numbers, or 
 useful in the size of the Persian ships. Thus 
 strengthening themselves with the hopes of 
 more splendid engagements they sailed away 
 from Artemisa, and stopped at Salamis, where 
 they might most conveniently assist the Athe- 
 aiians. 
 
 In the mean time, Xerxes having entered . 
 
184 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 with his numerous army into the country of 
 Phocisj burned and plundered every town 
 through which he passed. The inhabitants of 
 Peloponnesus, who were naturally defended by 
 their inaccessible situation, as their country 
 was joined to the continent only by a neck of 
 land, thought it the most prudent way to de- 
 fend the isthmus by a wall, take shelter behind 
 that rampart, and to leave the rest of Greece 
 to the mercy of the conqueror. The Athe- 
 nians, however, whose country lay without the 
 isthmus, remonstrated loudly against this deser- 
 tion, and endeavoured to persuade the Greeks 
 to face the enemy in the plain. But prudence 
 prevailed, and Themistocles gave them to un- 
 derstand, that though their country should be 
 for a while overrun by the barbarous invader, 
 yet they had still their wooden walls to rely on, 
 for their fleet was ready to transport them to 
 such of their settlements as they thought proper. 
 At first^ however, this advice was the most 
 hateful that could be imagined. The people 
 thought themselves inevitably lost if they 
 should once abandon the temples of their gods, 
 and the tombs of their ancestors. But Themis* 
 tocles using all his eloquence and address to 
 work upon their passions, represented to them 
 that Athens did not consist either of its walls 
 or its houses, but of its citizens, and that the 
 saving of these was the true preservation of 
 the state, A decree therefore was passed, by 
 
 1 
 
RETREAT OF XERXES. 1S6 
 
 which it was ordained, that Athens for a while 
 should be given up in trust to the gods, and 
 that all the inhabitants, whether in freedom 
 or slavery should embark on bojrd the fleet. 
 When they began to prepare for this extraor- 
 dinary embarkation, they had recourse to the 
 council of Areopagus, who, from funds to us 
 unknown, distributed eight drachmas to every 
 man who went on board. In this calamitous 
 desertion Cimon, though very young, was seen 
 encouraging the citizens by his words and ex- 
 ample. Bearing in his hand a part of his 
 horse's furniture, he went to offer it as now use- 
 less, in the temple of Minerva, and then going 
 down to the water-side, was the first that cheer- 
 fully went on board. When he was followed 
 by the rest of the city, so moving and melan- 
 choly a sight drew tears even from the most 
 obdurate. A brave, generous, polite, and an 
 cient people, now forced from their native seats, 
 to undergo all the vicissitudes and dangers of 
 the sea; to implore a retreat from foreign 
 states, and give up their native lands to the 
 spoiler was a most moving spectacle. Yet the 
 steadiness and courage of some, and the pious 
 Resignation of all, demanded the utmost admi- 
 ration. The young and adventurous embarked 
 for Salamis, the old, the women, and children, 
 took shelter at the city of Trezene, the inha- 
 bitants of which generously offered them an 
 asylum. They even allowed them a mainte- 
 
156 HISTORY 01^ GREECE. 
 
 nance at the expence of the public, permitted 
 their children to gather fruit wherever they 
 pleased, and appointed masters for their in- 
 struction. But in this general desertion, that 
 which extremely raised the compassion of all, 
 was the great number of old men they were 
 obliged to leave in the city, on account of their 
 age and infirmities. Many also voluntarily re- 
 mained behind, believing that the citadel, 
 which they had fortified with wooden ramparts, 
 was what the oracle pointed out for general se- 
 curity. To heighten this scene of general dis- 
 tress, the matrons were seen clinging with 
 fond affection to the places in which they had 
 so long resided; the wivesfilled the streets with 
 loud lamentations, and even the poor domestic 
 animals seemed to take a part in the general 
 concern. It was impossible to see those poor 
 creatures run howling and crying after their 
 masters, who were going on ship board, with- 
 out being strongly affected. Among these, the 
 faithfulness of a particular dog is recorded, who 
 jumped into the sea after his master, and con- 
 tinued swimming as near as he could to the 
 vessel till he landed at Salamis, and died the 
 moment after upon the shore. Those few in- 
 habitants that remained behind retired into the 
 citadel, where, literally interpreting the ora- 
 cle, they fortified it as well as they could, and 
 patiently awaited the invader's approach. 
 While Xerxes was continuing his march^ hf 
 
RETREAT OF XERXES. 137 
 
 was told that the Grecians were employed in 
 seeing the games and combats then celebrating 
 ^t Olympia. It was not without indignation 
 that he found his power so little able to temfy 
 his enemies, or interrupt trieir amusements. 
 Having sent off a considerable detachinent of 
 his army to plunder the temple at Delpho^s 
 with the rest he marched dow^i ir.to Attica, 
 where he found Athens deserted i^f all but a 
 few in the citadel. These men despairing of 
 succour, and un\villing to survive the loss of 
 their country, w^ould listen to no terms of ac- 
 commodation ; they boldly withstood the fin^t as- 
 sault, and, w^armed by enthusiasm of religion, 
 began to hope for success. But a second as- 
 sault carried their feeble out-works; they were 
 all put to the sword, and the citadel reduced 
 to ashes. Flushed witli this success, Xerxes 
 dispatched a messenger to Susa with the news 
 of his victories, and, at the same time, sent 
 home a great number of pictures and statues, 
 among which were those of Harmodius and 
 Aristogiton, 
 
 In the mean time the confederate Greeks sum- 
 moned a council of w^ar, to consult upon the 
 proper manner and place of opposing this bar- 
 barous inundation. With respect to the ope- 
 rations by land, it was universally determined 
 to defend the isthmus by a wall, and Cleom- 
 brotus, the brother of Lconidas, was appointed 
 to command that station;* but as t» the opera- 
 
1^ HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 tions at sea, these were so not generally agreed 
 on. Eurybiades the Spartan^ who was appoint- 
 ed to the command of the fleet, was for having it 
 advance near the isthmus, that it might co-ope- 
 rate with the army at land; but Themistocles 
 was entirely of another opinion, and asserted, 
 that it would be the most manifest error to 
 abandon so advantageous a post as that of Sala- 
 mis, where they were then stationed. They were 
 now, he said, in possession of the narrow seas, 
 where the number qf the enemy could never 
 avail them; that the only hope now left the 
 Athenians was their fleet, and' that this must 
 not be capriciously given up by ignorance to 
 the enemy. Eurybiades, who considered him- 
 self as glanced at, could not contain his resent- 
 tnent, but offered to strike Themistocles for his 
 insolence* Strike nid cried the Athenian, 
 strike me, hut hear me. His moderation and 
 his reasoning prevailed ; the generals were re- 
 conciled to each other, and the result of the 
 council was, that they should prepare to receive 
 the Persians on the isthmus by land, and in the 
 strait of Salamis by sea. 
 
 Meanwhile Xerxes, after having demolished 
 and burned Athens, marched down towards the 
 sea, to act in conjunction with his fleet, which 
 he had determined should once more come to 
 an engagement with the enemy. This was 
 what Themistocles most ardently desired in his 
 present situation, but he was fearful his confer 
 
RETREAT OF XERXES. 
 
 139 
 
 derates would not have courage to abide the 
 encounter. Their thoughts were still bent upon 
 sailing towards the Isthmus, and assisting their 
 army in case of distress. Themistocles, there- 
 fore^ in this exigence, was obliged to have re- 
 course to one of those stratagems which mark 
 superiority of genius : he contrived to let Xerxes 
 privately understand, that the confederates were 
 now assembled at Salamis, preparing for flight, 
 and that it would be an easy task to attack and 
 destroy them. This information was attended 
 with the desired success. Xerxes gave orders 
 to his fleet to surround Salamis by night, in 
 order to prevent an escape, which he so much 
 dreaded. 
 
 In this manner the Grecian fleet was blocked 
 up, and no safety remained but in intrepidity and 
 conquest. Even Themistocles himself was not 
 apprized of the situation of his own forces and 
 that of the enemy ; all the narrow straits were 
 blocked up, and the rest of the Persian fleet 
 were sent for, to make every passage impracti- 
 cable. In this exigence Aristides, in whose 
 bosom the love of his country always prevailed 
 over every private revenge, was resolved to 
 venture all, in order to apprize Themistocles of 
 his situation and danger. He was then at Egina, 
 where he had some forces under his command, 
 and with very great danger ventured in a small 
 boat through all the fleet of the enemy by night. 
 Upon landing he made up to the tent ot The^ 
 
140 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 mistocles^ and addressed him in the following 
 manner: — " If we are wise, Themistocles, we 
 " shall henceforth lay aside those vain and 
 " puerile dissensions which have hitherto sepa- 
 rated ua. One strife, and a noble emulation 
 it is, now remains for us, which of us shall be 
 most serviceable to our country. It is your's 
 to command as a general, it is mine to obey 
 " as a subject; and happy shall I be, if my ad- 
 " vice can any way contribute to your and my 
 country's glory." He then informed him of 
 the fleets real situation, and warmly exhorted 
 him to give battle without delay. Themistocles 
 felt all that generous gratitude which so disin- 
 terested a conduct demanded; and, eager to 
 shew a return of noble friendship, let him into 
 all his projects and aims, particularly this last, 
 of suffering himself to be surrounded. After 
 this, they used their joint authority with the 
 other commanders to persuade them to engage, 
 and accordingly both fleets prepared themselves 
 for battle. 
 
 The Grecian fleet consisted of three hundred 
 and eighty ships, the Persian fleet was much more 
 numerous; but whatever advantage they had 
 in numbers, and the size of their ships, they 
 fell infinitely short of the Greeks in their navai 
 skill, and their acquaintance with the seas where 
 they fought; but it was particularly in their 
 commander that the Greeks had the advantage. 
 Eurybiades had nominally the conduct of the 
 
:retreat of xerxes. m 
 
 fleet, but Themistocles in reality conducted all 
 their operations. Nothing escaped his vigilance, 
 and he knew how to improve every incident to 
 the greatest advantage. He therefore deferred 
 the onset until a wind, which at that time of tho 
 year was periodical, and which he knew would 
 be favourable, should set in. As soon as this 
 arose, the signal was given for battle, and the 
 Grecian fleet sailed forward in exact order. 
 
 Xerxes imputing his former ill success at sea 
 to his own absence, was resolved to be a witness 
 of the present engagement from the top of a 
 promontory, where he caused a throne to be 
 erected for that purpose. This served, in some 
 measure, to animate his forces, who, conscious 
 of their king s observance of them, resolved to 
 merit his applause. The Persians, therefore, 
 advanced with such courage and impetuosity, as 
 struck the eneniy with terror, but their ardour 
 abated when the engagement became closer. 
 The numerous disadvantages of their circum- 
 stances and situation then began to appear. The 
 wind blew directly in their faces ; the height 
 and heaviness of their vessels rendered them un- 
 wieldy and useless ; even the number of their 
 ships in the narrow sea where they fought, only 
 served to embarrass and increase their confusion. 
 The lonians, whom Themistocles had implored, 
 by characters engraven along the rocks of the 
 coast, to remember from whence they derived 
 ttieir original;, were the first who betook them- 
 
Uf HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 selves to flight. In the other win^ the contest 
 was for some time doubtful, until the Phoeni- 
 xians and Cyprians being driven on shore^ the 
 rest retired in great disorder, and fell foul of 
 each other in theirtetreat. In this total defection, 
 Artemisa alone seemed to stop the progress of 
 ■victory; and^ at the head of her five ships, per- 
 formed incredible acts of valour. Xerxes, who 
 was a spectator of her conduct, could not help 
 crying out, that his soldiers behaved like women 
 in the conflict, and the women like soldiers. As 
 this queen, from her signal intrepidity, was be- 
 come very obnoxious to the Athenians, a price 
 was set upon her head : sensible of which, as she 
 was upon the point of falling into their hands, 
 by a lucky turn of thought, she pretended to 
 desert from her own party, and to fall foul of 
 one of their ships. The Greeks thus concluding 
 that she either belonged to them, or was a de- 
 . serter, permitted her to escape. In the mean 
 time the confederates pursued the Persian fleet 
 on every side ; some were intercepted at the 
 straits of Attica, many were sunk, and more 
 taken. Above two hundred were burnt, all the 
 rest were dispersed ; and the allies, dreading the 
 resentment of the Greeks, as well as of the Per- 
 sian king, made the best of their way to their 
 own country. 
 
 Such was the success of the battle of Salamis, 
 in which the Persians had received a severer 
 felow than they had ever hitherto experienced 
 
RETREAT OF XERXES. 
 
 143 
 
 from Greece. Themistocles^ in a secret con- 
 versation with Aristidcs, was, or pretended to 
 be so elated, as to propose breaking down tlie 
 bridge by which Xerxes had made his way into 
 Europe. Whether Themistocles was really sin- 
 cere in the proposal remains a doubt; but Aris- 
 tides used all his powers to dissuade his coad- 
 jutor from such an undertaking. He represented 
 to him the danger of reducing so powerful an 
 enemy to desperation, and asserted, that it was 
 his wish to be relisved from such an usurper 
 with all possible dispatch. Themistocles at once 
 acquiesced in his reasons; and, in order to 
 hasten the king's departure, contrived to have 
 him secretly informed, that the Grecians design- 
 ed to break down the bridge. 
 
 The situation of Xerxes was such, that the 
 smallest repulse was now sufficient to wean him 
 from his darling expedition. Astonished at the 
 late overthrow, and alarmed at this new informa- 
 tion, he only wanted a decent pretext for treat- 
 ing, when Mardonius came conveniently to ex- 
 tricate him from his embarrassments. He began 
 by extenuating the late loss, and the many ex-* 
 pedients that remained to relieve their situation ; 
 he laid all the blame of their defeat upon the 
 cowardice of the auxiliaries, and their insincere 
 attachment to his cause. He advised him to re- 
 turn speedily to his kingdom, lest his ill success, 
 and fame, which always represents things worse 
 than they are, should occasion any commotions 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 in his absence. He engaged, if he would leave 
 him three hundred thousand of his choice troops, 
 to subdue all Greece with glory. On the other 
 hand, if the event proved otherwise/ he would 
 take all the blame of miscarriage, and suffer in 
 person, if it were to retrieve the honour of his 
 master. This advice was very well received by 
 Xerxes, who, thinking enough had been given 
 to glory, when he had made himself master of 
 Athens, prepared to return to Persia at the head 
 of a part of his army; leaving the other part of 
 it with Mardonius, not so much with the hopes 
 of reducing Greece, as through the fear of being 
 pursued. 
 
 These resolutions were communicated in a 
 council held soon after the fight; _and the night 
 following, the fleet set sail in great confusion to- 
 wards the Hellespont, and took up their winter 
 quarters at Cuma. The king himself leaving the 
 generals to take care of the army, hastened with a 
 small retinue to the sea side, which he reached for^ 
 ty-five days after the battle of Salamis. When he 
 arrived at that place, he found the bridge broken 
 down by the violence of the waves, in a tempest 
 that had lately happened. He was therefore 
 obliged to pass ihe strait in a small boat ; which 
 manner of returning, being compared to the os- 
 tentatious method in which he had set out, render- 
 ed his disgrace still more poignant and alllicting. 
 The army which he had ordered to follow him, 
 having been unprovided with provisions, suffer- 
 
 4 
 
RETREAT OF XERXE^. 1^5 
 
 ed great hardships by the way. After having con- 
 sumed all the corn they could find, they were 
 obliged to live upon herbs, and even upon the 
 bark and leaves of trees. Thus harassed and fa- 
 tigued, a pestilence began to complete their mi- 
 sery : and after a fatiguing journey of forty-five 
 days, in which they were pursued rather by vul- 
 tures and beasts of prey, than by men, they came 
 to the Hellespont, where they crossed over. They 
 marched from thence to Sardis. Such was the 
 end of Xerxes' expedition into Greece : a mea- 
 sure begun in pride, and terminated in infamy* 
 It is to be observed, however, that we have all 
 this account from the Greek writers only, who* 
 no doubt, have been partial to their countrymen. 
 I am told, that the Persian historians represent 
 this expedition in a very different light; and 
 say, that the king was recalled, in the midst of 
 his successes, to quell an insurrection at home. 
 Be this as it will, the affairs of Persia seemed 
 after that to go backward, until the time w^hen 
 Alexander led a conquering army of Greeks to 
 invade them in turn. 
 
 i 
 
 ¥0L. J, 
 
ii§ HISTORY OF Greece; 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 FROM THE RETREAT OF XERXES, TO THE PEACE 
 CONCLUDED BETWEEN THE CREEKS AND PERSIANS, 
 
 A M 3524 The first object the Greeks at- 
 tended to after the battle of Sa- 
 lamis, was to send the first fruits of the rich 
 spoil they had taken from the Persians to Del- 
 phos. Considered in a confederated light, they 
 \srere ever attentive to the duties of religion ; 
 and though their sects and opinions in philo- 
 sophy taught mankind to entertain but very 
 mean ideas of the objects of public worship, yet 
 it was religion that formed their bond of union, 
 and for a while held them feebly together. 
 When that bond came to be broken, and the 
 council of the Amphictyons became rather a 
 political than a religious agsemby, the general 
 union no longer prevailed, and the different 
 states fell a sacrifice to their own contentions. 
 
 The joy of the Greeks upon this victory was 
 general and loud: every commander had his 
 share of honour, but the glory of Themistocles 
 eclipsed that of all the rest. It was a custom 
 in Greece, that after a battle the commanding 
 officers should declare who had distinguished 
 themselves most, by writing the names of such 
 as merited the first and sec3kd rewards. On this 
 
PEACE WITH THE PERSIANS. 
 
 occasion^ each officer concerned adjudged the 
 first rank to himself, but all allowed the second 
 to Themistocles, which was, in fact, allowing 
 him a tacit superiority. This was farther con- 
 firmed by the Lacedsemonians, who carried him 
 in triumph to Sparta; and who, having adjudged 
 the reward of valour to their own countryman, 
 Eurybiad eg, adjudged that of wisdom to Themis- 
 tocles. They crowned him with olive, presented 
 him with a rich chariot, and conducted him with 
 three hundred horse to the confines of their 
 state. But there was an homage paid him that 
 flattered his pride yet more: when he appeared 
 at the Olympic games, the spectators received 
 him with uncommon acclamations. As soon as 
 he appeared the whole assembly rose up to do 
 him honour: nobody regarded either the games 
 or the combatants; Themistocles was the only 
 spectacle worth their attention. Struck with such 
 flattering honours, he could not help observing/ 
 that he that day reaped the fruits of all his la- 
 bours. 
 
 After the Grecians were returned from pur- 
 suing the Persian fleet, Themistocles sailed to 
 all the islands that had espoused their interests, 
 in order to levy contributions. The first he ap- 
 plied to was that of Andros, from whose inhabi- 
 tants he required a considerable sum. / come, 
 said he, to you, accompanied by two very pow- 
 erful divinities, Persuasion and Necessity, 
 — — Alas ! replied they, we also have divini* 
 
 l2 • 
 
148 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 ties on our side, Poverty and ImfossiMlity. 
 In consequence of this reply, he blocked ihem 
 Up for some time ; but, finding them too well 
 fortified, he was obliged to retire. Some other 
 islands, however, were neither furnished with 
 so much reason, nor so much power. He ex- 
 acted large sums from all such as were incapable 
 of opposition ; and these contributions he chief- 
 ly converted to his ow^n private advantage: thus 
 shewing in his own character two very oddly 
 assorted qualities — avarice and a love of fame. 
 
 Mardonius, who remained in Greece with a 
 body of three hundred thousand men, passed 
 the winter in Thessaly ; and, in the beginning of 
 spring, led them down into the province of Boeo- 
 tia. From thence he sent Alexander, king of 
 Macedonia, with a splendid retinue to Athens, to 
 make proposals for an accommodation, and to 
 endeavour to make them separate their interests 
 from the general cause of Greece. He offered 
 to rebuild their city, to give them a considerable 
 sum of money, to suffer them to enjoy their laws 
 and constitution, and to give them the govern- 
 ment of all Greece. The Spartans, alarmed at 
 this alluring offer, dispatched a messenger to 
 Athens, who was instructed to say, that they 
 hoped the Atheniar.s entertained juster notions 
 of true glory and patriotism ; that they held the 
 common danger, by which the various states of 
 Greece were bound to give mutual aid to each 
 other, as of a more urgent nature ; and, at leasts 
 
PEACE WITH THE PERSIANS. 
 
 14a 
 
 that they had a greater reverence for the memor^^ 
 of their illustrious ancestors, than to sacrifice 
 those whom they had so gallantly defended and 
 delivered, by acceding to the infamous terms 
 which had been proposed. That the Athenians 
 might not hold up necessity as a plea for their 
 complying, the Spartans generously offered to 
 maintain their wives and children at their own 
 expence, and in their own city. Aristides was 
 at that time in the highest office, being principal 
 archon at Athens. It w-as in his presence that 
 the king of Macedon made his proposals^ and 
 that the deputies from the other states of Greece 
 endeavoured to avert the force of them. But 
 Aristides wanted no prom.pter but the natural 
 dictates of his own heart to give them an answer. 
 " To men/' said he, bred up to pleasure an4 
 ignorance^ it is natural to proffer great rewards^ 
 and to hope by bribes to buy off virtue. Bar^ 
 barians, who make silver and gold the chief ob* 
 jects of their esteem, may be excused for think- 
 ing to corrupt the fidelity of a people ; but that 
 the Lacedaemonians, who came to remonstrate 
 against these offers, should suppose they could 
 prevail, was indeed surprising. The Athenians 
 have the common liberty of Greece intrusted to 
 their care^ and mountains of gold are not able 
 to shake their fidelity. No ; so long as that 
 sun, which the Persians adore^, continues to shine 
 with wonted splendor, so long shall the Athe- 
 nians be mortal enemies to the Persians ; so long 
 
150 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 jghall they continue to pursue them for ravaging 
 their lands, for burning their houses^ and polki- 
 ting their temples; such is the answer we return 
 to the Persian proposal ; and you/' continued 
 he, addressing hmiself to Alexander, " if you 
 are truly their friend, refrain for the future from 
 being the bearer of such proposals ; your ho- 
 nour, and perhaps even your safety demands it." 
 
 The treaty being thus broke up, Mardonius 
 prepared to act with vigour, and invaded Attica, 
 which the Athenians were once more obliged to 
 desert, and leave to his fury. He entered Athens, 
 ten months after it had been taken by Xerxes, 
 the inhabitants having again conveyed them- 
 selves to Salamis, and other neighbouring places. 
 In that state of exile and want they continued 
 contented with all their sufferings, since repaid 
 by freedom. Even Lycidas, a senator, who att 
 tempted to propose a submission^ was stoned to 
 death, while his wife and children met witli the 
 same fate from the women ; so strong was the 
 aversion which the Athenians had conceived 
 against all communications with Persia. 
 
 In the mean time the Spartan,*, w^hose duty it 
 was to co-operate with the Athenians with equal 
 ardour, unmindful of the general cause, only 
 thought of making preparations for their own 
 security, and resolved to fortify the Isthmus, in 
 order to hinder the enemy from entering into 
 Peloponnesus. This the Athenians considered 
 asab^seand ungrateful defection : and sent de- 
 
PEAGE WITH THE PERSIANS. 151 
 
 puties to remonstrate against the Spartan con- 
 duct. These had orders to say, that if Sparta 
 should persist in its partial method of seeking 
 security^ the Athenians would follow their ex- 
 ample ; and, instead of suffering all for Greece, 
 would turn with their fleet to the Persians, who 
 being thus masters of the sea, could invade the 
 territory of Sparta whenever they should think 
 proper. These menaces had so good an effect, 
 that five thousand men were privately dispatch- 
 ed, each attended with seven Helotes, and were 
 actually upon their march before the Spartans 
 gave the Athenian deputies any answer. 
 
 Mardonius at this time had left Attica, and 
 was on his return to the country of Boeotia, 
 where he resolved to wait the approach of the 
 enemy, as he could there draw up his forces 
 with greater ease than in the hilly parts of Attica 
 where a few might be opposed to numbers with 
 greater success. He encamped by the river 
 Asopus, along the banks of which his army ex- 
 tended, consisting of three hundred thousand 
 fighting men. 
 
 Great as this army was, the Greeks, with much 
 inferior forces, resolved to meet it in the field* 
 Their forces were by this time assembled, and 
 amounted to seventy thousand men : of these, 
 five thousand were Spartans, attended by thirty- 
 five thousand Helotes. The Athenians amount- 
 ed to eight thousand, and the troops of the allies 
 made up the remainder. In the right wing of 
 
:l$2 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 this army the Spartans were placed, commanded 
 by Cleombrotus; in the left wing the Athe- 
 nians, with Aristides at their head. In this order 
 they followed Mardonius into Boeotia, determin- 
 ed on trying the fate of a battle, and encamped 
 at no great distance from them at the foot of 
 Mount Cythasron. Here they continued for 
 some time, awaiting in dreadful suspense a bat- 
 ,tle that was to determine the fate of Greece. 
 Some skirmishing between the Persian cavalry 
 and the wing of the Grecian army, in which the 
 latter were successful, seemed to give a presage 
 of future victory; which, however, for ten days, 
 neither side seemed willing to strike for. 
 
 While the two armies were thus opposed, 
 waiting the most favourable opportunity of en- 
 gaging, the Greeks, by their mutual dissensions, 
 were on the point of losing their freedom in 
 satisfying their mutual jealousy. The first dis- 
 pute that arose in the army was begun by the 
 Tegeans, who contended with the Athenians 
 upon the point of precedence. They willingly 
 allowed the Spartans the command of the right 
 wing, as they constantly had it: but they insisted 
 on having the left, alledging, that they had 
 earned it by former acts of valour, and well 
 known success. The dispute ran high,. a muti- 
 nous disposition began to prevail in all partS:^f 
 the army, and the enemy were likely to become' 
 victorious without a blow. In this general spirit ^ 
 of dissension, Aristides only appeared unmoved. 
 
PEACE WITH THE PERSIANS. 153 
 
 Long noted for his impartiality and justice, all 
 parties fixed their eyes upon him^ as the only 
 person from whom they could expect a paci- 
 fication. Wherefore, turning himself to the 
 Spartans, and some of the rest of the confede- 
 rates/ he addressed them in the following man- 
 ner: — It is not now a time, my friends, to dis- 
 pute of the merit of past services for all boast- 
 ing is vain in the day of danger. Let it be the 
 brave man's pride to own, that it is not the post 
 or station which gives courage, or which can 
 take it away. I head the Athenians : whatever 
 post you shall assign us we will maintain it, and 
 will endeavour to make our station, wherever we 
 are placed, the post of true honour and military 
 glory. We are come hither not to contend with 
 our friends, but to fight with our enemies ; not 
 to boast of our ancestors, but to imitate them. 
 This battle will distinguish the merit of each city, 
 each commander; and the lowest centinel will 
 share the honour of the day." This speech de- 
 termined the council of war in favour of the 
 Athenians, who, thereupon, were allowed to 
 maintain their former station. 
 
 A fatal conspiracy in the midst of the Athe- 
 nians threatened consequences still more dan- 
 gerous, because they were unseen. Some of 
 the best and richest families, who had wasted 
 their fortunes in the war, and lost their credit in 
 the city, entered into a conspiracy to deliver up 
 Greece into the hands of the Persians, Aristides, 
 
154 ^ HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 however, still watchful in the sen^ice of the state, 
 was early informed of their machinations, and 
 instantly laid their schemes before the general 
 council. Notwithstanding, he was contented 
 with having eight of the conspirators arrested ; 
 and of these, two only were reserved for trial. 
 Yet his lenity, or, to call it by a truer name, 
 bis prudence, would not permit him to act ri- 
 gorously even against these ; as he knew that 
 severity in times of general danger would but 
 depress the ardour of the army, he permitted^ 
 them to escape, and thus sacrificed public justice 
 to public security. 
 
 Both armies had now continued for ten days ' 
 in sight of each other, in anxious expectation 
 of an engagement, both willing to begin, yet 
 both afraid to strike ; as the aggressor was to en- 
 gage at a disadvantage. But Mardonius l^eing 
 naturally of an impatient, fiery, disposition, grew 
 very uneasy at so long a delay. Besides, he fiad 
 only a few provisions left for his army, and the 
 Grecians grew every day stronger by the addi- 
 tion of fre'-h supplies. He, therefore, called a 
 council of war, to deliberate w^hether he should 
 give battle. Artabazus, a person of singular 
 merit and great experience, was of opinion that 
 they should not hazard a battle, but that they 
 should retire under the walls of Thebes ; while 
 the enemy formed of various troops, and sub- 
 ject to different leaders, would destroy each other 
 by their various dissensions, or might be partly 
 
PEACE WITH THE PERSIANS. 155 
 
 corrupted to give up the common cause. This 
 opinion was the most reasonable^ but Mardonius, 
 spurred on by his natural impetuosity^, and 
 wearied with a protracted war^ resolved to en- 
 gage, nor had the rest courage to contradict 
 his resolution. The result, therefore, was, that 
 they should give battle the next day. 
 
 This being resolved on the side of Persia, the 
 Greeks were not less prepared for the engage- 
 ment ; for they had been secretly apprized the 
 night before by Alexander king of Macedon, 
 of the result of the Persian councils. Pausanias, 
 therefore, the commander in chief, gave orders 
 to his army to prepare themselves for battle; 
 and drawing up his forces, placed the Athenians 
 on the right, as being better acquainted with 
 the Persian manner of fighting, and flushed with 
 former success. Whether it was fear or pru- 
 dence that suggested this change to the general, 
 the Athenians took the post of honour with ex- 
 ultation; nothing was heard among them but 
 mutual exhortations to bravery, and a steady 
 resolution to conquer or fall. But Mardonius 
 hearing of this alteration in the disposition of 
 the Grecian army, made an alteration also in his 
 own. This also once more produced a change 
 in the disposition of the Greeks; by this 
 changing and rechanging the order of battle, 
 nothing farther was done for that day. 
 
 At night the Greeks held a council of war, in 
 whiich it was resolved* that they should decamp 
 
156 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 from their present situation, and march to ano- 
 ther, more conveniently situated for water. As 
 their removal was performed in the night, much 
 disorder ensued; and in the morning Mardonius 
 perceiving them scattered over the plain, he sup- 
 posed that they were flying, rather than retreat- 
 ing ; he, therefore, resolved to pursue with his 
 whole army. The Greeks perceiving his de- 
 sign, soon collected their scattered forces, which 
 the darkness had dispersed; but not intimidated, 
 and halting near the little city of Plataia, there 
 determined to wait the shock of their pursuers. 
 The barbarian forces soon came up to the en- 
 gagement with their accustomed howling, ex- 
 pecting rather to plunder than to fight. The 
 Lacedaemonians who closed up the rear of the 
 Grecian army, were the first who supported the 
 shock of the assailants. They were in some 
 measure separated from the rest of the army by 
 the obstinacy of one of their own regiments, 
 w^ho considered their retreat as contrary to the 
 idea of Spartan discipline; but still consisting 
 of a formidable body of men, they were in a 
 capacity of making head against the invaders. 
 Collecting themselves, therefore, into a phalanx, 
 they stood impenetrable and immoveable to all 
 the assaults of the enemy. 
 
 In the mean tim.e, the Athenian troops, who 
 were apprized of the attack, quickly turned back, 
 in order to assist their allies ; but the Greeks 
 who were in Persian pay, to the number of five 
 
PEACE WITH THE PERSIANS. 
 
 157 
 
 thousand, intercepted their return. Thui5 the 
 battle was divided into two, and fought with 
 great ardour in various parts of the field. But 
 nothing could resist the weight of the Spartan 
 phalanx, who after some time, broke in upon 
 the Persian forces, and put them into disorder. 
 In this tumult Mardonius attempting to destroy 
 the order of battle, and rushing into the midst 
 of the carnage, was killed by Aimnestus, a Spar- 
 tan ; and soon after all his army betook them- 
 selves to flight. The other Greek troops soon 
 followed the brave example set them by Sparta, 
 and the rout became general. Arlabazus, who 
 commanded a body of forty thousand Persians, 
 fled with them towards the Hellespont, while the 
 rest fortified themselves in their camp with 
 wooden ramparts. There they were attacked 
 by the Spartans, who were not well skilled in 
 that part of w^ar ; but the Athenians soon came 
 up to their assistance, and easily effected a 
 breach in this hasty rampart. It was then that 
 the slaughter of the enemy was indiscriminate 
 and terrible. Of all the Persian army that had 
 taken refuge there, not four thousand men es- 
 caped. Above an hundred thousand men were 
 put to the sword ; and the conquerors, willing 
 to rid their country at once of their terrible in- 
 vaders, refused to give quarter. Thus ended 
 the Persian invasions of Greece, nor ever after 
 was the Persian army seen to cross the Helles- 
 pont. 
 
us 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 The carnage being at last over, the Greeks 
 buried their dead, which at most did not amount 
 to ten thousand men ; and soon after, as a testi- 
 mony of their gratitude to heaven, they caused 
 a statue of Jupiter to be made at the general 
 expence, which they placed in his temple at 
 Olympia. It was now that the first funeral games 
 and funeral orations were invented. They were 
 meant to serve not only as monuments of honour 
 to the dead, but as incitements to glory to the 
 living. The names of the several nations of 
 Greece that were present in the engagement, 
 wer.e engraven on the right side of the pedestal 
 of the statue that was dedicated to Jupiter; the 
 Spartans first, the Athenians next, and all the 
 rest in order. 
 
 While success attended the Grecian arms by 
 land, they were not less fortunate at sea. The 
 greatest part of the Persian fleet, after the de- 
 feat at Salamis, wintered at Cumas, and in the 
 spring moved to Samos, both to guard and awe 
 the coasts of Asia. The Grecians in the mean 
 while, vvxre refitting their ships at ^^Igina, and 
 being importuned by the Samians, they put to 
 sea tinder the conduct of Leotichydes, the Spar- 
 tan, and Xanthippus, the Athenian. The Per- 
 sians, apprized of their approach, and having 
 long experienced their own inferiority, would 
 not venture to oppose them at sea, but drew up 
 their ships upon land at Mycale, a promontory 
 of Ionia, where they fortified them with a wall 
 
PEACE WITH THE PERSIANS. m 
 
 and a deep trench, while they were also pro- 
 tected by an army of sixty thousand foot under 
 the command of Tigranes. This, however, did 
 not deter the Greeks from venturing to attack 
 them. Leotichydes having endeavoured to make 
 the lonians revolt, landed his forces, and the 
 next day prepared for the assault. He drew up 
 his army in two bodies; the one, consisting 
 chiefly of Athenians and Corinthians, kept the 
 plain, whilst the other of Lacedaemonians, 
 marched over the hills and precipices, to gain 
 the highest ground. The battle being joined, 
 great courage and resolution was shewn on both 
 sides, and the fortune of the day continued for 
 a long time in suspense. The defection of the 
 Greek auxiliaries in the Persian army, turned the 
 fate of the battle ; the Persians were soon routed, 
 and pursued with great slaughter to their very 
 tents. The Athenians had made themselves 
 masters of the field before the Lacedaemonians 
 could come up to their assistance, so that all the 
 share these had in the action, was to disperse 
 some Persian troops which were attempting to 
 make a regular retreat, soon after their ramparts 
 were forced, and all their vessels burnt : so that 
 nothing could be more complete than the vic- 
 tory at Mycale. Tigranes, the Persian general, 
 and forty thousand men of his army, lay dead 
 on the field of battle ; the fleet was destroyed ; 
 and of the great army brought into Europe by 
 
160 
 
 IllSTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Xerxes, scarce one man remained to carry back 
 the tidings. 
 
 The battle of Platsea was fought in the morn* 
 ing, and that of Mycale in the evening of the 
 same day. But what is very extraordinary^ it 
 is universally affirmed, that the victory of Pla^ 
 tasa was known at Mycale before the battle 
 begun, though it is a passage of several days 
 from one place to the other. It is most probable 
 that Leotychides framed the report to encourage 
 his army, and incite them to emulate their as- 
 sociates in the cause of freedom. 
 
 During these misfortunes, Xerxes, who had 
 been the cause of all, lay at Sardis, expecting 
 the event of his expedition. But messengers 
 coming every hour, loaded with the news of 
 some fatal disaster, and finding himself unable 
 to retrieve his affairs, he retired further into 
 the country, and endeavoured to drown in lux- 
 ury and riot the uneasy reflections of his suc- 
 cessless ambition. To the want of success 
 abroad, was added the contempt of his subjects 
 at home; and this brought on a train of trea- 
 sons, insurrections, sacrilege, murder, incest, 
 and cruelty : so that the latter part of his reign 
 was as scandalous as the first part of it had 
 been unfortunate. 
 
 The Grecian fleet after the battle of Mycale> 
 set sail towards the Hellespont, in order to pos- 
 sess themselves of the bridges which Xerxes 
 had built over that strait; but finding them al- 
 
PEACE WITH THE PERSIANS. 161 
 
 ready destroyed by the tempestuous weather, 
 they returned home. From this time, all the 
 cities of Ionia revolted from the Persians, and 
 having entered into the general confederacy, 
 most of them preserved their liberty during 
 the time that empire subsisted. 
 
 The treasures which the Persians had brought 
 into Greece were very great, and, in conse- 
 quence of their defeat, became a prey to the 
 conquerors. From this period the Greeks be- 
 gan to lose their spirit of hardy and laborious 
 virtue, and to adopt the refined indolence and 
 captious petulance, and the boundless love of 
 pleasure, which extreme wealth is ever known 
 to produce. The forrner equality of the peo- 
 ple now began to be broken, and while one 
 part of the inhabitants rioted in opulence and 
 luxury, another was seen pining in want and 
 depair. It was in vain that philosophy reared its 
 head to stop these calamities ; its voice reaches 
 but to a few; the great and the little vulgar 
 are equally deaf to its dictates. From this time 
 we are to view a different picture; and instead 
 of a brave and refined people confederating 
 against tyranny, we are to behold an enervated 
 and factious populace, a corrupt administration., 
 and wealth alone making distinction. 
 
 M 
 
W« HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 FROM thj: victory at mycalej to the be- 
 ginning OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 
 
 . .. No sooner were the Greeks freed 
 . 3526. fj.Q^ ^Yic apprehensions of a foreign 
 invasion^ than they began to entertain jealousies 
 of each other. Indeed these petty animosities 
 bad all aloxig subsisted among them> but they 
 were kept under by the sense of general danger. 
 As this collection of republics was composed 
 of states entirely dissimilar in manners^ inte- 
 rests/ and inclinations, it was no way surprising 
 to find its parts ever at variance with each other. 
 The first marks of jealousy upon the destruc- 
 tion of the Persian army, exhibited themselves 
 between the Athenians and Spartans. The one 
 a refined ambitious state, unwilling to admit a 
 superior in the general confederacy: the other 
 an hardy unpolished race, which could never 
 think of admitting a feeble state as an equal. 
 The Athenians, with their families, being re- 
 turned to their own country, began to think of 
 ' rebuilding the city, which had been almost de- 
 stroyed during the Persian war. As every new 
 foundation aims at improving the old, they laid 
 a plan of strengthening and extending their 
 
 4 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 163 
 
 Walls, and giving their city at once more mag- 
 nificence and security. This was but natural; 
 however the Lacedsemonians conceived a jea- 
 lousy at this undertaking, and began to think 
 that Athens, from being mistress of the seas, 
 would soon attempt usurping all authority upon 
 land. They, therefore, sent an embassy to the 
 Athenians, to dissuade them from this under- 
 taking ; giving as an ostensible reason, the dan- 
 ger such fortifications would be of to the gene- 
 ral confederacy, if they should ever fall into 
 the hands of the Persians. This message at 
 first appeared reasonable, and the Athenians 
 put an immediate stop to their undertaking; 
 but Themistocles, who since the battle of Sala- 
 mis continued to guide in the assemblies of 
 Athens, easily sa^v through the pretext, and 
 advised the council to meet their dissimulation 
 with similar address. He, therefore, answered 
 the Spartan ambassadors, that the Athenians 
 would soon send an embassy to Lacedaemon, in 
 which they v/ould fully satisfv all their scruples. 
 Having thus gained time, he procured himself to 
 be elected for that important negociation, and 
 took care to draw out the treaty by studied de- 
 lays. He had previously desired that his colleagues 
 should follow one after another, and still he 
 alleged, at Lacedasinon, that he only waited for 
 their arrival to determine the affair at a single 
 audience. During all this time the work was 
 carried on at Athens with the utmost vigour 
 
 M 2 
 
164 History of Greece 
 
 and industry; the women and children, strari* 
 gers and slaves, were all employed in it, nor 
 was it interrii{)ted for a single day. It was in 
 vain that the Spartans Complained of this pro- 
 cedure; it was in vain that they urged Themi«^ 
 tocles to hasten his business ; he Stedfastly de- 
 nied the first, and intreated th^m not to give 
 any credit to loose and idle reports. He de- 
 sired they would send again, and enquire into 
 the truth of tlie matter; and at the same time 
 advised the Athenians to detain the Spartan en- 
 voys until he and his colleagues should return. At 
 last, finding all his pretences fof delay exhausted, 
 he boldly demanded an audience, and knowing 
 that the work was finished, he ho longer kept oh 
 the mask. He then informed the Spartans, in full 
 council, that Athens was notv in a condition to 
 keep out an enemy, whether foreign or domes- 
 tic ; that what his countrymen had done was 
 conformable both to the law of nations, and 
 the common interest of Greece. Every city 
 had a right to consult for its own safety, with- 
 out submitting to the advice or controiil of its 
 neighbours; that tvhat had been done was en- 
 tirely in coiisequence of his advice; and, in 
 short, that whatever injury they offered him, 
 they must expect it would be returned upon 
 their own ambassadors, who were still detained 
 at Athens. These declarations extremely dis- 
 pleased the LacedcEmonians; but, either sensi- 
 ble of their truth, or unwilling to come to art 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 16^ 
 
 ©pen rupture, they dissembled their resentment ; 
 aijd the ambassadors on both sides, having a)l 
 suitable honours paid them, returned to their 
 respective cities. Themistocles was received 
 with as much joy by his fellow-citizens as if he 
 had returned from triumph; and he was of a 
 disposition to feel those honours with the high- 
 est delight. 
 
 Having thus taken proper precaufions for se- 
 curing the city, his next care was to strengthen 
 the port, and form an harbour at once spacious 
 and secure. He likewise obtained a decree, that 
 every year they should build twenty vessels, to 
 continue and augment their force by sea; and, 
 in order to engage the greater number of work- 
 men and sailors to resort to Athens, he caused 
 particular privileges and immunities to be grant- 
 ed to them. His design was to render Athens a 
 maritime city; in which he followed a Very dif- 
 ferent system of politics from their former gor 
 vernors, who bent all their efforts to alienate the 
 minds of the people froin commerce and naval 
 affairs. 
 
 But as success in one part is apt to lead on to 
 designs still more extensive, Themistocles was 
 willing to outstep the bounds of justice in the 
 prosecution of his darling objects. He even 
 formed a plan of supplanting Sparta, and ma- 
 king Athens the unrivalled mistress of Greece, 
 On a certain day, therefore, he declared in a 
 full assembly of the people, that he had a very 
 
16$ 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 important design to propose^ but which could 
 not be communicated to the public, as the exe* 
 cution required secrecy and dispatch. He there- 
 fore desired they would appoint a person to 
 whom he might explain him -elf, one whose 
 judgment might direct, and whose authority 
 might confirm him in his design. It was not 
 easy to miss the wisest and the best man of the 
 state^ and Aristides was unanimously chosen by 
 the whole assembly, as the properest person to 
 weigh the justice as well as th3 utility of the 
 proposal. Themistocles, therefore, taking him 
 aside, told him, that the design he had conceived 
 was to burn the fleet belonging to the rest of 
 the Grecian states, which then lay in a neigh- 
 bouring port, and thus procure Athens an un- 
 disputed sovereignty of the sea. Aristides, in-' 
 wardly displeased at the proposal, made no an- 
 swer, but returning to the assembly, informed 
 them, that nothing could be more advantageous 
 to iVtheiis than what Themistocles proposed, but 
 that nothing could be more unjust. The peo-^ 
 pie, still possessed of a share of rem.aining vir- 
 tue, unanimously declined the proposal without 
 knowing its contents, and conferred the surname 
 of Just upon Aristides; a title still the more 
 flattering, as he had so well deserved it. 
 
 Thus Athens, being restored to peace and se- 
 curity, once more began to apply to those arts 
 that adorn life and secure freedom. The people 
 began to assume a greater share in the govern^ 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 167 
 
 ment of the state than they had hitherto aspired 
 zty and steps were every day taken to render 
 the constitution entirely popular. Aristides 
 perceived this^, and justly dreaded the conse- 
 quences of a democratic government; he there- 
 fore procured a decree, th. t the archons, who 
 were the chief magistrates of the state^, should 
 Jbe chosen indiscriminately from all ranks of 
 Athenians without distinction. Thus, by in- 
 dulging the citizens in a part of their wishes, 
 he secured a legal subordination arqong the 
 whole. 
 
 In the mean time, the Grecians, encouraged 
 by their former victories, resolved to send a fleet 
 to deliver their confederates, who still groaned 
 beneath the Persian yoke. Pausanias com- 
 manded the Spartan fleet, while Aristides, and 
 Cimon, the son of Miltiades, were appointed 
 to conduct the fleets of Athens. This was the 
 first time the latter, who was yet very young, 
 was placed in a sphere for the exhibition of his 
 virtues. He had formerly suffered himself to be 
 imprisoned till he could pay his father's fine; 
 and his piety upon that occasion gave the most 
 favourable presage of his future greatness. 
 When set at liberty, his services in war soon be- 
 came conspicuous, and it was seen that he acted 
 with the courage of his father, the judgment of 
 Themistocles, and with more sincerity than 
 either. The ingenuous openness of his temper 
 being easily seen, he was opposed in the state 
 
10$ HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 as a counterpoise to the craft and subtlety of 
 ThemistocleSj and thus advanced to the highest 
 employments both at hon)e and abroad. Under 
 these commanders the allied fleet first directed 
 their course to the isle of Cyprus, wKere tliey 
 restored all the cities to their liberty; then steer- 
 ing towards the Hellespont, they attacked the 
 city of Byzantium, of which they made them- 
 selves masters, and took a vast number of pri- 
 soners, many of whom were of the richest and 
 most considerable families of Persia. 
 
 The success of thi:^ expedition was not morie 
 flattering to the Greeks, than in the end preju- 
 dicial to them. A deluge of wealth pouring in 
 corrupted the simplicity, and tainted the man- 
 ners of every rank of people. The Athenians, 
 already skilled in the arts of politeness and ef-» 
 feminacy, concealed their change for a time, 
 but it soon broke out among the Spartans ; and 
 Pausanias himself, their commander, was the 
 first who was infected with the contagion. Being 
 naturally of an haughty and imperious temper, 
 and still more impressed with the gloomy auste- 
 rity of Sparta, he set no bounds to his ambition ; 
 he treated his officers, and even the confederate 
 generals, with severity, arrogance, and disdain, 
 and so much alienated the minds of the soldiers, 
 that he was forsaken by all the confederates, 
 who put themselves under the command and 
 protection of Aristides and Cimon. This haughty 
 ^nd impolitic conduct w^s the means of tran^- 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. ii^ 
 
 fcrring the sovereignty of the ^ea from the La* 
 cedasmonians to the Athenians ; it gave a bias 
 to the scale of the Athenian power^ which no 
 subsequent effort of the Spartans could possibly 
 counteract. Aristides and Cimon had ever pre- 
 served an evenness of conduct; affable^, cour^- 
 teous, and obliging, they tempered their autho- 
 rity with mildness, and won by their gentle 
 manners such as they could not engage by their 
 benefits. An opposition so mortifying could 
 not but be displeasing to Pausanias ; it was in 
 vain that he attempted to keep up his authority 
 by pride and ostentation ; his importance sunk 
 with his unpopularity ; and he became contemp- 
 tible, even to those that still acknowledged his 
 command. 
 
 Perhaps it was from ibese motives that he re- 
 solved to sacrifice his country to his ambition, 
 and give up to the Persians a state where he 
 could no longer expect to dictate. Be this as 
 it will he made overtures for gaining the favour 
 of Xerxes; and, in order to ingratiate himself 
 at the court of that monarch, he suffered some 
 of his more exalted prisoners to make their 
 escape by night. These prisoners were com- 
 missioned with letters to Xerxes, wherein he of- 
 fered to deliver up Sparta and all Greece, on 
 condition that he would give him bis daughter 
 in marriage. Xerxes readily hearkened to the 
 proposal, and referred him to Artabazus, his 
 governor, to concert measures with him for 
 
J70 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 putting it ill execution. He also furnished him 
 with a large sum of iTiOney, to be distributed 
 among such of the Grecian states as would join 
 in the conspiracy. 
 
 How long this treaty continued secret^, we are 
 not told, but it was discovered at Sparta before 
 it could be put in execution;, and Pausanias was 
 ordered home to take his trial for the offence. 
 The proofs, however, against him were not suf- 
 iicient for conviction, as the Ephori had made 
 it a rule never to convict a man but upon the 
 plainest evidence. But his command was taken 
 ^rom him, and he retired, still meditating re- 
 venge and the destruction of his country. It 
 was not long, however, before he received >a 
 second summons to appear before the Ephori 
 for fresh crimes, and a number of his own slaves 
 were found to depose against him. Still, how- 
 ever, he had the fortune to come off; the mild- 
 ness of the Spartan lav/s, and the authority of 
 bis regal office, which he still possessed, con^ 
 spiring to protect him. 
 
