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 THE UBRARY OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA 
 
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 ENDOWED BY THE 
 
 DIALECTIC AND PHILANTHROPIC 
 
 SOCIETIES 
 
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 UNIVERSITY OF N.C. AT CHAPEL HILL 
 
 10000751866 
 
 This book is due at the LOUIS R. WILSON LIBRARY on the 
 last date stamped under "Date Due." If not on hold it may be 
 renewed by bringing it to the library. 
 
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 ■■i'?^b 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 form No 
 
 
 
 
m^.M. 
 
The Negro 
 
 In the History of the United 
 
 States 
 
 
 From the Beginning of English Settlements 
 
 in America, 1607, to the 
 
 Present Time 
 
 WITH THE CONSTITUTION OF THE 
 
 UNITED STATES 
 
 and 
 
 Illustrations 
 
 BY 
 
 H . M . TAR VE R 
 
 Graduatt SiuJent of History, University of Chitago 
 
 Brenham, 7'exas 
 
 1905 
 
 The State Printing Company 
 
 austin, texas 
 
Copyright 1905 
 
 by 
 H. M. Tarver. 
 
IN 
 
 ( 
 
 o 
 
 PREFArE. 
 
 An iii'trent need and a loud and serious call for 
 i\ faithful account of the Negro in the United 
 States, as he has moved and had his being, in the 
 midst of material things, as a bondman and as 
 a citizen, are the aims which this work hopes to 
 answer. It is also felt that the nature of such a 
 work requires, like all history, a logical and faithful 
 setting in time, place and environment, natural and 
 artificial, to render it something more than a 
 myth or a fable. The achievements of the Negro, 
 therefore, and the influence, silent and active, 
 which he has exerted on iVmerican life and the 
 influence of that life upon him, are treated as a 
 jiart of the unit of American progress and enlight- 
 enment. 
 
 The seeming disparagement of this phase and 
 factor in Western civilization by renowned authors 
 of other races, has not eliminated them, but has 
 left the subject in its virgin purity to be presented, 
 in works of this kind, by members of the race. 
 This book, then, is the logical demand of the hour 
 and is dedicated to that great body of the reading 
 public, the infant and the aged, among us, so long 
 neglected but so thoroughly anxious to know all 
 sides of the whole truth. 
 
 H. M. T. 
 
Discovery of America. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Columbus. 
 
 The brisk overland trade that grew up, as a 
 result of the Crusades, between Europe and the 
 countries of Southeastern Asia, was stripped of 
 its profits early by the fierce Saracen hordes who 
 plundered and slaughtered the caravans returning 
 with their treasures of gold, carpets and the fa- 
 mous spices from India and Arabia. "The call 
 everywhere pressing for a safer and less burden- 
 some route to the East was answered by Chris- 
 topher Columbus, a bold Italian navigator, who 
 announced that the earth was round and that by 
 sailing westward he would reach Asia. With 
 much difficulty Columbus received a commission 
 and assistance in ships and men at the hands of 
 Isabella and Ferdinand of Spain, and set sail in 
 August, 1492, on his perilous Journey, but was 
 
32 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 stopped October 12, 1492, by land, resembling 
 Asia in the kind and abundance of its vegetation 
 and the appearance of its people, but which proved 
 to be the continental islands of America. News 
 of this voN'age threw all Europe into a frenzy of 
 excitement, and every maritime power rushed its 
 navigators in pursuit of this great prize. 
 
 England. 
 
 John Cahot. — A voyage was planned by Henry 
 VII of England, and John Cabot was sent out to 
 find a northwest passage to India. Cabot discov- 
 ered North America and explored the Atlantic 
 coast as far south as Massachusetts in 1497, sev- 
 eral months before Columbus touched the main- 
 land of South America. 
 
 Native Inhabitants. 
 
 American Indians. — The first Europeans that 
 came to this continent found the country inhab- 
 ited by about 200,000 non-European people, in a 
 savage state, living mainly in four loosely bound 
 confederacies, with here and there segregated tribes 
 scattered over the intervening territor}'. These 
 four prominent divisions were, (1) the Five Na- 
 tions in the valley of the St. Lawrence, New York 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 33 
 
 and around the Great Lakes; (2) the Seminoles, 
 Creeks, Cherokees, Chocktaws and Chickasaws, in 
 the territory of the present Gulf States east of 
 the Mississippi Eiver; (3) the Aztecs of Mexico, 
 and (4) Pueblos of Colorado and the North Pa- 
 cific coast. These people, whom Columbus called 
 Indians, were preceded by a more ancient race, 
 known as the Mound Builders, from the curious 
 mounds left by them in the upper Mississippi 
 valley. The Five Nations, reduced by disease and 
 wars, were scattered to the Northwest, while the 
 Pueblos vanished before the ever spreading fron- 
 tier settlements. The second and third divisions 
 have exhibited greater physical and mental en- 
 dowments, and except for their general coalescence 
 with the negro people by the second, and with 
 the Negroes and Spaniards by the third division, 
 they have remained distinct till the present. 
 
E^xplorations. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The Spanish. 
 
 Spain led off in tlie matter of explorations 
 in the New World as it had done in its discovery. 
 Following the route traversed by Columbus, De 
 Leon explored Florida in 1512, Balboa Central 
 America in 1513, De Narvaez in 1528 and De Soto 
 in 1541 explored the Gulf States and the Missis- 
 sippi River, and La Salle Texas in 1682. 
 
 But it was upon the explorations of the com- 
 pany brought over by De JSTarvaez and led first 
 by De A'aca and then by a giant genius, the Negro 
 Estevanico, in 1528-39, who was perhaps the first 
 Christian priest to travel and t^^ach in America, 
 that Spain based her best claim to all the south- 
 western part of North America. 
 
 ESTEVAXICO. 
 
 The leader of the band of four that traversed 
 
36 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 the Gulf States, the Rio Grande and Pueblo 
 country as far as California, was shown by the 
 Spanish archives and by the historian Bancroft 
 to have been Estevanico, a Negro. Estevanico had 
 visited America with Columbus on his last voyage, 
 and was, because of his valuable knowledge of the 
 New World and the language and customs of the 
 natives, sought out to accompany this expedition. 
 Estevanico not only proved a valuable guide, but 
 the fearless leader of this first great expedition 
 to the interior. It was, therefore, upon the in- 
 comparable courage, endurance and Christian lead- 
 ership of this Negro that Spain's claim to more 
 than half of North America rested ; and the story 
 of how Spain failed to defend with the sword and 
 in the world's market what this courageous black 
 won for her among hostile savages, over sharp 
 Teutonic competition, is told in the independence 
 of Mexico and the expansion of the United States. 
 
 May it yet be revealed through the ages that 
 this son of Darker Africa was laboring like ten 
 millions of his brothers today, without applause, 
 for the righteous aggrandizement, ultimately, of 
 this Union and his Aztec brother, whose blood and 
 destiny are so inseparably united with his own. 
 
 The First Permanent Settlements in the New 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 37 
 
 World were made by the Spanish under Menendez 
 at St. Augustine, Florida,, in 1565, and by Eispejo 
 at Santa Fe, New Mexico, in 1582. 
 
 England Sent Out Expeditions to continue the 
 search for the northwest passage and explore the 
 new continent under Frobisher and Drake, and 
 made unsuccessful attempts at colonization, under 
 Gilbert and Raleigh, on the coast of Virginia and 
 Carolina in 1580-86. 
 
 The first permanent English settlement was 
 made at Jamestown, Virginia, in 1607 by the Lon- 
 don Company under Captain Newport. 
 
 France planted colonies on the island of Nova 
 Scotia in 1505 under DeMonts and at Quebec in 
 1508 under Champlain. 
 
 Holland claimed the territory lying in the valley 
 of the Hudson river, on the explorations of Henry 
 Hudson, an Englishman in the employ of the 
 Dutch East India Company, and settled at New 
 Amsterdam, now New^ York, at the mouth of 
 the Hudson in 1613. 
 
 To Avoid Complications and insure reasonable 
 justice to the competing nations in America, an in- 
 ternational agreement was made, declaring that 
 midway between the settlements made on the 
 coast by two nations should be the dividing line, 
 
38 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 and tliat a nation making the iirst permanent set- 
 tlement at the mouth of any river, that nation 
 should own all tlie territory drained by such river 
 and its tributaries. 
 
Unglish Settlements 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Virginia. 
 
 The transfer of Raleigh's grant in the New 
 World, the southern part to the London Company 
 and the northern to the Plymouth Company, was 
 the beginning of an industrial and economic pol- 
 icy, which alone was calculated to make good the 
 English claim to the Atlantic seaboard, and ulti- 
 mately the powerful government of the United 
 States. 
 
 The London Company sent out about 500 cav- 
 aliers under Captain Newport, who settled James- 
 town in 1607. 
 
 Tiie first dozen years saw only misery and fail- 
 ure in the colony. Four changes in the charter 
 served only to convince them that prosperity could 
 not be brought about by legislation. 
 
40 history of the negro 
 
 Slavery. 
 
 A great demand in Europe for tobacco, a native 
 American plant, and the raising of cotton, iirst 
 in Virginia about 16 IT, developed a labor problem 
 which was solved only by the introduction of 
 Xegi'o slaves in 1619. In this year a Dutch cap- 
 tain brought over a ship load of Africans and 
 sold them as slaves to the colonists. This was 
 by no means an accident^ as both Spain and Eng- 
 land had tried Indian slaves in the mines of South 
 America and on their plantation colonies, but was 
 the result of industrial and economic conditions, 
 which gave and will continue to give the distin- 
 guishing characteristic to the greatness of Amer- 
 ica. The part the Xegro played in this greatness, 
 whether viewed by the economist as a mere asset 
 or bv the sociologist as a mute environment, is 
 everywhere visible and has been indispensable at 
 every stage of American life. The history of the 
 first dozen years is summed up in the four peaceful 
 political revolutions, dependence on the scanty sup- 
 ply of the impoverished savages, the marriage of 
 John Rolfe to Pocahontas, and the Starving 
 Times. 
 
 With the Negro Came Prosperity to the Colony. 
 The forests were cleared and vast plantations of 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 41 
 
 corn, tobacco and cotton were cultivated by the 
 slaves, and the foundation of the Old Dominion 
 was made secure, through the trade in these prod- 
 ucts of Negro labor, with Europe and the New 
 England settlements. 
 
 Special Laws were made for the government of 
 the slaves, the purpose of which was to keep them 
 in utter. igiHW?ance- arid" docttitr. The question of 
 Negro slavery, viewed from all sides save that of 
 justice and humanity, was too large and too im- 
 portant to fail of governmental notice. The sys- 
 tem, however, did not reach its fullest development 
 till about the beginning of the Civil war, wdien 
 it was to be broken up. 
 
 Free Negroes. — Almost from the first there were 
 free Negroes in Virginia, who were, by law, denied 
 the privileges of schooling and of worship in the 
 churches, and whose lot was otherwise rendered 
 almost as hard as that of the slaves. Before the 
 age of great cotton plantations in the South, the 
 price of slaves was so low that many industrious 
 Negroes made money enough, at odd times, plying 
 some ingenious handicraft learned in their native 
 African heaths, to buy themselves and families. 
 Others were often liberated for performing some 
 verv meritorious service for their owners or the 
 
42 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 ]niblic. Out of these gloomy conditions. howeytT, 
 came some exceptional artisans and scholars and 
 many sublime characters. 
 
 Tom Fuller, a Virginia slave, exhibited exceed- 
 ing genius and erudition in the science of mathe- 
 matics, and was widely known as the Virginia 
 calculator. A notice of the death of Fuller, pub- 
 lished at the time in the newspaper of the colony, 
 is appended. 
 
 "Died. — Tom, the famous African calculator, 
 aged 80 years. He was brought to this country 
 at the age of 14, with many of his unfortunate 
 countrymen and sold to Mrs. Elizabeth Cox of 
 Alexandria, whose property he now is. This man 
 wjis a prodig}'; he had perfectly acquired the use 
 of enumeration. He would give the number of 
 poles, yards, feet, inches and barleycorns in a 
 given distance — say the diameter of the earth's 
 orbit, and in every calculation he would produce 
 the true answer in less time than it would take 
 ninety-nine out of a hundred men with their pens. 
 And what was perhaps more extraordinary, though 
 interrupted in the progress of his calculations and 
 engaged in discourse upon any subject, his oi>era- 
 tions were not thereby in the least deranged. 
 Thus died Xegro Tom, this untaught arithmeti- 
 
IN THE UNI'l'ED STATES. 43 
 
 eian, this iintutorod scholar. Had liis opportu- 
 nities of iinproveinont been equal to those of thous- 
 ands of his fellowmen, neither the Eoyal Society 
 of London, the Academy of Science at Paris, nor 
 even a Newton himself need have been ashamed 
 to acknowledge him a brother in science." — (John- 
 son.) 
 
 Indian mavssacres in 1632 and 1644 and Bacon's 
 rebellion in 1676, during w^hich Jamestown was 
 desti-oyed, were some of the later troubles that 
 worked great hardships on the colony. 
 
Slavery, General, 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 Massachusetts was settled at Plymouth hy Pii- 
 rikn separatists from the established Church of 
 England in 1520. Other non-separatist Puritans 
 settled the Bay Colony in 1528. Almost no prog- 
 ress was made in these colonies during the first 
 half a century, on account of religious troubles, 
 the Famine of 1623, King Philip's War, charter 
 troubles with England and the Salem Witchcraft. 
 
 Slavery Was Introduced into Massachusetts at 
 an early date, 1630, but never proved ver}^ profita- 
 })1e in any of the New England colonies. The 
 system differed somewhat in the nature of the 
 treatment of slaves from the practices that pre- 
 vailed in the agricultural colonies at the south. 
 
 Negroes in Colonial Army. 
 At the beginning Negroes were enlisted in the 
 
46 HISTORY OF THE NKGRO 
 
 c-olonial militia and were given religious training. 
 On account of the constantly threatening attitude 
 and occasional outbreaks of neighboring Indian 
 tribes, notably King Philip's War and the Pequod 
 War, and because of a strong religious zeal, the 
 churches and newspapers advocated a more hu- 
 mane treatment lest the Xegroes should be driven 
 to join the enemy, either the Indians or the 
 British. 
 
 Partial Emaxc ipation. 
 
 Many Slaves "Were Set Free and others won 
 their freedom in the colonial courts. The royal 
 governors violently opposed this system of gradual 
 emancipation, and vetoed laws passed by the colo- 
 nial legislatures setting free and giving public 
 lands to Xegroes who gained prominence by mer- 
 itorious acts in defense; of the colonies during the 
 border troubles. 
 
 Many famous scholai*s appeared among the 
 slaves as well as among the free NegToes of Xew 
 England. 
 
 Phillis Wheatley. 
 
 Phillis, a slight girl of 12 years, was brought 
 from x\frica and sold at public auction in Boston 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 47 
 
 in 1761 to a Mrs. Wheatley, who placed the girl 
 in better surroundings and taught her to read. 
 Phi 11 is mastered the English and Latin languages 
 in an astonishingly short time and contributed 
 
 Phi His Wheat ley. 
 
 many widely read and universally admired articles 
 to the papers and magazines, both of America 
 and England. But it was her poetic genius that 
 astonished and delighted the reading world most 
 
4S HISTORY OF THE NEGKO 
 
 on two continents. Slie was sot free at tlie age 
 of 20 and traveled extensively in Europe, where 
 she was received by the royalty and renowned 
 scholars with the greatest cordiality. 
 
 She returned to America in 1779 and died five 
 years later. Her life was a model of ui)rightness 
 and her transcendent Christian virtues won for 
 her universal respect and admiration. One of 
 her poems sent to George Washington brought 
 the following reply in a letter the great general 
 wrote to hei- : 
 
 "Cambridge. Feb. 1776. 
 '\Miss Phillis :— Your favor of October 26th 
 did not reach my hands till the middle of De- 
 cember. * * * I thank you most sincerely 
 for your polite mention of me in the elegant poem 
 you enclose ; and however undeserving I may be 
 of such encomiums and panegyric, the style and 
 manner exhibit a striking proof of your poetic 
 talents, in honor of which and as a tribute justly 
 due you. I would have published the poem, had I 
 not been apprehensive that while I only meant to 
 giAe the world this new instance of your genius, 
 1 might have incurred the imputation of vanity. 
 This and nothing else determined me not to give 
 it place in the public print. Tf you should ever 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 49 
 
 coiiie to Cambridge or near headquarters, J shall 
 be happy to see a person so favored by the Muses, 
 and to whom nature has been so liberal and benefi- 
 cent in its dispensation. 
 "I am with great respect, 
 
 "Your humble servant, 
 
 "George Washington.^' 
 
Slavery in Middle Colonies 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 T^Tew York, New Jersey and Delaware. 
 
 Xew JSTetherland was settled by the Ehit^li in 
 1()13 and was the headquarters of the slave trade 
 in the colonies. The bold and unbearable cruelty 
 with which the slaves were treated by the Dutch 
 traders and settlers drove them to an open revolt, 
 during which the notorious slave pen with a large 
 part of the city was burned in 1712. 
 
 Milder laws affecting the slaves were soon after 
 made, permitting free Negroes, possessing two 
 hundred dollars worth of real property or paying 
 rent on that amount, to vote. 
 
 Many wealthy and religious persons liberated 
 their slaves in consonance with the growing liberal 
 sentiments diffused by immigrants to the colony, 
 after it passed from Dutch to English control. 
 
53 histoky of the skguo 
 
 Maryland. 
 
 Maryland Was Settled in 163Jf. — Ix)rd Balti- 
 more established a plantation colony on the Poto- 
 mac Kiver as a refuge for CatholictJ pesecuted 
 under tlie Protestant regime in England. The 
 condition of the slaves in Maryland was much 
 the same as it was in other Southern colonies. 
 The presence of numerous white slaves, however, 
 whose term of service was limited, infused an ele- 
 ment into it which rendered the system of Negro 
 slavery exceedingly complex, so much so that laws 
 were passed by Maryland as a colony and many 
 more as a State, to prevent inter-marriage between 
 white and Negro slaves, and others fixing the 
 status of children born of such marriages in case 
 it should continue. The following are two of the 
 inter-marriage laws : 
 
 '^'A Law. — Be it known that any white female 
 slave who shall marry a Negro slave shall have 
 her period of servitude doubled and such Negro 
 slave shall be stricken with thirty-nine stripes. 
 
 Another — 
 
 "A Law. — Be it known that children born of 
 such Negro slaves and a white female person, 
 should her period of servitude be out, shall go 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 53 
 
 to the master of such Negro slave and continue 
 in slaven^ for their natural lives." 
 
 Of one of these unions came the father of Ben- 
 jamin Banneka, but the period of servitude of the 
 white slave, Molly Welsh by name, had expired 
 and she succeeded in buying the Negro Banneka 
 and married him according to prevailing laws. 
 
 Benjamin Banneka. 
 
 This Famous Astronomer and Mathematician 
 
 was free born though of slave parentage, in Mary- 
 land in 1?39. Benjamin had the advantages of an 
 early education in the existing system of schools, 
 along with the children of other races. His com- 
 mon school education completed, Banneka was 
 given the privilege of using the laboratory and 
 astronomical instruments of a wealthy neighbor 
 of a scientific turn of mind, and soon became 
 known throughout America and England as a 
 great astronomer and mathematician. His work 
 showed him to be eminently worthy of this re- 
 nown. He constructed the first clock made on 
 the continent, and published the first almanac 
 based on astronomical science, in America. Poor 
 Richard's Almanac, published by Benjamin Frank- 
 lin, was a periodical newspaper and laid no pre- 
 
54 IIISTOUY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 t€ntions to being an almanac based on celestial 
 science and phenomena at all. 
 
 Banneka was an able and tireless champion 
 of tlie cause of his people in America, arguing 
 in public addresses and by correspondence the 
 fitness of the Negro for freedom and citizenship. 
 An answer to one of these letters by Thomas Jef- 
 ferson follows: 
 
 Mr. Jefferson^s Letter. 
 
 '•Mr. Benjamin Banneka, 
 
 Near EUicott's Lower Mills, Baltimore County: 
 "Dear Sir: — I thank you sincerely for your 
 letter of the 19th instant, and for the almanac 
 it contained. Nobody wishes more than I do to 
 see such proof as you exhibit that nature has 
 given to our black brother talents equal to those 
 of other colors of men, and that the appearance 
 of a want of them is owing to the degraded con- 
 dition of their existence both in Africa and Amer- 
 ica. I can add with truth that no one wishes more 
 ardently than I do to see a good system com- 
 menced for raising the condition both of their 
 body and mind to what it ought to be as fast as 
 the imbecility of their present existence and other 
 circumstances which can not be neglected will 
 
IX THi: UNITED STATES. 55 
 
 admit. I have taken the liberty of sending your 
 almanac to the secretary of the Academy of 
 Science at Paris, because I consider it a document 
 to which your whole color had a right for their 
 justification against the doubts which have been 
 entertained of them. 
 
