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 INSTITUTION OF SLAVERY 
 IN THE SOUTHERN STATES 
 
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THE LIBRARY OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA 
 
 THIS TITLE HAS BEEN MICROFILMED! 
 
 Form No. 471 
 
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 THE INSTITUTION OF SLAVERY 
 
 IN 
 
 THE SOUTHERN STATES, 
 
 RELIGIOUSLY AND MORALLY CONSIDERED 
 
 IN CONNECTION WITH 
 
 OUR SECTIONAL TROUBLES 
 
 BY 
 
 -*M 
 
 BRYA^N TYSON 
 
 OF NORTH CAROLINA. 
 
 WASHINGTON, D. C. 
 
 H. POLKINHORN, PRINTER, D STREET, BETWEEN 6TH AND 7tH 
 
THE INSTITUTION OF SLAVERY 
 
 IN 
 
 THE SOUTHERN STATES, 
 
 RELIGIOUSLY AND MORALLY CONSIDERED 
 
 IN CONNECTION WITH 
 
 OUR SECTIONAL TROUBLES, 
 
 BY 
 
 BRYA.N TYSON. 
 
 OF NORTH CAROLINA. 
 
 WASHINGTON, D. C. 
 
 H. POLKINHORN, PRINTER, D STREET, BETWEEN 6TH AND 7tH. 
 1863. 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2012 with funding from 
 
 University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill 
 
 http://archive.org/details/institutionofslatyso 
 
THE INSTITUTION OF SLAVERY 
 
 IN THE 
 
 SOUTHERN" STATES, 
 
 I® IT RIGHT OR I© IT WROIVG ? 
 
 But few subjects have been discussed with more interest, 
 and, perhaps, none upon which greater diversity of opinion 
 prevails, than the institution of slavery in the Southern 
 States. Some argue that the institution is just and lawful, 
 having been instituted under a Theocracy ; others that it is 
 unjust, inhumane, and ought to be abolished. One or the 
 other of these positions is right and the contrary is wrong. 
 God is on one side Dr the other of the question, and is op- 
 posed to the opposite. 
 
 It is now my purpose to inquire impartially into this mat- 
 ter in order, if possible, to determine which side of the ques- 
 tion God and justice is on ; and should we be so fortunate as 
 to find a solution for the problem, it would then be an easy 
 matter to determine which way the question should be de- 
 cided. 
 
 It may, perhaps, be said that this is not a proper time to 
 discuss this question, but I think never a better. I think a 
 question that has caused so much trouble and distress as this 
 should be discussed, and discussed freely, with an honest 
 search after truth, rather than for the mastery, in order that 
 it may be determined and settled in accordance with the 
 word and justice of God, and settled forever. After our 
 fif present troubles shall have been ended I hope our country 
 ^ will never again be agitated by this most distressing ques- 
 ts tion. 
 
I will first take the affirmative side of the question, and show 
 wherein it would be best for the servants to remain as they 
 are. Then the negative, or arguments in favor of emanci- 
 pation. And will then, in conclusion, compare the two to- 
 gether. 
 
 Whether or not slavery be right, certain it is that it has 
 existed in all ages from the days of Noah, when a curse was 
 laid upon Canaan, down to the present time. This, I pre- 
 sume, is a conceded fact, and I will, therefore, consume no 
 time in proving this point, it being my object to prove the 
 justness or unjustness of the institution, rather than to prove 
 that it has existed for a long or short period of time. 
 
 According to my knowledge of the Old and New Testa 
 ments, being an earthly servant here does not appear to be 
 a matter of so very great importance if so be that we are so 
 fortunate as to gain eternal life in the world to come. 
 
 We find the word servant mentioned in the Scriptures 
 some four hundred and thirty-five times. This word, how- 
 ever, has different meanings according to the sense in which 
 it is used, but I will mention only a few of these texts, such 
 as are calculated to elucidate the subject under considera- 
 tion ; by far the greater portion having no bearing upon the 
 subject whatever. 
 
 We find the word servant mentioned in at least twelve 
 places as pertaining to those that were held to involuntary 
 service or labor. The first place that the word servant is 
 mentioned in the Bible is, I believe, at Genesis, IX, 25, 
 where Noah, awaking from his wine, lays a curse upon 
 Canaan, saying : " cursed be Canaan ; a servant of servants 
 shall he be unto his brethren." Soon after this we find by 
 comparing Genesis 10, 2, with Ezekiel 27, 13, that Javan, 
 Tubal and Meshech were trading among them upon the per- 
 sons of men as merchandise. If this had been wrong it is 
 reasonable to suppose that the practice would have been con- 
 demned by the good men of that day. But we do not find 
 
it thus condemned. The curse having been pronounced of 
 Noah by inspiration, this was very probably a means devis- 
 ed for carrying it into effect. The sentence " a servant of 
 servants he should be unto his brethren" was irrevocable 
 and was bound to go into effect, let the private opinions of 
 the people of that day have been what they might. It should 
 therefore be the duty of the people in all ages to obey the 
 commands of God, and perform the duties assigned them, 
 rather than to cavil at his decrees, for it is evident that God 
 who made the world can best govern it, and He may also, 
 perhaps, have some object in view not known to us. There- 
 fore we should submit to His commands and decrees. If we 
 would always do this we would be apt to do well enough — 
 better, perhaps, than many of us do. 
 
 I can notice but one or two other texts. We will first 
 look at 1 Peter, 2, 18, 21 : 
 
 ',' Servants, be subject to your masters with all fear ; not 
 only to the good and gentle, but also to the froward. 
 
 For this is thank-worthy, if a man for conscience toward 
 God endure grief, suffering wrongfully. 
 
 For what glory is it, if, when ye be buffeted for your 
 faults, ye shall take it patiently ? but if, when ye do well, 
 and suffer for it, ye take it patiently, this is acceptable with 
 God. 
 
 For even hereunto were ye called : because Christ also 
 suffered for us, leaving us an example, that ye should follow 
 his steps." 
 
 In the foregoing, servants were plainly commanded to be 
 obedient to their masters, not only to the good and gentle, 
 but also to the froward. And it is evident if a servant who 
 suffers wrongfully and takes it patiently, thereby renders, 
 himself acceptable with God, that it should be the duty of 
 the servant so treated to take it patiently in order that he 
 may render himself acceptable with God. 
 
 In the last verse it says: "For even hereunto were ye 
 
6 
 
 called : because Christ also suffered for us, leaving us an ex- 
 ample, that ye should follow his steps." Christ was scourged, 
 mocked, spit upon and crucified, not for his sins, but for the 
 sins of others, all of which he took patiently. Therefore, 
 when 'a servant suffers wrongfully and takes it patiently, he 
 is but following the example of his blessed Lord and Master. 
 
 We will now look at 1 Timothy, 6 ; 1-10 : 
 
 " Let as many servants as are under the yoke count their 
 own masters worthy of all honor, that the name of God and 
 His doctrine be not blasphemed. 
 
 And they that have believing masters, let them not de- 
 spise them, because they are brethren ; but rather do them 
 service, because they are faithful and beloved, partakers of 
 the benefit. These things teach and exhort. 
 
 If any man teach otherwise, and consent not to wholesome 
 words, even the words of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to the 
 doctrine which is according to godliness ; 
 
 He is proud, knowing nothing, but doting about questions 
 and strifes of words, whereof cometh envy, strife, railings, 
 evil surmisings. 
 
 Perverse disputings of men of corrupt minds, and destitute 
 of the truth, supposing that gain is godliness : from such 
 withdraw thyself. 
 
 But godliness with contentment is great gain. 
 
 For we brought nothing into this world, and it is certain 
 we can carry nothing out. 
 
 And having food and raiment, let us be therewith content. 
 
 But they that will be rich fall into temptation and a snare, 
 and into many foolish and hurtful lusts, which drown men 
 in destruction and perdition. 
 
 For the love of money is the root of all evil : which while 
 some coveted after, they have erred from the faith, and 
 pierced themselves through with many sorrows." 
 
 For lack of time and space, I will make no comment 
 whatever on the above text, but will leave it for the reflect- 
 
ing reader to determine for himself, hoping he will give it a 
 careful perusal. 
 
 Many things take place in this world that may not appear 
 just and right unto us ; but at the same time, God may per- 
 haps have some object in view not known to us. Thus, 
 when Saul was commanded to go and smite the Amelekites, 
 he was commanded to smite every man, woman and child. 
 Even the innocent suckling that had of itself known no guile, 
 was doomed to death. 
 
 We are told in another place that God is a jealous God, 
 visiting the iniquities of the fathers upon the children of the 
 third and fourth generations of them that hate Him. Thus it 
 seems we belong to God, and He hath a right to do as seern- 
 eth well both with our lives and liberties also. This is ex- 
 emplified in his works of the smaller creation. 
 
 If we turn our attention to the beasts of the forest we be. 
 hold the more ferocious and formidable preying upon the 
 weaker and lesser. If we turn our attention to the fowls of 
 the air we there behold certain species armed with formid- 
 able talons, and supplied with carnivorous appetites, and 
 every way fitted by nature for preying upon the weaker and 
 lesser. And if we turn our attention to the fishes of the 
 mighty deep we there behold the same thing. So in very 
 nearly all of God's animate creation, except man, we behold 
 the stronger species preying upon the weaker and lesser. 
 These do not prey merely upon the liberties of the under 
 species, but actually upon their lives, generally inflicting 
 painful and excruciating deaths. So we find that the lives 
 of one class are continually being offered up to support those 
 of the stronger and more ferocious. Even so among 
 men, so far as liberty is concerned, we find the superior, 
 more intelligent and gifted by nature, preying upon the 
 weaker and less intelligent, in reducing them to bondage, 
 and compelling them to serve their superiors. This, no 
 doubt, appears revolting" to the feelings of any christian, hu- 
 
8 
 
 mane man ; but the institution of slavery has now got a foot- 
 hold among us. The people of this generation are b} r no 
 means responsible for this class of people being reduced to 
 bondage. Therefore it becometh our duty as philanthropists* 
 to study their case, and do by them what is best under ex- 
 isting circumstances, such as we would like to have done 
 unto us under similar circumstances. I will treat of this 
 more at length before I get through. 
 
 But says one, the servitude spoken of in the Scriptures is 
 applicable only to the Hebrews, the command having been 
 given especially to them, and therefore we have no right to 
 hold servants under that command unless we can establish 
 that we are of Hebrew descent. I will acknowledge that 
 there is some feasibility in this argument ; and not wishing 
 to lay any burden upon these people, not even so large as 
 my little finger, I will not argue the question any farther in 
 that light, nor will I take any advantage of the curse laid 
 upon Canaan, but will proceed to argue it solely in a moral 
 point of view, being not only willing but anxious that the 
 question may be decided according to the best interests of 
 the servants, be it which way it may. Because, admitting 
 that the Scriptures would permit us to hold or own servants, 
 there is no law nor obligation that I know of that would 
 compel or bind us as our duty to hold them. And believ- 
 ing it to be unjust that one part of the human race should 
 be deprived of their liberty and happiness in order to in- 
 crease the happiness of another class, I think the interests of 
 servants should be consulted exclusively in this matter, and 
 let them be emancipated or remain as they are, according as 
 their interests require. I will now proceed to argue this 
 question in a moral point of view. 
 
 We will first look at this institution in a family where 
 there are some thirty or forty servants. We find among 
 them a good many women and children, and some old men 
 and women who are not able to do regular field labor. So 
 
9 
 
 out of the whole we will probably not get more than four- 
 ninths who are regular field hands. The children play 
 about at their sports — the white and black almost invaria- 
 bly together, where there are children of each kind on a 
 place — until they reach a proper age to put to work, 
 which is light at first, but, as they grow older, gradually as- 
 sumes a heavier form until they get so that they can do any 
 work that is done on the farm. Their labor is now of some 
 value, and a part of it goes towards supporting the women and 
 children and the old men and women who are now too old 
 to labor. They thus continue to labor, and in the course of 
 time declining years set in and they too cease to be any 
 longer regular field hands. They are now assigned some 
 light work, such as boiling food and feeding stock, looking 
 after and training the children, &c. The young negroes 
 that they helped to raise, now, in turn, labor to support them 
 in their declining years. So it appears to be one continuous 
 copartnership, as it were, they having all things common, 
 like as is described in the fourth chapter of the Acts of the 
 Apostles. The children, when they are too young to labor, 
 likewise when they get to be too old, fare equally as well as 
 when they were at a proper age to labor. Thus, of the three 
 stages — youth, middle age, and old age — through which ser- 
 vants pass, there is but one in which they are depended on 
 as regular field hands. In old age they are taken good care 
 of ; and thus is the entire slave population rendered self- 
 supporting. So, of the 3,953,760 that were in the United 
 States in 1860, I don't suppose there was one of that num- 
 ber supported by public tax. Such an instance, I pre- 
 sume, is unknown among an equal number of industrial 
 classes any where in the civilized world. If there has been 
 any property accumulated from the labor of the servant du- 
 ring his younger days, . that very same property stands 
 pledged to take care of him in old age. I will ask where 
 else on the face of the globe could you go to find, in a popu- 
 lation of nearly four millions, no paupers ? 
 