 Pausanias, having in this m.anner twice es- 
 caped the justice of his country, would not, 
 however, abandon his base projects, or sacrifice 
 his resentment to his safety. Immediately upon 
 his being ^cquitted, he returned to the sea 
 coasts, without any authority from the state, and 
 still continued to carry on his correspondence 
 with Artabazus. He now acted with such little 
 reserve, that his conduct was known to th* 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. m 
 
 Ephori, and they only wanted information to 
 convict him. While they were thus perplexed 
 for want of evidence, a certain slave^ who was 
 called the Argilian, cleared their doubts, and 
 came with proofs which could not be resisted. 
 This man had been employed by Pausanias to 
 carry a letter to Artabazus, and he accordingly 
 prepared himself for the expedition; but re- 
 flecting that many of his fellow slaves had been 
 sent on similar messages, and seeing none of 
 them return, he was induced to open the pac- 
 J^et of which he was the bearer, and there he 
 discovered the mystery, and his own danger. It 
 seems, that Pausanias and the Persian governor 
 had agreed to put to death all the messengers 
 they mutually sent to each other as soon as their 
 letters were delivered, that there might be no 
 possibility left of tracing out, or discovering 
 the correspondence. This letter he delivered 
 to the Ephori, who were now convinced that 
 Pausanias was guilty ; but, for a more thorough 
 confirmation^ they were willing to have it from 
 himself. For this purpose, they contrived that 
 the slave should take sanctuary in the temple of 
 Neptune, as for safety and protection, and under 
 a pretence of supplicating the deity for the in-' 
 fidelity he had committed. The instant Pausanias 
 was informed of his slave's behaviour, he hastened 
 to the temple to enquire the reason ; where the 
 slave informed him, that having opened this 
 letter he found the contents fatal to himself, 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 and therefore took this method of averting the 
 danger. Pausanias, instead of denying the fact, 
 endeavoured rather to pacify the slave, and pro- 
 mised him a large reward to bribe his future 
 secrecy. But during this interview, the Ephori 
 had privately posted persons to overhear the 
 conversation, and they soon divulged his guilt. 
 The moment, therefore, he was returned to the 
 city, the Ephori resolved to seize him, and from 
 the aspect of one of these magistrates he plainly 
 perceived his danger: he, therefore, flew to take 
 sanctuary in the temple of Minerva, and got thi- 
 ther before his pursuers could overtake him. As 
 the religion of the state would not p^ermit his 
 being taken forcibly from thence, the people 
 stopped up the entrance with great stones, and 
 tearing off the roof, left him exposed to the 
 inclemency of the weather. After a short stay 
 he was starved to death : and in this miserable 
 manner died the general, who had led on the 
 victorious troops to the field of Platasa. 
 
 The fate of Pausanias soon after involved that 
 of Themistocles, who had some time before been 
 banished and lived in great esteem at ArgQS. A 
 passionate thirst of glory, and a strong desire 
 to command arbitrarily over the citizens, had 
 made him very odious at Athens. He had built 
 ^ear his house a temple in honour of Diana, 
 under this title. To Diana, the Goddess of Good 
 Counsel ; as hinting his own counsels upon se- 
 veral important occasions, and thus tacitly re- 
 
PELOPONNJlSIAN WAR. tls 
 
 proaching his fellow citizens of having forgot 
 them. This, though a small offence, was suffi- 
 cient to expel him from so fluctuating and jea- 
 lous a state as that of Athens ; biit he was now 
 accused of having participated in, and having 
 been privy to, the designs of Pausanias. In fact, 
 Pausanias had conimunicated to him all his de- 
 signs, but Themistocles had rejected his pro- 
 posals with the utmost indignation. But then 
 he concealed his enterprizes, either thinking it 
 base to betray the secrets trusted to his con- 
 fidence^ or imagining it impossible for such dan- 
 gerous and ill concerted schemes to take effecf. 
 Be this as it will, upon the downfal of Pausaniafs, 
 it appeared that a correspondence had been car- 
 ried on between them, and the Laceda^moniaris 
 declared themselves his accusers before the as- 
 sembly of the people of Athens. Such of the 
 citizens as had long either envied, or feared The- 
 mistocles, now joined in the general accusation, 
 and urged his death with great acrimony. Aris- 
 tides alone, who had long been his open op- 
 poser refused to join them in this base confede- 
 racy against him, and rejected so mean an op- 
 portunity of revenge, being as little inclined to 
 delight in the misfortunes of his adversary, as 
 he had before been to envy his successes. It 
 was in vain that Themistocles answered by let- 
 ters to the calumnies laid against him; it was 
 in vain that he alledged, that a mind like his, 
 disdaining slavery at home, could think of wish- 
 S 
 
m HISTORY OF GRiEECfi. 
 
 ing for it in exile ; the people, too strongly 
 wrought upon by his accusers, sent persons to 
 seize and bring him before the council of Greece. 
 Fortunately, however, he had timely notice of 
 their design, and went to take refuge in the 
 island of Corcyra ; to the inhabitants of which 
 he had formerly done signal services. From 
 thence he fled to Epirus, and findmg himself 
 still pursued by the Athenians, grown at length 
 desperate, he fled to Adraetus, king of the Mo- 
 lossians, for refuge. There he first practised all 
 the abject arts of a man obliged to sue to a ty- 
 rant for succour. He had, upon a former oc- 
 casion, been instrumental in preventing the 
 Athenians from granting aid to this monarch, 
 and this was now severely remembered against 
 him. Admetus was from home at the time The/- 
 mistocles came to implore protection ; and, upon 
 his return, he was surprised to find his old ad- 
 versary, who had come to put himself under his 
 protection. As soon as the king appeared, The- 
 mistocles took that monarch's young son in his 
 arms, and, seating himself amidst the houshold 
 gods, informed him of the cause of his arrival, 
 and implored his clemency and protection. Ad- 
 metus, surprized and moved with compassion at 
 seeing the greatest man of Greece an humble 
 suppliantat his feet, raised hhrj immediately from 
 the ground, and promised him protection. Ac- 
 cordingly, when the Athenians and Lacedaemo- 
 nians came to demand him, he refused absolutely 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 17? 
 
 to deliver up a person who had made his palace 
 an asylum, in the firm persuasion that it would 
 afford him safety and protection. Thus con- 
 tinuing to spend the close of life in indolence 
 and retirement^ having learned to pardon and 
 despise the ingratitude of his country, he ex- 
 pected at least their forgiveness. But the Athe- 
 nians and Lacedaemonians would not suffer him 
 to live in peace, and still insisted on having him 
 delivered up. In this exigence, as the king 
 found himself unable to protect his illustrious 
 guest, he resolved to promote his escape. He 
 was, therefore, put on board a merchant ship, 
 which was sailing to Ionia, and his quality con- 
 cealed with the utmost precaution. A storm 
 having carried the ship near the island of Naxos, 
 then besieged by the Athenians, the imminent 
 danger he was in of falling into their hands, 
 compelled him to discover himself to the pilot, 
 and prevailed upon him to steer for Asia ; where, 
 arriving at Cum^, a city of iEolia, in Asia Minor, 
 he was from thence sent under a strong guard, 
 and in one of those covered chariots in which 
 the Persians were accustomed to convey their 
 wives to the court of Sardis. 
 
 When the unfortunate exile was arrived at the 
 palace of the voluptuous monarch of the coun- 
 try, he waited on the captain of the guard, re- 
 questing, as a Grecian stranger, to haye per- 
 mission to speak with the king. The officer in- 
 formed him of a ceremony, which he knew w2tB. 
 
Its HISTORY OF GRE'EClfJ 
 
 insupportable to some Greeks, but without whidi 
 none were allowed that honour: this was to fall 
 prostrate before the Persian mon^archy and to 
 worship him as the^ living image of the gods on 
 earth. Themistocles, v/ho was never scrupulous 
 of the means of obtaining what he st)ught, pro- 
 mised to comply, and, falling on his face before 
 the king, in the Persian manner, declared his 
 name, his country, and misfortunes. " I have 
 done,'* cried he, ''my ungrateful country services 
 Ihore than once, and I am now come to offer 
 those services to yOu. My life is in your hands : 
 you may now exert your clemency, or display 
 your vengeance ; by the former you will pre- 
 serve a faithful suppliant ; by the latter you will 
 destroy the greatest enemy to Greece." The king 
 made him no answer at this audience, though 
 he was struck with admiration at his eloquence 
 and intrepidity ; but he soon gave a loose to his 
 joy for the event. He told his courtiers, that 
 he considered the arrival of Themistocles as a 
 very happy incident, and wished that his enemies 
 would for ever pursue the same destructive 
 methods of banishing from among them the 
 good and wise. His joys were even continued 
 in a dream. At night he was seen to start from 
 his sleep, and three times to cry out. I have 
 got Themistocles, the Athenian.*' He even gave 
 him three cities for his support, and had him 
 maintained in the utmost affluence and splendor. 
 It h said, that such was his favour at the Persim 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR, 177 
 
 courts and so great was the consideration in 
 which he was held by all ranks of mankind^ that 
 one day at table he was heard to cry out to his 
 wife and children that were placed there, " Chil- 
 dren, we should have been Certainly ruined, if 
 we had not been formerly undone.'* 
 
 In this manner he lived in affluence and con- 
 tented slavery, until the king began to think of 
 employing his talents in sending him at the head 
 of an army against Athens. Although Themis- 
 tocles professed himself an open enemy to that 
 state, yet he still harboured a latent affection for 
 it, which no resentment could remove. The 
 consciousness that he should be instrumental in 
 overturning a city which had been made to flou- 
 rish by his councils, gave him inexpressible pain. 
 He found himself at last unable to sustain the 
 conflict between his gratitude to the king and 
 his love to his country ; and, therefore, resolved 
 Upon dying, as the only means of escaping from 
 his perplexity. He, therefore, prepared a solemn 
 sacrifice, to which he invited all his friends, 
 when, after embracing them all, and taking a 
 last farewel, he swallowed poison, which soon 
 put an end to his life. He died at Magnesia, 
 ^ged threescore and five years, the greatest part 
 of which he had spent in the intrigues and bustles 
 of active employment. Themistocles seemed to 
 unite in himself all the prominent features of 
 the Greek character; sagacious, eloquent, and 
 brave, yet unprincipled, artful, and mercenary, 
 
 TOL. I. N 
 
17S HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 with too many virtues ever to be mentioned 2is 
 a despicable character, and too many defects 
 ever to be considered as a good one. 
 
 In the mean time, while Themistocles was thus 
 become the sport of fortune, the just Aristides 
 attempted a nobler path to glory. It has already 
 been observed, that the command of Greece had 
 passed from Sparta to the Athenians ; and it was 
 agreed among the body of the states, that their 
 common treasure for carrying on the expences 
 of the war, should be lodged in the island of 
 Delos, under the custody of a man of a clear 
 head and an uncorrupt heart. The great question, 
 therefore, was, where to find a man to be trusted 
 with so important a charge, and stedfastly known 
 to prefer the public interest to his own. In this 
 general disquisition, all parties at last cast their 
 eyes on Aristides, of whom Themistocles used 
 jestingly to say, that he had no other merit than 
 that of a strong box, in keeping safely what was 
 committed to his charge. 
 
 The conduct of Aristides in his discharge of 
 this duty, only served to confirm the great 
 opinion mankind had formed of his integrity. 
 He presided over the treasury with the care of 
 a father over his family, and the caution of a 
 miser over what he holds dearer than life. No 
 man complained of his administration, and no 
 part of the public money was exhausted in vain, 
 tie who thus contributed to make government 
 rich, was himself very poor; and so far was he 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 
 
 179 
 
 from being ashamed of poverty, that he con- 
 sidered it as glorious to him as all the victories 
 he had won. It happened upon a certain occa- 
 sion, that Callais, an intimate friend and relation 
 of Aristides, was summoned before the judges 
 for some offence; and one of the chief objections 
 alledged against him was, that while he rolled in 
 affluence and luxury, he suffered his friend and 
 relation Aristides to remain in poverty and want. 
 Upon this occasion, Aristides was called upon^, 
 when it appeared that Callias had often offered 
 to share his fortune with him, but that he declined 
 the benefit; asserting, that he only might be 
 said to want, who permitted his appetites to 
 transgress the bounds of his income ; and that 
 he who could dispense with a few things, thus 
 rendered himself more like the gods, that want 
 for nothing. 
 
 In this manner he lived, just in his public, 
 and independent in his private capacity. His 
 house was a public school for virtue, and was 
 open to all young Athenians who sought wis^ 
 dom, or were ambitious of power. He gave 
 them the kindest reception, heard them with pa- 
 tience, instructed them with familiarity, and en- 
 deavoured above all things to give them a just 
 value for themselves. Among the rest of his 
 disciples Cimon, who afterwards made such a 
 distinguished figure in the state, was one of the 
 foremost. 
 
 History does not mention the exact time or 
 N 2 
 
180 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 place of his death ; but it pays the most glc* 
 rious testimony to his disinterested character, in 
 telling us, that he who had the absolute disposal 
 of all the public treasures died poor. It is even 
 asserted, that he did not leave money enough 
 behind him to pay tlie expences of his funeral, 
 but that the governme'nf was obliged to bear the 
 charge of it, and to maintain his family. His 
 daughters were married and his son subsisted at 
 the expence of the public : and some of his 
 grand. , children were supported by a pension, 
 equal to that which such received as had been 
 victorious at the Olympic games. But the great- 
 est honour which his countrymen paid to his 
 memory, was in giving him the title of Just, a 
 character far superior to all the empty titles of 
 wisdom or conquest; since fortune or accident 
 may confer wisdom or valour^ but the virtues of 
 morality are solely of our own making. 
 
 Athens being in this manner deprived of the 
 courisels and integrity of her two greatest magi- 
 strates, room was now made for younger am- 
 bition to step forward, and Cimon, the son of 
 Miltiades, promised to act his part with dignity 
 and honour. Cimon had spent bis youth in ex- 
 cesses, from the bad effect of which it was thought 
 no effort could extricate him. When he first 
 offered to gain public favour, he was so ill re- 
 ceived by the people, prejudiced against him for 
 his former follies, that he suffered the most cruel 
 neglect. But^ though he was possessed of cou- 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 
 
 181 
 
 rage and abilities, he began to lay aside all 
 thoughts of public respect, being contented with 
 humbler satisfactions. But Aristides perceiving 
 that the dissolute turn of mind was united with 
 many great qualifications, he inspired him with 
 fresh hopes, and persuaded him once m.ore to 
 renew the onset. He now, therefore, entirely 
 changed his conduct, and laying aside his juve- 
 nile follies, aimed at nothing but what was great 
 and noble. Thus he became not inferior to Mil- 
 tiades in courage, or to Themistocles in pru- 
 dence, and was not far surpassed by Aristides 
 in integrity. 
 
 The first expedition of any note to the com- 
 mand of which Cimon was appointed, was of 
 the fleet destined to scour the Asiatic seas. 
 When he was arrived at Caria, all the Grecian 
 cities upon the sea-coast immediately came 
 over to him ; and the rest, which were garrison- 
 ed by the Persians, were taken by storm. Thus, 
 by his conduct, as well as by his intelligence, 
 the whole country from Tonia to Pamphylia de- 
 clared against the power of Persia, and joined 
 in the association with Greece. 
 
 The capture of the city of Eion is too re- 
 markable to be past over in silence. Boges 
 was governor, who held it for his master, the 
 king of Persia, with a firm resolution to save 
 it, or perish in its fall. It was in his power to 
 have capitulated with the besiegers, and Cimon 
 had often offered him very advantageous terms; 
 3 
 
182 
 
 HISTORY Of GREECE. 
 
 but preferring his honour to his safety, he de- 
 clined all treaty, and defended his station with 
 incredible fury, till he found it no longer pos- 
 sible to continue his defence. Being at last in 
 the utmost want of provisions, he threw all his 
 treasures from the walls into the river Strymon, 
 after which, killing his wife and children, he 
 laid them upon a pile which he had erected for 
 that purpose, and then setting fire to the whole, 
 rushed and expired in the midst of the flames. 
 
 From thence Cimon repaired to Scyrus, an 
 island inhabited by a set of piratical Pelasgi 
 and Dolopians. Having attacked and dispersed 
 these banditti, he planted some Athenian colo- 
 nies along the shores of the JEgean sea ; the 
 trade of which was now laid open to the Greeks. 
 He next carried the arms of Greece into Eu- 
 boea, where he procured the alliance of the 
 Carystians, on terms of his own proposing. 
 He now reduced Naxos to obedience; but, 
 having found the inhabitants very obstinate and 
 refractory, he judged it proper to deprive them 
 of their freedom. This is the first instance in 
 which any dependent city was enslaved, with- 
 out the concurrence of the confederacy. But 
 such stretches of power soon became common 
 to all the leading states in Greece. The Athe- 
 nians had imposed taxes on many of the co- 
 lonies, and of the cities and islands that had 
 been conquered. These taxes the people sub- 
 ynitted to with much reluctance; and whenever 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 183 
 
 they saw a promising opportunity^ they were 
 sure to revolt. Hence was afforded a plea for 
 the first Grecian general that might overcome 
 such a people^ to rob them of their liberty. 
 
 Cimon thus proceeding -from one conquest 
 to another, was at last informed, that the whole 
 Persian fleet was anchored at the mouth of the 
 river Eurymidon, where they expected a rein- 
 forcement of ships from Phoenicia, and, there- 
 fore, deferred an engagement till then. The 
 Athenian general, however, resolved, if pos- 
 sible, to prevent this junction, and ranged his 
 gallies in such a posture as to prevent it, and 
 yet compel the enemy to an engagement. It 
 was in vain that the Persian fleet retired further 
 up the mouth of the river, the Athenians still 
 pursued them up the stream, until they were 
 obliged to prepare for battle. The Persians 
 having the superiority of an hundred sail, main- 
 tained the conflict for some time with great in- 
 trepidity; but being at last forced on shore, 
 they who came first threw them.selves upon land, 
 leaving their empty vessels to the enemy. 
 Thus, besides what were sunk, the Athenians 
 took above two hundred ships ; and following 
 their blow upon land, the Greek soldiers jump- 
 ing from their ships, and setting up a shout, 
 ran furiously upon the enemy, who, sustained 
 the first shock with great resolution. But, at 
 length, the Grecian valour surmounted the 
 enemy's despei aton ; a total rout of the Per- 
 
I 
 
 m HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 sians ensued^ numbers were made prisoners, 
 and a great quantity of plunder seized^ which 
 was found in their tents. Thus the Greeks ob- 
 tained a double victory by sea and land upon 
 the same occasion. 
 
 Cimon having returned successful from this 
 expedition, resolved to expend those treasures 
 which he had taken in war, in beautifying and 
 adorning his native city. A taste for architec- 
 ture had for some time been gaining ground in 
 Greece, and the Athenians gave the world ex- 
 amples in this art, that surpass all others to this 
 very day. Victories so very humiliating to the 
 pride of Persia, induced that empire at last to 
 think of peace; and after some time a treaty 
 was concluded, in which the terms were very 
 honourable on the side of Greece. It was sti- 
 pulated, that the Grecian cities in Asia should 
 be left in quiet enjoyment of their liberty, and 
 that both the land and sea forces of th^ Per- 
 sians, should be kept at such a distance from 
 the Grecian seas, as not to create the smallest 
 suspicion. Thus entirely ended the Persian 
 war, which had kept the Grecian states united, 
 and called all their abilities into exertion ; from 
 that time forward^ those enmities which were 
 dissipated upon the common foe, began to be 
 turned upon each other: the Greeks lost all 
 warlike spirit in petty jealousies, and entirely 
 softening by the refinements and luxuries of 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR, 
 
 peace, prepared themselves for submission to 
 the first invader of their freedom. 
 
 About this time the study of philosophy was 
 carried from Ionia to Athens, by Athenagoras 
 the Clazomenian. Poetry, was at the same 
 time, cultivated by Simonides of the island of 
 Ceos, who sung the exploits of his country 
 in a style becoming their valour. His waitings, 
 however, have not had merit enough to pre- 
 serve them from oblivion ; and it may be as- 
 serted that mankind never suffer any work to 
 be lost, which tends to make them more wise or 
 happy. 
 
186 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 CHAP. IX, 
 
 FKOM THE PEACE WITH PERSIA^ TO THE PEACE OF 
 NICIAS. 
 
 The State of Athens being thus in a great 
 measure freed from its fears of a foreign enemy^ 
 began to cherish intestine animosities, and its 
 citizens laboured with every art to supplant 
 each other in aiming at places of trust and au- 
 thority. Besides Cimon, who, by general con- 
 sent, had been appointed to conduct the fleet 
 and army, others endeavoured to take the lead 
 at home, and to govern with less hazard the 
 operations of the state. The foremost in this 
 attempt was Pericles, who was much younger 
 than Cimon, and of a quite different character. 
 Jpericles was descended from the greatest and 
 most illustrious families of Athens : his father, 
 Xantippus, defeated the Persians at Mycale, 
 and his mother, Agarista, was niece to Calisthe- 
 jies, who expelled the tyrants, and establish- 
 ed a popular government in Athens. He had 
 early thoughts of rising in the state, and took 
 ]essons from Anaxagoras, in the philosophy of 
 nature. He studied politics with great assidu- 
 ity, but particularly devoted himself to elo- 
 quence, which in a popular state, he consider- 
 
PEACE OF NICIAS, 187 
 
 ed as the fountain of all promction. His studies 
 were crowned with success; the poets, his con- 
 temporaries, affirm that his eloquence was so 
 powerful, that, like thunder, he shook and as- 
 tonished all Greece. He had the art of uniting 
 force and beauty; there was no resisting the 
 strength of his arguments, or the sweetness of 
 his delivery. Thucydides, his great opponent, 
 was often heard to. say, that though he had 
 often overthrown him, the power of his per- 
 suasion was such, that the audience could never 
 perceive him fallen. 
 
 To this eloquence he added also a thorough 
 insight into human nature, as well as a perfect 
 acquaintance with the disposition of his auditors. 
 It was a constant saying with him to himself. 
 Remember, Pericles, thou art going to speak to 
 men bora in the arms of liberty, and do thou 
 take care to flatter them in their ruling passion. 
 He resembled the tyrant Pisistratus, not only in 
 the sweetness of his voice, but the features df 
 his face, and his whole air and manner. To 
 these natural and acquired graces, he added 
 those of fortune ; he was very rich, and had an 
 extensive alliance with all the most powerful 
 families of the state. 
 
 The death of Aristides, the banishment of 
 Themistocles, and the absence of Cimon, gave 
 opportunities to his growing ambition. Yet he 
 at first concealed his designs with the most cau- 
 tious reserve, till finding the people growing 
 
18S 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 more and more in his interest, he set himself 
 at their head, and opposed the principal men of 
 the state with great appearance of disinterested 
 virtue. The chief obstacle to his rise was Ci- 
 mon, whose candour and liberality had gained 
 him a numerous party of all ranks and denomi- 
 nations. In opposition to him, Pericles called 
 in popular assistance, and by expending the 
 public money in bribes, largesses, and other 
 distributions, he easily gained the multitude to 
 espouse his interests. 
 
 Thus having laid a secure foundation in po- 
 pularity, he next struck at the council of the 
 Areopagus, composed of the most respectable 
 persons of all Athens; and, by the assistance 
 of one Ephialtes, another popular champion, he 
 drew away most causes from the cognizance of 
 that court, and brought the whole order into 
 contempt. In this manner, while Cimon was 
 permitted to conduct the war abroad, he managed 
 all the supplies at home ; and, as it was his in- 
 terest to keep Cimon at a distance, he took care 
 to provide him with a sufficiency of foreign 
 employment. 
 
 In this state of parties at Athens, an insurrec- 
 tion of the Helotas, or Lacedasmonian slaves, 
 gave an opportunity of trying the strength of 
 eithen These men, who had for several cen- 
 turies groaned under the yoke of oppression, 
 and had been excluded from all hopes of rising^ 
 merely by the influence of an unjust prejudice. 
 
]?EACE OF NICIAS. iB9 
 
 at last took up arms against their rnasters, and 
 threatened no less than the destruction of the 
 Spartan state. In this extremity the Lace- 
 daemonians sent to Athens to implore succour; 
 but this was opposed by Ephialtes, who declared 
 that it would be no way adviseable to assist 
 them, or to make a rival city powerful by their 
 assistance. On the other hand, Cimon es- 
 poused the cause of Sparta, declaring, that it 
 was weak and inconsistent to maim the Grecian 
 confederacy, by suffering one of its members to 
 be tamely lopped away. His opinion for this time 
 prevailed : he was permitted to march forth at 
 the head of a numerous body to their relief, 
 and the insurrection was quelled at their ap- 
 proach. But shortly after the mischief broke 
 out afresh. The Helots possessed themselves of 
 the strong fortress of Ithome, and the Spartans 
 again petitioned for Athenian assistance. It was 
 now that the party of Pericles was found to pre- 
 vail, and the Lacedaemonians were refused a 
 compliance with their demands. Thus left to 
 finish the war with their insurgent slaves in the 
 best manner they could, after besieging Ithome, 
 which held out for ten years, they at last be- 
 came masters of it, sparing the lives of those 
 who defended it, upon condition of leaving Pe- 
 loponnesus ever after. 
 
 In the mean time, the refusal on the side of 
 Athens, and some indignities said to have been 
 received from the Lacedaemonians, revived a 
 
ISO 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 jealousy that had long subsisted between these 
 rival states, which continued tbenceforward to 
 operate with greater or more diminished in- 
 fluence, until both were utterly unable to with- 
 stand the smallest efforts of foreign invasion. 
 The first instance the Athenians gave of their 
 resentment, was to banish Cimon, who had been 
 a favourer of the Spartan cause, for ten years, 
 from the city. They next dissolved their alli- 
 ance with Sparta, and entered into a treaty with 
 the Argives, the professed enemies of the former. 
 The slaves of Ithome were also taken under 
 Athenian protection, and settled with their fa- 
 milies at Naupactus. All the privileges of Spar- 
 tan subjects were demanded in behalf of the 
 Athenians residing in Lacedasmon ; and all the 
 benefits of the Spartan laws, in behalf of their 
 own dependent cities. But what contributed to 
 widen the breach still more, the city of Megara 
 revolting from its alliance with Sparta, was pro- 
 tected and garrisoned by" the Athenians: thus 
 was laid the foundation of an inveterate hatred, 
 which ended in mutual destruction of both 
 states. 
 
 The chief motive to this insolent and treache- 
 rous conduct of the Athenians, was the high 
 tone of superiority which they had assumed ever 
 !i?ince the victory of Plataea. That victory had 
 raised them to the same national eminence with 
 the Lacedaemonians. Their ideas of grandeur 
 and rank had from that period been fostering. 
 
PEACE OF NIGIAS* 
 
 m 
 
 It w^s not, in their opinion, sufficient that they 
 were accounted equal to the Spartans; she must 
 needs be looked upon as their superiors. They, 
 therefore, call themselves the Protectors of 
 Greece ; they desire that the convention of the 
 states shall be held at Athens ; and determine 
 to avenge the slightest affront by the edge of 
 the sword. 
 
 As in all beginning enmities, several treaties 
 were entered into, and several leagues concluded 
 on both sides, till at last they came to a formal 
 rupture. Two pitched battles between the 
 Athenians and Corinthians, in which either side 
 was alternately victorious, sounded the alarm. 
 Another followed between the Athenians and 
 Spartans at Tanagra, in which Cimon, forgetting 
 the injury he had sustained from his country, 
 came to its assistance; but the Athenians suf- 
 fered a defeat. A month or two after another 
 engagement happened, and the Athenians \vere 
 in their turn victorious. The conduct of Cimon 
 again restored him to public favour; he was re- 
 called from banishment, in which he had spent 
 five years; and it was Pericles^ his rival, who 
 first proposed the decree. 
 
 The first use Cimon made of his return, was 
 to reconcile the two rival states to each other 
 and this was so far effected outv^^ardly, that a 
 truce for five years was concluded between 
 them. This led the way to exerting the power 
 of the state upon a more distant enemy. By 
 
1^' HISTOJlY Of GREECE. 
 
 his advice^ a fleet of two hundred sail was 
 manned, and destined under his command to 
 conquer the island of Cyprus. He quickly sailed, 
 over-ran the island, and laid siege to Citium. 
 Here, being either wounded by the defendants, 
 or Wasted by sickness, he b^gan to perceive 
 the approaches of dissolution; but still mindful 
 of his duty, he ordered his attendants to conceal 
 his death until their schemes were crowned with 
 success. They obeyed with secrecy and success. 
 Thirty days after he was dead, the army, which 
 still supposed itself under his command, gained 
 a signal victory ; thus he died not only in the 
 arms of conquest, but gained battles merely by 
 the efficacy of his name. With Cimon, in a great 
 measure, expired the spirit of glory in Athens. 
 As he was the last, so he was the most success- 
 ful of the Grecian heroes. Such was the terror 
 of the Persians at his name, that they univer- 
 sally deserted the sea*coasts, and would not 
 come within four hundred furlongs of the place 
 where he could possibly be expected. 
 
 Pericles being now, by the death of Cimon^ 
 freed from a potent rival, set himself to com- 
 plete the work of ambition which he had begun ; 
 and by dividing the conquered lands, amusing 
 the people with shows, and adorning the city 
 with public buildings, he gained such an ascend- 
 ant over the minds of the people, that he might 
 be said to have attained a monarchical power in 
 Athens. He found means to maintain, for eight 
 
PEACE OF NICIAS. 
 
 19$ 
 
 months in the year, a great number of poor ci- 
 tizens:, by putting them on board the fie^, con- 
 sisting of threescore ships, which he fitted out 
 every year. He planted several colonies in the 
 many places which had lately submitted to 
 Athens. By this he cleared the city of a great 
 number of idle persons^ who were ever ready 
 to disturb government; and were, at the same 
 time, unable to subsist. But the public buildings 
 which he raised, the ruins of some of which 
 subsist to this day, are sufficient to endear his 
 name to posterity. It is surprising, that in a city 
 not noted for the number of its inhabitants, and 
 in so short a space of time^ as that of his admi- 
 nistration, such laborious, expensive, and mag- 
 nificent works could be performed. All the arts 
 of architecture, sculpture, and painting were ex- 
 hausted in his designs; and what still remain, 
 continue to this hour as inimitable models of 
 perfection. To effect these great works, he, in 
 some measure had recourse to injustice, and 
 availed himself of those treasures which had 
 been supplied by Greece for carrying on the 
 war with Persia, and which having been lodged 
 at Delos, he had address enough to get trans- 
 ported to Athens, where he expended them in 
 securing his own power by all the arts of popu- 
 larity. By these means Athens became so much 
 admired and envied by her neighbours, that it 
 w^ent by the name of the Ornament ; and when 
 it was urged that the common treasure was 
 
 VOL. I, o 
 
m HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 squandered away in these works of shew, Pe-- 
 ricles answered, that the people of Athens were 
 not accountable to any for their conduct; for 
 they had the best right to the treasures of the 
 confederated states^ who took the greatest care 
 to defend them. He added, that it was fit that 
 ingenious artizans should have their share of the 
 jjublic money, since there was still enough left 
 for carrying on the war. 
 
 These were rather the arguments of power 
 than persuasion, of a man already in possession, 
 than willing upon just grounds to relinquish 
 what he claimed. It was seen not only by the 
 wiser citizens, but by all the states of Greece, 
 that he was daily striding into power, and that 
 he would, as Pisistratus had done before, make 
 the people the fabricators of their own chains. 
 For remedying this growing evil, the heads of 
 the city opposed Thucydides to his growing 
 power, and attempted to restrain his career by 
 opposing eloquence to popularity. 
 
 Thucydides w^as brother-in-law to Cimon, and 
 had displayed his wisdom on numberless occa- 
 sions. He was not possessed of the military 
 talents of his rival, but his eloquence gave him 
 a very powerful influence over the people. As 
 he never left the city, he still combated Pericles 
 in all his measures, and for a while brought 
 down the ambition of his rival to the standard of 
 reason. 
 
 But his efforts could not long avail against the 
 
JPEACE OF NICIAS. 
 
 195 
 
 persuasive power and corrupt influence of his 
 opponent. Pericles every day gained new 
 ground, till he at last found himself possessed 
 of the whole authority of the state. It was then 
 that he began to change his behaviour, and from 
 acting the fawning and humble suppliant, he 
 assumed the haughty airs of royalty. He now 
 no longer submitted himself to the caprice of 
 the people, but changed the democratic state of 
 Athens into a kind of monarchy, without de- 
 parting, however, from the public good. He 
 would sometimes indeed win his fellow-citizens 
 over to his will ; but at other times, when he 
 found them obstinate, he would in a manner 
 compel them to consult their own interests. 
 Thus, between power and persuasion, public 
 profusion, and private economy, political false- 
 hood, and private integrity, Pericles became 
 the principal ruler at Athens, and all such as 
 were his enemies, became the enemies of the 
 state. 
 
 It is not to be wondered, that this prosperous 
 and magnificent state of Athens was not a little 
 displeasing to the rival states of Greece; espe- 
 cially as its state of splendor was, in some mea- 
 sure, formed from their contributions. The 
 Spartans particularly, still continued to regard 
 this growing city with envy, and soon shewed 
 their displeasure, by refusing to send deputies 
 to Athens, to consult about repairing the temple 
 that had been burnt down during the wars with 
 
 o2 
 
196 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Persia. The Successes of Pericles against the 
 enemy in Thrace, still more increased their un- 
 easiness; and particularly when sailing round 
 Peloponnesus with an hundred ships, he pro- 
 tected the allies of Greece, and granted their 
 cities all they thought fit to ask him. These 
 successes raised the indignation of Sparta, while 
 they intoxicated Athens with ideas of ambition, 
 and opened new inlets for meditatiiig conquest. 
 The citizens now began to talk of attempts upon 
 Egypt, of attacking the maritime provinces of 
 Persia, of carrying their arms into Sicily, and 
 of extending their conquests from Italy to 
 Carthage. These were views beyond their power, 
 and that rather marked their pride, than their 
 ability or wisdom. 
 
 An expedition against Samos, in favour of the 
 Milesians, who had craved their assistance, wa» 
 the beginning of this rupture, which never after 
 was closed up. It is pretended, that Pericles 
 fomented this war, to please a famous courtezan 
 named Aspasia, of whom he was particularly 
 enamoured. After several events and battles, 
 not worth the regard of history, Pericles besieged 
 the capital of Samos with tortoises and battering 
 rams, which was the first time these military 
 engines had been employed in sieges. The 
 Samians after sustaining a nine months' siege, 
 surrendered. Pericles razed their walls, dis- 
 possessed them of their ships, and demanded 
 immense sums to defray the ^pences of the war. 
 
PEACE OF NICIAS. 
 
 197 
 
 Flushed with this success, he returned to Athens, 
 buried all those who had lost their lives in the 
 siege in the most splendid manner, and pro- 
 nounced their funeral oration. 
 
 A rupture now between the Athe- 
 
 , ^ , . , A. M. 3572. 
 
 mans and Lacedasmonians seemed 
 
 inevitable. Pericles, therefore, to anticipate 
 the designs of the rival state, advised that aid 
 should be sent to the people of Corcyra, whom 
 the Corinthians, assisted by the Lacedasmonians, 
 had invaded. 
 
 As the quarrel between the Corcyreans and 
 Corinthians gave rise to the great Peloponnesian 
 war, which soon after involved all Greece, it 
 will be necessary to give a slight account of its 
 original. Epidamnus was a colony of the Cor- 
 cyreans, which growing first rich, and soon after 
 factious, banished the chief of her citizens. The 
 exiles joining with the Illyrians, brought the 
 ppidamnians so low, that they were obliged to 
 send to Corcyra, their parent city for assistance. 
 The Corcyreans rejecting their request, they had 
 recourse to Corinth ; and giving themselves up 
 to that state, were taken under its protection. 
 This, however, the Corcyreans began to resent, 
 and having been remiss in affording assistance 
 themselves, resolved to punish such as should 
 offer any. A rupture took place between the 
 Corinthians and Corcyreans, some naval engage- 
 ments ensued, in which the Corcyreans being 
 worsted, had recourse, as has been already ob-- 
 
1^8 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 served, to the Athenians for support, who sent 
 some naval succours, which, however, proved 
 of no great efficacy in their defence. 
 
 From this war arose another; for Potidaea, a 
 city belonging to Athens, declaring for Corinth, 
 these two states, from being accessaries, became 
 principals, and drew their forces into the field 
 near Potidaea, where a battle ensued, in which 
 the Athenians had the victory. It was in this 
 battle that Socrates saved the life of Alcibiades, 
 his pupil; and after the battle was over, pro- 
 cured him the prize of valour which he himself 
 had more justly earned. The city of Potidasa 
 was soon after besieged, in consequence of this 
 victorv, and the Corinthians complained to the 
 states of Greece against the Athenians, as having 
 infringed the article of peace. The Lacedae- 
 monians, in particular, admitted them to an au- 
 dience, where the deputies of Corinth endea- 
 voured to rouze them into a sense of their dan- 
 ger from the ambitious designs of Athens ; and 
 threatened, if left unprotected, to put themselves 
 under the comanand of a power strong enough 
 to grant them protection and safety. After 
 hearing what the Athenians had to reply, the 
 Spartans came to a close debate among them- 
 selves, wherein it was universally agreed that 
 the Athenians were the aggressors, and that 
 they should be reduced to a just sense of their 
 duty. But the dispute was, whether war should 
 be immediately declared against them, or re- 
 
 6 
 
PEACE OF NICIAS. 
 
 199 
 
 monstrances made to bring them to reason. 
 Archidamiis^ one of their kings-, a marj of pru- 
 dence and temper, was of opinion, that they 
 were not at this time a match for Athens, and 
 endeavoured to dissuade them from rushing into 
 a thoughtless and improvident war. But Sthe* 
 nelaides, _ one of the Ephori, urged the contrary, 
 alledging, that when once they had received an 
 injury, they ought not to deliberate, but that 
 revenge should follow insult. Accordingly a 
 war was declared, and all the confederates were 
 made acquainted with the resolution. 
 
 War being thus resolved upon, in order to 
 give a colour of justice to their designs, the La- 
 cedaemonians began by sending ambassadors to 
 Athens; and, while they made preparations for 
 acting with vigour, still kept up a shew of seek- 
 ing redress by treaty. They required of the 
 Athenians the expulsion of some who had pro- 
 faned the temple of Minerva at Cylon from 
 their city ; they demanded that the siege of Po- 
 tidsea should be raised, and that the Athenians 
 should cease to infringe upon the liberties of 
 Greece. 
 
 Pericles now saw, that as he had led the 
 Athenians into a war, it was incumbent upon 
 him to inspire them with courage to prosecute 
 it with vigour. He shewed his countrymen that 
 even trifles extorted from them with an air of 
 command, were in themselves a sufficient ground 
 for war; that they might promise themselves a 
 
200 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 considerable share of success from the division 
 in the confederated councils of their opponents; 
 that they had shipping to invade their enemies 
 coastS;, and their city being well fortified, could 
 not easily be taken by land. He [concluded 
 with telling them the absolute necessity there 
 was for war ; and that the more cheerfully they 
 undertook it, the easier it would be to bring it 
 to an happy conclusion. That the greatest ho- 
 nours had generally recurred to their state from 
 the greatest extremities; that this should serve 
 to animate them in its defence, so as to transmit 
 it with undiminished honour to posterity. The 
 people, giddy, fond of change, and unterrified 
 by distant dangers, readily came into his opi- 
 nion ; and to give some colour to their proceed- 
 ings, returned evasive answers to the Spartan - 
 demand; and concluded with asserting, that 
 they desired to adjust all differences by treaty, 
 as unwilling to begin a war ; but, in case of 
 danger, they would defend themselves with des- 
 perate resolution. 
 
 Thus the people, from their love of change, 
 entered hastily into the war, but Pericles was 
 personally interested in its declaration. He was 
 deeply indebted to the state, and knew that a 
 time of peace was the only opportunity in which 
 he could be called upon to setlle his accounts. 
 It is said that Alcibiades, his nephew, seeing him 
 one day very pensive, and demanding the rea- 
 son, was answered, that he was considering how 
 3 
 
PEACE OF NICIAS. 
 
 201 
 
 to make up his accounts. " You had better/' 
 said hC;, consider how to avoid being account- 
 able." Beside this, Pericles finding no happi- 
 ness in domestic society, gave himself up to the 
 allurements of his mistress Aspasia, whose wit 
 and vivacity had captivated all the poets and 
 philosophers of the age, Socrates himself not 
 excepted. She was inclined to oppose the 
 Spartan state ; and he, in some measure, is 
 thought to have acquiesced in her advice. 
 
 War being thus resolved on on every side, 
 the first dawn of success seemed to offer in fa- 
 vour of Athens ; the city of Platsea, that had 
 lately declared for them, was surprized by three 
 hundred Thebans, who were let in by a party 
 of the town that joined in the conspiracy. But 
 a part of the citizens that had espoused the op- 
 posite interests, falling upon them in the night, 
 killed a part, and took two hundred prisoners, 
 who a little time after were put to death. The 
 Athenians, as soon as the news was brought of 
 this action, sent succours and provisions thither, 
 and cleared the city of all persons who were 
 incapable of bearing arms. From this time all 
 Greece appeared in motion ; every part of it 
 took a side in the common quarrel, except a 
 few states, who continued neuter till they should 
 see the event of the war. The majority were 
 for the Lacedaemonians, as being the deliverers 
 of Greece, and espoused their interests with ar- 
 dour. On their side were ranged the Achaians, 
 
902 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 the inhabitants of Pellene excepted^ the people 
 of Megara, Locris^ Boeotia, Phocis, Ambracia, 
 Leucadia, and Anactorium. On the side of 
 AthenS;, were the people of Chios^ Lesbos^ 
 Plataea, many of the islands and several tribu- 
 tary maritime states, including those of Thrace^ 
 Potid^a excepted. 
 
 The Lacedsemonians immediately after their 
 attempt upon Plata^a, assembled a body of men, 
 making up, with their confederates, sixty thou- 
 sand in number : Archidamus, who commanded 
 the army, harangued them in an animated 
 speech. He told them, that the eyes of all 
 Greece were upon them ; that they were supe- 
 rior in numbers, and were to oppose an enemy 
 not only inferior in number, but oppressed with 
 the consciousness of their own violence and in- 
 justice. He exhorted them to march boldly into 
 the country they were about to enter, with that 
 courage for which they had been long famous,, 
 and with that caution which was requisite against 
 so insidious an adversary. The whole army an- 
 swered with an acclamation of joy ; and thus 
 that war, which was to be the destruction of 
 Greece, was commenced in a phrenzy of trans- 
 port by its shortsighted inhabitants, who hur- 
 ried on to mutual ruin. 
 
 Pericles, on the other hand, prepared his 
 scanty body of Athenians to meet the threatened 
 blow. He declared to the Athenians, that should 
 Archidamus, when he was laying waste the Athe- 
 
PEACE OF NICIAS. 203 
 
 nian territories, spare any part of those lands 
 that belonged to Pericles himself, he would only 
 consider it as a trick to impose upon Athenian 
 credulity ; he, therefore, gave up all his pro- 
 perty in those lands, and resigned them back 
 to the state, from which his ancestors had ori- 
 ginally received them* He declared to the peo- 
 ple, that it was their interest to protract the 
 war, and to let the enemy be ruined by delay. 
 He advised them to remove all their effects from 
 their country, and to shut themselves up in 
 Athens without ever hazarding a battle. Their 
 troops indeed were but very scanty compared to 
 those they were to oppose; they amounted but 
 to thirteen thousand heavy armed soldiers, six- 
 teen thousand inhabitantvS, and twelve hundred 
 horse, with a body of archers about double that 
 number. This was the whole army cf the Athe- 
 nians ; but their chief strength consisted in a 
 fleet of three hundred gallies, which, by con- 
 tinually infesting and plundering the enemy's 
 coast, raised contributions sufficient to defray 
 the expence of the war. 
 
 Impressed with the exhortation of Pericles, 
 the Athenians, with a [mixture of grief and re- 
 solution, forsook the culture of their fields, and 
 carried all their possessions that could be con- 
 veyed away with them into Athens. They had 
 now enjoyed the sweets of peace for near fifty 
 years, and their lands bore an appearance ot 
 wealth and industry ; but from the fate of war 
 
f04- HISTORY OF GREECE* 
 
 they were once more obliged to forsake'culture 
 for encampment;, the sweets of rural life, for 
 the shocks of battle. 
 
 In the mean time the Lacedaemonians enter- 
 ed the country at Oenoe, a frontier fortress, 
 and leaving it behind them, marched forward 
 to Acharne, an unwalled town, within seven 
 miles of Athens. TheA thenians, terrified at 
 their approach, now began to convert their fury 
 against the enemy into reproaches against their 
 former leader. They abused him for bringing 
 them into a war, in which he had neither strength 
 to oppose, nor courage to protect them; they 
 loudly desired, notwithstanding the inferiority 
 of their number to be led into the field of 
 battle. Pericles, however, chose the more mo- 
 derate part. He shut up the city gates, placed 
 sufficient guards at all the posts around, sent 
 out parties of horse to keep the enemy employ- 
 ed ; and, at the same time, ordered out one 
 hundred gallies to infest the coast of Pelopon- 
 nesus. These precautions at last succeeded; 
 after the Lacedaemonians had laid waste the 
 whole country round Athens, and insulted the 
 defenders of the city by their numbers and 
 their reproaches, finding the place impregnable, 
 they abandoned the siege, and the inhabitants 
 once more issued from their w^alls in joy and 
 security. 
 
 The Athenians, after this severe mortification, 
 resolved to retaliate; being left at liberty to 
 
l^EACE OF NICIAS. SO^ 
 
 set offensively, as well by land as sea, they in- 
 vaded the enemy's territory with their whole 
 force in turn, and took Nisas, a strong haven, 
 with walls reaching into the city of Nigara. 
 
 Proud of the first dawn of success, the first 
 campaign being elapsed, during the winter 
 they expressed their triumph by public games 
 at the funerals of those that were slain in battle. 
 They placed their bodies in tents three days be- 
 fore the funeral; upon the fourth day coffins 
 of Cyprus were sent from the tribes, to convey 
 the bones of their relations; the procession 
 marched with solemn pomp, attended by the 
 inhabitants and strangers who visited the city; 
 the relations and children of the soldiers who 
 were killed, stood weeping at the sepulchre; 
 those who fell at the battle of Marathon indeed 
 were buried on the field, but the rest received one 
 common interment in a place called Ceramicus. 
 Pericles, who had contributed to the saving of his 
 country, contributed also to its honour, and pro- 
 nounced a funeral oration over them, which re- 
 mains to this day, at once a mark of his eloquence 
 and his gratitude. But the joy of the public 
 was not confined to empty praises, ceremonies, 
 and tears; a stipend was set apart for main- 
 taining the widows and the orphans of those who 
 fell in the service of their country. And thus 
 ended the first year of the Peloponnesian war. 
 
 In the beginning of the ensuing summer, 
 the Lacedaemonians renewed their hostilities. 
 
206 HISTORY GF GREECE. 
 
 and invaded the territories of Athens with the 
 the same number of men as before. In this 
 manner these capricious states went on to ha- 
 rass and depopulate each other: but a more ter- 
 rible punishment now began to threaten them 
 from nature. A plague broke out in the city 
 of Athens^ a more terrible than which is scarcely 
 recorded in the annals of history. It is related 
 that it began in Ethiopia, whence it descended 
 into Egypt, from thence travelled into Libya 
 and Persia, and at last broke like a flood upon 
 Athens. This pestilence baffled the utmost ef- 
 forts of art ; the most robust constitutions were 
 unable to withstand its attacks; no skill could 
 obviate, nor no remedy dispel the terrible in- 
 fection. The instant a person was seized, he 
 was struck with despair, which quite disabled 
 him from attempting a cure. The humanity of 
 friends was as fatal to themselves, as it was in- 
 effectual to the unhappy sufferers. The prodi- 
 gious quantity of baggage which had been re- 
 moved out of the country into the city, in- 
 creased the calamity. Most of the inhabitants, 
 for want of lodging, lived in little cottages, 
 in which they could scarce breathe, while the 
 burning heat of the summer increased the pesti- 
 lential malignity. They were seen confusedly 
 huddled together, the dead as well as the dying, 
 some crawling through the streets, some laying 
 along by the sides of fountains, whither they 
 had endeavoured to repair, to quench the ra- 
 
PEACE OF NICIAS^. m 
 
 ging thirst which consumed them. Their very- 
 temples were filled with dead bodies^ and every 
 part of the city exhibited a dreadful scene of 
 mortality, without the least remedy for the pre- 
 sent, or the least hopes with regard to futurity. 
 It seized the people with such violence^ that 
 they fell one upon another as they passed along 
 the streets. It was also attended with such un- 
 comm.on pestilential vapours, that the very 
 beasts and birds of prey, though famishing 
 round the walls of the city, would not touch 
 the bodies of those who died of it. Even in 
 those who recovered, it left such a tincture of 
 its malignity, that it struck upon their senses. 
 It effaced the memory of all the passages of 
 of their former lives, and they knew neither 
 themselves nor their nearest relations. The 
 circumstances of this disease are described at 
 large by Thucydides, who was sick of it him- 
 self; and he observes among other effects of it, 
 that it introduced into the city, a more licen- 
 tious way of living. For the people at first had 
 recourse to their Gods to avert that judgment; 
 but finding they were all alike infected, whe- 
 ther they worshipped them or not, and that it 
 was generally mortal, they abandoned them- 
 selves at once to despair and riot; for, since 
 they held their lives but as it were by the day, 
 they were resolved to make the most of their 
 time and money. The cause of it was generally 
 imputed to Pericles, who, by drawing such 
 
m 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 numbers into the city, was thought to have cor- 
 rupted the very air. Yet, though this was 
 raging within, and the enemy wasting the 
 country without, he was still in the same mind 
 as before, that they ougiit not to rest all their 
 hopes on the issue of a battle. In the mean 
 time the enemy advancing towards the coast, 
 laid waste the whole country, and returned, 
 after having insulted the wretched Athenians, 
 already thinned by pestilence and famine. 
 
 Fickleness and inconstancy were the prevail- 
 ing characters of the Athenians; and as these 
 carried them on a sudden to their greatest ex- 
 cesses, they soon brought them back within the 
 bounds of moderation and respect. Pericles 
 had been long a favourite : the calamities of the 
 state at last began to render him obnoxious ; 
 they had deposed him from the command of his 
 army, but now repented their rashness, and re- 
 instated him a short time after, with more than 
 former authority. By dint of suffering they 
 began to bear patiently their domestic mis- 
 fortunes ; and, imprest with a love of their coun- 
 try, to ask pardon for their former ingratitude. 
 But he did not live long to enjoy his honours. 
 He was seized with the plague, which, like a 
 malignant enemy, struck its severest blow at 
 parting. Being extremely ill, and ready to breathe 
 his last, the principal citizens, and such of his 
 friends that had fiot forsaken him, discoursing 
 in his bed-chamber concerning the loss thej 
 
PEACE GF NICIAS. 
 