 ^'I am with great esteem, Sir, 
 
 "Your obedient servant, 
 
 ^^Thomas Jefferson.'^ 
 
 Thos. Jefferson was perhaps the boldest and 
 most effective opponent of slavery to be found 
 among the great men of the South, and in his draft 
 of the Declaration of Independence he charged 
 that the British crown had all along supported the 
 institution of slavery. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's charge on this point follows: 
 "Determined to keep open a market where men 
 should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his 
 negative for suppressing every legislative attempt 
 to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce, 
 and that this assemblage of horrors might want no 
 fact of distinguished die, he is now exciting those 
 very people to rise in arms among us, and purchase 
 that liberty of which he has deprived them, by 
 murdering the people on whom he has obtruded 
 
56 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 them ; thus paying off former crimes committed 
 against the liberties of one people with crimes 
 which he urges them to commit against the lives 
 of another." 
 
 Slavery was introduced into America, as a sys- 
 tem, by a royal permission of Queen Elizabeth, and 
 after the destruction of the Spanish Armada and 
 England had gained the mastery of the sea, both 
 the government and private shipping equipments 
 of the empire engaged in the slave traffic. 
 
 Associated with Banneka in his plea and labors 
 for better treatment of his people was the slave 
 ^•^"- woman Frances Watk ins, widely known as the 
 
 ^v-*' first great Southern writer of poetry of a high 
 
 literary character. Her poems, though rare, are 
 still read by a large circle and show the genuine 
 poetic art and literary finish. A sample of her 
 work on her favorite theme, though not her master- 
 piece, when criticised from the poet and scholar's 
 point of view, follows: 
 
 Like a fawn from the arrow, startled and wild, 
 A woman swept by me bearing a child ; 
 In her eye was the night of a settled despair, 
 And her brow was overshadowed with anguish and 
 care. 
 
 ^^^ 
 
IX THE UNITED STATES. 57 
 
 She was nearing the river-on reaching the brink 
 She heeded no danger, she paused not to think ! 
 For she is a mother— her child is a slave— 
 And she^ll give him his freedom or find him a 
 grave ! 
 
 But she-s free-yes, free from the land v.here 
 the slave 
 
 From the hand of oppression must rest in the 
 grave; 
 
 Where bondage and torture, where scourges and 
 
 chains. 
 Have placed on our banner indelible stains. 
 
 The blood-hounds have missed the scent of her 
 way; 
 
 The hunter is rifled and foiled of his prey 
 Fierce jargon and cursing, with clanking of chains. 
 Make sounds of strange discord on Liberty's plains. 
 
 With the rapture of love and fulness of bliss 
 She placed on his brow a mother's fond k.Is- 
 Oh! poverty, danger, and death she can brave 
 For the cluld of her love >s no longer a slave. 
 
Slavery in the South, 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Southern Colonies. 
 
 The system of slavery established in the South- 
 ern colonies, the Carolinas settled by a body of 
 Engish nobles and aristocrats under Lord Claren- 
 don at Albemarle in 1663 and Georgia by Lord 
 Baltimore in 1732, as a refuge for oppressed debtor 
 classes in England, differed in many essentials from 
 the New England system. On account of the un- 
 profitableness of slave labor and the Quaker and 
 Puritan religious sentiments, slaves were emancipa- 
 ted in many of the New England States before the 
 Civil War, while in New Hampshire, though au- 
 thorized by law, the people refused to own or deal 
 in slaves. The slave system reached its highest de- 
 velopment in the South, where vast plantations of 
 cotton, tobacco, sugar-cane and rice were cultivated 
 by slave labor, in the midst of which grew up that 
 distinct type of American life known as the 
 Southern Aristocracy, whose ideas of government 
 were embodied in John Locke's Grand Model in 
 South Carolina. 
 
 Many Slaves Were Overworked and otherwise 
 brutally mistreated by individuals blind to every- 
 
GO HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 thing but i^ersonal gain. Ever}^ custom and law 
 calculated to render this class of property secure 
 and productive of greater riches, however severe, 
 found support among this class of owners. These 
 practices debauched both master and slave and east 
 an undeserved reproach upon the entire South, 
 when in fact the great body of Southern owners 
 treated their slaves kindly and instructed them 
 in truthfulness, sobriety and the other Christian 
 virtues. 
 
 M'nwritj/ Opposition. — There was always a re- 
 spectable minority in the South that opposed 
 slavery, and while the system was vast and in many 
 cases severe, it was for the most part as humane 
 as could likely be. 
 
 Florida, Louisiana and Texas were so different 
 from the other Southern States in their early his- 
 tory' and in the nature and incidents of their slave 
 regimes that they deserve separate mention. 
 
 Florida.^ 
 
 Florida Was the First of the Spanish colonies 
 in Xorth America and indeed St. Augustine, Flor- 
 ida, 1565, was the first permanent European set- 
 tlement on the continent. It continued in the 
 possession of Spain till 1819, when it was ceded 
 to the United States, in a purchase of the Spanish 
 claim to the territory west of the Eocln' mountains. 
 
 The Spanish resorted to the enslavement of 
 Indians till they proved unprofitable and imported 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 61 
 
 Africans to work the mines of South America 
 and in the plantation colonies even before the 
 English did. But the practices of the two na- 
 tions in this matter were vastly different. The 
 Spanish, themselves mixed wath the Latin and 
 Moorish races of the East, had less aversion to a 
 further mixture with neighboring people than did 
 the English. In Florida, as in Mexico, Cuba and 
 the other .colonies, the Castilians inter-married 
 freely with the native and Negro inhabitants, 
 either by law^ or the prevailing custom. This 
 practice rendered slavery well nigh inoperative in 
 Florida under Spanish rule and developed a mixed 
 nationality, known as mulattoes, whose legal status 
 became that of their fathers and not their moth- 
 ers, as was the case in English colonies. 
 
 The mild laws and milder practices in Florida 
 and the unfriendly relations between the Spanish 
 and English colonies drew thousands of free and 
 slave Xegroes from South Carolina and Georgia 
 into this territory. 
 
 jSTegro Government. 
 
 Blount's Fort Government. — Hundreds of slaves 
 escaping from the neighboring English settlements 
 into the Everglades of Florida, fortified Blount's 
 Fort and established an independent government 
 in those almost inaccessible morasses that lasted 
 for forty odd years. More permanent, indeed. 
 
62 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 was it than was the French authority in Louisiana 
 or the Dutch in Xew Netherland. 
 
 Many thousands more joined the Seminole and 
 Creek Indians, with whom they freely inter-mar- 
 ried, and moved westward into Florida, Alabama, 
 Mississippi and finally into the present Indian 
 Territdry and Oklahoma. If the Negro does not 
 boast of the abundant infusion of English, Span- 
 ish and French blood, he may, in keeping with 
 the First Families of A^irginia, those of all the 
 Gulf States, Arkansas and Oklahoma, justly boast 
 of the blood of Osceola, the Seminoles and Creeks, 
 a better endowed and more lasting people than 
 those of Pocahontas, flowing through their veins. 
 
The French Type, 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Louisiana. 
 
 The French owned the territory of Louisiana, 
 extending from the Mississippi northwestward to 
 the Pacific coast, till 1803, when it was purchased 
 by the United States for $15,000,000. 
 
 French claims to this territory were based on 
 the explorations of La Salle in 1682, who crossed 
 the country from the French settlements in Can- 
 ada and sailed down the Mississippi to its mouth. 
 
 Slavery, if such it may be called, existed in the 
 French settlements in and around New Orleans, 
 from its establishment in 1718. It was rather 
 the rule for the colonists to marry among the 
 slaves, and such marriages were readily acknowl- 
 edged by the Catholic church, which was ever 
 loath to tolerate slavery in any form. The blacks 
 were received into the churches and have con- 
 tinued to worship along with other races till the 
 present time. Many prominent mulattoes, com- 
 monly known as Creoles, came of these unions, 
 
64 IIISTOKY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 and the property and other things which com- 
 bined to make and intrench the Frencli nobility 
 in the Soutliern Louisiana country, went to the 
 offsprings of these unions, and there continues 
 to exist a wealthy and aristocratic element of Ne- 
 groes in the larger cities of Louisiana, and partic- 
 ularly Xew Orleans, that came down from the 
 old French regime. 
 
 Alexandre Dumas. 
 
 Alexandre Dumas, famous everywhere inflected 
 languages are spoken, as a novel and play writer, 
 was the son of a French officer and a Xegro 
 mother, born 1802. Dumas' "Monte Christo'' and 
 his "Three Musketeers" have been read perhaps 
 more than any books except the Bible. 
 
 M. Dumas left Xew Orleans and went to France, 
 where he amassed a princely fortune by his 
 waitings. 
 
The Spanish Type. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Texas. 
 
 Texas was claimed by Spain as a part of Mexico 
 and by France on the explorations of La Salle as 
 a part of Louisiana. This disputed boundary 
 question was transferred to the United States 
 in the purchase of Louisiana in 1803. Though 
 Texas had won her independence horn. Mexico in 
 1836, Mexico did not relinquish her claims to 
 Texas or agree to any definite boundary till the 
 end of the Mexican war in 1845. 
 
 Mexico, under whose authority Texas was set- 
 tled, forbade the bringing in or holding of slaves 
 within the territory of Texas. Many Negroes, 
 however, were brought in under the pledge to 
 adopt the system of peonage practiced in Mexico, 
 but the development of the type of servitude pe- 
 culiar to the system prevailing in the United 
 States caused Mexico to pass laws declaring all 
 slaves free at 14 years of age in 1828. A later 
 enactment proclaimed freedom to all Negroes un- 
 conditionally. At the breaking out of the Texas 
 Revolution, Mexico offered every inducement and 
 assistance to the slaves to escape into Mexico. 
 
66 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 Many Negroes joined the Mexican army and thus 
 gained their freedom at no great cost to the in- 
 dependence of Texas. 
 
 Mexicans in Texas, after the Revolution, con- 
 tinued to live and marry among the slaves, and 
 by an ingenious system of underground railway, 
 contrived to assist hundreds of Negroes to escape 
 across the Rio Grande. 
 
 The Planters of Texas soon suspected the Mex- 
 ican teamsters in connection with this wholesale 
 exodus of slaves to Mexico, and many minor out- 
 breaks occurred. In one of these, known as the 
 Cart War, trouble of a sanguinary nature was nar- 
 rowly averted. This generous admixture of Aztec 
 and Negro blood appears to have enriched both 
 and these marital and social relations have been 
 fruitful in the development of a distinct sociolog- 
 ical element in the whole Texas group. 
 
 Texas won its independence from Mexico in 
 1836 and established an independent republican 
 government, which lasted till its peaceful annexa- 
 tion to the United States in 1845. 
 
 The Inter-Colonial Wars. — King William's war 
 in 1689-97, Queen Anne's war in 1702-13, and 
 King George's war 1744-48, were but echoes of 
 the wars between England and France at home. 
 The French and Indian war in 1754-63 was waged 
 over the disputed territory west of the Alleghany 
 mountains. England was victorious and gained 
 the disputed territory and all of Canada. 
 
Revolutionary War, 
 
 CHAPTEE IX. 
 
 The attention which the French and Indian 
 War drew to the American colonies showed them 
 to be more prosperous in material things, more 
 capable in war and far more alarmingly imbued 
 with the spirit of independence and nationality 
 than was thought possible by the mother country. 
 Measures of repression were at once enacted and 
 those already existing were strengthened. 
 
 King and parliament vied with each other in 
 checking this spirit of independence and in turn- 
 ing this stream of wealth toward the English 
 treasury. 
 
 The Navigation Act already passed, the aboli- 
 tion of charters, the Stamp Act and the taxing 
 of the colonies to meet the expenses of the recent 
 wars, were resisted everywhere by the Americans. 
 
 The sending over of British soldiers to enforce 
 obedience to these laws and to quiet the growing 
 discontent with implements of war, served only 
 to fan the prevailing disquiet into open rebellion. 
 
r^^r'^L^ \ 
 
in the united states. 69 
 
 Crispus Attucks, 
 
 The Boston Massacre. — The British guard sta- 
 tioned at Boston very early became unbearable 
 in their insults and persecutions of the people. 
 On such an occasion in 1770, the Negro giant 
 Crispus Attucks, in keeping with the spirit that 
 prevailed in the colonies, called a few of his white 
 neighbors together and led them against the Brit- 
 ish soldiers, beating them back with clubs till the 
 guard was ordered to charge; at the first fire At- 
 tucks, the immortal black, alone fell and another 
 volley brought two of his white comrades to his 
 side. Thus the first blow of the Revolutionary 
 War in defense of x\merican independence was 
 struck and the first blood was shed by the black 
 patriot, leader and martyr, Crispus Attucks. The 
 whole country was aroused and threats of summary 
 violence to the guard and treasonable utterances 
 against the parliament and the king were heard 
 throughout the country. 
 
 The Historian Goodrich Says : ^The guard now 
 marched out with guns loaded. They met a 
 great crowd of people, led on by the giant Negro, 
 Attucks. At last Attucks with twelve of his fol- 
 lowers began to strike upon their muskets with 
 clubs, and to cr}^ out to the crowd, '^Don't be 
 afraid — tliey dare not fire — the miserable cowards 
 — kill the rascals — crush them under foot!' At- 
 tucks now lifted his hands against the captain of 
 the guard and seized hold of his bavonet. At 
 
70 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 this instant the firing began. Attucks dropped 
 dead immediately. The soldiers fired twice more 
 and two others were killed. On the 8th of March 
 the three slain citizens were buried. The shops 
 were all closed during the ceremony, and the 
 bells in Boston and the adjoining towns were all 
 the while tolling." 
 
 Attucks took no part in the singing we hear 
 all the while, "Give me liberty or give me death," 
 but was the first American to defy and hurl back 
 the enemy and invaders of his country — the first 
 to choose liberty and death — the first martyr to 
 his country's cause. 
 
 A National Sin. 
 
 For a constitution, framed by the same genera- 
 tion of patriots, to sanction the enslavement of a 
 race to which the first leader and martyr to its 
 independence belonged, is one of the prodigies of 
 history — was the scarlet crime of the age. Out 
 of this war, in which he performed the patriot's 
 role so nobl}^ were to come questions, when settled 
 right, that meant the freedom and enfranchise- 
 ment of his race, in the land so abundantly en- 
 riched by their blood and brawn. The promises 
 of freedom, made by the eager witnesses to this 
 courage and heroic martyrdom on Boston Com- 
 mon, suffered postponement and delay in the 
 constitutional convention for three-quarters of a 
 century, but not defeat. Attucks and his people 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 71 
 
 were so much a part of the warp and woof of 
 that sentiment which developed into American 
 independence and nationality, without which pat- 
 triotism is anarchy, that the promises made then 
 and fulfilled in 1860 to 1865, with all the inter- 
 vening consequences, were inevitable results, as 
 just, natural and logical as were the cause and re- 
 sults of the Revolution itself. 
 
 All nations combined to erect a monument of 
 marble to his memory, his people were liberated 
 and enfranchised, and yet the full measure of 
 those promises, under God, in the nature of the 
 causes that inspired them, have not been meted 
 out. 
 
 Inventions. 
 
 The inventions of the cotton gin by a Maryland 
 Negro and the transmitter used in the Bell tele- 
 phone by Granville Woods show how the Negro 
 has contributed to the wealth and convenience 
 of the world in time of peace. 
 
Freemen and Slaves in One 
 Cause. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The War Begins. 
 
 The war of the Eevolution now opens in all 
 its fury. The country impoverished by the 
 French and Indian war was unorganized and with- 
 out an anny, but the spirit of Attucks was abroad 
 in the land. American reverses on Long Island, 
 at Monmouth, Camden and the agonies of Valley 
 Forge were abundantly counteracted by the victo- 
 ries at Trenton, Saratoga, on the sea and the sur- 
 render of the British at Yorktown in 1781. 
 
 CoLOxiAL Army. 
 
 N^igro Soldiers. — More than G0,000 Negroes en- 
 listed and served in the ranks during the Revolu- 
 tionar}' war. About 8000 in the North joined 
 the American army, and over 50,000 served with 
 the British under the promise of freedom in the 
 Southern and Middle colonies. This first move- 
 ment toward honorable enlistment of slaves by the 
 
IN TJIE UNITED STATES. 73 
 
 British and the promise of emancipation had the 
 elTeet of securing their sympathy and support 
 throughout the South. The Northern colonies 
 had not neglected the opportunity of enlisting 
 both free and slave Negroes in that section from 
 the first, and as the war was waged for the first 
 few years exclusively at the North, the idea of 
 utilizing the great body of slaves in the South 
 seems not to have occurred to them. Two things 
 served to prevent enlistment of Southern Negroes : 
 First, the great Tory element in all the Southern 
 colonies that not only would not allow their slaves 
 to join the colonial army, but themselves joined 
 the British and encouraged the slaves of Revolu- 
 tionary sympathizers to accept the British terms 
 of enlistment. The other was the British offer 
 of freedom to slaves. 
 
 An attempt to defeat the logical results of this 
 offer of freedom and pare the plan of enlistment 
 of Negroes by the British, is shown by a letter 
 from Alexander Hamilton to John Jay, then pres- 
 ident of the Continental Congress, on the sub- 
 ject : 
 
 "New York, March, 1779. 
 
 "To John Jay: 
 
 "Dear Sir: — Col. Laurens, who will have the 
 honor of delivering you this letter, is on his way 
 to South Carolina on a project which I think, in 
 the present situation of affairs there, is very good 
 and deserves every kind of support and encourage- 
 
74 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 ment. This is, to raise two or three or four bat- 
 talions of Negroes, with the assistance of the gov- 
 ernment of that State, by contributions from the 
 owners in proportion to the numbers they possess. 
 If you think proper to enter upon the subject with 
 him, he will give you a detail of his plan. He 
 wishes to have it recommended by Congress and 
 the State, and, as an inducement, they should 
 engage to take those battalions into Continental 
 pay. It appears to me that an experiment of 
 this kind, in the present state of Southern affairs, 
 is the most rational that can be adopted, and 
 promises very important advantages. Indeed, I 
 hardly see how a sufficient force can be collected 
 in that quarter without it, and the enemy's oper- 
 ations are growing infinitely more serious and for- 
 midable. I have not the least doubt that the 
 Negroes will make very excellent soldiers with 
 proper management, and I will venture to pro- 
 nounce that they can not be put in better hands 
 than those of Mr. Laurens. He has the zeal, in- 
 telligence, enterprise and every other qualification 
 necessary to succeed in such an undertaking. 
 
 "It is a maxim with some great military judges 
 that, Vith sensible officers, soldiers can not be too 
 stupid,' and, on this principle it is argued that the 
 Eussians would make the best troops in the world 
 if they were under other officers than their own. 
 I mention this, because I hear it frequently ob- 
 jected to the scheme of embodying Negroes, that 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 75 
 
 they are too stupid to make soldiers. This is so 
 far from appearing, to me, a valid objection that 
 I think their want of cultivation (for their nat- 
 ural faculties are probably as good as ours), joined 
 to that habit of subordination from a life of serv- 
 itude, will make them sooner become soldiers than 
 our white inhabitants. Let officers be men of 
 sense and sentiment, and the nearer the soldier 
 approaches to machines perhaps the better. I 
 foresee that this project will have to combat much 
 opposition from prejudice and self-interest. The 
 contempt we have been taught to entertain for 
 the blacks makes us fancy many things that are 
 founded neither in reason nor experience, and an 
 unwillingness to part with property of so valuable 
 a kind will furnish a thousand arguments to show 
 the impracticability or pernicious tendency of a 
 scheme which requires such a sacrifice. But it 
 should be considered that if we do not make use 
 of them in this way the enemy probably will, and 
 that the best way to counteract the temptation they 
 hold out will be to offer them ourselves. An es- 
 sential part of the plan is to give them their free- 
 dom with their muskets. This will secure their 
 fidelity, animate their courage, and I believe will 
 have a good influence upon those who remain by 
 opening a door to their emancipation. This cir- 
 cumstance, I confess, has no small weight in in- 
 ducing me to wish the success of the project, for 
 the dictates of humanity and true policy equally 
 
76 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 interest me in favor of this unfortunate class of 
 men. 
 
 *'Witb the truest res])eet and esteem, I am, sir, 
 -'Yonr most obedient servant, 
 
 (Johnson) "Alexander Hamilton/' 
 
 The Tory element in the States of South Caro- 
 lina and Georgia was so strong and property in 
 slaves was so valuable that Col. Laurens failed 
 utterly in his plan. British governors in these 
 colonies had already issued orders granting free- 
 dom to all such slaves as would join the roya] 
 army. In Georgia and South Carolina more than 
 35,000 joined the British under that system. 
 
