o >^ >^ii'. :3> JO i> :>. >> ^ 3> 2> ) ■■■:3>»j "Uft > :>> ' 5» ® >m ■ ,' '-^^^ ' r52»> ^. ^ ■ ^ -^^ - '^' « ^ 3 >-.\>> JZX» -■^iC' ~- > j» > J Jfc-3::^ ■ i>y i j»>3>.^ >2> j>::> ;^^la>"-:^ca> ?^* • > 3> i3»: ^ > 2» — ■ '- ^;^«tTwil^; -RALECHH LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA re,se-w ,t ^xsVop 7ose^W 3\oovv.V CWe-5W\re y •'-TV kX This book must not be taken from the Library bailding ifi'. :^ S. oTo /^/ ^ /'' / y ' / LIFE SIR WALTER RALEGH. SECOND EDITION, VOL. L THE LIFE SIR WALTER RALEGH, KN^, Br ARTHUR CAYLEY, Jan. Esq. ■ But who can speak ''I'he num'rous worthie'! of the maiden rei(;n ? }n RALEGH mark their ev'ry glory rriix'cl; RALEGH ! tlie scourge of Spain ! whose breast with ali The sage, the patriot, and the liero, burn'd : Nor sunk his vigour wl'.en a coward reign The warrior fetter'd, and at last resign'd. To ghit the vengeance of a vanqiiish'd foe. Then, active still and unrestrain'd, hi^ mind Explor'd the vast extent of a.s;es i'.a;t, And witli his prison-hours enrichM the world ; Yet foimd no times in all the lone, researcli. So glorious or so base as those he prov'd, In which he conquered, and in which he bled. x HOM JON IN TWO VOLUMES.— VOL. I. SECOND EDITION. LONDON ; Pt-BLISHKO BY CADEI.L AND nATIES^ 5N TEE STRiN'i Edinburgh^ printed l>y Munddl and Sun^ PREFACE. o O ir IN EARLY two centuries have elapsed since Sir Walter Ralegh resigned his neck to the block, and bequeathed to posterity a singular example, with what cruelty a weak prince can sacrifice the life of a valuable subject. In the interval, various speculations have been formed upon his character ; and it may be ques- tioned whether, amid the oblivion to which every thing human is prone, the idea of imposture attach- ed to the Knight by some, and the age so inauspi- cious to literary leisure in which we live, his story shall at this day command any interest with man- kind. At least, it will perhaps be said, no effort of genius and eloquence must he wanting in him, who shall endeavour tQ recommend it at this dav to the notice of the Public, What reception, then, shall an unknown writer experience, who hath no a 3 vi PREFACE. higher ambition than that of colletting his materials with diligence, and endeavouring to exhibit simple triith in a simple garb ? This question leads me to a brief explanation of my inducements to the pre- sent undertaking. Accidentally examining the labours of my predecessors in this field, I found that Mr. William. Oldys and Dr. Thomas Birch (the only two entitled to notice), in the lives which they had prefixed, the former to his edition of Sir Walter's History of me World, in 1736, the latter to his collection of the knight's Miscellaneous Works, in 1751, had both failed of success in giving the best representation which existing materials afforded of their hero's story. Oldys, though a dihgent and accurate col- lector of facts, appears to have been deficient in taste in the arrangement and display of them ; while the conciseness of plan prescribed to himself by Dr. Birch, did not allow him to do the knight justice, had he been so inclined. In the subsequent age of letters, some writer, we might have hoped had been found, to do this jus- tice to one who deserved so well of his country. PREFACE. Vli The celebrated Mr. Gibbon, however, is the only person I am acquainted with, who ever seriously contemplated the design ; and, as he hath himself informed us, he soon relinquished Sir Walter's Life for a more extensive theme^ The knight^s biography thus neglected, a wish that the deficiency should be supplied, aided By an opinion that I might employ the leisure which I oc- casionally enjoy from avocations of superior claim, less agreeably, and not more innocently, than in collecting and arranging the scattered parts of Sir Walter's story, induced me, in the want of an abler hand, to undertake the task. The living are per- haps seldom more worthily employed than in tracing the characters of the deserving dead with a faithful hand ; especially when, as in the case of Sir Walter Ralegh, their actions have suffered, by misrepre- sentation, in the eye of posterity. The disposition which I think I have remarked in the present age, to discountenance false refine- ment in writing, induced me to hope that a simple^ unadorned narrative (the only one for which I had See Lord Sheifield's publication. Vlil , PREFACE. capability, leisure, or inclination) would be no dis« paragement to a work, whose design should be otherwise approved. No story stands less in need of eloquence than Sir Walter's, though few deserve it more ; and the humblest narrative will raise, if it can gratify, curiosity. The lover of those fanciful speculations which modern times have denominated philosophical history, will not find his account in perusing these volumes. The plan adopted in the first instance with regard to the narratives of voyages, hath been as much altered in the present edition as it could be with propriety, and consistently with the material object of allowing Sir Walter to be the narrator of his own story, wherever he hath given us an opportu- nity. Once for all, I beg leave to remark, that I write for such readers only, as wish a book to be as complete in itself, without reference to others, as possible; and who will desire the fullest mform« ation I can afford them relative to my hero. Of the labours of my predecessors I have mad^ fifee use, and deem no other apology nece^^s for PREFACE. ij? SO doing, than that my own would have been less worthy without such assistance. On dismissing the work, I solicit indulgence foi* such errors as I may occasionally have fallen into, though hitherto undetected by myself; and that candour to which every writer, hath, in my opinion, a claim, whose chief endeavour is truth. A. C. CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. CHAPTER I. i)'ifferent families of the name. . . . Seat of Sir JVaU ter's family. . . . Hooker allies it to the kings of England. . . . Sir TValter^s parentage. . . . Sale of estates. . . . Birth-place. . . . PVhen horn. . . . Edu- cated at Oxford. . . . Anecdote of his youth. . . . Did not study the law, as hath been supposed . . . Stateof politics. ... His expedition toFrance. . . . Reception and improvement. . . . Return to Eng- land. . . . Juvenile poetry. . . . Expedition to the Netherlands. . . . Embarks for America, . . . .A captain in Ireland. . . .Anecdote. . . . Siege of Fort del Ore. . . . Spenser the poet. . . , Adventures in Ire/and. . . . Ralegh dissatisfied . . . .His letter to Leicester 1 CHAPTER II. B,alegh*s introduction at court. . . He attends Simier to France, and the duke of Anjou to Antwerp. . . His quarrel with Lord Grey, , . . His second ad. XH CONTENTS. venture ivith Gilbert. . . . Obtains letters patens for discoveries. . . . First voijage to Virginia. . . Virginia named . . . Ralegh in parliament. . . , Knighted. . , . His patent for ivine licences. . . . North-west passage. . . . Second voy.age to Vir- ginia. . . , Ralegh* s estate in Ireland. . . . Oc- currences in Virginia. . . . Third voyage thither , . . Introduction of tobacco into England. . . . Ralegh appointed seneschal I of Cornwall and Exe- ter and tvarden of the stannaries. . . . Leicester in Holland. . . . Italegh^s letter to him. . . , Leicester's jealousy. . . . Voyages to the South sea and Azores. . . . Ralegh appointed captain of the guard, and lieutenant-general of Cornwall. . . . Fourth voyage to Virginia. . . . Joins the fleet against the armada. . . . Neiu honours and preferments. . . . Assigneth over his colony. . 