10 
 
 TREATMENT OF SEEVANTS. 
 
 The servants at the South, for the most part, receive good 
 treatment, as is evident from the census returns of 1860. 
 During that year there were 3,000 servants manumitted, 
 and 803 escaped to the North as fugitives, making a total 
 loss to the slave population of 3,803. Taking this as the 
 annual loss for the past decade, there would thus have been 
 a loss to the slave population of 38,030. But, with this odds 
 against them, the slave population at the South increased du- 
 ring the decade ending in 1860, 23.39 per cent.; which is 
 faster than any nation in Europe increased during the same 
 period of time. The free blacks during the same period, 
 after having been augmented by about 38,030, increased only 
 12.33 per cent. 
 
 I will here give the statistics of some of the principal 
 northern cities. In the city of Boston, during the five years 
 ending in 1859, the city register observes: "The number 
 of colored births was one less than the number of marriages, 
 and the deaths exceeded the marriages nearly in the pro- 
 portion of two to one.i In Philadelphia, during the last six 
 months of the census year, the new city registration gives 
 148 births against 306^deaths among the free colored people. 
 So Ave find that the slaves^or servants of the South, notwith- 
 standing they were subject to two considerable drains as 
 aforesaid, increased nearly as fast again as their free breth- 
 ren. From this we would infer that the better treatment 
 was in favor of the bond servant. This, I think, is the effect 
 of their working in societies or copartnership as already ex- 
 plained. For thus situated, the women at times, when their 
 health is delicate, are not required to labor, being taken 
 about as good care of as a member of the white family 
 under similar circumstances. I have known the owner, in 
 cases where a large percentage of his servants were women 
 and children, to have to Jabor himself very hard, and 
 always have his nose down to the grinstone in order to 
 
11 
 
 raise these children, while they were running about, kicking 
 up their heels, and seeing their pleasure. But they were 
 willing to undergo this toil, with the hope that they would 
 be able to pay for their raising some time. 
 
 The servants at the South are not only, generally speak- 
 ing, well treated, but becoming respect is also shown them in 
 old age. The white children are even taught to call the elderly 
 servants uncle or aunt, as the case may be. I was thus 
 brought up myself, and it still appears natural for me to 
 do so. 
 
 Where servants are properly and well treated, I think they 
 frequently fare better, and have more of the necessaries and 
 comforts of life to go upon than many of the poorer class of 
 white people ; and the reason of this is, they attend more 
 systematically to business ; for while the voice of the former 
 is heard loud and long, at the tavern, or other places of 
 amusement, these are attending to their daily avocations 
 which furnish food and raiment for the body and employ- 
 ment for the mind ; and being thus employed, they are kept 
 out of mischief. 
 
 I think the unexampled increase among the servants is 
 owing to the society or copartnership in which they live, to- 
 gether with the early age at which they generally marry. 
 (I will speak of the mode presently.) In making matches, 
 there are no questions of a worldly character to decide with 
 them ; for their women are all like Lycurgus would have 
 those of Sparta, all equal as to property. 
 
 Among various laws that this learned sage introduced 
 into Sparta was one that females should inherit no part of 
 their father's estate, but that it should be equally divided 
 among his sons. Being called upon to explain the object of 
 this curious law he said, the young men in making matches 
 would not then be picking and choosing after property, but 
 Avould go for worth and merit. It also seems that some such 
 a law would have an excellent effect in this clay and time in 
 
12 
 
 encouraging early marriages and thus prevent the un- 
 natural state of celibacy, with its many concurrent evils, for 
 where people marry for wealth and character, they frequently 
 keep picking and choosing after these until they pick 
 through and get nobody. Therefore, under a discipline that 
 would cause early and universal marriages, religion, morals, 
 and school-houses would doubtless flourish. 
 
 The servants generally live up to this rule ; for there be- 
 ing no questions of a worldly character to decide with them, 
 they go in solely for " love and beauty." The consecpaence 
 is, there are but few or no cases of celibacy among them ; 
 they have but few or no cares as to their rising families, 
 and in old age they are taken good care of. So, where they 
 are properly and well treated, they are, in my opinion, about 
 the happiest people the sun shines on. 
 
 EXJOYMENT OF SERVANTS. 
 
 In order that the reader may have some idea of the man- 
 ner in which servants enjoy themselves, I will relate the fol- 
 lowing incident : 
 
 The past summer, a year ago, I was at a friend's house in 
 Chatham county, North Carolina, who owned a good many 
 servants. It was in time of wheat harvest. About dusk the 
 hands came in from their laborious work. It would seem 
 that all might have been tired enough without seeking far- 
 ther exercise in diversions, but not so. After supper the 
 banjo was brought forth, and preparations made for a social 
 dance. They soon struck up in high glee. I remarked to 
 my friend that negroes saw a great deal of satisfaction and 
 pleasure. Yes, said he, the most of any people in this 
 world. He told me that wishing; to finish a certain field of 
 grain, they had labored very hard that day. But one Avould 
 not have judged so from present appearances. When I 
 went to bed they were in the midst of their glee, making 
 the house fairly shake as their busy feet kept time to the 
 
18 
 
 music. So in what position in life could they be more 
 happy ? We should not form the belief because they have 
 to labor that they are rendered unhappy ; for the Bible, I 
 think says : " The repose of the laboring man is sweet.' 
 They have to labor or their owners would soon be reduced to 
 a condition such as to be unable to treat them well. Hence 
 we may conclude if they be placed in a position where idle- 
 ness would be encouraged, that their condition, instead of 
 being bettered, would thereby be worsted. For, as the say- 
 ing is, " when idleness comes in at one door, want, with 
 crime and its various attendants, come in at another." But 
 servants, for the most part, live free from these evils, and are, 
 therefore, a contented and happy people. 
 
 FREE NEGROES VOLUNTARILY" ENSLAVE THEMSELVES. 
 
 At all events, the felicity of the bond servant is such that 
 I have actually known free persons of color to choose their 
 masters and voluntarily enslave themselves. This may ap- 
 pear very singular to us, but unless they expected to better 
 their condition, it is still more strange that they should thus 
 voluntarily give away their liberty. It is to be presumed 
 that they considered the matter well before entering into 
 this engagement. But, inheriting by birth no wealth, and 
 not being able to amass means sufficient, above the necessa- 
 ry expenses of life, to purchase lands, horses, &c, and thus 
 put themselves in a comfortable situation for living, it seems 
 that, rather than weary thus with the burdens of life, and 
 hire themselves from house to house, and be dependent 
 on uncertain means, they had rather pick out some good, 
 kind, humane man for a master, who was well supplied with 
 all the necessaries and comforts of life, and who they knew 
 would treat them well, than to have their liberty and thus 
 be taxed with the cares and concerns of life. After trying 
 their new homes I never heard of any dissatisfaction on their 
 part ; so it is to be presumed they were satisfied with the 
 change. 
 
14 
 
 EFFECTS OF EMANCIPATION. 
 
 To show the effect of emancipation on these people, I 
 refer the reader to the history of Jamaica, Hayti and British 
 Guiana, countries where emancipation has taken place. In 
 these countries the negroes invariably ceased to work to 
 much advantage after gaining their freedom. To prove this 
 I will mention a few facts. 
 
 In the year 1790 there was exported from the Island of 
 Hayti 163,405,220 pounds sugar. After gaining their 
 freedom the quantity began to diminish, and in forty-three 
 years thereafter there was not a single pound exported 
 from the Island, and the Queen Island of the seas was thus 
 relinquished to barbarism, desolation, brutal licentiousness 
 and crime, in every hideous form. I could multiply these 
 instances, but, wishing to be brief, will let the above suffice. 
 
 It is said that bees when transported to the Island of 
 Cuba soon cease to work and lay up honey, and divert them- 
 selves by flying about the sugar mills and stinging the hands 
 whilst at work. The reason that they thus cease to labor is 
 that they can always get a sufficiency of the necessary food 
 without being at that trouble. Past experience has gener- 
 ally proven this to be the case with the negro where he 
 has been emancipated — he soon ceases to work to much 
 advantage. 
 
 THE NEGRO CAN LABOR WITH IMPUNITY AMONG VARIOUS 
 EPIDEMIC DISEASES. 
 
 It seems the negro should not be entirely idle, because he 
 is well adapted for laboring on the cotton, rice and sugar 
 plantations of the South, and can labor with impunity among 
 various epidemic diseases where the white man would soon 
 sicken and die. To Drove this I refer to the following « 
 
 In the summer of 1855, during that awful scourge of yel- 
 low fever in Norfolk. Va., there died in that city about 
 3,000 persons. Of these there were but very few cases 
 
15 
 
 among the blacks. I was there for a considerable time 
 among the fever myself, and I know I heard it remarked 
 that it took but little or no effect on the black population. 
 So they seem to be well adapted for working on the cotton- 
 rice and sugar plantations of the South, in which the North, 
 South, and various European countries are interested. In 
 warm countries, where serpents and alligators abound, there 
 the negro flourishes to greatest perfection. But remove him 
 from this to a Northern clime and he soon shows unmistak- 
 able signs of decay. It is therefore evident that his labor is 
 particularly essential in rearing the tropical products, and ex- 
 perience has taught, that to raise these successfully, he re- 
 quires the aid and superveilance of the white man. 
 
 ARGUMENTS AGAINST SLAVERY. 
 
 I will now notice the negative side of the question and 
 proceed to give the arguments that are generally brought 
 against the institution of slaver}-. 
 
 Among the first and principal of these is the enhanced 
 value of real estate in the Free States and the prevailing ig- 
 norance among the poorer classes South when compared 
 with their Northern brethren. We will notice these argu- 
 ments separately. In 1850 the average value of land in the 
 Northeen States was, I believe, $28.07 per acre. In the 
 Southern, $5*34 per acre. But is this high price in the 
 one case and low in the other attributable solely to the in- 
 stitution of slavery at the South ? I Dfeink not. I think it 
 is mainly owing to the very dense population of the North- 
 ern States and the more sparse or scattering of the Southern, 
 together with the system of trade that has been carried on 
 between the two sections. Thus, the people at the South 
 have nearly forty-five acres of land per head, counting both 
 black and white, great and small. The people at the North 
 have less than twenty-one. So we should not wonder that 
 lands are higher at the North, because scarcity always en- 
 
16 
 
 hances the value of anything. It should also be recollected 
 that city property, manufactories, &c., are counted in the 
 above estimate ; and the Northern States having larger cities 
 and more manufactories than the Southern States, have 
 greatly the advantage in this particular. 
 
 If we compare the Northwestern with the Southwestern 
 States we shall find the average value of land in the North- 
 western to be $11 39 per acre ; In the Southwestern $6 26. 
 So the lands of the Southwestern people are worth more per 
 head than those of the Northwestern ; for what they lack in 
 price they more than make up in the number of acres. 
 
 But after all, is the enhanced or high price of land any ad- 
 vantage to the generality of people ? I think not ; no more 
 than the selling of corn at five dollars per bushel would be 
 to the buyer. Where lands are cheap the poor can buy 
 them and every man own his tract of land ; but placed at 
 these enormously high prices, the rich alone can afford to be 
 landholders. 
 
 As regards the superior intelligence of the masses of the 
 people North compared with the masses South, I think that 
 is mainly attributable to the system of trade that has been 
 carried on between the Northern and Southern States, to- 
 gether with, perhaps, the better system with which schools 
 have been conducted in the Free States. It is said that the 
 South, poor as she is, has annually poured into the lap of 
 the North about $230,000,000 This amount of money ex- 
 pended among the Ncf thern people was calculated to make 
 everything flourishing. Their manufactured articles all 
 commanding ready sales, they could, with the proceeds 
 thereof, school their children and do almost anything else 
 they desired, whilst at the South the people, banks, and 
 everything else were languishing under this murderous sys- 
 tem of trade. Had the necessary manufactories been built 
 up at the South, and these $230,000,000 been expended an- 
 nually among the poorer classes there, they too, I presume, 
 
17 
 
 would have been able to educate their children , and busi- 
 ness of every kind would soon have been in a thriving and 
 prosperous condition. But after all, I am inclined to think 
 that the superiority of the Northern people, in a literary 
 point of view, compared with their Southern brethren, is not 
 as great as has commonly been supposed. And as regards 
 morals, I have it from reliable statistics that the religious 
 persons South, according to population, exceed those North 
 nearly in the proportion of two to one. So it seems what 
 they lack in learning, if any, they make up in religion. 
 
 a Large amount of northern - profits derived from 
 southern labor. 
 
 Let the institution of slavery have been what it might, it is 
 evident that the Northern people got the sum and substance of 
 it, while the Southern people got the shadow. The tide of trade 
 had got turned to the North to such a degree thai articles of 
 Southern manufacture would scarcely sell : or at least the 
 Northern was generally prefered as they were thought to be 
 a little cheaper. Capitalists were, therefore afraid to invest 
 their money in these enterprises, for it was evident without 
 the benefit of the Southern trade they could not be sustained. 
 