 A letter from George Washington to the Amer- 
 ican. Col. Laurens, on the condition so familiar 
 to him in that section, is given: 
 
 Washington's Letter. 
 
 "I must confess I am not at all astonished at 
 the failure of your plans. Tliat spirit of freedom 
 which at the commencement of this contest would 
 have gladly sacrificed everything to the attain- 
 ment of its object has long since subsided and 
 every selfish passion has taken its place. It is 
 not the public but private interest which influ- 
 ences the generality of mankind, nor can Ameri- 
 cans any longer boast an exception. Under these 
 circumstances it would rather have been surprising 
 if you had succeeded, nor will you. I fear, have 
 better success in Georgia.*^ 
 
Black Heroes, 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Tpie Black Scout. 
 
 CalehJBarhow\:^-OjiQ of the most daring feats 
 ofTlie Eevolution was performed by Caleb Bar- 
 bour, a free Negro of iSTew York. Barbour served 
 through the entire campaign at the North and 
 contributed more to the ultimate defeat of the 
 British in that section than any other one man. 
 
 The British were stationed on the almost in- 
 accessible heights of Stony Point, the key to the 
 British supplies in Canada by way of the old 
 French and Indian route. General Anthony 
 Wayne, who was sent against that fort, was about 
 to give up in despair, when the Negro Caleb Bar- 
 bour, the famous Revolutionary Scout, returned 
 to camp in possession of the British countersign 
 and led the Americans up the perilous way, in 
 the dead of night, on within the enemy's lines 
 and to victory. One of the bloodiest encounters of 
 the war ensued, in which the British received a 
 crushing defeat, a defeat which rendered General 
 Gates' victory at Saratoga sure and complete. 
 
78 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 Of This Battle the Historian Barnes Says: 
 "The capture of Stony Point was one of the most 
 brilliant exploits of the war. The countersign, 
 which curiously enough was, ^The fort is ours,^ was 
 obtained by a Negro. He guided the troops in the 
 darkness to the causeway leading over the flooded 
 marshes around the foot of the hill on which the 
 fort was situated. The unsuspicious sentinel, hav- 
 ing received the countersign, was chatting with 
 the Negro, when he was suddenly seized and 
 gagged. An instant more and the deafening 
 shouts told that the fort was won." 
 
 Thus it is seen how the Negro, Barbour, pos- 
 sessing freedom but not citizenship in terms of 
 the Colonial law, was the one man who secured 
 for the Americans this strategic point and cut 
 Burgoyne off from his base of supplies in Canada. 
 
 Peter Salem, who, when the American forces 
 were routed with great slaughter at Bunker Hill, 
 dashed into the thickest of the enemy and shot the 
 fierce British officer. General Pitcairn, dead as he 
 mounted the ramparts to demand the surrender 
 of the remaining Americans, was a Massachusetts 
 slave. 
 
 Samuel Charlton, complimented by George 
 Washington for exceptional bravery at the battle 
 of Monmouth, where General Lee proved a traitor 
 to his country. 
 
 James Armstead, a famous scout under Lafay- 
 ette's command. 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 79 
 
 Prince Whipple, who captured the British Gen- 
 eral Prescott, and aide to General Washington in 
 the first American victory at Trenton, were some 
 of the Negro soldiers of the Revolution particu- 
 larly distinguished for bravery. Several hundred 
 of these brave men were pensioned for life by the 
 new republic. 
 
 George Washington emancipated his slaves after 
 the war closed, as did Jefferson and many other 
 prominent Southerners. Lafayette, the French 
 nobleman who contributed his means and his tal- 
 ents to secure the independence of the American 
 colonies, was disappointed on his visit to the 
 United States in 1824 to see many of the brave 
 soldiers who fought with him through the war 
 and all their brothers still slaves to the people they 
 had helped so nobly to make free, and declared: 
 "I would never have drawn my sword in the 
 cause of America if I could have conceived that 
 thereby I was founding a land of slavery.^' 
 
 Kosciusko, the brave Pole, left an endowment 
 of $20,000 in this country for the education of the 
 Negro children. Many others of noble impulses 
 expressed the deepest shame that the brave Negro 
 soldiers and their kith and kin were so wofully 
 neglected when the war was over. 
 
 The Treaty of Peace. 
 
 The treaty of peace between America and Great 
 Britain was painfully delayed for two years after 
 
80 HISTORY or THE NEGRO 
 
 the suspension of liostilities, and tlie adoption of 
 tlie constitution was not secured till four years 
 later. The main obstacle that stood in the way of 
 peace and delayed the treaty so long was the 
 dogged persistency with which England clung to 
 it? promise to protect and provide for her Tory 
 allies in the Southern colonies, many of whom 
 had fled to Canada, leaving their lands' and slaves 
 to the mercy of their hostile neighbors. The 
 50,000 or more Xegroes who served through the 
 entire war in the British army on the promise of 
 freedom were shamefully deceived and neglected, 
 and were handed over, in many cases, as munitions 
 of war, to the victors, while thousands of others 
 were taken by them and sold into slavery^ in the 
 Barbadoes. 
 
The Constitutional 
 Convention. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Framixg the Constitution. 
 
 The constitutional convention which met in 
 Philadelphia in May^ 1787^ had no more perplex- 
 ing question to deal with than that of slavery. 
 The fierce antagonism between the slave States 
 and free States brought the convention and the 
 proposed constitution painfully near the verge of 
 disruj)tion and defeat. The questions "Were 
 slaves to be reckoned as persons or chattels/' 
 the three-fifths compromise, "Prohibiting the 
 further importation of slaves and the proposi- 
 tion to exclude slavery from the Northwest Ter- 
 ritorv'/' were questions which N"ew England and 
 South Carolina particularly fought over, on oppo- 
 site sides, with passionate denunciations and 
 threats of secession, throughout the entire five 
 months session of the convention. 
 
 On the question of providing two houses of 
 Congress, one to embodv Mr. Hamilton's idea of 
 
82 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 a strong central government and State representa- 
 tion, the other Mr. Jefferson's for a direct repre- 
 sentation of the people. South Carolina witnessed 
 a change of faith and insisted upon the counting 
 of slaves as persons along with other inhabitants 
 in fixing the basis of representation in Congress. 
 This insistence was met by the proposition of di- 
 rect taxation, whereupon the Southern colonies 
 readily accepted the "three-fifths" compromise. 
 
 The question of preventing further importation 
 of slaves was compromised by prohibiting it after 
 twenty years, in 1808. The proposition to pro- 
 hibit slavery in the Northwest Territory was also 
 adopted. 
 
 The impression, therefore, that the constitution 
 ignored the question of slavery comes with no 
 truth and with very bad grace. 
 
 Types of the Two Sections. 
 
 It can be no more the province of sociology than 
 of history to note that the West and Northwest 
 were and will continue to be what Pennsylvania is 
 in all the essential elements of civil life and that 
 the South and Southwest will continue a faithful 
 prototype of South Carolina. Immigrants to this 
 country that go into the Northwest imbibe the sen- 
 timents of Philadelphia, and those to the South- 
 west pass through and carry with them the senti- 
 ments of Charleston; so that the Mason and Dixon 
 Line is as logical as it is certain; and any effort, 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 83 
 
 civil or military, of whatever proportions, put 
 forth to obliterate it strikes at the very foundation 
 sentiments of the government and must fail 
 wofuUy. 
 
 The Cotton Gin. 
 
 The invention of the cotton gin by a Negro of 
 Georgia and perfected by Whitney in 1793, gave 
 an impetus to the raising of cotton that called 
 into service well nigh the entire carrying equip- 
 ment of the world, to import slaves into the South- 
 ern States to meet this new demand for labor. So 
 profitable was the trade in human beings, and 
 60 thoroughly numb was the conscience of the 
 world to the vice of human slavery, that thousands 
 of white slaves, commonly known as indentured 
 servants, were brought from the centers of popu- 
 lation in Europe, till at one time they outnum- 
 bered the blacks in the Middle colonies. 
 
 The cloud which enveloped Whitney^s claim to 
 the invention of the cotton gin from the first drew 
 to the subject close investigation, which shows 
 that a Georgia Negro was the real inventor. 
 Again the question, "What has the Negro given to 
 the world T is answered. An extract from a letter 
 from the assistant librarian of Congress is given: 
 
 "Washington, D. C. 
 "My Dear Mr. Murphy: — Replying to your 
 favor of the 24th inst., I desire to say Eli Whitney 
 was a white man, born in Massachusetts in 1765, 
 
84 HISTOKY OF THE XEGKO 
 
 and went, to Georgia in 1792 to take cliarge of a 
 school near Savannah. He gave some attention 
 to the matter of separating the seed from the cot- 
 ton which i? called ginning, and was done wholly 
 by hand. His claim as inventor has been suc- 
 cessfully disputed and in controversy the claim 
 was made that he imbibed the idea from a Xegro 
 slave on the plantation of Mrs. Gen. Xathaniel 
 Greene, and was seeking to impose on the public 
 by claiming the idea as original with himself. So 
 incensed were the planters at the dubious charac- 
 ter of his claim that, in a body, they broke into 
 the barn where the model machine was being 
 exhibited and destroyed it and forced Wliitney to 
 flee for his life. Very sincerely yours, 
 
 "Daxiel Murry.'' 
 
The New Government. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Early Difficulties. 
 
 The aclministratioii of the new government 
 began with the election of George Washington to 
 the presidency in 1789. An empty treasury, In- 
 dian wars, the whisky rebellion and efforts of 
 England to further impair the credit of the United 
 States abroad, were some of the difficulties that 
 confronted the country during Washington's ad- 
 ministration. Adams, the second president, was 
 defeated for a second term on account of his lean- 
 ing toward the x\lien and Sedition Laws. The 
 development of the idea of party government re- 
 sulted in the election of Jefferson, the father of 
 Democracy. 
 
 Jefferson's administration witnessed the pur- 
 chase of Louisiana in 1803, invention of the steam- 
 boat in 1807, and the expiration of the twenty 
 years term, after which slaves could not legally 
 be imported into the United States, 1808. A 
 system of smuggling, by which hundreds of thous- 
 
86 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 ands of Negroes were brought to America, took 
 the place of the former constitutional right. The 
 United States census reports of 1790 showed 40,- 
 370 slaves in the Northern States, consisting of 
 New Hampshire 158, Vermont 17, Massachusetts 
 none, Rhode Island 952, Connecticut 2759, New 
 York 21,324, New Jersey 11,323 and Pennsylva- 
 nia 3737; and 657,527 in the Southern States, 
 comprising Delaware 8887, Maryland 103,036, 
 Virginia 193,427, North Carolina 100,572, South 
 Carolina 107,094, Georgia 29,264, Kentucky 11,- 
 830 and Tennessee 3417. The strong abolition 
 party that grew up under the influence of Wash- 
 ington and Jefferson in Virginia rapidly melted 
 away in the presence of the great demand and 
 rich remuneration put upon slave labor by the 
 invention of the spinning jenny and the power 
 loom in England and the cotton gin in America. 
 Although the treaty of peace between England 
 and the United States was signed in 1783, appar- 
 ently in good faith, Great Britain predicted that 
 the new experiment of a republican form of gov- 
 ernment in America would fail, and constantly 
 cherished and sought every opportunity to hasten 
 on the dissolution. The Indians were incited to 
 every manner of depredations on the frontier set- 
 tlements. American commerce was preyed upon 
 and our sailors were pressed into British service. 
 These troubles brought on the second war with 
 England. 
 
Second Foreign War. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 War of 1812. 
 
 The war of 1812, without which the achieve- 
 ments of the great Eevolution would have been 
 rendered fruitless, was, strangely enough, violently 
 opposed at the North, and was characterized in 
 Congress and by Northern orators as the Southern 
 war. With respect to the Negro, conditions were 
 the exact reverse of those during the Eevolution. 
 Thousands of free Negroes enlisted and served 
 with rare distinction throughout the war, both 
 on land and sea. 
 
 At New Orleans. 
 
 Negro Soldiers to the number of 500 served 
 under General Andrew Jackson at the famous 
 battle of New Orleans. As to their bravery and 
 soldierly conduct, the following speech made to 
 them by General Jackson on the eve of battle and 
 the official report of Commodore Shaler are suffi- 
 cient testimony: 
 
88 history of the nkgijo 
 
 General Jackson's Speech. 
 
 ^'To the Men of Color — Soldiers: From the 
 shores of Mobile I liave collected you to arms. I 
 invited you to share in the perils and to divide 
 tlie glory with your white countrymen. I ex- 
 pected much from you, for I was informed of those 
 qualities which must render you so formidable to 
 an invading foe. I knew that you could endure 
 hunger and thirst and all the hardshi])s of war. 
 I knew that you loved the land of your nativity, 
 and that, like ourselves, you had to defend all 
 that is most dear to man. But you have sur- 
 passed all my hopes. I have found in you, united 
 to those qualities, that noble enthusiasm which 
 impels to great deeds. 
 
 "Soldiers, the president of the United States 
 shall be informed of your conduct on the present 
 occasion, and the voices of the representatives of 
 the American nation shall applaud your valor as 
 your general now praises your ardor. The enemy 
 is near. His sails cover the lakes, but the brave 
 are united, and if he finds us contending among 
 ourselves it will be for the prize of valor and fame, 
 its noblest reward.*^ 
 
 Commander Shaler's Eeport. 
 
 "At Sea, Jan. 1st, 1813. 
 "My officers conducted themselves in a way 
 that would have done honor to a more permanent 
 
IN THE UXITED STATES. 89 
 
 service. The name of one of my poor fellows 
 who was killed ought to be registered in the book 
 of fame and remembered with reverence as long 
 as bravery is a vritue. He was a black man by 
 the name of John Johnson. A 34-pound shot 
 struck him in the hip and took away all the lower 
 part of his body. In this state the poor brave 
 fellow lay on deck and several times exclaimed to 
 his shipmates, 'Fire away, my boys; don't haul 
 the colors down !' " 
 
 (Johnson.) 
 
 In South Carolina — The slaves in many of the 
 Southern States had now come to outnumber the 
 whites. Groundless fears, therefore, of a Negro 
 uprising caused them to pass very harsh and op- 
 pressive laws against the slaves. In South Caro- 
 lina, the slaves outnumbered the whites two to 
 one, and in Mississippi the proportion was even 
 larger than that. In these two States the high 
 water mark of severe customs and legislation was 
 reached. 
 
A National Question. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Abolition Sentiment. 
 
 True to the promise made at the breaking out 
 
 of the war of the Revolution, tlie Northern States 
 
 passed laws lib erating the slaves, when it w as 
 
 seen_ that the constitution contained no provisions 
 
 fo r it. Where the State machinery was slow in 
 
 redeeming the pledge thousands of individuals 
 
 set their slaves free. The zeal which the Southern 
 1 
 
 States exhibited in the constitutional convent ion, 
 for~tKe~^pefpetmty_andeven extension of slavery 
 into other sec tion s, and the enormous proportions 
 which the system was gammg~1}y th e^lmportation 
 of thousands of Negroes yea rly, a roused the anti- 
 slavery leaders in the North, bro ught rec ruits to 
 their ranks and g ave a more settled deter mina- 
 tion to slavery agitators in that section. 
 
 Organizations Established. 
 
 Numerous anti-slaver\''soc ietie s_vrprp n^gflTn'zpd 
 in Northern cities and many political parties that 
 contended~Ior~'Natio^l control pres ented pla t- 
 forms and candidates in open oppo sition to slav ery. 
 
 The Liberty Party Platform, 1839 : "Resolved, 
 That in our judgment every consideration of duty 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 91. 
 
 and expediency which ought to control the action 
 of Christian freemen" requires of the ASbTitionists 
 of'fhe TJmted St ates to ~organiza_a ^ dist inct and 
 independent political p.arty^ embracing all the 
 necessary means for nominating candidates for of- 
 fices and maintaining them by public suffrage. 
 We pledge ourselves to the abolition of slavery 
 in the District of Columbia and in the territories, 
 the abolition of the inter-state slave trade, and 
 our opposition to slavery to the extent of using all 
 constitutional methods for its abolition." 
 
 Tlie_Fr ee Soil Party Platfo rm, 1848, Ma rtin 
 Van Buren, candidate: "A common resolve to 
 main t^ain the rights of free labor against the a g- 
 gressions of the slave jDower, and to secure free 
 soil to a free people is our pledg e. We propose 
 no interference with slavery within the limits of 
 any State. It was the settled policy of the na- 
 tion from 1784 to 1800 not to extend, nationalize 
 or encourage slavery, and to this policy the govern- 
 ment ought to return. Congress has no more 
 power to make a slave than to make a king, and 
 we contend that the only safe means of preventing 
 the extension of slavery into territory now free, 
 is to prevent its extension into such territory by 
 an act of Congress. We accept the issue w^hich 
 the slave power has forced upon us, and to their 
 demand -for more slave States and more slave ter- 
 ritory, our calm but final answer is, ''No more 
 slave States and no more slave territory.^ There 
 
92 HISTORY OP THE NEGRO 
 
 must be no more compromises with slaven'; if 
 made, they must be repealed." 
 
 !nie Free DemocraticPlatfonn, John_R_jiale, 
 candidate: ''Slayerj is a s[n_againstGod, and_a 
 crime against man, which no human enactment 
 noi^jusage_canmake_right. The Fugitive Slave 
 I^w of 1850 is repugnant^ to the constitution; we 
 therefore deny its binding force on the American 
 people, and demand its immediate and total re- 
 peal. Slayer^' is sectiojial and freedom national. 
 We inscribe on our bannei^JF ree Soil, Free Speech, 
 Free Labor and Free Men." 
 
 ReplaBTican Party Piatfonn,, 1854, Joh n C. Fr e- 
 mont, candidate: "Resolved, That the mainte- 
 nance of the principles promulgated in the Dec- 
 laration of Independence and embodied in the 
 Federal constitution, is essention to the preserva- 
 tion of our republican institutions; and the -Fed- 
 eral constitution, the rights of the States and 
 the union of the States shall be preservedj That 
 we deny ThTauthority of Congress or a territorial 
 legislature or any individual or association of indi- 
 viduals to give legal existance to slavery in any 
 territor}' of the United States, while the present 
 constitution &hall be maintainedT^ That constitu- 
 tion confers upon Congress sovereign power over 
 the territories and their government, and that in 
 the exercise of this power it is both the right and 
 the imperative duty of Congress to prohibit in the 
 territories those twin relics of barbarism — slavery 
 and polygamy." 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 93 
 
 The above Republican platform was aimed at 
 the famous Drcd Scott Decision and the Kansas 
 and Nebraska trouble, as well as the extension 
 of slavery in general. 
 
 A violent storm of opposition to this anti-slavery 
 agitation was aroused at the South, kept always 
 within the limits of the constitution, however. 
 
 Tl^e Democratic Pl atform, 1856, James JBu- 
 chanan, candidate: "ResoTved, WcTreiterate with 
 renewed^cnergyof purpose theweljUconsidereH^dec^ 
 larations of former conventions upon the sectional 
 issue _of domestic slavery." 
 
 The_John_C^__Breekeiuiii^^ Platform of the 
 Democratic party in 1860 : ''Resolved, That en- 
 actments to defeat the j\i^^ Mave""Xaw7~or j n 
 any way disturb the Jnstitution of slavery, are 
 revolutionar y in the ir effect." ~- 
 
 Alexa nder H. Stephen s. — In answer toJ;he ve- 
 hement app eals and demands oTS Sthern orators, 
 Alexander H. Ste phens of Georgia declared in an- 
 nouncing the or ganization of the Confederate gov- 
 ernment to the world _in 186 1 : "Our newj^ov- 
 ernmenrTOoiinded--iijion__exact^ opposite 
 idea., to Jhe freedom and equality of races; its 
 foundations are laid, its corner stone rests up on 
 the_greaF^th'_|Eiir to 
 *^^^J^i*^ .-5ian ; that^^slavery — subordination to 
 the suj)erior race — is his~natural and" normal con- 
 dition." ' '" ~ 
 
Both Sections Aroused, 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Slavery Further Agitated. 
 
 The press and pulpit of the JSTorth combined 
 to stay the engulfing tide of slavery, and the most 
 sensational literature of every class was scattered 
 broadcast over the country. New publications 
 were established solely to combat slavery. 
 
 Benjamin Lundy, one of the early abolition 
 agitators, published "The Genius of Universal 
 Emancipation'' at Baltimore. 
 