42 CHAPTER III. Earl of Essex. . . . Expedition ivith Don Anlonio . . . Ralegh's squabble ivith IVUHams. . . . He receives a golden chain. . . . Is driven from court by Essex. . . . Visits Spenser i7i Ireland. . . , Brings him to England, and introduces him to the queen. . . . Encourages his Fairy Queen. . . . Intercedes for Mr. Udall. . . . Defends Sir R. Greenville. . . . His reflections on the Spaniards , . . Expedition to Panama. . . . His letter to Cecil. . . . His return. . . ; The Madre de Dio^ CONTENTS. xili taken. . . . Ralegh coiyliied in the Tower for de^ hauch'mg EUzahelkThrochmorton. ■, . . He mar- ries her. . . . Anecdote in the Tower. . . , His three letters to Cecil. . . . Hij release. ^ . . In parliament. . . . His speeches. . . . Is aspersed with atheism. . . . Obtains Skerborne-rnanor^ . . . His letters to the queen and Cecil. . , . Poetnj. 104 CHAPTER IV. The first voyage to Guiana * ... 155 CHAPTER V. Ralegh fires Cumana, &c Returns to higland. His indifierent reception Second voyage to Guiana Action at Cadiz Raledis dis- sention with Fere He is rear-admiral . . . Fleet sails His relation of the action Heads thefieet. . . . Is luoiinded. . . . Testimonies to his bravery. . . Return from Cadiz. . . Third voy- age to Guiana. . . The queen pleased notivthstand- ing Essex. . . . Sir Robert Cecil. . . . His ill-will to Essex, and friendship for Ralegh Ralegh a candidate for the vice-chamberlainship. . , , He re- conciles Essex and Cecil . . . Victuals GOOO men In council with Essex and Cecil. . . . Restored n'ith the queen Fery friendly with Essex. . . . XIV CONTENTS. Island voyage. . . . Rear-admiral. . . . Reconciled to Fere. . . . Prejudiced ivitk Essex. . . . Joins him at Floras. . . . Loses him at Fay at. . . , His account of the landing there. . . . Essex enraged. . . . In- dicin fleet escapes. . . , Return to England. , . . Remarks. . . . Reception in England. . . . Promo- iions of Cecil cmd Howard. . . . Ralegh in par- liament. . . . Familiarity helween him, Essex, and Cecil. . . . Cecil goes as ambassador to France. . . . Essex enters into RaleghJs interest Ra- legh spoken of as lord-deputy of Ireland. . . . He heneflts Cornwall. . . . Essex's feather-triumph . . .He goes to Ireland. . .Ralegh vice-admiral. . . Desires to he a baron. . . .Essex returns. . . . Ra- leglis discontent. . . . He goes to Flanders. . . . Cecil's letter to the commissioners. . . . Object of the journey doubted. . . . Ralegh made governor of ^Jersey, . . . Essex suspended from his oflices. . . . Outrageous. . . . His correspondence ivith King James. . . . Prejudiceth him against Ralegh. , . . His insurrection. , . . Design on Ralegh. . . . Ralegh's conference ivith Gorges. . . , He is falsely accused by Essex. . . . Cecil relents. . . . Ralegh's letter to Cecil. . . , Essex executed. . . . Ra]es:h receives the French ambassador. . . . Sits - in parliament. . . . His speeches. . . . He sells his Irish estate. . . . Is challenged by Preston* ^ e , Death of Queen Elizabeth. , , , . c 283 CONTENTS. XV CHAPTER VI. CeciVs correspondence with King James, , . . His rivalship 2cith Ralegh. . . . Kmg James pre~ judiced. . . . Ralegh neglected. . . . Conspiracy . . . Cecil's letter. . . Ralegh examined. . . His letter to the commissioners. . . . Indicted. . . . His letter to the king. . , . His trial . « » 353 « THE ^^ LIFE or SIR WALTER RALEGH. CHAPTER I. Different families of the name Seat of Sir Walter'' s family Hooker allies it to the kings of England Sir Walter s parentage Sale of estates Birth- place When bom Educated at Oxford Anecdote of his youth Did not study the laz&, as has been supposed State of politics His expe- dition to France Reception mid improvement Return to England J woenile poetry Expedition to the Netherlands Embarks for America A captain in Ireland Anecdote Siege of Fort del Ore Spenser the poet Adventures in Ireland Ralegh dissatisfied His letter to Leicester. JtvALEGH with variations in the orthography* of it, is a very ancient name in this kingdom. There are towns and villages so called particularly in the west- Few names vary so much in the manner of writing it. Sir Robert Naunton and Lord Bacon write Rawleigh — Rale and Ra- lega are to be found in old deeds, concerning families of the name j while Raleigh is adopted by King James, Sir Walter's Fol I, A 2 THE LIFE OF ern counties,'' some of which formerly belonged to oble lords of the name.*^ Two parishes in Devon- shire derived their names from the very family of Sir Walter :'' and the Devonshire Raleghs having been settled in that county before the conquest, and being certainly the ancestors of the Warwickshire Raleghs/ it has been supposed that their namesakes in other counties proceeded likewise from them. Yet, as we find in the reign of Edward III, five knights of this name at one time settled in different parts of Devonshire,*" and as three great families, of the same name with Sir Walter, but quartering dis- similar arms,^ were contemporary with his forefa- thers in that county, these families were probably son Carew, (see Harleian Miscellany, vol. iii.) John Hooker, and many respectable writers of the 16'" and 17'" centuries. His original letters, however, in the Harleian, and other col- lections, prove that Sir Walter himself, wherever his signature has been preserved, wrote Ralegh ; which did not escape the attention of Oldys and Dr. Birch ; and on which account the name is thus printed in the present work. b As Ralegh in the parish of Pilton near Barnstaple ; Street- ralegh in the parish of Ailsbeer near Exeter ; Comb-ralegh near Honiton ; Widdycomb-ralegh and Coliton-ralegh, all in Devon- shire. Nettlecomb-ralegh in Somersetshire ; Ralegh, a mar- ket town in Essex, thought to be that called Reganeia in Dooms- day-book, &:c. ^ Camden's Britannia, Devon. Coliton-ralegh and Widdycomb-ralegh. See Prince's Dan- monii Orientales Illustres, fol. 1/01^ p. 531. ^ Dugdale's Warwickshire, by Thomas, fol. 1730, p. 529« ' Prince, p. 517- ^ Prince, p. 51 6, SIR WALTER RALEGH. S not all of one lineage ; and perhaps we owe to the eminence of Sir Walter, the pains which the antt^ quaries and genealogists of his time have bestowedr>* on the several houses of the name, at a period when all of them, excepting his, were nearly extinct. Smalridge, in the parish of Axminster, in the coun- ty of Devon, was one of the most ancient seats of Sir Walter Ralegh's family. According to Sir William Pole, an ancestor of his in a direct line re- moved thither from Nettlecomb-ralegh in Somerset- shire, in the fourteenth year of Henry III.'