 1 will give an example of this. There were, in a certain 
 small county in one of the Southern States, (Randolph, 
 North Carolina,) five large and flourishing cotton manufac- 
 tories, all being upon the same water course. These facto- 
 ries turned out large amounts of cloth and thread, but sup- 
 plying none but the home market, they soon became over- 
 stocked with these goods, and in order to find sale for them,, 
 large quantities had to be sent to the Northern markets, 
 principally New York, where they came in competition with 
 the goods of Northern and various European manufacturers. 
 Now, in order to find sale for these goods, they could not be 
 offered at a price higher than the Northern and European 
 eould be bought at. But, the profits of the Southern manu- 
 
 • 2 
 
18 
 
 facturer being materially lessened by the expense of trans- 
 portation, commissions, &c, what do you suppose was the 
 consequence of this murderous system of trade ? Why, . sev- 
 eral of these manufacturing companies soon failed to meet 
 their demands, and some of the stockholders, who not hap- 
 pening to have a surplus of means, had to sell their stock at 
 a reduced price in order to meet their demands. So, with 
 this prospect of things before the Southern people, it is not 
 to be wondered at that they were afraid to risk their capital 
 in manufacturing enterprises. The institution of slavery can- 
 not, I presume, be brought as an argument against the want 
 of success of these factories, because they were all operated 
 exclusively by white hands. Nor* can it be said that the 
 Southern people were not able to sustain them, for they had 
 means in abundance to do this, but these were, generally 
 speaking, sent North. Their failure, then, was simply owing 
 to lack of home patronage. 
 
 But soon after the Northern trade was broken up by our 
 sectional troubles, these same goods advanced in value over 
 500 per cent. Many of the manufacturing companies 
 throughout the South doubled the wages to their hands and 
 still made enormous profits. If this state of things had taken 
 place in time of peace, these enhanced prices would have 
 caused other manufactories to spring up, and thus, in time, 
 these goods, through competition, would have been brought 
 down sufficiently low. Employment would then have been 
 given to our poorer classes, and under these circumstances 
 all would have journeyed on prosperously and happily to- 
 gether. I think we would then have been able to show our 
 Northern brethren that the presence of a few niggers at the 
 South could not keep us from manufacturing nor from doing 
 anything else we wished to do. I desire to see the whole 
 country prosper, both the North and the South, and for this 
 purpose I think they should trade together as far as such 
 trading would be of mutual advantage to each other. But 
 
19 
 
 1 am not in favor of this trade being carried to such an ex- 
 tent as to enrich one section and impoverish the other, and 
 then lav all the fault to the existence of a certain institution 
 in one of the sections, while they themselves received a large 
 amount of their profits from this same institution. I will 
 endeavor to make this a little plainer by giving a fable that 
 very probably the reader is familiar with : 
 
 THE ASS, THE LION AND THE COCK. 
 
 Once upon a time there was a lion that espied an ass at a 
 distance feeding, and having a mind to make his dinner off 
 of her, he began to creep slowly toward the ass, with the 
 intention of making her his prey. But just before he should 
 give the fatal spring the cock crew. The lion, having a 
 great antipathy to the crowing of the cock, turned about and 
 scampered away as fast as possible. The ass, thinking that 
 the lion was fleeing from her, turned and pursued after, and 
 would every now and then feed him in the side with her 
 heels. They kept on thus until the lion got the ass off as 
 far as he desired, when he turned round and accomplished 
 his first desire, which was to make his dinner off of her. 
 
 Even so with the Northern people. Yast Leaps of wealth 
 bavins; concentrated in the Northern States, it has, I fear, 
 caused our Northern brethren to become a little arrogant 
 and presumptions, thinking it was their superior skill and 
 shrewdness that has caused this great concentration of 
 wealth. But in very many instances the source of this same 
 wealth is mainly attributable to the labor of Southern ser- 
 vants, whom so many of our Northern brethren are now 
 chasing with a desire of changing his social position. But 
 even if they succeed, mind you if they too, in the end, like 
 the ass, will not suffer most by it. 
 
 If I had time and space I could trace this subject further 
 and show that the panics that have been occurring in our 
 money markets at the South, at intervals of a few years for 
 
20 
 
 a good many years back, were mainly attributable to the 
 South overtrading with the North and the North over- 
 trading with Europe; but I will leave this part of the sub- 
 ject with the reflecting reader. 
 
 A FEW QUESTIONS TO BE ANSWERED. 
 
 I will here ask the emancipationists a question, and that 
 is, if there be such an advantage in free labor over slave, 
 why does not the people of England, Scotland, Ireland and 
 other countries of Europe enjoy this to the same extent 
 that the people of the Northern States have done ? This 
 question can be easily answered. In the first place the Free 
 States are not so densely populated as those countries ; and 
 in the second place they have not had such a place to trade 
 and draw their supplies from as the Northern - States. But 
 if the South would produce less of the raw material, and be- 
 come to a certain extent a manufacturing people, mind 
 you if the scale would not soon turn. Soon after the dis- 
 covery of the cotton gin, cotton commanding very high 
 prices, the Southern people became alive to producing the 
 raw material. The climate of the North not being adapted 
 to the growing of cotton, they erected the necessary manu- 
 factories and became a manufacturing people. Their goods 
 too commanding high prices, soon increased their capital, 
 which enabled them to build more manufactories. The 
 Northern people having got their manufactories in success- 
 ful operation, it would now be impossible for manufactories 
 to be built up at the South, without affording them some 
 protection in their infancy. And all the protection they 
 would require would be for the Southern people to patron- 
 ize them, let the price be high or low. In time, competition 
 would bring all things right, as has already been stated. 
 
 The people of the Northern States boast of the rapidity 
 with which their new States have grown up. This is owing 
 to the emigration from Europe and other countries. But 
 
21 
 
 when these States shall have become as thickly settled as 
 those European countries, in what particular will they pos- 
 sess an advantage over the people of those countries ? I an - 
 swer ; in nothing, unless they have the benefit of the South- 
 ern trade. 
 
 NUMBER OF PERSONS WHO DO NOT TREAT THEIR SERVANTS 
 WELL COMPARATIVELY SMALL. 
 
 Again, it is argued that servants are not properly and 
 well treated ; that they are kept in the dark and sometimes 
 ill-treated also. This is even so, and I desire to see improve- 
 ment in both cases. 
 
 As regards evil treatment I will admit that there are a 
 few who do not treat their servants well, but the number is 
 small in comparison with those who do treat them well. 
 Would you then bring evil upon the whole race merely be- 
 cause there are a few persons who do do not treat their ser- 
 vants well ? The time never has been, and probably never 
 will be, when, in a population of nearly four millions of peo- 
 ple, whether they be bond or free, that there will not be some 
 acts of violence committed on the weakly and inoffensive. 
 
 But in order to remedy these defects, would you entail 
 evil upon the whole race ? I think not. I will illustrate 
 this by the following : 
 
 Eailroads are known to be great conveniences ; but still 
 accidents occasionally occur upon them which sometimes re- 
 sult in death. Now in order to remedy these evils, you 
 would not do away with the entire railroad system, would 
 you? No, I think not. I think you will readily admit that 
 the good accomplished by them more than overbalances the 
 evil. 
 
 But suppose a servant is harshly treated ; that he has fallen 
 into the hands of a hard taskmaster. In this case let him 
 raise his petition to Christ, who is no respector of persons, 
 and justice will eventually be clone. I have thought if there 
 
22 
 
 be an earthly temple lit for the Spirit of Christ to dwell in 
 that it is a servant who is evily treated. God, in His infi- 
 nite wisdom, did not intend that justice should be meted out 
 in this world. If He had, there would be no need of a judg- 
 ment in the next. Therefore, if the servant evily treated 
 will raise his petition to Him who ruleth on high, it will, I 
 think, in the end be of no disadvantage to him. The hard 
 taskmaster will, in a coming day, stand at the bar of God, 
 there to be judged according to the deeds done in the body, 
 and there will be shown no respect of persons. 
 
 SERVANTS SHOULD BE TAUGHT TO READ. 
 
 I wish to do these people justice throughout, and I, therefore, 
 desire that they should be sent to school, and at least taught 
 to read, so as to be able to read the Scriptures. It has been 
 thought by some emancipationists that such a course would 
 lead to enfranchisement. If it would, I am for it. The soul 
 is evidently of more importance than the body, and should, 
 therefore, be first cared for. I will remark, though, that the 
 best servants I have ever knoAvn were, such as could read, 
 and were religious. It creates a moral worth in them. But 
 still, should such a course lead to enfranchisement, I am for 
 it as aforesaid. They would then be in a fit condition to 
 take care of themselves. But turn them out in their present 
 ignorant condition, and it is feared disastrous consequences 
 would follow. 
 
 MARRIAGE AMONG THE SERVANTS. 
 
 It is also argued that the servants at the South live in 
 open adultery, never having been legally married. 
 
 In answer to this I will say, that a great many are mar- 
 ried after book form ; and they all, so far as my knowledge 
 goes, have their choice in this matter, whether to be married 
 after book form or cohabit under a vow. I will take oc- 
 casion to state here that I believe the essential part of the 
 marriage contract consists in a solemn vow between the par- 
 
23 
 
 ties, and a faithful observance thereof. There being so many 
 different forms of marriage among the various nations of 
 the earth, it is hard to tell which is right. But I am in- 
 clined to think that, where the parties cohabit under a sol- 
 emn vow, and observe it faithfully, whether made privately or 
 publicly, there is no adultery committed. So far as my knowl- 
 edge goes, the servants that cohabit under a vow are fully 
 as faithful to their companions as those who are married af- 
 ter book form, and in both cases they are generally true 
 to their engagements. But still I am for granting the ser- 
 vants their discretion in this matter, and let all that wish to 
 be married after book form do so. Or if it be found more 
 in accordance with the Word and justice of God that they 
 should be married after book form, I am, if you please, in 
 favor of that, and even of compelling all to be thus wedded. 
 Cohabiting under a vow seems to have been peculiar to an- 
 cient days : that of book form or public marriages to mod- 
 ern. So much for marriage among the servants. 
 
 AMALGAMATION. 
 
 Another argument that is frequently brought against the 
 institution of slavery is the amalgamation of the white and 
 black races. It is true this is an evil. But, it is thought, this 
 could be effectually prevented by passing a simple law 
 in reference thereto ; and that is, that all such issues 
 born of white parents on one side, should, as soon as 
 capable of taking care of themselves, or, at farthest, 
 at the age of twenty one years, go out free. In 
 this case, as the owner of servants would not care to raise 
 children who would be of but little or no profit to him, it is to 
 be presumed means would be adopted such as would prevent 
 an increase of this kind among his servants. New cases 
 being thus prevented, the mixed races now on hand would 
 soon become extinct through the largely superior number of 
 pure blacks. As is now the case, amalgamation is most 
 
24 
 
 prevalent in towns and cities ; but it is thought the above 
 would, in a few generations measurably wipe out the whole, 
 and that the negroes would thenceforth be enabled to main- 
 tain their original purity. 
 
 SLAVERY THE CAUSE OF THE WAR. 
 
 Another argument that is brought against Slavery is, that 
 it is the cause of the present war, and should therefore be 
 abolished. I think in this case our duty as philanthropists, 
 should be to study their case and place them in the position 
 in which they would be most comfortable and happy, and 
 then let the people of each section conform thereto. 
 
 BUYING AND SELLING- SERVANTS. 
 
 Again : It is argued that servants should not be bought 
 and sold, and thus parted from families and relatives. This 
 does seem hard ; and unless some one else were more in favor 
 of it than I am there would be but few bought and sold, 
 I assure you. But the principle at last tends to transfer 
 them from a poorer section to one more fertile and congenial; 
 and I doubt not many changes have thus been made by 
 which the condition of servants were bettered, which was 
 not apparent at the time. Thus, I am credibly informed, 
 that in the Southern and Southwestern States a servant fre- 
 <.juetit^y makes for himself a bale of cotton in the time given 
 him, which he appropriates to his own private purposes. In 
 a less fertile section, probably in the one from whence he 
 came, he could not do this. This age is one of emigration 
 any way, and how often do we see members of a white fam- 
 ily scattered into almost as many States as there are mem- 
 bers ! 
 
 As regards parting a man and wife, and small children 
 from their parents, I am utterly opposed to that. I will 
 remark, though, that in a sojourn at the South of over 
 twenty years, I have known but very few cases where a man 
 and wife were parted. There is a disposition among the 
 
20 
 
 people to keep them together as much as possible. But I 
 would be glad to see laws passed at the South to prohibit a 
 man and wife from being separated under any and all cir- 
 cumstances, and such is now the case in some of the States. 
 
 FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW. 
 
 Another argument which is frequently brought against 
 the institution of slavery — or rather against the rendition of 
 fugitive slaves, which in substance is the same thing — is 
 found at Deut. xxiii, 15, 16: " Thou shalt not deliver unto 
 his master his servant which has escaped from his master 
 unto thee ; he shall dwell with thee, even among you in that 
 place which he shall choose in one of the gates where it 
 liketh him best : thou shalt not oppress him." 
 