 William Lloyd Garrison brought out "The" Lib- 
 erator'' in 1831, declaring that he would publish 
 it till every slave in America was free. "The Na- 
 tional Reformer," edited by William Whipper, a 
 former slave, had the effect of solidifying New 
 England in its^ opposition to slavery and won the 
 support of the Central and Western States. Other 
 agitators were Wendell Phillips and Elijah Love- 
 joy. 
 
 The Missouri Compromise of 1821 was the cul- 
 mination of a fierce struggle between the pro- 
 slaverv' and anti-slavery leaders in Congress. This 
 compromise bill admitted Missouri as a slave State, 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 95 
 
 but fixed the northern limit of slave territory at 
 the southern boundary of that State; which was 
 after all a decided victory for the pro-slavery ad- 
 vocates. The Kansas and Nebraska bill of 1850, 
 put forward by Stephen A. Douglas, to admit 
 Kansas and Nebraska to the Union and leave the 
 question of slavery to be settled by the people of 
 those States, practically nullified the Missouri 
 Compromise. Kansas, though north of the south- 
 ern limit of Missouri, was admitted as a slave 
 State. 
 
 The Fugitive Slave Law. — This law provided for 
 the return of slaves escaping into free States. 
 The law grew out of the alarming number and 
 strange conditions surrounding the escape of slaves 
 from the South into free States. It was evaded 
 in thousands of cases by assisting the escaping 
 slaves into Canada or to Europe, It was passed 
 by Congress in 1850, mainly by Southern support. 
 Personal Liberty Bills were passed by the Northern 
 States to offset the Fugitive Slave law. Congress 
 had passed the Fugitive Slave law, and the system 
 of underground railroad, though right as to con- 
 science, was a flagrant violation of the United 
 States law. 
 
 The Died Scott Decision by the Supreme Court 
 of the United States was that the slave Dred 
 Scott, though carried into free territory, remained 
 a slave. 
 
 The case of Scott was brought primarily to test 
 
96 
 
 HISTOUY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 what was termed an invasion of the North by 
 the Southern slave system, but was presented as 
 a direct indictment by Scott and his wife, charg- 
 
 Dred Scott. 
 
 ing that they had been unlawfully deprived of 
 their libert}^ and that thereby unlawful hands had 
 been laid upon them. In his decision on this 
 point Chief Justice Taney ruled that "A Xogro 
 had no rights, under the Constitution, wliich any 
 man was bound to respect." 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 97 
 
 John Brown's Raid in 1859, like the Nat Turner 
 
 rebellion in Virginia in 1831, wa8 the act of a 
 frenzied fanatic who attempted io free the slaves 
 
 Frederick Douglass. 
 
 with a mere handful of followers. It failed mis- 
 erably and Brown was hanged. This had the 
 effect of arousing the South as nothing else had 
 done. 
 
98- HI&TORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 Underground Railway. — An unlawful practice, 
 of assisting slaves to escape from the South into 
 Canada was carried on by zealous abolitionists in 
 the Xorth, in an effort to assist the lowly and 
 oppressed. 
 
 A National Anti-Slavery Convention met in 
 Boston in 1831. Plans were adopted by which the 
 blacks might be freed. More than one thousand 
 anti-slavery societies were formed under the au- 
 thority and direction of this convention in the 
 North. 
 
 Frederick Douglass. — The coming of Douglass, 
 a runaway slave from Maryland, into the sphere 
 of the abolition excitement with a fresh story and 
 a new and convincing eloquence, served as a fuse 
 io touch off whatever latent passion and power 
 there might still be slumbering in the Puritan 
 heart. The proverbial last straw and the culmi- 
 nation of the inordinate abolition sentiment was 
 presented to the world in '^Uncle Tom's Cabin," 
 a story, very largely fiction of course, by Mrs. 
 Harriet Beecher Stowe. 
 
 Election of 1800. 
 
 Tlie Republicans nominated Abraham Lincoln 
 of Illinois on a platform pledging the limitation 
 of slavery to the territory then occupied, and de- 
 clared that "The normal condition of all the ter- 
 ritory of the Unit^ States is that of freedom. 
 That the reopening of the African slave trade 
 
IN THE unitp:d states. 99 
 
 under the cover of our National flag is a crime 
 against humanity and a burning shame to our 
 country's age." 
 /" ' The Democratic Party Split in convention and 
 ' nominated three candidates — J. C. Breckenridge, 
 John Bell and Stephen A. Douglas. This divided 
 the vote of that party and assured the election of 
 the Eepublican candidate. 
 
 Upon Mr. Lincoln's election South Carolina 
 led off, with Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia and 
 Louisiana following closely, in passing ordinances 
 of secession. The Southern Confederacy was 
 formed at Montgomery, Alabama, in February, 
 1861, with Jefferson Davis as president. 
 
 Conservative Leaders. 
 
 Efforts were put forth by the more conservative 
 leaders North and South to avert the approaching 
 crisis. 
 
 An Amendment to the Federal Constitution was 
 proposed by Crittenden of Kentucky to make the 
 old dividing line of 36° 30' north latitude, along 
 the southern boundary of Missouri, the permanent 
 limit of slave territory, and that all slaves escaping 
 into the free States should be paid for by the gen- 
 eral government. This measure failed. A com- 
 mittee of Senators and another from the House 
 of Kepresentatives, composed of Republicans and 
 Democrats, likewise failed to find a basis of com- 
 promise. A peace conference was called to meet 
 
100 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 at Washington in February before the opening of 
 the new Congress, and twenty-one States sent 
 representatives, but the antagonisms were so pro- 
 nounced and the differences so wide that nothing 
 was done, Texas, however, under the influence 
 of General Houston, was the only one of the South- 
 ern States to await the action of this peace con- 
 ference before leaving the Union. The Historic 
 Right of Secession was held and argued by South- 
 ern statesmen with many facts and much show 
 of fairness and good intentions. The disposition 
 and threats of New England States to secede dur- 
 ing the violent discussions of the proposed treaty 
 with Spain for a right to navigate the Mississippi, 
 and again while the negotiations for the purchase 
 of Louisiana were under way, show that the ques- 
 tion of secession was at least an open one and that 
 the belief in it was confined to no particular sec- 
 tion. Massachusetts passed resolutions declaring 
 that should the proposition for the annexation 
 of Texas be carried out it would force the Northern 
 States to withdraw from the Union. 
 
 Every Southern representative in the constitu- 
 tional convention voted for the compromise meas- 
 ure to exclude slavery from the Northwest Terri- 
 tory, but as the Constitution sanctioned the univer- 
 sal right by common law, to hold slaves and to 
 be protected in the rights of slave property, and aa 
 the Southern States had found greater profit in 
 slaves and slave labor since that time, it is not 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 101 
 
 strange that this section should contend for every 
 right it had under the Constitution as a matter 
 of government. More than this the South did 
 not do. But the conscience and Cliristian im- 
 pulses of the world called for a fulfillment of the 
 promises made to the slaves at the opening of the 
 Revolution and for the removal of human slavery 
 from the midst of enlightened society, and no 
 horrors of war or amount of bloodshed could quiet 
 that call. 
 
 The Growth of the IJxited States to the 
 Civil War. 
 From the Narrow Strip Along the Atlantic com- 
 prising the thirteen original colonies, the United 
 States have multiplied their number and area many 
 times by treaty, purchase and conquest. The ter- 
 ritory lying between the Alleghany Mountains and 
 the Mississippi River was secured in the treaty 
 of peace with England. Louisiana territory, ex- 
 tending from the Mississippi to the Rocky Moun- 
 tains, was purchased from France in 1803. Ces- 
 sions by treaty, froni Mexico, extending from 
 Mexico to Oregon in 1848, Washington, Oregon 
 and Idaho by exploration, the Gadsden territory 
 south of the Gila River by purchase in 1853, and 
 Florida purchased from Spain in 1819. All these 
 sections were convulsed more or less by slavery 
 agitations and the war that followed. Into all 
 these possessions Negroes have gone and proved a 
 potent factor in their development. 
 
The War Between the 
 States. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Southern Confederacy. 
 
 TJie Confederate government lost n o tim e in 
 showing tliat it waTlt L dead e arnest ^republican 
 fornTof government was established and the au- 
 thorrty of the Confederacy~promptly esTablished 
 ove r Federal buildin gsT liorts and oth er_jroperty 
 in the Southe rn Sta tes. On the refusal of Fort 
 Sumter to capitulate on tlie'TIeniand of Confed- 
 erate General Beauregard, it was bombarded and 
 forced to surrenderApril 14. The attack upon 
 Fort Sumle r~was the opening gun of the great 
 Ci vil W ar. Fo rtune was a l l on the side o f the 
 Confederacy for the first year of the w ar, and the 
 crushtng^defeat or the Unionforces at Bull Run 
 in July" came"^nge rousIy^Tar making 'goo d' the 
 
 SoTmiern^boast that ^They would whip the Yan- 
 kees and be back to breakfast." 
 
 The South had not forgotten the magnificent 
 conducT~of~ttee'^egroes in the two wars with 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 103 
 
 England,, an d lost no time in pre ssing them into 
 servicer ~^5^-eat manX-J££ g Negr oes of Louisiana 
 anfMissisippi enlistedj^the Confe^erafe army 
 and thousands ofslaves were used to fortify and 
 defend Richmond. 
 
 President Lincoln, w ho seemed r ather to tojilow 
 tharTtoTead public sentimen t, was with Congre ss 
 in' opposing the enlistment oi Negroes in the 
 Union ar m}^ a nd it was not until the successful 
 experiment and serious and~perststSEt recommen- . 
 dations^by Gene"raTs Hunter m ISouth Car olina, 
 Phelpsli TLouisiana an dji igginson in Flonda had 
 changed public sentiment at the North th at Con- 
 gress and the~preRi dent rele nted. 
 
 Pressure on Lincoln. — Aii unbroken stream of 
 callers with eloquent jpleas__aiid mammoth peti- 
 tions to the president to proclaim the freedom 
 of the slaves showed only the outward inflexibility 
 of Mr. Lincoln on his inaugural declaration to 
 preserve the Union if possible without interfering 
 with slavery in the States where it existed. This 
 was the first time, perhaps, that Mr. Greeley, who 
 insisted that ^^ Now is the time to st rike a^blow 
 at slavery, boJthas._a_war measure and as a plain 
 duty," bro ke violently with the pre sident. 
 
 Beecher and Sun mer made passiona te appeals 
 in the name of humanity and. the Union, to Mr. 
 Lincoln 'tojproclaim the freedom of the slaves 
 and enlist them to fight for the L^nion and their 
 own freedom. The president was waiting only 
 
104 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 for a favorablfto pportunity and promised that, 
 as a crowning celebration of the first great Union 
 victory, he wouldlssue such a proclamation. The 
 opportunity came in the battle of Antietam, Sep- 
 tember iTT?^^^^ when'the ConfederatlJIEiL ^^ 
 
 driven out of the North and all danger of an at- 
 tacF Tipton 'Washmgton" averted: LincoIn~iiow is- 
 6ued~liis~pfocTamation, prepared in tHe previous 
 JulyTdeclaring tEe slaves in the seceded States free. 
 Mr. Lincoln said : "7 made a solemn vow before 
 God that if General Lee was driven hack from 
 Maryland I would crown the result by the declara- 
 tion of freedom to the slaves/' This proclamation 
 took effect on the first of the following January, 
 1863. 
 
 Negro Soldiers. 
 
 ^ More than 200,000 Negroes served with dis- 
 / Itinction in the ranks of the Union army during the 
 Civil War. They were not mercenary troops or 
 adventurers, but freemen now and soldiers, fight- 
 ing for the Union their fathers helped to make 
 possible at Boston, Bunker Hill, Trenton and 
 Stony Point, and to render valid everywhere that 
 proclamation which gave freedom to four millions 
 of their brothers. 
 j^^j^, Discouraging Conditions surrounded the enlist- 
 y^ ment of Negro soldiers. They were to serve for 
 half pay and were given no quarter if captured. 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. -105 
 
 A widespread disposition to test their bravery and 
 other soldierly qualities as well as a lingering 
 objection to their enlistment caused them to be 
 exposed to the dangers and hardships of many 
 uneven contests. 
 
The Black Regiments, 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Port Hudsox. 
 
 ■^In the second expedition against Yicksburg, 
 Grant had taken Port Gibson, Jackson and A^icks- 
 burg and defeated Pemberton at Champion Hills 
 and Big Black River, while Banks was pounding 
 away on Port Hudson ineffectually for several 
 weeks with a regiment of the best troops of the 
 Army of the West in May, 1863. With a rest 
 only long enough to breakfast, after an all night 
 march, two companies of Negroes, known as the 
 Black Regiment, under Col. Nelson, were assigned 
 the almost impossible task of taking the fort. 
 The first five charges were repulsed with great 
 slaughter, when the last company of the Black 
 Regiment, maddened by the yell of "No quarter" 
 that came from the fort, charged over the bodies 
 of their fallen brothers and hung on till the Con- 
 federate General Bragg retreated from his almost 
 impregnable intrenchments, leaving it in the hands 
 of the Negro troops. 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 107 
 
 MiLLiKEN Bend. 
 
 General Banks with his same regiment of black 
 troops, the next month, defeated the Confederates 
 at Milliken Bend against great odds in numbers 
 and position of the two armies. The Confeder- 
 ates lost two hundred killed, five hundred wounded, 
 two hundred taken prisoners and two cannons. 
 
 The New York Times, reporting the battle of 
 Port Hudson, in an editorial said: "General 
 Dwight, at least, must have had the idea tliat» 
 they (the Negro troops) were men, but something^ 
 more than men, from the test to which he put 
 their valor. TJie deeds of heroism performed by 
 these men were such as the proudest white men 
 might emulate." (Johnson.) 
 
 General Banks, in his official report of this cam- 
 paign, said : "It gives me pleasure to report that 
 they (the Negro regiment) answered every expec- 
 tation. Their conduct was heroic." 
 
 THE FIFTY-FOUETH REGIMENT. 
 
 Fort Wagner. 
 
 An attempt to take Charleston and its auxiliary 
 fortifications resulted in disastrous failure. Gen- 
 eral Gilmer attacking it on land, threw his vet- 
 eran soldiers of two wars against Fort Wagner 
 without effect, when Colonel Shaw with the Fifty- 
 fourth Regiment of black soldiers, after resting 
 only five minutes from a two days march through 
 
108 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 fierce blinding storms, took their place at the very 
 front of the attacking column and in the first 
 charge hoisted their flag on the enemy's works. 
 
 The historian Barnes says of this battle : "Two 
 unsuccessful charges were made on this fort. In 
 one, the Fifty-fourth Regiment, Colonel Shaw, 
 bore a prominent part. It was the first colored 
 regiment organized in the free States. In order 
 to be in season for the assault, it had marched two 
 days through heavy sands and drenching storms. 
 After five minutes rest it took its place at the 
 front of the attacking column. The men fought 
 with unflinching gallantry, and planted their 
 FLAG on the works.^' 
 
 Final Struggle. 
 
 With Grant around Richmond. There were 
 about 30,000 Negro troops in the final campaign 
 against the Confederate capital, who preformed 
 prodigies of valor, in the battles of the Wilderness, 
 Spottsylvania, Cold Harber nd Petersburg. 
 
 The Last of the Three Plans. — The opening of 
 the Mississippi, the blockade of the Southern ports 
 and the capture of Richmond was now completed, 
 with the fall of Richmond and the surrender at 
 Appomattox. The Mississippi was opened by 
 Grant at Forts Henry and Donelson and Vicks- 
 burg, and at New Orleans under Commodore 
 Foote and fr^neral Butler. 
 
 Southern ports were blockaded easily after the 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. l<»i) 
 
 battle of the Merrimac and Monitor in Hampton 
 Roads, March 8, 1862, in which the Merrimac, 
 the only formidable ironclad of the Confederacy, 
 was disabled. 
 
 War Ended. 
 
 Q ^npral Lee's s urrender at Appoma ttox April 
 9, JL^65^__e nded the war between the States. 
 
 President Davis of the Confederate government 
 escaped from Richmond into Georgia, where he 
 was captured April 10th. He was indicted for 
 treason and sent to prison at Fort Munroe, where 
 he languished for two years, but was never brought 
 to trial on the indictment. 
 
 Assassination of Lincoln. 
 
 President Lincoln was shot by John Wilkes 
 Booth, an actor at Ford's Theater, in Washington, 
 on the night of April 14, 1865, just five days after 
 the close of the war. 
 
 The country, full of rejoicing at the return 
 of peace, was thrown into universal sorrow and 
 wild excitement. Fears were felt, in every sec- 
 tion, that this was the inauguration of a general 
 reign of terror, but it proved to be the act of 
 an insane individual without sympathy from any 
 section or connection with any prominent persons 
 interested in the great conflict just closed. 
 
Reconstruction, 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Congress and President Johnson. 
 
 Violent differences arose be hveen Congress and 
 t he Pr^g jiJML^over the matter of rea dmitting or 
 re-establishin g civil governme nt in the seceded 
 States. Preside nt Lincoln insisted that the States 
 had not been out of the Union, but simply in 
 rebellion, and that it was only necessary to replace 
 the military regime instituted to suppress the re- 
 bellion with civil authority. His_^plan_J5^ to 
 restore the State government to the peo£le_as_soon 
 as the loyal people, iF'niey~sITouTd constitute one- 
 tenth of the entire population, elected State offi- 
 cials. His assassination upset thls^ plan. Vice 
 President Andrew Johnson became President. 
 
 Mr. Johnson Was a Union Democrat from Ten- 
 nessee, and was thought by ardent Unionists and 
 anti-slavery' leaders to be in sympathy with that 
 section on the question of slavery, the great ques- 
 tion of the war. Mr. Johnson came up from the 
 substantial middle classes and thoroughly hated 
 the wealthy and aristocratic leaders, arguing that 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. Ill 
 
 they alone were responsible for the war. He 
 therefore put severe restrictions upon their re- 
 admission to citizenship and suffrage. 
 
 Congress. — The representatives from the ten 
 Southern States were denied admission by Con- 
 gress, and these States were divided into five mil- 
 itary districts and placed under martial law. 
 
 Thirteenth Amendment. — The Federal consti- 
 tution was amended in December, 1865, prohibit- 
 ing slavery in the States and territories of the 
 United States. General Granger, in command of 
 the Fifth Military District, arrived at Galveston 
 June 19, 1865, and declared freedom to the slaves 
 in Texas on that date. 
 
 The Tenure of Office Bill, a measure designed to 
 prevent the President from removing from office 
 high executive officials antagonistic to his re- 
 construction views, the Freedman^s Bureau and 
 Civil Rights bill were passed over the President's 
 veto. 
 
 The President Impeached. — For attempting to 
 remove Secretary of War Stanton, in violation of 
 the tenure of office bill, the House of Representa- 
 tives impeached President Johnson in 1868, but 
 his conviction lacked one vote in the Senate. 
 
 The Freedmans Bureau. — A department of the 
 National government to protect and provide for 
 the destitute Negroes and whites in the South, 
 known as the Freedman's Bureau, was established 
 by Congress and General Howard was placed at 
 
112 HISTORY OF THE Ni:(!IJO 
 
 its head. The new department established schools 
 and a system of banks througliout the South to 
 teach the elements of business transactions and 
 encourage thrift and provide security for the 
 fruits of their labor. The Bureau proposed to 
 divide the public lands in the Confederate States 
 among the ex-slaves, and unscrupulous carpet-bag 
 leaders argued that the right policy went further, 
 even to confiscating the estates of leading seces- 
 sionists and dividing it also among the freedmen. 
 The Freedman's Bureau, in all except the public 
 school system it established in the South, proved 
 a miserable failure. The banks failed through 
 mismanagement, relieving the credulous Negroes 
 of thousands of dollars of the fii^t fruits of their 
 free labor. The confiscation bogy and the **forty 
 acres" promised the faithful freedmen proved 
 equally deceiving. These unwise and more often 
 unscrupulous practices were the bane of the South 
 for many years and worked incomparable hard- 
 ships upon whites and blacks alike in the South- 
 em States. 
 
 Mutual Understanding. 
 
 There were many things in common between 
 the whites and blacks of the South,, and the most 
 tender and enduring ties of friendship, bom of 
 a thorough understanding of each other, existed 
 and will continue to exist, when free from the 
 
IK THE UNITED STATES. 113 
 
 influences of vicious intermeddlers, ignorant of the 
 nature of these relations. 
 
 Ku Klux Klans, 
 
 An organization in the South, designed to check 
 the reckh)!^sne5s of the carpet-bag governments, 
 thougli it often fell into the hands of wicked per- 
 sons, took the place of the former civil order and 
 was indispensable in the midst of the disorders 
 immediately following the war. 
 