* To him succeeded Sir Wimond/ Sir Hugh, Sir John, Sir Peter, two more Sir Johns, and then other success- ors, all of whom could boast the same rank of knighthood, or married into families so distinguished, down to Wimond, the grandfather of Sir Walter.*" John Hooker' was related to, and acquainted with Sir Walter Ralegh ; from which circumstance, and h Pole's Collections toward a Description of Devon, 4'°. 1791, Smalridge. i In a visitation book, made anno 1623, of the counties of Wilts, Dorset, and Somerset^ there is a pedigree of Sir Walter's family from the reign of King John. This Wimond, in the time of Henry III, is tisercin called Lord of Coliton and Nettlecomb. Whence it should seem, the Somersetshire estate was a later ac- quisition to the family, and that in Devonshire the more ancient seat ; or that the removal was made to the former, rather than to the latter county. — Oldys. ^ Prince, 530 ; and Pole, FardelL 1 Alias VowELL. He was the first chamberlain of Exeter; and twice member of parliament for that city, Camden says of him, Vir eruditus, et de antiquitatis studio optime meritus. A 2 THE LIFE OF that of his addressing the knight in his days of ce- lebrity with an account of his genealogy, he appears entitled to peculiar credit. He informs us, that Smal- ridge was in the possession of the Raleghs before the Norman conquest ; and that one of the family who had been made a prisoner by the Gauls, and obtained his freedom on S\ Leonard's day, consecrated a chapel there to that saint on his return, and suspend- ed his target therein as an offering of gratitude.""' The records of this foundation are said to have been afterward given to Sir Walter Ralegh'' as their right- ful owner, by a priest of Axminster. Hooker not on^y asserts Sir Walter's alliance to the Courtneys, earls of Devon, and other illustrious houses, but even traces the stream of consanguinity up to the kings of England,* while Pole was of opinion, that it was another family of the Raleghs which was thus roy- ally descended ; and several ancient manuscript pe- digrees of the family by the heraldic visitors and antiquaries of the west, also differ not only from Hooker, but in some points from Pole, and from one another. Thus the inquiry ohly tends to con- vince us of the difficulty of reconciling these several opinions. Walter Ralegh, Esq. of Fardel, in the parish of Cornwood, near Plymouth, the father of Sir Walter, "1 Hooker's Synopsis Chorographica, or Historical record of Devonshire ; never printed, but quoted by Prince, p. 530. " Risdon's Description of Devonshire, Axminster. ® Appendix, No. I. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 5 was three times married. By his first wife Joan, daughter of John Drake, Esq. of Exmouth, he had issue George and John ; the latter of whom married Ann, daughter of Sir Bartholomew Fortescue, of Filley, in Devonshire, and relict of— Gaicrick, of Ford ; and had issue. His second wife, was daughter of Darell, of London ; by whom he had Mary^ afterward married to Hugh Snedalcj Esq. of Hilling in Cornwall ; who also had issue. By his third wife Catharine, daughter of Sir Philip Champernon, of Modbury, and relict of Otho Gil- bert, Esq. of Compton, in Devonshire, he had issue, Carew, Walter, and Margaret. Carew, afterward knighted, and of Wiltshire, married Dorothy, daugh- ter of Sir William Wroughton, and relict of Sir John Thynn ; by whom he had issue. Walter the fourth son, is the celebrated subject of these me- moirs,'' and thus appears to have been maternal half p The Visitation of Devonshire, ann. 1564, by William Her. vey, Esq. clareiicieux, a MS. in the Herald's office. '' Ralegh's respectable parentage proves, how imprdperly the terms ^ack and Upstart were applied to him when he was first distinguished by Queen Elizabeth. Lord Bacon has preserved the following bon-motj which I quote in his own vvords. — IPten Queen Elizabeth had advanced Ralegh, she whs one day playing on the virginals, and my lord of Oxford, and another noLleman, staod ly. It fell out so, that the ledge before the jacks was taken away, so as the jacks were seen ; my lord of Oxford and the othei^ nobleman smiled, and a little whispered. The queen marked it, and would needs know what the matter was. My lord of Ox= ford answered, that they smiled to see, that when jacks went up, heads went down. — Apophthegms, N°. 182. 6 THE LIFE OF brother to the eminent knights Sir John, Sir Humph- rey, and Sir Adrian Gilbert. Margaret first mar- ried Radford, of Mount Radford, in De- vonshire, clerk of the peace ; and afterward, Hull, Esq. of Larkebere, in the parish of S\ Leon- ard, Exeter. "■ The distinction which the family formerly en- joyed in fame and fortune, had suffered some dimi- nution previously to Mr. Ralegh's lifetime. The estate of Smalridge, which remained theirs to the time of Henry VIII, was sold in that reign by Sir Walter's grandfather Wimond, to John, the father of Sir John Gilbert of Compton.* Fardel remained some time longer in their possession ; for, on Mr. Ralegh's decease, it devolved to his eldest son George, afterward to his second son John, and then to his third son Carew, who sold it to Walter Hele, Esq. of Cornwood^ They were also owners of Widdycomb-ralegh, and Coliton-ralegh, the former of which we find, was sold by Sir Carew (Sir Walter's brother), to George, a natural son of his ^ Pole, Fardell, and Prince, p. 530, make no mention of Mr. Ralegh's second wife, and his daughters, Mary and Mar- garet. On this subject, consult in the Harleian collection. Pedi- grees of the Devonshire gentry, an original MS. by Thomas Westcot, recorder of Totness ; — Richard Munday's MS. Col- lection of pedigrees ; — Visitation of Devonshire, by Henry St. George, Esq. Richmond herald, and Sampson Leonnard, blue- mantle deputies for W. Camden, Esq. clarencieux? ann. l620. * Prince, p. 530. ' Pole, Fardell, p. 322- SIR WALTER RALEGH. ^ brother George, just noticed ; and the latter, by Sir Walter himself, to Richard Martin (or his father), of Exeter." Not one of these, however, can claim the honour of being the birth-place of Sir Walter Ralegh. Having the remainder of an eighty-years lease of a farm called Hayes, in the parish of Budley, near that part of Devonshire where the Otter river dis- charges itself into the English channel, Mr. Ralegh resided on this farm during his last marriage. Thus Hayes became the birth-place of Sir Walter, and is distinguished at this day by topographers, as more remarkable for that circumstance than for any other.