 The above text is capable of a two-fold interpretation : 
 First, that the Hebrews were the only people permitted to 
 own servants. This is verified by their being commanded 
 not to deliver up fugitive servants, they being supposed to 
 have escaped from some of the heathen nations round about. 
 Second, that, as they were commanded not to deliver up 
 these servants, and at the same time were not commanded 
 to interpose so as to keep their masters from recovering 
 them, the text merely means non-interference or neutrality. 
 
 I will illustrate this by the following : We will say your 
 ox strays off and gets over on your neighbor's plantation. 
 You miss him and go and search for him, and when you have 
 found him, bring him home without, perhaps, your neighbor 
 knowing that he had been there ; he does not deliver him to 
 you. 
 
 But if your ox go and get in your neighbor's corn, and 
 he put him up in a stall and send you word, and when 
 you come, he should then show and deliver him unto you, 
 this might be called delivering. Even so in this case. 
 You cannot deliver a servant unto his master unless you are 
 instrumental in his recovery. It would seem that a servant 
 
> 
 
 26 
 
 escaping from his master and seeking refuge in a foreign 
 land would be apt to have some just cause for so doing. In 
 this case it would now be very cruel in you to hunt down 
 this servant and be instrumental in any way in again placing 
 him in bondage under his former taskmaster. But if you 
 remain still, and do nothing, neither the one way nor the 
 other, then is the case very different. 
 
 It is also argued that the servants should be emancipated, 
 and if the whites need their services let them hire them and 
 pay them wages therefor. The probability is, if they were 
 emancipated their labor could not be commanded, not even 
 for money, or at least not regularly enough for farm pur- 
 poses ; for experience has generally proven that where they 
 have been emancipated they soon get to be like bees when 
 transported to the Island of Cuba — soon cease to work to 
 much advantage, as already stated. It is, therefore, to be 
 presumed that both themselves and cotton fields would soon 
 languish under immediate and thorough emancipation. It 
 should also be borne in mind that the relations existing be- 
 tween a master and his servant are quite different from those 
 existing between the same person and a hired servant. In 
 the one case he is considered and treated as a member of the 
 family ; in the other, but little regard is manifested for him 
 after receiving his wages, and he is able to obtain but few 
 favors — only such as he can purchase with his money — 
 which in many instances are fewer than those the bond ser- 
 vant enjoys. 
 
 I will here ask the question how much does the richest 
 man in New York get for taking care of his riches ? I an- 
 swer, only what he eats, drinks, and wears. " But they that 
 will be rich fall into temptation and a snare, and into many 
 foolish and hurtful lusts, which drown men in destruction 
 and perdition." Therefore, if thou hast food and raiment, 
 therewith be content. 
 
27 
 
 COMPARISON. 
 
 I will now treat of this subject in comparison : 
 In order to show the effect that religion, light, and the in- 
 fluence that the white man has had on these people, I will 
 give a brief biographical sketch of 
 
 A NEGRO PREACHER. 
 
 A good many years ago there resided in the county of 
 Moore, North Carolina, a negro whose name was Ealph. He 
 professed religion early in life, and it was soon discovered 
 that he had a gift for the ministry. By assiduous study he 
 soon became learned and mighty in the Scriptures. The church 
 to which he belonged, seeing that he was likely to be useful, 
 contributed, bought, and gave him his freedom. Taking the 
 name of his master, he was known thereafter as Ealph Free- 
 man. He formed an acquaintance with a Baptist minister 
 of the name of McGee. They soon became very intimate, 
 and traveled and preached much together. At length they 
 made an agreement that whoever died first the other should 
 preach his funeral. Soon after this McGee removed to Ala- 
 bama, where, after several years, he died, leaving his friend 
 Ealph still surviving. In his will he left Ealph his horse, 
 bridle and saddle, overcoat, Bible, and fifty dollars in money, 
 and requested that he should be informed of his decease ; 
 which was accordingly done, and, by agreement, a time set 
 for the preaching of the funeral. A few weeks before the 
 appointed time Ealph, now grey-headed and well stricken 
 in years, set out on his long journey to fulfil the pledge that 
 he had made with his white brother many years before. He 
 reached his place of destination in due time. It being a 
 novel thing that a colored preacher should come from North 
 Carolina to Alabama to preach a funeral, a vast concourse 
 of people assembled on the occasion. To use Ealph's own 
 words, " the whole land of Judea and region round about 
 had come out to hear him." He said, the assemblage of peo- 
 
28 
 
 pie being so large, he feared he would not be able to realize 
 their expeetations. But he said he had not preached far be- 
 fore every bone in the old negro felt like preaching. His 
 discourse was well received, and after services a collection 
 was taken up, and $100 contributed for his benefit. Thus 
 we see what effect light and religion has on these people. 
 
 Contrast the above with the following, or negro at home, 
 by M . Jules Gerard, which you may find in the Philadelphia 
 Inquirer, of September 7th, 1868 : 
 
 THE KING OF DAHOMEY. 
 
 The following letter has been received by the Duke of 
 Wellington from the celebrated lion-hunter, M. Jules Gerard : 
 
 " Monsieur le Due — Your Grace is well aware that few men gain by being 
 seen close, unless they are men of intellect and merit. The King of Daho- 
 mey, despite his cognomen, which signifies the ' Eternal,' or the 'Infinite,' 
 fully justifies that rule, to which he is no exception. Physically he is 
 similar to the other blacks of his country, tall, well built, a head like a 
 bull dog. The most usual expression of his countenance is that of cunning 
 and cruelty. His moral qualities are in perfect keeping with his physical 
 conformation ; he is more gracious than the Kings who have preceded him, 
 fanatical for old traditions and customs. The traditions of that microscopic 
 court are to turn the whites to the best possible account (exploiter lea blancs,) 
 but especially to induce them to make presents. It is the custom to excite 
 the people with sanguinary spectacles, so as to be able to carry off the 
 neighboring population when a slave dealer makes an offer to the King, 
 and also at the annual custom of human sacrifices. 
 
 I have just spent twenty days at Kana, where the King was staying for 
 the celebration of the lesser ceremonies. On the day of my presentation I 
 was conducted across the market place, where twelve corpses were ex- 
 posed to view on separate sites. Six were hung up by the feet ; the six 
 others were upright, like men about to walk. Those whom I saw close 
 were horribly mutilated and not beheaded. An enormous pool of blood 
 covered the ground beneath the scaffold, giving unmistakable evidence of 
 previous sacrifices and of the tortures which accompanied them. Our re- 
 ception by the king was brilliant, very cordial for myself as well as for the 
 French Consul ; but we were soon able to convince ourselves that this was 
 but a comedy always performed by this poor Paladin to get the presents 
 brought by the whites. Born and brought up in the midst of these spec- 
 tacles, which would be ridiculous if they were not horrible, the present 
 
29 
 
 King is actually more fond of them than his subjects, I saw him on thai 
 day admiring with the delight of a child the grotesque dances and ridicu- 
 lous pantomime of his ministers, and then of the princes, and then of all 
 present, for our amusement. 
 
 A most infernal music, which nearty deafened us, delighted the King, 
 who seemed to he in a state of ecstacy, and this, M. le Due, lasted for six 
 hours. On the following day his Majesty invited us to witness a proces- 
 sion of the King's riches. On reaching the square of the Palace ("red hutsj 
 an agreeable surprise had been prepared for us. The entrance gate was 
 flooded by a pool of blood two yards in width, and on each side a column 
 of recently decapitated heads formed two immense chaplets. It is true 
 that on this day the King wore the emblem of Christ on his breast. It 
 must be presumed that it was the cross of execution that he meant to imply 
 by this ornament. As regards the procession of his wealth, it consisted of 
 a few old carriages, bath chairs carried by men with figures like Poliehi- 
 nello. One thousand women carried each a bottle of liquor on her head ; 
 a brass basin in the shape of a foot-bath to receive the blood of the human 
 victims on the day of the King's banquet ; an image of the Virgin ; vari- 
 ous basketsfull of human skulls ; an image of St. Lawrence, as large as 
 life, carried by blacks ; finally the drum of death. 
 
 At another festival the King commanded on foot his Amazons, who 
 manoeuvred with the precision of a flock of sheep. On the market place, 
 already mentioned, each step was ornamented by a dead body ; and the 
 King came and went in the midst of pools of blood and fragments of human 
 flesh in a state of putrifaetion. On this occasion he had daubed his face 
 with coal. The ceremony terminated with a mad dance, in which the 
 King took part, dancing vis-a-vis to drunken soldiers and musicians. Such 
 are, M. le Due, the man, the Government and the people whom we have 
 hitherto hoped to turn into a path less contrary to the laws of humanity. 
 I regret that Captain Burton should have arrived at Kana just at the mo- 
 ment of the King's departure, as he might have been enabled to see and judge 
 of all these things. 
 
 I am, M le Due, your most obedient servant, 
 
 Jules Gerard. 
 
 P. S. — On the day of his departure the King invited us to a review of his 
 army prepared for war. It was from 12,000 to 15,000 strong, comprising 
 12,000 Amazons, 1,000 men of the body-giiard, and 2,000 archers." 
 
 We are informed that the Philistines, upon a certain occa- 
 sion, became masters of the Ark of the Lord, but whilst it 
 was in their possession they were sorely smitten, and could 
 have no peace until the same was returned from whence it 
 came. Even so with the servants. If their being subordi- 
 
/ 
 
 80 
 
 nate to the whites were wrong it seems they should be re- 
 turned to Africa from whence they came, even to the do- 
 minions of King Dahomey. But who is it that says the 
 condition of servants would be bettered by such a transpo- 
 sition ? 
 
 MORALITY OF THE FREE BLACKS AT THE NORTH AND 
 SOUTHERN" SERVANTS COMPARED. 
 
 In 1850, while there was one colored convict in the peni 
 tentiary of Massachusetts for every 192 of her free colored 
 population, there was only one in every 10,000 of the ser- 
 vants at the South in prison. (I here select Massachusetts 
 for a parallel, because the negroes there have enjoyed free- 
 dom longer than those of any other State. In some of the 
 other free States crime among the free blacks is even greater 
 than among those of Massachusetts.) But, says one, they are 
 governed and kept in their places by their masters, so that it 
 is not often they are imprisoned, only for some heinous of- 
 fence. This is even so ; and from it we would infer that 
 some special government was needed for the free blacks 
 North, in order to reduce the enormous amount of crime 
 now existing among them to at least a respectable figure. 
 
 In Massachusetts there is only 1 in every 109 of her popu- 
 lation free negroes. So the proportion being so small, they 
 do not make any great impression on. Society. But suppose 
 they all be emancipated at the South and remain among the 
 whites, where in some of the States the number of negroes 
 exceeds the whites, and that they in a few years should be- 
 come thirteen times as immoral, as the whites, what do you 
 think would then be the condition of society there ? Consider 
 the matter coolly and deliberately, my reader, and give me a 
 calm, dispassionate answer. 
 
 But, any person that has traveled at the South, and no- 
 ticed things for himself, has doubtless observed that the ser- 
 vants are, generally speaking, a very moral, contented, and 
 happy people, and very many religious also. 
 
31 
 
 FORMER AND PRESENT CONDITION OF EMANCIPATED 
 SERVANTS COMPARED. 
 
 I will now give the experience of some of the latel} 7 eman- 
 cipated servants : 
 
 One of these, a negro man, told me in the streets of New- 
 bern, that he was not as free now as he was before he came into 
 the Federal lines. And also that he fared better particularly 
 in sickness, for, said he, when I got sick I had some person 
 to bring medicine out to me ; but it is not so now. 
 
 I do not mention this in disparagement to the Federal 
 authorities ; for I, doubt not, they have taken as good 
 care of these people as they could possibly do under 
 existing circumstances. When we take into consideration 
 the magnitude of our sectional troubles, and disturbed con- 
 dition of the country, our great wonder is that they have 
 been able to do as well by them as they have. 
 
 ANOTHER CASE. 
 
 A woman that formerly belonged to a gentleman who 
 owned some three hundred of these people, said she fared 
 better and was better contented before obtaining her free- 
 dom than she had been since. This woman was a hired ser- 
 vant at the house at which I boarded for several weeks 
 whilst in TNewbern. At length, the number of the lady's 
 boarders not justifying her in keeping so many servants, 
 she was dismissed, and without means and without employ- 
 ment thrown upon the world to beat her way through life's 
 uneven way as best she could. ''Without means and with- 
 out employment" will, I fear, be a frequent cry raised by 
 these people. 
 
 ANOTHER CASE. 
 
 I will now give the experience of an old colored person 
 with whom I conversed, at the market-house, in this city, 
 but a few days ago. He said, a good many years ago, his 
 
82 
 
 master, living in South Carolina, emancipated himself and 
 family, consisting of his wife and seven children — four sons 
 and three daughters — and gave them money to bear 
 their expenses to a free State. He said at first he 
 hailed this change with much joy, as he expected to get 
 aid from his children ;■ but they had all scattered off, his 
 Wife was now dead, and he was dependent on his own labor 
 for support, and now, being very old, he was ill able to 
 labor. I asked him which situation he would prefer, to be 
 back with his master, or live the way he was now living ? 
 He said his master was a good and kind man, and if he was 
 now back with him he would never consent to leave him 
 again. Said he, I then had some time to rest, but I have 
 none now. 
 