 During President Grant's administration nearly 
 all the States of the South, where the great body 
 of freedmen resided, were brought under the con- 
 trol of the EepubTicanlpai^lHrough^ 
 largely, a^KTThe^ Legislatures and nian^ of the 
 minor execuEK'e' 'offices^DEi^ were filled 
 
 by The carpet- ba.sc leaders from the No rth and 
 lie~Trewly liberated and enfranchised Negroes. 
 Neither class owned "any consTa"efaBre"property, 
 and the character of civil and military adminis- 
 tration was of the crudest sort. The great body 
 of property owners in that section had been prac- 
 tically disfranchised and the Ku Klux Klans were 
 instituted^ to preserve and safeguard society and 
 property rights. T hese ''Klans'' wer e succeeded 
 h j suffrage rest^i^t^f^'T^S; b rough t about by c oriati- 
 tutional conventi on in most of the Sou^i ern^tates, 
 th atji aye marked the practical elimination olHi e 
 Ne groes from politics and consequently all manner 
 
114 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 of participation in the administrative affairs of the 
 State governments. 
 
 Many demagogues have been elevated to high 
 otfiee on the sole argument of "white supremacy," 
 and the totally impossible scare-crow of "Negro 
 domination." The administration of State affairs, 
 however, has been exceptionally clean and states- 
 manlike, and the property, educational and dis- 
 tinct social advancement of both races has been 
 phenomenal under the reign of general concord 
 and mutual good will that survived through all 
 these stirring times. Henry W. Grady, before the 
 Xew England Society, spoke the sentiments of the 
 South when he declared that if nothing more stood 
 to the credit of the Southern Negro than his pro- 
 tection and support of the homes, women and chil- 
 dren during the war between the States, he should 
 ever hold the race in confidence and affectionate 
 remembrance. The hearts that prompted this con- 
 duct in the Negro and the universal sentiment ex- 
 pressed by Mr. Grady will preserve the peace and 
 good will of the races to the end of time. 
 
The Negro in Civil 
 Life. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Progress in Eecent Times. 
 
 At the breaking out of the war between the 
 States there were 4,000,000 slaves and more than a 
 quarter of a million free Negroes in the United 
 States. The body of these people in the South, 
 emancipated in 1865, were unlettered, ignorant 
 of the elements of the very laws under which 
 they were to live, unschooled in the theory and 
 practice of business transactions and without a 
 dollar. They have, under all these hardships, pro- 
 duced scholars, eminent in all the avenues of 
 thought, have taken places of honor in all the 
 learned professions and have accumulated $1,200,- 
 000,000 worth of taxable property in these forty 
 years of freedom. 
 
 Negro in Politics. 
 
 Though ^ ushered too soon into the toi ls and 
 tu rrtioils^ a.q^i ve pol/tjcs^ whose pit fa lis the~wisest 
 
oo » 
 e « 
 
 or: r 
 
 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 117 
 
 van not escape, Negroes have held every high elec- 
 ti\:e^offic e in the American governmerit ex ^pt tEe 
 presid ency. Twenty-one Negro Senators and 
 Congressmen have served in the Congress of the 
 nation, two lieutenant governors and one governor, 
 ministers to foreign countries, consuls, judges and 
 representatives in State Legislatures have come 
 out of the great body of ex-slaves in the South. 
 Register of the Treasury, Recorder of Deeds, Col- 
 lector of Customs, internal revenue collectorships 
 and other high places of presidential appointment 
 have been filled with credit by Southern Negroes. 
 
 Senators and Congressmen. — Among the prom- 
 inent .Negroes who have served as Senators and 
 Congressmen might be mentioned Senator H. R. 
 Revells, who took the seat vacated by Jefferson 
 Davis from Mississippi, on the readmission of 
 that State to the Union February, 1870, and who 
 was the first of his race to serve in that branch 
 of the National council. The next Congress had 
 two Negro members, J. H. Rainey of South Car- 
 olina and Lang of Georgia. The Forty-second 
 Congress saw four Negroes admitted to member- 
 ship, among whom was the famous Robert Brown 
 Elliott. In the Forty-third Congress were seven 
 Negroes, with B. K. Bruce in the Senate. Eight 
 Negroes served in the Forty-fourth Congress. 
 
 In every Congress from the Fortieth to the 
 Fifty-sixth, except one, for thirty-two years, were 
 to be found active and influential Negro members. 
 
118 history of the xeoro 
 
 Education. 
 
 The progress made by the Negro in education 
 has been remarkable, not only in the professions of 
 teaching, medicine, law and the ministry, but a 
 plienomenal advance has been made in the trades 
 and elementary schools by the great masses. The 
 per cent of illiteracy has been constantly reduced 
 from practically 100 per cent in 1865 to about 
 40 per cent of the whole population of scholastic 
 age. Statistics disclose the encouraging condi- 
 tions of attendance and progress of 2,000,000 Ne- 
 gro children in the public schools of the United 
 States and the colleges of all kinds show an attend- 
 ance of over 100,000. Fisk University, Nashville ; 
 Howard University, Washington, D. C; Atlanta 
 University, Atlanta, G-a.; Tuskegee Institute; 
 Hampton Normal, Hampton, Va. ; Wilberforce 
 University, Xenia, Ohio; Eoger Williams Univer- 
 sity, Nashville, Tenn. ; Shaw University, Ealeigh, 
 N. C. ; Wiley, Bishop, Prairie View, Guadalupe and 
 Sam Huston in Texas, and the great number of 
 well equipped normal and industrial colleges main- 
 tained in each of the Southern States for Negroes, 
 are turning out thousands of thoroughly prepared 
 men and women of the race yearly. Hundreds 
 enroll yearly in the prominent white imiversities 
 in New England and the Northern States. Fisk 
 University led off in the great work of preparing 
 Negro teachers for the schools of the South in 
 1866, and has done more perhaps than any others 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 119 
 
 to reduce the per cent of illiteracy and to rear tlic 
 present generation of college bred Negroes. At- 
 lanta University followed close and has continued 
 one of the great colleges for the training of Negroes 
 in the South. The best type of the sectarian col- 
 leges of the first class might be mentioned Eoger 
 Williams University, Nashville, Tenn., of the Bap- 
 tist church; Wilberforce University of the A. M. 
 E., and Central Tennessee College, N^hville, 
 Tenn., of the M. E. church. These leading de- 
 nominational schools have a more or less perfectly 
 correlated system of feeders in the colleges, sem- 
 inaries and academies in nearly every populous 
 community in the South. Because of the breadth 
 and freedom of these higher denominational and 
 independent schools, they are after all the real 
 backbone of the higher education for the Negroes 
 in the South. 
 
 The Songs of America. — As a race the Negro 
 bears the distinction of being the only natural 
 orators and singers among Western peoples. The 
 famous Negro melodies constitute the only distinct 
 type of American songs. Whenever an American 
 of any extraction, whether high or low, is moved 
 to express the tenderest sentiments of his heart 
 in song, he must put on the manner and feelings 
 of the Negro and express himself as such. An 
 inscrutible Providence has decreed that the Negro 
 should write the songs of America. "And he who 
 writes the songs of a nation silently rules the 
 
120 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 realm." No company of singers has ever attracted 
 the audiences that greeted the Jubilee Singers of 
 Fisk University, on both sides of the Atlantic. 
 
 Journalism. 
 
 A half dozen first class magazines and more 
 than three hundred weekly and six or more great 
 daily newspapers are owned and published by 
 scholars of the race. These great molders of sen- 
 timent are abundantly assisted and supported by 
 the National Convention of Women's Clubs, of 
 which Mrs. Mary Church Terrell is president, and 
 the National Negroes' Business League, with 
 Booker T. Washington at its head. No part of 
 the modern press has been freer from bias and 
 recklessness than these Negro journals, and no 
 bodies calmer or more thoughtful than these 
 National gatherings. Texas has a separate insti- 
 tution for deaf, dumb and blind children of the 
 race, with Negro superintendent, oflScers and 
 teachers. 
 
Charges R^efuted. 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Innate Ability. 
 
 Doubts Expressed. — Throughout the South se- 
 rious doubts were expressed in the most convincing 
 language that the Negro was at all capable of 
 mental development. Thousands subscribed to 
 the Alexander H. Stephen idea that the normal 
 condition of the black man was that of servitude, 
 where brute force only was required, but Mr. 
 Stephen lived to see members of that race, on 
 whose destiny he had pronounced the most scath- 
 ing maledictions, represent his own native State 
 in the Congress of the Nation and to see Negro 
 graduates of Yale and Harvard universities live 
 and teach their people in his native city. 
 
 Mr. Calhoun, in one of his great pro-slavery 
 speeches, declared that the structure of the Ne- 
 gro's brain and skull proved conclusively his wo- 
 ful lack of the most common mental endowments^ 
 and opened what he called the impassable chasm, 
 when he declared that not until the Negro could 
 conjugate a Greek verb would he take him by 
 
123 HISTORY OF THE NEURO 
 
 the hand as a brother. His chasm has long since 
 been bridged and passed, for thousands of Negro 
 boys and girls all over the South can conjugate 
 the whole list of Greek verbs as fast and as ac- 
 curately as could IMr. Calhoun. 
 
 The Charge Followed that the Negro could not 
 grapple successfully with the abstruse business 
 problems of the age, but his vast accumulation of 
 wealth during the first forty years of his freedom 
 removes this barrier to his admission to the family 
 of capable races. One after another of those ill- 
 advised bounds put upon his possibilities have been 
 broken asunder and passed. 
 
 Tests of his ability on the higher planes of lit- 
 erature and the sciences have been made, but the 
 first honor places he has won in the greatest Amer- 
 ican universities over his white class-mates answer 
 the test. 
 
 The Last Charge. — Perhaps the last bounds set 
 to the Negro's capability was the charge of a lack 
 of capacity for self-government and for the pro- 
 jection of organized endeavor. But the organiza- 
 tion of the great African Methodist Church in the 
 United States, with a membership of nearly a 
 million and a half and owning and controlling 
 $10,000,000 worth of property, and a dozen or 
 more "universities, colleges and academies of the 
 first class, prove their self governing capacity. 
 
 Several Prosperous Banks owned and controlled 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 123 
 
 by Negi'oes, one of which came to the rescue of 
 Charleston, S. C, the proudest city of the South, 
 during the great financial crisis in the spring of 
 1893, by lending the city government money to 
 pay the teachers, when the white banks of that 
 city were either suspended or were too nearly ex- 
 hausted to do so. His business capacity, therefore, 
 has stood the test. 
 
 Liberia and Haiti. — The splendid republics of 
 Liberia in West Africa and Haiti in the West 
 Indies, organized and controlled solely by Negroes, 
 are the only governments in their respective quar- 
 ters of the globe that have stood against revolutions 
 within and invasions from without for the last 
 century. The Negro's ability to form and con- 
 duct enlightened governments and organized so- 
 ciety took a place at first among the seven wonders 
 of the world, but has long since scouted that alarm 
 and placed these republics high in the respect and 
 esteem of the great nations of the world, all of 
 which have diplomatic relations with these Negro 
 republics. 
 
 The Baptist Church, with a membership of over 
 2,000,000 and owning more than $12,000,000 
 worth of property, colleges, academies and pub- w 
 
 lishing houses, is controlled by Negroes. 
 
 The MetJiodist Church. — The Southern mem- 
 bership of the M. E. church is composed almost 
 entirely of Negroes, with one bishop in the epis- 
 
124 
 
 IlISTOKY OF THE NEGIlO 
 
 copal council, Dr. I. B. Scott, a senior secre- 
 tary of the colleges and church extension board, 
 Dr. M. C. B. Mason, and represent millions of 
 
 Kev. M. C. B. Mason, Ph. D. 
 
 dollars worth of property in a score or more of 
 colleges of medicine, theology and the arts and 
 sciences. 
 
Last Foreign War. 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 Spanish-American War. 
 
 The war with Spain grew oat of the cruel 
 treatment of Americans and a wanton destruction 
 of their property by the Spanish on the Island 
 of Cuba, in an attempt to put down a rebellion 
 on that island. The battleship Maine was blown 
 up with two hundred and sixty odd American 
 sailors on board while on a friendly visit in the 
 harbor of Havana in February, 1898. 
 
 The Asiatic fleet, under iVdmiral George Dewey, 
 destroyed the Spanish fleet and fortifications on 
 Manila Bay on the first of May, 1898. 
 
 On July 1, 1898, the immense Spanish force 
 of about 50,000 equipped men was defeated by the 
 First, Tenth and First Volunteer cavalries at 
 El Caney and San Juan Hill, and the Spanish 
 fleet under Admiral Cervera was annihilated by 
 Admirals Sampson and Schley in the harboj of 
 Santiago June 3, 1898. 
 
 It is within the easy recollection of the present 
 
126 
 
 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 generation how the Tenth cavalry, the famoua 
 Black Regiment of regulars, charged on over the 
 crouching forms of the white troops, saved the 
 Rough Riders from utter rout and slaughter, 
 stormed the block house and carried the American 
 
 The Tenth U. S. Cavalrj' (Black Regiment), at El Caney, 
 
 banner to victory and to glory at El Caney and up 
 the heights of San Juan Hill. The question of the 
 Negro's bravery and soldierly qualiti^, which an 
 incredulous public carried over the facts of the 
 Boston massacre. Fort Wagner and Port Hudson, 
 of Petersburg and New Orleans, was forever put 
 
General Antonio Maceo. 
 
128 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 to rest in these charges of the Tenth cavalry of 
 Negro troops. Since that time three regiments 
 of Negroes have been enlisted in the regular army. 
 
 General Maceo. 
 
 The most prominent Cuban leader and bravest 
 military strategist was the Negro, General Antonio 
 Maceo, who was treacherously murdered by a hired 
 assassin. Of him President Palma of the Cuban 
 republic said: "General Maceo was loved and 
 supported by all men struggling for Cuban inde- 
 pendence, whether in a military or civil capacity, 
 and if a man was ever idolized, that man was 
 Maceo." 
 
Noted Negro Leaders* 
 
 CHAPTEE XXin. 
 
 Scholars and Statesmen. 
 
 Frederick Douglass, the great orator, journalist 
 and abolition advocate, was born a slave about 
 1816 near Eaton, Maryland, and died February 
 20, 1895. He ran away from his master in 1838 
 and went to New Bedford, Massachusetts, where 
 in 1841 he began lecturing and writing against 
 slavery. During the three years from 1838 to 
 1841, he applied himself diligently to the pleasant 
 task of acquiring an education and to every minute 
 detail of the nature and varying sentiments of 
 the question of slavery; so that when he went 
 forth to battle for the freedom of his people, he 
 was the best informed and the most able advocate 
 before the public. In 1845 he published an ac- 
 count of his life, as a slave, a runaway and a 
 freeman, which stood first, at that time, of all 
 publications, in arousing the North against slavery. 
 Between 1845 and 1847 he traveled and lectured 
 with his own inimitable eloquence in England and 
 on the continent. At the breaking out of the war 
 
130 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 Mr. Douglass advocated the enlistment of Negro 
 troops and personally organized the famous Fifty- 
 fourth Massachusetts regiment of Xegro infantry. 
 In 1847 he published the Rochester (N. Y.) Jour- 
 nal and in 1850 the New National Era. His best 
 literary work is his "Life and Times/' published 
 a few years before his death. Mr. Douglass filled 
 several public offices with great credit, was regis- 
 trar of deeds and minister and consul general to 
 Haiti during the last years of his life. 
 
 Dr. W. E. B. Du Bois is one of the ripest 
 scholars of the race. He graduated with the de- 
 gree of Ph. D. from Harvard university and is 
 now professor of History and Sociology in Atlanta 
 university. 
 
 John M. Langston was born a slave in Vir- 
 ginia December 4, 1829, but was set free in his 
 early youth and sent to Oberlin college, Ohio, 
 where he gTaduated in theology and law. In 
 1869 he was made professor of Law in Howard 
 university, Washington, D. C, where in 1873 he 
 became dean of the law department. He was min- 
 ister and consul general to Haiti from 1875 to 
 1885. On his return from Haiti he served as 
 president of the Virginia Collegiate Institute, dur- 
 ing which time he published a volume of addresses 
 under the title of "Freedom and Citizenship." 
 
 Booker T. Washington was born a slave about 
 1859 in Virginia and worked his way through the 
 Hampton Industrial Institute. In 1881 he was 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 131 
 
 called to the presidency of the Tuskegee Industrial 
 College, which was hardly yet begun. In these 
 twenty years he has built up one of the largest 
 
 voo*v»,5«^x iy.^ ■ 
 
 Booker T. Washington. 
 
 and most widely known normal and industrial 
 schools in the world, and may justly be called the 
 father of the present system of industrial educa- 
 
132 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 tion. Mr. Washington has written several books 
 on education and racial questions that have taken 
 their places among the American classics. He has 
 been called to address audiences of every race and 
 in every quarter of America and has few equals 
 as an orator. 
 
 Norris Wright Cunerj, the son of a wealthy 
 Texas planter, was bom in 1852 near Hempstead 
 and was sent North to school at an early age. He 
 returned to Texas in 1868 and at once, though 
 still a youth, became the safe political leader of his 
 people, which he continued to be until his un- 
 timely death in 1896. Mr. Cuney held many im- 
 portant offices, in all of which he made a spotless 
 record. He was for many years city alderman of 
 Galveston and collector of customs at that port 
 during President Harrison's administration. In 
 politics as in business, Mr. Cuney won and held 
 the confidence and respect of all parties. 
 
 The Right Reverend Abraham Grant, bishop of 
 the A. M. E. Church, was born a slave about 1851 
 and strove against positive denials and almost im- 
 possible hindrances for a national usefulness and 
 its consequent reward on the loftiest plain of en- 
 lightened human endeavor. He had the best pri- 
 vate instruction, but took his degree from the 
 great university of experience, and it may be said 
 of him, as of Abraham Lincoln, that while he had 
 little schooling he is one of the best educated men 
 of his age. 
 
Other Great Leaders 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 The Great Orator. 
 
 Robert Brown Elliott was born in 1846 and 
 took his scientific degree in an English univer- 
 sity. He came to the United States in 1868 and 
 settled in Charleston, S. C, where he gained a 
 national reputation as a lawyer. He was a mem- 
 ber of the Forty-second and Forty-third Con- 
 gresses from South Carolina. In his famous 
 speech in answer to the assault of Alexander H. 
 Stephens on the civil rights bill, Mr. Elliott proved 
 to be one of the best orators in the National coun- 
 cil and caused one of his white colleagues to de- 
 clare "If I could speak like that Negro, I wouldn't 
 mind being black." His speech : 
 
 "Mr. Speaker: — While I am profoundly grate- 
 ful for the high mark of courtesy that has been 
 accorded me by this House, it is a matter of regret 
 to me that it is necessary at this day that I should 
 rise in the presence of an American congress to 
 advocate a bill which simply asserts rights and 
 equal privileges for all classes of American citi- 
 zens. I regret, sir, that the dark hue of my skin 
 may lend color to the imputation that I am con- 
 trolled by motives personal to myself in my ad- 
 
134 HISTORY OF THE NEGEO 
 
 vocacy of this great measure of national justice. 
 Sir, the motive that impels me is restricted by no 
 such narrow boundary, but is as broad as your 
 constitution. I advocate it, sir, because it is 
 right. The bill, however, not only appeals to 
 your justice, but it demands a response to your 
 gratitude. In the events that led to the achieve- 
 ment of American independence the Negro was 
 not an inactive or unconcerned spectator. He 
 bore his part bravely upon many battlefields, al- 
 though uncheered by that certain hope of political 
 elevation which victory would secure to the white 
 man. The tall granite shaft which a grateful 
 State has reared above its sons who fell in defend- 
 ing Fort Griswold against the attacks of Benedict 
 Arnold, bears the name of John Freeman and oth- 
 ers of the African race, who there cemented with 
 their blood the corner stone of your republic. In 
 the State which I have had the honor in part to 
 represent, the rifle of the black man rang out 
 against the troops of the British crown in the 
 darkest days of the American Eevolution. I meet 
 him (Stephens) only as an adversary, nor shall 
 age or any other consideration restrain me from 
 saying that he now offers this government, which 
 he has done his utmost to destroy, a very poor re- 
 turn for its magnanimous treatment, to come 
 here to seek to continue by the assertion of doc- 
 trines obnoxious to the true principles of our gov- 
 ernment, the burdens and oppressions which rest 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 135 
 
 upon five millions of his countrymen, who never 
 failed to lift their muskets and their earnest 
 prayers for the success of this government, when 
 the gentleman was asking to break up the Union 
 and blot the American Republic from the galaxy 
 of nations." 
 