* On the expiration of the lease, the estate devolved to a Mr. Duke of Otterton, to whom Sir Walter ap- plied without success as a purchaser. In his letter^ to Mr. Duke on this occasion, he writes, for the ■ natural disposition I have to the place, being horn in that house, I had rather seat myself there than any- where else,^ By Camden's account of Sir Walter's age when he died, he must have been born in the year 1552. 1552. Oldys, also, quotes a manuscript supplement, which " Prince, p. 531. ^ Prince, p. 530. ^ Dated from the court, July 2Q, 15S4 j see Wood's Alliens, Ralegh. z Thus the tradition, that Ralegh was born at Exeter, in the house adjoining the palace gate, is erroneous. — See Jzacke'i An- tiquities of Exeter, p. 147. A 4 8 THE LIFE OF he had seen, to G. Le Neve's Collection of nativi- ties, vi^herein the author fixes Sir Walter's birth in the sixth year of Edward VI, which agrees with Camden. Of his childhood; not an anecdote has been pre- served ; and we are even unacquainted where he re- ceived his school education. Hooker, Lord Bacon, and Anthony Wood, agree, however, that he studi- ed for a few years at the university of Oxford. The latter's words are, — he became commoner of 1568. Oriel college, in., or about, the year 1568, when his kinsman, C, Champernon, studied there ; and his na^ tural parts being strangely advanced by academical learning, under the care of an excellent tutor, he became the ornarnent of the juniors, and was ivorthi- ly esteemed a proficient in oratory and philosophy.'' He afterward adds, that Sir Walter remained three years at the university ; in which, or in the above date, he and his biographical followers are certainly mistaken. It is possible, indeed, that his name may have remained for three years on the boards of the college ; but we shall find him to have been abroad two years earlier than the period to which this would bring us.'' Lord Bacon has preserved the following anecdote * Athen. Oxon. Ralegh. ^ Fuller, in his Church history, inserts Ralegh's name among the learned writers of Christ-church, as well as of Oriel j but it is difficult to reconcile his having studied at that college also with the fact in the text. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 9 of him, while a student at Oxford. — A cowardly fellow, who was a very good archer, having been, insulted by a neighbour, complained to Ralegh, and asked his advice how he should repair the wrong which he had suffered. Ralegh's answer was, — chaU lenge him to a match of shooting.'^ Wood, at last, justly concludes, that it is uncer- tain how long Ralegh remained at the university. It is still more uncertain, that he was ever a student in the Middle Temple, which the same writer as- serts, because he had seen verses written by him in that inn of court/ Sir Robert Naunton, who was secretary of state at the time of Ralegh's death, con- signs him to the study of the law on quitting Ox- ford 5*^ and the greater part of Ralegh's biographers agree with Sir Robert in this point, having probably copied him. Mr. Lewis Theobald,^ however, in a later day, conceived it to be so obvious an error, that no merit could be claimed for correcting it ; for, at his arraignment. Sir Walter, in a reply to the attorney general, lays a heavy imprecation on himself, if ever he read a word of law, or statutess before he was. a prisoner in the Tower, ^ In addition to this. Hooker informs us, that after Ralegh had laid a good ground to build his actions on at the * Apophthegms, N". 6Q. d See this chapter. "^ Fragmenta Regaha. ^ Memoirs of Sh- Walter Ralegh, 8'°, 17IQ, p. 5. E See his trial, in this work. iO THE LIFE or university, he went to France ;" which is also con- firmed by Camden, by whose account, Sir Walter's^ 1569. age could not exceed seventeen at the time of his departure to that country. Ralegh had the advantage of a period of unusual political activity to exercise and encourage his ge- nius at his entrance into life. The glorious reign of our illustrious Elizabeth, less distinguished by its length, than by the vigour and success of her go- vernment, amid almost unexampled difficulties at home and abroad, and by the variety of important events occurring in the course of it,' commenced in the seventh year of his age. The early part of it was employed in changing the odious scenes of per- secution which the reign of her predecessor had ex- hibited, and in promoting, with the soundest policy, the great work of the reformation. When, at a later period, France became involved in civil war, Elizabeth, to avert a threatened danger from the encroaching power of Spain, aided the distressed h Appendix, N". 1. » Witness the establishment of the reformation, begun by Henry Vllf, carried farther by Edward VI, but interrupted by the bigotry and cruelty of Mary j the support of the protestant interest in France under Francis II, Charles IX, and Henry III, till the absolute settlement of Henry IV on the throne j the as- sistance she gave the Low countries, in rescuing them from the yoke of Philip II ; her triumph over the whole force of Spain, more than once combined for her destruction ; and the vast improvement of the naval strength and commerce of the na^' tion. SIR WALTER RALEGH. H and humble states of Holland. Philip,'' in political reprisal, raised stubborn insurrections in Ireland ; and the pope, to give the rebellion permanence and plausibility, embraced that kingdom in the circle of S'. Peter. It were impertinent to my subject to dwell on the origin of the hugonots, and their opposition to the guisards ; to reconcile Queen Elizabeth's defence of another prince's oppressed subjects, at a moment when imminem danger, from such oppressions, threatened her own ; or to aggravate her motives against France, in particular, from the recent viola- tion of covenants relative to the surrender of Calais. Suffice it to observe, that with her hands full at home, by the insurrections of the earl of Northum- berland and Leonard Dacres, she was not wanting in commiseration and assistance to the persecuted protestants of France. Having made use of her in- fluence with other princes of the same persuasion. In promoting the cause, she accepted a pledge-ot jewels against a loan of money to the queen of Na- varre, and permitted Henry Champernon, a relative by marriage to the earl of Montgomery, to march k Durin. his residence with his first wife, Mary, queen of England, Philip had been the protector of Elizabeth, who was then in no small danger from the violence of the popish party. On her advancement to the throne, he offered her marmge j and his disappointment in that respect, her adherence to the prolestant interest, and her constant opposition of his immoder- ate ambition, made him at last her most implacable enemy. ^ 12 THE LIFE OP into France with a select troop of well equipped vo- lunteers, one hundred in number, and all gentle- men. Let valour decide the contest, streamed on their standard. In the list were Philip Butshid^ Francis Barcley, and Walter Ralegh ; the two first afterward men of note ; the last the most distin- guished of them all, then a youth, and commencing his career.