 If we contrast the present condition of the servants in the 
 cases just mentioned with their former condition, and take 
 their own word as evidence, how does the matter stand? 
 
 I will here remark that I have taken but little pains to in 
 form myself on this subject, having conversed with proba- 
 bly not more than a half-dozen relative thereto, some of 
 whom (I recollect definitely but one) said they were better 
 satisfied since obtaining their freedom than before. These 
 were mostly young, hearty laborers who were then working 
 at good wages. Whether this state of things will continue 
 after the war shall have subsided, and business become stag- 
 nant, and particularly after old age shall have set in, I am 
 unable to say. We will, though, take it for granted that 
 what has proven true in a few cases will in very nearly all 
 similarly situated. 
 
 I will here ask the question, if these servants who have 
 tried both modes of living say they were better oft' and 
 lived more comfortably in their former than latter condition, 
 how is it that the emancipationists, who know but compar- 
 atively little of the institution of slavery any way, should 
 know so much better what suits them best than the servants 
 do themselves ? 
 
33 
 
 THE CONDITION OF BOND SERVANTS AND FREE PERSONS 
 OF COLOR AT THE SOUTH CONTRASTED. 
 
 Near where I resided, in North Carolina, there lived a 
 family Of free negroes, which consisted of a man' and his 
 wife and one or two children, the remaining children hav- 
 ing scattered off and left them. They had a very snug 
 little tract of land, but in the course of time they be- 
 came embarrassed and had to pawn their land for money. 
 They are now old and well stricken in years and ill able to 
 labor. So their creditor could, I presume, any time he saw 
 proper to push his debt, have them turned out of doors. 
 Here, then, would be two fit subjects for public charity, 
 such as, I presume, you could not find among the whole 
 population of servants at the South. (I call them servants 
 because I hate the name slave. The word slave is a borrow- 
 ed term and should not be used.) Contrast the condition of 
 the members of this family with bond servants of a like age, 
 where they are under the protection of a kind, humane man 
 as a master, and where they have servants to labor for them 
 in their declining years, and tell me which you think is most 
 happy. 
 
 The above family were the only free persons of color that 
 lived immediately in my section, so I cannot be accused of 
 being partial in selecting a case. 
 
 ANOTHER COMPARISON. 
 
 Again — it is argued by some that liberty is an inherent 
 right ; that we therefore have no right to deprive any peo. 
 pie of their liberty, not even if their condition be bettered 
 thereby. I will illustrate this by the following comparison, 
 though simple, yet it will do to illustrate the point in ques- 
 tion. 
 
 All will doubtless admit that the horse fares better in a do- 
 mestic state than he would in his natural, or wild state where 
 
 he could roam about at pleasure. Now, if these domestic 
 3 
 
r 
 
 84 
 
 animals were liberated and turned out to shift for themselves, 
 they would soon become subject to great want and suffering j 
 and as a consequence, would pine away and die. Now, no 
 person, I presume would argue, that for the sake of giving 
 these brutes their liberty, this should be done. Even so with 
 the negro. Though he does not need the fostering care of 
 the white man to the same extent that the horse does, yet it 
 is evident that he does to a certain degree, from the fact that 
 he thrives better with it than without it. 
 
 ANOTHER COMPARISON. 
 
 The most menial services is, in many instances, the em- 
 ployment of free persons of color. 
 
 A few days back, as I was passing along E street, I heard 
 a popping, banging and thrashing ahead of me, which I 
 could not for my life conceive what it meant. Upon drawing 
 nearer I discovered that it was a party of about a dozen ne- 
 groes engaged dusting a carpet, each one with his stick lay- 
 ing on lustily. Then it seems if they be emancipated and 
 allowed to remain among the whites, the most menial of ser- 
 vices, more degrading than farm labor, would be their employ- 
 ment, and what is most to be feared is, they would not always 
 get even enough of that to do. And if freed and put off to 
 themselves, there would be danger of their going into bar- 
 barism and decay. Contrast their condition with that of bond 
 servants, where they have plenty of work to do, plenty to 
 eat, drink and wear, are kindly treated, and in old age well 
 cared for. 
 
 ANOTHER COMPARISON AND THE LAST. 
 
 In conversation with emancipationists upon this subject, I 
 have frequently been interrogated " how would you like to be 
 a slave ?" I will answer this by the following : 
 
 Suppose the Mayor of New York should propose to one 
 of the merchant princes of that city to make him a police- 
 
35 
 
 man. The person thus addressed would doubtless take it as 
 an insult. But were he to propose to one of the Irish labo- 
 rers of the city to make him a policeman, he would doubt- 
 less accept the position gladly. The reason of the difference 
 is obvious, because the employment which would be a deg- 
 redation to the one, offers promotion and dignity to the 
 other. In like manner, Slavery, to an individual of the An- 
 glo-Saxon race, which occupies so high a rank in human 
 estimation, would be a debasement not to be thought of with 
 patience for a moment. And yet to the Guinea negro sunk / 
 in heathen barbarism, it would be a happy change to place 
 hrrii in the hands of a kind Southern master. 
 
 If men would reflect maturely on the subject, they would 
 soon be convinced that liberty is a blessing to those, and k 
 only those, who are able to use it wisely. I will illustrate 
 this by the following : 
 
 All waters are to a greater or less extent inhabited by 
 fish. Even the waters of the mighty deep, although they 
 are so salt that we can scarcely taste thereof, and much 
 less support life therewith, are yet inhabited by im- 
 mense multitudes of great and small fishes. Now, suppose 
 we should conceive the idea, as fresh water is more agreeable 
 to our taste, that the fish of the sea would also thrive better 
 therein, and should transport some of them from thence to 
 some fresh water course, what would be the consequence ? 
 Why they would soon pine away and die. The sea is their 
 natural element, and before removing them from thence it 
 would be well for us to work upon them and change their 
 natures, so as to make them conform to the new element, 
 and if we fail to do this it would then be best for us to let 
 them remain where they are. You will doubtless admit 
 this. 
 
 I will here compare the servants at the South to the 
 fishes of the sea. Whether or not they occupy their 
 natural position, certain it is that it is one in which they 
 
36 
 
 have prospered more than any other in which they have 
 ever yet been placed. Therefore, before changing their 
 social position, we should first change their nature so as 
 to make them conform to the new element. We need not 
 argue that they should first be placed in the new element as 
 they are, and let them conform thereto, for this experiment has 
 been tried over and over again — the results of which I pre- 
 sume are generally known ; and if we now try the ex- 
 periment again under similar circumstances, similar results 
 will be apt to follow. Therefore, before placing them in this 
 new element their nature should first be changed and made to 
 conform thereto ; and if after a fair trial we fail to do this, I 
 think you will admit that they had best remain as they are, 
 after correcting the evils of servitude as much as possible. 
 
 I know the word master sounds badly to a great many — 
 even to myself. I am therefore for consulting the interest 
 of servants exclusively in this matter, and am for continuing 
 them in servitude or not, according as their interest require. 
 If this is not doing as we would be done by, I should like 
 to know what is. 
 
 SOME MISCELLANEOUS ARGUMENTS — PEOBABLE EFFECT OF 
 EMANCIPATION. 
 
 A few words to emancipationists and I will soon conclude 
 this already very lengthy article. As sensible men I beg 
 you to pause and reflect, and consider well what you are do- 
 ing. Listen to the words of one who has at heart the best 
 interest of these people, ere perhaps a nation may be invol- 
 ved in irretrievable ruin. Have any of you proven that the 
 negro would be better off emancipated than where he now 
 is, under the protection of a good .and kind man as a master. 
 No, my friends, you have not done it ; you cannot do it. 
 And unless you can prove from the Scriptures,* and from 
 
 * If it could be clearly demonstrated that the condition of servants 
 would be bettered by emancipation I believe it would be but little trouble 
 to bring about general emancipation at the South. And it seems this 
 
37 
 
 countries where emancipation has already taken place, that 
 his condition would thereby be bettered, why do you wish 
 to try the experiment on so large a scale ? Before striking 
 to free more of these people I would advise you to do some- 
 thing for those already freed and in your midst. It has al- 
 ready been shown that crime among the free negroes of 
 Massachusetts, the State where they enjoyed freedom longer 
 than those of any other State, is over thirteen times as great 
 as among her white inhabitants. So if you desire to do 
 something for these people, here is a field open for you. I 
 will endeavor to make this plainer by the following illus- 
 tration : 
 
 We will say that a master- workman gives an apprentice 
 a job of work to do, and he instead of,doing it well bungles 
 over it in some way, or perhaps does a part of it wrong. He 
 then applies to his master for more work. Does he give it 
 to him ? No, he tells him to go and do well the work ihat 
 he gave him before, and he would then give him more. 
 Even so in this case. Before you desire more work, first do 
 well what you have on hand and you shall then have more. 
 
 Again : It is the belief of certain of your sect (emanci- 
 pationists) that thorough abolition would tend to the exter- 
 mination of the black race ; that they would vanish under 
 it as did the Indians from the presence of the white man. I 
 have heard these words with my own ears ; so I cannot be 
 mistaken in making the assertion. Is this your belief also ? 
 If it is, I would advise you to desist. I don't believe God 
 requires any such work at your hands. I don't believe He 
 requires of you to sacrifice 1,000,000 human beings in order 
 to place in the road for extermination 4,000,000 others. I 
 positively do not envy the man his happiness that would ad- 
 vocate emancipation with such a belief as this. 
 
 should be the first step taken in the matter. So far as the people are con- 
 cerned it is not so much the loss of their servants that causes them to op- 
 pose emancipationists, for a great many would voluntarily give them up 
 if they thought they would be bettered by the change. 
 
3S 
 
 The negro is as yet but a child in intellect. I there- 
 fore think it should be our duty as Christian people to 
 treat them kindly, and place them in whatever position they 
 thrive best. I think the white race at least owes them that 
 much ; for they were stolen from their homes in Africa and 
 forced here against their will. Therefore, as we have plenty 
 of room for them, and they can also occupy a useful position 
 in society, why exterminate the poor creatures ? 
 
 It is, though, to be presumed that the above is a mere ex- 
 ception to the general rule, and that by far the larger por- 
 tion of emancipationists inculcate their doctrine of univer- 
 sal freedom purely through philanthropic motives. But 
 they have read Uncle Tom's Cabin and plaj^ed it in 
 their theatres away up North, until, in my opinion, they 
 have formed many erroneous ideas concerning this institu- 
 tion. 
 
 MR. HELPER'S ERROR. 
 
 Again : If the owning of servants be such a monster of an 
 evil, how is it that so few persons South, where they of all 
 others have the best opportunities of seeing and judging for 
 themselves, have been found to raise their voices against it ? 
 We have, I presume, some as great philanthropists South 
 as can be found anywhere else, and if this had been such a 
 crime as is frequently represented, it seems that some of 
 these would have come out and spoke against it. It is true 
 a few have done this, and prominent among them was Mr. 
 Helper, of North Carolina. But it is to be presumed that 
 to better the condition of these people was not the object he 
 had in view ; as I have it from good authority that he hated 
 negroes. The white man, then, seems to have been the 
 object of his pseudo-philanthropy ! 
 
 But suppose his object had been accomplished thoroughly — 
 that all the servants had been emancipated — do you suppose 
 the condition of the white man would have been bettered 
 
39 
 
 thereby ? No ; never a whit, as long as the South continued 
 to overtrade to the North. He would then have found that 
 he had been striking upon the wrong string altogether. For 
 even if the servants had been emancipated, our merchants 
 would still have continued to trade North as long as they 
 could buy goods a few cents cheaper ; and while this state 
 of affairs continued how could manufactories have been built 
 up at the South? For the Northern people having got their 
 manufactories in successful operation, and having the chan- 
 nel of trade turned thither, and also, selling such quantities, 
 and running but little or no risk to effect sales for lack of 
 custom, could, under these circumstances, sell cheaper than the 
 Southern people. It was, therefore, to the advantage of 
 the Southern merchant to trade North; but it would, in the 
 end, have been to the advantage of the people and com- 
 munity at large to have had at least a portion of these goods 
 manufactured and vended at the South, even if they had for 
 the time being been some higher. For I hold if I buy 
 your corn, cotton, flour, &c, that you could then afford to 
 buy of me my manufactured articles. By reciprocal trade 
 the prices on both sides would soon be properly regulated. 
 Therefore, to have a universally happy and prosperous 
 country, all sections must produce as many of the necessary 
 articles of home consumption as possible. Having some- 
 what digressed from the subject I will now return to it again. 
 
 WERE ALL MEN CREATED EQUAL? 
 
 I expect to adduce a few arguments to prove that all men 
 were not created or born equal, and that the negro is an in- 
 ferior species of the human race. But, even taking it for 
 granted that they were not created equal, and that the negro 
 is an inferior race, I, by no means, consider this a justifiable 
 excuse for reducing them to bondage to serve a superior 
 race, provided their pleasures and enjoyments of life would 
 thereby be curtailed. I think, in this case, they should be 
 
40 
 
 looked upon with commiseration, and that it would be our 
 duty as philanthropists to do something to elevate and better 
 their condition, rather than to pounce upon them and sink 
 them still lower in the scale of human existence, merely be- 
 cause nature happened to do a little more for us than it did 
 for them. My only plea then, for retaining these people a 
 day longer in servitude, is that, under existing circumstan- 
 ces, I don't think their condition would be bettered by 
 changing their social position. I am for first applying 
 to them the anointing oil of learning and Christianity ; and, 
 whenever it shall have been clearly demonstrated that they 
 are in a fit condition to take care of themselves, I am then 
 for their going out free. 
 