 Replying to Representative Beckys question, 
 "What had the Negro done?" he replied: "In 
 quoting this indisputable piece of history, I do 
 60 only by way of admonition, and not to question 
 the well attested gallantry of the true Kentuckian, 
 and to suggest to the gentleman that he should 
 not flaunt his heraldry so proudly while he bears 
 this bar-sinister on the military escutcheon of his 
 State — a State which answered the call of the Re- 
 public in 1861, when treason thundered at the 
 very gates of the Capital, by coldly declaring her 
 neutrality in the impending struggle. The Negro, 
 true to that patriotism that has ever characterized 
 and marked his history, came to the aid of the 
 Government in its efforts to maintain the Con- 
 stitution. To that Government he now appeals; 
 that Constitution he now invokes for protection 
 against unjust prejudice founded upon caste." 
 
 Gov. P. B. S. Pinchback was born in New Or- 
 leans in 1839, served through the Civil war, was 
 lieutenant governor and finally governor of Louis- 
 iana. 
 
 Blanch K. Bruce. — Mr. Bruce was born in 1841 
 in Virginia, but moved to Mississippi after the 
 
130 
 
 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 war. He was a member of the United States 
 Senate for two terms from the State of Missis- 
 sippi and Registrar of the United States Treasury 
 by presidential appointniont for two terms. 
 
 Senator B. K. Bruce. 
 
 Bishop H. M. Turner was a "Georgia Free Ne- 
 gro/' bom about 1836. He gained a wide reputa- 
 tion as an orator and man of letters, became bishop 
 of the A. M. E. Church and has urged through 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 137 
 
 the press, in the pulpit and on the lecture plat- 
 form tlie i mm i Juration oT the Negnx.'s of America 
 to Africa. 
 
 Bishop H. M. Turner. 
 
 Richard T. Greener came out from the old 
 regiim^ f^iKi jicnuired a liberal education in the 
 best schools of the country. He was a New York 
 civil service examiner for a number of years and 
 dean of the Law school of Howard university. 
 He is now United Staler consul general to Vladi- 
 vostock, Russia. 
 
IJWI HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 Dr. Wm. Scarborough, a native of Georgia, 
 graduated from Oberlin college and has been pro- 
 fessor in Greek and the classics in Wilberforee 
 university. Professor Scarborough is regarded as 
 an authority in Greek, Gothic and Sanscrit lan- 
 guages, and is the author of a Greek grammar 
 that is used as a textbook in Yale university. 
 
 Bishop I. B. Scott, a native of Georgia, was 
 bom in 1856 and graduated from Central Ten- 
 nessee college at an early age. He entered the 
 ministry of the Northern Methodist church upon 
 the completion of his education and served in every 
 order of his church from class leader to the bish- 
 opric. He was president of Wiley university and 
 editor of the "Southwestern Christian Advocate," 
 the church paper in the South. In 1903 he was 
 elected bishop for the diocese of Africa, the first 
 and only one of his race to be elected to the highest 
 office in the original Methodist church. 
 
 There Are Hundreds of Others who have shown 
 bright marks of special endowments of head and 
 heart, a review of whose lives might serve as an 
 inspiration to the generations to come, but the 
 almost superhuman strides made by the great 
 masses on the higher plane of American citizen- 
 ship, of enlightened living, of wealth, of educa- 
 tion and religion are the safe and sane stimuli to 
 the youth of any race or generation. 
 
 The unreasonable exception in the case of the 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 139 
 
 Negro, however, of charging the whole race with 
 whatever depravity and crime appear in a few 
 isolated individuals, might be counterbalanced if 
 that school of critics could be induced to consider 
 the lives and influences of those many thousands 
 of benign characters, scholars, statesmen, artisans, 
 professional men and the great body of law- 
 abiding, wealth-producing Christian citizens in 
 almost every community in America. 
 
 Negro Congressmen. 
 
 The Negro Has Had Senators in Revels and 
 Bruce, members of Congress in Robert Small, 
 J. R. Lynch, Rainey, Walls, Murry, White, Cheat- 
 ham, Miller, Langston, Elliott, De Large, ^ain, 
 Lang, Hyman, Nash, Haralson, O'Hara, Turner 
 and Rapier, making twenty-one in both houses. 
 Willis Menard having gone in before his State, 
 Louisiana, was properly readmitted, was relieved 
 of his honors before the session was out. 
 
 Two lieutenant governors and one governor, P. 
 B. S. Pinchback of Louisiana ; Douglass, recorder 
 of deeds ; Bruce and Lyons, Registers of the United 
 States Treasury, and others served with distinction 
 as ministers of this government to foreign coun- 
 tries, consuls, collectors of customs and internal 
 revenue collectors. Federal judges, etc. Under the 
 civil service laws more than 3000 educated colored 
 men have passed the examinations and secured 
 
140 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 honorable and remunerative positions in the classi- 
 fied service of the National Government, and are 
 making brilliant records in every case. No class 
 of professional men of the race has gained a more 
 uniform standing or done more good or reflected 
 more credit upon the race than the hundreds of 
 competent physicians among us. 
 
 Statistics. 
 
 In every nook and corner, however, the 20,000 
 upright, intelligent Christian ministers have 
 taught and lifted the benighted and lowly in a 
 truly missionary spirit, when no other agencies 
 could help them. The great laboring masses 
 among us, as in all races, have been the staff and 
 stay of the race. They have accumulated the 
 greater part of the $1,200,000,000 now standing to 
 the credit of the race. They own a million homes, 
 ranging in value from $100 to $50,000 each. They 
 own and cultivate 20,000 farms, and are the great 
 . pr oducing classes in the South. They are the 
 
 '^ heirs and possessors today of that industry, cour- 
 
 age and fidelity that built up the wealth, made pos- 
 sible the culture of the ante-bellum South and 
 supported and protected the firesides and families 
 of the Southern soldier in the darkest days of this 
 Southland's history. No people can possess those 
 virtues, under whatever restraint and hardships 
 they may be placed, without becoming and re- 
 maining great. 
 
CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 * The Great Poet. 
 
 Paul Lawrence Dunhar, bom in Dayton, Ohio, 
 in 1872, sprang thence into universal esteem and 
 renown as one of America's greatest poets. Mr. 
 Dunbar was of pure African descent and came up 
 under all the hardships and inconveniences pe- 
 culiar to his people. 
 
 Of him Mr. W. D. Howells, the greatest South- 
 em man of letters, said: "WHbat struck me in 
 reading Mr. Dunbar's poetry was what had struck 
 his friends in Ohio and Indiana, in Kentucky and 
 Illinois. They felt, as I felt, that however gifted 
 his race had proven itself in music, in oratory, in 
 several of the other arts, here was the first instance 
 of an American Negro who had evinced innate 
 distinction in literature. In my criticism of his 
 book I had alleged Dumas in France, and I for- 
 getfully failed to allege the far greater Pushkin 
 in Russia; but these were both mulattoes, who 
 might have been disposed to derive their qualities, 
 from the little white blood in them, which waa 
 vastly more artistic than ours, and who were the 
 creatures of an environment more favorable to 
 their literary development. So far as I could 
 
142 
 
 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 remember, Paul Dunbar was the only man of pure 
 African blood and American civilization to feel 
 the Negro life aesthetically and express it lyric- 
 ally. It seems to me that this had come to 
 
 Paul Lawrence Dunbar. 
 
 its most modern consciousness in him, and that 
 his brilliant and unique achievement was to have 
 studied the American Negro objectively, and to 
 have represented him as he found him to be, 
 with humor, with sympathy, and yet with what 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 143 
 
 the reader must instinctively feel to be entire 
 truthfulness. I said that a race which had come 
 to this effect in any member of it had attained 
 civilization in him, and I permitted myself the 
 imaginative prophecy that the hostilities and the 
 prejudices which had so long constrained his race 
 were destined to vanish in the arts; that these 
 were to be the final proof that God had made 
 of one blood all nations of men. I thought his 
 merits positive and not comparative; and I held 
 that if his black poems had been written by a 
 white man I should not have found them less ad- 
 mirable. I accept them as an evidence of the 
 essential unity of the human race, which does 
 not think and feel black in one and white in an- 
 other, but humanity in all. 
 
 "W. D. HOWELLS." 
 
 Mr. Dunbar has published several volumes of 
 his poetic and prose selections that show him to 
 the reading public to be a genius of the first 
 magnitude. He has crystalized the folk lore and 
 idiomatic language of his people and did for the 
 Negro dialect of former times, by means of the 
 finest art, what Chaucer did for the Old English. 
 Excerpts from two of Mr. Dunbar's poems in 
 Negro dialect, "When Malindy Sings'' and "The 
 Party," are given : 
 
144 HISTORY OF THE NEGUO 
 
 WHEN MALINDY SINGS. 
 
 GVay an' quit dat noise, Miss Lucy- 
 Put dat music box away; 
 
 What 's de use to keep on tryin'? 
 Ef you practice twell you're gray, 
 
 You cain't sta't no notes a-flyin' 
 Lak de ones dat rants and rings 
 
 F'om de kitchen to de big woods 
 When Malindy sings. 
 
 You ain't go de nachel o'gans 
 
 Fu' to make de soun' come right, 
 You ain't got de tu'ns an' twistin's 
 
 Fu' to make it sweet an' light. 
 Tell you one thing now, Miss Lucy, 
 
 An' I 'm tellin' you fu' true, 
 When hit comes to raal right singin', 
 
 'T ain't no easy thing to do. 
 
 Easy 'nough fu' folks to holah, 
 
 Lookin' at de lines an' dots. 
 When dey ain't no one kin sence it. 
 
 An' de chune comes in, in spots; 
 But fu' real melojous music, 
 
 Dat jes' strikes yo' hea't an' clings. 
 Jes' you stan' an' listen wif me 
 
 When Malindy sings. 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 145 
 
 AinH you nevah hyead Malindy? 
 
 Blessed soul, tek up de cross! 
 Look hyeah, ain't you jokin', honey? 
 
 Well, you don't know what you los\ 
 Y' ought to hyeah dat gal a-wa'blin', 
 
 Robins, la'ks, an' all dem things, 
 Heish dey moufs an' hides dey faces 
 
 When Malindy sings. 
 
 Fiddlin' man jes' stop his fiddlin', 
 
 Lay his fiddle on de she'f; 
 Mockin'-bird quit tryin' to whistle, 
 
 'Cause he jes' so shamed hisse'f. 
 Folks a-playin' on de banjo 
 
 Draps dey fingahs on de strings — 
 Bless yo' soul — fu'gits to move 'em. 
 
 When Malindy sings. 
 
 She jes' spreads huh moufh an' hoUahs, 
 
 "Come to Jesus," twell you hyeah 
 Sinnahs' tremblin' steps an' voices, 
 
 Timid-lak a-drawin' neah; 
 Den she tu'ns to "Rock of Ages," 
 
 Simply to de cross she clings. 
 An' you fin' yo' teahs a-drappin' 
 
 When Malindy sings. 
 
146 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 Who dat says dat humble praises 
 
 Wif de Master nevah counts? 
 Heish yo^ mouf, I hyeah dat music, 
 
 Ez hit rises up an' mounts — 
 Floatin' by de hills an' valleys, 
 
 Way above dis buryin' sod, 
 Ez hit makes its way in glory 
 
 To de very gates of God ! 
 
 Oh, hit's sweetah dan de music 
 
 Of an edicated band; 
 An' hit's dearah dan de battle's 
 
 Song o' triumph in de Ian'. 
 It seems holier dan evenin' 
 
 When de solemn chu'ch bell rings, 
 Ez I sit an' ca'mly listen 
 
 While Malindy sings. 
 
 Towsah, stop dat ba'kin', hyeah me! 
 
 Mandy, mek dat chile keep still; 
 Don't you hyeah de echoes callin' 
 
 Fom de valley to de hill? 
 Let me listen, I can hyeah it, 
 
 Th'oo de bresh of angel's wings, 
 Sof an' sweet, "Swing Low, Sweet Chariot/ 
 
 Ez Malindy sings. 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 147 
 
 THE PARTY. 
 
 Dey had a gread big pahty down to Tom's de 
 
 othah night; 
 Was I dah? You bet! I nevah in my life see 
 
 sich a sight; 
 All de folks fom fou' plantations was invited, an' 
 
 dey come, 
 Dey come troopin' thick ez chillun when dey 
 
 hyeahs a fife an' drum. 
 Evahbody dressed deir fines' — Heish yo' mouf an* 
 
 git away, 
 Ain't seen no sich fancy dressin' sence las' quah'tly 
 
 meetin' day; 
 Gals all dressed in silks an' satins, not a wrinlile 
 
 ner a crease. 
 Eyes a-battin', teeth a-shinin', haih breshed back 
 
 ez slick ez grease; 
 Shu'ts all tucked an' puffed an' ruffled, evah 
 
 blessed seam an' stitch; 
 Ef you 'd seen 'em wif deir mistus, could n't 
 
 swahed to which was which. 
 Men all dressed up in Prince Alberts, swallertails 
 
 'u'd tek yo' bref! 
 I cain't tell yo' nothin' 'bout it, y' ought to seen 
 
 it fu' yo'se'f. 
 Who was dah? Now who you askin'? How you 
 
 'spect I gwine to know? 
 You mus' think I stood an' counted evahbody 
 
 at de do*. 
 
148 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 Ole man Babah's house-boy Isaac, brung dat gal, 
 
 Malindy Jane, 
 Huh a-hangin' to his elbow, him a-struttin' wif 
 
 a cane; 
 My, but Hahvey Jones was jealous! seemed to 
 
 stick him lak a tho'n; 
 But he laughed with Viney Cahteh, tryin' haM 
 
 to not let on, 
 But a pusson would 'a' noticed f om de direction 
 
 of his look, 
 Dat he was watchin^ ev'ry step dat Ike an' Lindy 
 
 took. 
 Ike he foun' a cheer an' asked huh : "Won't 
 
 you set down?" wif a smile. 
 An' she answe'd up a-bowin, "Oh, I reckon 't ain't 
 
 wuth while." 
 Dat was jes' fu' style, I reckon, 'cause she sot 
 
 down jes' de same, 
 An' she stayed dah twell he fetched huh fu' to 
 
 jine some so't o' game; 
 Den I hyeahd him say in' propah, ez she riz to 
 
 go away, 
 "Oh, you raly mus' excuse me, fu' I hardly keers 
 
 to play." 
 But I seen huh in a minute wif de othahs on de 
 
 flo'. 
 An' dah wasn't any one o' dem a-playin' any 
 
 mo'; 
 Comin' down de flo' a-bowin' an' a-swayin' an 
 
 a-swingin', 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 149 
 
 Puttin' on huh high-toned mannahs all de time 
 
 dat she was singin': 
 *'0h, swing Johnny up an' down, swing him all 
 
 aroun'. 
 Swing Johnny up an' down, swing him all aroun'. 
 Oh, swing Johnny up an' down, swing him all 
 
 aroun', 
 Fa' you well, my dahlin'." 
 Had to laff at ole man Johnson, he's a caution 
 
 now, you bet — 
 Hittin' close onto a hunderd, but he's spry an' 
 
 nimble yet; 
 He 'lowed how a-so't o' gigglin', "I ain't ole, I'll 
 
 let you see, 
 EFain't no use in gittin' feeble, now you young- 
 
 stahs jes' watch me/' 
 An' he grabbed ole Aunt Marier — weighs th'ee 
 
 hunderd mo'er less. 
 An' he spun huh 'roun' de cabin swingin' Johnny 
 
 lak de res'. 
 Evahbody laffed an' hollahed: "Go it! Swing 
 
 huh. Uncle Jim !" 
 An' he swung huh, too, I reckon, lak a youngstah, 
 
 who but him. 
 Dat was bettah 'n young Scott Thomas, tryin' to 
 
 be so awful smaht. 
 You know when dey gits to singin' an' dey comes 
 
 to dat ere paht: 
 
 "In some lady's new brick house. 
 
 In some lady's gyahden. 
 
150 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 Ef you don't let me out, I will jump out, 
 
 So fa' you well, my dahlin'." 
 Den dey's got a circle 'roun' you, an' you's got 
 
 to break de line; 
 Well, dat dahky was so anxious, lak to bust his- 
 
 se'f a-tryin'; 
 Kep' on blund'rin' 'roun' an' foolin' 'twell he giv* 
 
 one gred big jump, 
 Broke de line, an' lit head-fo'most in de fiahplaca 
 
 right plump; 
 Hit 'ad fiah in it, mind you; well, I thought my 
 
 soul I'd bust, 
 Tried my bes' to keep f om laffin', but hit seemed 
 
 like die I must! 
 Y' ought to seen dat man a-scramblin' f om de 
 
 ashes an' de grime. 
 Did it bu'n him! Sich a question, why he didn't 
 
 give it time; 
 Th'owed dem ashes an' dem cindahs evah which- 
 
 a-way" I guess. 
 An' you nevah did, I reckon, clap yo' eyes on 
 
 sich a mess; 
 Fu' he sholy made a picter an' a funny one to 
 
 boot, 
 Wif his clothes all full o' ashes an' his face all 
 
 full o' soot. 
 Well, hit laked to stopped de pahty, an' I reckon 
 
 lak ez not 
 Dat it would ef Tom's wife, Mandy, hadn't hap- 
 pened on de spot. 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. Idl 
 
 To invite us out to suppah — well, we scrambled 
 
 to de table, 
 An' I lak to tell you 'bout it — what we had 
 
 — ^but I ain't able, 
 Mention jes' a few things, dough I know I hadn't 
 
 orter, 
 Fu' I know't will staht a hank'rin' an' yo' raouf 
 
 '11 'mence to worter. 
 We had wheat bread white ez cotton an' a egg 
 
 pone jes like gol'. 
 Hog jole, bilin' hot an' steamin', roasted shoat an' 
 
 ham sliced cold — 
 Look out! What's de mattah wif you? Don't be 
 
 fallin' on de flo'; 
 Ef it's go'n' to 'feet you dat way, I won't tell you 
 
 nothin' mo'. 
 Dah now — well^ we had hot chittlin's — now you*s 
 
 tryin' ag'in to fall, 
 Cain't you stan' to hyeah about it? S'pose you'd 
 
 been an' seed it all; 
 Seed dem gread big sweet peraters, layin' by de 
 
 possum's sde. 
 Seed dat coon in all his gravy, reckon den you'd 
 
 up an' died! 
 Mandy' lowed "You all mus' 'sense me, d'wa'n't 
 
 much upon my she'ves, 
 But I's done my bes' to suit you, so set down an' 
 
 he'p yo'se'ves." 
 Tom, he 'lowed : "I don't b'lieve in 'pologisin' 
 
 an' perfessin', 
 
152 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 Let 'em tek it lak dey ketch it. Eldah Thompson, 
 
 ask de blessin'." 
 Wish you'd seed dat colored preachah cleah his 
 
 th'oat an' bow his head; 
 One eye shet, an' one eye open, — dis is evah wud 
 
 he said: 
 '^Lawd, look down in tendah mussy on sich gen- 
 erous hea'ts ez dese; 
 Make us truly thankful, amen. Pass dat possum, 
 
 ef you please!" 
 Well, we eat and drunk ouah po'tion, 'twell dah 
 
 wasn't nothin' lef, 
 An' we felt jes' like new sausage, we was mos' 
 
 nigh stuffed to def ! 
 Tom, he knowed how we'd be feelin', so he had 
 
 de fiddlah 'roun'. 
 An' he made us cleah de cabin fu' to dance dat 
 
 suppah down. 
 -Jim, de fiddlah, chuned his fiddle, put some rosum 
 
 on his bow. 
 Set a pine box on de table, mounted it an' let 
 
 huh go! 
 He's a fiddlah, now I tell you, an' he made dat 
 
 fiddle ring, 
 'Twell de ol'est an' de lamest had to give der 
 
 feet a fling. 
 Jigs, cotillions, reels an' break-downs, cordrills 
 
 an' a waltz er two; 
 Bless yo' soul, dat music winged 'em an' dem 
 
 people lak to flew. 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 153 
 
 Cripple Joe, de ole rheumatic, danced dat flo* 
 
 f'om side to middle, 
 Th'owed away his crutch an' hopped it, what's 
 
 rheumatics 'gainst a fiddle? 
 Eldah Thompson got so tickled dat he lak to los' 
 
 his grace, 
 Had to tek bofe feet an' hoi' dem so's to keep 
 
 'em in deir place. 
 An' de Christuns an' de sinnahs got so mixed up 
 
 on dat flo', 
 Dat I don't see how dey'd pahted ef de trump 
 
 had chanced to blow. 
 Well, we danced dat way an' capahed in de mos' 
 
 redic'lous way, 
 'Twell de roostahs in de bahnyard cleahed deir 
 
 th'oats an' crowed fu' day. 
 Y' ought to been dah, fu' I tell you evahthing 
 
 was rich an' prime, 
 An' dey ain't no use in talkin', we jes' had one 
 
 scrumptious time ! 
 