^ This select troop of horse arrived in the French camp in October 1569, (the beginning of the third civil war), and was received with great distinction by the queen of Navarre and the princes."* Al- though the French writers, as well as our own, leave us in the dark as to its particular services in France, or the time of its continuance there, we may conclude that Ralegh gained considerable re- putation in that country. Hooker says, — he spent good part of his youth in wars and martial services there ;" and another writer, who seems also to have known him, adds, speaking of his education, — it ivas not partj hut wholly, gentleman, wholly soldier,'^ i The words of Camden are, — admodum adolescens jam pri- mumfatis monstratus. Annales Elizab. Ann. \56g. ///. Non. Oct. quo eodem die Henricus Champer- Tiounus cum c equitihus Anglis egregie inslructis in castra venit, a NavurracB regina ac principibus honorifice exceptus, in cujus vexillo inscriptum erat det mihi virtus finem. Thuani sui temp. Hist. lib. 46. II. " Appendix, N". I. See Sir Walter Ralegh's ghost, or England's forewarner> ^c. Utrecht, printed by John Schellem, 4% 1Q2Q, p. 15. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 13 From these circumstances, we may not only ac- count for the chasm which we find about this pe- riod in all the memoirs of Sir Walter's life, but may also presume, that, viewing the extensive and instructive scene of extraordinary events which their political theatre at this time exhibited, he was ini- tiated by this (then) poHte, warlike, and diplomatic, people in those civil and military accomplishments which he afterward so conspicuously displayed. Ralegh was still in France after the death of Charles IX, " an event which took place about five i5T4, years after his arrival in that kingdom j and as this interval embraces nearly thirty battles, sieges, treaties, and capitulations, the school must of necessity have proved a fine one for the initiation of our young volunteer. In his History of the World he has bequeathed us the following memorandum of this period.—/ remember it well, that when the prince of Condy was slain, after the battle of Jar- VMC, (which prince, together with the admiral Chas- tillon, had the conduct of the protestant army), the Protestants did greatly beivail the loss of the said prince, in respect of his religion, person, and birth; yet, comforting themselves, they thought it rather an advancement, than an hinderance, to their af~ •I P For Hakluyt, In the dedication prefixed to the first edition of his Voyages, informs his patron he had been Jive years in France ; and, in his dedication to Ralegh of the Florida voy- ages (Appendix, N°. II), he writes, — calling to mind you had spent more years in France than /, ^c 14j the life of fairs : for so much did the valour of the one oui^ reach the advisedness of the other, as ivhatsoever the admiral intended to win, by attending the ad- vantage, the prince adventured to lose, hy being over-confident in his oivn courage.'^ By what means Ralegh escaped the horrible mas- sacre of Paris and the provinces, on the evening of S'. Bartholomew, 1572, we are left in uncertainty. It is probable, however, that he found refuge in the ambassador Walsingham's"" house, in company with Lord Wharton, young Sidney, and others. His return to England is supposed to have taken 1515. place in the year 1575. The following poem, by [Falter Rawely of the Middle Temple, was pubhsh- "^ B. 5, c. ii, s. 3, and farther on, s. 8, he observes, — that worthy genllevian, Count Lodowick of Nassau, brother to the iate famous ptince of Orange, viade the retreat at Moncountour until so great resolution , os he saved one half of the protestant anny, then broken and disbanded, of which wyself 2vas an eye^ uitness, and icas one of them who had cause to thank him for it. In Digges' Complete Ambassador, folio, 1055, p. 250, we read, in a letter from Lord Burleigh, Leicester, and others, to Walsingham, dated Woodstock, Sept. g, 1573, — we understand that the English gentlemen that were in Paris at the time of the execution of the viurther ^vere forced to retire to your home, where they did zvisely. For your care of them, we a?id their fiends are beJiolding to you ; arid now we think good that they be advis- fd to return home} and namely, we desire you to procure for Lord IVharton and Mr. Philip Sidney the king's licence and safe conduct to come thence ; and so ive do require you to give thevi true k?iowledge of our minds herein. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 1«5 ed the next year, prefixed to a satire intituled the Steele Glass,* by George Gascoigne, Esq. a writ- is^*- er of repute in those days. — Sweet were the sauce would please each kind of taste, The life likewise were pure that never swerv'd, For spiteful tongues in canker'd stomachs plac'd, Deem worst of things which best percase deserv'd. But what for that ? this med'cine may suffice To scorn the rest, and seek to please the wise. Tho' sundry minds in sundry sort do deem, Yet worthiest wights yield praise for ev'ry pain : Dut envious brains do nought , or light, esteem, Sucli stately steps as they cannot attain : For whoso reaps renown above the rest With heaps of hate shall surely be oppress'd. Wherefore, to write my censure of this book, This' Glass of Steel impartially doth shew : jkbuses all to such as in it look From prince to iioor, from high estate to low. As for the verse, who list like trade to try I fear me much shall hardly reach so high. This is the poem already alluded to, and which led Wood to pronounce Ralegh a student in the Middle Temple. The manner in which the name is written (Rawely) would make us at least hesitate * See A Hundred several flowers, bound up in one small poesy, 4'% without date. 16 THE LIFE QF about ascribing the piece to Sir Walter ; other cir- cumstances, however, render it probable that he was the author of it. Among these we may mention Gascoigne's acquaintance with Lord Grey de Wil- ton, appearing by his dedication to this and other of his works, and Ralegh's