 20& 
 
 were about to sustain, ran over his exploits^ and 
 computed the number of his victories. They 
 did not imagine that Pericles attended to what 
 they said> as he seemed insensible ; but it was 
 far otherwise, for not a single word of their dis- 
 course had escaped him. " At last," cried he, 
 why will you extol a series of actions, in which 
 fortune had the greatest part : there is one cir- 
 cumstance which I would not have forgotten, 
 yet which you have passed over; I could wish 
 to have it remembered, as the most glorious cir- 
 cumstance of life — that 1 never yet caused a 
 single citizen to put on mourning." 
 
 Thus died Pericles, in whom were united a 
 number of excellent qualities without impairing 
 each other. As well skilled in naval affairs as in 
 the conduct of armies ; as well skilled in the arts 
 of raising money as of employing it; eloquent in 
 public and pleasing in private ; he was a patron 
 of artists, at once informing them by hm taste 
 and example. 
 
 The most memorable transaction of the follow- 
 ing years, was the siege of Platasa,by the Lacedae- 
 monians. This was one of the most famous 
 sieges in antiquity on account of the vigorous 
 efforts of both parties, but especially for the 
 glorious resistance made by the besieged, and 
 the stratagems to escape the fury of the as- 
 sailants. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians besieged this place in 
 the beginning of the third campaign. As soon 
 
 VOL. I. p 
 
i 
 
 tlQ HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 as they had fixed their camp round the city, in 
 order to. lay waste the places adjacent, the Pla- 
 tasans sent deputies to the Lacedaemonian gene- 
 ral, declaring the injustice of injuring them, who 
 had received their liberties on a former occasion 
 from the Lacedasmonians themselves. The La- 
 cedaemonians replied that there was but one 
 method to ensure their safety; which was to 
 renew that alliance by w^hich they had originally 
 procured their freedom ; to disclaim their Athe- 
 nian supporters, and to unite with the Lacedae- 
 monians, who had power and *will to protect 
 them. The deputies replied, they could not 
 possibly come to any agreement without first 
 sending to Athens, whither their wives and chil- 
 dren were retired. The Lacedasmonians permit- 
 ted them to send thither; and the Athenians so- 
 lemnly promising to succour them to the utmost 
 of their powxr, the Platseans resolved to suffer 
 the last extremities, rather than surrender, and 
 prepared for a vigorous defence, with a steady 
 resolution to succeed or fall. 
 
 Archidamus, the Lacedaemonian general, after 
 calling upon the gods to witness that he did not 
 first infringe the alliance, prepared for the siege 
 with equal perseverance. He surrounded the 
 city with a circumvaliation of trees, which were 
 laid very close together, their branches turned 
 towards the city. He then raised batteries upon 
 them, and formed a terrace sufficient to support 
 his warlike Kiachines. His army worked night 
 
PEACE OF NICIAS. 
 
 211 
 
 and day without intermission for seventy days', 
 one half of the soldiers reposing themselves while 
 the others were at work. 
 
 The besieged observing the works begin to 
 rise round them, threw up a wooden wall upon 
 the walls of the city^ opposite the platform, in 
 order that they might always out-top the be- 
 siegers. This wall was covered on the outside 
 with hides, both raw and dry, in order to shel- 
 ter it from the besiegers' fires. Thus both walls 
 seemed to vie with each other for superiority, 
 till at last the besieged, without amusing them- 
 selves at this work any longer, built another 
 within, in the form of a half moon, behind which 
 they might retire, in case their outer works were 
 forced. 
 
 In the mean time the besiegers, having mount- 
 ed their engines of war, shook the city wall in 
 a very terrible manner; which, though it alarmed 
 the citizens, did not however discourage them : 
 they employed every art that fortification could 
 suggest against the enemy's batteries. They 
 catched with ropes the heads of the battering 
 rams that were urged against them, and deadened 
 their force with levers. The besieo:ers finding; 
 their attack did not go on successfully, and that 
 a new wall was raised against their platform, 
 despaired of being able to storm the place: and 
 therefore changed the siege into a blockade, 
 after having vainly attempted to set fire to the 
 city, which was suddenly quenched by a shower. 
 
 p % 
 
215 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 The city was now surrounded by a brick walT, 
 stiddenly erected, strengthened on each side bj 
 a deep ditch. The whole army was engaged 
 successively upon this wall, and when it was 
 finished they left a guard over half of it; the 
 Bceotians offering to guard the other half, while 
 the rest of the army returned to Sparta. 
 
 In this manner the wretched Platseans \m'e 
 Codped up by a strong wail, without any hope.** 
 of redress, and only awaited the mercy of the 
 conqueror. There were now in Platasa but four 
 hundred inhabitants, and fourscore Athenians, 
 with an hundred and ten women to dress their 
 victuals, and no other person, whether freeman 
 6y slave, all the rest having been sent to Athens 
 before the siege. At last the inhabitants of 
 Platasa, having lost all hopes of succour, and 
 being in the utmost w^ant of provisions, formed 
 a resolution to cut their way through the enemy. 
 But half of them, struck with the greatness of 
 the danger, and the boldness of the enterprize, 
 entirely lost courage when they came to the 
 execution ; but the re>4 ( who w^ere about two 
 hundred and twenty soldiers) persisted in their 
 resolution, and escaped in the following man- 
 tier. The besieged first took the height of the 
 wall, by counting the rows of bricks which com- 
 posed it; and this they did at different times, 
 and employed several men for that purpose, in 
 order that thev might not mistake in the calcu-r 
 htiun. This was the^easier, becau.se as the wall 
 
PEACE GF NICIAS. 
 
 213 
 
 *^tood but at a small distance^ every part of it 
 was very visibly. They then made ladders of a 
 proper length. All things being now ready for 
 executing the design, the besieged left the citv 
 one night when there was no moon, in the midst 
 of a storm of wind and rain. After crossing the 
 first ditch^ they drew near the wall undiscovered 
 though the darkness of the night, not to mention 
 that the noise made by the rain and wind pre- 
 vented their being heard. They marched at 
 some distance from one another, to prevent the 
 clashing of their arms, which were light, in order 
 that those who carried them might be the more 
 active ; and one of their legs was naked, to keep 
 them from sliding so easily in the mire. Those 
 who carried the ladders, laid them jn the space 
 between the towers^, where they knew no guard 
 was posted, because it rained. That instant 
 twelve men mounted the ladders, armed with 
 only a coat of mail and a dagger, and marched 
 directly to the towers, six on each side. They 
 were followed by soldiers armed only with jave- 
 lins, that they might mount the easier, and 
 their shields were carried after them to be used 
 in the charge. When most of those were got 
 to the top of the wall, they were discovei*ed 
 ' by the falling of a tile, which one of their eofn- 
 rades in taking hold of the parapet had thrown 
 down. The alarm was immediately given from 
 the towers, and the whole array approached the 
 wall^ without discovering the occasion of the 
 
$14 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 outcry, from the gloom of the night and the 
 violence of the storm. Besides which, those 
 who had staid behind the city, beat an alarm at 
 the same time in another quarter, to make a di-^ 
 version ; so that the enemy did not know which 
 way to turn themselves, and were afraid to quit 
 their posts. But a corps de reserve of three hun- 
 dred men, who were kept for any unforeseen 
 accident that might happen, quitted the con- 
 travallation, and ran to that part where they 
 heard the noise, and torches were held up to- 
 wards Thebes,^ to shew that they must run thr^t 
 way. But those in the city, to render the signal 
 of no use, made others at the same time in dif- 
 ferent quarters, having prepared them on the 
 walls for that purpose. In the mean time, those 
 who had mounted first having possessed them- 
 selves of the two towers which flanked the in- 
 terval where the ladders were set, and having 
 killed those who guarded them, posted them- 
 selves there to defend the passage, and keep off 
 the bcvsiegers. Then setting ladders on the top 
 of the wall, betwixt the two towers, they caused 
 a good number of their comrades to mount, in 
 order to keep off, by the discharge of their ar- 
 rows, as well those who were advancing to the 
 foot of the wall, as the others who were hastening 
 to the neighbouring towers. Whilst this was 
 doing they had time to set up several ladders, 
 and to throw down the parapet, that the rest 
 might come up with greater ease. As fast as 
 
PEACE OF NICIAS. 215 
 
 they came up, they went down on the other 
 side, and drew up near the fosse, on the outside, 
 to shoot at those who appeared. After they 
 were passed over, the men who were in the 
 towers came down last, and made to the fosse, 
 to follow after the rest. That instant the guard, 
 with three hundred torches, came up. However, 
 as the Platasans saw their enemies by this light 
 better than they were seen by them, they there- 
 fore took a surer aim, by which means the last 
 crossed the ditch, without being attacked in 
 their passage. However, this was not done 
 without much difficulty, because the ditch was 
 frozen over, and the ice could not bear, on ac- 
 count of a thaw and heavy rains. The violence 
 of the storm was of great advantage to them. 
 After all were passed they took the road towards 
 Thebes, the better to conceal their retreat, be- 
 cause it was not likely they had fled towards a 
 city of the enemy's. Immediately they per 
 ceived the besiegers with torches in their hands 
 pursuing them in the road that led to Athens. 
 After keeping that of Thebes about six or seven 
 stadia, they turned short towards the mountain, 
 .and resumed the route of Athens, whither two 
 hundred and twelve arrived out of two hundred 
 and twenty, who had quitted the place, the rest 
 having returned back to it through fear, one 
 archer excepted, who was taken on the side of 
 the fosse of contravallation. The besiegers, after 
 having pursued them to no purpose, returned 
 
216 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 to their camp. In the mean time, the Platseans 
 who remained in the city, supposing that all 
 their companions had been killed ( because they 
 who were returned, to justify themselves affirm- 
 ed they were) sent a herald to demand their 
 dead bodies; but being told the true state of the 
 affair, he withdrew. At the end of the following 
 campaign, the Plata^ans being in absolute want 
 of provisions, and unable to make the least de- 
 fence, surrendered upon condition that they 
 should not be punished till they had been tried 
 and adjudged in form of justice. Five com- 
 missioners came for this purpose from Lacedae- 
 mon, and these, without charging them with any 
 crime, barely asked them whether they had done 
 any service to the Lacedaemonians and the allies 
 in this war? The Platasans were much surprized, 
 as well as puzzled at this question, and were 
 sensible, that it had been suggested by the The- 
 bans, their professed enemies, who had vowed 
 their destruction. They, therefore, put the La- 
 cedasmonians in mind of the services they had 
 done to Greece in general, both at the battle of 
 Artemisium and that of Platsea, and particularly 
 in Lacedasmonia at the time of the earthquake, 
 which was followed by the revolt of their slaves. 
 The only reason they offered for their having 
 joined the Athenians afterwards, was to defend 
 ' themselves from the hostilities of the Thebans 
 against whom they had implored the assistance 
 of the Lacedaemonians to no purpose. That il 
 
 3 
 
PEACE OF NICIAS, 
 
 tliat was imputed to them as a crime^ which was 
 only their misfortune^ it ought not, however, 
 entirely to obliterate the remembrance of their 
 former services. " Cast your eyes^" said they," on 
 the monuments of your ancestors which you see 
 here, to whom we annually pay all the honours 
 which can be rendered Xo the manes t)f the dead. 
 You thought fit to entrust their bodies with us, 
 as we were eye-witnesses of their bravery. And 
 yet you will now give up their ashes to their 
 murtherers in abandoning us to the Thebans, 
 who fought against them at the battle of Platsea, 
 Will you enslave a province where Greece re- 
 covered its liberty ? Will you destroy the temples 
 of those gods to whom you owed the victory ? 
 Will you abolish the memory of their founders, 
 who contributed so greatly to your safety ? On 
 this occasion, we may venture to say, our interest 
 is inseparable from your glory, and you cannot 
 deliver up your ancient friends and benefactors 
 to the unjust hatred of the Thebans, without 
 eternal infamy to yourselves," One would con- 
 clude, that these just remonstrances must have 
 made some impression on the Lacedaemonians ; 
 but they were biassed more by the answer the 
 Thebans made, and which was expressed in the 
 most haughty and bitter terms against the Pla- 
 Tceans ; and ]:esides, they had brought their in- 
 j^tructions from Lacedasmon. They stood, there- 
 fore, to their first question. Whether the Pla- 
 ttseans hM done them any service sinc^ the war? 
 
ns HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 and making them pass one after another, as they 
 severally answered. No, each was immediately 
 butchered, and not one escaped. About two 
 hundred were killed in this manner, and twenty- 
 five Athenians, who were among them, met 
 with the same unhappy fate. Their wives who 
 had been taken prisoners, were made slaves. 
 The Thebans afterwards peopled their city with 
 exiles from Megara and Thebes, but the year 
 after they demolished it entirely. It was in this 
 manner the Lacedaemonians, in the hop^s of 
 reaping great advantages from the Thebans, 
 sacrificed the Plataeans to their animosity, ninety- 
 three years after their first alliance with the 
 Athenians. 
 
 Much about this time was set on foot the ex- 
 pedition for the relief of Lesbos. But the Pe- 
 loponnesians hearing in their voyage, of a vio- 
 lent insurrection in Corcyra, resolved to' sail 
 thither, hoping that the disaffected state of that 
 island would make it fall an easy prey to their 
 army. They were, however, disappointed in 
 their expectation : for the Corcyreans had be- 
 come so exasperated and so desperate, as to deter 
 the most daring enemy from approaching their 
 citv. It was about the same time also, that Si- 
 cily began to be agitated by a quarrel, that took 
 place between the inhabitants of Syracuse and 
 those of Leontium. Their dissensions ran high: 
 but the detail of them, and of the operations 
 at Corcyra, and other places, I am inclined to 
 
PEACE OF NICIAS. 
 
 219 
 
 pass over in silence, as they were incidents in 
 which the Grecian states mutually destroyed 
 each other, without promoting general happi- 
 ness, or establishing any common form of go- 
 vernment. The fluctuations of success were 
 various. The Athenians took the city of Pylus 
 from the Lacedaemonians ; and they, on the 
 other hand, made annual incursions into Attica. 
 More than one overture for a peace was made 
 by the Lacedasmonian ambassadors without ef- 
 fect; for Cleon, who had a great ascendant 
 among the Athenians, boasted that he would 
 take all the Spartans prisoners in the island of 
 Sphacteria, within twenty days. The war was, 
 therefore, renewed, with all its former animo- 
 sities. This island, which was situated near 
 Pylus, became the scene of mutual contention. 
 Demosthenes, the Athenian admiral, (whoie va- 
 lour and conduct his eloquent descendant of the 
 same name, afterwards extolled) being joined 
 in commission with Cieon, landed on the island, 
 in order to dispossess the Lacedaemonians, who 
 still remained there. They attacked the enemy 
 with great vigour, drove them from post to post, 
 and gaining ground perpetually, at last forced 
 them to the extremity of the island. The La- 
 cedasmonians had stormed a fort that was thought 
 inaccessible. There they drew up in order of 
 battle, faced about to that side only where they 
 eould be attacked, and defended themselves 
 like so many lions. As the engagement had 
 
m HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 lasted the greatest part of the day, and the sol- 
 diers were oppressed with h^at and weariness, 
 and parched with thirst, the general of the Mes- 
 senians directing himself to Cleon, and Demos- 
 thenes, the general who was joined in commis- 
 sion with him, said, that all their efforts would 
 be to no purpose, unless they charged their 
 enemy's rear; and he promised if they would 
 give him but some troops, armed with missive 
 weapons, that he would endeavour to find a 
 passage. Accordingly, he and his followers 
 climbed up certain steep and craggy places, 
 which were not guarded ; then coming down 
 unperceived into the fort, he appeared on a 
 sudden at the backs of the Lacedsemonians, 
 which entirely damped their courage, and after^ 
 wards completed their overthrow. They now 
 made but a very feeble resistance, ^d being 
 oppressed with numbers, attacked on all sides, 
 and dejected through fatigue and despair, ihey 
 began to give way : but the Athenians seized 
 on all the passes, and cut off their retreat 
 Cleon and Demosthenes finding, that should the 
 battle continue, not a man of them would es- 
 cape, and being desirous of carrying them alive 
 to Athens, commanded their soldiers to de>ist^ 
 and caused proclamation to be made to them by 
 herald to lay dqwn their arms and surrender at 
 discretion. At these words the greatest pari 
 lowered their shields, and dapped their hands, 
 in token of approbation. A kind of suspension 
 
PEACE OF NICIAS. 
 
 of arms was agreed upon^ and their commander 
 desired that leave might be granted him to dis- 
 patch a messenger to the camp^, to know the 
 resolution of the generals. This was not al^ 
 lowed, but they called heralds from the coast, 
 and after several messages;, a Lacedaemonian 
 advanced forward, and cried aloud, that they 
 were permitted to treat with the enemy, pro- 
 vided they did not submit to dishonourable 
 terms. Upon this they held a conference, after 
 which they surrendered at discretion, and were 
 kept till the next day. The Athenians then 
 raising a trophy, and restoring the Lacedaemo- 
 nians their dead, embarked for their own coun- • 
 try, after distributing the prisoners among the 
 several ships, and committing the guard of them 
 to the captains of the gallies. In this battle 
 one hundred and twenty-eight Lacedaemonians 
 fell out of four hundred and twenty, which was 
 their number at first; so that there survived not 
 quite three hundred, an hundred and twenty of 
 whom were inhabitants of the city of Sparta. 
 The siege of the island (to compute from the 
 beginning of it, including the time employed 
 in the truce) had lasted threescore and twelve 
 days. They all now left Pylus, and Cleon's 
 promise, though deemed so vain and rash, was 
 found literally true. But the most surprising 
 circumstance was the capitrulation that had been 
 made; for it was believed, that the Lacedasmo- 
 fljans, so far from surrendering their arms. 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 would die sword in hand. Being come to Athens^ 
 they were ordered to remain prisoners till a 
 peace should be concluded, provided the Lace- 
 daemonians did not make any incursions into 
 their country, for that then they should all be 
 put to death. They left a garrison in Pylus. - 
 The Messenians of Naupactus, who had formerly 
 possessed it, sent thither the flower of their 
 youth, who very much infested the Lacedaemo- 
 nians by their incursions ; and as these Messe- 
 nians spoke the language of the country, they 
 prevailed with a great number of slaves to join 
 them. The Lacedsemonians dreading a greater 
 evil, sent several deputations to Athens, but to no 
 purpose ; the Athenians being too muth elated 
 with their prosperity, and especially their late 
 success, to listen to any terms. For two or three 
 years successively hostilities were carried on 
 with alternate success, and nothing but the 
 humbling of the one or other of the two rival 
 states could decide the quarrel. The Athenians 
 made themselves masters of the island of Cy- 
 thera; but, on the other hand, were defeated 
 by the Lacedsemonians at Dellion. At length 
 the two nations began to grow weary of a war 
 which put them to great expence, and did not 
 procure them any real advantage. A truce for 
 a year was, therefore, concluded between them, 
 which served to pave *the way for a more lasting 
 reconciliation. The death of the two generals 
 that commanded the contending armies, served 
 6 
 
I 
 
 PEACE OF NICIAS. «2S 
 
 not a little to hasten this event. Brasidasy the 
 Lacedsemonian, was killed as he was conducting 
 a sally, when besieged in Amphipolis; and 
 Cleon, the Athenian, despising an enemy to 
 which he knew himself superior, was set upon 
 unawares, and, flying for safety, was killed by a 
 soldier who happened to meet him. Thus these 
 two men, who had long opposed the tranquility 
 of Greece, and raised their reputations but in a 
 very different way, fell a sacrifice to their own 
 ambition. 
 
 They were, however, men of very opposite 
 characters. Brasidas had courage and conduct, 
 moderation and integrity ; and it was he alone 
 who, at this time, kept up the sinking reputa- 
 tion of his country. He was the only Spartan 
 since Pausanias, who appeared with any es- 
 tablished character among the confederates, to 
 whom he behaved so well, that they were again 
 brought under the dependence of Sparta; and 
 several cities came in to him as their common 
 deliverer from the tyranny of Athens. The in - 
 habitants of Amphipolis, besides their joining 
 with the other allies in solemnizing his funeral 
 in a public manner, instituted anniversary games 
 and sacrifices to his memory as an hero ; and so 
 far considered him as their founder, that they 
 destroyed all the monuments which had been 
 preserved as marks of their being an Athenian 
 colony. His opposition to the peace was not 
 so much the effect of his obstinacy, as of a true 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 Spartan zeal for the honour of his country, whicfl 
 he was sensible had been treated by the Athe- 
 jjians with too much insolence and contenipt.^ 
 He had now a fair prospect of bringing them to 
 reason, as he was gaining ground upon them^ 
 and every day making fresh conquests ; and> 
 however he might ht transported with the glory 
 of performing great actions, yet the main end 
 of his ambition seems to have been, the bring:- 
 ing the war to an happy conclusion. I must not 
 here omit the o;enerous answer his mothec- made 
 to the persons who brought her the news of his 
 death. Upon her asking them whether he died 
 honourably, they naturally fell into encomiums 
 on his great exploits, and his personal bravery, 
 and preferred him to all the generals of his 
 time: — Yes," said she, my son was a va- 
 liant man, but Sparta has still many citizens 
 braver than he/' 
 
 Cieon was another sort of man: he was rash;, 
 arrog-ant, and obstinate; contentious, envious, 
 and malicious; covetous and corrupt; and yet, 
 with all these bad qualities, he had some little 
 arts of popularity, which raised and supported 
 him. He made it his business to caress the old 
 men; and, as much as he loved money, he 
 often relie\ed the poor. He had a readiness of 
 wit, with a kind of drollery, that took with many, 
 though with the generality it passed for impu- 
 dence and buffoonery. He had one very re- 
 fined way of recommending himself,, which was 
 
PEACE OF NICIAS. 
 
 225 
 
 Upon his coming into power, to discard all his 
 old friends, for fear it should be thought he 
 would be biassed by them. At the same time 
 he picked up a set of vile sycophants in their 
 room, and made a servile court to the lowest 
 dregs of the people ; and yet even they had so 
 bad an opinion of him, that they often declared 
 against him for Nicias, his professed enemy : 
 who, though he took part with the nobility, 
 still preserved an interest with the commons, 
 and was more generally respected. That which 
 Cleon chiefly depended on, was his eloquence : 
 but it was of a boisterous kind, verbose and pe- 
 tulant, and consisted more in the vehemence of 
 his style and utterance, and the distortion of 
 his action and gesture, than in the strength of 
 his reasoning. By this furious manner of ha- 
 ranguing, he introduced among the orators and 
 statesmen a licentiousness and indecency which 
 were not known before, and which gave rise to 
 the many riotous and disorderly proceedings 
 which took place afterwards in the assemblies, 
 when almost every thing was carried by noise 
 and tumult. In the military part of his service 
 he was as unaccountable as in the rest of his 
 conduct. He was not naturally formed for war, 
 and only made use of it as a cloak for his ill 
 practices, and because he could not carry on 
 his other views without it. His taking Sphac- 
 teria was certainly a great action, but it was a 
 rash and desperate one; and it has been shewn 
 
 VQL. I, Q 
 
226 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 how he was undesignedly drawn into it by a 
 boast of his own. However, he was so elated 
 with the success of that expedition, that he fan- 
 cied himself a general, and the people were 
 brought to have the same opinion. But the 
 event soon undeceived them, and convinced 
 them that he knew better how to lead in the as- 
 sembly than in the field. In reality, he was not 
 a man to be trusted in either; for in the one he 
 was more of a blusterer than of a soldier, and in 
 the other he had more of an incendiary than a 
 patriot. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians were no less inclined to 
 peace than the Athenians, and were glad to treat 
 at this time, while they could do it with honour: 
 besides, they had nothing more at heart than 
 the imprisonment of their men taken at Py- 
 lus, they being the chief of their city ; and 
 among other considerations, it was not the least, 
 that the truce which they had made with Argos 
 for thirty years, was just upon expiring. This 
 was a strong and flourishing city, and though it 
 was not of itself a match for Sparta, yet they 
 knew it was far from being contemptible ; and 
 that it held too good a correspondence with its 
 neighbours not to make itself capable of giving 
 them a great deal of uneasiness. The matter 
 having been canvassed and debated most part 
 of the winter, the Lacedaemonians, to bring the 
 treaty to a conclusion, gave out, that they re- 
 solved, as soon as the season would permit, to 
 
PEACE OF NICIAS. 
 
 227 
 
 fortify in Attica. Upon which the Athenians 
 grew more moderate in their demands^, and a 
 peace concluded in the tenth year of the war 
 between the two states and. their confederates^ 
 for fifty years, the chief articles being, that the 
 garrisons should be evacuated, and the towns 
 and prisoners restored on both sides. This was 
 called the Nician peace, because Nicias, who 
 was just the reverse of his rival Cleon, was the 
 chief instrument in effecting it. Besides the 
 tender concern he always expressed for his coun- 
 try, he had more particular ends in it, in se- 
 curing his reputation : for he had been upon 
 many expeditions, and had generally succeeded 
 in them ; but yet he was sensible how much he 
 owed to his good fortune and his cautious ma- 
 nagement, and he did not care to risk what he 
 had already got for the hopes of more. 
 
228 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 FROM THE PEACE OF NICIAS, TO THE END OP THS 
 PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 
 
 Every thing now promised a restoration of 
 former tranquillity. The Boeotians and Corin- 
 thians were the first who shewed signs of dis- 
 content;, and used their utmost endeavours to 
 excite fresh troubles. To obviate any dangers 
 arising from that quarter^ the Athenians and La- 
 cedagmonians united in a league offensive and 
 defensive, which served to render them more 
 formidable to the neighbouring states, and more 
 assured with regard to each other. Yet still the 
 former animosities and jealousies fermented at 
 bottom ; and while friendship seemed to gloss 
 over external appearances, fresh discontents 
 were gathering within. The character, indeed^, of 
 Nicias was peaceable, and he did all in his power 
 to persuade the Athenians to seek the general 
 tranquillity. But a new promoter of troubles 
 was now beginning to make his appearance, and 
 from him, those who wished for peace had every 
 thing to fear. This was no other than the cele- 
 brated Alcibiades, the disciple of Socrates, ^ 
 youth equally remarkable for the beauty of his 
 person and the greatness of his mental accom- 
 plishments. 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 
 
 220 
 
 The strict intimacy between Alcibiades and 
 Socrates, is one of the most remarkable circum- 
 stances of his life. This philosopher observing 
 excellent natural qualities in him^ which were 
 greatly heightened by the beauty of his person, 
 bestowed incredible pains in cultivating so va- 
 luable a plant;, lest^, being neglected, it should 
 wither as it grew, and absolutely degenerate: 
 and, indeed, Alcibiades was exposed to num- 
 berless dangers; the greatness of his extraction, 
 his vast riches, the authority of his family, the 
 credit of his guardians, his personal talents, his 
 exquisite beauty, and, still more than these, the 
 flattery and complaisance of all who approached 
 him. One would have concluded, says Plutarch, 
 that fortune had surrounded and invested him 
 with all these pretended advantages, as with so 
 many ramparts and bulwarks, to render him in- 
 accessible and invulnerable to all the darts of 
 philosophy, those salutary darts which strike to 
 the very heart, and leave in it the strongest in- 
 citements to virtue and solid glory. But those 
 very obstacles redoubled the zeal of Socrates. 
 Notwithstanding the strong endeavours that were 
 used to divert this young Athenian from a cor- 
 respondence which alone was capable of se- 
 curing him from so many snares, he devoted 
 himself entirely to it : he had the most un- 
 bounded wit; he was fully sensible of Socrates's 
 extraordinary merit, and could not resist the 
 charms of his sweetly insinuating eloquence. 
 
230 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 which at that time had a greater ascendant over 
 him than the alkirements of pleasure. He was 
 so zealous a disciple of that great master^, that 
 he followed him wherever he went; took the 
 utmost delight in his conversation^ was extremely 
 well pleased with his principles, received his 
 instructions, and even his reprimands, with 
 wonderful docility, and was so moved with his 
 discourses, as even to shed tears, and abhor 
 himself: so weighty was the force of truth in 
 the mouth of Socrate*, and in so odious a light 
 did he bhew the vices to which Alcibiades had 
 abandoned himself. Alcibiades, in those mo- 
 ments when he listened to Socrates, differed so 
 much from himself, that he appeared quite 
 another man. However, his head-strong, fiery 
 temper, and his natural fondness for pleasure, 
 which was heightened and inflamed by the 
 discourses and advice of young people, soon 
 plunged him into his former irregularities, and 
 tore him as it were from his master, who was 
 obliged to pursue him as a slave who had es- 
 caped correction. This vicissitude of flights and 
 returns of virtuous resolutions, and relapses into 
 vice, continued a long time; but still Socrates 
 was not disgusted by his levity, and always 
 flattered himself with hopes of bringing him 
 back to his duty; and hence certainly arose the 
 strong mixture of good and evil that always ap- 
 peared in his conduct; the instructions which 
 his master had given him sometimes prevailing-. 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR; 231 
 
 and at other times, the fire of his passions hur- 
 rying him, in a manner, against his own will 
 into things of a quite opposite nature. Among 
 the various passions that were discovered in him, 
 the strongest and most prevailing was a haughty- 
 turn of mind, which would force all things to 
 submit to it, and could not bear a superior, or 
 even an equal. Although his birth and uncom- 
 mon talents smoothed the way to his attaining 
 the highest employments in the republic, yet 
 it was his wish, that the confidence of the peo- 
 ple should be gained by the force of his elo- 
 quence, and the persuasive grace of his orations. 
 To this end his intimacy with Socrates might 
 be of great service. Alcibiades, with such a 
 cast of mind as we have described, was not born 
 for repose, and had set every engine at work to 
 reverse the treaty lately concluded between 
 the two states; but not succeeding in his at- 
 tempt, he endeavoured to prevent its taking 
 effect. He was disgusted at the Lacedaemonians, 
 because they directed themselves only to Nicias, 
 of whom they had a very high opinion ; and, 
 on the contrary, seemed to take no manner of 
 notice of him, though his ancestors had enjoved 
 the rights of hospitality among them. The first 
 thing he did to infringe the peace was this: 
 having been informed that the people of Argos 
 only wanted an opportunity to differ with the 
 Spartans, whom they equally hated and feared, 
 he flattered them secretly with the hopes that 
 3 
 
232 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 the Athenians would succour them, by sug- 
 gesting to them, that they were ready to break 
 a peace which was no way advantageous to them. 
 Accordingly, he laid hold of this juncture, and 
 improved the pretext the Lacedaemonians had 
 given to exasperate the people both against them 
 and Nicias: which had so good an effect, that 
 every thing seemed disposed for a treaty with 
 Argos : of which the Lacedaemonians being very 
 apprehensive, immediately dispatched their am- 
 bassadors to Athens, who at first said what seemed 
 very satisfactory, that they came with full power 
 to concert all matters in difference upon equal 
 terms. The council received their propositions, 
 and the people were to assemble the next day 
 to give them audience. Alcibiades, in the mean 
 while, fearing lest this negociation should ruin 
 his designs, had a secret conference with the 
 ambassadors, and persuaded them, under a colour 
 of friendship, not to let the people know at 
 first what full powers their commission gave 
 them, hut intimate, that they came only to treat 
 and make proposals; for that otherwise they 
 would grow exorbitant in their demands, and 
 extort from them such unreasonable terms as 
 they could not with honour consent to. They 
 were so well satisfied with the prudence and 
 sincerity of this advice, that he drew them from 
 Nicias to rely entirely upon himself ; and the 
 next day, when the people were assembled, and 
 the ambassadors introduced, Alcibiades, with 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 233 
 
 a very obliging air, demanded of them with 
 what powers they were come ? They mad® an- 
 swer, that they were not come as plenipotenti- 
 aries. Upon which he instantly changed his 
 voice and countenance, and exclaimed against 
 them as notorious liars, bid the people take care 
 how they transacted any thing with men on 
 whom they could have so litile dependence. 
 The people dismissed the ambassadors in a rage; 
 and Nicias, knowing nothing of the deceit, was 
 confounded and in disgrace. To redeem his 
 credit, he proposed being sent once more to 
 Sparta ; but not being able to gain such terms 
 there as the Athenians demanded, they imme^ 
 diately upon his return struck up a league with 
 the Argives for an hundred years, including the 
 Eleans and Mantineans; which yet did not in 
 terms cancel that with the Lacedsemonians, 
 though it is plain that the whole intent of it 
 was levelled against them. Upon this new al- 
 liance, Alcibiades was declared general ; and 
 though his best friends could not commend the 
 method by which he brought about his designs, 
 yet it was looked upon as a great reach in po^- 
 litics, thus to divide and shake almost all Pelo- 
 ponnesus, and to remove the war so far from the 
 Athenian frontier, that even success would profit 
 the enemy but little should they be conquerors; 
 whereas if they were defeated^ Sparta itself 
 would be hardly safe. 
 
 The defection of the confederates began to 
 
m HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 awaken the jealousy of vSparta ; they resolved^ 
 therefore, to remedy the evil before it spread 
 too far; wherefore, drawing out their whole 
 force, both of citizens and slaves, and being 
 joined by their allies, they encamped almost 
 under the walls of Argos. The Argives having 
 notice of their march, made all possible pre- 
 parations, and came out with a full resolution 
 to fight them. But just as they were going to 
 engage, two of their officers went over to Agis 
 the Spartan king and general, and proposed to 
 him to have the business made up by a refer- 
 ence. He immediately closing with the offer, 
 granted them a truce for four months, and 
 drew off' his army ; the whole affair being trans- 
 acted by these three, without any general con- 
 sent or knowledge on either side. The Pelo- 
 ponnesians, though they durst not disobey their 
 orders, inveighed grievously against Agis for 
 letting such an advantage slip as they could 
 never promise to themselves again. For they 
 had actually hemmed in the enemy, and that 
 with the best, if not the greatest army, that ever 
 was brought into the field. And the Argives 
 were so little apprehensive of danger on their 
 side, that they were no less incensed against 
 their mediators, one of whom they forced to 
 the altars, to save his life, and confiscated his 
 goods. 
 
 Thus every thing seemed to favour the Athe- 
 nian interest; and their prosperity, for this was 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 
 
 235 
 
 the most flourishing period of their duration, 
 blinded them to such a degree, that they were 
 persuaded no power was able to resist them. 
 In this disposition they resolved to take the first 
 opportunity of adding the island of Sicily to 
 their empire; and an occasion soon offered of 
 executing their resolution. Ambassadors were 
 sent from the people of Egesta, who, in qua- 
 lity of their allies, came to implore their aid 
 against the inhabitants of Selinuta, who were 
 assisted by the Syracusans. They represented, 
 among other things, that should they be aban- 
 doned, the Syracusans, after seizing their city, 
 as they had done that of Leontiiim, would pos- 
 jsjess themselves of all Sicily, and not fail to aid 
 the Peloponnesians, who were their founders; 
 and that they might put them to as little charge 
 xis possible, they offered to pay the troops that 
 should be sent to succour them. The Athenians, 
 who had long waited for an opportunity to declare 
 themselves, sent deputies to Egesta, to enquire 
 into the state of affairs, and to see whether 
 there was money enough in the treasury to de- 
 fray the expence of so great a war. The in- 
 habitants of that city had been so artful as to 
 borrow from the neii^hbourino- nations a «:reat 
 • number of gold and silver vases, worth an im* 
 mense sum of money, and of these they made 
 a shew when the Athenians arrived. The de- 
 puties returned with those of Egesta, who car- 
 ried threescore talents in ingots, as a month's 
 
m HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 pay for the gallies which they demanded^ and a 
 promise of larger siims^ which they said were 
 ready both in the public treasury and in the 
 temples. The people struck with these fair ap- 
 pearances, the truth of which they did not give 
 themselves the leisure to examine, and seduced 
 with the advantageous reports w^hich their de- 
 puties made with the view of pleasing them, im- 
 mediately granted the Egestans their demand, 
 and appointed Alcibiades, Nicias, and Lama- 
 chus to command the fleet, with full power not 
 only to succour Egesta, and restore the inhabi- 
 tants of Leontium to their city, but also to re- 
 gulate the affairs of Sicily in such a manner as 
 might best suit the interests of the republic. 
 Nicias was appointed one of the generals to his 
 very great regret;. for, besides other motives, 
 which made him dread that command, he shun- 
 ned it because Alcibiades was to be his col- 
 league. But the Athenians promised them- 
 selves greater success from this war, should they 
 not resign the whole conduct of it to Alcibi- 
 ades, but temper his ardour and audacity with 
 the coldness and wisdom of Nicias. Nicias not 
 daring to oppose Alcibiades openly, endeavour- 
 ed to do it indirectly, by starting a great num- 
 ber of difnculties, drawn particularly from the 
 great expence of this expedition. He declared, 
 that since they were resolved upon war, they 
 ought to carry it on in such a manner as might 
 mil the exalted reputaiion to which Athens had 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 2St 
 
 attained. That a fleet was not sufficient to op- 
 pose so formidable a power as that of the Sy- 
 racusans and their. allies: that they must raise 
 an army composed of good horse and foot^ if 
 they desired to act in a manner worthy of so 
 jioble a design : that, besides their fleet, which 
 was to make them masters at sea, they must 
 have a great number of transports to carry pro- 
 visions perpetually to the army, which otherwise 
 could not possibly subsist in an enemy's coun- 
 try: that they must carry vast sums of money 
 with them, without waiting for that promised 
 them by the citizens of Egesta, w^ho perhaps 
 were ready in words only, and very probably 
 might break their promise: that they ought to 
 weigh and examine the disparity there was be- 
 tween themselves and their enemies w^ith re2:ard 
 to the conveniences and wants of the army, the 
 Syracusans being in their own country, in the 
 midst of pow^erful allies, disposed by inclination, 
 as well as engaged by interest, to assist them 
 with men, arms, horses, and provisions : whereas 
 the Athenians would carry on the war in a remote 
 country^ possessed by their enemies, where, in 
 the winter, news could not be brought them in 
 less than four months time; a country where all 
 things would oppose the Athenians, and nothing 
 be procured but by force of arms: that it would 
 reflect the greatest ignominy on the Athenians, 
 should they be forced to abandon their enter- 
 prize, and thereby become the scorn and con=^ 
 
 4 
 
23S 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 tempt of their enemies, by their neglecting to 
 take all the precautions which so important a 
 design required : that as for himself, he was de- 
 termined not to go, unless he w^as provided with 
 all th logs necessary for the expedition, because 
 the safety of the whole army depended on that 
 circumstance ; and that he would not rely on 
 caprice, or the precarious engagements of the 
 allies. Nicias had flattered himself, that this 
 speech would cool the ardour of the people ; 
 whereas it only inflamed it the more. Imme- 
 diately the generals had full powers given them 
 to raise as many troops, and fit out as many 
 gallies as they should judge necessary; and the 
 levies were accordingly carried on in Athens, 
 and other places, with inexpressible activity. 
 
 Before we enter upon the narration of the 
 important events that took place in the expe- 
 dition to Sicily, it wall be proper to say a few 
 words respecting Syracuse, the capital of that 
 island. About the year of the world 2920, 
 Corinth had acquired considerable reputation 
 as a maritime power. As the improvement of 
 navigation generally leads to discovery, so it 
 leads to commerce also, and to colonization. It 
 had this effect on the Corinthians. They had 
 not been long acquainted with Sicily, before 
 they projected the scheme of peopling part of 
 it with the natives of Peloponnesus. Archias, 
 therefore, a descendant of Hercules, was sent 
 with a fleet, furnished with every thing neces- 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 259 
 
 sary for such an enterprize. He built and peo- 
 pled Syracuse ; which, from the peculiar ad- 
 vantages which it derived from its rich soil and 
 capacious harbours, soon became the most flou- 
 rishing city in Sicily : in size, indeed, and beau- 
 ty, it yielded not to any city in Greece. It was 
 long subject to Corinth, and governed by nearly 
 the same laws. But as it increased in power, it 
 became proud and insolent, and by degrees re- 
 nounced its allegiance. To its emancipation are 
 owing the occurrences which we are now to re- 
 cite. 
 
 The levies being now prepared, the fleet set 
 ?ail, after having appointed Corcyra the ren- 
 dezvous for most of the allies, and such ships 
 as were to carry the provisions and warlike 
 stores. All the citizens, as well as foreigners 
 in Athens, flocked by day-break to the port of 
 Pyrasus. The former attended by their children, 
 relations, friends, and companions, with a joy 
 overcast with a little sorrow, upon their bidding 
 adieu to persons that w^ere as dear to them as 
 life; who w^ere setting out on a distant and very 
 dangerous expedition, from which it was uncer- 
 tain whether they would ever return, though 
 they flattered themselves with the hopes that it 
 would be successful. The foreigners came thi- 
 ther, to feed their eyes with a sight which was 
 highly worthy of their curio-dty ; for no single 
 city in the world had ever fitted out so gallant 
 a fleet. Those indeed wliich had been se^U 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 against Epidauriis and Potidasa, were as consi* 
 derable with regard to the number of soldiers 
 and ships^ but then they were not equipped 
 with so much magnificence^ neither v^as their 
 voyage so long^ nor their enterprize so im- 
 portant. Here were seen a land and a naval 
 army provided with the utmost care, and at the^ 
 expence of particular persons, as well as of the 
 public, with all things necessary on account of 
 the length of the voyage, and the duration of 
 the war. The city furnished an hundred empty 
 gallies, that is, threescore light ones, and forty 
 to transport the soldiers heavily armed. Every 
 mariner received daily a drachma, or ten-pence 
 English for his pay, exclusively of what the 
 captains of ships gave the rowers of the first 
 bench. Add to this, the pomp and magnificence 
 that was displayed universally, every one striving 
 to eclipse the rest, and each endeavouring to 
 make his ship the lightest, and, at the same time, - 
 the gayest in the whole fleet. I shall not take 
 notice of the choice of the soldiers or seamen, 
 who w^ere the flower of the Athenians, nor of 
 their emulation with re«ard to the beauty and 
 neatness of their arms and equipage, any more 
 than of their officers, who had laid out consider- 
 able sums purely to distinguish themselves, and 
 to give foreigners an advantageous idea of their 
 persons and circumstances; so that this sight 
 had the idea of a pageant, in which the utmost 
 magnificence was displayed rather than of a war- 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 241 
 
 like expedition. But the boldness and great- 
 ness of the design still exceeded its expence in 
 splendor. 
 
 When the ships were loaded^ and the droops 
 got on board, the trumpet sounded, and solemn 
 prayers were offered up for the success of the 
 expedition; gold and silver cups were filling 
 every where with v/ine, and the accustomed li- 
 bations were poured out; the people who lined 
 the shore shouting, at the same time, and lift- 
 ing up their hands to heaven to wish their fellow- 
 citizens a good voyage and success. And now 
 the hymn being sung, and the ceremonies ended, 
 the ships sailed one afier another out of the 
 harbour, after which they strove to outsail one 
 another, till the whole fleet met at i^gina. From 
 thence it made to Corcyra, where the army of 
 the allies was assembled with the rest of the 
 ffeet. 
 
 Being now arrived at Sicily, the generals were 
 divided in their opinions as to the place where 
 they should make a descent. Lamachus, one of 
 the generals, was for making directly for Syra- 
 cuse. He urged, that it was as yet unprovided, 
 and under the greatest consternation ; that an 
 army was always most terrible on its approach, 
 before the enemy had time to recollect and 
 make danger familiar: these reasons, however 
 were over-ruled. It was agreed to reduce the 
 smaller cities first : when having detached ten 
 gallies only to take a view of the situation and 
 
 VOL. I. R 
 
2V2 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 harbour of Syracuse, they landed with the rest 
 of their forces, and surprized Catana. 
 
 In the mean time the enemies of Alcibiades 
 had taken occasion from his absence, to attack 
 him with redoubled vigour. .They aggravated 
 his misconduct in neglecting the proper method 
 of attack, and enforced their accusation, by al- 
 ledging, that he had profaned the mysteries of 
 Ceres. This was sufficient to induce the giddy 
 multitude to recal their general ; but, for fear 
 of raising a tumult in the army, they only sent 
 him orders to return to Athens, to pacify the 
 people by his presence. Alcibiades obeyed the 
 orders with seeminsr submission ; but reflectinjr 
 on the inconstancy and caprice of his judges, 
 the instant he was arrived at Thurium, and had 
 got on shore, he disappeared, and eluded the 
 pursuit of those who sought after him : the gal- 
 ley, therefore, returned without him, and the 
 people, in a rage, condemned him to death for 
 his contumacv. His whole estate was confis- 
 cated, and all the orders of religion were com- 
 manded to curse him. Some time after, news 
 being brought him that the Athenians had con- 
 demned him to death ; I hope one day, said he, 
 to n ake them sensible that I am still alive. 
 
 The Syracusans had by this time put them- 
 selves in a posture of defence, and finding that 
 Nicias did not advance towards them, they talked 
 of attacking him in his camp; and some of them 
 asked, in a scofhng way. Whether he was come 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 243 
 
 into Sicily to settle at Catana ? He was roused 
 by this insult, and resolved to make the best of 
 his way to Syracuse. He durst not attempt it 
 by land for want of cavalry, and he thought it 
 equall)^ hazardous to make a descent by sea 
 upon an enemy who was so well prepared to re- 
 ceive him: however, he chose the latter way, 
 and succeeded in it by a stratagem. He had 
 gained a citizen of Catana to go as a deserter to 
 the Syracusans, and to inform them, that the 
 Athenians lay every night in the town without 
 their arms ; and that early in the morning, on a 
 certain day appointed, they might surprize them, 
 seize on their camp with all their arms and bag- 
 gage, burn their fleet in the ■ harbour, and de- 
 stroy the whole army. The Syracusans gave 
 credit to him, and marched with all their forces 
 towards Catana; which Nicias had no sooner 
 nofice of, but he embarked his troops, and steer- 
 ing away for Syracuse, landed them there the 
 next morning, and fortified himself in the out- 
 skirts of the town. The Syracusans were so 
 provoked at this trick being put upon them, 
 that they immediately returned to Syracuse, and 
 presented themselves without the walls in order 
 of battle. Nicias marched out of his trenches 
 to meet them, and a very sharp action ensued, 
 wherein, at length, the Athenians got the better, 
 and forced the enemy back to the city, after 
 having killed two hundred and sixty of them and 
 their confederates, with the loss of fifty of their 
 
 R 2 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 own men. They were not as yet in a condition 
 to attack the city, and therefore took up their 
 winter quarters at Catana and Naxus. 
 
 The year following greater projects were 
 undertaken ; for having received a supply of 
 horse from Athens, with provisions and other 
 stores of war, Nicias set sail for Syracuse, in 
 order to block it up by sea and land. In this 
 manner did the little state of Athens spread ter- 
 ror among all the neighbouring states, and now 
 risen to its utmost height, began to aspire at 
 universal empire. Athens had already been the 
 mistress of arts and philosophy, it now, with 
 inverted ambition, aimed at setting mankind an 
 example of the arts of conquest and of war : but 
 they had neyer considered that a petty state, 
 raised artificially into power, is liable to a thou- 
 sand accidents in its way to universal conquest. 
 They had now sent out their whole force into Si- 
 cily, and, while they fought to decide the fate of 
 Syracuse, they were in fact contending for their 
 own ; the existence of Athens and Syracuse de- 
 pended so much upon the event of the present 
 invasion, that both sides fought with the utmost 
 perseverance, and historians have been minute 
 in the detail. 
 
 The siege was now carried on in a more re- 
 gular and skilful manner than had ever been 
 practised before, and men were taught a new 
 le son, as well in the arts of attack as of defence. 
 Nicias Ibund it necessary, in the first place, to 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR, 
 
 24S 
 
 gain Epipolae, an high hill which commanded 
 the city, and had a steep craggy pas^^ige up to 
 it. The Syracuj^ans were so sensible of the 
 importance of this post, that they had ordered a 
 detachment of seven hundred men to march 
 upon a signal given to the defence of it. But 
 Nicias had landed his men in a little remote 
 harbour so secretly and so suddenly, that they 
 easily made themselves masters of it. And the 
 seven hundred running up from the plains in 
 a confused manner to dispossess them, were re- 
 pulsed with the loss of three hundred of them 
 and their leader. Nicias built a fort there, as a 
 magazine, and proceeded to invest the town on 
 the land side, so as to prevent any communi- 
 cation with the country. The .enemy endea- 
 vouring to defeat his works, and render them 
 useless, several skirmishes ensued, wherein the 
 Athenians had generally the better : but, in one 
 of them, Lamachus being pressed hard, and 
 abandoned by his men, was killed. The Syra- 
 cusans being still intent on the recovery of 
 Epipolas, ordered up another detachment thither. 
 Nicias was at this time sick in the fort, and in 
 bed, with only his servants about him. But 
 when he found the enemy were forcing his in- 
 trenchments, he got up and set fire to the en- 
 gines, and other wood that lay scattered about 
 the fort; which had so good an effect that it 
 served as a signal to his own troops to come up 
 to his relief ; and so terrified and confounded 
 
2i6 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 those of the enemy, that they retreated into 
 the city. From thenceforth Nicias, who was 
 now sole general, conceived great hopes ; for 
 several cities of Sicily, which hitherto had not 
 declared for either side, came and joined hira ; 
 and there arrived from all quarters vessels laden 
 with provisions for his army, all parties being 
 eager to go over to him, because he had acquired 
 the superiority, and been exceedingly successful 
 in all his undertakings. The Syracusans seeing 
 themselves blocked up both by sea and land, 
 and losing all hopes of being able to defend 
 their city any longer, already proposed an ac- 
 commodation. Gylippus, who was coming from 
 Lacedsem.on to their assistance, having heard in 
 his passage the extremity to which they were 
 reduced, and looking upon the whole island as 
 lost, sailed forward nevertheless, not in the view 
 of defending Sicily, but only to preserve to the 
 nations of Italy such cities as were subject to 
 them in that island, if it were not too late, and 
 it could be done ; for fame had declared, in all 
 places, that the Athenians had already possessed 
 themselves of the whole island, and were headed 
 by a general whose wisdom and good fortune 
 rendered him invincible. 
 