 But if, after exhausting these means, it should be dis- 
 covered that they had not made proper advances in the sci- 
 ences and civilization, we might then fairly infer that God 
 never intended that they should be placed on a level with 
 the Caucasian or white race. I will now point out some of 
 the principal features wherein the white and black races 
 differ : 
 
 1st. They are born different anatomically considered. The 
 white infant at birth has its brain enclosed by fifteen disuni- 
 ted bony plates. The negro infant is born with a hard, 
 smooth, round head, like a gourd. The head of the negro 
 infant is also smaller than that of the white. 
 
 2nd. The negro is a prognathos species of the human race, 
 i. e. have receding foreheads. Prognathos is a technical 
 term derived from pro, before, and gnathos, the jaws, indica- 
 ting that the muzzle or mouth is anterior to the brain. 
 
 I could multiply these differences to a much greater extent, 
 but think I have mentioned enough to prove conclusively 
 that they do differ anatomically considered, and this differ- 
 ence too is of such a character as to indicate inferior intel- 
 lectual endowments on the part of the black race. As a 
 farther evidence of this, they thrive better in a state of ser- 
 
41 
 
 vitude than in any other position in which thej have ever 
 yet been placed. Where the fetters of the white man have 
 been broken they have, generally speaking, appreciated their 
 liberties, and made advances in the arts, sciences, civiliza- 
 tion and literature. But where the fetters of the black man 
 have been broken they have, generally speaking, (I wish I 
 could say otherwise,) made a retrograde movement, and 
 started back for savagism, barbarism and mental decay. 
 
 Again. It appears singular that the words of Mr. Jeffer- 
 son in the Declaration of Independence, " That all men were 
 created equal," should be made to date back and apply as an 
 interpretation of the Scriptures written by inspiration thou- 
 sands and thousands of years before. No such doctrine is 
 inculcated in the Scriptures, and it cannot be found within the 
 lids of theBible that all men were created equal, such an idea 
 being wholly of human origin. 
 
 In conclusion I would say, as certain emancipationists and 
 philanthropists will probably differ with me in the views 
 herein set forth, that I have written what I have solely as a duty, 
 I think, I owe to my God, my country and my countrymen. 
 And, as regards the colored people, I presume there is no 
 person, neither North nor South, who has their interest at 
 heart more than I ; I sincerely wish them well. Therefore, 
 before condemning what I have written relative thereto, I 
 hope you will give the subject your careful consideration, 
 and, if we still differ, let us differ honestly, and appeal to a 
 decision of the people at the ballot box to say who is in the 
 right. 
 
 THE TERRITORIAL QUESTION. 
 
 As the agitation of the slavery question, in connection 
 with the territorial question, has had much to do in produ- 
 cing our present unhappy state of affairs, I deem it expedi- 
 ent to make a few remarks relative thereto. 
 
 The institution of slavery at the South was safe, and pro- 
 
 y 
 
42 
 
 tected in the States where it existed ; and already the South- 
 ern people had more than twice as much laud per head as 
 the Northern people, as I will show before I get through. 
 And more than this, the Missouri compromise line would 
 have given them far more than their just proportion of the 
 Territories, for rightly apportioned there was only about 
 one-fifth part of the Territories coming to the Southern peo- 
 ple. But, not satisfied with this, thinking that Cotton was 
 King, their politicians thought they could sway things as 
 they pleased. (I presume they will find by the time these 
 sectional troubles are ended that Cotton is not King.) So, 
 by their machinations and thirst after power and revolution, 
 they managed to bring about a repeal of the Missouri Com- 
 promise, with the ostensible purpose of carrying slavery into 
 the Territories whithersoever they desired, thinking, it 
 seems, that they had a right to do as they pleased in this 
 matter, without consulting the non-slaveholders of the North 
 and the South. 
 
 In order to make this plainer I have made some calcula- 
 tions thereon, which are herewith submitted. 
 
 The population of the North in 1860 was 18,834,956.— 
 The population of the South was 12,254,849. The area of 
 the Northern States embraces 612,597 square miles — 392,- 
 062,080 acres. This divided by 18,834,956 will give a little 
 over 20|- acres to each person at the North. 
 
 The area of the Southern States embraces 851,508 square 
 miles— 554,965,120 acres. This divided by 12,254,849 will 
 give a little over 44i acres to each person at the South. So, 
 before dividing the Territories, I think the North should 
 nave been made equal, or have had 23 J acres thrown into 
 each inhabitant, so as to make her count 44J acres to each 
 person ; then have divided the remainder according to ra- 
 tio of population. Let us see how this calculation will 
 figure. 18,834,956 multiplied by 23§ will give 442,621,466 
 acres, equal to 691,596 square miles, that must first be as- 
 
signed the North before the South should receive any more 
 territory. This amount taken from 1,492,061 square miles, 
 the amount now embraced in the Territories, will leave 800, 
 465 square miles to be divided between the North and the 
 South. This would be in the proportion of about 1J to the 
 North and 1 to the South. Divided though accurately it 
 would give 315,523 square miles to the South and 484,942 
 to the North ; or, summing up the whole according to the 
 plan already mentioned, the North would receive of the 
 Territories 1,176,538 square miles ; the South 315,523 square 
 miles. These lands divided in this way would give to each 
 person North and South, with what they now have, about 
 60f acres. I will endeavor to make this some plainer. 
 
 The whole area of the Territories divided into States 
 would make thirty of about the size of North Carolina. Of 
 these the South would receive a little over six ; the North 
 the remainder. There would then be to each man, woman, 
 and child, North and South, black and white, about 60|- 
 acres of land as aforesaid. Therefore I think such a divi- 
 sion would have been fair and just to both sections. 
 
 The people of England, Wales, Scotland, aad Ireland 
 have on an average a little less than three acres of land each. 
 Those of Belgium, which I believe is the most densely pop- 
 ulated country on the globe, have a little less than two. 
 Were the United States settled as thickly as England, 
 Wales, Scotland, and Ireland, instead of a population of 31,- 
 000,000, we would have one of over 662,000,000 ; and were 
 they settled as thickly as Belgium we would have a popu- 
 lation of over 957,000,000. From these figures you may see 
 that we had only made a beginning towards developing our 
 vast resources. 
 
 In order that I may not be misunderstood I will remark 
 that I am not for giving the North the amount of land men- 
 tioned in order to make her count numerically equal with 
 the South, but let them be divided according to the plan al- 
 
44 
 
 ready given, and let the people of each section pay into the 
 Treasury the market value thereof as they are taken up. 
 
 I will further state that the 315,523 square miles falling 
 to the South should be subdivided into slave and free terri- 
 tory after the following plan: Let the people at the South 
 all vote and represent their respective families whether they 
 would have their portion of these Territories slave or free. 
 Thus, if a man have a wife and ten children let his vote 
 count numerically twelve. If he have a wife, ten children, 
 and twenty servants, let his vote count numerically thirty- 
 two. Thus the business would be so arranged that by all 
 the people voting the number of votes cast would be equal 
 to the whole number of people at the South, bond and free, 
 (12,254,849.) I am aware that many people at the South 
 would vote for free territory, and I think they have as good 
 a right so to vote as the slaveholders have to vote for. slave 
 territory, and thus scatter slavery over every foot of South- 
 ern soil. I think it is of no advantage neither to the ser- 
 vants nor their owners to scatter them over such a large ex- 
 panse of country, but rather the reverse. 
 
 If the slaveholders were allowed to represent their ser- 
 vants numerically, they ought to be satisfied therewith, and 
 I think they would be. The portion of the Territories that 
 would thus fall to the South would average a little over six- 
 teen acres to each individual ; and I think the non-slave- 
 holder should have the same right to say that his portion 
 shall be free territory that the slaveholder has to say that 
 his portion shall be slave territory. I not only think this 
 plan fair and just, but that it should have been inaugurated 
 sooner, even soon after the admission of Texas, and let that 
 State have been divided into slave and free territory, had 
 the people of the South seen fit to do so. I think in this 
 division the black race should be represented to their full 
 numerical value ; for, though they are black, it takes as 
 much land to support a black man as it does a white man, 
 
45 
 
 and I therefore think they should receive their full distribu- 
 tive share thereof. 
 
 I think the territorial and slavery questions should be 
 settled, and settled permanently. Have no more voting 
 upon them. At these elections, when a State is to be ad. 
 mitted into the Union, with or without slavery, as the case 
 may be, there is always too much excitement at them, too 
 apt to be blood spilt ; and the excitement thus got up ex- 
 tends throughout both sections; and it is not to be wondered 
 at that much trouble should have grown out thereof. There- 
 fore, let this danger be avoided in the future by settling these 
 questions fairly, permanently, and forever. Had the South- 
 ern people struck for a compromise upon some such terms 
 as the foregoing, I have not a doubt but the business might 
 have been settled fairly and permanently. But, instead of 
 doing this, they have come out under the protection of State 
 laws, and have assailed the best government the world ever 
 saw. Our Government, though good, had some defects in 
 it ; but it should have been our duty to remedy these de- 
 fects, and not have disrupted the Union -for trivial causes, 
 and in place of the lesser evils have brought on others infi- 
 nitely greater. 
 
 Let the interest of servants be which way it may, if the 
 rebels of the South persist long enough in this wicked, un- 
 holy, and uncalled-for war, slavery will certainly be wiped 
 out as a consequence of the war, if nothing else. So, let 
 what will become of slavery, in the language of the patriotic 
 Jackson, " The Union must and shall be preserved." 
 
 WHY THE REBELLION HAS NOT BEEN SUPPRESSED SOONER. 
 
 It has doubtless been looked upon with wonder and aston- 
 ishment by the Northern people, as well as Unionists South, 
 how the Southern people, under such great disadvantages, 
 have been able to hold out so long. The population of the 
 Northern States exceeds that of the Southern more than two 
 
46 
 
 to one if we except the servants of the latter. And besides 
 this the States of Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, 
 Missouri Tennesee and Arkansas, have sent, I believe, 
 111 regiments of soldiers to the field to fight against 
 the rebellion. In addition to this the North have a large 
 and powerful fleet, and the Southern people as good as none. 
 There is also an extensive Union sentiment in the States of 
 North Carolina,* Georgia and Alabama, which has troubled 
 
 * In order to give some idea of the Union sentiment in my section I will 
 give the vote of two counties, Randolph and Moore, ("the fortner being my 
 native county, but I subsequently removed to the latter, ) that was cast 
 for and against the Convention, on the 2Sth day of February, 1861. 
 
 Randolph, out of a vote of 2,600 cast for the Convention only 24 ; Moore, 
 out of 1,300 cast for the Convention 68. Adding these together and ma- 
 king an average, we find that secession was voted down in the two coun- 
 ties by more than 40 to 1. I quote from memory and may, perhaps, have 
 underrated the Union vote a little, but think I quote the secesh vote accu- 
 rately. So it is to be wondered at how this large Union element could 
 ever be made subservient to the secesh authorities. But when the law 
 gets against the people they can't do much. For an organized force can 
 swallow up and make subservient one unorganized many times larger. 
 But the masses of the people still remain the same. For they look upon 
 it that the causes were not justifiable for secession, and much less for this 
 wicked war ; and, if wrong in the beginning, that fighting can never make 
 it right, though there be ever so much blood spilt. The masses of the 
 people love the old Government, and gladly would they return to their 
 former allegiance if they had it in their power. Not but the Union forces 
 were right in attacking the rebs, for what else could they do when the 
 United States flag had been fired upon and outraged at three different times 
 before a shot was returned, and this, rather than secession, may be con- 
 sidered as the cause of the war. But still if President Lincoln had resorted 
 to a little strategy, as follows, it is thought he would have killed secession 
 as dead as a hammer without firing a gun, and that is, let him soon after 
 his inauguration have issued a proclamation to the Southern people in 
 effect as follows : 
 
 To the Governors and people of the States of Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, 
 North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisi- 
 ana, Florida, Texas, Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, and Arkansas : 
 My countrymen: It is with regret that I see a cloud gathering, whicb, 
 
 if not arrested, may soon culminate, break over our heads, and disperse 
 
47 
 
 the Confederate authorities much in the prosecution of the 
 war. So, when we take all these things into consideration, 
 it is much to be wondered at how the rebels have been ena- 
 bled to hold out so long. This can only be accounted for 
 in one way. The Federal army attacking and failing to 
 carry their point at some of the rebel strong holds, instead 
 of attacking them at some of the weaker and more vulnera- 
 ble places, where important victories could easily have been 
 gained and at, comparatively speaking, but little loss, to- 
 all our prosperity of former days. I have been elected as President 
 of the people, and it is my determination to serve you as such ; desiring 
 to treat you as near like Washington, Jefferson, and Madison did, as I 
 can, I shall therefore know no North, no South, no East, no "West. I will 
 also state that I have no desire nor intention of interfering with any of 
 your local institutions whatever. Therefore, as one whose bosom beats 
 with a fervent desire for the welfare of my country and countrymen, I do 
 declare emphatically that there shall be :«o blood spilt during my admin- 
 istration, if I can help it. But, believing that you have in seceding acted 
 more through fear of apprehended dangers than from any other cause, I 
 have, in order that I may dispel this fear, clearly and explicitly set forth 
 my views, which are likewise the views of my party that elected me to 
 office, and now, desiring the opinion of the Southern people in reference 
 thereto,- 1 do hereby issue this my proclamation, desiring that the legal 
 voters of all the aforesaid States ("for you are all interested alikej shall 
 
 assemble at their respective places of holding elections, on the day 
 
 of next, and cast their votes whether or not they wish to secede for 
 
 existing causes. 
 