service in Ireland, as we shall find, under that nobleman. Gascoigne had led a life similar to that of Ralegh in foreign travels and military service, and subscribed the very motto tarn Marti quam Mercurio to his picture prefixed to the above satire, which is so well known to have been afterward assumed by, or appropriated to, Ra- legh himself. To these probabilides in favour of an acquaintance having subsisted between them, we may add the internal evidence of the poem itself, which exhibits throughout, that solid, axiomatical turn so distinguishing Ralegh's muse. In allowing the poem to be Ralegh's, however, a new difficulty presents itself, — of the Middle Tem- ple. We have already seen, that he denied having studied the law before he was a prisoner in the Tower ; and the registers of the Middle Temple of those times do not record his name as a student of the law. It may, however, have been a custom of that time, as well as of the present, to let chambers in the inns of court to persons not following the profession. Old writings and historians of those times record, that the inmates not only in private houses, but those ivho divelt among the lawyers, and did not follow their profession, grew so numerous SIR WALTER RALEGH. IT and inconvenient, that there was an order or prO" clamationfor their removal out of the inns of courts about the latter end of Queen Elizabeth's^ or the beginning of her successor's, reign.^ With these facts in his hand, the reader will de- cide for himself on a point, which is material chief- ly with reference to the supposition that Ralegh had been a templar in his youth ; and it is to be regret- ted that this is not the only poem, of those which have been usually ascribed to him, whose authenti- city, in regard to its author, is incomplete. These pieces being also without dates, we are left to guess the period of his life at which they were written from their complexion. Love, however, is so na- turally the subject of the juvenile poet, that I hazard little risk of chronological error by presenting my reader with the following pieces, extracted from England's Helicon, and universally ascribed to Ra= legh, before I quit the subject of his early muse. THE NYMPIf's REPLY" TO THE PASSIONATE SHEPHERD^- If all the world and love were young, And truth in every shepherd's tongue, These pretty pleasures might me move To live with thee and be thy love. , ' Oldys' Life of Ralegh, p. 11. " Isaac Walton informs us, that this Reply to Marlowe's Pas^ sionate Shepherd was made by Sir Waller Ralegh in his younger ' days. Mr. Wharton observes, that this Reply is in England's Helicon subscribed 1gnq.x.o, Ralegh's constant signature. An* other Vol. L b , ',i^-^^iS*;i;^ m- i.8 THE LIFE OP Time drives the flocks from field to fold;, When rivers rage, and rocks grow cold ; And Philomel becometh dumb, The rest complain of cares to come. The jflovrcrs do fade, and wanton fields To wayward winter reckoning yields ; A honey tongue — a heart of gall, Is fancy's spring, bqt sorrow's fall. Thy gowns, tliy shoes, thy beds of roses> Thy cap, thy kirtle, and thy posies^ Soon break, soon wither, soon forgotten;^ Jn folly ripe, in reason rotten. Thy belt of straw and ivy buds, Thy coral clasps and amber studs ; All these in me no means can move To come to thee and be thy love. But could youth last, and love still breed, Had joys no date, nor age no need, Then these delights my mind might move To live with thee and be thy love. other very able critic contends, that this signature was affixed by the publisher, who meant to express by it his own ignorance of the author's, name. Mr. Wharton, however, had perhaps good reasons for his opinion, though he neglected to adduce thera ; and it is to be observed, that in Mr. Stevens' copy of the first edition of the Helicon, the original signature was W. R. ', the second subscription of Ignoto (which has been follow- ed in the subsequent editions) being, rather awkwardly, pasted Qver it. (See the ingenious Mr. Ellis' Specimens of the early Ene^lish SIR WALTER RALEGH. » }9 IMITATIpX OF MARLOW. Come live with me^ and be my dear. And M-e will revel all the year, In plains and groves^ on hills and dales, Where fragrant air breeds sweetest gales. English poets.) To enable the reader to jn^lge better of the merit of the Reply and Imitation^ I here subjoui Maiiov e s ori- ginal :— " THE PASSIONATE SHEPKEBD TC HiS iOYE. « Come live •with me, and be my lovCj, And we will all the pleasures prove That vallies, groves, and hills, and fields. Woods, or steepy mountains, yields. And we will sit upon the rocks. Seeing the shepherds feed their flockSj By shallow rivers, to whose falls Melodious hirds sing madrigals. And I will make thee beds of roses^ And a thousand fragrant posies 5 A cap of flowers and a'kirtle, Embroider'd all with leaves of myrtle ; A gown made of the finest wool, Which from our pretty lambs we pull ; Fair lined slippers for the cold. With buckles of the purest gold j A belt of straw and ivy Biids, With coral clasps and amber studs ; And if these pleasures may thee move, Come live with me, and be my love. The shepherd swains shall dance and sing For. thy delight, each May morning, if these delights thy mind may move. Then live with me, and be my love.' B2 I 50 THE LIFE OF There shall you have the beauteous pin^. The cedar and the spreading vine, And all the woods to be a screen, Lest Phoebus kiss my summer's queen. The seat for your disport shall be Over some river, in a tree, Where silver sands and pebbles sing Eternal ditties with the spring. There shall you see the Nymphs at play, And how the Satyrs spend the day ; The fishes gliding on the sands. Offering their bellies to your hands. The birds with heavenly-tuned throats. Possess wood'^s echoes with sweet notes ; Which to your senses will impart A music to inflame the heart. Upon the bare and leafless oak, The ring-dove's wooings will provoke A colder blood than you possess To play with me, and do no less. In bowers of laurd, trimly dight. We will outwear the silent night, While Flora busy is to spread Her richest treasure on our bed. Ten tiiousand glow-worms shall attend, And all their sparkling lights shall spend. All to adorn and beautify Your lodging with most majestjo SIR WALTER RALEGH. 