 The fortifications of the Athenians were now 
 almost completed ; they had drawn a double 
 wall, near half a league in length, along the 
 plain and the fens towards the great port, and 
 had almost reached it. There novsr remained on 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 
 
 247 
 
 one side only a small part of the wall to be' 
 finished, and the Syracusans were upon the brink 
 of ruin ; they had no hopes left; they were 
 unable to defend themselves, and they knew 
 not where to look for succours ; for this reason 
 they resolved to surrender, and a council was 
 held to settle the articles of capitulation, which 
 were to be presented to Nicias. 
 
 It was at that very instant, and in this most 
 distressful juncture, that a messenger arrived at 
 Syracuse from Corinth, with news of speedy 
 relief. The whole body of citizens flocked round 
 the messenger of such w^elcome information. 
 He gave them to understand, that Gvlippus, the 
 Lacedaemonian general, would be with them 
 immediately, and was followed by a great many 
 other gallies which came to his aid. The Sy- 
 racusans astonished, or rather stupified as it 
 w^ere with this news, could scarce believe what 
 they heard. Whilst they were thus fluctuating, 
 and in doubt, a courier arrived from Gylippus to 
 inform them of his approach, and ordered them 
 to march over all their troops to meet him. He 
 himself, after taking a fort in his way, marched 
 in order of battle directly for Epipolas, and 
 ascending by Euryelus, as the Athenians had 
 done, he prepared to attack them from without, 
 whilst the Syracusans should charge them on 
 their side with the forces of Syracuse. The 
 Athenians, exceedingly surprized by his arrival, 
 drew up hastily, and without order, under the 
 
248 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 wail : with regard to himself, laying down his 
 arms when he approached, he sent word by a 
 herald, that he would allow the Athenians five 
 days to leave Sicily. Nicias did not condescend 
 to make the least answer to this proposal; and 
 some of his soldiers bursting out a laughing, 
 asked the herald, whether the presence of a 
 Lacedasmonian privateer, or the trifling wand of 
 an herald, could make any change in the present 
 state of the city. Both sides, therefore, pre- 
 pared for battle. 
 
 Gylippus began by storming the fort of Lab- 
 dalla, and cutting in pieces all who were found 
 in it. The Athenians, in the mean time, were 
 not idle in forming intrenchments to oppose 
 him, while the besieged were equally assiduous 
 in cutting down and breaking through those 
 walls and circumvallations which were carried 
 round their city. At length both sides drew up 
 their forces in order of battle, between the walls 
 which the Athenians had raised to keep off the 
 enemy. In the first engagement, the cavalry 
 of Gylippus being rendered useless from the 
 narrowness of the place, to re-animate his sol- 
 diers, by doing them justice, he had the courage 
 to reproach himself for the ill success they had 
 met with, and to declare publicly, that, he, not 
 they, had occasioned the late defeat, because 
 he had made them fight in too narrow a spot of 
 ground. However, he promised soon to give 
 them an opportunity of recovering both their 
 
PELOFONNESIAN WAR. 249 
 
 honour and his ; and accordingly, the very next 
 day he led them against the enemy, after having 
 exhorted them in the strongest terms to behave 
 in a manner worthy of their ancient glory. 
 Nicias perceivings that though it should not be, 
 his desire to come to a battle, it would, however, 
 be absolutely necessary for him to prevent the 
 enemy from extending their line beyond the 
 contravallation, to which they were already very 
 near ( because otherwise, this would be granting 
 them a certain victory) therefore marched boldly 
 against the Syracusans. Gylippus brought up 
 his troops beyond that place where the walls 
 terminated on both sides, in order that he might 
 leave the more room to extend his battle; upon 
 whic charging the enemy's left wing with his 
 horse, he put it to flight, and soon after defeated 
 their right. We have an instance of what the 
 experience and abilities of a great captain are 
 capable of producing ; for Gylippus, with the 
 same men, the same arms, the same horses, and 
 the same ground, by only changing his order of 
 battle, defeated the Athenians, and beat them 
 quite to their camp. The following night the 
 victors carried on their wall beyond tbe con- 
 travallation of the Athenians, and thereby de- 
 prived them of all hopes of being ever able to 
 surround the city. Nicias had, ever since the ar- 
 rival of Gylippus, been put upon the defensive; 
 and, as he daily lost ground in the country, he 
 retired towards the sea, to keep that open, in 
 
 1 
 
m HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 case of accidents^ and to bring in provisions. 
 For this purpose he possessed himself of Plem- 
 myriunij near the great harbour, where he built 
 three forts, and kept up himself, as it were, in 
 garrison. Gylippus took this opportunity to 
 gain over the inland cities; and, at the same 
 time, the fleet that was expected from Corinth 
 arrived. Nicias, under these circumstances, 
 wrote a very melancholy account of his affairs 
 to Athens, that the enemy were become so 
 superior to him, that he was not in a condition 
 to force intrenchments ; and that, instead of 
 besieging them^, he was now besieged himself; 
 that the towns revolted from him ; the slaves 
 and the mercenaries deserted ; that the troops 
 were employed in guarding the forts and fetching 
 in provisions ; and that in this latter service 
 many of them were cut off by the enemy's horse: 
 that the fleet was in as bad a condition as the 
 army ; and that, in short, without a speedy re- 
 inforcement of men, ships, and money, equal 
 to what he had at first set out with, it was in vain 
 to attempt any thing farther. Then, as to his 
 own particular, he complained of his being 
 troubled with sharp nephritic pains, which ren- 
 dered him incapable of going on with the ser- 
 vice; and, therefore, pressed to be recaled. 
 The Athenians were so affected with this letter, 
 that they named Eurymedon and Demosthenes 
 to go over with fresh supplies ; the form>er im- 
 mediately with ten gallies, and the other early 
 
 6 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 
 
 251 
 
 in the spring with a stronger force. At the 
 same time they appointed Menander and Eu- 
 thydemus to act as assistants to Nicias, but would 
 not grant his request of coming home. In the 
 mean time, Gylippus, who had made the tour of 
 Sicily, returned with as many men as he could 
 raise in the whole island, and prevailed with 
 the Syracusans to fit out the strongest fleet in 
 their power, and to hazard a battle at sea, upon 
 the presumption that the success would answer 
 the greatness of the enterprize. This advice 
 was strongly enforced by Hermocrates, who ex- 
 horted the Syracusans not to abandon to their 
 enemies the empire of the seas. He observed, 
 that the Athenians themselves had not received 
 it from their ancestors, nor been always pos- 
 sessed of it ; that the Persian war had in a man- 
 ner forced them into a knowledge of naval af- 
 fairs, notwithstanding two great obstacles, — their 
 disposition, and the situation of their city, which 
 stood at a considerable distance from the sea ; 
 that they had made themselves formidable to 
 other nations, not so much by their real strength, 
 as by their courage and intrepidity ; that they 
 ought to copy them ; and since they had to do 
 with enemies who were so enterprising, it was 
 fit they should be equally daring. 
 
 This advice was approved, and accordingly a 
 large fleet was equipped. Gylippus led out all 
 his land forces in the night time, to attack the 
 forts of Plemmyrium. Thirty-five gallies of 
 
f 
 
 252 ' HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Syracuse, which were in the great harbour, and 
 forty-five in the lesser, where was an arsenal for 
 ships, were ordered to advance towards Plem- 
 myrium, to amaze the Athenians, who would 
 find themselves attacked both by sea and land 
 at the same time. The Athenians at this news 
 went on board also, and with twenty-five ships 
 sailed to fight the thirty-five Syracusan vessels, 
 which were sailing out of the great harbour, 
 and opposed thirty-five more to the forty-five of 
 the enemy which were come out of the little 
 port. A sharp engagement was fought at the 
 mouth of the great harbour, one party endea- 
 vouring to force their way into it, and the other 
 to keep them out. 
 
 Those who defended the ports of Plemmy- 
 rium having flocked to the shore to view the 
 battle, Gylippus attacked the forts unexpectedly 
 by day-break : and having carried the greatest 
 of them by storm, the soldiers who defended 
 the other two were so terrified, that they aban- 
 doned them in a moment. After this advantage 
 the Syracusans sustained a considerable loss; 
 for such of their vessels as fought at the entrance 
 of the harbour (after having forced the Athe- 
 nians) drove furiously one against the other, as 
 they entered it in disorder, and, by this means, 
 shifted the victory to their enemies; who, not 
 contented with pursuing, also gave chase to 
 those who were victorious in the great harbour. 
 Eleven Syracusan gallies were sunk, and great 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 25t 
 
 numbers of the sailors in them killed. Three 
 were taken; but the Athenians likewise lost 
 three ; and after towing off those of the enemy, 
 they raised a trophy in a little island lying be- 
 fore Plemmyrium, and retired to the centre of 
 their camp. 
 
 One circumstance which the besieged consi- 
 dered of the greatest importance, was to attempt 
 a second engagement both by sea and land, be- 
 fore the fleet and other succours sent by the 
 Athenians should arrive. They had concerted 
 fresh measures for a battle at sea, by improving 
 from the errors they had committed in the last 
 engagement. The change made in the gallies 
 was, that their prows were now shorter, and at 
 the same time stronger and more solid than be- 
 fore. For this purpose they fixed great pieces 
 of timber projecting forward on each side of 
 the prows, and to these pieces they joined 
 beams, by way of props. The beams extended 
 to the length of six cubits on each side of the 
 vessel, both within and without. By tlm they 
 hoped to gain an advantage over the gallies of 
 the Athenians, which did not dare, because of 
 the weakness of their prows to attack an enemy 
 in front, but only in flank; not to mention, 
 that should the battle be fought in the harbour, 
 they would not have room to spread themselves, 
 nor to pass between two gallies, in which lay 
 their greatest art, nor to tack about after they 
 .should have been repulsed, in order to return 
 
254 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 to the charge ; whereas the Syraciisans, by their 
 being masters of the whole extent of the har- 
 bour^ would have all these advantages, and 
 might reciprocally assist one another. On these 
 circumstances the latter founded their hopes of 
 victory. 
 
 Gylippus, therefore, first drew all the in- 
 fantry out of the camp, and advanced towards 
 that part of the contravallation of the Athenians 
 which faced the city, whilst the troops of Olym- 
 pia marched towards the other, and their gallies 
 set sail. 
 
 Nicias did not care to venture a second bat- 
 tle, saying, that as he expected a fresh fleet 
 every moment, and a great reinforcement under 
 Demosthenes, it would betray the greatest want 
 of judgment, should he, as his troops were in- 
 ferior in number to those of the enemy, and 
 already fatigued, hazard a battle without being 
 forced to it. On the contrary, Menander and 
 Euthydemus, who had just before been appoint- 
 ed to share the command with Nicias till the ar- 
 rival of Demosthenes, fired with ambition, and 
 jealous of those generals, were eager to per- 
 form some great exploit, to bereave the one of 
 his glory, and if possible eclipse that of the 
 other. The pretence they alleged on this occa- 
 sion was, the fame and reputation of Athens; 
 and they asserted with so much vehemence, that 
 it would be entirely destroyed should they shun 
 the battle, as the Syracusans offered it them, that 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 255- 
 
 they at last forced Nicias to a compliance. The 
 Athenians had seventy-five gallies^ and the Sy- 
 racusans eighty. 
 
 The first day the fleets continued in sight of . 
 each other, in the great harbour, without en - 
 gaging, and only a few skirmishes passed, after 
 which both parties retired; while the land forces 
 acted in the same manner. The Syracusans did 
 not make the least motion the second day. Ni- 
 cias, taking advantage of this inactivity, caused 
 the transports to draw up in a line at some dis- 
 tance from one another, in order that his gallies 
 might retire behind them with safety, in case he 
 should be defeated. On the morrow the Syra- 
 cusans came up sooner than usual, when a great 
 part of the day was spent in skirmishing, after 
 which they retired. The Athenians did not sup- 
 pose they would return, but imagined that fear 
 would make them fly. But having refreshed 
 themselves in great haste, and returning on 
 board their gallies, they attacked the Athenians, 
 who were far from expecting them. The latter 
 being now forced to return immediately on 
 board their ships, they entered them in great 
 disorder : so that they had not time to draw them 
 up in a line of battle, and most of the sailors 
 were fasting. Victoiy did not long continue in,> 
 suspense. TheAtheni ms, after making a short 
 and slight resistance, retired behind the line of 
 transports. The enemy pursued them thither, 
 but were stopped by the yards of those ships. 
 
m HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 to which were ifixed dolphins of lead; these be- 
 ing very heavy, had they fallen on the enemy's 
 gallies, would have sunk them at once. The 
 Athenians lost seven gallies in this engagement, 
 and a great number of soldiers were either killed 
 or taken prisoners. 
 
 This loss threw Nicias into the utmost con- 
 sternation : all the misfortunes he had met with 
 ever since the time he had enjoyed the supreme 
 command came into his mind, and he was now 
 involved in a greater than any of them, by com- 
 plying with the advice of his colleagues. Whilst 
 he was revolving these gloomy ideas, Demos- 
 thenes's fleet were seen coming forward in great 
 pomp, and with such an air as might fill the 
 enemy with dread It was now the day after 
 the battle. This fleet consisted of seventy-three 
 gallies, on board of which were five thousand 
 fighting men, and about three thousand archers, 
 slino^ers, and bowmen. 
 
 All thci^e gallies were richly trimmed, their 
 prows being adorned with shining streamers, 
 manned with stout rowers, commanded by good 
 officers, and echoing with the sound of clarions, 
 and trumpets ; Demosthenes having affected an 
 air of pomp and triumph purposely to strike 
 terror into the enemy. 
 
 This gallant sight alarmed them indeed be- 
 yond expression. They did not see any end, or 
 even the least suspension of their calamities' 
 All they had hitherto done or suffered was as no- 
 
TELOPONNESIAN WAI^. 2^? 
 
 thing, and their work was to begin again. What 
 hopes could they entertain of being able to 
 weary out the patience of the Athenians, since, 
 though they had a camp intrenched in the middle 
 of Attica, they were however able to send a se- 
 cond army into Sicily as considerable as the 
 former ; and that their power, as well as their 
 courage, seemed, notwithstanding all their losses> 
 instead of diminishing, to increase daily. 
 
 Demosthenes having made an exact enquiry 
 into the state of things, imagined it would not 
 be proper for him to lose time as Nicias had 
 done; who having spread an universal terror at 
 his first arrival, became afterwards an object of 
 contempt for his having wintered in Catana, in- 
 stead of going directly to Syracuse, and had after- 
 wards given Gylippus an opportunity of throw* 
 ang troops into it. He flattered himself with the 
 hopes that he should be able to carry the city at 
 the first attack, by taking advantage of the alarm 
 which the news of his arrival would spread in 
 every part of it, and by that means would im*- 
 mediately put an end to the war ; otherwise he 
 intended to raise the siege, and no longer har- 
 rass and lessen the troops by fighting battles 
 never decisive, nor quite exhaust the city of 
 Athens, by employing its treasures in needless 
 expences. 
 
 Nicias terrified by this bold and precipitate 
 resolution of Demosthenes, conjured him not 
 to be so hasty, but to take time to wei^h things 
 
 VOL. 1, s 
 
m HISTORY QF GREECE. 
 
 deliberately, that he might have no cause to 
 repent of V/hat he should do. He observed to 
 hini;, that the enemy would be ruined by delays; 
 that their provisions as well as money were en- 
 tirely exhausted ; that their allies were going 
 to abandon them ; that they must soon be re- 
 duced to such extremity for want of provisions, 
 as would force them to surrender, as they had 
 before resolved: for there were certain persons 
 in Syracuse, who held a secret correspondence 
 with Nicias, and exhorted him not to be im- 
 patient, because the Syracusans were tired with 
 the war and with Gylippus ; and that should 
 the necessity to which they were reduced be 
 ever so little increased, they would surrender at 
 discretion. 
 
 As Nicias did not explain himself clearly, and 
 would not declare in express terms that sure 
 and certain advices were sent him of whatever 
 was transacted in the city, his remonstrances 
 were considered as an effect of the timidity and 
 slowness with which he had always been re- 
 proached. Such, said they, are his usual pro- 
 tractions, delays, distrusts, and fearful precau- 
 tion, whereby he has deadened all the vivacity, 
 and extinguished all the ardour of the troops in 
 not marching ihem immediately against the 
 enemy ; but, on the contrary, by deferring to 
 attack them till his own forces were weakened 
 and despised. This made the rest of the gene- 
 rals, and all the oficers come over to Demos- 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 
 
 259 
 
 thenes's opinion, and Nicias himself was at last 
 forced to acquiesce in it. 
 
 Demosthenes, after having attacked to no pur- 
 pose the wall which cut the contravallation of 
 the besiegers, confined himself to the attack of 
 Epipolse, from a supposition, that should he 
 once be master of it, the wall would be quite 
 undefended. He, therefore, took provisions for 
 five days, with workmen, implements, and every 
 thing necessary for him, to defend that post 
 after he should possess himself of it. As there 
 was no going up to it in the day-time undis- 
 covered, he marched thither in the night with all 
 his forces, followed by Eurymedon and Me- 
 nander; Nicias staying behind to guard the 
 camp. They went up by the way of Euryelus, 
 as before, unperceived by the centinels, at- 
 tacked the first intrenchment, and stormed it 
 after killing part of those who defended it. 
 Demosthenes, not satisfied with this advantage, 
 to prevent the ardour of his troops from cooling, 
 and not to delay the execution of his design, 
 marches forward. During this interval, the 
 forces of the city, sustained by Gylippus, march- 
 ed under arms out of the intrenchments. Being 
 seized with astonishment, which the darkness of 
 the night increased, they were immediately re- 
 pulsed and put to flight. But, as the Athenians 
 advanced in disorder, to force whatever might 
 resist their arms, lest the enemy might rally 
 again, should time be allowed tnem to breathe 
 
 s3 
 
fSO HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 and recover from their surprize, they are stopped 
 on a sudden by the Boeotians, who make a vi- 
 gorous stand, and marching against the Athe- 
 nians with their pikes presented, they repulse 
 them with great shouts, and make a dreadful 
 slaughter. This spreads an universal terror 
 through the rest of the army. Those who fled, 
 either force along such as were advancing to 
 their assistance, or else mistaking them for ene- 
 mies, turn their arms against them. They now 
 were all mixed indiscriminately, it being im- 
 possible to discover objects in the horrors of a 
 night, which was not so gloomy as entirely to 
 make objects imperceptible, nor yet light enough 
 to distinguish those which were seen. The Athe- 
 nians sought for one another to no purpose, and 
 from their often asking the word, by which only 
 they were able to know one another, a strange 
 confusion of sounds was heard, which occa- 
 sioned no little disorder; not to mention, that 
 they by this means divulged the word to the 
 enemy, and could not learn theirs; because, by 
 their being together, and in a body, they had 
 no occasion to repeat it. In the mean time 
 those who were pursued threw themselves from 
 the top of the rocks, and many were dashed to 
 pieces by the fall; and as most of those whq 
 escaped, straggled from one to another up and 
 down the fields and woods, they were cut to 
 pieces the next day by the enemy's horse, who 
 pursued them. Two thousand Athenians were 
 
 # 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 261 
 
 slain in this engagement, and a great number of 
 arms were taken; those who fled having thrown 
 them away, that they might be the better able 
 to escape over the precipices. Soon after Gy- 
 lippusj having made the tour of Sicily, brought 
 a great number of troops with him, which ren- 
 dered the affairs of Athens still more desperate, 
 and deprived Nicias of all hopes of success; 
 besides, the Athenian army now began to di- 
 minish exceedingly by sickness, and nothing 
 was seen to remain but their quitting an island, 
 in which they had experienced every mortifica- 
 tion. Nicias no longer opposed the resolution 
 and only desired to have it kept secret. Orders 
 were, therefore, given as privately as possible, 
 for the fleet to prepare for setting sail with the 
 utmost expedition. 
 
 When all things were ready the moment they 
 were going to set sail (wholly unsuspected by 
 the enemy, who were far from surmising they 
 would leave Sicily so soon) the moon was sud- 
 denly eclipsed in the middle of the night and 
 lost all its splendor, which terrified Nicias and 
 the whole army, who from ignorance and su- 
 perstition, were astonished at so sudden a change, 
 the causes of which they did not know, and 
 therefore dreaded the consequences of it. They 
 then consulted the soothsayers, who, being 
 equally unacquainted with the reasons of this 
 phoenomenon, only augmented their consterna- 
 tion. It was the custom, after such accidents 
 
262 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 had happened, to suspend their enterprize but 
 for three days. The soothsayers pronounced^, 
 that he must not sail till nine times three days 
 were past, ( these were Thiicydides' words ) which 
 doubtless was a mysterious number in the opi- 
 nion of the people. Nicias, scrupulous to a 
 fault, and full of a mistaken veneration for those 
 blind interpreters of the will of the gods, de- 
 clared that he would wait a whole revolution of 
 the moon and not return till the same day of the 
 next month, as if he had not seen the planet 
 very clearly, the instant it had emerged from 
 that part which was darkened by the interposi- 
 tion of the earth's body. 
 
 But he was not allowed time for this. The 
 news of the intended departure of the Athenians 
 soon spread over the city ; a resolution was 
 taken to attack the besiegers both by sea and 
 land. The Syracusans began the first day by 
 attacking the intrenchments, and gained a slight 
 advantage over the enemy. On the morrow 
 they made a second attack, and, at the same 
 time, sailed with seventy-six gallies against 
 eighty-six of the Athenians. Eurymedon, who 
 commanded the right of the Athenian fleet, 
 having spread along the shore to surround them, 
 this movement proved fatal to him ; for, as he 
 was detached from the body of the fleet, the 
 Syracusans, after forcing the main battle, which 
 was in the centre, attacked him, drove him vi- 
 gorously into the gulph called Dascon, and there 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 263 
 
 defeated him entirely. Eurymedon lost his li/e 
 in the engagement. They afterwards gave chace 
 to the rest of the gallies, and run them against 
 the shore. Gylippiis^ who commanded the land 
 army, seeing the Athenian gallies were forced 
 a-groundj and not able to return into the stoc- 
 cado, landed with part of his troops, in order 
 to charge the soldiers, in case they should be 
 forced to run ashore, and give his friends the 
 more room to tow such gallies as they should 
 have taken ; however, he was repulsed by the 
 Tyrrhenians, who were posted on that side, and 
 obliged by the Athenians, who flew to sustain 
 them, to retire with some loss, as far as a moor 
 which lay near it. The latter saved most of their 
 ships, eighteen excepted, which were taken by 
 the Syracusans, and their crews cut to pieces by 
 them. After this, resolving to burn the rest^, 
 they filled an old vessel with combustible mate- 
 rials^ and having set fire to it, they drove it by 
 the help of the wind against the Athenians, who 
 nevertheless extinguished the fire, and drove 
 off that ship ; each side erected trophies, the 
 Syracusans for the death of Eurymedon, and the 
 advantage they had gained the day before, and 
 the Athenians for their having driven part of 
 the enemy into the moor, and put the other 
 part to flight. But the minds of the two nations 
 were very differently disposed ; the Syracusans 
 who had been thrown into the utmost conster- 
 nation at the arrival of Demosthenes with his 
 
 S 
 
264 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 fleet, seeing themselves victorious in a naval en- 
 gagement^ resumed fresh hope;, and assured 
 themselves of a complete victory over their 
 enemies. The Athenians, on the contrary, frus- 
 trated of their only resource, and overcome at 
 sea, so contrary to their expectations, entirely 
 lost courage, and had no thoughts but of re- 
 tiring. 
 
 The enemy, to deprive them of all resource, 
 and prevent their escaping, shut the mouth of 
 the great harbour, which was about five hun- 
 dred paces w^ide, with gallies placed cross-wise, 
 and other vessels, fixed with anchors and iron 
 chains, and, at the same time, made the requi- 
 vsite preparations for a battle, in case they should 
 have courage to engage again. When the Athe- 
 nians saw themselves thus hemmed in, the ge-* 
 nerals and principal officers assembled, in order 
 to deliberate on the present state of affairs. 
 They were in absolute want of provisions, which 
 was owing to their having forbid the people of 
 Catana to bring any, from the hopes they en-, 
 tertained of their being able to retire, and they 
 could not procure any from other places unless 
 they were masters of the sea : this made them 
 resolve to venture a sea-right. In this view they 
 were determined to leave their old camp and 
 their walls, and to entrench themselves on the 
 shore near their ships, in the smallest compass 
 possible ; their design was to leave feme forces 
 in that place to guard their baggage and the 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 
 
 265 
 
 iick, and to fight with the rest aboard all the 
 ships they should have saved. They intended to 
 retire into Catana in case they should be victo- 
 rious, otherwise to set fire to their ships, and to 
 march by land to the nearest city belonging to 
 their allies. 
 
 This resolution being taken, Nicias imme- 
 diately filled an hundred and ten gallies (the 
 others having lost their oars) with the flower of 
 his infantry, and drew up the rest of the forces, 
 particularly the bowmen, in order of battle on 
 the shore. As the Athenians dreaded very much 
 the beaks of the Syracusan gallies, Nicias had 
 provided harping-irons to grapple them, in order 
 • to break the force of the blow, and to come im- 
 mediately to close fight as on shore. But the 
 enemy perceiving this, covered the prows and 
 upper part of their gallies with leather, to pre- 
 vent their being so easily laid hold of. The 
 commanders on both sides had employed all 
 their rhetoric to animate their men, and none 
 could ever have been prompted with stronger 
 motives, for the battle v;hich was going to be 
 fought was to determine not only their lives and - 
 liberties, but also the fate of their country. 
 
 This battle was very obstinate and bloody 
 The Athenians being arrived at the mouth of 
 the port, easily took those ships which defended 
 the entrance of it ; but when they attempted to 
 break the chain of the rest, to widen the pas^ 
 sage^ the enemy came up from all quarters. 
 
266 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 As near two hundred gallies caine rushing on 
 each side in a narrow place^, there must neces- 
 sarily be a very great confusion, and the vessels 
 could not easily advance forward^ or retire, or 
 turn about to renew the attack. The beaks of 
 the gallies, for this reason, did very little exe- 
 cution ; but there were very furious and fre- 
 quent discharges. The Athenians were over- 
 whelmed with a shower of stones, which always 
 did execution from what place soever they were 
 thrown ; whereas they defended themselves by 
 only shooting darts and arrows, which by the 
 motion of the ships, from the agitation of the 
 sea, did not carry true, and by that means the 
 greatest part of them did little execution. Aris- 
 ton, the pilot, had given the Syracusans this 
 counsel. These discharges being over, the sol- 
 diers heavily armed attempted to enter the 
 enemy's ships> in order to fight hand to hand ; 
 and it often happened, that whilst they were 
 climbing up one side, their own ships were 
 entered on the other, and two or three ships 
 were grappled to one, which occasioned a great 
 perplexity and confusion. Farther, the noise 
 of the ships that dashed one against the other, 
 the different cries of the victors and vanquished, 
 prevented the orders of the officers from being 
 heard. The Athenians wanted to force a pas- 
 sage, w^hatever might be the consequence, to 
 secure their return into their own country; 
 and this the enemy employed their utmost ef- 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 267 
 
 Forts to prevent, in order that they might gain 
 a more complete and more glorious victory. 
 The two land armies, which were drawn up on 
 the highest part of the shore, and the inhabi- 
 tants of the city who were there, ran to the 
 walls, whilst the rest kneeling in the temples, 
 were imploring heaven to give success to their 
 fellow-citizens; all these saw clearly, because 
 of their little distance from the fleet, every 
 thing that passed, and contemplated the battle 
 as from an amphitheatre, but not without great 
 anxiety and terror. Attentive to, and shudder- 
 ing at every movement, and the several changes 
 which happened, they discovered the concern 
 they had in the battle, their fears, their hopes, 
 their grief, their joy, by different cries and dif- 
 ferent gestures ; stretching out their hands 
 sometimes towards the combatants to animate 
 them, at other times towards heaven, to implore 
 the succour and protection of the gods. At last 
 the Athenian fleet, after sustaining a long battle 
 and a vigorous resistance, was put to flight, and 
 drove against the shore. The Syracusans, who 
 were spectators of this victory, conveyed the 
 news to the whole city by an universal shout. 
 The victors, now masters of the sea, and sailing 
 with a favourable wind towards Syracuse, erected 
 a trophy, whilst the Athenians, who were quite 
 dejected and overpowered, did not so much as 
 request that their dead soldiers might be deli- 
 
f68 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 vered to them, in order to pay the last sad duty 
 to their remans. 
 
 There now remained but two methods for 
 them to chuse, either to attempt the passage a 
 second time, for which they had ships and sol- 
 diers sufficient, or to abandon their fleet to the 
 enemy, and retire by land. Demosthenes pro- 
 posed the former; but the sailors, in the deep- 
 est affliction, refused to obey, fully persuaded 
 that it would be impossible for them to sustain 
 a second engagement. The second method was, 
 therefore, resolved upon; and accordingly they 
 prepared to set out in the night, to conceal the 
 march of their army from the enemy. 
 
 But Hermocrates, who suspected their design, 
 -was very sensible that it was of the utmost im- 
 portance not to suffer so great a body of forces 
 to escape, since they otherwise might fortify 
 themselves in some corner of the island, and 
 renew the war. The Syracusans were at thaf 
 time in the midst of their festivity and rejoic- 
 ings, and meditating nothing but how they 
 might divert themselves after the toils they had 
 sustained in fight. They were then solemnizing 
 the festival of Hercules. To desire the Syra- 
 cusans to take up arms again in order to pursue 
 the enemy, and to attempt to draw them from 
 their diversions, either by force or persuasion* 
 would have been to no purpose ; for which rea- 
 son, another expedient was employed. Her-r 
 mocrates sent out a fev^ horsemen, who were to 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 26# 
 
 pass for friends of the Athenians, and ordered 
 them to cry aloud, Teil Nicias not to retire till 
 day-light, for the Syracusans lie in ambush for 
 him, and have seized on their passes. This false 
 advice stopped Nicias at once, and he did not 
 even set out the next day, in order that the sol- 
 diers might have more time to prepare for their 
 departure, and carry off whatever might be ne- 
 cessary for their subsistence, and abandon the 
 rest. 
 
 The enemy had time enough for seizing the 
 avenues. The next morning early they pos- 
 sessed themselves of the most, difficult passes, 
 fortified those places where the irvers were ford- 
 able, broke down the bridges, and spread de- 
 tachments of horse up and down the plain, so 
 that there was not one place which the Athe- 
 nians could pass without fighting. They set 
 out upon their march the third day after the 
 battle, w^ith a design to retire to Catana. The 
 whole army was in an inexpressible consterna- 
 tion, to see such a great number of men either 
 dead or dying, some of whom were left ex- 
 posed to wild beasts, and the rest to the cruelty 
 of the enemy. Those who were sick and 
 wounded conjured them, with tears, to take 
 them along with the army, and held by their 
 clothes when they were going, or else crawling 
 after them, followed them as far as their strength 
 would permit; and when this failed, had recourse 
 to tears^ sighs, imprecations, and sending up to- 
 
270 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 wards heaven plaintive and dying groans, they 
 called upon the gods as well as men, to avenge 
 their cruelty, whilst every place echoed with la- 
 mentations. 
 
 The whole army was in a deplorable condition. 
 All the Athenians were seized with the deepest 
 melancholy. They were inwardly tortured with 
 rage and anguish, v/hen they represented to' 
 themselves the greatness from which they were 
 fallen, the extreme misery to which they were 
 reduced, and the still greater evils from which 
 they foresaw it would be impossible for them to 
 escape. They could not bear the comparison, 
 for ever present in their thoughts, of the tri- 
 umphant state in which they had left Athens, 
 in the midst of the good wishes and acclamations 
 of the people, with the ignominy of their retreat^ 
 aggravated by the cries and imprecations of their 
 relations and fellow-citizens. 
 
 But the most melancholy part of the spectacle, 
 and that which most deserved compassion, was 
 Nicias: dejected and worn out by a tedious 
 illnes.-, deprived of the mostnecessary comforts, 
 at a time when his age and infirmities required 
 them most, pierced not only with his private 
 grief, but with that of others, all which preved 
 upon his mind. However, this great man, su- 
 perior to all his evils, thought of nothing but 
 how he might best comfort his soldiers, and re - 
 vive their courage. He ran up and down in aU 
 places, crying aloud, that their situation was- not 
 
^ELOPONNESIAN WAR. 271 
 
 yet desperate:, and that other armies had escaped 
 from greater dangers; that they ought not to 
 accuse themselves^, or grieve too immoderately 
 for misfortunes which they had not occasioned; 
 that if they had offended some god, his ven- 
 geance must be satiated by this time ; that for- 
 tune, after having so long favoured the enemy, 
 would at last be tired of persecuting them ; that 
 their bravery and their numbers made them still 
 formidable (being still near forty thousand 
 strong); that no city in Sicily would be able 
 to withstand them, nor prevent their settling 
 whereever they might think proper ; that they 
 had no more to do but to take care severally 
 of themselves, and march in good order ; that 
 by a prudent and courageous retreat, which 
 was now become their only resource, they 
 would not only save themselves, but also their 
 country, and enable it to recover its former 
 grandeur. 
 
 The army maixhed in two bodies, both drawn 
 up in the form of a phalanx, the first being com- 
 manded by Nicias, and the second by Demosthe- 
 nes, with the baggage in the centre. Being come 
 to the river Anapis, they forced their passage and. 
 afterwards were charged by the enemy's cavalry, 
 as well as archers, who discharged perpetually 
 upon them. They were annoyed in this manner - 
 during several days march, every one of the 
 passes being guarded, and the Athenians being . 
 obliged to dispute every inch of their way. Thc^. 
 
572 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 enemv did not care to hazard a battle a2:ainst 
 an army which despair alone might render in- 
 vincible ; and the instant the Athenians pre- 
 sented the Syraciisans battle, the latter retired ; 
 but \vhenever the former proceeded in their 
 march^ they advanced and charged them in their 
 retreat. 
 
 Demosthenes and Nicias seeing the miserable 
 condition to which the troops were reduced, 
 being in extreme w^ant of provisions, and great 
 numbers of them wounded, judged it adviseable 
 to retire towards the sea, by a quite contrary 
 way from that in which they then marched, and 
 to make directly for Camarina and Gela, instead 
 of proceeding to Catana, as they first intended. 
 They set out in the night, after lighting a 
 great number of fires. The retreat wjs made 
 in great confusion and disorder, as generally 
 happens to great armies in the gloomy horrors 
 of the night, especially when the enemy is not 
 far off. How^ever, the van guard commanded by 
 Nicias went forward in good order, but above 
 half the rear guard, v/ith Demosthenes at their 
 head, quitted from the main body, and lost 
 their way. On the next day the Syracusans, 
 who, on the report of their retreat, had marched 
 with the utmost diligence, came up with De- 
 mosthenes about noon, and having surrounded 
 him w^ith their horse, drove him into a narrow 
 place inclosed with a w^all, where his soldiers 
 fought like lions. Perceiving at the close of the 
 
 4 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 27S 
 
 day^ that they were oppressed with fatigue, and 
 covered with wounds, the conquering Syracusans 
 gave the islanders leave to retire, which some 
 of them accepted, and they afterwards spared 
 the lives of the rest who surrendered at discre- 
 tion, with Demosthenes,after it having been sti- 
 pulated that they should not be put to death, 
 nor sentenced to perpetual imprisonment. 
 About six thousand soldiers surrendered on these 
 conditions. 
 
 Nicias arrived the same evening at the river 
 Erineus, and passing it, encamped on a moun- 
 tain, where the enemy came up with him the 
 next day, and summoned him to surrender at 
 discretion, as Demosthenes had done. Nicias 
 could not persuade himself at first that what 
 they told him concerning Demosthenes was true, 
 and therefore, desired leave to send some horse 
 for information. Upon their returning with the 
 news that Demosthenes had really surrendered 
 in that nianner, Nicias offered to pay the ex- 
 pences of the war, upon condition they would 
 permit him to leave the country with his forces, 
 ^nd to give as many Athenians for hostages as 
 they should be obliged to pay talents. But the 
 enemy rejected this proposal with disdain and 
 insolence, and renewed the attack. Nicias, 
 though in absolute want of all things, however 
 sustained the charge the whole night, and 
 marched towards the river Asinarus. When they 
 were got to the banks of it, the Syracusans ad- 
 roit. I. T 
 
274 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 vancing up to them, threw most of them into 
 the stream^ the rest already having plunged 
 voluntarily into it, to quench their thirst. Here 
 the greatest and mo^t bloody havock was made^ 
 the poor wretches being butchered without the 
 least pity, as they were drinking. Nicias, finding 
 all lost, and unable to bear this dismal spectacle^ 
 surrendered at discretion ; upon condition that 
 Gylippus should discontinue the fight, and spare 
 the rest of his army. A great number were 
 killed, and more taken prisoners, so that all 
 Sicily was filled with them. The Athenians 
 seemed to have been displeased with their ge- 
 neral for surrendering in this manner at dis- 
 cretion; and, for this reason^ his name was 
 omitted in a public monument, on which was 
 engraved the names of those commanders who 
 had lost their lives in fighting for their country. 
 
 The victors adorned with the arms taken from 
 the prisoners the finest and largest trees they 
 could find on the banks of the rivers, and made 
 a kind of trophies of those trees, when crowning 
 themselves with chaplets of fio\sxrs, dressing 
 their horses in the richest caparisons, and crop* 
 ping those of their enemijes, they entered tri- 
 umphantlv into Syracuse, after having happilv 
 terminated the most considerable war in which 
 they had ever been engaged with the Greeks, 
 and won by their strength and valour a most 
 signal and complete victory. 
 
 The next day a council wa? held to deliberate 
 
PELO?ONNESIAN WAH. 27Sr 
 
 what was to be done with the prisoners. Dio- 
 des, one of the leaders of greatest authority 
 among the people^ proposed, that all the Athe-^ 
 nians who were born of free parents, and all 
 such Sicilians as had joined with them, should 
 be imprisoned, and only two measures of flour 
 and one of water given them daily ; that the 
 slaves and all the allies should be publicly sold; 
 and that the two Athenian generals should be 
 first scourged with rods, and afterwards put to 
 death. 
 
 This last article was exceedingly disliked by 
 all wise and compassionate Syracusans. Her- 
 mocrates, who was very famous for his probity 
 and justice, attempted to make some remon- 
 strances to the people, but they would not hear 
 him, and the shouts which echoed on all sides 
 prevented him from continuing his speech. At 
 that instant an ancient man venerable for his 
 great age and gravity, who in this war had lost 
 two sons, the only heirs to his name and estate, 
 made his servants carry him to the tribunal for 
 harangues, and the instant he appeared a pro- 
 found silence was made. You here behold," 
 says he, an unfortunate father, who has felt 
 more than any other Syracusan the fatal effects 
 of this w^ar, by the d^ath of two sons, who 
 formed all the consolation, and were the only 
 supports of my old age. I cannot, indeed, 
 forbear admiring their courage and felicity, in 
 sacrificing to their country's welfare a life, of 
 
 T 2 
 
re .HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 which they would one day have been deprived 
 by the common course of nature : but then I 
 jtannot but be strongly affected with the cruel 
 wound whicTi their death had made in my heart, 
 oor forbear hating and detesting the Athenians, 
 the authors of this unhappy war, as the mur- 
 derers of my children ; but, however, I cannot 
 conceal one circumstance, which is, that I am 
 less sensible of my private affliction than that of 
 the honour of my country, and I see it exposed 
 to eternal infamy by the barbarous advice which 
 is now given you. The Athenians, indeed, merit 
 the worst treatment, and every kind of punish- 
 ment that can be inflicted on them, for so un- 
 justly declaring war against us ; but have not 
 the gods, the just avengers of crimes, punished 
 them, and revenged us sufficiently ? When their 
 general laid down his arms and surrendered, did 
 he not do this in the hopes of having their lives 
 spared? and if we put them to death, will it 
 be possible for us to avoid the just reproach of 
 CUT having violated the law of nations, and dis- 
 honoured our victory by an unheard of cruelty ? 
 How will you suffer your glory to be thus sul- 
 lied in the face of the whole world, and have it 
 said, that a nation who first dedicated a temple 
 in this city to clemency, had not found any m 
 yours ? Surely victories and triumphs do not 
 give immortal glory to a city: but the exer- 
 cising mercy towards a vanquished enemy, the 
 moderation in the greatest prosperity, 
 
P£LOP0NNESIAN WAR. STT 
 
 fearing to offend the gods by a haughty and in 
 SQlent pride, will ever ensure it. You doubtleas 
 have not forgot that this Nicias, whose fate you. 
 are going to pronounce, was the man who piead- 
 ed your cause in the assembly of the Athenians, 
 and employed all his credit, and the whole power 
 of his eloquence, to dissuade his country from 
 embarking in this war ; should you, therefore, 
 pronounce sentence of death on this worthy ge- 
 neral, would it be a just reward for the zeal he 
 shewed for your interest ? With regard to my-» 
 self, death would be less grievous to me than 
 the sight of so horrid an injustice committed hj 
 my countrymen and fellow citizens/* 
 
 The people seemed moved with compassion 
 at this speech, especially when this venerable 
 old man first ascended. They expected to hear 
 him cry aloud for vengeance on those who had 
 brought all these calamities upon him, instead 
 of suing for their pardon. But the enemies of 
 the Athenians expatiated with vehemence on the 
 unheard of cruelties which their republic had 
 exercised on several cities belonging to their 
 enemies, and even to their ancient allies; the 
 inveteracy which the commanders had shewn 
 against Syracuse, and the evils they would have 
 made it suffer had they been victorious ; the af- 
 flictions and groans of infinite numbers of Sy- 
 racusans, who bewailed the death of their chilr 
 dren and near relations, whose manes could be 
 appeased by no other way than by the blood of 
 
^78 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 their murderers. These representations. ;.pre-^ 
 vailed, ai d the people returned to their sangui- 
 nary resolution, and followed, Diocles's advice 
 in every respect. Gylippus used his utmost en-5 
 deavours, but in vain, to have Nicias and De- 
 mosthenes given up to him, (especially as he. 
 had taken them) in order for hirn to carry them 
 to Lacedasmon ; but his demand was rejected 
 with a haughty scorn, and the two generals were 
 put to death. 
 
 No wise and compassionate man could forbear 
 shedding tears at the tragical fate of two such 
 illustrious personages, and particularly for Ni- 
 cias ; who, of all men of his time, seemed least 
 to merit so ignominious and untimely an end. 
 When people recollected the speeches and re-r 
 monstrances he had made to prevent the war; 
 and on the other side, when they considered 
 how high a regard he had always retained for 
 things relating to religion, the greatest part of 
 them were tempted to exclaim against provi- 
 dence, in seeing that a man, who had ever shewn 
 the highest reverence for the gods, and had al- 
 ways exerted himself to the utmost for iheir ho- 
 nour and worship, should be so ill rewarded by 
 them, and meet with no better fate than the 
 most abandoned wretches. 
 
 Nicias must be regarded by posterity as a 
 good, rather than a great man. He was hu.- 
 mane and benevolent. He wanted not for wis- 
 dom ^nd discernment : and no/ man evef posr 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. m 
 
 (sessed more of the true amor patrics. But 
 then he was too timid for the services in which 
 he was sometimes employed ; and, upon all og- 
 . casions, too diffident of his own abilities. These 
 qualities in him, however, were not without 
 their advantages: for while they subjected him 
 to the mortification of seeing his counsels re- 
 jected, himself sent out on duty which did not 
 suit his inclination, or his operations in the field 
 less acceptable than they might otherwise have 
 been, they procured him the esteem of the peo- 
 ple, by the appearance of moderation, and of 
 respect for their privileges, which they always 
 bore ; and the confidence of the soldiery, by 
 those ideas of caution, or of stratagem, or even 
 piety towards the gods, which they were always 
 ready to affix to them. It was of no small ser- 
 vice to the character of Nicias, that he was called 
 upon to act in concert with Cleon and Alci- 
 biades. The fire and impetuosity of these men 
 required to be tempered by the coolness and de-r 
 liberation of their colleague ; and every reflec- 
 tion on the contrast which their dispositions 
 made, tends to enhance our good opinion of 
 Nicias. Nicias is said always to have given good 
 advice, and always to have \ fought well. From 
 thence one would think that he merits a higher 
 title than we seem willing to allow him ; and so 
 he would, had the promptitude of his designs 
 kept pace with the sincerity of his intentions^ 
 jar even with the vigour of his execution. The 
 
2S» HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 unhappy event of bis last exertions in Sicily 
 was owing to a variety of causes. Many of his 
 fellow citizens strove, through envy, to ruin his 
 reputation: his indiffereut state of health ad- 
 mitted not of the unremitting vigilance and ap- 
 plication which the Athenian affairs in that island 
 demanded; and infectious diseases, and wounds, 
 and death, had rendered the greatest efibrts of" 
 his troops feeble and ineffectuaL Nicias was a 
 rich man : a silver mine, which he had in his 
 estate at Laurium, furnished him with the means 
 of displaying his magnificence in public showi 
 and donations. This gained over to him many 
 that were disaffected to his measures, and se- 
 cured the good opinion of those who approved 
 of them. ' 
 
 Demosthenes was a brave, intrepid officer, 
 and by no means defective in military tactics. 
 There was no contemporary of his more likely 
 to preserve the honour of the Athenian name 
 than he : but the misery was, that the affairs of 
 Syracuse were become desperate before he en- 
 tered upon the expedition. His name was long 
 had in estimation at Athens. Demosthenes, the 
 orator, many years after the discomfiture we 
 have related, valued himself upon being of the 
 same family with Demosthenes who fell at Sy- 
 racuse, 
 
 The prisoners were shut up in the prisons of 
 Syracuse, where, crowded one upon the other, 
 they suffered incredible torment for eight months^ 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 281 
 
 Here they were for ever exposed to the incle- 
 mencies of the weather: scorched in the day- 
 time by the burning rays of the sun, or frozen 
 in the night by the co)ds of autumn; poisoned 
 by the stench of their own excrement, by the 
 carcases of those who died of their wounds and 
 of sickness, and worn out by hunger and thirst, 
 for the daily allowance to each was but a small 
 measure of water and two of meal. Those who 
 were taken out of this place two months after, 
 in order, to be sold as slaves, many of whom 
 were citizens who had concealed their condition, 
 found a less rigorous fate. Their w isdom, their 
 patience, and a certain air of probity and mo- 
 desty, were of great advantage to them ; for 
 they were soon restored to their liberty, or met ^ 
 with the kindest and most generous treatment 
 from their masters. Several of them even 
 owed the good usage they met with to Eu- 
 ripides, the finest scenes of whose tragedies they 
 repeated to the Sicilians, who were extremely 
 fond of them : so that when they returned in 
 their own country, they went and saluted that 
 poet as their deliverer, and informed him of 
 the admirable effects wrought in their favour by 
 his verses. 
 
 The news of the defeat being carried to Athenj«, 
 the citizens at first would not believe it, and 
 were so far from giving credit to the report, that 
 they sentenced that man to death who first pub- 
 lished the tidings; but when it was confirmed, 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 all the Athenians we^e. seized with the iitmosil 
 consternation ; and, as if themselves had not 
 decreed the war, they vented their rage and 
 resentment against the orators who had promoted 
 the enterprize, as well as against the soothsayers, 
 who, by their supposed prodigies, had flattered 
 them with the hopes of success. They had never 
 been reduced to so deplorable a condition as 
 now, having neither horse, foot, money, gallies^ 
 nor mariners ; in a word, they were in the 
 deepest despair, expecting every moment that 
 the enemy, elaie with so great a victory, and 
 strengthened by the revoh of the allies, would 
 come and invade Athens both by sea and land 
 with all the forces of Peloponnesus. Cicero 
 had reason to observe, speaking of the battles 
 in the harbour of Syracuse, that it was there 
 the troops of Athens, as well as their gallies, 
 were ruined and sunk ; and that in this harbour 
 the power and glory af the Athenians were mi- 
 serably shipwrecked. 
 
 The Athenians, however, did not suffer them- 
 selves to be wholly dejected, but resumed cou- 
 rage. They now resolved to raise money on all 
 sides, and to import timber for building of ships, 
 in order to awe the allies, and particularly the 
 inhabitants of the island of Eubcea. They re- 
 trenched all superfluous expences, and esta- 
 blished a new council of ancient men, who were 
 to weigh and examine all affairs before they 
 •hould be proposed to the people. In line,- 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 
 
 tlxey omitted nothing whieh might be of service 
 in the present conjuncture ; the alarm which 
 they were in, and their common danger, oblig- 
 ing every individual tp be attentive to the ne- 
 cessities of the state, and sedulous to all advice 
 that might promote its interest. 
 
 Such was the €vent of the siege of Syracuse, 
 the failure of which destroyed the power of those 
 that had undertaken it. We have hitherto seen 
 Athens rising in arts and arms, giving lessons 
 both in politeness, humanity, philosophy, and 
 war, to all the nations rrund, and beginning to 
 fix an empire, which, if once established, no 
 neighbouring power could overthrow. BQt their 
 ambition grew faster than their abilities, and 
 their views extending beyond their capacity to 
 ■execute them, they fell at once from that height 
 to which, for ages, they had been assiduously 
 aspiring. We are now, therefore, to be pre- 
 sented with a different picture ; we are no longer 
 to view this little state panting for conquests 
 over other nations, but timorously defending 
 itself af home; we are no longer to view Athens 
 takinsr the lead in the councils, and conductino; 
 the confederated armies of Greece : thev now 
 become in a measure annihilated; they fade 
 from the eye of the historian ; and other nations, 
 whose names have hitherto been scarcely men- 
 tioned, emerge from obscurity. The rashnes* 
 of this enterprize was severely punished in the 
 Joss of their best generals, fleets, and armies; 
 
fU HIStORY OF GREECE* 
 
 all now was destroyed, or left at the mercy ti 
 those whom they had so imseasonably undertaken 
 io subdue. 
 