 — From Lyrics of Lowly Life. 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 Preamble. 
 
 We, the people of the United States,^ in order 
 to form a more perfect union, establish justice, 
 insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the com- 
 mon defense, promote the general welfare, and se- 
 cure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our 
 posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitu- 
 tion for the United States of America. 
 
 ARTICLE I.— LEGISLATIVE DEPART- 
 MENT. 
 
 Section 1. — Congress. 
 
 All legislative powers herein granted shall be 
 vested in a Congress of the United States, which 
 shall consist of a Senate and House of Repre- 
 sentatives. 
 
 * As originally adopted by the convention, this clause 
 began with the words, "We, the people of the States of 
 New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island . . . ," 
 etc.. naming each of the thirteen. But it was agreed 
 that only nine states ratifying should be sufficient to 
 establish the Constitution between themselves, and as it 
 was impossible to foretell which states would compose 
 the number ratifying, the language of the preamble was 
 changed to a general term to include the people of such 
 states as should favor the new government. 
 
 The articles of Confederation were established by the 
 states, acting In most instances through their Legisla- 
 tures; the Constitution was established by the states, 
 acting in all cases through conventions of their people. 
 
; :■ in the united states. 155 
 
 Section 2. — House of Representatives. 
 Election of Members. 
 
 The House of Representatives shall be composed 
 of members chosen every second year by the people 
 of the several States, and the electors^ in each 
 State shall have the qualifications requisite for 
 electors2 of the most numerous branch of the 
 State Legislature. 
 
 Qualifications. 
 
 Xo person shall be a Representative who shall 
 not have attained to the age of twenty-five years, 
 and been seven years a citizen of the United States, 
 and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant 
 of that State in which he shall be chosen. 
 
 Apportionment. 
 
 Representatives and direct taxes shall be ap- 
 portioned among the several States which may be 
 included within this Union, according to their 
 respective numbers,^ which shall be determined 
 by adding to the whole number of free persons, in- 
 cluding those bound to service for a term of years, 
 and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all 
 other persons.* The actual enumeration shall be 
 
 ITstoV'^S'^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ °"^ representative for every 
 
 T^iMTJJil^Y' h^^ means slaves. The Fourteenth and 
 Fifteenth Amendments annul this provision. 
 
156 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 made within three years after the first meeting 
 of the Congress of the United States, and within 
 every subsequent term of ten years, in such man- 
 ner as they shall by law direct. The number of 
 Representatives shall not exceed one for every 
 iMitj thousand, but each State shall have at least 
 one Representative: and until such enumeration 
 shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall 
 be entitled to choose three; Massachusetts, eight; 
 Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, one; 
 Connecticut, five ; New York, six ; New^ Jersey, 
 four; Pennsylvania, eight; Delaware, one; Mary- 
 land, six; Virginia, ten; North Carolina, five; 
 South Carolina, five; Georgia, three. 
 
 Vacancies. 
 
 When vacancies happen in the representation 
 from any State, the executive authorit}^^ thereof 
 shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. 
 
 Officers. — Impeachm ent. 
 
 The House of Representatives shall choose their 
 Speaker and other officers ; and shall have the sole 
 power of impeachment. 
 
 Sectiox 3. — Senate. 
 
 Number of Senators. — Election. 
 
 The Senate of the United States shall be com- 
 posed of two Senators from each State, chosen by 
 
 5 Governor. 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 157 
 
 the Legislature thereof, for six years; and each 
 Senator shall have one vote. 
 
 Classification. 
 
 Immediately after they shall be assembled in 
 consequence of the first election, they shall be 
 divided as equally as may be into three classes. 
 The seats of the Senators of the first class shall 
 be vacated at the expiration of the second year; 
 of the second class, at the expiration of the fourth 
 year; of the third class, at the expiration of the 
 sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every 
 second year; and if vacancies happen by resigna- 
 tion, or otherwise, during the recess of the Legis- 
 lature of any State, the executive^ thereof may 
 make temporary appointments until the next meet- 
 ing of the Legislature, which shall then fill such 
 vacancies. 
 
 Qualifications. 
 
 Xo person shall be a Senator who shall not have 
 attained to the age of thirty years, and been 
 nine years a citizen of the United States, and who 
 shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that 
 State for which he shall be chosen. 
 
 President of Senate. 
 
 The Vice-President of the LTnited States shall 
 be President of the Senate, but shall have no 
 vote, unless they be equally divided. 
 
 *> Governor. 
 
158 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 Officers. 
 
 The Senate shall choose their other officers, and 
 also a President pro tempore, in the absence of the 
 Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the of- 
 fice of President of the United States. 
 
 Trials of Impeachment. 
 
 The Senate shall have the sole power to try all 
 impeachments: When sitting for that purpose, 
 they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the 
 President of the United States is tried, the Chief 
 Justice shall preside: and no person shall be con- 
 victed without the concurrence of two-thirds of 
 the members present. 
 
 Judgment in Case of Conviction. 
 
 Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not 
 extend further than to removal from office, and 
 disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of 
 honor, trust, or profit under the United States; 
 but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable 
 and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and 
 punishment, according to law. 
 
 Section 4. — Both Houses. 
 
 Manner of Electing Members. 
 
 The times, places and manner of holding elec- 
 tions for Senators and Representatives shall be 
 prescribed in each State by the Legislature there- 
 of; but the Congress may at any time, by law. 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 159 
 
 make or alter such regulations, except as to the 
 places of choosing Senators^ 
 
 Meetings of Congress. 
 The Congress shall assemble at least once in 
 every year, and such meeting shall be on the first 
 Monday in December, unless they shall by law 
 appoint a different day. 
 
 Section 5. — The Houses Separately. 
 Organization. 
 
 Each house shall be the judge of elections, re- 
 turns and qualifications of its own members, and a 
 majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do 
 business ; but a smaller number may adjourn from 
 day to day, and may be authorized to compel the 
 attendance of absent members, in such manner, 
 and under such jDenalties, as each house may pro- 
 vide. 
 
 Rules. 
 
 Each house may determine the rules of its pro- 
 ceedings, punish its members for disorderly be- 
 havior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds, 
 expel a member. 
 
 Journal. 
 Each house shall keep a journal of its proceed- 
 ings, and from time to time publish the same, ex- 
 cepting such parts as may in their judgment re- 
 
 ^ otherwise, Congress would have power to fix the places 
 of meeting of State Legislatures. 
 
160 HISTORY OF THE XEGEO 
 
 quire secrecy, and the yeas and nays of the mem- 
 bers of either house on any question shall, at the 
 desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on 
 the journal. 
 
 Adjournment. 
 
 Neither house, during the session of Congress, 
 
 shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn 
 
 for more than three days, nor to any other place 
 
 than that in which the two houses shall be sitting. 
 
 Section 6. — Privileges axd Disabilities of. 
 Members. 
 Pay and Privileges of Memhers. 
 The Senators and Eepresentatives shall receive 
 a compensation^ for their services, to be ascer- 
 tained by law, and paid out of the Treasury of the 
 United States. They shall in all cases, except 
 treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be priv- 
 ileged from arrest during their attendance at the 
 session of their respective houses, and in going to 
 and returning from the same; and for any speech 
 or debate in either house, they shall not be ques- 
 tioned in any other place. 
 
 Prohibitions on Memhers. 
 
 Xo Senator or Eepresentative shall, during the 
 
 time for which he was elected, be appointed to any 
 
 civil office under the authority of the United 
 
 States, which shall have been created, or the emol- 
 
 8 $5000 a year, and twenty cents for every mile traveled 
 by direct route to and from the capital. 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 161 
 
 uments whereof shall have been increased, during 
 such term ; and no person holding any office under 
 the United States, shall be a member of either 
 house during his continuance in office. 
 
 Section 7. — Method of Passing Laws. 
 Revenue Bills. 
 
 All bills for -raising revenue shall originate in 
 the House of Eepresentatives ; but the Senate may 
 propose or concur with amendments as on other 
 bills. 
 
 How Bills Become Laws. 
 
 Every bill which shall have passed the House 
 of Eepresentatives and the Senate, shall, before 
 it become a law, be presented to the President of 
 the United States; if he approve, he shall sign 
 it, but it not, he shall return it, with his objections, 
 to that house in which it shall have originated, 
 who shall enter the objections at large on their 
 journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after 
 such reconsideration, two-thirds of that house shall 
 agree to pass thie bill, it shall be sent, together with 
 the objections, to the other house, by which it shall 
 likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two- 
 thirds of that house, it shall become a law. But 
 in all such cases the votes of both houses shall be 
 determined by yeas and nays, and the names of 
 the persons voting for and against the bill shall 
 be entered on the journal of each house respect- 
 ively. If any bill shall not be returned by the 
 
163 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 President within ten days (Sundays excepted) 
 after it shall have been presented to him, the same 
 shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed 
 it, unless the Congress by their adjournment pre- 
 vent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. 
 
 Resolutions, etc. 
 Every order, resolution, or vote to which the 
 concurrence of the Senate and House of Repre- 
 sentatives may be necessary (except on a question 
 of adjournment) shall be presented to the Presi- 
 dent of the United States; and before the same 
 shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or 
 being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by 
 two-thirds of the Senate and House of Represent- 
 atives, according to the rules and limitations pre- 
 scribed in the case of a bill. 
 
 Section 8. — Powers Granted to Congress. 
 Powers of Congress. 
 
 The Congress shall have power: 
 
 To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and 
 excises, to pay the debts and provide for the com- 
 mon defense and general welfare of the United 
 States; but all duties, imposts, and excises shall 
 be uniform throughout the United States; 
 
 To borrow money on the credit of the United 
 States; 
 
 To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and 
 among the several States, and with the Indian 
 tribes ; 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 163 
 
 To establish a uniform rule of naturalization/ 
 and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies 
 throughout the United States; 
 
 To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and 
 of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights 
 and measures; 
 
 To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting 
 the securities and current coin of the United 
 States ; 
 
 To establish postoffices and postroads; 
 
 To promote the progress of science and useful 
 arts, by securing, for limited times, to authors and 
 inventors the exclusive right to their respective 
 writings and discoveries;^^ 
 
 To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme 
 Court ; 
 
 To define and punish piracies and felonies com- 
 mitted on the high seas, and offenses against the 
 law of nations; 
 
 To declare war, grant letters of marque and re- 
 prsal,^^ and make rules concerning captures on 
 land and water; 
 
 To raise and support armies, but no appropria- 
 tion of money to that use shall be for a longer term 
 than two years; 
 
 • The legal process by which a foreigner becomes en- 
 titled to the rights and privileges of a citizen of the 
 United States. 
 
 10 Authors secure "copyrights" on their writings; in- 
 ventors, "patents" on their inventions. 
 
 11 Letters granted by the government to private citizens 
 in time of war, authorizing them, under certain condi- 
 tions, to capture the enemy's ships. 
 
16 J: HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 To provide and maintain a navy; 
 
 To make rules for the government and regula- 
 tion of the land and naval forces ; 
 
 To provide for calling forth the militia to exe- 
 cute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections 
 and repel invasions; 
 
 To provide for organizing, arming, and discip- 
 lining the militia, and for governing such part 
 of them as may be employed in the service of 
 the United States, reserving to the States respect- 
 ively the appointment of the officers, and the au- 
 thority of training the militia according to the 
 discipline prescribed by Congress; 
 
 To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases 
 whatsoever over such district (not exceeding ten 
 miles square) as may, by cession of particular 
 States, and the acceptance of Congress, become 
 the seat of the government of the United States, 
 and to exercise like authority over all places pur- 
 chased by the consent of the Legislature of the 
 State in which the same shall be, for the erection 
 of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other 
 needful buildings ;^;; And 
 
 Implied Powers. 
 
 To make all laws which shall be necessary and 
 proper for carrying into execution the foregoing 
 powers, and all other powers vested by this Con- 
 stitution in the government of the United States, 
 or in any department or officer thereof. 
 
in the united states. 165 
 
 Section 9. — Powers Forbidden to the United 
 
 States. 
 
 Absolute Prohibitions on Congress. 
 
 The emigration or importation of such persons 
 as any of the States now existing shall think proper 
 to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress 
 prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and 
 eight, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such 
 importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each 
 person.^2 
 
 The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus^^ 
 shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of 
 rebellion or invasion the public safety may re- 
 quire it. 
 
 'No bill of attainder^* or ex-post-facto law^^ 
 shall be passed. 
 
 No capitation^^ or other direct tax shall be laid, 
 unless in proportion to the census or enumeration 
 hereinbefore directed to be taken. 
 
 No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported 
 from any State. 
 
 No preference shall be given by any regulation 
 of commerce or revenue to the ports of one State 
 over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to, 
 
 " "Persons" meaning slaves; in 1808 Congress prohib- 
 ited the importation of slaves. 
 
 ^ An official document requiring an accused person who 
 has been imprisoned awaiting trial to be brought before 
 a judge to inquire whether he may be legally held. 
 
 " An act of a legislative body inflicting the death 
 penalty without trial. 
 
 " A law relating to the punishment of acts committed 
 before the law was passed. 
 
 "Capitation tax, poll tax. 
 
1G6 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or 
 pay duties in another. 
 
 No money shall be draw-n from the Treasury 
 but in consequence of appropriations made by law ; 
 and a regular statement and account of the re- 
 ceipts and expenditures of all public money shall 
 be published from time to time. 
 
 No title of nobility shall be granted by the 
 United States: And no person holding any of- 
 fice of profit or trust under them, shall, without 
 the consent of Congress, accept of any present, 
 emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, 
 from any king, prince, or foreign state. 
 
 Section 10. — Powers Forbidden to the States. 
 
 Absolute Prohibitions on the States. 
 
 No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, 
 or confederation; grant letters of marque and re- 
 prisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make 
 anything but gold and silver coin a tender in pay- 
 ment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ex-post- 
 facto law, or law impairing the obligation of con- 
 tracts, or grant any title of nobility. 
 
 Conditional Prohibitions on the States. 
 
 No State shall, without the consent of the Con- 
 gress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or 
 exports, except what may be absolutely necessary 
 for executing its inspection laws; and the net 
 produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any 
 State on imports or exports, shall be for the use 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 167 
 
 of the Treasury of the United States; and all 
 such laws shall be subject to the revision and con- 
 trol of the Congress. 
 
 No State shall, without the consent of Congress, 
 lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or ships-of- 
 war, in time of peace, enter into any agreement or 
 compact with another State, or with a foreign 
 power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, 
 or in such imminent danger as will not admit of 
 delay. 
 
 ARTICLE II.— EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT. 
 
 Section I. — President and Vice-President. 
 
 Term. 
 
 The executive power shall be vested in a Presi- 
 dent of the United States of America. He shall 
 hold his office during the term of four years, and, 
 together with the Vice-President, chosen for the 
 same term, be elected, as follows: 
 
 Electors.- 
 
 Each State shall appoint, in such manner as 
 the Legislature thereof may direct, a number of 
 electors, equal to the whole number of Senators 
 and Representatives to which the State may be 
 entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or Rep- 
 resentative, or person holding an office of trust 
 or profit under the United States, shall be ap- 
 pointed an elector. 
 
168 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 Proceedings of Electors and of Congress. 
 
 [^^The electors shall meet in their respective 
 States, and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom 
 one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same 
 State with themselves. And they shall make a 
 list of all the persons voted for, and of the num- 
 ber of votes for each ; which list they shall sign and 
 certify and transmit sealed to the seat of the 
 government of the United States, directed to the 
 President of the Senate. The President of the 
 Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and 
 House of Eepresentatives, open all the certificates, 
 and the votes shall then be counted. The person 
 having the greatest number of votes shall be the 
 President, if such number be a majority of the 
 whole number of electors appointed; and if there 
 be more than one who have such majorit}^ and 
 have an equal number of votes, then the House 
 of Eepresentatives shall immediately choose by 
 ballot one of them for President ; and if no person 
 have a majority, then from the five highest on the 
 list the said House shall, in like manner, choose 
 the President. But in choosing the President, 
 the vote shall be taken by States, the representa- 
 tion from each State having one vote; a quorum 
 for this purpose shall consist of a member or mem- 
 . hers from tw^o-thirds of the States, and a majority 
 of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. In 
 
 " This paragraph in brackets has been superseded by 
 the Twelfth Amendment. 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 169 
 
 every case, after the choice of the President, the 
 person having the greatest number of votes of the 
 electors shall be the Vice-President. But if there 
 should remain two or more who have equal votes, 
 the Senate shall choose from them by ballot the 
 Vice-President.] 
 
 Time of Choosing Electors. 
 
 The Congress may determine the time of choos- 
 ing the electors, and the day on which they shall 
 give their votes; which day shall be the same 
 throughout the United States.^^ 
 
 Qualifioations of President. 
 
 'No person except a natural born citizen, or a 
 citizen of the United States at the time of the 
 adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to 
 the office of President ; neither shall any person be 
 eligible to that office who shall not have attained 
 to the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen 
 years resident within the United States. 
 
 Vacancy. 
 In case of the removal of the President from of- 
 fice, or of his death, resignation, or inability to 
 discharge the powers and duties of the said office, 
 the same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and 
 the Congress may by law provide for the case of 
 
 "The electors are chosen on the Tuesday following 
 the first Monday in November, next before the expira- 
 tion of a presidential term. They vote (by Act of Con- 
 gress of Feb. 3. 1887) on the second Monday in January 
 following, for President and Vice-President. The votes 
 are counted, and declared in Congress on the second 
 Wednesday of the next February. 
 
170 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of 
 the President and Vice-President, declaring what 
 officer shall then act as President; and such officer 
 shall act accordingly until the disability be re- 
 moved, or a President shall be elected. 
 
 Salary. 
 The President shall, at stated times, receive for 
 his services a compensation^® which shall neither 
 be increased nor diminished during the period for 
 which he shall have been elected, and he shall not 
 receive within that period any other emolument 
 from the United States, or any of them. 
 
 Oath. 
 Before he enter on the execution of his office, 
 he shall take the following oath or affirmation : — 
 "I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faith- 
 fully execute the office of President of the United 
 States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, 
 protect, and defend the Constitution of the United 
 States.'^ 
 
 Section 2. — Powers of the President. 
 Military Powers. — Reprieves and Pardons. 
 The President shall be commander-in-chief of 
 the army and navy of the United States, and of 
 the militia of the several States, when called into 
 the actual service of the United States; he may 
 require the opinion, in writing, of the principal 
 
 " The President now receives $50,000 a year; the Vice- 
 President, $8000. 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 171 
 
 officer in each of the executive departments, upon 
 any subject relating to the duties of their respect- 
 ive offices; and he shall have power to grant re- 
 prieves and pardons for offenses against the United 
 States, except in cases of impeachment. 
 
 Treaties. — Appointments. 
 He shall have the power, by and with the advice 
 and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, pro- 
 vided two-thirds of the Senators present concur; 
 and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice 
 and consent of the Senate shall appoint ambassa- 
 dors, other public ministers and consuls, judges of 
 the Supreme Court and all other officers of the 
 United States, whose appointments are not herein 
 otherwise provided for, and which shall be es- 
 tablished by law; but the Congress may by law 
 vest the appointment of such inferior officers, as 
 they think proper, in the President alone, in the 
 courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 
 
 Fill Vacancies. 
 
 The President shall have power to fill up all 
 vacancies that may happen during the recess of 
 the Senate, by granting commissions which shall 
 expire at the end of their next session. 
 
 Section 3. — Duties of the President. 
 
 Message. — Convene Congress. 
 
 He shall from time to time give to Congress in- 
 formation of the state of the Union, and recom- 
 
172 HISTOBY OF THE NEGEO 
 
 mend to their consideration such measures as he 
 shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on 
 extraordinary occasions, convene both houses, or 
 either of them, and in case of disagreement be- 
 tween them with respect to the time of adjourn- 
 ment, he may adjourn them to such time as he 
 shall think proper; he shall receive ambassadors 
 and other public ministers ; he shall take care that 
 the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commis- 
 sion all the officers of the United States. 
 
 Section 4. — Impeachment. 
 
 Removal of Officers. 
 The President, Vice President, and all civil offi- 
 cers of the United States, shall be removed from 
 office on impeachment for, and conviction of, trea- 
 son, bribery, or other high crimes and misde- 
 meanors. 
 
 ARTICLE III.— JUDICIAL DEPARTMEXT. 
 Section I. — United States Courts. 
 Co iirts Esta h lish ed. — Jvdg es. 
 The judicial power of the United States shall 
 be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such in- 
 ferior courts as the Congress may from time to 
 time ordain and establish. The judges, both of 
 the Supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their 
 offices during good behavior, and shall, at stated 
 times, receive for their services a compensation^^ 
 
 20 The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court receives 
 $10,500 a year; the associate justices, $10,000. 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 173 
 
 which shall not be diminished during their con- 
 tinuance in office. 
 