21 Then in mine arms will I inclose Lilj's fair mixture Avitli the rose ; Whose nice perfections in love's play Shall tune me to the highest key. , Thus, as we pass the welcome night In sportful pleasures and delight, The nimble Fairies on the grounds Shall dance, and sing melodious sounds. If these may serve for to entice Your presence to love's Paradise, Then come with me, and be my dear, , And we will straight begin the year. THE SHEPHERD TO THE FLOWERS. Sweet violets, Love's Paradise, that spread Your gracious odours, which you couched bear Within your paly faces, Upon the gentle wing of some calm-breathing wind, That plays amidst the plain ! If, by the favour of propitious stars, you gain Such grace, as in my lady's bosom place jou. find, Be proud to touch those places. And when her warmth your moisture forth doth wear. Whereby her dainty parts are swe«:tly fed. You, honours of the flowery meads, I pray. You pretty daughters of the Earth and Sun, With mild and seemly breathing straight display My bitter sighs, that have ray heart undone !— - ******* B 3 3^ THE LIFE OP THE SHEPHERP'S DESCRIPTION OF LOVE. Meliheus. Shepherd, what's love ? 1 pray thecj tell! Faustus. It is that fountain, and that well, Where pleasure and repentance dwell ; It is, perhaps, that sauncing bell That tolls all in to heaven qr hell ; — And this is love, as I heard tell. Mel. Yet, what is love ? I prithee say ! Faust. It is a work on holiday ; It is December match'd with May, When lusty bloods, in fresh array. Hear, ten months after, of the play ; — And this is love, as I hear say. Mel. Yet, what is love ? good shepherd, saine! Faust. It is a sunshine mix'd with rain ; It is a tooth-ach, or like pain ; It is a game where none doth gain. The lass saith, No, and would full fain ! — • And this is love, as I hear saine. Mel. Yet, shepherd, what is love, I pray ? Faust. It is a yea, it is a nay, A pretty kind of sporting fray -, It is a thing Avill soon away ; Then, nymphs, take 'vantage while ye may .'—r And this is love, as I hear say. Mel. Yet, what is love ? good shepherd, show ! Faust. A thing that creeps, it cannot go, A prize that passeth to and fro, A thing for one, a thing for moe ; And he that proves shall find it so; — And, shepherd, this is love I trow. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 23 We now come to Ralegh's second military enter- prise, the scene of which was laid in the Nether- lands/ Don John of Austria, natural son of the emperor Charles, was appointed governor of the Low countries in the year 1577, by his brother the 151T. king of Spain. His tyranny drew upon him the odium of the states, while his treachery incurred the jealousy of England. Ralegh says of him,— his haughty conceit of himself overcame tli£ greatest dif~ Jiculties, though his judgment luere over-iveak to ma- nage the least.^ He had formed the project of res- cuing the queen of Scots from prison, and, by mar- riage with her, or the force of arms, of dethroning Elizabeth, and making himself master of her crown. That queen not only receded from the peace and neutrality then in agitation with the Spaniards, but furnished the states men and money, as they had requested, to enable them to carry on the war more powerfully against them.'^ It was here that Ralegh, under Sir John Norris, and in company with Sir Robert Stewart, Colonels North, Cavendish, Mor- gan, and others, (whose veteran troops were the first perfect harquebusiers we had, and first taught us to esteem the musket,*^) probably shared in the ' See Nauntou's Frag. Regal, b Pref. to Hist. World. c Camden's Elizab. An. 1578. «* See Sir Roger Williams' Brief discourse of the Spanish dis- cipline in war, 4'°, ISpOj also his Actions of the Low coun- tries, 4% 1618, p. 126. 5 24 THE LIFE OP honours and dangers of the memorable Lammas-day 1578. in 1578, when his rashness^ at the battle of Rime- nant proved the grave of Don John's renown j a loss which himself only two months survived. The English and Scots, oppressed with a long and weari- . some march, arrived on the field only a day, some say only an hour, before the battle commenced. Owing to the heat of the weather, or, in Lord Ba- con's words, being more sensible of a little heat of the sun than any cold fears of death,^ they threw off their armour and clothes, and in their shirts as- sisted to chastise Don John for the faithless treaties of peace with which he had abused the states. On his return home, Ralegh found an opportu- nity, in the year 1579, of making a first essay on the other element, which, although it proved an unsuccessful one, is material, as it probably contri- buted to kindle in his mind those sparks of mari- time enterprise which afterward blazed forth with such peculiar splendour. The gallant spirit which actuated the English gentry m the reign of Elizabeth, is not perhaps more signally manifested, in any circumstance, than in the naval and colonial enterprises, which, during that brilliant period of our history, were planned and conducted by private individuals. Sir Humphrey Gilbert (his maternal half-brother^ «= Fam. Strada de Bel. Belg. Ann. 1578, f piscourse of waiv SIR WALTER RALEGH. 25 as we have seen) had recently obtained a patent from Queen Elizabeth, for planting and inhabiting certain northern parts of Araerica, unpossessed by any of her allies. Ralegh, ever rejoicing in an op- portunity of advancing his knowledge and fortune, was readily engaged, on his return to England, ta embark in the adventure. The coasts from cape Florida to Newfoundland had been discovered by the Cabots, in the time of Henry VII ; yet more in- land researches, and the establishment of Christian- ity, were still wanting ; and the Newfoundland fish- ery had been greatly neglected since the reign of Edward VI. Sir Humphrey having procured an ample com- mission for restoring and improving these posses- vsions, by piercing farther into those tracts which ex- tend northward from the 25"* degree, many gentle- men entered into the cause, and it was expected that a strong fleet would have been raised. When the shipping was prepared, however, unanimity was wanting ; some hesitated at subjection ; others prov- ed unequal to their engagements ; and the majority dispersed, leaving Sir Humphrey to prosecute the adventure with only a few of his most faithful ad- herents, among whom was Ralegh.^ With these few, he ventured to sea, and, after a smart action with the Spaniards, was compelled to return home with the loss of a large ship, and a gallant gentle- ' Appendix, N°. I. x 26 THE LIFE OP man of the name of Miles Morgan.