 Their allies begian now to think of throwing 
 off their yoke; and even those who had stood 
 neuter, took this occasion to declare against 
 them. But the Lacedaemonians being more 
 particularly elevated, resolved to prosecute the 
 war with vigour, and the winter was spent in 
 preparations on both sides. The Athenians, in 
 their present distress, scarce knew wliere to 
 turn; many of their allied cities revolted, and 
 it was with the utmost difficulty that, by placing 
 their forces and fleets at Samos, they reduced 
 such states as had abandoned them to their for- 
 mer obedience, and kept the rest to their duty : 
 thus still struggling with a part of their former 
 spirit, they kept themselves in a condition to 
 make head against their enemies, over whom they 
 had obtained several advantages. 
 
 Alcibiades, who was well informed of all that 
 passed among the Athenians, sent secretly to the 
 principal of them at Samos, to sound their senti- 
 ments, and to let them know that he was not 
 averse from returnhig to Athens, provided the 
 administration of the republic were put into 
 the hands of the great and powerful, and not 
 left to the populace, who had expelled him, 
 ^ome of the principal officers went from Samos, 
 with a design to concert with him the proper 
 measures for the success of that undertaking* 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAU- ^ 
 
 He promised to procure the Athenians not only 
 the favour of Tissaphernes, the king of Persia's 
 lieutenant, with whom he had taken refuge, but 
 of the king himself, upon condition they would 
 abolish the democracy, or popular government: 
 because the king would place more confidence 
 in the engagements of the nobility, than upon 
 those of the inconstant and capricious multitude. 
 The chief man who opposed his return was 
 Phrynicus, one of the generals, who, to compass 
 his designs, sent word to Astyochus, the Lace- 
 diemonian general, that Alcibiades was treating 
 with Tissaphernes, to bring him over to the 
 Athenian interest. He offered farther, to betray 
 to him the whole army and navy of the Athe- 
 nians. But his treasonable practices being all 
 detected by t^\e good understanding betwixt 
 Alcibiades and Astyochus, he was stript of his 
 office, ^nd afterwards stabbed in the market- 
 place. 
 
 In the mean time, the Athenians went eagerly 
 forward to complete that change of government 
 which had been proposed to them by Alcibiades; 
 the democracy began to be abolished in several 
 cities of Athens, and soon after the scheme wa» 
 carried boldly forward by Pysander who was 
 chiefly concerned in the transaction. To give 
 a new form to this government, he caused ten 
 commissaries, with absolute power, to be ap^ 
 pointed, who were, however, at a certain fixed 
 t^roe, to give the people aa account of what thej 
 
 4 
 
riiSTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 Rad done. At the expiration of that term;, the 
 general assembly was sumnloned, wherein their 
 first resolution was, that every one should be 
 admitted to make such proposals as he thought 
 fit, without being liable to any accusation of 
 consequent penalty, for infringing the law. It 
 was afterwards decreed, that a new council should 
 be formed with fulJ power to administer the 
 public affairs, and to elect new magistrates. 
 For this purpose, five presidents were establish- 
 ed, who nominated one hundred persons, in- 
 cluding themselves. Each af these chose and 
 associated three more at his own pleasure, which 
 made in all four hundred, in whom an absolute 
 power was lodged. But to amuse the people^ 
 and to console them with a shadow of popular 
 government, whilst they instituted a real oli- 
 garchy, it was said that the four hundred should 
 call a council of five thousand citizens to assist 
 them, whenever they should judge it necessary. 
 The council and assemblies of the people were 
 held as usual; nothing was done, however, but 
 by order of the four hundred. The people of 
 Athens were deprived in this manner of their 
 liberty, which they had enjoyed almost an hun-' 
 dred years, after having abolished the tyrannv 
 of the Pisistratides. 
 
 This decree being passed without opposition,^: 
 after the separation of the assembly, the four 
 hundred, armed with daggers, and attended by 
 an hundred and twenty young men, w^hom tlicjc 
 
iPELOPONNESiAN WAR. ^? 
 
 iflade use of when any execution required it> 
 Entered the senate, and compelled the senator* 
 to retire, after having paid them the arrears due 
 upon their appointments. They elected new 
 magistrates out of their own body, observing 
 the usual ceremonies upon such occasions. They 
 did not think proper to recal those who were 
 banished, lest they should authorize the return 
 of Alcibiades, whose u n con troul able spirit they 
 dreaded, and who would soon have made him- 
 self master of the people. Abusing their power 
 in a tyrannical manner, they put some to death, 
 others they banished, and confiscated their es- 
 tates with impunity. All who ventured to op- 
 pose this change, or even to complain of it, 
 were butchered upon false pretexts, and those 
 were intimidated who demanded justice of the 
 murderers. The four hundred, soon after their 
 eitablishment, sent ten deputies to Samos, for 
 the army's concurrence to their establishment. 
 
 The army, in the mean time, which was at 
 Samos, protested against those proceedings in 
 the city ; and, at the persuasion of Thrasy- 
 bulus, recalled Alcibiades, and created him ge- 
 neral, with full power to sail directly to the Py- 
 raeus, and crush this new tyranny. Alcibiades, 
 however, would not give way to this rash opi- 
 nion, but went first to shew himself to Tissa- 
 phernes, and let him know, that it was now in 
 his power to treat with him as a friend or an 
 enemy. By which means he awed the Athe- 
 
 S 
 
288 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 nians with Tissaphernes, and Tissaphernes witli 
 the Athenians. When, afterwards, the four 
 hundred sent to Samos to vindicate their pro- 
 ceedings, the army was for putting the messen- 
 gers to death, and persisted in the design upon 
 the Pyraeus, but Alcibiades opposing it, mani- 
 festly saved the commonwealth. 
 
 In the meanwhile, the innovation in Athens 
 had occasioned such factions and tumults, that 
 the four hundred were more intent upon pro- 
 viding for their safety, than prosecuting the 
 war. In order to which they fortified that part 
 of the Pyrasus which commands the mouth of 
 the haven, and resolved, in case of extremity, 
 rather to let in the Lacedaemonians, than expose 
 their persons to the fury of their fellow-citizens. 
 The Spartans took occasion from these distur- 
 bances, to hover about with forty-two gallies, 
 under the conduct of Hegesandrides ; and the 
 Athenians, with thirty-six under Timochares 
 were forced to engage them, but lost part of 
 their fleet, and the rest were dispersed. To add 
 to which, all Euboea, except Oreus, revolted 
 to the Peloponnesians. 
 
 This failure of success served to give the fi^ 
 nishing blow to the power of the four hundred. 
 The Athenians without delay opposed them, as 
 the authors of all their troubles and divisions 
 under which they groaned. Alcibiades was re- 
 called by unanimous consent, and earnestly so- 
 licited to make all possible haste to the assist- 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 
 
 ance of the city. But judging that if he returned 
 immediately to Athens, he should owe his recal 
 to the compassion and favour of the people, he 
 resolved to render his return glorious and tri- 
 umphant, and to deserve it by some considerable 
 exploit. For this purpose, leaving Samos with 
 a small number of ships, he cruized about the 
 islands of Cos and Cnidos, and having learnt 
 that Mindarus, the Spartan admiral, was sailed 
 to the Hellespont with his whole fleet, and that 
 the Athenians were in pursuit of him, he steer- 
 ed that way with the utmost diligence to sup- 
 port them, and arrived happily with his eigh- 
 teen vessels at the time the fleets were engaged 
 near Abydos, in a battle which lasted till night, 
 without any advantage on either side. His ar- 
 rival gave the Spartans new courage at first, who 
 believed him still their friend, and dispirited 
 the Athenians. But Alcibiades hanging out the 
 Athenian flag in the Admiral's galley, fell upon 
 them, and put them to flight ; and, animated by 
 his success, sunk their vessels, and made a great 
 slaughter of their soldiers, who had thrown them- 
 selves into the sea, to save themselves by swim- 
 ming. The Athenians, after having taken thirty 
 of their gallies, and retaken those they had lost, 
 erected a trophy. 
 
 Alcibiades after this victory went to visit Tis- 
 saphenies, who was so far from^ receiving him 
 as he expected, that he immediately caused him 
 to be seized, and sent away prisoner to Sardis, 
 
 VOL. I. u 
 
290 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 telling him, that he had orders from the king to 
 make war upon the Athenians ; but the truth is, 
 he was afraid of being accused to his master by 
 the Peloponnesians, and thought, by this act of 
 injustice, to purge himself from all former im- 
 putations. Alcibiades, after thirty days, made 
 his escape to Clazomense, and soon after bore 
 down upon the Peloponnesian fleet, which rode 
 at anchor before the port of Cyzicus. With 
 twenty of his best ships he broke through the 
 enemy, pursued those who abandoned their ships 
 and fled to land, and made a great slaughter. 
 The Athenians took all the enemy's ships, made 
 themselves masters of Cyzicus, while Mingimis, 
 the Lacedaemonian general, was found among 
 the number of the slain. 
 
 Alcibiades well knew how to make use of the 
 victory he had gained ; and, at the head of his 
 conquering forces, took several cities which had 
 revolted from the Athenians. Calcedon, Selym- 
 bria, and Byzantium, were among the number. 
 Thus flushed with conquest, he seemed to desire 
 nothing so ardently as to be once more seen by 
 his countrymen, as his presence would be a tri- 
 umph to his friends, and an insult to his ene- 
 mies. Accordingly, being recalled, he set sail 
 for Athens. Besides the ships covered . with 
 bucklers and spoils of all sorts, in the manner 
 of trophies, a great number of vessels were also 
 towed after him by way of triumph ; he display- 
 ed also the ensigns and ornaments of those 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 201 
 
 had burnt, which were more than the others, 
 the whole amounting to about two hundred 
 ships. It is said, that reflecting on what had 
 been done against him, upon approaching the 
 port, hef was struck with some terror, and was 
 afraid to quit his vessel, till he saw from the deck 
 a great number of his friends and relations, wha 
 were come to the shor^ to receive him, and ear- 
 nestly entreated him to land. As soon as he 
 was landed, the multitude who came out to meet 
 him, fixed their eyes on him, thronged about 
 him, saluted him with loud acclamations, and 
 crowned him with garlands. He received their 
 congratulations with great satisfaction ; he de- 
 sired to be discharged from his former condem- 
 nation, and obtained from the priests an abso- 
 lution from all their former denunciations. 
 
 Yet, notwithstanding these triumphs, the real 
 power of Athens was now no more, the strength 
 of the i^tate was gone, and even the passion for 
 liberty was lost in the common degeneracy of 
 the times ; many of the meaner sort of people 
 passionately desired that Alcibiades would take 
 the sovereignty upon him, they even desired 
 him to set himself above the reach of envy, by 
 securing all power in his own person; the great, 
 however, were not so warm in their gratitude, 
 they were content with appointing him gene- 
 ralissimo of all their forces ; they granted him 
 whatever he demanded, and gave him for col- 
 leagues the generals most agreeable to him. He 
 . u 2 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 set sail accordingly, with an hiindfed ships, and 
 steered for the island of Andros that had revolted^ 
 where, having defecated the inhabitants, he went 
 from thence to Samos, intending to make that 
 the seat of war. In the mean time the Lacedse- 
 moniansj justly alarmed at his success, made 
 choice of a general, supposed to be capable of 
 making head against him ; for this reason they 
 fixed upon Lysander, who, though born of the 
 highest family, had been bred up to hardships, 
 and paid an entire respect to the discipline and 
 manners of his country. He was brave and as- 
 piring, and, like his countrymen, sacrificed all 
 sorts of pleasure to his ambition. He had an 
 (Evenness and sedateness of temper, which made 
 all conditions of life sit easy upon him ; but 
 withal was extremely insinuating, crafty and 
 designing, and made his interest the only mea- 
 sure of truth and falsehood. This deceitful 
 temper was observed to run through the whole 
 courise of his life ; upon which occasion it was 
 said, that he cheated children with foul play, 
 and men with perjury: and it was a maxim of 
 his own, that when the lion faik we must make 
 use of the fox. 
 
 Lysander having brought bis army to Ephesus, 
 gave orders for assembling ships of burden from 
 all parts, and erected an arsenal for building of 
 gailies : he made the ports free for merchants,> 
 gave the public places to artificers, put all arts 
 in motion, and, bv these means, filled the city 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 293 
 
 with riches, and laid the fciindation of that mag- 
 nificence which she afterwards attained. Whilst 
 he was making these dispositions, he received 
 advice that Cyrus, the Persian prince, was ar- 
 rived at Sardis; he therefore set out from Ephe- 
 sus to make him a visit, and to complain of 
 Tissaphernes, whose duplicity and treachery had 
 been fatal to their common cause. Cyrus, who 
 had a personal enmity to that general, came 
 mto the views of Lysander^ agreed to encrease 
 the seamen's pay, and to give him ail the as- 
 sistance in their power. 
 
 This largess filled the whole fleet with ardour 
 and alacrity, and almost unmanned the enemy's 
 gallies, the greatest part of the mariners desert- 
 ing to the party where the pay was best. The 
 Athenians, in despair upon receiving this news, 
 endeavoured to conciliate Cyrus by the inter- 
 position of Tissaphernes; but he would not 
 hearken to them, notwithstanding the satrap re- 
 presented, that it was not for the king's interest 
 to aggrandize the Lacedasmonians, but to ba- 
 lance the power of one side with that of the 
 other, in order to perpetuate the war, and to 
 ruin both by their own divisions. 
 
 Alcibiades, on the other hand, having occa- 
 sion to leave the fleet, in order to raise the sup- 
 plies, gave the command of r is fleet to Antio- 
 chus, with express command not to engage or 
 attack the enemy in his absence. Antiochus, 
 however, was willing to do some action that 
 
 3 
 
HIsfaRY OF GREECE^ 
 
 might procure him favour/ without a partner in 
 the. glory : he was so far, therefore, from ob- 
 serving the orders that were given him, that he 
 presently sailed away for Ephesus ; and, at the 
 very mouth of the harbour, used every art to 
 provoke the enemy to an engagement. Lysander 
 at first manned out a few ships to repel his in- 
 sults : but as the Athenian ships advanced to 
 support iVntiochus, other gallies belonging to 
 the Lacedaemonians also came on, till both fleets 
 arrived by little and little, and the engagement 
 became general on both sides, Lysander at length 
 %vas victorious; Antiochus was slain, and fifteen 
 Athenian gallies were taken. It was in vain 
 that Alcibiades soon after came up to the relief 
 of his friends; it was in vain that he offered to 
 renew the combat ; Lysander, content with the 
 victory he had gained, was unwilling to trust to 
 fortune. 
 
 The fickle multitude of Athens again, there- 
 fore, began to accuse Alcibiades of incapability. 
 He wiio w^as just before respected even to adora- 
 tion, w^as now discarded upon a groundless sus- 
 picion, that he had not done his duty. But it 
 was the glory he had obtained by his past ser- 
 vices that now ruined him; for his continual 
 success had begot in the people such an high 
 opinion of him, that they thought it impossible 
 for him to fail in any thing he undertook, and 
 from thence his enemies took occasion to ques- 
 tion his integrity, and to impute to him both 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 
 
 295 
 
 his own and other miscarriages. Callicratidas 
 was appointed to succeed Lysander, whose year 
 was expired: alike severe to himself and others, 
 inaccessible to flattery and sloth, the declared 
 enemy of luxury he retained the modesty, tem- 
 perance, and austerity of the ancient Spartans; 
 virtues that began to distinguish him particu^ 
 iarly, as they were not very common in his time. 
 His probity and justice were proof against all 
 attacks; his simplicity and integrity abhorred 
 all falshood and fraud. To these virtues were 
 joined a truly Spartan nobleness and grandeur 
 of soul. The first attempt of the new admiral 
 was against Methymna, in Lesbos, which he 
 took by storm. He then threatened Gonon, 
 who was appointed general of the Athenians, 
 that he would make him leave debauching the 
 sea; and accordingly soon after pursued him 
 into the port of Mytilene with an hundred and 
 seventy sail, took thirty of his ships, and be- 
 siegred him in the town, from which he cut off 
 all provisions. He soon after took ten ships 
 more out of twelve, which were coming to his 
 relief. Then hearing that the Athenians had 
 fitted out their whole strength, consisting of an 
 hundred and fifty sail, he left fifty of his ships, 
 under Etonicus, to carry on the siege of My- 
 tilene, and with an hundred and twenty more 
 met the Athenians, at Arginusa?, over against 
 Lesbos. His pilot advised him to retreat, for 
 that the enemy was superior in number. He 
 
m HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 told him that Sparta would be never the worse 
 inhabited though he were slain. The fight was 
 long and obstinate, until at last the ship of Cal- 
 licratidas, charging through the enemy, was 
 sunk, and the rest fled. The Peloponnesians 
 lost about seventy sail, and the Athenians 
 twenty-five, with most of the men in them. 
 The Athenian admirals, who had the joint com- 
 mand of the fleet, instead of being rewarded 
 for so signal a victory, w^ere made a barbarous 
 instance of the power and ingratitude of their 
 fellow citizens. Upon a relation of the fight 
 before the senate, it was alledged, they had suf- 
 fered their men who were shipwrecked to be 
 lost, when they might have saved them ; upon 
 which they were clapped in irons, in order to 
 answer for their conduct to the people. They 
 urged, in their defence, that they were pur- 
 suing the enemy ; and, at the same time, gave 
 orders about taking up the men to those whose 
 business it more peculiarly was ; particularly to 
 Theramenes, who was now their accuser; but 
 yet that their orders could not be executed, by 
 reason of a violent storm which happened at 
 that time. This seemed so reasonable and satis- 
 factory, that several stood up and offered to bail 
 them: but, in another assembly, the popular 
 incendiaries demanded justice, and so awed the 
 judges, that Socrates was the only man who had 
 courage enough to declare, he would do nothing 
 contrary to law, and accordingly refused to act. 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 297 
 
 After a long debate eight of the ten were con- 
 demned, and six of them were put to death ; 
 among whom was Pericles, son of the great Pe- 
 ricles. He declared, that they had failed in no- 
 thing of their duty, as they had given orders 
 that the dead bodies should be taken up ; that 
 if any one were guilty, it was he, who, being 
 charged with these orders, had neglected to put 
 them in execution; but that he accused nobody, 
 and that the tempest which came on unexpect- 
 edly, at the very instant, was an unanswerable 
 apology, and entirely discharged the accused 
 from all guilt. He demanded that a whole day 
 should be allowed them to make their defence, 
 a favour not denied to the most criminal, and 
 that they should be tried separately. He re- 
 presented, that they were not in the least ob- 
 liged to precipitate a sentence wherein the lives 
 of the most illustrious citizens were concerned; 
 that it was in some measure attackinor the ofods^ 
 to make men responsible for the winds and wea- 
 ther ; that they could not, without the most fla- 
 grant ingratitude and injustice, put the con- 
 querors to death, to whom they ought to decree 
 crowns and honours, or give up the defenders 
 of their country to the rage of those who en- 
 vied them ; that if they did so, their unjust judg- 
 ment would be followed by a sudden, but vain 
 repentance, which would leave behind it the 
 sharpest remorse, and cover them with eternal 
 infamy. Among the number also was Diome- 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 don, a person equally eminent for his valour 
 and his probity; as he was carrying to his exe- 
 cution, he demanded to be heard. ^' Athenians/* 
 »aid he, " I wish the sentence you have passed 
 upon us may not prove the misfortune of the 
 republic ; but I have one favour to ask of you 
 in behalf of my colleagues and myself; which 
 is, to acquit us before the gods of the vows we 
 made to them for you and ourselves, as we are 
 not in a condition to discharge them ; for it is 
 to their protection, invoked before the battle, 
 we acknowledge that we are indebted for the 
 victory gaiYied by us over the enemy/* There 
 was not a good citizen that did not melt into 
 tears at this discourse, so full of goodness and 
 religion, and admire with surprize the modera- 
 tion of a person, who seeing himself unjustly 
 condemned, did not, however vent the least re- 
 sentment, or even complaint against his judges, 
 but was solely intent (in favour of an ungrate- 
 ful country which had doomed them to perish ) 
 upon what it owed to the gods, in common 
 with them, for the victory they had lately ob- 
 tained. 
 
 This complication of injustice and ingratitude 
 seemed to give the finishing blow to the affairs 
 of the Athenian state : they struggled for a 
 while after their defeat at Syracuse, but from 
 hence they were entirely sunk, though seem- 
 ingly in the arms of victory. 
 
 The enemy, after their last defeat, had once 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. i29S 
 
 more recourse to Lysander, who had so often led 
 them to conquest : on him they placed their 
 chief confidence^, and ardently soHcited his re- 
 turn. The LacedsemonianSj to gratify their al- 
 lies^ and yet to observe their laws, which for- 
 bade that honour being conferred twice on the 
 same person, sent him with an inferior title, but 
 with the power of admiral. Thus appointed, 
 Lysander sailed towards the Hellespont, and laid 
 siege to Lampsacus ; the place was carried by 
 storm, and abandoned by Lysander to the mercy 
 of the soldiers. The Athenians, who followed 
 him close, upon the news of his success, steered 
 forward towards Olestus, and from thence sail- 
 ing along the coast, halted over against the 
 enemy at ^gos Potamos, a place fatal to the 
 Athenians. 
 
 The Hellespont is not above two thousand 
 paces broad in that place. The two armies see- 
 ing themselves so near each other, expected 
 only to rest that day, and were in hopes of com- 
 ing to a battle on the next. But Lysander had 
 another design in view: he commanded the sea- 
 men and pilots to go on board their gallies, as 
 if they were in reality to fight the next morning 
 at break of day, to hold themselves in readiness, 
 and to wait his orders in profound silence. He 
 ordered the land army in like manner to draw 
 up in battle upon the coast, and to wait the day 
 without any noise. On the morning, as soon 
 as the sun was risen, the Athenians began to 
 
300 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 row towards them with their whole fleet in one 
 line^ and to bid them defiance. Lysander^ though 
 his ships were ranged in order of battle^ with 
 their heads towards the enemy, lay still without 
 making any movement. In the evening, when 
 the Athenians withdrew, he did not suffer his 
 soldiers to go ashore till two or three gallies 
 which he had sent out to observe them, were re- 
 turned with advice, that they had seen the ene- 
 my land. The next day passed in the same man- 
 uer, as did the third and fourth. Such a con- 
 duct, which argued reserve and apprehension, 
 extremely augmented the security and boldness 
 of the Athenians, and inspired them with an 
 high contempt for an arm.y, which fear pre- 
 vented from shewing themselves or attempting 
 any thing. 
 
 Whilst this passed, Alcibiades, who was near 
 the fleet, took horse and came to the Athenian 
 generals, to whom he represented, that they kept 
 upon a very disadvantageous coast, where there 
 were neither ports nor cities in the neighbour- 
 hood ; that they were obliged to bring their 
 provisions from Sestos with great danger and 
 difficulty : and that they were very much in the 
 wrong to suffer the soldiers and mariners of the 
 fleet, as soon as they were ashore to straggle 
 and disperse themselves at their pleasure, whilst 
 the enemy's fleet faced them in view, accustomed 
 to execute the orders of their general with in- 
 stant obedience, and upon the slightest signal. 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 301 
 
 He offered also to attack the enemy by land 
 with a strong body of Thracian troops, and to 
 force them to a battle. The generals, especially 
 Tydeus and Monander, jealous of their com- 
 mand, did not content themselves with refusing 
 his offers, from the opinion, that if the event 
 proved unfortunate, the whole blame would fall 
 upon them ; and, if favourable, that Alcibiades 
 would engross the whole honour of it, but re- 
 jected also with insult his wise and salutary 
 counsel, as if a man in disgrace lost his sense 
 and abilities with the favour of the common- 
 wealth. Alcibiades withdrew. 
 
 The filth day the Athenians presented them- 
 selves again, and offered him battle, retiring in 
 the evening according to custom, with more in- 
 sulting air than the days before. Lysander, as 
 usual, detached some gallies to observe them, 
 with orders to return with the utmost diligence 
 when they saw the Athenians landed, and to put a 
 brown buckler at each ship's head as soon as 
 they reached the middle of the channel. Him- 
 self in the mean time, ran through the whole 
 line in his galley, exhorting the pilots and of- 
 ficers to hold the seamen and soldiers in readi- 
 ness to row and fight on the first signal. 
 
 As soon as the bucklers were put up in the 
 ships' heads, and the admiral's galley had given 
 the signal by the sound of trumpet, the whole 
 fleet set forwards, in good order. The land army, 
 at the same time, made all possible haste to the 
 
302 HISTORY OF GREECE^ 
 
 top of the promontory^ to see the battle. The 
 strait that _separates the two conthients in this 
 place is,aboiit fifteen stadia, or three quarters 
 of a league in breadth, which space was pre- 
 sently cleared through the activity and diligence 
 of the rowers. Conon, the Athenian general, 
 w^as the first who perceived from shore the ene- 
 my's fleet advancing in good order to attack 
 him, upon which he immediately cried out for 
 the troops to embark. In the height of sorrow 
 and perplexity, some he called to by their 
 names, some he conjured and others he forced 
 to go on board their gallies ; but all his endea- 
 vours and emotion were ineffectual, the soldiers 
 being dispersed on all sides. For they were 
 no sooner come on shore, than some were run to 
 the suttlers, some to walk in the country, some 
 to sleep in their tents, and others had begun to 
 dress their suppers. This proceeded from the 
 want of vigilance and experience in their ge- 
 nerals, who, not suspecting the least danger, in- 
 dulged themselves in taking their repose, and| 
 gave their soldiers the same liberty. * 
 
 The enemy had already fallen on witH loud 
 cries, and a great noise of their oars, when Gononf 
 disengaging himself with nine gallies, of which, 
 number was the sacred ship, he stood away for 
 Cvprus, where he took refuge with Evagoras. 
 The Peloponnesians falling upon the rest of the 
 fleet, took immediately the gallies which were- 
 tmpty, and disabled and destroyed such as be- 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 303 
 
 gan to fill with men. The soldiers who ran 
 without order or arms to their relief, were either 
 killed in the endeavour to get on board, or fly- 
 ing on shore, were cut to pieces by the enemy, 
 who landed in pursuit of them. Lysander took 
 three thousand prisoners, with all the generals, 
 and the whole fleet, after having plundered the 
 camp, and fastened the enemy's gallies to the 
 sterns of his own, he returned to Lampsacus 
 amidst the sounds of flutes and songs of tri- 
 umph. It was his glory to have achieved one 
 of the greatest military exploits recorded in 
 history with little or no loss, and to have termi- 
 nated a war in the small space of an hour, 
 which had already lasted seven and twenty 
 years, and which, perhaps, without him had been 
 of much longer continuance. Lysander imme- 
 diately sent dispatches with this agreeable newa; 
 to Sparta. 
 
 The three thousand prisoners taken in this 
 battle having been condemned to die, Lysander 
 called upon Philocles, one of the Athenian ge- 
 nerals who had caused all the prisoners taken 
 in two gallies, the one of Andros, the other of 
 Corinth, to be thrown from the top of a preci- 
 pice, and had formerly per-^uaded the people 
 of Athens to make a decree for cutting off the 
 thumb of the right hand of all the prisoners of 
 war, in order to disable them from handling the 
 pike, and that they might be fit only to serve 
 at the oar. Lviiandcr, therefore, caused him t© 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 be brought forth, and asked him what sentence he 
 ■would pass upon himself for having induced his 
 city to pass that cruel decree. Philocles, without 
 departing from his haughtiness in the least, not- 
 withstanding the extreme danger he was in, made 
 answer: " Accuse not people of crimes who have 
 no judges, but as you are victors, use your right, 
 and do by us as we had done by you if we had 
 conquered/' At the same instant he went into 
 a bath, put on afterwards a magnificent robe^ 
 and marched foremost to the execution. All 
 the prisoners were put to the sword except Ada- 
 mantus, who had opposed the decree. 
 
 When the news of the entire defeat of the 
 army came to Athens, by a ship which arrived 
 in the night at the Pirseus, the city was in con- 
 sternation. They naturally expected a siege: 
 and, in fact, Lysander was preparing to be- 
 siege them. Nothing was heard but cries of 
 sorrow and despair in every part of it. They 
 imagined the enemy already at their gates; they 
 represented to themselves the miseries of a long 
 siege, a cruel famine, the ruin and burning of 
 their city, the insolence of a proud victor, and 
 the shameful slavery thev were upon the point 
 of experiencing, more afflicting and insupport- 
 able to them than the most severe punishments, 
 and death itself The next day the assembly 
 was summoned, wherein it was resolved to shut 
 up all the ports, one only excepted, to repair 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 305 
 
 the breaches in the walls^ and mount guard to 
 prepare against a siege. 
 
 Their fears were soon confirmed by reality. 
 Lysander finding numbers of Athenians disper- 
 sed in different cities, commanded them all on 
 pain of death to take shelter in Athens. This 
 he did with a design, so to croud the city as to 
 be able soon to reduce it by famine. In effect, 
 he soon after arrived at the port of Athens with 
 an hundred and fifty sail; while Agis and Pau- 
 sanias, the two kings of Sparta, advanced with 
 their army to besiege it by land. 
 
 The wretched Athenians, thus hemmed in on 
 every side, without provisions, ships, or hopes 
 of relief, prepared to meet the last extremity 
 with patience: in this manner, without speak- 
 ing the least word of a capitulation, and dying 
 in the streets by numbers, they obstinately con- 
 tinued on the defensive ; but at length, their 
 corn and provisions being entirely consumed, 
 they found themselves compelled to send depu- 
 ties to Agis, with offers of abandoning all their 
 possessions, their city and port only excepted. 
 The haughty Lacedaemonian referred their de- 
 puties to the state itself, and when the suppliant 
 deputies had made known their commission to 
 the Ephori, they were ordered to retire, and to 
 come with other proposals if they expected 
 peace. At length, Theramenes, an Athenian, 
 undertook to manage the treaty with Lysander; 
 and, after three months of close conference, he 
 
 VOL. I. X 
 
306 HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 received full powers to treat at Lacedsemon. 
 When he, attended by nine others, arrived be-^, 
 fore the Ephori, it was there strongly urged by 
 some of the confederates, that Athens should be 
 totally destroyed, without hearkening to any fur- 
 ther proposals. But the Lacedaemonians told 
 them, they would not destroy a city which had 
 so eminently rescued Greece in the most criti- 
 cal juncture, and consented to a peace upon 
 these conditions: that the long walls and for- 
 tifications of the Piraeus should be demolished; 
 that they should deliver up all their ships but 
 twelve; that they should restore their exiles; 
 that they should make a league offensive and 
 defensive with the Lacedaemonians, and serve 
 them in all their expeditions, both by sea and 
 land. Theramenes being returned with the ar- 
 ticles to Athens, was asked why he acted so 
 contrary to the intentions of Themistocles, and 
 gave those walls into the hands of the Lacedae- 
 monians, which he built in defiance of them? 
 
 I have my eye," says he, " upon Themistocles's 
 design ; he raised these walls for the preserva- 
 tion of the city, and I for the very same reason 
 would have them destroyed; for if walls only 
 secure a city, Sparta, which has none, is in a 
 very ill condition/' The Athenians, at another 
 time, would not have thought this a satisfactory 
 answer, but bein^ reduced to the last extremity, 
 it di-d not admit of a long debate whether they 
 should accept the treaty. At last, Lysander 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 
 
 S07 
 
 coming up the Pirasus, demolished the wails 
 with great solemnity, and all the insulting tri- 
 umphs of music. Thus a final period was put 
 to this unhappy War, which had continued for 
 seven and twenty years, in which heaps of trea- 
 sure and a deluge of blood were exhausted. 
 
 It would be unpardonable in us, not to pay 
 that tribute of gratitude and respect, which is 
 due to the memory of those exalted geniuses^ 
 whose labours adorned the nations of their own 
 times, and have polished and humanised those 
 of latter times. Wars and political contests, 
 serve but to depopulate the earth or to fill the 
 minds of men with animosity and hate: while 
 the labours of the historian, the fancies of the 
 poet, and the inventions of the philosopher, 
 enlarge the understanding, meliorate the heart, 
 and teach us fortitude and resignation. Such 
 peaceful and improving arts well deserve our 
 notice. More especially does the cultivation 
 of them in Greece deserve our attention, as 
 many of the writers of that country were re- 
 nowned for military or political, as well as lite- 
 rary accomplishments. 
 
 Of Homer it were unnecessary to say much, 
 his merit being well known. It is not probable 
 that he was the first of the Grecian poets. There 
 seems to have been authors prior to him, from 
 whom he has borrowed in the execution of his 
 Iliad ; but as he was the first poet of note, it was 
 not unnatural to place him at the head of all an- 
 
 X 2 
 
808 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 cient bards. Concurring testimonies seem to 
 allow Smyrna the highest claim to the honour 
 of giving him birth. That event took place 
 about two hundred and forty years after the 
 destruction of Troy. 
 
 Hesiod was either contemporary with Homer;, 
 or lived immediately after him. Their works 
 will not bear a comparison. Homer is stately 
 and sublime^, while Hesied is plain and agreea- 
 ble. But when we say so, we do not mean to 
 detract in the least from the reputation of He- 
 siod: to write with sweetness and propriety was 
 all he studied, and these he certainly attained to. 
 
 About the beginning of the war which pre- 
 ceded the peace concluded between the Athe- 
 nians and Lacedsemonians for fifty years, died 
 ^^schylus, the Athenian dramatic writer. He 
 ) the same claim to the title of Father of 
 Tragedy, which Homer has to that of Poetry ; 
 for although he was not the first who attempted 
 that sort of composition, yet he was the first who 
 reduced it to any kind of regularity and me- 
 thod. In the days of Solon, Thespis made a 
 considerable improvement, by introducing a 
 single person, whose business was to relieve 
 the chorus, by the recital of some extraordinary 
 adventure. It was ;Eschylus who exchanged 
 the cart of Thespis for a theatre; who intro- 
 duced a variety of performers, each taking a part 
 in the representation of some great action, and 
 dressed in a manner suited to his character. The 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 309 
 
 style of i^!schyliis is pompous, and sometimes 
 sublime, but harsh, and destitute of musical ar- 
 rangement. Had he been less obscure, he 
 would have had a much higher claim to the cha- 
 racter of sublime. The chief object of his pieces 
 is terror; and there is not a doubt but that his 
 rough, unpolished manner has contributed 
 greatly to promote that object. 
 
 During that period, in which Greece was so 
 much distracted by the Peloponnesian war, there 
 flourished Sophocles, Euripides, Aristophanes, 
 &c. among the poets ; Herodotus and Thucy- 
 dides among the historians ; and Socrates among 
 the philosophers. 
 
 Sophocles had applied so intensely to the 
 study of tragedy, when a young man, that his 
 first piece was judged not inferior to the very 
 best of those of TEschylus. Both of these poets 
 were stately in their manner, but i^lschylus was 
 the more sublime. That advantage, however, 
 was more than counterbalanced by the versati- 
 lity of Sophocles's genius, and by his superior 
 perspicuity and eloquence. He was also more 
 successful than his master in his appeal to the 
 passions ; and though he did not harrov/ up the 
 breast so much by terror, he softened it more 
 by piti/, and acquired, of course, the reputation 
 of being a more amiable and polite writer. So- 
 phocles was likewise much more happy than his 
 predecessor in the conduct of his plots; he made 
 them more interesting by being more artful* 
 
.310 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 He also contrived to make the performances of 
 the chorus bear a relation to the main action^ 
 and so rendered the whole entire. The great 
 applause with which his last piece was received 
 is said to have cost him his life. 
 
 Euripides, the rival of Sophocles, aimed not 
 at the lofty strains of ^^Ischylus or of his great 
 competitor: he was more sententious and moral 
 than either of them, and seemed to have as strong 
 a desire to instruct mankind, as to obtain their 
 approbation. Correctness and elegance were 
 the qualities of style which he appears to have 
 admired. He is less artful and magnificent than 
 Sophocles ; but then he is more natural, and 
 more useful. We have already mentioned a 
 circumstance which redounded very much to the 
 honour of the poet — the emancipation of many 
 of the Athenians who were made prisoners at 
 Syracuse, because they repeated some of his 
 beautiful verses. 
 
 Vv'^hile tragedy was improving in the hands 
 of Sophocles and Euripides, comedy was ad- 
 vancing under the guidance of Phrynicus, Aris- 
 tophanes, and Cratinus. But the most distin- 
 guished genius of this kind was Aristophanes. 
 At the same time that he entertained the Athe- 
 nians with his pleasantry, he lashed them with 
 his satire. True it is, he did not possess much 
 of that fine raillery, which has given so smooth, 
 and yet so sharp an edge to modern comedy; 
 but then he possessed fire and strength; and by 
 
PELOPONNESIAN WAIL 
 
 Sll 
 
 introducing his characters without the disguise 
 of name, occupation, &c. his performances were 
 often more relished, and, most likely, more useful 
 than those of the tragedians. The period of 
 which we are speaking may very properly be 
 called The free age of Poetrg in Greece, 
 There were several causes which conspired to 
 make it so. The taste and manners of the Greeks 
 had been refined, and their minds enlarged, by 
 their intercourse with foreign nations, and the 
 lessons of their philosophers; and what was a 
 greater incentive to emulation among the poets 
 than any of these, was, the smooth, musical, ex- 
 pressive, copious, and varied language in which 
 they wrote. 
 
 As to history, Herodotus is considered as the 
 father of that species of composition in Greece. 
 He wrote the history of the wars between the 
 Greeks and Persians, and gave a detail of the 
 affairs of almost all other nations, from the reign 
 of Cyrus to that of Xerxes. His work con- 
 sists of nine books. It is clothed in the Ionic 
 dialect, and is a perfect model of simplicity and 
 elegance. 
 
 Thucydides is esteemed a more able writer 
 than even Herodotus. He wants, indeed, that 
 native elegance, for which his predecessor is 
 admired ; but then he is more judicious and 
 energetic. He wrote the history of the Pelo- 
 ponnesian war. 
 
 Of Socrates, Aristotle, Demosthenes, and other 
 
312 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 illustrious Grecian writers and philosophers^ 
 mention is made in different parts of this work. 
 There is a cireumstance that merits our atten- 
 tion here : the discovery of the Metonic, or 
 Golden Number, by Meton. That philosopher 
 flourished a little before the commencement of 
 the Poloponnesian war, and was much esteemed 
 by the Athenians. 
 
 Pindar was a native of Thebes, and contem- 
 porary with Meton. 
 
DEATH OE SOCRATES. 
 
 SIS 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 l^ROM THE DEMOLITION OF THE ATHENIAN POWER, 
 TO THE DEATH OF SOCRATES. 
 
 X^HE victory of Lysander was so terrible a 
 shock to Athene that it only survived to be sen- 
 sible of the loss of its own power; however^, the 
 conquerors were so generous as not to extin- 
 guish the name; they said they would not be 
 guilty of putting out one of the eyes of Greece; 
 but they imposed some farther marks of conquest 
 on them : they obliged the people to demolish 
 the democracy^ and submit to the government -of 
 thirty men, who were commonly known by the 
 name of the thirty tyrants. Though the Greeks 
 were apt enough to give that name to men of vir- 
 tuous characters^ these men, who were the creatures 
 of Lysander, in every respect deserved the most 
 opprobrious denomination ; instead of compi- 
 ling and publishing a more perfect body of laws, 
 which was the pretence for their being chosen, 
 they began to exert their power of life and 
 death ; and though they constituted a senate, 
 and other magistrates, they made no farther use 
 of them than to confirm their authority, and to 
 see their commands executed. However, they 
 at first acted cautiously, and condemned only 
 the most detested and scandalous part of the 
 
 3 
 
314 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 citizens, such as lived by evidencing and in- 
 forming : but this was only to give a colour to 
 their proceedings : their design was to make 
 themselves absolute, and knowing that was not 
 to be done v/ithout a foreign power, their next 
 step was to desire a guard might be sent them 
 from Sparta, until such time as they could clear 
 the city from all disaffected persons, and tho- 
 roughly settle the government. Lysander ac- 
 cordingly procured them a guard under the 
 command of Callibius, who, by bribes and ar- 
 tifices, was wrought over to their designs, and 
 then seen to act v*?ithout controul, filling the 
 city with the blood of those, who, on account 
 of their riches, interest, or good qualities, w^ere 
 most likely to make head against them. 
 
 One of the first acts of their cruelty was, the 
 procuring the death of Alcibiades, who had 
 taken refuge in the dominions of Persia. This 
 unfortunate general, still mindful of the debt 
 he ov/ed his country, employed his utmost at- 
 tention in giving it the earliest notices of what 
 could affect its freedom or its safety. Cyrus, 
 the prince of Persia, having resolved to dethrone 
 his brother Artaxerxes, entered into a treaty with 
 the Lacedaemonians, to assist him in his designs. 
 Alcibiades did all that was in his power to ob- 
 struct the scheme ; but the Lacedsemonian p:.r- 
 tizans at Athens, that is to sa}^, the thirty ty- 
 rants, apprehended the intrigues of so superior 
 a genius as his, and represented to their masters. 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES. 515 
 
 that they were inevitably ruined^ if they did 
 not find means to rid ihemselves of Alcibiades. 
 The Lacedsemonians thereupon wrote to Phar- 
 nabasuS;, and with an abject meanness not to be 
 excused, and which shewed how much Sparta 
 had degenerated from her ancient manners^ 
 made pressing instances fo him to deliver them 
 at any rate from so formidable an enemy. This 
 satrap complied with their wishes. Alcibiades 
 was then in a small town of Phrygia, where he 
 lived with his concubine Timandra. Those who 
 were sent to kill him, not daring to enter his 
 house, contented themselves with surrounding 
 and setting it on fire. Alcibiades having quit- 
 ted it through the flames, sword in hand, the 
 barbarians were afraid to stay to come to blows 
 with him, but flying and retreating as he ad- 
 vanced, they poured their darts and arrows upon 
 him from a distance, and he fell dead upon 
 the spot. Timandra took up his body, and hav- 
 ing adorned and covered it with the finest robes 
 she had, she made as magnificent a funeral for 
 it as her present condition would admit. 
 
 Such was the end of Alcibiades, whose sreat 
 virtues were stifled and suppressed by still 
 greater vices. It is not easy to say whether his 
 good or bad qualities were most pernicious to his 
 country, for with the one he deceived, and with 
 the other he oppressed it. In him distinguished 
 valour was united with nobility of blood. His 
 person was beautiful and finely made; he was 
 
316 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 eloquent^ of great ability in affairs, insinuating, 
 and formed for charming till mankind. He loved 
 glory, but indulged, at the same time, his in- 
 clination for pleasure ; nor was he so fond of 
 pleasure, as, to neglect his glory for it: he knew 
 how to give into, or abstract himself from the 
 allurements of luxury, according to the situation 
 of his affairs. Never was there ductility of ge- 
 nius equal to his ; he metamorphosed himself 
 with incredible facility, into the most contrary 
 forms, and supported them all with as much 
 ease and grace as if each had been natural to him. 
 
 In this manner the thirty proceeded, and fear- 
 ing to be opposed by the multitude, they in- 
 vested three thousand citizens with some part of 
 their power, and by their assistance preserved 
 the rest. But thoroughly emboldened by such 
 an accession to their party they agreed to single 
 out every one his man, to put him to death, and 
 seize their estates for the maintenance of their 
 garrison. Theramenes, one of their number, 
 was the only man that was struck with horror at 
 their proceedings ; wherefore Critias, the prin- 
 cipal author of this detestable resolution, thought 
 it necessarv to remove him, and accused him to 
 the senate of endeavouring to subvert the state. 
 Sentence of death vras, therefore, passed upon 
 him, and he was obliged to drink the juice of 
 hemlock, the usual mode of execution at that 
 time in Athens. Socrates, whose disciple he had 
 been, was the only person of the senate who 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES: 
 
 S17 
 
 ventured to appear in his defence : he made an 
 attempt to rescue him out of the hands of the 
 officer of justice^ and after his execution, went 
 about as it were in defiance of the thirty^ ex- 
 horting and animating the senators and citizens 
 against them. 
 
 The tyrants delivered from a colleague whose 
 presence alone was a continual reproach to 
 them;, no longer observed any just measures. 
 Nothing passed throughout the city but impri- 
 sonments and murders. Every body trembled 
 for himself or his friends. The general desola- 
 tion had no remedy, nor was there any hope of 
 regaining lost liberty. 
 
 Ail the citizens of any consideration in Athens, 
 and who retained a love of freedom, quitted a 
 place reduced to so hard and shameful a slavery, 
 and sought elsewhere an asylum and retreat, 
 where they might live in safety. The Lacede- 
 monians had the inhumanity to endeavour to 
 deprive those unhappy fugitives of this last re- 
 source. They published an edict to prohibit the 
 cities of Greece from giving them refuge, de- 
 creed that they should be delivered up to the 
 thirty tyrants, and condemned all such as should 
 contravene the execution of this edict, to pay a 
 fine of five talents. Only two cities rejected 
 with disdain so unjust an ordinance, Megara 
 and Thebes, the latter of which made a decree 
 to punish all persons whatsoever, that should see 
 an Athenian attacked by his enemies without 
 
318 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 doing his utmost to assist him. Lysias, an orator 
 of Syracuse, who had been banished by the 
 thirty, raised five hundred soldiers at his own 
 expence, and sent them to the aid of the native 
 country of eloquence. 
 
 Thrasybulus, a man of admirable character, 
 who had long deplored the miseries of his coun- 
 try, was now the first to relieve it. At Thebes 
 he fell into a consultation with his fellow-citizens 
 and the result was, that some vigorous effort, 
 though it should carry never so much danger, 
 ought to be made for the benefit of public li- 
 berty. Accordingly, with a party of thirty men 
 only, as Nepos says, but, as Xenophon more 
 probably says, of near seventy, he seized upon 
 Phyle, a strong castle on the frontiers of Attica. 
 This enterprize gave the alarm to the tyrants, 
 who immediately marched out of Athens with 
 their three thousand followers, and their Spartan 
 guard, and attempted the recovery of the place, 
 but were repulsed with loss. Finding they could 
 not carry it by a sudden assault, they resolved 
 upon a siege, but not being sufficiently provided 
 for that service, and a great snow falling that 
 night, they were forced to retire the next day 
 into the city, leaving only part of their guard, 
 to prevent any further incursions into the coun- 
 try. Encouraged by this success, Thrasybulut. no 
 longer kept himself confined, but marched out 
 of Phyle by night ; and, at the head of a body 
 of a thousand men, seized on the Pyra^us. The 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES. 319 
 
 thirty flew thither with their troops^ and a battle 
 sufficiently warm ensued ; but^ as the soldiers 
 on one side fought with valour and vigour for 
 their liberty, and, on the other, with indolence 
 and neglect for the power of their oppressors, 
 the success was not doubtful, but followed the 
 better cause : the tyrants were overthrown ; 
 Critias was killed upon the spot; and, as the rest 
 of the army were taken to flight, Thrasybulus 
 cried out, " Wherefore do you fly from me as 
 from a victor, rather than assist me as the 
 avenger of your liberty ? We are not enemies, 
 but fellow-citizens, nor have we declared war 
 against the city, but against the thirty tyrants." 
 He continued, with bidding them remember, 
 that they had the same origin, country, laws, 
 and religion; he exhorted them to compassionate 
 their exiled brethren, to restore to them their 
 country, and resume their liberty themselves. 
 This discourse had suitable effects. The army, 
 upon their return to Athens, expelled the thirty, 
 and substituted ten persons to govern in their 
 room, but whose conduct proved no better than 
 that of those whom they succeeded. 
 
 Though the government was thus altered, 
 and the thirty were deposed from power, they 
 still had hopes of being reinstated in their for- 
 nner authority, and sent deputies to Lacedaemon 
 to demand aid. Lysander was for granting it 
 to them; but Pausanias, who then reigned in 
 Sparta, moved with compassion at tlie deplo- 
 1 
 
320 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 rable condition of the Athenians^ favoured 
 them in secret and obtained a peace for them: 
 it was sealed with the blood of the tyrants^ who 
 having taken arms to reinstate themselves in the 
 government, were put to the sword^, and Athens 
 left in full possession of its liberty. Thrasybu- 
 lus then proposed an amnesty, by which the ci- 
 tizens engaged upon oath that all pas^t actions 
 should be buried in oblivion. The government 
 was then re-established in its ancient forms ; 
 their laws were restored to their past vigour^ 
 the magistrates elected with the usual ceremo- 
 nies, and democracy once more restored to this 
 unfortunate people. Xenophon observes, that 
 this intestine fury had consumed as many in 
 eight months, as the Peloponnesian w^ar had 
 done in ten years. 
 
 Upon the re-establishment of affairs in 
 Athens, the other states enjoyed the same tran- 
 quillity, or rather kept in a quiet subjection 
 to Sparta, which now held the undoubted sove« 
 reignty of Greece. But it being a maxim with 
 the Spartans, that this sovereignty was not to be 
 maintained but by a constant course of action, 
 they were still seeking fresh occasions for war; 
 and part of their forces, together with another 
 body of Grecians, being at this time engaged 
 in a quarrel between the Persian king and 
 his brother, it will be necessary to pass over 
 into Asia, and relate so, much of the Persian 
 affairs as concerns the expedition of Cyrus, 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES." 
 
 321 
 
 wherein those forces were employed, especially 
 since it is attended with circumstances which, 
 if duly considered, will easily make it pass for 
 one of the greatest actions of antiquity. 
 
 It has been already observed, that Cyrus, the 
 son of Darius Nothus> saw with pain his elder 
 brother Artaxerxes upon the throne, and more 
 than once attempted to remove him. Arta- 
 xerxes was not insensible of what he had to fear 
 from a brother of his enterprising and ambi- 
 tious spirit, but could not refuse pardoning him 
 on the prayers and tears of his mother Parysa- 
 tis, who doated upon this youngest son. He 
 removed him, therefore, into Asia, to his go- 
 vernment, confiding in him, contrary to all the 
 tules of policy, an absolute authority over all 
 the provinces left him by the will of the king 
 his father. He was no sooner appointed in this 
 manner, but he used all his arts with the bar- 
 barians and the Grecians to procure power and 
 popularity, in order to dethrone his brother. 
 Clearchus retired to his court after having been 
 banished from Sparta, and was of great service 
 to him, being an able, experienced, and vali- 
 ant captain. At the same time, several cities 
 in the province of Tissaphernes revolted from 
 their obedience in favour of Cyrus. This in- 
 cident, which was not an effect of chance, but 
 of the secret practises of that prince, gave 
 birth to a war between the two brothers. The 
 emissaries of Cyrus at the court, were perpetu- 
 VOL. I. y 
 
823 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 ally dispersing reports and opinions amongst 
 the people, to prepare their minds for the in- 
 tended change and revolt. They talked that the 
 state required a king of Cyrus's character, a 
 king, magnificent, liberal, who loved war, and 
 showered his favours upon those that served 
 him; and that it was necessary, for the grandeur 
 of the empire, to have a prince upon the throne 
 fired with ambition and valour, for the support 
 and augmentation of his glory. 
 