 In order that this may be made more effective, I enjoin upon the Gover- 
 nors of the aforesaid States to issue their proclamations, ordering the con- 
 vening of the people of their respective States, on the day and for the purposes 
 above specified. Should any of the States vote by a majority to secede, I 
 could not of myself give them up, but would shortly convene Congress to 
 consider the matter. 
 
 If the President had issued a proclamation to the effect of the above, 
 secession would, in my opinion, have been killed so dead that it would 
 scarcely have been known to have had any existence. For, in my opinion, 
 there is not a State at the South in which the ordinance would not have 
 been killed, could the people have voted fairly upon it, and, in the most of 
 the States by overwhelming majorities. And in case the Governors of some 
 of the States that had already seceded had not seen fit to submit this 
 
48 
 
 getlier with the dissentions among the Northern people, 
 have, in ray opinion, tended more to prolong the war than 
 any other two causes. 
 
 I will give an illustration of this. A few days before the 
 seven day's fight before Richmond took place, I was in Wil- 
 mington, N. p., and heard the citizens of that place say, that 
 for the Federals to take that city they had but to come after 
 it. At that time the Southern people had such a perfect 
 horror of a gunboat that I don't suppose there would have 
 
 ordinance to a popular vote of the people, there would have been such 
 opposition gotten up thereto on the part of the people, that it would have 
 been a dead-go anyway. Therefore, even in this sense of the word, the 
 rebellion could never have gained much headway. For, even if the seces- 
 sionists had tried to do anything, the words of the President would have come 
 up before them, and they would soon have cowered down into insignifi- 
 cance. That strategy would have had a good effect, I will illustrate by 
 the following : 
 
 We are informed that the historian Josephus upon a certain occasion 
 condemned a criminal to have both his hands cut off. At this he began 
 to bemoan, and besought Josephus that he would at least spare him ©ne 
 of his hands, to which he assented. The criminal then submitted for one 
 to be taken off with but little regret. But it was a ruse on the 
 part of Josephus, to get it willingly, he not intending to take but one at 
 the start. 
 
 Strategy here was of benefit, and a little on the part. of the President, it 
 is thought, would have averted these evils from the country ; or, at all 
 events, would have shortened the war much if we had had one. . 
 
 But after coercion was attempted on the part of the General Government, 
 the secessionists used all manner of devices to increase their army, saying 
 "The Yanks are going to take your lands and homes to pay the expenses 
 of the war ; they will also free the negroes, and have them in your midst, 
 walking with and intermarrying your daughters," and all such like. So 
 the harder they were pressed upon the more force they could bring out. 
 This may be likened unto a bridge that Julius Csesar built, upon a certain 
 occasion. It was so constructed that the harder the waters pressed against 
 it so much the more firmly were the timbers bound together. Even so 
 with the rebellion. Under milder treatment, it is thought the fabric 
 would have dissolved, and floated down the current of time long ago, or 
 rather, could never have been built up. 
 
 In view also of the large Union sentiment in many sections at the South, 
 
49 
 
 been a gun fired, or at least that was the talk of the citizensj 
 of the place. Therefore, if the Union forces had only made 
 a feint upon Richmond and had gone round and have taken 
 Wilmington and other vulnerable places, how much they 
 would have been worth to the Union cause ! If Wilming- 
 ton had been taken at that time North Carolina would have 
 been compelled to come back into the Union ere this, be- 
 cause she could not possibly have supplied her citizens with 
 
 the thing should be viewed with as much allowance as possible. The 
 woods or the army was the alternative ; and a man, unless he have con' 
 siderable means, can't exist in the woods two years. If Governor Brown, 
 of Georgia, had not made that mistake when he refused to let his militia 
 officers go in the army, by which means a regularly organized force was left 
 behind to hunt down and harrass poor conscripts and deserters, the rebel- 
 lion would, in my opinion, have been played out long ago. I will 
 take occasion to say here, that had the people of my section been near 
 enough the Union forces to join them, that there would to-day be far more 
 of them fighting under the stars and stripes than there are under the rebel 
 flag. J will also state that I believe, if the Union forces would now hold off a 
 little and not make any more advances at present, and hold out the olive 
 branch of peace, that time, through the depreciation of their currency 
 South, and enormously high prices of provisions, would effect a reunion 
 as soon, if not sooner, than more forcible measures. For it is evident 
 that the North cannot conquer and overrun the whole South ; and I think 
 they now have in their possession as much as they can hold to advantage. 
 And if they would now fortify these points, hold their own, and not be in 
 too big a hurry, and be satisfied to give a little time, I think peace and 
 reunion would soon be the consequence. The reason that I speak thus is 
 because I know the sentiments of many of the Southern people, and know 
 that they desire peace and reunion, and without any farther shedding of 
 blood. Therefore, all that is wanting is for the Anaconda that has been 
 placed about their necks to be loosed, and let them speak out — and time, 
 I think, would do this more effectually than more forcible means. For 
 when you attack them, this immense serpent draws his coils more closely 
 around them, and thus presses more men into the service. But if suffered 
 to remain inactive awhile, he would unloose his coils, and thus to a certaia 
 extent release the people. Yon could then get more aid from Unionists 
 South. Therefore 
 
 All you that by hard fighting would excel, 
 How much you fight regard not, but how well. 
 
 4 
 
50 
 S 
 salt. Large quantities of this were manufactured in and 
 
 around Wilmington, which sold at from forty to fifty cents 
 per pound, and was scarcely to be had at that in sufficient 
 quantities to supply the wants of the people. Therefore, if 
 "Wilmington had fallen, North Carolina would soon have 
 fallen also, and one star plucked from the Confederacy the 
 remaining States would soon have followed. And the beauty 
 of the thing is that all of this might have been accomplished 
 with but little or no loss of life. 
 
 The failure of the Union forces to take Richmond at that 
 time was probably owing as much to their having undertaken 
 an impossibility under' existing circumstances, as to any- 
 thing else ; for the whole Southern Confederacy was there, 
 so to speak. Already there were a great many troops at 
 Richmond, but for several days before the battle every train 
 by Ealeigh and Wilmington was loaded down to the full 
 with soldiers " for Richmond." Therefore, if there had been 
 a little strategy used at this time the rebellion would, in my 
 opinion, have been played out long ago, and at a great sav- 
 ing of life also. 
 
 It is also thought by some that the emancipation policy 
 has had a bad, rather than a good, effect, and that, if it's far- 
 ther enforcement was withheld, say for ninety days, so as to 
 give the rebs one more chance, and would then call for vol- 
 unteers, that the road leading to a restoration of the Union 
 would be as plain as the road to market. I will remark that 
 so far as I am concerned, I would be for the emancipation 
 policy if I thought the Union would thereby be restored 
 sooner, and at a saving- of life and treasure. In fact, I am 
 for any just and honorable means leading to this end, and 
 am, therefore, for using the negroes in any way that they can 
 aid in putting down the rebellion, by which their condition 
 would not be permanently worsted. And that they can 
 aid materially in this business, even without going into the 
 army, there is no doubt. It is, therefore, evident, if the 
 
. 51 
 
 South have to be brought back by ^orce of arms alone, that 
 the emancipation policy would have been the thing, provided 
 the North had hung together on this question. But, taking 
 that into consideration, together with the extensive Union 
 sentiment in many portions of the South, it is thought some 
 milder means would probably have done as well. 
 
 It is also thought that a reunion, to be worth anj^tking, 
 must be based upon the will of the people governed, and 
 that, therefore, to have a good and permanent Government 
 the extremists North, and South must yield, and let the ques- 
 tion at issue be decided by a popular vote of the people. 
 
 EEV. DR. MASSIE, OF ENGLAND, VISITS THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 I think it was in June, of the present year, that the Eev. 
 Dr. Massie, of England, visited the United States. He 
 brought with him a petition signed by some seven hundred 
 and fifty Protestant Ministers of France, and some five thou- 
 sand of those of England, for the purpose of furthering the 
 emancipation policy, which he presented to the President 
 and Cabinet. If these gentlemen could do anything calcu- 
 lated to restore peace and quietude to our bleeding country, 
 most happy would we be for them to do so. But anything 
 that is calculated to embitter the feelings, prolong the strug- 
 gle, and thus make the breach between the* two sections 
 greater, we do not desire to see. We, therefore, think that 
 when the services of these Reverend gentlemen are needed 
 to interpose in our political affairs they should be notified 
 thereof. 
 
 THE REBELLION WANING. 
 It is to be presumed that the Administration have resorted 
 to no means, for the prosecution of this unnatural and un- 
 called-for war on the part of the rebs, only such as was 
 thought would be instrumental in restoring the Union and 
 at a saving of life and treasure. Therefore, if any of these 
 measures have turned out to be impolitic, we should take it 
 
52 
 
 into consideration that this could not be known until they 
 had been tried. 
 
 The rebels have tried certain impolitic measures, and 
 prominent among them was the law exempting the owner of, 
 or person having in charge, twenty negroes. This was about 
 to work a considerable disturbance in placing a distinction 
 between the slave and non-slave holder. Their legislators 
 seeing this, wisely for the cause of the rebellion, repealed the 
 ordinance before any serious disturbance had grown out 
 thereof. 
 
 But be the emancipation ordinance and certain military 
 changes that have been made, politic or impolitic measures, 
 I think we have now got to where we can see through the 
 rebellion. Therefore, if we will pull together, pull steadily, 
 and hold out faithful a little while longer, the stars and 
 stripes will, as I believe, soon wave triumphantly throughout 
 the entire length and breadth of the land. 
 
 WE MUST KEEP UNITED. 
 
 But in order to attain to this great desideratum it is expe- 
 dient that we keep united at this the most important period in 
 our national existence, or we may yet, perhaps, through the 
 dissensions and divisions of the people, lose the prime object 
 for which the Union forces set out, after having borne the 
 burden and heat of the day. Then all the fighting that has 
 been done, and the much blood that has been spilt on the 
 part of the Union forces, will all have been spilt in vain. — 
 The stars and stripes, the flag of the nation, would go down 
 with dishonor and disgrace, and another be built upon the 
 ruins thereof. Shall we thus, through dissensions, be com- 
 pelled to acknowledge the independence of the South, and 
 thus, in effect, acknowledge that they were right in seceding 
 when the causes were not justifiable ? Acknowledge that 
 they were right in firing upon and capturing Fort Sumpter, 
 when it might have been honorably avoided ? Acknowledge 
 
53 
 
 that they were right in inaugurating this cruel civil war, in 
 which seas of blood have been poured out and billions of 
 treasure expended ? Acknowledge that those who have had 
 'treasonable intents against the General Government for the 
 last thirty or forty years, were right at length in putting 
 them forth ? Acknowledge all these things, and, above all, 
 permit ' those secessionists to build up a government based 
 upon usurped power and against the will of a majority of 
 the people at the South ? No ! never, never ! Never will 
 I, for one, as long as breath animates my body and while 
 there is even a remote chance for success, agree to this. 
 
 If we would not have all these evils, and even greater, to 
 come upon us, we must keep united. Justice to liberty, our 
 country and our God demand that we keep united. Justice 
 to the gallant dead who have fallen in defence of the stars 
 and stripes, and who now lay mouldering in the clay, demand 
 that we keep united. Justice to the many loyal people 
 South, who have held out amidst various trials and persecu- 
 tions, and who still hold out with the hope, in the end, of 
 seeing the stars and stripes wave triumphantly over them, 
 demand that we keep united. We must keep united or all 
 may yet be lost, irretrievably lost. 
 
 The Southern people are principally building their hopes 
 of success upon the prospect of these dissensions and a con- 
 sequent revolution among the Northern people. This I 
 know. Therefore, if the people would now exhaust this 
 source of aid and comfort by becoming united, the rebellion 
 would, and, as I believe, with but very little more shedding 
 of blood, vanish like a bank of snow before a summer's sun. 
 