 Section 3. — Jurisdiction of United States 
 Courts. 
 
 Federal Courts in General. 
 The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in 
 law and equity, arising under this Constitution, 
 the laws of the United States, and treaties made, 
 or which shall be made, under their authority; — 
 to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public 
 ministers, and consuls; — to all cases of admiralty 
 and maritime jurisdiction; — to controversies to 
 which the United States shall be a party; — to 
 controversies between two or more States; — ^be- 
 tween a State and citizens of another State ;^^ — be- 
 tween citizens of different States; — between citi- 
 zens of the same State claiming lands under grants 
 of different States, and between a State, or the 
 citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens or sub- 
 jects. 
 
 Supreme Court. 
 
 In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public 
 ministers and consuls, and those in which a State 
 shall be party, the Supreme Court shall Lave orig- 
 inal jurisdiction. In all other cases before men- 
 tioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate 
 jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such 
 
 21 But compare Amendment XL 
 
174 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 exceptions and under such regulations as the Con- 
 gress shall make. 
 
 Trials. 
 The trial of all crimes, except in cases of im- 
 peachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall 
 be held in the State where the said crimes shall 
 have been committed; but when not committed 
 within any State, the trial shall be at such place 
 or places as the Congress may by law have di- 
 rected. 
 
 Section 3. — Treason. 
 
 Treason Defined. 
 
 Treason against the United States shall consist 
 only in levying war against them, or in adhering 
 to her enemies, giving them aid and comfort. 
 
 No person shall be convicted of treason unless 
 on the testimony of two witnesses to the same 
 overt act, or on confession in open court. 
 
 Punishment. 
 The Congress shall have power to declare the 
 punishment of treason, but no attainder of treason 
 shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, ex- 
 cept during the life of the person attainted. 
 
 ARTICLE IV.— RELATIONS OF THE 
 
 STATE TO EACH OTHER. 
 
 Section 1. — Official Acts. 
 
 Full faith and credit shall be given in each 
 
 State to the public acts, records and judicial pro- 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 175 
 
 ceedings of every other State. And the Congress 
 may by general laws, prescribe the manner in 
 which such acts, records and proceedings shall 
 be proved, and the effect thereof. 
 
 Section 2. — PRivfLEGES of Citizens. 
 
 The citizens of each State shall be entitled to 
 all privileges and immunities of citizens in the 
 several States. 
 
 Fugitives From Justice. 
 A person charged in any State with treason, fel- 
 ony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, 
 and be found in another State, shall, on demand 
 of the executive authority of the State from which 
 he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the 
 State having jurisdiction of the crime. 
 
 Fugitive Slaves. 
 No person^^ held to service in one State, under 
 the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in 
 consequence of any law or regulation therein, be 
 discharged from such service or labor, but shall 
 be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such 
 service or labor may be due. 
 
 Section 3. — The New States and Territories. 
 Admission of States. 
 New States may be admitted by the Congress 
 into this Union but no new State shall he formed 
 
 22 "Person" here includes slaves. This was the basis 
 of the Fugitive Slave Law. It is now superseded by 
 Amendment XIII. 
 
176 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 or erected within the jurisdiction of any other 
 State; nor any State be formed by the junction of 
 two or more States, or parts of States, without the 
 consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned 
 as well as of the Congress. 
 
 Territory and Property of United States. 
 
 The Congress shall have power to dispose of and 
 make all needful rules and regulations respecting 
 the territory or other property belonging to the 
 United States; and nothing in this Constitution 
 shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims 
 of the United States, or of any particular State. 
 
 Section 4. — Protection of the States. 
 
 The United States shall guarantee to every 
 State in this Union a republican form of govern- 
 ment, and shall protect each of them against in- 
 vasion, and on application of the Legislature, or 
 of the Executive (when the Legislature can not 
 be convened) against domestic violence. 
 
 AETICLE v.— AME^^DMEXTS. 
 
 How Proposed. — How Ratified. 
 
 The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both 
 houses shall deem it necessar}', shall propose 
 amendments to this Constitution, or, on the ap- 
 plication of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the 
 several States, shall call a convention for propos- 
 ing amendments, which, in either case, shall be 
 valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 177 
 
 Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of 
 three-fourths of the several States, or by conven- 
 tions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the 
 other mode of ratification may be proposed by the 
 Congress ; provided that no amendment which may 
 be made prior to the year one thusand eight hun- 
 dred and eight shall in any manner affect the first 
 and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first 
 article ; and that no State, without its consent, shall 
 be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. 
 
 ARTICLE VL— GENERAL PROVISIONS. 
 
 Public Debt. 
 
 All debts contracted, and engagements entered 
 into, before the adoption of this Constitution, shall 
 be as valid against the United States under this 
 Constitution, as under the confederation. 
 
 Supremacy of Constitution. 
 
 This Constitution, and the laws of the United 
 States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; 
 and all treaties made, or which shall be made, 
 under the authority of the United States, shall 
 be the supreme law of the land ; and the judges in 
 every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the 
 Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary 
 notwithstanding. 
 
 Official Oath. — Religious Test. 
 
 The Senators and Representatives before men- 
 tioned, and the members of the several State Leg- 
 
178 HISTORY OF THE XEGRO 
 
 islatures, and all executive and judicial ofiBcers, 
 both of the United States and of the several States, 
 shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support 
 this Constitution; but no religious test shall ever 
 be required as a qualification to any office or public 
 trust under the United States. 
 
 AKTICLE VIL— EATinCATION OF THE 
 COXSTITUTIOX. 
 
 The ratification of the Conventions of nine 
 States shall be sufficient for the establishment of 
 this Constitution between the States so ratifying 
 the same. • 
 
 Done in convention, by the unanimous consent 
 of the States present, the seventeenth day of Sep- 
 tember, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven 
 hundred and eighty-seven, and of the independ- 
 ence of the United States of America the twelfth. 
 
 In witness whereof, we have hereunto subscribed 
 our names. 
 
 George Washington, 
 President, and Deput}^ from Virginia. 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 179 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 John Langdon, 
 Nicholas Oilman. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 Nathaniel Gokham, 
 RuFus King. 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 
 William Samuel Johnson, 
 Roger Sherman. 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 Alexander Hamilton. 
 
 NEW JERSEY. 
 
 William Livingston, 
 David Brearley, 
 William Paterson, 
 Jonathan Dayton. 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 Benjamin Franklin, 
 Thomas Mifflin, 
 Robert Morris, 
 George Cilymer, 
 Thomas Fitzsimons, 
 Tared Ingersoll, 
 James Wilson, 
 gouverneur morris. 
 
 DELAWARE. 
 George Read, 
 Gunning Bedford, Jr., 
 John Dickinson, 
 Richard Bassett, 
 Jacob Broom. 
 
 MARYLAND. 
 James M'Henrt, 
 Daniel of St. Thomas 
 
 Jenifer, 
 Daniel Carroll. 
 
 VIRGINIA. 
 John Blair, 
 James Madison, Jr. 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA. 
 William Blount, 
 Richard Dobbs Spaight, 
 Hugh Williamson. 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 John Rutledge, 
 Charles O. Pinckney, 
 Charles Pinckney, 
 Pierce Butler, 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 William Few, 
 Abraham Baldwin. 
 
 Attest: William Jackson^ Secretary. 
 
 AMENDMENTS. 
 
 Religion, Speech, Press, Assembly, Petition. 
 
 Article I.^^ — Congress shall make no law re- 
 specting an establishment of religion, or prohibit- 
 ing the free exercise thereof ; or abridging the free- 
 dom of speech, or of the press ; or the right of the 
 
 23 The first ten amendments were proposed by Congress 
 in 1789, and adopted in 1791. They are often called the 
 Bill of Rights, and they are intended to guard more 
 efficiently the rights of the people and of the States. 
 
180 HISTORY OF THE XEGRO 
 
 people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the 
 government for redress of grievances. 
 
 Militia. 
 
 Article II. — A well-regulated militia being 
 necessary to the security of a free State, the right 
 of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be 
 infringed. 
 
 Soldiers. 
 
 Article III. — Xo soldier shall, in time of 
 peace, be quartered in any house, without the con- 
 sent of the owner; nor in time of war but in a 
 manner to be prescribed by law. 
 
 Unreasonable Search es. 
 Article IV. — The right of the people to be 
 secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, 
 against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall 
 not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but 
 upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirma- 
 tion, and particularly describing the place to be 
 searched, and the person or things to be seized. 
 
 Criminal Prosecutions. 
 Article Y. — No person shall be held to answer 
 for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless 
 on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury 
 except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, 
 or in the militia, when in actual service in time 
 of war and public danger; nor shall any person 
 be subject for the same offense to be twice put in 
 jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 181 
 
 in any criminal case to be a witness against him- 
 self, nor to be deprived of life, liberty, or property, 
 without due process of law ; nor shall private prop- 
 erty be taken for public use, without just com- 
 pensation. 
 
 Article VI. — In all criminal prosecutions, the 
 accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and pub- 
 lic trial, by an impartial jury of the State and 
 district wherein the crime shall have been com- 
 mitted, which district shall have been previously 
 ascertained by law, and to be informed of the na- 
 ture and cause of the accusation ; to be confronted 
 with the witnesses against him; to have compul- 
 sory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, 
 and to have the assistance of counsel for his de- 
 fense. 
 
 Suits at Common Law. 
 
 Article VII. — In suits at common law, where 
 the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dol- 
 lars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, 
 and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re- 
 examined in any court of the United States than 
 according to the rules of common law. 
 
 Bail, Punishments. 
 
 Article YIII.— Excessive bail shall not be re- 
 quired, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and 
 unusual punishments inflicted. 
 
 Reserved Rights and Poivers. 
 Article IX. — The enumeration in the Consti- 
 
182 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 tution of certain rights shall not be construed to 
 deny or disparage others retained by the people. 
 
 Article X. — The powers not delegated to the 
 United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited 
 by it to the States, are reserved to the States re- 
 spectively, or to the people. 
 
 Judicial Power Granted. 
 
 Article XI.^* — The judicial power of the 
 United States shall not be construed to extend to 
 any suit in law or equity, commenced or prose- 
 cuted against any citizen of the United States by 
 citizens of another State, or by citizens or sub- 
 jects of any foreign state. 
 
 Method of Electing President and Vice-President. 
 Article XII. ^^ — The electors shall meet in 
 their respective States, and vote by ballot for 
 President and Vice-President, one of. whom, at 
 least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State 
 with themselves; they shall name in their ballots 
 the person voted for as President, and in distinct 
 ballots the person voted for as Vice-President; 
 and they shall make distinct lists of all persons 
 voted for as President, and of all persons voted 
 for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes 
 for each, which list they shall sign and certify, 
 and transmit sealed to the seat of government of 
 the United States, directed to the President of the 
 Senate ; — the President of the Senate shall, in the 
 
 2* Proposed in 1794; adopted 1798. 
 25 Adopted 1804. 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 183 
 
 presence of the Senate and House of Representa- 
 tives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall 
 then be counted; — the person having the greatest 
 number of votes for President, shall be the Pres- 
 ident, if such number be a majority of the whole 
 number of electors appointed; and if no per- 
 son have such majority, then from the persons 
 having the highest numbers not exceeding three 
 on the list of those voted for as President, the 
 House of Eepresentatives shall choose immedi- 
 ately, by ballot, the President. But in choos- 
 ing the President, the votes shall be taken by 
 States, the representation from each State hav- 
 ing one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall con- 
 sist of a member or members from two-thirds 
 of the States, and a majority of all the States shall 
 be necessary to a choice. And if the House of 
 Eepresentatives shall not choose a President when- 
 ever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, 
 before the fourth day of March next following, 
 then the Vice-President shall act as President, as 
 in the case of the death or other constitutional 
 disability of the President. The person having 
 the greatest number of votes as Vice-President, 
 shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a 
 majority of the whole number of electors ap- 
 pointed; and if no person have a majority, then 
 from the two highest numbers on the list, the 
 Senate shall choose the Vice-President; a quorum 
 for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the 
 
184 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 whole number of senators, and a majority of the 
 whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But 
 no person constitutionally ineligible to the office 
 of President shall be eligible to that of Vice- 
 President of the United States. 
 
 Slavery Abolished. 
 
 Article XIII. ^^ — Section 1. Xeither slavery 
 nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment 
 for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly 
 convicted, shall exist within the United States, 
 or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 
 
 Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce 
 this article by appropriate legislation. 
 
 Negroes Made Citizens. 
 
 Article XIV.^^ — Section 1. All persons bom 
 or naturalized in the United States, and subject 
 to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the 
 United States and of the State wherein they re- 
 side. Xo State shall make or enforce any law 
 which shall abridge the privileges or immunities 
 of citizens of the United States; nor shall any 
 State deprive any person of life, liberty, or prop- 
 erty, without due process of law, nor deny to any 
 person within its jurisdiction the equal protection 
 of the laws. 
 
 Section 2. Eepresentatives shall be apportioned 
 among the several States according to their re- 
 
 2e Adopted 1865. 
 "Adopted 1868. 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 185 
 
 spective numbers, counting the whole number of 
 persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. 
 But when the right to vote at any election for 
 the choice of electors for President and Vice-Pres- 
 ident of the United States, Representatives in 
 Congress, the executive or judicial officers of a 
 State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, 
 is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such 
 State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens 
 of the United States, or in any way abridged, ex- 
 cept for participation in rebellion or other crime, 
 the basis of representation therein shall be reduced 
 in the proportion which the number of such male 
 citizens shall bear to the whole number of male 
 citizens tw^enty-one years of age in such State. 
 
 Section 3. No person shall be a Senator or Rep- 
 resentative in Congress, or elector of President or 
 Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, 
 under the United States, or under any State, who 
 having previously taken an oath as a member of 
 Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or 
 as a member of any State Legislature, or as an 
 executive or judicial officer of any State, to sup- 
 port the Constitution of the United States, shall 
 have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against 
 the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies 
 thereof. But Congress may, by a vote of two- 
 thirds of each house, remove such disability. 
 
 Section ^. The validity of the public debt of 
 the United States, authorized by law, including 
 
186 HISTORY OF THE NEGRO 
 
 debts incurred for payment of pensions and boun- 
 ties for services in suppressing insurrection or re- 
 bellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the 
 United States nor any State shall assume or pay 
 any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrec- 
 tion or rebellion against the United States, or any 
 claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; 
 but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be 
 held illegal and void. 
 
 Section 5. Congress shall have power to en- 
 force, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of 
 this article. 
 
 Negroes Made Voters. 
 
 Article XY.-^ — Section 1. The rights of citi- 
 zens of the United States to vote shall not be de- 
 nied or abridged by the United States, or by any 
 State, on account of race, color, or previous condi- 
 tion of servitude. 
 
 Section 2. Congress shall have power to en- 
 force this article by appropriate legislation. 
 
 =8 Adopted 1S70. 
 
CONTENTS AND INDEX. 
 
 Page. 
 niAPTER I. — Discovery of America — 
 
 Causes — ■Columbus — Cabot — Native Inhabitants to 34 
 CHAPTER II.— Explorations— 
 
 The Spanish — Estevanico — England — France — 
 
 Holland 34-39 
 
 CHAPTER III.— Settlements— 
 
 The London Company— The Plymouth Com- 
 pany — Virginia— Slavery Introduced — Pros- 
 perity — Free Negroes — Special Laws — Tom 
 
 Fuller 39-44 
 
 CHAPTER IV.— Massachusetts Settled- 
 Slavery Introduced — Negroes in Colonial Mili- 
 tia — Partial Emancipation — Phillis Wheatley 
 
 — Washington's Letter 44-r)0 
 
 CHAPTER v.— Slavery in Middle Colonies- 
 New Netherlands — English Gain Control — Free 
 Negroes Became Citizens — Maryland Settled 
 Slavery a Complex System — 'Religious Trou- 
 bles — Laws Governing Slave Marriages — 
 Benjamin Banneka — Jefferson's Letter — 
 
 Frances Watkins 50-5S 
 
 CHAPTER VI.— Slavery in Southern Colonies- 
 Minority Opposition — Florida — Blount's Fort 
 
 Government — Seminole and Creek Indians.... 58-63 
 CHAPTER VII.— The French Type- 
 Louisiana — French Claims — Slavex'y — Catholic 
 
 Churches — Creoles — Alexandre Dumas (>3-fi7 
 
 CHAPTER VIII.— The Spanish Type- 
 Texas — French and Spanish Claims — Mexico 
 
 Slaves Declared Free by Mexico — Relation of 
 Slaves and Mexicans — The Cart War — Inter- 
 Colonial Wars fi'-fJT 
 
 CHAPTER IX.— Revolutionary War- 
 Causes — British Soldiers — Boston Massacre — 
 
 Crispus Attucks — Inventions 67-71 
 
 CHAPTER X.— Revolutionary War- 
 Negro Soldiers — Hamilton's Letter — The To- 
 ries — Hamilton's Letter — Washington's Let- 
 ter 71-77 
 
 CHAPTER XI.— The Black Heroes- 
 Caleb Bai'bour — Stony Point — Peter Salem 
 
 Samuel Charlton — Prince Whipple — Wash- 
 ington — Treaty of Peace 77-81 
 
 CHAPTER XII.— Framing the Constitution- 
 Sectional Differences — Providing Two Houses — 
 Counting the Slaves — Compromises — Types ' 
 of the Two Sections — Invention of Cotton 
 
 Gin 81-85 
 
 CHAPTER XIII.— The New Government- 
 Early Difficulties — Number of Slaves in Amer- 
 ica sn-87 
 
TXDRX. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV.— War of 1812— ^^^^' 
 
 Battle of New Orleans— Speech to Negro Sol- 
 diers — Shaler's Report — Slaves in South 
 
 Carolina ST-OO 
 
 CHAPTER XV.— Abolition Sentiment- 
 Organization Established— Political Parties — 
 Free Soil Party Platform— Liberty Party 
 Platform— Free Democrat Party Platform — 
 Republican Party Platform — Democratic 
 Party Platform — Stephens' Announcement... 90-94 
 CHAPTER XVI.— Abolition Efforts- 
 Press and Pulpit — Benjamin Lundy— William 
 Lloyd Garrison— Missouri Compromise— Kan- 
 sas and Nebraska Bill — Fugitive Slave Law 
 — Dred Scott Decision— John Brown's Raid — 
 Frederick Douglass — Underground Railroad — 
 National Anti-Slavery Convention — Election 
 of 1S60 — Conservative • Leaders — Growth of 
 
 United States 94-101 
 
 CHAPTER XVII.— Confederate Government- 
 President Lincoln — Opposition to Enlisting Ne- 
 groes — Emancipation Proclamation — Negro 
 
 Soldiers 101 -lOt^ 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII.— Black Regiments- 
 Port Hudson — Milliken Bend — The New York 
 Times Said — Fort Wagner — With Grant 
 Around Richmond — Three Plans of the War 
 Completed — Lee's Surrender — Lincoln Assas- 
 sinated 10t)-110 
 
 CHAPTER XIX.— Reconstruction- 
 Johnson Plan — Congressional Plan — Tenure of 
 Office Bill — President Impeached — Freed- ■ 
 man's Bureau — Mutual Understanding — Ku 
 
 Klux Klan 110-114 
 
 CHAPTER XX.— The Negro in Civil Life- 
 Progress in Recent Times — Negro Senators 
 and Congressmen — Education — Negro Col- 
 leges — Songs of America— Journalism 114-120 
 
 CHAPTER XXI.— Doubts Expressed— 
 
 Charges Refuted — Mr. Calhoun — The Last 
 Charge— Negro Banks — Haiti and Liberia — 
 The Baptist Church— Methodist Church — 
 
 Dr. M. C. B. Mason 120-124 
 
 CHAPTER XXII.— Last Foreign War- 
 
 The Tenth Cavalry— General Maceo 124-12S 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII.— Noted Negro Leaders- 
 Douglass — Du Bois— Langston — Booker T. 
 
 Washington — N. W. Cuney— Bishop Grant....l2.S-l32 
 CHAPTER XXIV.— Other Great Leaders- 
 Robert Brown Elliott — Gov. P. B. S. Pinch- 
 back — Senator P.. K. Bruce — Bishop H. M. 
 Turner— R. T. Greener— Dr. Wm. Scarbo- 
 rough—Bishop T. B. Scott— Hundreds of 
 
 Others— Negro Congressmen — Statistics 132-140 
 
 CHAPTER XXV.— The Great Poet- 
 Paul Lawrence Dunbar— W. D. Howells— Dun- 
 bar's Dialectic Style— T\'hen Malindv Sings— 
 The Party— The Constitution .'. . i4l to end