 The troops of Cyrus, which were apparently 
 levied for the business of the state, but in fact 
 to overturn it, consisted of thirteen thousand 
 Greeks, which were the flower and chief force 
 of his army. Clearchus, the Lacedaemonian, 
 who commanded the Peloponnesian troops, was 
 the only man of all the Greeks that was let into 
 the Persian prince's design; he made it his sole 
 application to gain the affections of his people 
 during their marches, by treating them with 
 humanity, conversing freely with them, and 
 giving effectual orders that they should want 
 for nothing. The Grecian troops knew neither 
 the intent nor the occasion of the war; they 
 set out for Sardis, at length, and marched to- 
 wards the upper provinces of Athens. 
 
 When they were arrived at Tarsus, the Greeks 
 refused to march any further, rightly suspecting 
 that they were intended against the king, and 
 loudly exclaiming, that they had not entered 
 into the service upon that condition. Clearchus 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES. 323 
 
 who commanded them, had occasion for all his 
 address and ability to stifle this commotion in 
 its birth. At first he made use of authority and 
 force, but with very ill success, and desisted 
 therefore from an open opposition to their sen- 
 timents: he even affected to enter into their 
 views, and to support them with his approbation 
 and credit. By this artf«il evasion ne ar^oeased 
 the tumult, and made them easy ; and they chose 
 him and some other officers fcr their deputies. 
 Cyrus, whom he had secretly apprized of every 
 thing, made answer, that he was going to attack 
 Abrocomas, his enemy, at twelve days march 
 from thence upon the Euphrates. When this 
 answer was repeated to them, though they plain- 
 ly saw against whom they were going, they re- 
 solved to proceed, and only demanded an aug* 
 mentation of their pay. Cyrus, instead of one 
 daric a month to each soldier, promised to give 
 them one and a half. Still to ingratiate himself 
 the more, being told that two officers had de- 
 serted from the army, and being advised to pur- 
 sue and put them to death, he declared publicly, 
 that it should never be said he had detained any 
 one person in his service against his will : and 
 he ordered their wives and children, who were 
 left as hostages in his army, to be sent after 
 them. A conduct so wise, and apparently ge- 
 nerous, had a surprizing effect in conciliating 
 the affections of the soldiery, and made even 
 ■ Y 2 
 
m HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 those his firm adherents who were before in- 
 clined to retire. 
 
 As Cyrus advanced by long marches, he was 
 informed, from all parts, that the king did not 
 intend to come directly to a battle, but had re- 
 solved to wait in the remotest parts of Persia 
 till all his forces were assembled; and that, to 
 stop his enemies, he had ordered an, entrench- 
 ment to be thrown up on the plains of Babylon, 
 with a ditch five fathoms broad, and three deep, 
 extending the space of twelve parasangs, or 
 leagues, from the Euphrates to the walls of 
 Media. Between the Euphrates and the ditch 
 a way had been left of twenty feet in breadth, 
 by which Cyrus passed with his whole army, 
 having reviewed it the day before. The king 
 had neglected to dispute this pass with him, and 
 suffered him to continue his march towards Ba- 
 bylon. 
 
 Cyrus still continued to proceed, giving 
 Clearchus the command of the right wing of 
 the Grecian army, and Menon that of the left, 
 still marching in order of battle, expecting 
 every hour to engage. At length he discovered 
 his brother's army, consisting of twelve hundred 
 thousand men, besides a select body of six thou- 
 sand horse, approaching and preparing to en- 
 gage. 
 
 The place where the battle was fought was 
 called Cunara, about twenty-five leagues from 
 Babylon. ^ Cyrus getting on horseback, with his 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES. 325 
 
 javelin in his hand, gave orders to the troops to 
 stand to their arms, and proceed in order of 
 battle. The enemy, in the mean time, advanced 
 slowly, in good order. Artaxerxes led them on 
 regularly with a slow pace, without noise or con- 
 fusion. That good order and exact discipline 
 extremely surprised the Greeks, who expected 
 to see much luxury and tumult in so great a 
 multitude, and to hear confused cries, as Cyrus 
 had foretold them. 
 
 The armies were not distant above four or 
 five hundred paces, when the Greeks began to 
 sing the hymn of battle, and to march on softly 
 at first, and with silence. When they came 
 near the enemy they set up great cries, striking 
 their darts upon their shields to frighten the 
 horse; and then moving all together, they 
 sprung forwards upon the barbarians with all 
 their force, who did not wait their charge, but 
 took to their heels and fled universally, except 
 Tissaphernes, who stood his ground with a small 
 part of his troops. 
 
 Cyrus saw with pleasure the enemy routed 
 by the Greeks, and was proclaimed king by 
 those around him; but he did not give himself 
 up to a vain joy, nor as yet reckoned himself 
 victor. He perceived that Artaxerxes was 
 wheeling his right to attack him in flank, and 
 marched directly against him with six hundred 
 horse. He killed Artagerses, who commanded 
 the king's guard of six thousand horse, with his 
 
326 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 own hand^ and put the whole body to flight. 
 Discovering his brother, he cried out with his 
 eyes sparkling with rage, I see him, and spurred 
 against him, followed only by his principal offi- 
 cers, for his troops had quitted their ranks to 
 follow the run-aways, which was an essential 
 fault. 
 
 The battle then becanie a single combat, in 
 some measure, between Artaxerxes and Cyrus; 
 and the two brothers were seen transported with 
 rage and fury, endeavouring, like Eteocles and 
 Polynices, to plunge their swords into each 
 other's hearts, and to assure themselves of the 
 throne by the death of their rival. 
 
 Cyrus having opened his way through those 
 who were drawn up to battle before Artaxerxes, 
 joined him, and killed his horse, and fell with 
 him to the ground; he rose, and was remounted 
 upon another, when Cyrus attacked him again, 
 gave him a second wound, and was preparing 
 to give him a third, in hopes that it would prove 
 his last. The king, like a lion, wounded by the 
 huntsman, was only the more furious from the 
 smart, and sprung forwards, impetuously push- 
 ing his horse against Cyrus, who running head- 
 long, and without regard to his person, threw 
 himself into the midst of a flight of darts aimed 
 at him from all sides, and received a wound 
 from the king's javelin, at the instant that all 
 the rest discharged upon him. Cyrus fell dead; 
 some say by the wound given him by the king, 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES. SST 
 
 others affirm that he was killed by a Carian sol- 
 dier. The greatest persons of his court resolving 
 not to survive so good a master, were all killed 
 around his body: a certain proof, says Xeno- 
 phon, that he well knew how to chuse his 
 friends, and that he was truly beloved by them. 
 Ariasus, who ought to have been the firmest of 
 all his adherents, fled with the left wing, as soon 
 as he heard of his death. 
 
 Artaxerxes, after having caused the head and 
 right hand of his brother to be cut off by the . 
 eunuch Mesabates, pursued the enemy into 
 their camp. Ariasus had not stopped there, but 
 having passed through it, continued his retreat 
 to the place where the army had encamped the 
 day before, which was about four leagues dis- 
 tant. 
 
 Tissaphernes, after the defeat of the greatest 
 part of his left wing by the Greeks, led on the 
 rest against them, and, by the side of the river, 
 passed through the light armed infantry of the 
 Greeks, who opened to give him a passage, and 
 made their discharges upon him as he passed, 
 without losing a man. They were commanded 
 by Episthenes, of Amphipolis, who was esteem- 
 ed an able captain. Tissaphernes kept on, with- 
 out returning to the charge, because he per- 
 ceived he was too weak, and went forward to 
 Cyrus's camp, where he found the king, who 
 was plundering it, but had not been able to 
 3 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 force the quarter defended by the Greeks, who 
 saved their baggage. 
 
 The Greeks on their side, and Artaxerxes on 
 his, who did not know what had passed else- 
 where, believed each of them that they had 
 gained the victory; the first because they had 
 put the enemy to flight, and pursued them ; and 
 the king, because he had killed his brother, beat 
 the troops he had fought, and plundered their 
 camp. The event was soon cleared up on both 
 sides. Tissaphernes, upon his arrival at the 
 camp, informed the king, that the Greeks had 
 defeated his left wing, and pursued it with great 
 vigour ; and the Greeks, on their side, learnt 
 that the king, in pursuing Cyrus's left, had pe- 
 netrated into the camp. Upon this advice the 
 king rallied his troops, and marched in quest of 
 the enemy; and Clearchus, being returned from 
 pursuing the Persians, advanced to support the 
 camp. 
 
 The two armies were very soon near each 
 other, when, by a movement made by the king, 
 he seemed to intend to charge the Greeks on 
 their left, who fearing to be surrounded on all 
 sides, wheeled about and halted, with the river 
 on their backs to prevent their being taken in 
 the rear. Upon seeing that, the king changed 
 his form of battle also, drew up his army in 
 front of them, and marched on to the attack. 
 As soon as the Greeks saw him approach, they 
 began to sing^ the hymn of battle, and advanced 
 
BiEAtH OF SOCRATES. 
 
 against the enemv even with more ardour than 
 in the first action. ' 
 
 The barbarians again began to fly, running 
 farther than before, and were pursued to a vil- 
 lage at the foot of a hill, upon vv^hich their horse 
 halted. The king s standard was observed to be 
 there, which was a golden eagle upon the top 
 of a pike, having its wings displayed. The 
 Greeks preparing to pursue them, they aban- 
 doned also the hill, fled precipitately with all 
 their troops broke, and in the utmost disorder 
 and confusion. Clearchus having drawn up 
 the Greeks at the bottom of the hill, ordered 
 Lycias, the Syracusan, and another, to go up 
 it, and observe what passed in the plain. They 
 returned with an account, that the enemy fled 
 on all sides, and that their whole army was 
 routed. 
 
 As it was almost night, the Greeks laid down 
 their arms to rest themselves, much surprized 
 that neither Cyrus, nor any from him appeared, 
 and imagining that he was either engaged in the 
 pursuit of the enemy, or was making haste to 
 possess himself of some important place (for 
 they were still ignorant of his death and the 
 defeat of his army) they determined to return 
 to their camp, and found the greatest part of 
 the baggage taken, with all the provisions, and 
 four hundred waggons laden with corn and wine, 
 which Cyrus had expressly caused to be carried 
 along with the army for the Greeks, in case of 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 any pressing necessity. They passed the night 
 in the camp : the greatest part of them without 
 any refreshment, concluding that Cyrus was 
 alive, and victorious. 
 
 Amidst the confusion the Grecians were in 
 after the battle, they sent to Ariaeus, as con- 
 queror and commander in chief, upon Cyruses 
 death, to offer him the Persian crown. In the , 
 mean time, the king, as conqueror also on his 
 side, sent to them to surrender their arms, and 
 implore his mercy; representing to them, at the 
 same time, that as they were in the heart of his 
 dominions, surrounded with vast rivers and num- 
 berless nations, it would be impossible for them 
 to escape his vengeance ; and, therefore, they 
 had nothing to do but to submit to the present 
 necessity. Upon debating among themselves 
 w^hat answer they should return, Proxenes de- 
 sired to know of the heralds upon what terms 
 the king demanded their arms: — if as con- 
 queror, it was in his power to take them ; if 
 upon any other footing, what would he give 
 them in return ? He was seconded by Xenophon, 
 who said, they had nothing left but their arms 
 and their liberty, and that they could not pre- 
 serve the one without the other. Clearchus said 
 to the same effect, that if the king was disposed 
 to be their friend, they should be in a better 
 capacity of serving him with their arms than 
 without; if their enemy, they should have need 
 cif them for their defence. Some, indeed, spoke 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES. 331 
 
 in terms more complying ; that as they had 
 served Cyrus faithfully, they would also serve 
 Artaxerxes, if he would employ them^ and pro- 
 vided he would, at the same time, put them in 
 possession of Egypt. At last it was agreed, they 
 should remain in the place where they were: 
 and that if they advanced farther, or retreated 
 back, it should be looked upon as a declaration 
 of war: so that by the issue of the debate, it 
 appeared to have been managed so as to avoid 
 giving a direct answer, and only to amuse the 
 king and gain time. 
 
 Whilst this treaty was on foot, they received 
 Ariseus's answer, that there were too many pow- 
 erful men in Persia to let him possess the throne; 
 wherefore he intended to set out early the next 
 morning on his return to Greece; and that if 
 they had a mind to accompany him, they should 
 join him that night in his camp : which accor- 
 dingly they all did, except Milthocytus, a Thra- 
 cian, who went with a party of three hundred 
 men and forty horse to the king. The rest, in 
 conjunction with Ariseus's forces, decamped by 
 break of day, and continued their march until 
 sunset, when they discovered from the neigh- 
 bouring villages, that the king was in pursuit of 
 them. 
 
 Clearchus, who now undertook to conduct 
 the Greeks, ordered his troops to halt, and pre- 
 pared for an engagement. The king of Persia^, 
 terrified by so bold an appearance, sent heralds 
 
S32 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 not to demand their surrender^ but to propose 
 terms of peace and treaty. When Clearchus 
 was informed of their arrival, he gave orders 
 to bid them wait, and to tell them that he was 
 not yet at leisure to hear them. He assumed 
 purposely an air of haughtiness and grandeur, 
 to denote his intrepidity, and, at the same time, 
 to shew the fine appearance and good condition 
 of his phalanx. When he advanced with the 
 most shewy of his officers, expressly chosen for 
 the occasion, and had heard what the heralds 
 had to propose, he made answer, that they must 
 begin with giving battle, because the army 
 being in want of provisions, they had no time 
 to lose. The heralds having carried back this 
 answer to their master, returned immediately ; 
 which shewed that the king, or whoever spoke 
 in his name, was not very far distant. They 
 said they had orders to conduct them to vil- 
 lages where they would find provisions in 
 abundance, and conducted them thither accor- 
 dingly. 
 
 After three days* stay, Tissaphernes arrived 
 from the king, and insinuated to them the good . 
 offices he had done for their safety. Clearchus 
 in his own defence urged that they were en- 
 gaged in this expedition without knowing the 
 enemy against whom they were to contend ; 
 that they were free from all engagements, and 
 had no design against the Persian king, unless 
 be opposed their return. Tissaphernes seem- 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES. 833 
 
 ingly granted their desire, and promised that 
 they should be furnished with all necessary pro- 
 visions in their march ; and, to confirm their se- 
 curity, that he himself woi^ld be their companion 
 on the way. 
 
 Accordingly, in a few days after, they set out 
 under his conduct; but, in their march, the 
 barbarians encamping at about a league's dis- 
 tance from the Grecians, created some little 
 distrusts and jealousies on both sides. In about 
 fifty days, being got to the banks of the river 
 Zabatus, Clearchus, to prevent things coming to 
 an open rupture, had a conference with Tis- 
 saphernes. The result of their discourse was, 
 that they had been misrepresented to each other 
 by some of Clearchus*s officers, and that he 
 should bring them all to Tissaphernes, in order to 
 detect those who were guilty. In consequence of 
 this, it was agreed between them that there should 
 be a general consultation of officers, in which 
 those who had been remiss, or attempted to sow 
 any dissensions between the two armies, shoul4 
 be exposed and punished. Menon, in particular, 
 was suspected on both sides, and he was ap- 
 pointed among the number. In consequence 
 of this fatal resolution, the five principal gene- 
 rals attended the succeeding day at the Persian 
 generaPs tent. Their names were, Clearchus, 
 Menon, Proxenes, Agias, and Socrates ; they, 
 on a signal given, were immediately seized, their 
 attendants put to the sword, and jhemselves^ 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 after being sent bound to the king were be- 
 headed in his presence. 
 
 Nothing: could exceed the consternation of 
 the Greeks, when they were informed of the 
 massacre of their generals : they were now near 
 two thousand miles from home, surrounded with 
 great rivers^, extensive deserts, and inimical 
 nations, without any supplies of provisions. In 
 this state of general dejection, they could think 
 of taking neither nourishment nor repose ; all 
 now turned their eyes upon Xenophon, a young 
 Athenian, who hnd been invited into Asia by 
 Proxenes, and had hitherto served as a volunteer 
 in the army. This was that Xenophon, after- 
 wards so famous as an historian; and his con- 
 duct seemed equal to his eloquence, in which 
 he surpassed all the rest of mankind. This 
 young general went to some of the Greek officers 
 in the middle of the night and represented to 
 them that they had no time to lose; that it was 
 of the last importance to prevent the bad designs 
 of the enemy ; that, however small their num- 
 ber, they would render themselves formidable, 
 if they behaved with boldness and resolution ;» 
 that valour, and not multitudes, determines the 
 success of arms ; and that it was necessary, above 
 all things, to nominate generals immediately ; 
 because an army without commanders, is like a 
 body without a soul. A council was immedi- 
 ately held, at which an hundred officers were 
 present; and Xenophon being desired to speak. 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES. 335 
 
 deduced the reasons at large he had at first but 
 lightly touched upon ; and, by his advice, com- 
 manders were appointed. They were, Timason 
 for Clearchus, Xanthicles for Socrates, Cleanor 
 for Agis, Pliilesius for Menon, and Xenophon 
 for Proxenes. 
 
 Before the break of day they assembled the 
 army. The generals m_ade speeches to animate 
 the troops, and Xenophon among the rest. " Fel- 
 low-soldiers," said he, " the loss of so many 
 brave men by vile treachery, and the being 
 abandoned by our friends, is very deplorable ;; 
 but we must not sink under our misfortunes; 
 and, if we cannot conquer, let us chuse rath-er 
 to perish gloriously, than to fall into the hands 
 of barbarians, who would inflict upon us the 
 greatest miseries ; let us call to mind the glo- 
 rious battles of Plat33a, ThermopylcC, Salamis, 
 and the many others wherein our ancestors, 
 though with a small number, have fought and 
 defeated the innumerable armies of the Per- 
 sians, and thereby rendered the name alone of 
 Greeks for ever formidable. It is to their in- 
 vincible valour we owe the honour we possess 
 of acknowledging no masters upon earth but 
 the gods, nor any happiness but what consists 
 with liberty. Those gods the avengers of per- 
 jury, and witnesses of the enemy's treason, 
 will be favourable to us ; and, as they are of- 
 fended by the violation of treaties, and take 
 pleasure in humbling the proud, and exalting 
 
SSS ' HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 the low, they will also follow us to battle, aild 
 combat for us. For the rest, fellow-soldiers, we 
 have no refuge but in victory, which must be 
 our hope, and will make us ample amends for 
 whatever it costs us to attair. it. And I should 
 believe, if it were your opinion, that for the 
 makin<r a more ready and less difficult retreat, 
 it would be very proper to rid ourselves of all 
 the useless baggage, and to keep only what is 
 absolutely necessary in our niarch." All the 
 soldiers that moment lifted up their hands, to 
 signify their approbation and consent to all that 
 bad been said, and without loss of time set fire 
 to their tents and carriages; such of them as 
 had too much equipage, giving it others who 
 had too little, and destroying the rr^t. 
 
 Cherisophus, the Spartan genera!, led the van, 
 and Xenophon, with Timasion, br; light up the 
 rear. They bent their march towards the heads 
 of the great rivers, in order to pass them where 
 they were fordable. But they had made little 
 way before they were followed by a party of 
 the enemy's archers and slingers, commanded 
 by Mithridates, which galled their rear, and 
 wounded several of them, who being heavy 
 armed, and without cavalry, could make no re- 
 sistance. To prevent the like inconvenience, 
 Xenophon furnished two hundred Rhodians with 
 slings, and mounted fifty more of his men upon 
 baggage horses; so that when Mithridates came 
 up with them a sec(md time, and with a much 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES. 337 
 
 greater body, he repulsed them with loss, and 
 made good his retreat with this handful of men, 
 until he arrived near the city of Larissaj on the 
 banks of the Tigris. From thence they marched 
 to another desolate city, called Mepsila; and 
 about four leagues from that place, Tissaphernes 
 came up to them with his whole army in order 
 of battle, but after several skirmishes were forced 
 to retire. In a few days after he secured an 
 eminence over which the Grecians were obliged 
 to make their way; which Xenophon perceiving, 
 took a detachment of the army, and with great 
 diligence gained the top of a mountain which 
 commanded that eminence, from whence he 
 easily dislodged the enemy, and made good a 
 passage for the rest of his troops into the plain, 
 where they found plenty of provisions, though 
 Tissaphernes had done what he could before to 
 burn and destroy the country. 
 
 But still they were under as great difficulties 
 as ever, being bounded on the one hand by the 
 Tigris, and on the other by inaccessible moun- 
 tains, inhabited by the Carduci, a fierce and 
 warlike people ; and who, Xenophon says, had 
 cut off an army of sixscore thousand Persians 
 to a man, by reason of the difficulty of the 
 ways. However, having no boats to cross the 
 river, and the passage through the mountains 
 opening into the rich plains of Armenia, they 
 resolved to pursue their march that way, These 
 barbarians soon took the alarm, but not Ipeing 
 
 VOL I. z 
 
338 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 prepared to meet the Greeks in a body, they 
 possessed themselves of the tops of the rocks 
 and mountains, and from thence annoyed them 
 with darts and great stones, which they threw 
 down into the defiles through which they passed, 
 in which they were also attacked by several 
 other parties ; and though their loss was not 
 considerable, yet, what with storms and famine, 
 besides seven tedious days march, and being 
 continually forced to fight their way, they un- 
 derwent more fatigue and hardship than they 
 had suffered from the Persians during the whole 
 expedition. 
 
 They found themselves soon after exposed to 
 new dangers. Almost at the foot of the moun- 
 tains, they came to a river two hundred feet in 
 breadth, called Centrites, which stopped their 
 march. They had to defend themselves against 
 the enemy, who pursued them in the rear, and 
 Armenians, the soldiers of the country, who de- 
 fended the opposite side of the river. They at- 
 tempted in vain to pass it in a place where the 
 water came up to their arm-pits, and were car- 
 ried away by the rapidity of the current, against 
 which the weight of their arms made them un- 
 able to resist By good fortune they discovered 
 another place not so deep, where some soldiers 
 had seen the people of the country pass. - It re- 
 quired abundance of addre-s, diligence, and va- 
 lour, to keep off the enemiV on both sides of 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES. S39 
 
 them. The army, however, passed the river at 
 length without much loss. 
 
 They marched forward with less interruption, 
 passed the source of the Tigris, and arrived at 
 the little river Teleboa, which is very beautiful, 
 and has many villages on its banks. Here began 
 the western Armenia, which was governed by 
 Tiribasus, a satrap much beloved by the king, 
 and who had the honour to help him to mount 
 on horseback when at the court. He offered to 
 let the army pass, and to suffer the soldiers to 
 take all they wanted, on condition that they 
 should commit no ravages upon their march ; 
 which proposal was accepted and ratified on 
 each side. Tiribasus kept always a flying camp 
 at a small distance from the army. There fell 
 a great quantity of snow, which gave the troops 
 some inconvenience ; and they learnt from a 
 prisoner,- that Tiribasus had a design to attack 
 the Greeks at a pass of the mountains, in a de- 
 file through which they must necessarily march. 
 They prevented him, by seizing that post, after 
 having put the enemy to flight. After some 
 days march through the desert, they passed the 
 Euphrates near its source, not having the water 
 above their middles. 
 
 They suffered exceedingly afterwards from a 
 north wind, which blew in their faces, and pre- 
 vented respiration : so that it was- thought ne- 
 cessary to sacrifice to the wind, upon which it 
 seemed to abate. They marched on in snow 
 
 z 2 
 
340 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 five or six feet deep, which killed several ser- 
 vants and beasts of burden, besides thirty sol- 
 diers. They made fires during the night, for 
 they found plenty of wood. All the next day 
 they continued their march through the snow, 
 when many of them, from the excess of hun- 
 ger, followed with languor, or fainting, con- 
 tinued lying upon the ground through weakness 
 and want of spirits: when something had been 
 given them to eat, they found themselves re- 
 lieved, and continued their march. 
 
 After a march of seven days they arrived at 
 the river Araxes, called also the Phasus, which 
 is about an hundred feet in breadth. Two days 
 after they discovered the Phasians, the Chalybes, 
 and the Taochians, who kept the pass of the 
 mountain to prevent their descending into the 
 plain. They saw it was impossible to avoid 
 coming to a battle with them, and resolved to 
 give it the same day. Xenophon, who had ob- 
 served that the enemy defended only the or- 
 dinary passage, and that the mountain was three 
 leagues in extent, proposed the sending a de- 
 tachment to take possession of the heights that 
 commanded the enemy, which would not be 
 difficult, as they might prevent all suspicion of 
 their design by a march in the night, and by 
 making a false attack by the main road, to 
 amuse the barbarians. This was accordingly 
 executed, the enemy put to flight, and the pass 
 cleared. Thus, after twelve or fifteen days 
 
\ 
 
 DEATH OF SOCRATES. Ul 
 
 march, they arrived at a very high mountain, 
 called Tecqua, from whence they descried the 
 sea. The first who perceived it raised great 
 shouts of joy for a considerable time, which made 
 Xenophon imagine that the vanguard was attack- 
 ed, and went with all haste to support it. As he 
 approached nearer, the cry of the sea ! the sea ! 
 was heard distinctly, and the alarm changed into 
 joy and gaiety ; and when they came to the top, 
 nothing was heard but a confused noise of the 
 whole army crying out together, the sea ! the 
 sea ! whilst they could not refrain from tears, nor 
 from embracing their generals and officers; and 
 then, without waiting for orders, they heaped up 
 a pile of stones, and erected a trophy with bro- 
 ken bucklers and other anPxS. 
 
 From thence they advanced to the mountains 
 of Colchis, one of which was higher than the 
 rest, and of that the people of the country had 
 possessed themselves. The Greeks drew up in 
 battle at the bottom of it to ascend, for the ac- 
 cess was not impracticable. Xenophon did not 
 judge it proper to march in line of battle, but 
 by fdes, because the soldiers could not keep 
 their ranks from the inequality of the ground, 
 that in some places was easy, in others difficidt 
 to climb, which might discourage them. That 
 advice was approved, and the army formed ac- 
 cording to it. The heavy armed troops amount- 
 ed to fourscore files, each consisting of about 
 one hundred m.en ; with eighteen hundred light- 
 
S42 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 armed soldiers, divided in three bodies, one of 
 which was posted on the right, another on the 
 left, and a third in the centre. After having 
 encouraged his troops by representing to them 
 that this was the last obstacle they had to sur- 
 mount, and having implored the assistance of 
 the gods, the army began to ascend the hill. 
 The enemy were not able to support their charge, 
 and dispersed. They passed the mountain and 
 encamped in villages, where they found pro- 
 visions in abundance. 
 
 A very strange accident happened there to 
 the army, which put them into great conster- 
 naion. The soldiers finding abundance of bee 
 hives in that place, and eating the honey, they 
 were taken with violent vomiting and fluxes, 
 attended with raving fits : so that those who were 
 least ill seemed like drunken men, and the rest 
 either furiously mad or dying. The earth was 
 strewed with their bodies as after a defeat; 
 however, none of them died, and the distem- 
 per ceased the next day, about the same hour it 
 had taken them. The third or fourth day the 
 soldiers got up, but in the condition people are 
 in after taking a violent medicine. 
 
 Two days after, the army arrived near Trebi- 
 sond, a Greek colony of Sinopians, situated 
 upon the Euxine, or Black Sea, in the province 
 of Colchis. Here they lay encamped for thirty 
 days, and acquitted themselves of the vows they 
 had made to Jupiter, Hercules, and the other 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES. 
 
 deities, to obtain a happy return into their own 
 country : they also celebrated the games of horse 
 and foot races^ wrestling, boxing, the pancratium, 
 the whole attended with the greatest joy and 
 solemnity : Here Xenophon formed a project of 
 settling them in those parts, and founding a 
 Grecian colony, which was approved of by 
 some ; but his enemies representing it to the 
 army only as a more honourable way of aban- 
 doning them, and to the inhabitants as a design 
 to subdue and enslave the country, he was forced 
 to give over the enterprize. However, the noise 
 of it had this good effect, that the natives did 
 what they could in a friendly manner to pro- 
 cure their departure, advising them to go by 
 sea as the safest way, and furnished them wi^h 
 a sufficient number of transports for that pur- 
 pose. 
 
 Accordingly, they embarked with a fair wind, 
 and the next day got into the harbour of Sinope, 
 where Cherisophus met them with some gallies; 
 but instead of the money they had also ex- 
 pected from him, he only told them they should 
 be paid their arrears as soon as they got out of 
 the Euxine Sea. But this answer occasioned a 
 good deal of murmuring and discontent among 
 them ; so that they resolved to put themselves 
 under one general, desiring Xenophon in the 
 most pressing and affectionate terms to accept 
 of that command, which he modestly declined, 
 and procured the appointment to fall upon 
 
344 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Cherisophus. But he enjoyed it not aboye six 
 or seven days ; for no sooner were they ar- 
 rived at Heraclea, than the army deposed him, 
 for refusing to extort a sum of money from the 
 inhabitants of that city ; which being a Grecian 
 colony, Xenophon likewise refused to concern 
 himself in that affair: so that the army being 
 disappointed in their hopes of plunder, fell into 
 a mutiny, and divided into three bodies. When 
 parted from their barbarian enemies, they were 
 happily reunited and encamped at the port of 
 Calpe, where they '^^ettled the command as 
 before, substituting Neon in the room of Che- 
 risophus, who died here, and making it death 
 for any man henceforward to propose the di- 
 viding of the army. But being straitened for 
 provisions, they were forced to spread them- 
 selves in the vallies, where Pharnabasus's horse, 
 being joined by the inhabitants, cut in pieces 
 five hundred of them ; the rest escaping to a 
 hill, were rescued and brought off by Xenophon, 
 who after this led them through a large forest, 
 where Pharnabasus had posted his troops to 
 oppose their passage ; but they entirely defeated 
 him, and pursued their march to Chrysopolis 
 of Chalcedon, having got a great deal of 
 booty in their way, and from thence to Byzan- 
 tium. 
 
 From thence he led them to Salmydessa, to 
 serve Seiithes, prince of Thrace, who had before 
 solicited Xenophon by his envoys to bring 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES. 345 
 
 troops to his aid^ in order to his re-establishment 
 in his father's dominions, of which his ene mes 
 had deprived him. He had m.ade Xenophon 
 great promises for himself and his troops; but 
 when he had done him the service he wanted^ 
 he was so far from keeping his word^ that he did 
 not give them the pay agreed upon. Xenophon 
 reproached him exceedingly with his breach of 
 faith, imputing his perfidy to his minister He- 
 raclides, who thought to make his court to his 
 master by saving him a sum of money at the 
 expence of justice, faith, and honesty, qualities 
 which ou<>ht to be dearer than all others to a 
 prince, as they contribute the most to his re- 
 putation, as well as to the success of affairs and. 
 the security of a state. But that treacherous mi- 
 nister, who looked upon honour, probity, and 
 justice, as mere chimeras, and who thought that 
 there was nothing real but the possession of 
 much money, had no desire in consequence, but 
 of enriching himself by any means whatsoever, 
 and robbed his master first with impunity, and 
 all his subjects along with him. However, con- 
 tinued Xenophon, every wise man, especially 
 in authority and command, ought to regard 
 justice, probity, and the faith of engagements, 
 as the most precious treasure he can possess, 
 and as an assured resource and an infallible sup- 
 port in all the events that can happen. He- 
 raclides was the more in the wrong for acting in 
 this manner with regard to the troops, as he was 
 
S46 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 a native of Greece^ and not a Thracian ; but 
 avarice had extinguislied in this man all sense 
 of honour. 
 
 Whilst the dispute between Seuthes and Xe- 
 nophon was warmest^ Charminus and Polynices 
 arrived as ambassadors from Lacedasmon, and 
 brought advice that the republic had declared 
 war against Tissaphernes and Pharnabasus ; that 
 Thimbron had already embarked with the troops ; 
 and promised a daric a month to every soldier^, 
 two to each officer, and four to the colonels, who 
 should engage in the service. Xenophon ac- 
 cepted the offer, and having obtained from Seu- 
 thes, by the mediation of the ambassadors, part 
 of the pay due to him, he went by sea to Lamp- 
 sacus with the army, which amounted at that 
 time to almost six thousand men. From thence 
 he advanced to Pergamus, a city in the pro- 
 vince of Troas. Having met near Parthenia, 
 Where ended the expedition of the Greeks, a 
 great nobleman returning into Persia, he took 
 him, his wife and children, with all his equipage, 
 and by that means found himself in a condition 
 to bestow great liberalities amongst the soldiers, 
 and to make them a satisfactory amends for all 
 the losses they had sustained. Thimbron at 
 length arrived, who took upon him the command 
 of the troops ; and having joined them with his 
 own, marched against Tissaphernes and Pharna- 
 basus. 
 
 Such was the event of Cyrus's expedition. 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES. 34^7 
 
 Xenophon who has himself composed a most' 
 beautiful history on the subject, reckons from 
 the first setting out of that prince's army from 
 the city of Ephesus, to their arrival where the 
 battle was fought, five hundred and thirty para- 
 sangas, or leagues, and fourscore and thirteen 
 days march ; and in their return from the place 
 of battle to Corcyra, a city upon the coast of 
 the Euxine, or Black Sea, six hundred and twen- 
 ty parasangas, or leagues, and one hundred 
 and twenty days march ; and, adding both to- 
 gether, he says the way going and coming was 
 eleven hundred and fifty-five parasangas, or 
 leagues, and two hundred and fifteen days 
 march; and that the whole time the army took 
 to perform that journey, including the days of 
 rest, was fifteen months. 
 
 This retreat of the ten thousand Greeks has 
 always passed among judges of the art of war 
 as a most extraordinary undertaking; and it in 
 some measure inspired them, ever after, with a 
 contempt for the power of the Persians: it 
 taught them, that their dominions could be in- 
 vaded without danger, and that marching into 
 Persia was but pursuing an unresisting enemy, 
 that only appeared to offer victory rather than 
 battle. 
 
 In the mean time, while Greece was gaining 
 fame in Persia, Athens was losing its honour at 
 home. Though it had now some breathing time 
 to recover from its late confusions, yet still 
 
MS HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 there were the seeds of rancour remaining, and 
 the citizens opposed each other vrlth unremit- 
 ting malice. Socrates was the first object that 
 fell a sacrifice to these popular dissenticns. We 
 have already seen this great man, who was the 
 son of an obscure citizen at Athens, emerging 
 from the meanness of his birth, and giving ex- 
 amples of courage, moderation, and wisdom; 
 we have seen him raving the life of Alcibiades 
 in battle, of refi r^ing to concur in the edict 
 which unjustly doomed the six Athenian gene- 
 rals to death, of v/ithstanding the thirty tyrants, 
 and of spurning the big:; try and persecution of 
 the times v/ith the most acute penetration, and 
 the most ceaistic raillery. He possessed unex- 
 ampled good-nature, and an universal love to 
 mankind; he was ready to pity vices in others, 
 while he was, in a great measure, free from them 
 himself ; however, he knew his own defects, and 
 if he was proud of any thing, it was in the 
 being thought to have none. He seemed, says 
 Libanius, the common father of there public, so 
 attentive was he to the happiness and advantage 
 of his whole country. But as it is very difficult to 
 correct the aged, and to make people change 
 principles, who revere the errors in which they 
 have grown grey, he devoted his labours prin- 
 cipally to the instruction of youth, in order to 
 sow the seeds of virtue in a soil more fit to pro- 
 duce the fruits of it. He had no open school, 
 like the rest of the philosophers, nor set times 
 
 1 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES. 
 
 349 
 
 for his lessons; he had no benches prepared, 
 nor ever mounted a professor's chair; he was 
 the philosopher of all firaes and seasons; he 
 taught in all places, and upon all occasions; in 
 walking, conversation at meals, in the army, and 
 in the midst of the camp, in the public assem- 
 blies of the senate or people. Such was the 
 man whom a faction in the city had long de- 
 voted to destruction: he had been, for many 
 years before his death, the object of their satire 
 and ridicule. Aristophanes, the comic poet, was 
 engaged to expose him upon the stage: he 
 composed a piece called the Clouds, wherein 
 he introduced the philosopher in a basket, utter- 
 ing the m.ost ridiculous absurdities. Socrates, 
 who was present at the exhibition of his own 
 character, seemed not to feel the least emotion; 
 and, as some strangers were present, who desired 
 to know the original for whom the play was in- 
 tended, he rose up from his seat, and shewed 
 himself during the whole representation. This 
 was the first blow struck at him ; and it was not 
 till twenty years after that Melitus appeared in 
 a more formal manner as his accuser, and enter- 
 ed a regular process against him. His accusa- 
 tion consisted of two heads; the first was, that 
 he did not admit the gods acknowledged by the 
 republic, and introduced new divinities; the 
 second, that he corrupted the youth of Athens; 
 and concluded with inferring, that sentence of 
 death ought to pass against him. How far the 
 
350 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 whole charge affected him is not easy to deter- 
 mine ; it is certain, that amidst so much zeal 
 and superstition as then reigned in Athens, he 
 never durst openly oppose the received reli- 
 gion, and was, therefore, forced to preserve an 
 outward shew of it ; but it is very probable, 
 from the discourses he frequently held with his 
 friends,'that in his heart he despised and laughed 
 at their monstrous opinions and ridiculous mys- 
 teries, as having no other foundation than the 
 fables of the poets ; and that he had attained to 
 the notion of the one only true God, insomuch, 
 that upon the account both of his belief of the 
 Deity, and the exemplariness of his life, some 
 have thought fit to rank him with the Christian 
 philosophers. 
 
 As soon as the conspiracy broke out, the 
 friends of Socrates prepared for his defence, 
 Lycias, the most able orator of his time, brought 
 him an elaborate discourse of his own composing, 
 wherein he had set forth the reasons and mea- 
 sures of Socrates in their full force, and inter- 
 spersed the whole with tender and pathetic 
 strokes, capable of moving the most obdurate 
 hearts. Socrates read it with pleasure, and ap- 
 proved it very much ; but, as it was more con- 
 formable to the rules of rhetoric, than the sen- 
 timents and fortitude of a philosopher, he told 
 him frankly, that it did not suit him ? Upon 
 which Lycias having asked him how it was pos- 
 sible to be well done, and at the same time not 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES. 351 
 
 suit him ? In the same manner, said he, using, 
 according to his custom, a vulgar comparison, 
 that an excellent workman might bring me 
 magnificent apparel, or shoes embroidered with 
 gold, to which nothing would be wanting on his 
 part, but which, however, would not suit me. 
 He persisted, therefore, inflexibly in the reso- 
 lution, not to demean himself by begging suf- 
 rages in the low, abject manner, common at 
 that time. He employed neither artifice, nor ^ 
 the glitter of eloquence ; he had no recourse 
 either to solicitation or entreaty ; he brought 
 neither his wife nor children to incline the judges 
 in his favour by their sighs and tears : never- 
 theless, though he firmly refused to make use 
 of any other voice but his own in his defence, 
 and to appear before his judges in the submis- 
 sive posture of a suppliant, he did not behave 
 in that manner out of pride, or contempt of th© 
 tribunal; it was from a noble and intrepid as- 
 surance, resulting from greatness of soul, and 
 the consciousness of his truth and innocence; 
 so that his defence had nothing weak or timo- 
 rous in it: his discourse v/as bold, manly, ge- 
 nerous, without passion, without emotion, full 
 of the noble liberty of a philosopher, with no 
 other ornament than that of truth, and brighten- 
 ed universally with the character and language 
 of innocence. Plato, who was present, tran- 
 scribed it afterwards, and without any addition, 
 formed from it the work which he calls the Apo- 
 6 
 
552 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 logy of Socrates, one of the moyt consummate 
 master-pieces of antiquity. I shall here make 
 an extract from it. 
 
 Upon the day assigned^ the proceedings com- 
 menced in the usual forms ; the parties ap- 
 peared before the judges, and Melitus spoke. 
 The worse his cause, and the less provided it 
 was with proofs, the more occasion he had for ad- 
 dress and art to cover its weakness; he omitted 
 nothing that might render the adverse party 
 odious ; and instead of reasons, which could 
 not but fail him, he substituted the delusive 
 glitter of a lively and pompous eloquence. So- 
 crates, in observing that he could not tell what 
 impression the discourse of his accuser might 
 make upon the judges, owns, that for his part, 
 he scarce knew how it had affected him, they 
 had given such artful colouring and likelihood 
 to their arguments, though there was not the 
 least word of truth in all they had advanced. 
 
 I am accused of corrupting the youth, and 
 of instilling dangerous maxims into them, as 
 well in regard to the worship of the gods, as 
 the rules of government. You know, Athe- 
 nians, that I never made it my profession to 
 teach, nor can envy, however violent against 
 me, reproach me with ever having sold my in- 
 structions. I have an undeniable evidence for 
 me in this respect, which is my poverty. Al- 
 ways equally ready to communicate my thoughts 
 either to the rich or poor, and to give them en- 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES. 353 
 
 tire leisure to question or answer me. I lend 
 myself to every one who is desirous of becoming 
 virtuous ; and if^ amongst these who hear me, 
 there any that prove either good or bad^ neither 
 the virtues of the one, nor the viCes of the 
 other, to which I have not contributed, are to 
 be ascribed to me. My whole employment is 
 to persuade the young and old against too much 
 love for the body, for riches^ and all other pre- 
 carious things, of whatsoever nature they be ; 
 and against loo little regard for the soul, which 
 ought to be the object of their affection : for I 
 incessantly urge upon you, that virtue does not 
 proceed from riches, but, on the contrary, riches 
 from virtue ; and that all the other goods of hu- 
 man life, as well public as private, have their 
 source in the same principle. 
 
 " If to speak in this manner be to corrupt 
 youth, I confess, Athenians that I am guihy, 
 and deserve to be punished. If what I say be 
 not true, it is most easy to convict me of my 
 falsehood. I see here a great number of my 
 disciples ; they have only to appear. But, per- 
 haps, the reserve and consideration for a master 
 who has instructed thera, will prevent them frnrn 
 declaring against me ; at least their fathers, bro- 
 thers, and uncles cannot, as good relaticn?, and 
 good citizens, dispense with ttieir not standing 
 forth to demand vengeance against the corrupter 
 of their sons, brotbers, and nephews. But these 
 are the persons who take upon them my defence 
 
 VOL. I A a 
 
354 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 and interest themselves in the success of hit 
 cause. 
 
 " Pass on me what sentence you please, Athe- 
 nians ; but I can neither repent or change my 
 conduct; I must not abandon or suspend a func- 
 tion which God himself has imposed on me. 
 Now he has charged me with the cixre of in- 
 structing my fellow-citizens. If, after having 
 faithfully kept all tiie posts wherein I was placed 
 by our generals at Potidcxa, Amphipolis, and De- 
 lium, the fear of death should at this time make 
 me abandon that in which the divine Providence 
 has placed me, by commanding me to pass my 
 life in the study of philosophy, for the instruc- 
 tion of myself and others; this would be a most 
 criminal desertion indeed, and make me highly 
 w^orthy of being cited before this tribunal as an 
 impious man, who does not believe the gods. 
 Should you resolve to acquit me, for the future, 
 I should not hesitate to make answer, Athenians, 
 I honour and love you ; but I shall chuse rather 
 to obey God than you, and to my latest breatl^ 
 shall never renounce my philosophy, nor cease 
 to exhort and reprove you according to my cus- 
 tom, by telling each of you, when you come 
 m my w^av. My good friend and citizen of the 
 most famous city in the world for wisdom and 
 valour, are you not ashamed to have no other 
 thoughts than that of amassing wealth and of 
 acquiring glory, credit, and dignities, whilst 
 you neglect the treasures of prudence, truth, and 
 
\ DEATH OF SOCRATES; 
 
 tvisdom, and take no pains in rendering your 
 soul as good and perfect as it is capable of be- 
 ing? 
 
 " I am reproached with abject fear and mean- 
 ness of spirit^ for being so busy in imparting 
 my advice to every one in private^ and for having 
 always avoided to be present in your assemblies 
 to give my counsels to my country. I think 1 have 
 sufficiently proved my courage and fortitudei 
 both in the field, where I have borne arms with 
 you, and in the senate, where I alone opposed 
 the unjust sentence you pronounced against the 
 ten captains, who had not taken up and interred . 
 the bodies of those who were killed and drowned 
 in the sea-fight near the island of Arginusa; : 
 and when, upon more than one occasion, I op- 
 posed the violent and cruel orders of the thirty 
 tyrants. What is it then that has prevented me 
 from appearing in your assemblies ? It is that 
 daemon, that voice divine, which you have so 
 often heard me mention, and Melitus has taken 
 so much pains to ridicule. That spirit has at- 
 tached itself to me from my infancy : it is a voice 
 which I never hear but when it would prevent 
 me from persisting in something I have resolved; 
 for it never exhorts me to undertake any thing: 
 it is the same being that has always opposed me 
 when I would have intermeddled in the affairs 
 of the republic, and that with the greatest rea- 
 son ; for I should have been amongst the dead 
 long ago, had 1 been concerned in the measures 
 
35^ HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 of the state, without effecting any thing to the 
 advantage of mvself or our country. Do not 
 take it ill, I beseech you, if I speak my thoughts 
 without disguise, and with truth and freedom. 
 Every man who would generously oppose a whole 
 people, either amongst us or elsewhere, and who 
 inflexibly applies himself to prevent the viola- 
 tion of the laws, and the practice of iniquity in 
 a government, will never do so long, with im- 
 punity. It is absolutely necessary for him, who 
 would contend for justice, if he has any thoughts 
 of living, to remain in a private station, and 
 never to have any share in public affairs. 
 
 " For the rest, Athenians, if, in the extreme^ 
 danger I now am, I do not imitate the beha- 
 viour of those, who upon less emergencies have 
 implored and supplicated their judges with 
 tears, and have brought forth their children, 
 relations, and friends ; it is not through pride 
 and obstinacy, or any contempt for you, but 
 solely for your honour, and for that of the whole 
 city. You should know that there are amongst 
 our citizens those who do not regard death as 
 an evil, and who give that name only to injustice 
 and infamy. At my age, and with the reputa- 
 tion, true or false, which I have, would it be 
 consistent for me, after all the lessons I have 
 given upon the contempt of death, to be afraid 
 of it myself, and to belie in my last action 
 all the principles and sentiments of my past 
 i;fe? 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES. 
 
 357 
 
 But without speaking of my fame, which I 
 should extremely injure by such a conduct, I 
 do not think it allowable to intreat a judge, nor 
 to be absolved by supplications. He ought to 
 be persuaded and convinced. The judge does 
 not sit upon the bench to shew favour, by vio- 
 lating the laws, but to do justice in conforming 
 to them. He does not swear to discharge with 
 impunity whom he pleases, but to do justice 
 where it is due : we ought not, therefore, to ac- 
 custom you to perjury, nor you to suffer your- 
 selves to be accustomed to it ; for, in so doing, 
 both the one and the other of us equally injure 
 justice and religion, and both are criminal. 
 
 Do not, therefore, expect from me, Athe- 
 nians, that I should have recourse amongst you 
 to means, which I believe neither honest nor 
 lawful, especially upon this occasion, wherein 
 I am accused of impiety by Melitus ; for, if 1 
 should influence you by my prayers, and thereby 
 induce you to violate your oaths, it would be 
 undeniably evident, that I teach you not to 
 believe in the gods; and even in defending and 
 justifying myself, should furnish my adversaries 
 with arms against me, and prove that I believe 
 no Divinity. But 1 am very far from such bad 
 thoughts : I am more convinced of the existence 
 of God than my accusers ; and so convinced, 
 that I abandon myself to God and you, that you 
 may judge of me as you shall deem best fpr 
 yourselves." 
 
358 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Socrates pronounced this discourse with a firm 
 md intrepid tone: his air^ his action, his visage^ 
 expressed nothing of the accused ; he seemed 
 the master of his judges from the assurance 
 and greatness of soul with which he spoke, with- 
 out, however, losing any thing of the modesty 
 natural to him. But how slight soever the proofs 
 were against him, the faction was powerful 
 enough to find him guilty. There was the form 
 of a process against him, and his irreligion was 
 the pretence upon which it was grounded, but 
 his death was certainly a concerted thing. His 
 steady uninterrupted course of obstinate virtue, 
 which had made him in many cases appear sin- 
 gular, and oppose whatever he thought illegal 
 or unjust, without any regard to times or per- 
 sons, had procured him a great deal of envy and 
 ill-will. 
 
 By his first sentence the judges only declared 
 Socrates guilty ; but when, by his answer, he 
 appeared to appeal from their tribunal to that 
 of justice and posterity ; when, instead of con- 
 fessing himself guilty, he demanded rewards 
 and honours from the state, the judges were so 
 very much offended, that they condemned him 
 to drink hemlock, a method of execution then 
 in use amor>gst th,em. 
 
 Socrates received this sentence with the utmost 
 composure. Apollodorus, one of his disciples, 
 launching out into bitter invectives and lamen- 
 tations that his master should die innocent: 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES. 
 
 359 
 
 What/* replied Socrates with a smile, would 
 you have me die guilty? Melitus and Anytus 
 may kill, but they cannot hurt me." 
 
 After his sentence, he still continued with 
 the same serene and intrepid aspect with which 
 he had long enforced virtue, and hc!d tyrants 
 in awe. When he entered his prison, which now 
 became the residence of virtue and probity, 
 his friends follov/ed him thither, and continued 
 to visit him during the interval between his 
 condemnation and death, which lasted for thirl y 
 days. The cause of that long delay was, the 
 Athenians sent every year a ship to the isle of 
 Delos, to offer certain sacrifices, and it was pro- 
 hibited to put any person to death in the city 
 from the time the priest of Apollo had crowned 
 the poop of this vessel as a signal of its depar- 
 ture, till the same vessel should return : so that 
 sentence having been passed upon Socrates the 
 day after that ceremony began, it was necessary 
 to defer the execution of it for thirty days, 
 during the continuance of this voyage. 
 