 We will take it for granted that the status or standing of 
 the General Government towards the seceded States has only 
 been changed in such things as they were driven to by the 
 acts of the secessionists. This is but fulfilling the Scriptures 
 where it says " one evil word calleth for another." We will, 
 therefore, take it for granted, as soon as the rebellion shall 
 
54 
 
 Have been conquered, that the former status or standing of 
 the General Government will be resumed, unless a majority 
 of the people should say otherwise. Therefore, it would be 
 better for us to yield our private opinions for the present, 
 than to cleave thereto and thereby endanger the Union cause. 
 For we should recollect, in proportion as we divide and relax 
 our energies North, that in just this same proportion do we 
 give aid and comfort to the rebellion South. We should, there- 
 fore, know no party at this most important crisis, " save the 
 Union and it saved." This sentiment should rise paramount to 
 every party consideration. "We should, therefore, be willing 
 to leave these questions of minor importance for the people 
 to decide hereafter, as they would, doubtless, decide them 
 right. Therefore, keep united, press forward, don't give up 
 the ship, and when it gets too hot for our Southern brethren 
 let them come back into the Union where they ought to be, 
 and from which, in my opinion, they ought never to have 
 gone. And. having' gone without a cause, they may at last 
 blame themselves most for the many privations, hardships 
 and sufferings they now endure., And should slavery event- 
 ually suffer, they may also blame themselves most for that ; 
 for they were warned and told in time that secession would 
 in all probability lead to the emancipation of their servants- 
 
 TO MY SOUTHERN COUNTRYMEN. 
 
 The following is, in the main, intended for my Southern 
 brethren, should it by chance fall into their hands : 
 
 My Dear Friends: — What have your politicians and 
 the secessionists promised you ? They promised you that 
 it should be peaceable secession. Some in their speeches 
 asserted that they would pay the cost of the war for 
 ten cents ; others that they would wipe up all the blood 
 that would be spilt with a pocket handkerchief; and others 
 still more generous, said they would agree to drink all the 
 blood that would be spilt. To be short, they by making 
 
00 
 
 such speeches as the above, managed to deceive many of 
 you, and to get you to volunteer, telling you that we must 
 present a formidable front, and thus back out the North. 
 Whether or not, these persons were conscientious in making 
 these statements, I am unable to say, but if they were cer- 
 tain, it is, that it has turned out, that they were greatly mis- 
 taken. After getting a goodly number of you to volunteer, 
 they soon got the war started, and after getting that started, 
 they soon devised means for forcing the remainder of you 
 into the army. They did this first by the draft, and then 
 subsequently and more completely by the unjust conscrip- 
 tion. Even those of you, who had been bitterly opposed to 
 secession and its fruits from the start, and whom they had 
 denied the just rights of freemen in not permitting you to 
 vote directly upon this all-important subject, they now, by 
 their unjust legislation, compelled to take up arms, and 
 go forth and fight the battles of the war that they had them- 
 selves inaugurated, sometimes even hunting you down, 
 casting you in prison, and sending you forth in irons to 
 shed your blood upon some cruel battle field. "Was it jus- 
 tice, that you as peaceable citizens should thus have been 
 hunted down, torn from your innocent and dependent fami- 
 lies, and compelled to gO forth and enact scenes that were 
 revolting to your feelings, revolting to Christianity, and re- 
 volting to civilization ? Was it justice that our politicians 
 largely in the minority, should thus of their own arbitrary 
 power legislate away, as it were, your lives, and thereby 
 create desolation, ruin and mourning throughout the entire 
 length and breadth of the land ? It undoubtedly was not 
 justice, and to sum up the whole in a few words, was in my 
 opinion, a grand usurpation of power, and ought not to have 
 been submitted to for a moment. 
 
 I think in all republican governments, a majority of the 
 people should rule, and particularly upon these all-impor- 
 tant questions like the present, which has involved us in so 
 
56 
 
 much trouble and distress. Therefore, as our politicians 
 thought proper to bring on this war without consulting you, 
 I now think it would be fair and just for you to end the 
 war without consulting them by deserting and fleeing from 
 them, and leaving those secessionists to fight their own bat- 
 tles if they want any fought. Yea, I think your outraged 
 rights demand that you should speedily desert and flee from 
 them like rats from a sinking ship, and let the structure 
 founder, and go down with the secesh only on board 
 should they choose to hold on, and the next time they 
 wish to secede, let them consult the masses of the people. 
 
 A FEW WORDS IN MY OWN DEFENCE. 
 
 I have by these sectional troubles been compelled to take 
 one of three positions, which were : first to take sides with 
 m j Southern brethren in the rebellion ; second, espouse the 
 Union cause ; and third, remain neutral, which I could easily 
 have done after getting rid of the conscription. 
 
 But I could not take sides with my Southern brethren in 
 the rebellion, from the fact, that I did not think the causes 
 justified secession. And when so many of my fellow men 
 were fast passing from time to eternity, feeling that I had a 
 duty to perform, I- could not content myself to remain neu- 
 tral. Therefore, believing that my Southern brethren acted 
 with too much haste, first, in seceeding, and then inaugur- 
 ating this wicked war ; and, also, believing that the only 
 safe and permanent way of settling our difficulties, is by a 
 restoration of the Union, I have considered it my impera- 
 tive duty to espouse the Union cause, and vindicate its prin- 
 ciples through weal and through woe. 
 
 But I have thus been placed in a very uncomfortable 
 situation, for I have kindred, persons that are near and dear 
 to me by the ties of nature in the Southern army, and oh ! 
 shall they go down, or shall I once more, in peace, be per- 
 mitted to behold their happy faces ? This is a subject that 
 draws like chords around my heart, and nothing but a con- 
 
57 
 
 scientious belief, that I was in the discharge of my duty 
 would have prompted me to have taken the stand that I 
 have. Yea, before I would have done anything in this mat- 
 ter that I conceived would be against the best interest of my 
 Southern brethren, and country generally, I would have 
 suffered the last drop of blood that is within my veins to 
 run cold. But it being a matter' of so very great impor- 
 tance, one in which the very life of our country, as well as 
 the destinies of probably many future generations is involv- 
 ed, I considered it my imperative duty to espouse the 
 Union cause, and stand by it, live or die, sink or swim. I '' 
 have accordingly done this at much expense and great risk. 
 At length for issuing and circulating certain ^publications, 
 I was twice arrested and imprisoned, and being in danger 
 of a third arrest for a similar offense, thinking it might not 
 go so well with me, as I had been told I would be tried for 
 treason if arrested any more, I deemed it expedient to evade 
 this by crossing the line, and did so. I am though glad to 
 see that free speech is once more becoming dominant in my 
 native State. Old North Carolina will soon take her posi- 
 tion once more under the stars and stripes, and one star 
 plucked from the Confederacy, the remaining States would 
 soon follow. 
 
 PLAN" FOR RESTORING THE UNION. 
 
 Before closing, I wish to give a plan by which I think the 
 Union can be restored, and at comparatively little loss of 
 life. I have endeavored to show that there is an extensive 
 Union sentiment existing in various portions of the South. 
 Measures that would now increase this sentiment would, in 
 my opinion, be the plan. And, in my opinion, the best way for 
 doing this would be to give them evidence that a strong con- 
 servative feeling exists North. And the best way to 
 test this would be to submit the following resolution to 
 the legal voters of all the free States, and let them vote 
 ■thereon, for or against as they see proper ; to wit : 
 
 " That this war is not waged On their part in any spirit of 
 
58 
 
 oppression, or for the purpose of overthrowing or interfering 
 with the rights and established institutions of the States, but 
 to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, 
 and to preserve the Jnion with all the dignity, equality 
 and rights of the several States unimpaired, and that as 
 soon as these objects are accomplished the war ought to 
 cease, ' T 
 
 If the above were- submitted to the Northern people, and 
 an extensive Union sentiment should thereby be shown 
 forth, I believe it would have more effect in restoring peace 
 and a reunion than all the gunpowder in the United States. 
 And if thus restored by conciliatory measures, the work 
 would then be completed. We could then join together and 
 journey on once more happily and prosperously together. 
 But if restored solely by force of arms, conciliatory measures 
 would at last have to be resorted to ; for, as has already 
 been said, " A reunion, to be worth anything, must be based 
 upon the will of the people governed." I therefore think 
 the Union could be' restored sooner, and at a greater saving 
 of human life, by this plan, than by any other known to 
 me. Or it might be so arranged as to have a proposition 
 submitted to the Southern people also ; and that is, let the 
 two Governments by mutual agreement come to the under- 
 standing that, if the proposition already mentioned were 
 submitted to the people of the Northern States, and should 
 be carried favorably, that the Confederate authorities should 
 then submit to the Southern people the question whether or 
 not they would accept a reunion upon this basis. If we 
 could thus get this question out of the hands of the politi- 
 cians into those of the people, I think they would soon 
 decide it, and decide it right. 
 
 It is also thought, as the Federal Government is vastly 
 superior in strength and power, that the Administration 
 could, without endangering the cause in the least, either 
 submit or receive proposals leading to peace and conciliation. 
 
 I have so much confidence in the above plan that if it 
 
59 
 
 could be inaugurated I would be willing to risk my all, even 
 my life, that it would result in a restoration of the Union. 
 But if force of arms alone be resorted to, the longer our 
 sectional troubles remain unsettled the more new difficulties 
 will spring up, and the harder it will be in the end to recon- 
 cile them. We need not expect to settle our difficulties, 
 and particularly by force of arms, in such a way as to be 
 satisfied immediately at the result ; for, let us settle them as 
 we may, it will take time, and a great deal of it at that, to 
 effectually heal the awful breach that has been made. Many 
 times, if we would do what is best, we must do things that 
 we do not wish to do. So of this all-important subject, now 
 before us. Let us consult our interest rather than our feelings, 
 for it is a subject in which is involved the destinies of pro- 
 bably many future generations ; and if such a subject as this 
 will not justify our yielding in some of our mere personal 
 feelings, I should like to know one that would. So before 
 tearing up and consigning to utter desolation and ruin this 
 once fair portion of the earth, let us make one mighty effort 
 to restore peace and quietude to our now disaffected country 
 by conciliatory measures. But if in the end mild words 
 and gentle means ivould not reclaim the wicked, they must then 
 he dealt with in a more severe manner. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 I have endeavored to give my views impartially upon 
 this all-important subject, and we now come to take our last 
 view of the matter. But, before doing so, I would desire to 
 urge upon you, my countrymen, the vast importance of the 
 struggle in which we are now engaged. The destinies of un- 
 born generations are depending upon the issue. We should 
 therefore rise up in our might, and declare that the Union 
 must and shall be preserved. Had our forefathers been 
 here, do you suppose they would have disrupted the Union 
 for the causes that existed at the commencement of our sec- 
 tional troubles ? No ; never, never. A voice from our 
 gallant dead, who had fallen in the achievement of our liber- 
 
60 
 
 ties, and who now lay mouldering in a common grave, 
 would have come up before them, saying, " Down with 
 your schisms and divisions. It was not for this that we 
 fought, bled, and died. Keep united, and you will be a 
 great, happy, and prosperous people." 
 
 Therefore, the difficulties between the North and the 
 South should not be viewed as existing between foreign 
 enemies, but between people that should be towards each 
 other as brothers, both sides of which have erred and gone 
 aside from the path of duty. If each side would now do away 
 with these wrongs, and let the two sections be united upon 
 just and honorable terms, will, -I think, in the end, be for 
 the best. 
 
 Shall the Monarchal Powers of Europe point to our coun- 
 try as an example and say, that man is incapable of self- 
 government ? I hope not. Let us then join together as 
 erring brothers, and yet solve the problem " that man is 
 capable of self-government." What do you think the Father 
 of his country would say were he now back to take a view 
 of his once beloved country ? " United we stand : divided 
 we fall," would probably be his words. 
 
 We were making onward and upward strides, and the 
 United States, but for these sectional troubles were destined 
 soon to have taken the front rank among the nations of the 
 globe. But oh ! where are we now ? I answer in the broad 
 road that leads to ruin, speeding our way thither, as fast as 
 the wheels of time impelled forward by the rage of an infu- 
 riated people, can bid us fly. 
 
 Oh ! that those that were principally in fault, in bring- 
 ing on our sectional troubles, may soon be brought to see their 
 error, and that their course may be changed before it be 
 everlasting too late ; that the dark cloud which has lowered 
 over us as a nation and people, may soon break away ; and 
 that peace, ah ! blessed peace, may beam forth upon us ; 
 and that we may ere long be a united, contented, and happy 
 people, is the sincere desire of one who has at heart the 
 interest of both sections of the country. 
 
P Microfilmed 
 
 ! SOLINET7ASERL PROJECT 
 
3XT O 1JV 3FL £2iLJD "ST . 
 
 Mt Mmtitntm ai glwttv 
 
 TUB SOUTHEEKT STATES. 
 
 RELIGIOUSLY AND MORALLY CONSIDERED 
 
 Is now ready for distribution, and will be sent, free of postage, to any 
 part of the United States on the receipt of twenty -five cents. 
 
 Persons desiring this work for gratuitous distribution will be supplied 
 at the rate of six copies for $1, and the postage prepaid to any part of the 
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 All orders should be addressed to 
 
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 Box 6£, Washington, D. C. 
 
 IMOW I3KT r»m3SS. 
 
 
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 OR, 
 
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 religiously and morally considered, 
 
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 The above is the title of a Book published in Raleigh, North Carolina, 
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 This work is founded upon religious principles. The author having, in 
 a profession of religion, above fifteen years ago, experienced some things 
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