 In this long interval, death had sufficient op- 
 portunities to present itself before his eyes in 
 all its terrors, and to put his constancy to the 
 proof, not only by the severe rigour of a dun- 
 geon, and the irons upon his legs, but by the 
 continual prospect and cruel expectation of an 
 event of \yhich nature is always abhorrent. In 
 this sad condition he did not cease to enjoy that 
 profound tranquillity of mind which his friends 
 
S60 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 had always admired in him. He entertained 
 them with the same temper he had always ex- 
 pressed; and Crito observes^ that the evening 
 before his death, he slept as peaceably as at any 
 other time. He composed also an hym.n in ho- 
 nour of Apollo and Diana, and turned one of 
 jlEsop's fables into verse. 
 
 The day before, or the same day that the ship 
 was to arrive from Delos, the return of which 
 was to be followed by the death of Socrates, 
 Crito, his intimate friend, came to him early in 
 the morning, to let him know that bad news, 
 and,, at the sam.e time, that it depended only 
 upon himself to quit the prison ; that the jailor 
 was gained ; that he would find the doors open, 
 and offered him a safe retreat in Thessaly. So- 
 crates liughed at this proposal, and asked him, 
 whether he knew any place out of Attica where 
 people did not die? Crito urged the thing very 
 seriously, and pressed him to take the advantage 
 of so precious an opportunity, adding argu- 
 ment upon argument, to induce his consent, 
 and to engage him to resolve upon escape: with- 
 out mentioning the inconsolable grief he should 
 suffer for the death of such a friend, how should 
 he support the reproaches of an infinity of peo- 
 ple, who would believe it was in his power to 
 have saved him, but that he would not sacrifice 
 a small part of his wealth for that purpose : 
 can the people ever be persuaded that so wise 
 ^ man as Socrates would not quit his prisop. 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES. 
 
 361 
 
 \vhen he might do it with all possible security ? 
 Perhaps he might fear to expose his friends^ or 
 to occasion the loss of their fortunes, or even of 
 their lives or liberty : ought there to be any 
 thing more dear and precious to them than the 
 preservation of Socrates? Even strangers them- 
 selves dispute that honour with them, many of 
 whom have come expressly with considerable 
 sums of money to purchase his escape; and 
 declare that they should think themselves highly 
 honoured to receive him amongst them, and 
 to supply him abundantly with all he should 
 have occasion for: ought he to abandon him- 
 self to enemies who have occa<^ioned ids being 
 condemned unjustly; and can he think it al- 
 lowable to betray his own cause ? is it not es- 
 sential to his goodness and justness to spare his 
 fellow citizens the guilt of innocent blood; 
 but if all these motives cannot alter him, and 
 he is not concerned in regard to himself, can 
 he be insensible to the interests of his children ? 
 In what a condition does he leave them: and 
 can he forget the father, to remember only the 
 philosopher? 
 
 Socrates, after having heard him with atten- 
 tion, praised his zeal, and expressed his grati- 
 tude ; but before he could give into his opinion, 
 was for examining whether it was just for him 
 to depart out of prison without the consent of 
 the Athenians. The question, therefore, here 
 is, to know whether a man condemned to die. 
 
362 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 though unjustly, can, without a crime, escape 
 from justice and the laws. Socrates held it was 
 unjust; ^nd therefore nobly refused to escape 
 from prison. He reverenced the laws of his 
 country, and resolved to obey them in ail things, 
 even in his deaths 
 
 At length the fatal ship returned to Athens, 
 which was, in a manner, the signal for the death 
 of Socrates. The next day all his friends, ex- 
 cept Plato, who was sick, repaired to the pri- 
 son early in the morning. The jailor desired 
 them to wait a little, because the eleven magis- 
 trates (who had the direction of the prisons) 
 were at that time signifying to the prisoner that 
 he was to die the same day. Presently after 
 they entered, and found Socrates, whose chains 
 had been taken off^ sitting by Xantippe, his 
 wife, who held one of his children in her arms ; 
 as soon as she perceived them, setting up great 
 cries, sobbing, and tearing her face and hair, 
 she made the prison resound with her com- 
 plaints. Oh, my dear Socrates! your friends 
 pre come to see you this day for the last time ! 
 He desired she might be taken away; and she 
 was immediately carried home. 
 
 Socrates passed the rest of the day with his 
 friends, and discoursed with them with his usual 
 cheerfulness and tranquillity. The subject of 
 conversation was the most important, and adapt- 
 ed to the present conjuncture; that is to say, 
 the immortality of the soul What gave occa- 
 
 6 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES. 
 
 363 
 
 sion to this discourse was^ a question introduced 
 in a manner by chance^, Whether a true philo^ 
 sopher ought not to desire, and take pains to 
 die? This proposition taken too literally, im- 
 plied an opinion, that a philosopher might kill 
 himself. Socrates shews that nothing is more 
 unjust than this notion; and that man apper- 
 taining to God, who form.ed and placed him 
 with his own hand in the post he possesses^ 
 cannot abandon it without his permission, nor 
 depart from life without his order. What is it 
 then that can induce a philosopher to entertain 
 this love for death ? It can be only the hope 
 of that happiness which he expects in another 
 life: and that hope can be founded only upon 
 the opinion of the soul's immortality. 
 
 Socrates employed the last day of his life in 
 entertaining his friends upon this great and im- 
 portant subject ; from which conversation Pla- 
 to's admirable dialogue, entitled the Phasdon, is 
 wholly taken. He explains to his friends all the 
 arguments for believing the soul immortal, and 
 refutes all the objections against it, which are 
 very nearly the same as are made at this day. 
 
 When Socrates had done speaking, Crito de- 
 sired him to give him, and the rest of his friends, 
 his last instructions in regard to his children 
 and other affairs, that by executing them they 
 might have the consolation of doing him some 
 pleasure. I shall recommend nothing to you 
 this day, replied Socrates, more than I have al- 
 
3645 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 ready done, which is to take care of yourselves. 
 You cannot do yourselves a greater service, nor 
 do me and my family a greater ple.isure. Crito 
 havi?ig asked him afterwards in what manner he 
 thought fit to be buried: — As you please, said 
 Socrates, if you can lay hold of me, and I es- 
 cape not out of your hands. At the same time, 
 looking on his friends with a smile, I can never 
 persuade Crito, that Socrates is he who con- 
 verses with you, and disposes the several part^i 
 of his discourse, for he alv/ays imagines that I 
 am what he is going to see dead in a little^whiie; 
 he confounds me with my carcase, and there- 
 fore asks me how I would be interred. On 
 finishing these words he rose up, and went to 
 bathe himself in a chamber adj(uning. After he 
 cam.e out of the bath his children were brought 
 to him; for he had three, two very little, and 
 the other grown up. He spoke to them for some 
 time, gave his orders to the women who took 
 care of them, and then dismissed them. Being 
 returned into his chamber, he laid himself 
 down upon his bed. 
 
 The servant of the eleven entered at the same 
 instant, and having informed him that the time 
 for drinking the hemdock was come (which was 
 at sun-set), the servant was so much afflicted 
 with sorrow, that he turned his back, and fell a 
 weeping. See, said Socrates, the good heart 
 of this man: since my imprisonment he has 
 often come to see me, and to converse with me; 
 
 I 
 
DEATH OF SOCRATES. 86S 
 
 he is more worthy than all his fellows; how 
 heartily the poor man weeps for me. This is 
 a remarkable example^ and might teach those 
 in an office of this kind how they ought to be- 
 have to all prisoners^ but more especially to per- 
 sons of merit, when they are so unhappy as to 
 fall into their hands. The fatal cup was brought. 
 Socrates asked what it was necessary for him to 
 do ? Nothing more^ replied the servant^ than 
 as soon as you have drank off the draught to 
 walk about till you find your legs grow weary, 
 and afterwards lie down upon your bed. He 
 took the cup without any emotion, or change 
 in his colour or countenance ; and, regarding 
 the mai with a steady and assured look — Well/* 
 said he, " what say you of this drink ; may one 
 make a libation out of it Upon being told 
 there was only enough for one dose : — " At 
 least," continued he, we may say our prayers 
 to the gods, as it is our duty, and implore them 
 to make our exit from this world, and our last 
 stage happy, which is w^hat I most ardently beg 
 pf them.'* After having spoke these words he 
 kept silence for some time, and then drank off 
 the whole draught with an amazing tranquillity 
 and serenity of aspect, not to be expressed or 
 conceived. 
 
 Till then his friends, with great violence to 
 themselves, had refrained from tears ; but after 
 he had drank the potion, they were no longer 
 their own masters, and wept abundantly. Apol- 
 
sm HISTORY Ot' GREECE. 
 
 lodoruS;, who had been in tears almost the wholef 
 conversation, began then to raise great cries, 
 and to lament with such excessive grief> as 
 pierced the hearts of all that were present. So- 
 crates alone remained unmoved, and even re- 
 proved his friends, though with his usual mild- 
 ness and good nature. '''What are you doing?'* 
 said he to them : I wonder at you ! Oh ! what 
 is become of your virtue ! Was it not for this I 
 sent away the women, that they might not fall 
 into these weaknesses; for I have always heard 
 you say that we ought to die peaceably, and 
 blessing the gods. Be at ease, I beg you, and 
 shew more constancy and resolution/' He then 
 obliged them to restrain their tears. 
 
 In the mean time, he kept walking to and 
 fro, and when he found his legs grow weary^ 
 he laid down upon his back, as he had been 
 directed. 
 
 The poison then operated more and more. 
 When Socrates found it began to gain upon the 
 heart, uncovering his face, which had been co- 
 vered, without doubt to prevent any thing from 
 disturbing him in his last moments, — " Crito," 
 said he, we owe a cock to Esculapius ; dis- 
 charge that vow for me, and pray do not forget 
 it." Soon after which he breathed his last. Crito 
 went to his body, and closed his mouth and 
 eyes. Such was the end of Socrates, in the first 
 year of the ninety-fifth Olympiad, and the se- 
 ventieth of his age. ^ 
 
i)EATH OF SOCRATES. 
 
 367 
 
 it was not till some time after the death of this 
 great man that the people of Athens perceived 
 their mistake, and began to repent of it: their 
 hatred being satisfied, their prejudices expired^ 
 and time having given them an opportunity for 
 reflection, the notorious injustice of the sen- 
 tence appeared in all its horrors. Nothing was 
 heard throughout the city but discourses in fa- 
 vour of Socrates. The Academy, the Lycseum, 
 private houses, public walks, and market-places 
 seemed still to re-echo the sound of his loved 
 voice. " Here," said they, he formed our 
 youth, and taught our children to love their 
 country, and to honour their parents. In this 
 place he gave us his admirable lessons, and 
 sometimes made us seasonable reproaches, to 
 engage us more warmly in the pursuit of virtue. 
 Alas ! how have we rewarded him for such im- 
 portant services !" Athens was in universal 
 mourning and consternation: the schools were 
 shut up, and all exercises suspended. The ac- 
 cusers were called to account for the innocent 
 blood they had caused to be shed. Melitus was 
 condemned to die, and the rest banished. Plu- 
 tarch observes, that all those who had any share 
 in this black calumny were held in such abo- 
 mination amongst the citizens, that no one would 
 give them fire, answer them any question, nor 
 go into the same bath with them, and they had 
 the place cleaned w^here they had bathed, lest 
 they should be polluted by touching it; which 
 
S68 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 drove them into such despair, that many of 
 them killed themselves. 
 
 The Athenians, not contented with having 
 punished his accnsers, caused a statute of brass 
 to be erected to him, of the workmanship of the 
 celebrated Lysippus, and placed it in one of the 
 most conspicuoiKs parts of the city. Their res- 
 pect and gratitude rose even to a religious ve- 
 neration; they dedicated a chapel to him, as to 
 a hero and a demigod^ which they called the cha- 
 pel of Socrates. 
 
DEATH OF EPAMINONDAS. 369 
 
 CHAP. XIL 
 
 FROM THE DEATH OF SOCRATES^, TO THE DEATH 
 OF EPAMINONDAS. 
 
 Hitherto we have pursued the Athenians, 
 both in their successes and their defeats, with 
 peculiar attention. While they took the lead in 
 the affairs of Greece, it was necessary to place 
 them on the fore ground of the picture; but 
 we must now change the scene ; and, leaving 
 them to act an obscure part, go to those states 
 who successively took the lead after their down- 
 faL 
 
 The Spartans seem to be the first state, after 
 the Athenians, that gave laws to the rest of the 
 Greeks-; their old jealousies began to revive 
 against the petty states that had formerly sided 
 against them; and the Eleans were the first upon 
 whom they fell, under a pretence that they 
 (the Spartans) had not been admitted by that 
 state to the Olympic games, as well as the rest 
 of the Grecians. The Eleans having formerly 
 declared war, and being upon the point of plun- 
 dering the city of Elis, were taken into the al- 
 liance of Sparta, and the conquerors now as- 
 sumed and enjoyed the title of the Protectors 
 and Arbitrators of Greece. Soon after, Agesi- 
 laus, who was chosen king of Sparta, was seii t 
 
 VOL. I, fib 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 into Asia with an army, under pretence of free- 
 ing the Grecian cities. He gained a signal vic- 
 tory over Tissaphernes, near the river Pactoliis, 
 where he forced the enemy's camp, and found 
 considerable plunder. This success induced 
 the Persian monarch, instead of meeting Age- 
 silaus openly in the field, to subvert his interest 
 among the Grecian states by the power of bri- 
 bery ; and indeed this confederacv was now so 
 weakened, its concord and unanimity so totally 
 destroyed, that they were open to every offer : 
 the love of money was now rooted in their af- 
 fections; and the Spartans were the only people 
 that, for awhile, seemed to disdain it: but the 
 contagion still spreading, even they, at last, 
 yielded to its allurements; and every man 
 sought private emolument, without attending to 
 the good of his country. 
 
 The Thebans, as they were the first that were 
 gained over to the Persian interest, so they were 
 the most active in performing it. To strengthen 
 their alliance, they sent ambassadors to the Athe- 
 nians, with a long representation of the present 
 posture of affairs, wherein they artfully insi- 
 nuated their zeal and affection to that state: 
 from thence they took occasion to inveigh against 
 the tyranny of Sparta; and concluded with tell- 
 ing them, that now was the time to throw off 
 the yoke, and to recover their former splendor 
 and authority. The Athenians, though they had 
 no share of the Persian money, needed not 
 
DEATH OF EPAMINONDAS. 371 
 
 many arguments to engage them in a rupture 
 of this kind, for which they had been long 
 waiting a fit opportunity, 
 
 Agesilaus, who had carried on the war in 
 Persia with success, received news of the war 
 being again broke out in Greece, with orders, 
 at the same time, for him to return home. He 
 had set his heart upon the entire conquest of 
 Persia, and was preparing to march farther into 
 the country ; but such was his deference to the 
 laws, and such his submission to the Ephori, 
 that he instantly obeyed their mandate; but left 
 four thousand men in Asia, to maintain his suc- 
 cesses there. The Spartans, however, could 
 not wait his arrival ; they found confederacies 
 thickening on their hands, and they were ready 
 to be attacked on all sides. The Athenians^, 
 Argives, Thebans, Corinthians, and Euboeans, 
 joined against them, and made up a body of 
 twenty-four thousand men; both sides encamped 
 near Sicyon, at a small distance from each other, 
 and soon came to a regular engagement. The 
 Spartan allies at first were entirely routed ; but 
 the Spartans themselves turned the scale of vic- 
 tory by their single valour, and came off con- 
 querors with the loss of but eight men. This 
 victory, however, was in some measure over- 
 balanced by a loss at sea, which the Spartans 
 sustained near Cnidus. Conon, the Athenian 
 general, being appointed to command the Per- 
 sian fleet against them, took fifty of their ships, 
 B b 2 
 
372 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 and pursued the rest into port. Agesilaus, on 
 the other hand, obtained a considerable victory 
 over the Athenians and their allies upon the 
 plains of Coronea. Thus was the war continued 
 by furious but undecisive engagements, in which 
 neither side w^as a gainer; and in this manner 
 did the Spartans maintain themselves and their 
 allies, without any considerable increase or di- 
 minution of their povrer. In this general shock, 
 the Athenians seemed for a while to recover 
 their former spirit ; being assisted by Persian 
 money, and conducted by Conon, an excellent 
 general, they took the field with ardour, and 
 even rebuilt the walls of their city. From the 
 mutual jealousies of these petty states among- 
 each other, all were weakened, and the Persian 
 monarch became arbitrator of Greece. In this 
 manner, after a fluctuation of successes and in- 
 trigues, all parties began to grow tired of a war, 
 and a peace ensued ; this peace was concluded 
 in the second year of the ninety-eighth Olym- 
 piad ; and from the many stipulations in favour 
 of Persia, Plutarch terms it. The reproach and 
 ruin of ^Greece. 
 
 The Spartans thus freed from the terrors of a 
 powerful foreign enemy, went on to spread 
 terror among the petty states of Greece: they 
 gave peremptory orders to the Mantineans to 
 throw down their walls, and compelled them to 
 obedience. They obliged the Corinthians to 
 withdraw the garrison from Argosi ; and some 
 6 
 
DEATH OF EPAMINONDAS. 573 
 
 other states they treated with an air of 'supe- 
 riorityj that plainly marked that they expected 
 obedience. They marched against the 01)/ n- 
 thianSj who had lately grown into power^ and 
 eflectuaily subdued them. They interposed also 
 in a domestic quarrel which was carried on at 
 Thebes. Phoebidas having seized upon the ci- 
 tadel, they turned him out, and placed a gar- 
 rison of their own in that fortress. They then 
 procured articles to be exhibited against Isme- 
 nias his antagonist, for having taken money of 
 the Persians, and for holding intelligence with 
 them ; and also for having been a principal pro- 
 moter of their intestine broils : upon which he 
 underwent a formal trial before the commis- 
 sioners deputed from Sparta^ and one from each 
 of the other great cities of Greece, and was con- 
 demned to death. Thus, having secured Thebes, 
 and having by a tedious war humbled the Olyn- 
 thians, they went on to chastise the Phliasians, 
 for having abused some exiles that had been re- 
 stored by the orders of Sparta. In this manner 
 they continued distributing their orders with 
 pride and severity ; no state of Greece was 
 able to oppose their authority; and, under the 
 colour of executing justice, they were hourly 
 paving the way to supreme command. In the 
 midst of this security, they were alarmed from 
 a quarter where they least expected to find op- 
 position. The Thebans had, for four years since 
 the seizing of their citadel, submitted to the 
 
574. HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Spartan yoke; but they now took occasion, by a 
 very desperate attempt, to throw it off; for 
 which purpose, there was a secret correspond- 
 ence carried on between the most considerable 
 of the Theban exiles at Athens, and those who 
 were well affected to them in Thebes; and mea- 
 sures were conducted between them by Phyl- 
 lidas, secretary to the Theban governors, by 
 whose contrivance a competent number of the 
 exiles were to get into the city ; and Charon, a 
 man of the first rank there, offered his house 
 for their reception. The day being fixed, they 
 set out from Athens ; and twelve of the most 
 active and resolute among them were detached 
 to enter the city, the rest remaining at a proper 
 distance to wait the event. The first who of- 
 fered himself was Pelopidas, who was young and 
 daring ; and had been very zealous in encou- 
 raging the design; and, by the share he had in 
 it, gave a sufficient earnest of what might be 
 further expected from him in the service of his 
 country. The next man of consequence was 
 Mellon, who, by some, is said to have first pro- 
 jected the scheme with Phyllidas. These two, 
 with their ten associates, dressed themselves 
 like peasants, and beat about the fields with dogs 
 and hunting poles, as in search of game. Hav- 
 ing thus passed unsuspected, and conveyed 
 themselves into the city, they met at Charon's 
 house, as the general rendezvous, where they 
 were soon after joined by thirty-six more of 
 
DEATH OF EPAMINONDAS. S7^ 
 
 their confederates. It was concerted, that Phyl- 
 lidas should, on that day, give a great enter- 
 tainment to Archias and Philip, the two go- 
 vernors who were appointed by the Spartans ; 
 and, to make it the more complete, he had en- 
 gaged to provide some of the finest women in 
 the town to give them a meeting. Matters be- 
 ing thus prepared, the associates divided them- 
 selves into two bands ; one of which, led by 
 Charon and Mellon, were to attack Archias and 
 his company ; and having put on women's 
 clothes over their armour, with pine and poplar 
 over their heads, to shade their faces, they took 
 their opportunity, when the guests were well 
 heated with wine, to enter the room, and im- 
 mediately stabbed Archias and Philip, with such 
 others of the company as were pointed out to 
 them by Phyllidas. A little before this execu- 
 tion, Archias received an express from Athens, 
 with all the particulars of the conspiracy; and 
 the courier conjured him, in the hame of the 
 persons who wrote the letters, that he should 
 read them forthwith, for that they contained 
 matter of great importance. But he laid them 
 by unopened; and with a smile said, '^'^ Business 
 to-morrow:" which words, upon that occasion, 
 grew into a proverb. The other band, headed 
 by Pelopidas and Democlides, went to attack 
 Leontidas, who was at home, and in bed. They 
 rushed into his house by surprize ; but he, soon 
 taking the alarm, leaped up, and wi^ his sword 
 
876 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 in his bafid, received them at his chaniber-door, 
 and stabbed Cephisodonis, who was the first 
 man that attempted to enter. Pelopidas \<as 
 the next who encountered him ; and, after a 
 long and difficult dispute^ killed him. From 
 hence they went in pursuit of Hypates^ his friend 
 and neighbour^ and dispatched him likewise ; 
 after which they joined the other band, and 
 sent to hasten the exiles they had left in Attica. 
 
 The whole city was by this time filled with 
 terror and confusion ; the houses full of lights, 
 and the inhabitants running to and fro in the 
 streets, in a wild, distracted manner, and wait- 
 ing impatiently for day-light, that they might 
 distinguish their friends from their foes, seemed 
 undetermined what course to take. Early in the 
 morning, the exiles came in armed ; and Pelo-? 
 pidas appeared with his party in a general as- 
 sembly of the people, encompassed by the 
 priests, carrying garlands in their hands, pro- 
 claiming liberty to the Thebans in general, and 
 exhorting them to fight for their gods and their 
 country; for though they had made such a pros- 
 perous beginning, the most difficult part still 
 remained, whilst the citadel was in the possesr 
 sion of the Spartans with a garrison of fifteen 
 hundred men, besides a great number of citi- 
 zens and others, who had fled to them for pro- 
 tection, and declared themselves on their side. 
 
 Early the next morning, the Athenians sent 
 five thousand foot and two thousand horse, to 
 
DEATH OF EPAMINONDAS. m 
 
 the assistance of Pelopidas : several other bodies 
 of troops also came in from all the cities of 
 Boeotia; so that the citadel being hemmed round, 
 and despairing of success from without^ surren- 
 dered at discretion. 
 
 The Thebans having thus acquired their free- 
 dom., the Spartans were resolved^ at any rate^ 
 to take the lead in the affairs of Greece; and 
 having incensed the states beyond measure, 
 attempted to seise upon Pyrseus, and thus 
 made the Athenians their irreconcileable ene- 
 mies. Agesilaus was pitched upon to command 
 the army that was to humble the Grecian states. 
 His name struck a terror into the Thebans; and 
 his forces, which amounted to near twenty 
 thousand men, increased their fears. The The- 
 bans, therefore, instead of attempting to at- 
 tack, were contented to stand upon their de- 
 fence, and possessed themselves of a hill near 
 the city. Agesilaus detached a party of light 
 armed men, to provoke them to come down 
 and give him battle; which they declining, he 
 drew out his whole forces in order to attack 
 them. Chabrias, who commanded the merce- 
 naries on the part of the Thebans, ordered his 
 men to present themselves, and keep their ranks 
 in close order, with their shields laid down at 
 their feet, their spears advanced, one leg put 
 forward, and the knee upon the half-bend. 
 Agesilaus finding them prepare^l in this manner 
 ^o receive him, and that they stood, as it were. 
 
378 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 in defiance of him, thought fit to withdraw his 
 army, and contented himself with ravaging the 
 country. This was looked upon as an extraor- 
 dinary stratagem, and Chabrias valued himself 
 so much upon it, that he procured his statue to 
 be erected in that posture. 
 
 Thus, through a succession of engagments, 
 both by sea and land, the Spartans having pro- 
 voked a powerful confederacy, grew every day 
 weaker, and their enemies more daring. The 
 Thebans continually grew bolder; and, instead 
 of continuing to defend themselves with diffi- 
 culty, attacked the enemy with courage and 
 success. Though the battles fought between 
 these states were neither regular nor decisive, 
 yet they were such as served to raise the cou- 
 rage of the Thebans, to gain them confidence, 
 and to form them for those great undertakings 
 which were shortly to follow. Pelopidas, who 
 headed them at the battle of Tanagra, slew the 
 Spartan commander with his own hand. At the 
 battle of Tegyra, with very unequal forces he 
 put a large body of the enemy to flight. 
 
 As it was this battle in which Pelopidas first 
 displayed the superiority of his military talents, 
 and as it was it, also, that first convinced the Gre- 
 cian states that true martial spirit may rise and 
 flourish in other regions besides those that lie 
 on the banks of the Eurotas, it cannot but be 
 deemed a very interesting and important one. 
 Pelopidas had come to a resolution of attacking 
 
DEATH OF EPAMINONDAS. 379 
 
 Orchomenus, which was garrisoned by the Spar- 
 tans; he therefore marched against it with an 
 army, consisting of three hundred foot, and 
 forty horse; but^ upon hearing that a large body 
 of Spartans were hastening to its relief, he 
 thought it prudent to retire. In his retreat he 
 fell in with this reinforcement, near Tegyra, and 
 finding a battle inevitable, he proposed to en- 
 gage them. He ordered his horse to begin the 
 attack: his foot, which he had ranged in a mas- 
 terly manner, he led up with all possible speed 
 to support the horse. The action now became 
 general, and was supported with animosity and 
 vigour on both sides. Gorgoleon, however, and 
 Theopompus^ who commanded the Spartans, 
 falling early in the engagement, those who 
 /ought near to them were either slain or put to 
 flight; and that struck such a terror into tha 
 minds of the rest of their troops, that they re- 
 tired immediately to either side, opening a pas- 
 sage for the Thebans to prosecute their march. 
 But a safe retreat was not the sole object of 
 Pelopidas's wishes: the recent success of his 
 arms stimulated him to attempt something of 
 higher moment ; he therefore drew up his men 
 afresh, renewed the battle, and, after much 
 slaughter of the enemy, thoroughly routed and 
 dispersed them. The Thebans thus gained more 
 reputation and advantage from their retreat, than 
 they could have gained by the most complete 
 success in their original design of attacking 
 
380 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Orchornenus. This defeat was the most signal 
 disgrace with which the Spartans had ever met. 
 Hitherto they had never known what it was to 
 yield even to an equal army. At Tegyra^ they 
 were vanquished by a force not one third of 
 their own. It must, however, be acknowledged^ 
 that these three hundred foot were the flower 
 and pride of the Theban army. They were 
 distinguished by the name of The Sacred Bat- 
 talion. They were as remarkable for their fi- 
 delity to each other, as for their strength and 
 courage; they were linked by the bonds of com- 
 mon friendship, and were sworn to stand by 
 each other in the most dangerous extremities. 
 Thus united, they became invincible, and gene- 
 rally turned the scale of victory in their favour, 
 for a succession of years, until they were at last 
 cut down, as one man, by the Macedonian pha- 
 lanx under Philip. 
 
 A peace of short continuance followed these 
 successes of the Thebans; but they soon fell 
 into tumults and seditions again. The inhabi- 
 tants of Zacinthus and Corcyra having expelled 
 their magistrates, put themselves under the 
 protection of Athens, and repulsed the Spar- 
 tans, w'ho attempted to restore their magistrates 
 by force. 
 
 About the same time, the inhabitants of Pla- 
 t^a applying to their old friends the Athenians 
 for their protection and alliance, the Thebans 
 took offence at it, and demolished the town ; and 
 
DEATH OF EPAMINONDAS. 381 
 
 soon after did the same by Thespise. The Athe- 
 nians were so highly incensed at the treatment 
 of those two cities^ which had deserved so well 
 of the common cause in the Persian war, that 
 they would act no longer in conjunction with 
 the Thebans; and, upon their breaking with 
 them, the affairs of Greece took a new and un- 
 expected turn. 
 
 It now began to appear that the Thebans 
 were growing into power; and while Sparta 
 and Athens were weakening each other by mu- 
 tual contests, this state, which had enjoyed all 
 the emoluments without any of the expences of 
 the war, was every day growing more vigorous 
 and independent. The Thebans, who now began 
 to take the lead in the affairs of Greece, were 
 naturally a^hardy and robust people, of slow in- 
 tellects, and strong constitutions. It was a con- 
 stant maxim with them, to side either with 
 Athens or Sparta in their mutual contests ; and 
 which soever they inclined to, they w^ere gene- 
 rally of weight enough to turn the balance. 
 However, they had hitherto made no further use 
 of that weight than to secure themselves; but 
 the, spirit which now appeared among them was 
 first implanted by Pelopidas, their deliverer 
 from the Spartan yoke; but still further carried 
 to its utmost height by Epaminondas, who now 
 began to figure in the affairs of Greece. 
 
 Epaminondas was one of those few exalted 
 characters, who have scarce any vice, and al- 
 
8^2 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 most every virtue, to distinguish them from the 
 rest of mankind. Though in the beginning 
 possessed of every quality necessary for the ser- 
 vice of the state, he chose to lead a private life, 
 employed in the study of philosophy, and shew- 
 ing an example of the most rigid observance of 
 all its doctrines. 
 
 Truly a philosopher, and poor out of taste, he 
 despised riches, without affecting any reputation 
 from that contempt ; and, if Justin may be be- 
 lieved, he coveted glory as little as he did money. 
 It was always against his will that commands 
 were conferred upon him ; and he behaved him- 
 self, when invested with them, in such a manner, 
 as did more honour to dignities, than dignities 
 did to him. 
 
 Though poor himself, and without any estate, 
 his very poverty, by drawing upon him the es- 
 teem and confidence of the rich, gave him the 
 opportunity of doing good to others. One of 
 his friends being in great necessity, Epaminon- 
 das sent him to a very rich citizen, with orders 
 to ask him for a thousand crowns in his name : 
 that rich man coming to his house, to know 
 his motives for directing his friend to him upon 
 such an errand, — "Why," replied Epaminon- 
 das, " it is because this honest man is in want, 
 and you are rich.'* Fond of leisure, which he 
 devoted to the study of philosophy, he shunned 
 public employments, and made no interest but 
 to be excluded from them. His moderation con- 
 
DEATH OF EPAMINONDAS^ S83 
 
 cealed him so well, that he lived obscure, and 
 almost unknown. His merit, however, disco- 
 vered him at last. He was taken from his soli- 
 tude by force, to be placed at the head of armies; 
 and he demonstrated, that philosophy, though 
 generally held in contempt by those who aspire 
 at the glory of arms, is wonderfully useful in 
 forming heroes; for it was, in his opinion, a great 
 advance towards conquering an enemy, to know 
 how to conquer one's self. In the schools of 
 philosophy anciently were taught the great 
 maxims of true policy ; the rules of every kind 
 of duty; the motives for a true discharge of 
 them; what we owe to our country; the right 
 use of authority ; wherein true courage consists; 
 in a word, the qualities that form the good citizen, 
 statesman, and great captain; and in all these 
 Epaminondas excelled. 
 
 He possessed all the ornaments of the mind. 
 He had the talent of speaking in perfection, and 
 was well versed in the most sublime sciences ; 
 but a modest reserve threw a veil over all those 
 excellent qualities, which still augmented their 
 value, and of which he knew not what it was to 
 be ostentatious. Spintharus, in giving his cha- 
 racter, said. That he never had met with a man 
 who knew more and spoke less. 
 
 Such was the general appoi tted to command 
 the Theban army, and act in conjunction with 
 Pelopidas, with whom he had the most perfect 
 and the most disinterested friendship. This 
 
 1 
 
384 HISTORY O^' GREECE. 
 
 state being left out in the general treaty of peace^ 
 and thus having the Spartans and Athenians con- 
 , federated against it^ they appeared under the 
 utmost consternation, and all Greece looked uport 
 them as lost and undone. The Spartans ordered 
 levies to be made in all parts of Greece that 
 sided with them ; and Cleombrotus, their ge- 
 neralj marched towards the frontiers of Boeotian 
 secure of victory. Willing, however, to give 
 his hostilities an air of justice, lie sent to de- 
 mand of the Thebans, that they should restore 
 the cities that they had usurped, to their liber- 
 ties ; that they should rebuild those they had 
 demolished before, and make restitution for all 
 their former wfongs. To this it was replied, 
 "That the Thebans were accountable to none 
 but heaven for their conduct." Nothing now 
 remained, on both sides, but to prepare for ac- 
 tion. Epaminondas immediately raised all the 
 troops he could, and began his march. His 
 army did not amount to six thousand men ; and 
 the enemy had above four times that number. 
 As several bad omens were urged to prevent his 
 setting out, he replied only by a verse from 
 Homer, of which the senseis. There is but onegood' 
 omen — to fight for one's country. However, 
 to reassure the soldiers, by nature superstitious, 
 and whom he observed to be discouraged, he 
 instructed several persons to come from dif- 
 ferent places, and report auguries and omens 
 
DEATH OF EPAMINONDAS. S.S5 
 
 in his favour^, which revived the spirit and hopes 
 of his troops. 
 
 Epaminondas had wisely taken care to secure 
 a pass, wWch would have shortened Cieombro- 
 tus's march considerably. The latter, after 
 having taken a large compass, arrived at Leuctra, 
 a small town of Bceotia, between Platsea and 
 Thespias. Both parties consulted whether they 
 should give battle, which Cleombrotus resolved 
 to do, by the advice of his officers; who repre- 
 sented to him, that if he declined fighting with 
 such a superiority of troops, it would confirm 
 the current report, that he secretly favoured 
 the Thebans. The former had an essential rea- 
 son for hastening a battle before the arrival of 
 the troops, which the enemy daily expected ; 
 however, the six generals who formed the coun- 
 cil of war, differing in their sentiments, the 
 seventh, who was Pelopidas, came in very good 
 time to join the three that w^ere for fighting; 
 and his opinion carrying the question, the bat- 
 tle was resolved upon. 
 
 The two armies were very unequal in number: 
 that of the Lacedaemonians, as has been said, 
 consisted of twenty-four thousand foot, and six- 
 teen hundred horse ; the Thebans had only six 
 thousand foot, and four hundred horse, but all 
 of them choice troops, animated by their ex- 
 perience in war, and determined to conquer or 
 die. The Lacedsemonian cavalry, composed of 
 men picked up by charxe, without valour, and 
 
 VOL. I. a c 
 
38B HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 # 
 
 ill disciplined, was as much inferior to theif 
 enemies in courage, as superior in number. The 
 infantry could not be depended on, except the 
 Lacedaemonians; the allies, as has been said, 
 having engaged in the war with reluctance, 
 because they did not approve the motive of 
 it, and being besides dissatisfied with the La- 
 cediem.onians. 
 
 The ability of the generals of either side sup- 
 plied the place of numerous armies, especially 
 of the Theban, who was the most accomplished 
 soldier of his times. He was supported by 
 Pelopidas, with whom he had formerly fought 
 and bled, and who was then at the head of the 
 Sacred Battalion, composed of three hundred 
 Thebans, united in a strict friendship and af- 
 fection, and engaged, under a particular oath, 
 never to fly, but to defend each other to the 
 last. 
 
 Upon the day of battle the two armies drew 
 up on a plain. Cleombrotus was upon the right, 
 at the head of a body consisting of Lacedaemo- 
 nians, in whom he confided most, and whose 
 files were twelve feet deep: to take the ad- 
 vantage which his superiority of horse gave him 
 in an open country, he posted them in front of 
 his Lacedaemonians. Archidamus, the son of 
 Agesilaus, was at the head of the allies, who 
 formed the left wing. 
 
 Epaminondas, who resolved to charge with his 
 left, which he commanded in person, strength- 
 
DEATH OF EPAMINONDAS. 387 
 
 ened it with the choice of his heavy-armed 
 troops, whom he drew up fifty deep : the Sa- 
 cred Battalion was upon his left, and closed the 
 wing ; the rest of his infantry were posted upon 
 his right, in an oblique line, which the farther 
 it extended, was the more distant from the ene- 
 my. By this uncommon disposition, his design 
 was to cover his flank on the right ; to keep off 
 his right wing, as a kind of reserved body, that 
 he might not hazard the event of the battie 
 upon the weakest part of his army; and to begin 
 the action with his left wing, where his best 
 troops were posted, to turn the whole weight 
 of the battle upon Cleombrotus and the Spar- 
 tans. He was assured, that if he could pene- 
 trate the Lacedaemonian phalanx, the rest of the 
 army would soon be put to the rout. As for 
 his horse, he disposed them, after the enemy's 
 example, in the front of his left. 
 
 The action began with the cavalry. As the 
 Thebans were better mounted, and braver troops 
 than the Lacedaemonian horse, the latter were 
 not long before they were broke, and driven 
 upon the infantry, which they put into some 
 confusion. Epaminondas, following his horse 
 close, marched swiftly up to Cleombrotus, and 
 fell u^on his phalanx with ail the weight of his 
 heavy battalion. The latter, to make a diversion^ 
 detached a body of troops, with orders to take 
 Epaminondas in flank, and to surround him. 
 Pelopidas, upon sight of that movement, ad- 
 c c 2 
 
SS8 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 vaiiced with incredible speed and boldness^ at 
 the head of the Sacred Battalion, to prevent 
 the enemy's design, and flanked Cleombrotus 
 himself, \vho, by that sudden and unexpected 
 attack, was put into disorder. The battle was 
 very fierce and obstinate; and whilst Cleom- 
 brotus could act, the victory continued in sus- 
 pense, and declared for neither party. But 
 when he fell dead with his wounds, the Thebans, 
 to complete the victory, and the Lacedsemonians, 
 to avoid the shame of abandoning the body of 
 their king, redoubled their efforts, and a great 
 slaughter ensued on both sides. The Spartans 
 fought with so much fury about the body, that 
 at length they gained their point, and carried it 
 off. Animated by so glorious an advantage, 
 they proposed to return to the charge, which 
 would, perhaps, have proved successful, had the 
 allies seconded their ardour; but the left wing 
 seeing the Lacedagmonian phalanx broken, and 
 believing all lost, especially when they heard 
 that the king was dead, took to flight, and drew 
 off the rest of the army. Epaminondas followed 
 them vigorously, and killed a great number in the 
 pursuit. The Thebans remained masters of the 
 field of battle, erected a trophy, and permitted 
 the enemy to bury their dead. . 
 
 The Lacedaemonians had never received such 
 a blow. The most bloody defeat, till then, had 
 scarce ever cost them more than four or five 
 hundred of their citizens. Here they lost four 
 
DEATH OF EPAMINONDAS. 389 
 
 thousand meri;, of whom one thousand were La- 
 cedsemonians, and four hundred Spartans out 
 of seven hundred who were in the battle. The 
 Thebans had only three hundred men killed^ 
 among whom were four of their citizens. 
 
 The city of Sparta was at that time celebrating 
 the Gymnastic games, and was fnll of strangers, 
 whom curiosity had brought thither. When the 
 couriers arrived from Leuctra with the terrible 
 news of their defeat, the Ephori, though per- 
 fectly sensible of all the consequences, and that 
 the Spartan empire had received a mortal wound, 
 would not permit the representations of the 
 theatre to be suspended, nor any changes in the 
 celebration of the festival. They sent to every 
 family the names of their relations who were 
 killed, and staid in the theatre to see that the 
 dances and games were continued, without in- 
 terruption, to the end. It is not easy to deter- 
 mine whether we ought to ascribq this supiue 
 and unprecedented conduct of the Ephori to 
 their desire of concealing from the people the 
 desperate state in vvhich their affairs then were, 
 or to that luxury and dissipation which had be- 
 gun to corrupt even Sparta itself. 
 
 The next day, in the morning, the loss of each 
 family being known, the fathers and relations 
 of those who had died in the battle, met in the 
 public place, and saluted and embraced each 
 other v^ith great joy and serenity in their looks, 
 whilst the others kept themselves close in their 
 
390 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 houses : or if necessity obliged them to go 
 abroad, it was with a sadness and dejection of 
 aspect, which sensibly expressed their anguish 
 and affliction. That difference was still more 
 remarkable in the women : grief, silence, tears^ 
 distinguished those who expected the return of 
 their sons ; but such as had lost their sons were 
 seen hurrying to the temple, to thank the gods, 
 and congratulating each other upon their glory 
 and good fortune. 
 
 One great point under immediate considera- 
 tion, was concerning those who had fled out of 
 the battle. They were, by the law in that case, 
 to be degraded from all honour, and rendered 
 infamous, insomuch that it was a disgrace to in- 
 termarry with them : they were to appear pub- 
 licly in mean and dirty habits, with patched 
 and party-coloured garments, and to go half 
 shaved ; and whoever met them in the streets 
 might insult and beat them, and they were not 
 to make any resistance. This was so severe a 
 law, and such numbers had incurred the pe- 
 nalties of it, many of whom were of great fa- 
 milies and interest, that they apprehended the 
 execution of it might occasion some public 
 commotions; besides, that these citizens, such 
 as they were, could very ill be spared at this 
 time, when they wanted to recruit the army. 
 Under this difficulty they gave Agesilaus a power 
 even over the laws, to dispense with them, to 
 abrogate them, or to enact such new ones as the 
 
DEATH OF EPAMINONDAS. 391 
 
 present exigency required. He would not abo- 
 lish, or make any variation in the law itself; 
 but made a public declaration. That it should 
 lie dormant for that single day, but revive and 
 be in full force again on the morrow, and by 
 that expedient he saved the citizens from in- 
 famy. 
 
 So great a victory was followed by instanta- 
 neous effects: numbers of the Grecian states, 
 that had hitherto remained neuter, now declared 
 in favour of the conquerors, and increased their 
 army to the amount of seventy thousand men. 
 Epaminondas entered Laconia with an army, 
 the twelfth part of which were not Thebans; 
 and, finding a country hitherto untouched by 
 an enemy, he ran through it with fire and 
 sword, destroying and plundering as far as the 
 river Eurotas. 
 
 The river was, at that time, very much swoln 
 by the melting of the snow ; and the Thebans 
 found more difficulty in passing it than they ex- 
 pected, as well from the rapidity as the ex- 
 treme coldness of the water. As Epaminondas 
 wa> passing at the head of his infantry, some of 
 the Spartans shewed him to Agesilaus, who, after 
 having attentively considered and followed him 
 v/ith his eyes a long time, could not help cry- 
 ing out, in admiration of his valour. Oh ! the 
 wonder-working man ! The Theban general^ 
 however, contented himself with over-runnino- 
 the country, without attempting any thing upon 
 
S92 HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 Sparta, and entering Arcadia, reinstated it in 
 all its former privileges and liberties. The Lace- 
 dasmonians had, some time before, stripped the 
 harmless natives of all their possessions, and 
 obliged them to take refuge amongst strangers. 
 Their country was equal in extent to Laconia, 
 and as fertile as the best in Greece. Its ancient 
 inhabitants, who were dispersed in different re- 
 gions of Greece, Italy and Sicily, on the first 
 notice given them, returned with incredible 
 joy, animated by the love of their country, na- 
 tural to all men; and almost as much by their 
 hatred of the Spartans, which length of time 
 had only increased. They built themselves a 
 city, which, from the ancient name was called 
 Messene. 
 
 After performing such signal exploits, Pelo- 
 pidas and Epaniinondas, the Theban generals, 
 once more returned home, not to share the tri- 
 umph and acclamations of their fellow- citizens^ 
 but to answer the accusations that were laid 
 against them ; they were now both summoned 
 as criminals against the state, for having retain- 
 ed their posts four months beyond the time li- 
 mited by law. This offence was capital by the 
 laws of Thebes ; and those who stood up for 
 the constitution, were very earnest in having 
 it observed with punctuality. Pelopidas was the 
 first cited before the tribunal: he defended him- 
 self with less force and greatness of mind, than 
 was expected from a man of his character, by 
 
DEATH OF EPAMINONDAS. 393 
 
 nature warm and fiery. That valour which wa» 
 haughty and intrepid in figat^ forsook him be- 
 fore his judges. His air and discourse, which 
 had something timid and low in it^ denoted a man 
 who was afraid of death, and did not in the 
 least incline the judges in his favour, who ac- 
 quitted him, not without difficulty. Epaminon- 
 das, on the contrary, appeared with all the con- 
 fidence of conscious innocence ; instead of jus- 
 tifying himself, he enumerated his actions ; he 
 repeated in haughty terms, in what manner he 
 had ravished Laconia, re-established Messenia, 
 and re-united Arcadia in one body. He con- 
 cluded with saying, that he should die with plea- 
 sure if the Thebans would renounce the sole 
 glory of those actions to him, and declare that 
 he had done them by his own authority, and 
 without their participation. All the voices were 
 in his favour : and he returned from his trial, 
 as he used to return from battle,, with glory 
 and universal applause. Such dignity has true 
 valour, that it in a manner seizes the admira- 
 tion of mankind by force. This manner of re- 
 proaching them had so good an effect, that hi^ 
 enemies declined any further prosecut'on; and 
 he, with his colleague, were honourably acquit- 
 ted. His enemies, however, jealous of his glo- 
 ry, with a design to affront him, caused him to 
 be elected the city scavenger ; he accepted the 
 place with thanks, and declared. That instead 
 
 I 
 
394 ^ HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 of deriving honour from bis office^ he would 
 give it dignity in his turn. 
 
 In the mean time the Spartans, struck with 
 consternation at their late defeats, applied to 
 the Athenians for succour ; who, after some he- 
 sitation, determined to assist them with all their 
 forces ; and a slight advantage the Spartans had 
 gained over the Arcadians, in which they did 
 not lose a man, gave a promising dawn of suc- 
 cess. The Persian king was also applied to for 
 assistance in the confederacy against Thebes ; 
 but Pelopidas, undertaking an embassy to that 
 court, frustrated their purpose, and induced that 
 great monarch to stand neuter. 
 
 Thebes being thus rid of so powerful an ene- 
 my, had less fears of withstanding the confede- 
 racy of Sparta and Athens ; but a new and an 
 unexpected power was now growing up against 
 them ; a power which was one day about to 
 swallow up the liberties of Greece, and give 
 laws to all mankind. 
 
 Some years before this, Jason the king of 
 Pherse, was chosen general of the Thessalians, 
 by the consent of the people; he was at the 
 head of an army of eight thousand horse^ and 
 twenty thousand heavy-armed foot, without 
 reckoning light infantry: and might have un- 
 dertaken any thing with such a body of well- 
 disciplined and intrepid troops, who had an en- 
 tire confidence in the valour and conduct of 
 their commander. Death prevented his designs; 
 
DEATH OF EPAMINONDAS. 395 
 
 he was assassinated by persons who had long 
 before conspired his destruction. His two bro- 
 thers, Polydoriis and Poliphron, were substituted 
 in his place. The latter of whom killed the 
 other;, for the sake of reigning alone; and was 
 soon after killed himself by Alexander of Phe- 
 Yde, who seized the government under the pre- 
 tence of revenging the death of Polydorus his fa- 
 ther. Against him Pelopidas was sent. The The- 
 ban general soon compelled Alexander to make 
 submission to him; and attempted by mild usage, 
 to change the natural brutality of his disposi- 
 tion. But Alexander long addicted to a debauch- 
 ed life^ and possessed of insatiable avarice, se- 
 cretly withdrew from all constraint, resolved 
 to seize an opportunity of revenge. It was not 
 till some time after that this opportunity offer- 
 ed; for Pelopidas being appointed ambassador 
 to Alexander, who was at that time at the head 
 of a powerful army, he was seized upon, and 
 made prisoner, contrary to all the laws of na- 
 tions and humanity. It was in vain that the The- 
 bans complained of this infraction of laws; it 
 was in vain that they sent a powerful army, but 
 headed by indifferent generals, to revenge the 
 insult: their army returned without effect, and 
 Alexander treated his prisoners with the utmost 
 severity. It was left for Epaminondas to bring 
 the tyrant to reason. Entering Thessalia at the 
 head of a powerful army, his name spread such 
 
 6 
 
396 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 terror^ that the tyrant offered terms of submis- 
 sion, and delivered up Pelopidas from prison. 
 
 Pelopidas was scarce freed from confinement, 
 when he resolved to punish the tyrant for his 
 perfidy and breach of faith. He led a body of 
 troops against Alexander, to a place called Cy- 
 nocephaius, where a bloody battle ensued, in 
 which the Thebans were victorious; but Pelo 
 pidas was unfortunately slain : his countrymen 
 considered those successes very dearly earned, 
 which they had obtained at the expence of his 
 life. The lamentations for him were general; 
 his funeral was magnificent, and his praises 
 boundless. Alexander himself soon after was 
 killed by Thebe his wife, and his three brothers, 
 who long shocked at his cruelties, had resolved 
 to rid the world of such a monster. The ac- 
 count has it, that he slept every night, guarded 
 by a dog, in a chamber which was ascended by 
 a ladder. Thebe allured away the dog, and 
 covered the steps of the ladder with wool, to 
 prevent noise, and then, with the assistance of 
 her brothers, stabbed him in several parts of his 
 body. 
 
 In the mean time, the war between the The-^ 
 bans and the Spartans was carried on with 
 unabated vigour. The Theban troops were 
 headed by their favourite general Epaminon- 
 das; those of Sparta by Agesilaus, the only 
 man in Greece that was then able to oppose 
 him. 
 
BEATH OF EPAMINQNDAS. 897 
 
 The first attempt of Epamiuondas in this cam- 
 paign, marked his great abilities, and his skill 
 in the art of war. Being informed that Agesilaus 
 had begun his march to Mantinea, and had left 
 but few citizens to defend Sparta, at home, he 
 marched directly thither by night, with a design 
 to take the city by surprize, as it had neither 
 walls nor troops to defend it; but luckily Age- 
 silaus was apprized of his design, and dispatch- 
 ed one of his horse to advise the city of its dan- 
 ger ; soon after arriving with a powerful succour 
 in person, he had scarce entered the town, when 
 the Thebans were seen passing the Eurotas, and 
 coming on against the city. Epaminondas, who 
 perceived that^his design was discovered, thought 
 it incumbent on him not to retire without some 
 attempt. He therefore made his troops advance, 
 and making use of valour instead of stratagem^ 
 he attacked the city at several quarters, pene- 
 trated as far as the public place, and seized that 
 part of Sparta which lay upon the hither side 
 of the river. Agesilaus made head every where, 
 and defended himself with much more valour 
 than could be expected from his years. He saw 
 well that it was not now a time, as before, to 
 spare himself, and to act only upon the defen- 
 sive ; but that he had need of all his courage and 
 intrepidity, and to fight with all the vigour of 
 despair. His son Archidamus, at the head of 
 the Spartan youth, behaved with incredible va- 
 lour wherever the danger was greatest ; and 
 
398 HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 with his small troops, stopped the enemy, and 
 made head against them on all sides. 
 
 A young Spartan, named Isadas, distinguished 
 himself particularly in this action. He was very 
 handsome in the face, perfectly well-shaped, of 
 an advantageous stature, and in the flower of 
 his youth; he had neither armour nor clothes 
 upon his body, which shone with oil ; he held 
 a spear in one hand, and a sword in the other. 
 In this condition he quitted his house with the 
 utmost eagerness; and, breaking through the 
 press of the Spartans that fought, he threw him- 
 self upon the enemy, gave mortal wounds at 
 every blow, and laid all at his feet who opposed 
 him, without receiving any hurt himself. Whe- 
 ther the enemy were dismayed at so astonish- 
 ing a sight, or whether, says Plutarch, the gods 
 took pleasure in preserving him upon account 
 of his extraordinary valour, remains a question. 
 It is said, the Ephori decreed him a crown after 
 the battle, in honour of his exploits ; but after- 
 wards fined him a thousand drachmas, for having 
 exposed himself to so great a danger without 
 arms. 
 
 Epaminondas, thus failing in his design, was 
 resolved, before he laid doWn his command, 
 which was near expiring, to endeavour to effect 
 something that might compensate for his fai- 
 lure. In order to protect Sparta, Agesilaus had 
 withdrawn all the troops from Man tinea : thither, 
 therefore, Epaminondas resolved to bend \m 
 
DEATH OF EPAMINONDAS. S99 
 
 course. Being determined to attack the town, 
 he dispatched a troop of horse to view its situa- 
 tion, and to clear the fields of stragglers. But 
 just before they had reached Mantinea, an army 
 of six thousand Athenian auxiliaries arrived by 
 sea, who, without taking any refreshment either 
 to their men or horses, rushed out without the 
 city, and attacked and defeated the Theban 
 horse. In the mean time Epaminondas was ad- 
 vancing with his whole army, with the enemy 
 close upon his rear. Finding it impossible to 
 accomplish his purpose, before he was over- 
 taken, he determined to halt and give them 
 battle. He had now got within a short way of 
 the town, which has had the honour of giving 
 its name to the conflict of that day; a conflict 
 the most splendid, and best contested, that ever 
 figured in the history of any country. 
 
 The Greeks had never fought among them- 
 selves with more numerous armies; the Lace- 
 daemonians consisted of more than twenty thou- 
 sand foot, and two thousand horse ; the Thebans 
 of thirty thousand foot, and three thousand horse. 
 Upon the right wing of the former, the Manti- 
 neans. Arcadians, and Lacediemonians were 
 posted in one line; the Eleans and Achasans, 
 who were the weakest of their troops, had the 
 centre; and the Athenians alone composed the 
 left wing. In the other army, the Thebans and 
 Arcadians were on the left, the Argives on the 
 right, and the other allieg in the centre: the 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 cavalry on each side were disposed in the 
 wings. 
 
 The Theban general marched in the same 
 order of battle in which he intended to fight, 
 that he might not be obliged, when he came 
 irp with the enemy, to lose, in disposing of his 
 army, a precious time which could not be re- 
 covered. 
 
 He did not march directly, and with his front 
 to the enemy, but in a column upon the hills, 
 with his left wing foremost, as if he did not in- 
 tend to fight that d^y, When he was over- 
 against them, at a quarter of a league's distance, 
 he made the troops halt, and lay down their 
 arms, as if he designed to encamp there. The 
 enemy, in effect, were deceived by this stand: 
 and reckoning no longer upon a battle, they 
 quitted their arms, dispersed themselves about 
 the camp, and suffered that ardour to be ex- 
 tinguished, which a near approach of a bat- 
 tle is wont to kindle in the hearts of soldiers. 
 
 Epaminondas, however, by suddenly wheeling' 
 his troops to the right, having changed his co- 
 lumn into a line, and having drawn out the 
 choice troops, whom he had, in his march, 
 posted in front, made them double their files 
 upon the front of his left wing, to add to its 
 strength, and to put it into a condition to attack 
 in a point the Lacedemonian phalanx, which, 
 by the movements he had made, faced it directly. 
 He ordered the centre and right wing of 
 
DEATH OF EPAMINONDAS. 40i 
 
 army to move very slow, and to halt before they 
 came up with the enemy, that he might not ha-* 
 zard the event of the battle upon troops of which 
 he had no great opinion. 
 
 He expected to decide the victory by that 
 body of chosen troops which he commanded in 
 person, and which he had formed into a column 
 to attack the enemy in a wedge-like point. He 
 assured himself, that if he could penetrate the 
 Lacedaemonian phalanx, in which the enemy's 
 principal force consisted, he should not find it 
 difficult to rout the rest of the army, by charg- 
 ing upon the right and left with his victorious 
 troops. 
 
 But that he might prevent the Athenians in 
 the left wing from coming to the support of 
 their right against his intended attack, he made 
 a detachment of his horse and foot advance out 
 of the line, and posted them upon a rising 
 ground, in readiness to flank the Athenians, as 
 well as to cover his right and to alarm them, and 
 give them reason to apprehend being taken iri 
 flank and rear themselves, if they advanced to 
 sustain their right. 
 
 After having disposed his whole army in this 
 manner, he moved on to charge the enemy 
 with the whole weight of his column. They 
 were strangely surprized when they saw Epa- 
 miiiLondas advance towards them in this order> 
 ^nd resumed their arms, bridled their horsesj 
 
 VOL. i. D d 
 
402 
 
 histor;y of Greece. 
 
 and made all the haste they could to their 
 ranks. 
 
 Whilst EDarninondas marched against the 
 enemy^ the cavalry that covered his flank on the 
 left, the best at that time in Greece^ entirely 
 composed of Thebans and Thessalians, had or- 
 ders to attack the enemy's horse. The Theban 
 general;, whom nothing escaped^ had artfully 
 bestowed bow-men^ slingers, and dart-men, in 
 the intervals of his horse, in order to begin the 
 disorders of the enemy's cavalry, by a previous 
 discharge of a shower of arrows, stones, and 
 javelins upon them. The other army had neg- 
 lected to take the same precaution; and had 
 been guilty of another fault, not less consider- 
 able, in giving as much depth to the squadrons 
 as if they had been a phalanx. By this means 
 their horse were incapable of supporting long 
 the charge of the Thebans. After having made 
 several ineffectual attacks, with great loss, they 
 were obliged to retire behind their infantry. 
 
 In the mean time Epaminondas, with his 
 body of foot, had charged the Lacedaemonian 
 phalanx. The troops fought on both sides with 
 incredible ardour, both the Thebans and Lace- 
 dcemonians being resolved to perish, rather than 
 yield the glory of arms to their rivals. They 
 began fighting with their spears ; but these be- 
 ing soon broken in the fury of the combat, they 
 eharired each other sword in hand. The resist- 
 ance was equally obstinate, and the slaughter 
 
DEATH OP EPAMINONDAS. 
 
 403 
 
 very great on both sides. The troops despising 
 danger, and desiring only to distinguish them- 
 selves by the greatness of their actions, chose 
 rather to die in their ranks, than to lose a step 
 of thrir ground, 
 
 The furious slaughter on both sides having 
 continued a great while, ^vithciit the victory in- 
 clining to either, Epaminondas, to force it to 
 declare for him^ thought it his duty to make an 
 extraordinary effort in person, without regard 
 to the danger of his own life. He formed, 
 therefore, a troop of the bravest and most de- 
 terminate about him, and putling himself at the 
 head of them, made a vigorous charge upon the 
 enemy, where the battle was m.ost warm, and 
 wounded the general of the Lacedaemonians 
 with the first javelin he threw. This troop, by 
 his example, having w^ounded or kil' ^d all that 
 stood in their way, broke and penetrated the 
 phalanx. The Lacedaemonians, dismayed b;^ the 
 presence of Epaminondas, and overpow^ered by 
 the weight of that intrepid jy^vtj, were induced 
 to give ground. The gross of the Theban troops, 
 animated by their general's example and suc- 
 cess, drove back the enemy upon his right and 
 left, and made great slaughter of them.. But 
 som.e troops of the Spartans, perceivinj^ that 
 Epaminondas abandoned himself too much to 
 his ardour, suddenly rallied, and, returning to 
 the fight, charged him withashov/er of javelins. 
 Whilst he kept off part of those darts, shunried 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 some af tbein, fenced off others, and was fight- 
 ing with the most heroic valour, to assure the 
 victory to his army, a Spartan, named Calli- 
 crates, gave him a mortal wottnd with a javelin 
 in his breast, across his cuirass. The wood of 
 the javelin being broke off, and the iron head 
 continuing in the wound, the torment was in- 
 supportable, and he fell ininlediately. The bat- 
 tle began around him with new fury ; the one 
 side using their utmost endeavours to take him 
 alive, and the other to save him. The Thebans 
 gained their point at last, and carried him off 
 after having put the enemy to flight. 
 
 After several different movements, and alter- 
 Jiate losses and disadvantages, the troops on both 
 sides stood still, and rested upon their arms ; 
 and the trtimpets of the two armies, as if by 
 consent, sounded the retreat at the same time. 
 Each party pretended to the victory, and erected 
 a trophy ; the Thebans, because they had de- 
 feated the right wing, and remained masters of 
 the field of battle ; the Athenians, because they 
 had cut the general's detachment in pieces: and, 
 from this point of honour, both sides at first re- 
 fused to ask leave to bury their dead ; which, • 
 with the ancients, was confessing their defeat. 
 The Lacedasmonians, however, sent first to de- 
 mand that permission ; after which the rest had 
 no thoughts but of paying the last duties to the 
 slain. 
 
 In the mean time, Epaminondas had becB 
 
DEATH OF EPAMINONDAS. 40^ 
 
 carried into the camp. The surgeons, after hay-* 
 ing examined the wound, declared, that he 
 would expire as soon as the head of the dart 
 was drawn out of it. Those words gave all that 
 \Mere present the utmost sorrow and affliction^ 
 who were inconsolable on seeing so great a man 
 on the point of expiring. For him, the only 
 concern he expressed was about his arms^ and 
 the fate of the battle. When they shewed him 
 his shield^ and assured him that the Thebans 
 had gained the victory, turning towards his 
 friends with a calm and serene air, — AH then 
 is well," said he ; and soon after, upon drawing 
 the head of the javelin out of his body, he ex- 
 pired in the arms of victory. 
 
 As the glory of Thebes rose with Epami- 
 nondas^ so it fell with him; and he is, perhaps, 
 the only instance of one man's being able to in- 
 spire his country with military glory, and lead 
 it to conquest, without having had a prede- 
 cessor, or leaving an imitator of his example. 
 
 The battle of Mantinea was the greatest that 
 ever was fought by Grecians against Grecians; 
 the whole strength of the country being drawn 
 out, and ranged according to their difTerent in- 
 terests ; and it was fought with an obstinacy 
 equal to the importance of it ; which was the 
 fixing the empire of Greece ; and this must of 
 course have been transferred to the Thebans 
 upon their victory, if they had not lost the 
 fruits of it by the death of their general, who 
 
403 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 was the soiil of all their counsels and designs. 
 This blasted all their hope;^, and put out their 
 sudden biaze of power almost as soon as it was 
 kindled. However^ they did not presently give 
 up their pretensions ; they were still ranked 
 among the leading states, and made several fur- 
 ther struggles; but they were faint and inef- 
 fectual, and such as were rather for life and be- 
 ing, than for superiority and domir ion. A peace, 
 therefore, was proposed, which was ratified by 
 all the states of Greece, except Sparta ; the 
 conditions of which were, that everv state should 
 maintain what they possessed, and hold it inde- 
 pendent of any other power. 
 
 A state of repose followed this peace, in which 
 the Grecian powers seemed to slacken from their. 
 former animosities; and if v<e except an expe- 
 dition under Agesilaus into Egypt, whither he 
 went to assist Tachos, who had usurped that 
 kingdom, there v/as little done for several years 
 following. 
 
 It will be proper to give a short account of 
 that expedition, Tachos having usurped the 
 supreme power in Egypt, applied to Agesilaus 
 for aid rgainst the Persian king, wdth whom he 
 was at war. Agesilaus, through avarice, and the 
 hope of being preferred to the chief comman*d, 
 readily complied ; assuring the Spartans, that 
 nothing but the interest of his country could 
 have induced him to go into the service of a fo- 
 reign prince. Being arrived in Egypt, all were 
 
DEATH OF EPAMINONDAS, 407 
 
 anxious to see a man who had, acquired so 
 splendid a reputation. Accordingly, great mul- 
 titudes, of every denominalion^ flocked to the 
 place where he was: but hov/ much were they 
 astonished, v^hen, instead of an elegant, portly 
 figure, they found a little old man, of mean ap- 
 pearance, lying on the grass, with his clothes 
 thread-bare, and his hair uncombed ! They were 
 still more struck, upon their offering him pre- 
 sents of perfumes and other Egyptian luxuries; 
 — Give these things" he said, to niy He- 
 lots; Spartan freemen know not how to use 
 them." He was far from meeting with that sort 
 of treatment from Tachos, which he had reason 
 to expect. Instead of making him commander 
 in chief, that prince would allow him no com- 
 mand but that of the mercenaries. Agesilaus, 
 of course, became disaffected to Tachos, and 
 joined with Nectanebus, his nephew, who had 
 commenced hostilities against him. Tachos was 
 soon driven out of the kingdom, Nectanebus 
 did not, however, enjoy a long tranquillity ; for 
 he had hardly been proclaimed king, when an- 
 other competitor starting up, Egypt was again 
 in arms. Nectanebus and Agesilaus were obliged 
 to fortify themselves with their troops. The 
 conduct of Agesilaus, during the siege, is much 
 extolled. By his advice a successful sally was 
 made, and Nectanebus peaceably seated on the 
 throne. In return for his great services, the 
 Spartan king vv^as presented with two hundred 
 
. 40S HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 and thirty talents of silver, and treated with 
 every mark of gratitude and respect. In re^ 
 turning home, the ensuing winter, he was driven 
 into the haven of Menelaus, w^hich lies upon a 
 desert spot of Africa, where he was attacked 
 with an acute disease, and carried off, being up- 
 wards of eighty years of age, forty of which he 
 had been king. 
 
 The character of Agesilaus was compounded 
 of a variety of very opposite qualities. Against 
 his pretensions to the regal power there were 
 very strong prejudices, both with regard to his 
 person, and his interest in the state: the first he 
 conquered by his good humour ; the second by 
 the assistance of his friend Lysander. He was 
 so fully convinced of the meanness of his ap- 
 pearance^ that he never would allow any statue 
 of him to be erected during his life-time ; and 
 he entreated the Spartans that they would erect 
 none after his death. He always paid the utmost 
 deference and respect to the Senate, and to the 
 Ephori ; the consequence of which was, that he 
 was enabled to carry all his designs, by fresh 
 acquisitions to the prerogative. He was re- 
 markable for his abstinence and continence ; ad- 
 hering rigidly to the ancient Spartan mode of 
 plainness and frugality. He was capable of en- 
 during immense fatigue and pain. His uncom- 
 mon affection for his children made a strong 
 feature in his character. A friend having found 
 him riding with them on a hobby-horse, ex^ 
 
DEATH OF EPAMINONDAS. 409 
 
 pressed some surprize ; on which he said^ '''Don't 
 -say a word of it^ till you becoine a father your- 
 self." He was in a high degree humane and 
 generous to his enemies ; easily forgiving their 
 offences or debts, and never taking the smallest 
 advantage of their distress or necessities. But 
 on the other hand, he was by much too partial 
 to his friends, in whom lie seldom could dis- 
 cover any thing worthy of blame. His words 
 to the prince of Caria are worthy of being re* 
 membered: — If Nicias be innocent, acquit 
 him on account of his innocence ; if guilty, 
 acquit him on my account: at any event, let 
 him be acquitted.'* It was the misfortune of 
 his country, that the impetuosity and ambition 
 of his youth degenerated, when he grew old, 
 into obstinacy and perverseness. The effect of 
 that change was, that he sometimes rendered his 
 Country unhappy, by engaging in enterprizes 
 to which the senate had consented with reluc- 
 tance. He had one peculiar method of deceiv- 
 ing his enemies. When about to eater upon a 
 march, he took care to publish the true account 
 of his intended route, and time of marching ; 
 by w^hich he generally had the pleasure of hear- 
 ing that they had moved on a different day, and 
 had taken adiiTerent road from that which they 
 wished to take. So high was his fame for mi- 
 litary prowess, that the Spartans appointed him 
 not only to be their general, but their admiral : 
 
 3 
 
410 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 a mark of honour never conferred on any other 
 commander. 
 
 The Athenians, when they found themselves 
 delivered from him (Epaminondas) who kept 
 up their emulation, grew indolent and remis?, 
 and abandoned themselves to their ease and 
 pleasure, being wholly taken up with shows, 
 sports, and festivals. They vvcre naturally too 
 much addicted to these amusements ; and they 
 had formerly been encouraged in them by Pe- 
 ricles, who knew how to lead them by their in- 
 clinations, and who took this method to ingratiate 
 himself, and to divert them from inspecting too 
 narrowly into his administration. But they now 
 carried their diversions to a much higher pitch 
 of extravagance ; they had such a passion for 
 the stage, that it stifled in them all other thoughts, 
 either of business or of glory; in short, the de- 
 corations and other charges attending the thea- 
 tre, were so excessive, that Plutarch says, " It cost 
 more to represent some of the famous pieces 
 of Sophocles and Euripides, than it had done 
 to carry on the Vv^ar against the barbarians." 
 And, in order to support this charge, they seized 
 upon the fund which had been set apart for the 
 war, with a prohibition, upon pain of death, 
 ever to advise the applying of it to any other 
 purpose. They not only reversed this decree, 
 but went as far the other way, making it death 
 to propose the restoring the fund to the uses 
 to v;hich it had been before appropriated, under 
 
DEilTH OF EPAMINONDA-S. 
 
 4.11 
 
 the same pennlties. By diverting the course 
 of the supplies in so extraordinary a manner, 
 and enterlaiiiirig the idle citizens at the expence 
 of the soldier and the n^iiriner, they seemed to 
 have no remains of that :\p'.Yit and vigour which 
 they had exerted ia the Persian vvars, when they 
 demolished their houses to fiirnish out a navy; 
 and when the women stoned a man to deaths 
 who proposed to appease the Great King (as 
 he v/as called) by paying tribute and doing 
 homage. 
 
 In this general remissness, it was not to be sup- 
 posed that their allies would treat them with the 
 respect they demanded. Most of the states^ that 
 had hitherto been in alliance with ^ j ^ g g 
 them, and had found security under 
 their protection, took up arms against them. In 
 reducing these, Chabrias, Ipnicrates, and Timo- 
 theus, gained great reputation^ and are supposed 
 to have been consummate generals; but their 
 successes are too minute to rank them among 
 the class of eminent commanders; and, what- 
 ever their skill might have been, there was 
 wanted a great occasion for its display. This 
 war was opened with the siege of Chio, in which 
 the Athenians were repulsed; and Chabrias, un- 
 Vvillin^ to abandon his vessel, preferred death to 
 flight. The siege of Byzantium followed ; be- 
 fore which, the fleets of the contending powers 
 were dispersed by a storm: in consequence of 
 which the Atheu'ian generals were recalled. 
 1 
 
412 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Timotheos was fined a great sum, but being too 
 poor to pay, he went iiito voluntary banishment. 
 Iphicrates was also obliged to answer for him- 
 self, but got off by his eloquence; and, in the 
 mean time, the affairs of Athens succeeded but 
 ill under the guidance of Charis, who was left 
 sole commander. A peace was concluded; 
 whereby every city and people were left to the 
 full enjoyment of their liberty, and thus the war 
 of the allies ended, after having continued three 
 years. 
 
 During these transactions, a power was grow- 
 ing up in Greece, hitherto unobserved, but now 
 too conspicuous and formidable to be overlooked 
 in the general picture : this was that of the Ma- 
 cedonians ; a people hitherto obscure, and in a 
 manner barbarous; and who, though warlike 
 and hardy, had never yet presumed to inter- 
 meddle in the affairs of Greece. But now, se- 
 veral circumstances concurred to raise them 
 from that obscurity, and to involve them in 
 measures, which, by degrees wrought, a thorough 
 change in the state of Greece. It will be ne- 
 cessary, therefore, to begin with a short account 
 of their power and origin, before we enter into 
 a detail of that conspicuous part which they 
 afterwards performed on the theatre of the 
 world, ^ 
 
PHILIP OF MACEBON. 415 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 i?ROM THE EIRTii TO THE DEATH Ot PHILi:?, KING 
 OF MAGEDON* 
 
 The people of Macedon were hitherto con- 
 sidered as making no part of the Grecian con- 
 federacy ; they were looked upon as foreign- 
 ers;, as men^ in a measure, semi-barbarous; who 
 boasted, indeed, of taking their origin from the 
 Greeks, but who hitherto neither possessed their 
 politeness, nor enjoyed their freedom; they had 
 little or no intercourse with their mother-coun- 
 try; they had contracted the habits and man- 
 ners of the natives where they were settled, 
 and from thence they were treated with similar 
 disrespect. 
 
 The first king who is mentioned with any de- 
 gree of certainty to have reigned in Macedonia, 
 was Caranus, by birth an Argive, and said to be 
 the sixteenth in descent from Hercules. It was 
 upon this foundation that Philip afterwards 
 grounded his pretensions to be of the race of 
 Hercules, and assumed to himself divine ho- 
 nours. Caranus is commonly reputed to have 
 led forth a body of his countrymen, by the ad- 
 vice of the oracle, into those parts where he 
 settled, and made himself king. Caranus hav- 
 ing, according to the general account, reigned 
 
4145 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 twenty-eight years, the succession was continued 
 after him to the times we are now treating of. 
 But there i^ very little worth notice recorded of 
 these kings, they being generally employed in 
 defendino- themselves ag-ainst the incursions of 
 their neighbours ; and as to their domestic af- 
 fairs, they were remarkable only for the fre- 
 quent murders and usurpations which happened 
 in the royal famJly. 
 
 Amyntas, father of Philip, began to reign the 
 third year of the ninety-sixth Olympiad. Hav- 
 ing the very year after been warmly attacked 
 by the Illyrians, and dispossessed of a great part 
 of his kingdom, v/hich he thought it scarce pos- 
 sible for him ever to recover again, he address- 
 ed himself to the Olynthians ; and, in order to 
 engage them the more firmly in his interest, he 
 had given up to them a considerable tract of 
 land in the neighbourhood of their city. He 
 was restored to the throne by the Thessalians ; 
 upon v. hich he w^as desirous of resuming the 
 possession of the lands, which nothing but the 
 ill situation of his affairs had obliged him to re- 
 sign to the Olynthians. This occa-^ioned a war; 
 but Amyntas not being strong enough to make 
 head singly against so pov;erful a people, the 
 Greeks and the Athenians, in pariicular, sent 
 him succours, and enabled him to weaken the 
 powder of the Olynthians, who threatened him 
 with a total and sudden ruin. 
 
 Amyntas died, after having reigned twenty- 
 
PHILIP OF MACEDON. 
 
 415 
 
 four yearii. He left three legitimate children, 
 namely, Alexander, Perdiccas, and Philip. Alex- 
 ander, the eldest son, reigned but one year. 
 Perdicc is, the second brother, was opposed by 
 Pausanias, the Lacedaemonian, who began by 
 seizing some fortresses ; but, by the assistance 
 of Iphicrates, the Athenian general, the usurper 
 was expelled, and Perdiccas, the lawful sove- 
 reign, confirmed on the throne. He did not, 
 however, long continue in tranquillity. Ptolemy, 
 a natural son of Amyntas, laid claim to the 
 crown, and disputed his title ; which, by mu- 
 tual consent, was referred to Pelopidas the The- 
 ban, a man much revered both for his probity 
 and his valour. Pelopidas determined in fa- 
 vour of Perdiccas ; and, having judged it ne- 
 cessary to take pledges on both sides, in order 
 to oblige the two competitors to observe the ar- 
 ticles of the treaty accepted by them, among 
 other hostages, he carried Philip with him to 
 Thebes, where he resided several years. He 
 was then ten years of age. Eurydice, at her 
 leaving this rauch-loved son, earnestly besought 
 Pelopidas to procure him an education worthy 
 of his birth, and of the city to which he was 
 going an hostage. Pelopidas placed him with 
 Epaminondas, who had a celebrated Pythago- 
 rean philosopher in his house for the education 
 of his son. Philip improved greatly by the in- 
 Kstructions of his preceptor, and much more by 
 those of Epaminondas, under whom he un- 
 
416 
 
 HISTORY OP* GREECE. 
 
 doubtedly made some campaigns^, though n& 
 mention is made of them. He could not pos- 
 sibly have had a more excellent master, whether 
 for war, or the conduct of life; for this illus-= 
 trious Theban was^ at the same time that he was 
 a warrior, a very great philosopher; that is to 
 say, a wise and virtuous man. Philip was very 
 proud of being his pupil, and proposed him as 
 a model to himself ; most happy, could he have 
 copied him perfectly ! Perhaps he borrowed 
 from Epaminondas his activity in war, and his 
 promptitude rn improving occasions; which, 
 however, formed but a very inconsiderable part 
 of the merit of that illustrious personage. But/ 
 with regard to his temperance, his justice, his 
 disinterestedness, his sincerity, his magnanimity, 
 his clemency, which rendered him truly great, 
 these w^ere virtues which Philip had not received 
 from nature, and did not acquire by imitation. 
 
 The Thebans did not know that they were 
 then forming and educating the most dangerous 
 enemy of Greece. After Philip had spent nine 
 or ten years in their cit_y, the news of a revo- 
 lution in Macedon made him resolve to leave 
 Thebes clandestinely. Accordingl}^ he stole 
 away, made the utmost expedition, and found 
 the Macedonians greatly distressed at having 
 lost their king Perdiccas, who had been killed 
 in a great battle by the Illyrians ; but much 
 more so, to find they had as many enemies as 
 neighbours, the Illyrians w^ere on the point af 
 
PHILIP OF MACEDON. 
 
 417 
 
 returning into the kingdom with a much greater 
 force ; the Paeonians infested it with perpetual 
 incursions ; the Thracians were determined to 
 place Pausanias on the throne, who had not 
 abandoned his pretensions ; and the Athenians 
 were bringing Argaeus, whom Mantia3> their 
 general, was ordered to support with a strong 
 fleet, and a considerable body of troops. Ma- 
 cedonia at that time wanted a prince of years 
 to govern ; and had only a child, Amyntas, the 
 son of Perdiccas, and lawful heir of the crown. 
 Philip governed the kingdom for some time, by 
 the title of Guardian to the Prince ; but the 
 subjects, justly alarmed, deposed the nephew 
 in favour of the uncle ; and instead of the heir 
 whom nature had given them, set him upon the 
 throne whom the present conjuncture of affairs 
 required to fill it ; persuaded that the laws of 
 necessity are superior to all others. Accord- 
 ingly, Philip, at twenty-four years of age, as- 
 cended the throne, the first year of the 105 th 
 Olympiad. 
 
 Never did the present condition of the Ma- 
 cedonians require a man of more prudence and 
 activity. They were surrounded with as many 
 enemies ts they had neighbours. The lllyrians, 
 - flushed with their late victory, were preparing t6 
 march against them with a great army. The 
 Paeonians were making daily incursions upoa 
 them; and, at the same time, the title to the 
 crown was contested by Pausanias and Argaeus ; 
 vo;,. I. B e 
 
418 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 the former whereof was supported by the Thra- 
 clans, and the ]atter>b.y the Athenians; whoy for 
 that purpose, had sent out a good fleet, and 
 three thousand land men. 
 
 Under these circumstances, with so many 
 enemies on his hands at once, and that before 
 he was settled on the throne>.his first care was 
 to make sure of his own people, to gain their 
 affections, and to raise their spirits; for they 
 were very iiyiich disheartened, having lost above 
 four thousalid men in the late action with the 
 Illyrians, He succeeded in these points by the 
 artfulness of h^!^ address, and the force of his 
 eloquence, of; which he was a great master. 
 His next step Wj^s to train and exercise them, and 
 reform their; jd^scipline ; and it was at this time 
 that he in5titute4 the famous Macedonian pha- 
 lanx, which did so -much execution. It was an 
 impro^vement upcm the ancient manner of fight- 
 ing ampng, tJig (yrecians, who generally drew 
 upith^ir fioQt) sfl!: close, as to stand the shock of 
 the enemy without being broken. The com- 
 plete phalaia~XH:was thought to contain above 
 sixteen thouspd men ; though it was also taken 
 in general few sfny company or party of soldiers, 
 and fr^cjliently for the whole body of foot. But 
 this of Philip^'s invention is described by Poly- 
 bius to. be an pbl op g figure^ consisting of eight 
 thou^nd piH^^\^ 11, ^sixteen deep, and five hun-^, 
 dred in fc<>?itir jhe men standing so close toge 
 ther, that the pikes of the fifth rank were ex- 
 
PHILIP OF MACEDON. 
 
 419 
 
 tended three feet beyond the line bf the front. 
 The rest, whose distance from the front mside 
 their pikes useless, rested them upon the shoul- 
 diers of those who stood before them, and so 
 locking them together in file, pressed forward 
 to support and push on the former ranks, where- 
 by the assault was rendered more violent and 
 irresistible. 
 
 When Philip had made some proper regula- 
 tion of his affairs at home, he began to look 
 abroad, in order to divert the storms which 
 threatened him from all quarters. By money 
 and promises, he made up matters for the pre- 
 sent with such of his enemies as lay nearest to 
 him; and then turned his forces against the 
 Athenians, who were marched up to Methone, 
 to assist Argasus. He gave them battle and de- 
 feated them; and the death of Argasus, who was 
 killed in the action, put an end to that dispute: 
 for he permitted the Athenians^ when they were 
 in his power, to return home. This instance of 
 his moderation, gained so far upon them, that 
 they soon after concluded a peace with him ; 
 which yet he observed no longer than it served 
 bis design of securing the other part of his do- 
 minions. 
 
 Accordingly, he marched northward, where 
 he declared war against the Pasonians, and sub- 
 dued them; then fell upon the Illyrians, and 
 having killed above seven thousand of them in 
 a pitched battle, obliged them to restore all their 
 E eS 
 
m HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 conquests in Macedonia. He had also obstruct- 
 ed the passage of the Thracians; but yet did 
 not think it sufficiently secured^, ^vithout making 
 himself master of Amphipolis, which was very 
 comnlodiously situated on the river vStrymon, 
 and was the key of that side of his dominions. 
 He knew the importance of it, therefore he pos* 
 sessed himself of it in the beginning of his reign. 
 This was the ground of his quarrel with the 
 Athenians ; who claimed it as one of their co- 
 lonies^ and made such a point of it, that their 
 setting up Argaeus against him, was not so much 
 for his own sake, or for the credit of imposing 
 a king upon the Macedonians, as it was with a 
 view to get the city restored to them by his 
 means, in case he should have succeeded in his 
 intentions. Philip was sensible of their drift, 
 and finding it necessary at that time to keep up 
 some sort of agreement with them, would nei- 
 ther keep the place himself, nor let them have 
 it; but took a middle course, and declared it 
 a free city; thereby leaving the inhabitants to 
 throw off their dependence on their old masters, 
 and making it appear to be their own act. But 
 the city continued no longer in this state, than 
 until he found himself at liberty to make a more 
 thorough conquest of it; which at this time he 
 easily effected, through the remissness of the 
 Athenians, who refused to send any relief to it; 
 alledging, in their excuse, that it would be a 
 breach of the peace, which they had concluded 
 
PHILIP OF MACEDON. 421 
 
 with Philip the year before. But the truth is, 
 he tricked them out of it by a promise of deli- 
 vering it up to them. But instead of keeping 
 his word, he made further encroachments, by 
 seizing on Pydna and Potidea ; the latter of 
 which being garrisoned by the Athenians, he 
 drew them out and sent them home; but dis- 
 missed them with such marks of civility, as 
 shewed that he avoided coming to an open rup- 
 ture with that state, at least until his designs 
 were more ripe for it; though at the same time 
 he did what he could to weaken them, and 
 drive them out of his neighbourhood. Pydna, 
 with the territory belonging to it, he gave up 
 to the Olynthians, who were his father's inve- 
 terate enemies. His hands were too full at this 
 time to revive the quarrel, against so rich and 
 powerful a city ; which, for three years together, 
 had withstood the united forces of Sparta and 
 Macedonia; he therefore chose to buy their 
 friendship for the present, and to amuse them 
 by the delivery of this town, as he had done the 
 Athenians by the peace, until he could attack 
 them with more advantage. In this step also 
 he over-reached the Athenians ; who were at the 
 same time courting the alliance of the Olyn- 
 thians, in order to maintain their footing in those 
 parts. Which side soever the Olynthians in- 
 clined to, they were strong enough to turn the 
 balance ; and therefore, the gaining them be- 
 
m • HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 came a matter of great contention between Phi- 
 lip and the Athenians. 
 
 From thence he proceeded to seize the city 
 oF Crenides^ which had been built two years 
 before, and then called it Philippi, from his 
 own name. It was here that he discovered a 
 gold mine, which every year produced an hun- 
 dred and forty-four thousand pounds sterling. 
 This, which was an immense sum for that age, 
 was much more serviceable than fleets or armies, 
 in fighting his battles ; and he seldom failed 
 using it in every negociation. The Roman poets 
 have sung its effects in the most beautiful strains. 
 It is said, that consulting the oracle at Delphos, 
 concerning the success of an intended expedi- 
 tion, he was answered by the priestess, That 
 with silver spears he should conquer all things.'* 
 He took the advice of the oracle, and his success 
 was answerable to its wisdom : indeed, he was 
 less proud of the success of a battle, than of a 
 negociation ; well knowing, that his soldiers and 
 generals shared in the one, but that the honour of 
 the latter was wholly his own. 
 
 But a larger field was now opening to his am- 
 bition. The mutual divisions of the states of 
 Greece were at no time wholly cemented, and 
 they broke out now upon a very particular oc- 
 casion. The first cause of the rupture (which 
 was afterwards called the Sacred War) arose from 
 the Phocians having ploughed up a piece of 
 ground belonging to the temple of Apollo, at 
 
PHILIP OF MACEDON. m 
 
 Delphos* Against this all the neighbouring 
 states exclaimed^ as a sacrilege; they were cited 
 before the council of the Amphictyons, who 
 particularly took cognizance of sacred matter:^; 
 they were cast, and an heavy fine was imposed 
 upon them. This the Phocians were unable 
 to pay : they refused to submit to the decree; 
 they alledged, that the care and patronage of 
 the temple anciently belonged to them ; and, 
 to vindicate this, they quoted a precedent from 
 Hom^r. 
 
 Philomelus, one of their chief citizens, was 
 principally instrumental in encouraging them 
 to arms: he raised their ardour, and was ap- 
 pointed their general. He first applied himself 
 to the Spartans, who likewise had been fined by 
 the Amphictyons, at the instance of the The- 
 bans, after the battle of Leuctra, for having 
 seized the Cadmea: for this reason they were 
 very well disposed to join vnth him, but did 
 not yet think it proper to declare themselves. 
 However, they encouraged his design, and sup- 
 plied him under-hand with money; by which 
 means he raised troops, and without much 
 difficulty got possession of the temple. The 
 chief resistance he met with in the neighbour- 
 hood was from the Locrians ; but having worsted 
 them, he erased the decree of the Amphictyons, 
 which was inscribed on the piilars of the tem- 
 ple. However, to strengthen his authority, and 
 give a colour to his proceedings, he thought it 
 
42i HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 convenient to consult the oracle, and to procure 
 ^n answer in his favour. But when he applied 
 to the priestess for that purpose, she refused 
 to officiate; until, being intimidated by his 
 threats, she told him the god left him at liberty 
 to act as he pleased; which he looked upon as 
 a good answer, and as such took care to di- 
 vulge it. 
 
 The Amphictyons meeting a second time, a 
 resolution was formed to declare war against the 
 Phocians. Most of the Grecian nations en-r 
 gaged in this quarrel, and sided with the one 
 or the other party. The Boeotians, the Locri- 
 ans, Thessalians, and several other neighbour- 
 ing people, declared in favour of the god; 
 whilst Sparta, Athens, and some other cities of 
 Peloponnesus, joined with the Phocians. Phi- 
 lomelus had not yet touched the treasures of the 
 temple; but being afterwards not so scrupulous, 
 he believed that the riches of the god could not 
 be better employed than in the deity's defence; 
 for he gave this specious name to this sacrilegi- 
 ous attempt: and being enabled by this fresh 
 supply, to double the pay of his soldiers, he 
 raised a very considerable body of trpops. 
 
 Several battles were fought, and the success 
 for some time seemed doubtful on both sides. 
 Every one knows how much religious wars are 
 to be dreaded, and the prodigious lengths which 
 a false zeal, when veiled with so venerable a, 
 name, is apt to go. The Thebans having in a 
 3 
 
PHILIP OF MACEDON. 4^3 
 
 rencounter taken several prisoners, condemned 
 them all to die, as sacrilegious wretches who 
 were excommunicated: the Phocians did the 
 same, by way of reprisal. These had at first 
 gained several advantages, but having been de- 
 feated in a great battle, Philomelus, their leader, 
 being closely attacked on an eminence from 
 which there was no retreating, defended him- 
 self for a long time with invincible bravery ; 
 which, however, not availing, he threw himself 
 headlong from a rock, in order to avoid the tor- 
 ments he must undoubtedly have undergone, 
 had he fallen alive into the hands of his ene- 
 mies. Oenomarchus was his successor, and toot 
 upon him the command of the forces. 
 
 Philip thought it most consistent with his in- 
 terest to remain neuter in this general move- 
 ment of the Greeks. It was consistent with 
 the policy of this ambitious prince, who had 
 little regard either for religion or the interests 
 of Apollo, and who was always intent upon his 
 own, not to engage in a war by which he could 
 not reap the least benefit; and to take advan- 
 tage of a juncture, in which all Greece, em- 
 ployed and divided by a great war, gave him 
 an opportunity to extend his frontiers, and 
 push his conquests without any apprehension of 
 opposition. He was also well pleased to see 
 both parties weaken, and consume each other, as 
 he should thereby be enabled to fall upon them 
 afterwards to greater ad' antage. 
 
426 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Just on the conclusion of this war was boni 
 Alexander the Great, His father Philip lost no 
 time in acquainting Aristotle of what had hap- 
 pened. He wrote to that distinguished philo- 
 sopher^ in terms the most polite and flattering; 
 begging of him to come and undertake his edu- 
 catian, and to bestow on him those . useful les- 
 sons of magnanimity and virtue, which every 
 grisat man ought to possess^ and which his mv- 
 merous avocations rendered impossible to be at- 
 tempted by him. He added, " I return thanks 
 to the gods, not so much for having given me 
 a son, as for having given him to me in the age 
 in which Aristotle lives.** 
 
 Being desirous of subjecting Thrace, and of 
 securing the conquests he had already made 
 there, he determined to possess himself of Me- 
 thone, a small city, incapable of supporting 
 itself by its own strength, but which gave him 
 disquiet, and obstructed his designs, whenever 
 it was in the hands of his enemies. Accord^ 
 ingly he besieged that city, made himself mas- 
 ter of it, and razed it. He lost one of his eyes 
 before Methone, by a very singular accident. 
 Aster, of Amphipolis, had offered his services to 
 Philip, toiling him, that he was so excellent a 
 marksman, that he could bring down birds in 
 their most rapid flight. The monarch made this 
 answer — " Well, I will take you into my service 
 when I make war upon starlings;'* which an- 
 swer stung the archer to the quick, A repartee 
 6 
 
PHILIP OF MACEDON. 427 
 
 proves often of fatal consequence to him who 
 makes it. Aster, having thrown himself into 
 the city, let fly an arrow, on which was written, 
 " To Philip's right eye/' This carried a most 
 cruel proof that he was a good marksman, for 
 he hit him in the right eye : and Philip sent him 
 back the same arrow with this inscription, — " If 
 Philip takes the city he will hang up Aster;'' 
 and accordingly he was as good as his word. 
 A skilful surgeon drew the arrow out of Philip's 
 eye with so much art and dexterity, that not 
 the least scar remained ; and though he could 
 not save his eye, he yet took away the blemish. 
 
 After taking the city, Philip, ever studious 
 either to weaken his enemies by new conquests, 
 or gain more friends by doing them some im- 
 portant service, marched into Thessaly, which 
 had implored his assistance against its tyrants. 
 The liberty of that country seemed now secure, 
 since Alexander of Phcras was no more. Ne- 
 vertheless, his brothers, who, in concert with 
 his wife Thebe, had murdered him, grown 
 weary of having some time acted the part of 
 deliverers, revived his tyranny, and oppressed 
 the Thessalians with a new yoke. Lycophron, 
 the eldest of the three brothers who succeeded 
 Alexander, had strengthened himself by the 
 protection of the Phocians. Oenomarchus, 
 their leader, brought him a numerous body of 
 forces, and at first gained a considerable advan- 
 tage over Philip; but engaging him a second** 
 
428 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 time, he was entirely defeated, and his army 
 routed. The flying troops were pursued to the 
 sea-shore: upwards of six thousand men were 
 killed on the spot, among whom was Oenomar- 
 chus, whose body was hung upon a gallows ; 
 and three thousand, who were taken prisoners, 
 were thrown into the sea, by Philip*s order, as 
 so many sacrilegious wretches, the professed 
 enemies of religion. 
 
 Philip after having freed the Thessalians, re- 
 solved to carry his arms into Phocis. This was 
 his first attempt to get footing in Greece, and 
 to have a share in the general affairs of the 
 Greeks, from which the kings of Macedon had 
 always been excluded, as foreigners. In this 
 view, upon pretence of going over into Phocis, 
 in order to punish the sacrilegious Phocians, he 
 marched towards Thermopylae, to possess him- 
 self of a pass, which gave him a free passage 
 into Greece, and especially into Attica. 
 
 An admission of foreigners into Greece, was 
 a measure that w^as always formidable to those 
 who called themselves Grecians ; and the Mace- 
 donians, as has already been observed, did not 
 come under that denomination. Ambitious of 
 excelling, both in domestic and literary refine^ 
 ment, the Athenians had no desire to see indi- 
 vidual constantly residing among them ; and 
 the dissensions and disasters that had befallen 
 the state, made them very jealous of the approach 
 of embodied strangers. Upon hearing, there- 
 
PHILIP OF MACEDON. 4^ 
 
 fore, of a march which might prove of the ut- 
 most consequence, they hastened to Thermo- 
 pylse, and possessed themselves of this impor-^ 
 tant pass, which Philip did not care attempting 
 to force. The Athenians were roused from their 
 lethargy of pleasure to make use of this pre- 
 caution, by the persuasions of Demosthenes, 
 the celebrated orator, who, from the beginning, 
 saw the ambition of Philip, and the power of 
 which he was possessed to carry him through 
 his designs. 
 
 This illustrious orator and statesman, whom 
 we shall hereafter find acting so considerable a 
 part in the course of this history, w^as born in 
 the last year of the ninety-ninlh Olympiad, ac- 
 cording to Dionysius, who, in his epistle to 
 Lamacus, hath accurately distinguished the 
 different periods of his life, and the times in 
 which his several orations were delivered. He 
 was the ^on, not of a mean and obscure me- 
 chanic, as the Roman satyrist hath represented 
 him, but of an eminent Athenian citizen, who 
 raised a considerable fortune by the manufacture 
 of arms. At the age of seven years he lost his 
 father ; and, to add to this misfortune, the guar- 
 dians to whom he was intrusted wasted and em- 
 bezzled a considerable part of his inheritance. 
 Thus oppressed by fraud and discouraged by a 
 weak and effeminate habit of body, he yet dis- 
 covered an early ambition to distinguish himself 
 as a popular speaker. The applause bestowed 
 
430 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 on a public orator^ who had defended his coun- 
 try *s right to the city of Oropus^ in an elaborate 
 harangue, inflamed his youthful mind with an 
 eager desire of meriting the like honour. Iso- 
 crates and Isasus were then the two most emi- 
 nent professors of eloquence at Athens. The 
 soft and florid manner of the former, did by no 
 means suit the genius of Demosthenes. Isasus 
 was more vigorous and energetic, and his style 
 better suited to public business. To him, there- 
 fore, he applied, and under his direction pur^ 
 sued those studies, which might accomplish him 
 for the character to which he aspired. His first 
 essay was made against his guardian, by whom 
 he had been so injuriously treated : but the 
 goodness of his cause was here of more service 
 than the abilities of the young orator ; for his 
 early attempts vvere unpromising, and soon con- 
 vinced him of the necessity of a graceful and 
 manly pronunciation. His close and severe ap- 
 plication, and the extraordinary diligence with 
 which he laboured to conquer his defects and 
 natural infirmities, are too well known, and have 
 been too frequently the subjects of historians 
 and critics, ancient and modern, to need a mi- 
 nute recital. His character as a statesman will 
 be best collected from the history of his conduct 
 in the present transactions. As an orator, the 
 reader, perhaps, is not to be informed of his 
 qualifications. Indeed, the study of oratory 
 was at that time the readiest, and almost the 
 
PHILIP OF MACEDON. 
 
 43t 
 
 only means of rising in the state. His first 
 essay at the bar was tWo years after this inci- 
 dent, when he called his guardians to account 
 for embezzling his patrimony, and recovered 
 some part of it. This encouraged him, some 
 time after> to harangue before the people in 
 theii* public assembly ; but he acquitted himself 
 so ill, that they hissed him : however, he ven-^ 
 tared a second time, but with no better success 
 than before^ so that he went away ashamed^ 
 confounded^ and quite in despair. It was upon 
 this occasion that Satyriis the player accosted 
 him, and in a friendly way encouraged him to 
 proceed. With this view he asked him to re- 
 peat to him some verses of Sophocles, or Euri- 
 pides, which he accordingly did : the other re- 
 peated them after him, but with such a different 
 spirit and cadence, as made him sensible that he 
 knew very little of elocution. But by his in- 
 structions, and his ov/n perse\^rance, he at 
 length made himself master of it ; and, by the 
 methods before mentioned, corrected the im- 
 perfections which were born with him, as well 
 as the ill habits which he had contracted. It is 
 not very clear whether this passage be rightly 
 ascribed to Satyrus, who seems to be confounded 
 with Neoptolemus and Andronicus, who were 
 likewise famous comedians ; and Demosthenes 
 is said to have been instructed by all the three. 
 
 With these advantages and improvements he 
 appeared again in public, and succeeded so well 
 
432 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 that people flocked from all parts of Greece to 
 hear him. From thence he was looked upon as 
 the standard of true eloquence ; insomuch that 
 Bone of his countrymen have been put in com- 
 parison with him; nor even among the Romans, 
 any but Cicero» And though it has been made 
 a question by the ancient writers^ to which of 
 the two they should give the preference, they 
 have not ventured to decide it, but have con* 
 tented themselves with describing their different 
 beauties, and shewing that they were both per- 
 fect in their kind. His eloquence was grave 
 and austere, like his temper ; masculine and 
 sublime, bold, forcible and impetuous ; abound- 
 ing with metaphors, apostrophes and interroga- 
 tions ; which, with his solemn way of invoking 
 and appealing to the gods, the planets, the ele- 
 ments, and the manes of those who fell at Sa- 
 lamis and Marathon, had such a wonderful effect 
 upon his hearers, that they thought him inspired. 
 If he had not so much softness and insinuation 
 as is often requisite in an orator, it was not that 
 he wanted art and delicacy, when the case re- 
 quired it : he knew how to sound the inclina- 
 tions of the people, and to lead them to the 
 point he aimed at; and sometimes, by seeming 
 to propose that which was directly the contrary,. 
 But his chief characteristic was vehemence, both 
 in action and expression; and, indeed, that was 
 the qualification of all others most wanted at. 
 this time: for the people were grown so insolent 
 
PHILIP OF MACEDON. 433 
 
 and imperious, so factious and divided, so jea- 
 lous of the power of the democracy, and withal 
 so sunk into a state of pleasure and indolence, 
 that no arts of persuasion would have been so 
 effectual, as that spirit and resolution, that force 
 and energy of Demosthenes, to humble them, 
 to unite them, and to rouse them into a sense 
 of their common danger. 
 
 But Demosthenes himself could not have made 
 such impressions on them, if his talent of speak- 
 ing had not been supported by their opinion of 
 his integrity. It was that which added weight 
 and emphasis to every thing he said, and ani- 
 mated the whole. It was that which chiefly en- 
 gaged their attention, and determined their 
 councils ; when they were convinced that he 
 spoke from his heart, and had no interest to 
 manage but that of the community : and this he 
 gave the strongest proofs of in his zeal against 
 Philip, who saidj He was of more weight against 
 him than all the fleets and armies of the Athe- 
 nians ; and that he had no enemy but Demos- 
 thenes. He was not wanting in his endeavours 
 to corrupt him, as he had done most of the lead- 
 ing men in Greece ; but this great orator with- 
 stood all his offers, and, as it was observed, all 
 the gold in Macedon could net bribe him. 
 
 END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
G.Woddfall, Printer, 
 Paternostcr-row, London.