** The ships were preparing for this expedition late in the sum- mer of 1578, and probably sailed in the early part 1579. of the following year.' The important period between seventeen and twenty-seven was employed by Ralegh in that la- borious diligence which all must use who would reach the eminence acquired by him. Of the twen- ty-four hours, only five, we are told, were allowed for sl-^ep, and four v/ere devoted to study ; while, conscious that a good general is seldom made from a had soldier^ he voluntarily shared, in his land and sea expeditions, the labours, hardships, and hazards, of the meanest of his companions.'' This was the proper foundation which he laid for that surprising h See Capt. E. Haies' Report of Sir Humphrey Gilbert's voyage to Newfoundland, Sec. in Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii, p. 143, folio, i600. A subsequent adventure to Newfound- land, undertaken by these brothers-in-law, has been confound- ed with this unfortunate one, — but from the second Sir Humph- rey returned no more ; and the course of that voyage is so par- ticularly described, that we may assert, no svich sea-fight, or any"" desertion of adventurers, occurred therein. i In the dedication to W. Fleetewood, Esq. recorder of Lon- don, of an old dramatic piece, by Geo. "Whetstones, Gent, en- titled, the History of Promos and Cassandra, the author writes, — he resolved to accompany that excellent captain, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, in this honour alle voyage ; and concludes with his pray- ers,^ that God would preserve him in itj 29 July 1578. ^ See Ralegh's Life, published by Shirley and Tonson ; and ^Lloyd's State Worthies. SIR WALTER RALl?GK. ''^7 combination of talents which afterward so remark- ably distinguished him. The Roman catholics in Ireland, excluded from offices under the government, instigated by popish priests, and encouraged by foreign potemates,^were at this period on the eve of a general revolt.^ At the same time, Philip II of Spain, although he^had not yet come to an open rupture with Queen Eliza- beth, was dally more exasperated against her from the injusies which he had committed and suffered. James litzmorris, repairing at this time to Rome, undertook to reduce the kingdom of Ireland to the obedience of the holy see, and was furnished by the pope with a small sum of money, a consecrated banner, and letters of recommendation to Philip ; who, eager to retaliate for the assistance which Eli- zabeth had given to his rebels in the Low countries, supplied Fitzmorris with 700 Spaniards and Italians, and three ships, which were sent into Ireland in ihe name of the pope, under the Spanish general San Josepho, accompanied by two priests, one of whom was dignified with the title of Nuncio. Landing at 1 Oppressed by the authority of the several chiefs, (who con- sidered all improvements ot indusiry and arts, and the introduc- tion of a purer rehgion, as destructive of tiieir own power over their vassals), Ireland could scarcely be esteemed subject to the government of England, \vhicii thej were alway ready to Qis- turb by insurrections and reuellioas, and to concur m any de- signs of the pope or king of Spain. 28 The life of Smerwick in Kerry, they built a fort," and the Irish rebels, under- Sir John and James, brothers to the eari of Desmond, speedily resorted hither to join, as did the English forces to oppose, them. ' Holinshed's celebrated chronicles make very ho- nourable mention of Ralegh's services in this rebel- lion, for which we are indebted to John Hooker, the augmenter and continuer of that part of them which relates to Ireland. The first notice we have of him is on occasion of Sir James of Desmond, who, in 1580. August, 1580, had seized some property belonging to the sheriff of Cork, and in the retaliation made by the sheriff's party, was wounded and taken prisoner. Upon which the lord-justice Pelham, and the coun- cil, ordered him into the custody of Sir Warham Saintleger and Captain Ralegh, by whom, in virtue of the commission directed to them, he was tried and executed as a traitor." Lord Grey came over to Ireland as Deputy, August 12'", 1580, and received the sword from Pelham about a month later. He had been instruct- ed to shorten the Irish wars by an effectual prose- cution," and agreed in sentiment with a succeeding deputy, that, like nettles the Irish make those smart ivho handle them gently, and to prevent stinging they must he crushed. Joined at Rekell by the earl of Ormond, and having now about 800 horse and foot " Fort del Ore. ° See Htjiii shed's Chronicles, foiio, 1586. Ireland, p. 168. ' Leland. SIR \<^ALTER tlALEGH. 29 with him under captains Ralegh, Zouch, Denjiy, Mackworth, and others, he decamped and marched for the fort which the Spaniards had built. Here Hooker relates the following anecdote. — ' Captain Ralegh, notwithstanding that the Lord Deputy had raised his camp at Rekell, and was gone toward the fort, yet he tarried and staid behind, minding to practice some exploit. For it was not unknown unto him, that it was a manner among the Irish kerns,^ that whensoever any English camp was dis- lodged and removed, they would after their depar- tures come to those camps to take what they there found to be left. Thus, therefore, lying and keep- ing himself very close, tarried and abode the coming of the said kerns ; who, suspecting no such trap to be laid for them, came after their manners and old usages to the said place, and there took their plea- sure, who, when they were in their security, the Captain and his men came upon them, and took them all. Among them there was one who car- ried, and was laden with withs,** which they used instead of halters; and being demanded what he would do with them, and why he carried them, gave answer that they were to hang up English churls, for so they call Englishmen. Is it so ? quoth the Captain ; well, they shall now serve for an Irish kern, and so commanded him to be hanged up with one of his own withs. The residue he handled ac- cording to their deserts.*^ ^ Foot soldiers. « Willows. ' Holinshed, Ireland, p, 170. so -THr LIFE OV Meanwhile captain Bingham, and soon afterward Sir William Winter, arrived in the bay of Smerwicfc with fresh supplies, upon which Lord Grey resolved to besiege the fort by land, while admiral Winter should attack it by sea. The Spaniards were then sumnioned to declare, wh: they zz-ere? what they ha 1 to do there? who sent ihem thither? and why they made fortifications m her Majesty's dominions? with requisition to surrender the Port. Their answer was, lue are sent, some from the Holy Father, v)ho has giicn this reatm to King Philip, a7id somt from King Philip, ivho is to recei7 e and recover this land to the holi; Church of Rome, which, by her Majesty's meam, is become schismatical, and out of the Churchy with other reproachful speeches ; and that, there- fore, they were in that respect to keep what they had, and to recover what they had not. They, more- over, took the opportunity of this parley to make a sally upon the English, but were so harassed by the vigilance and valour of Ralegh's and Denny's com- panies, that those w^ho were not killed, were com- pelled to retreat with great precipitation. When completely prepared for the attack, the Deputy gave the enemy another summons by can- non-shot, to surrender, and receive mercy; but they repeated only their first answer. The artillery was now ordered to attack the fort both by sea and land^ and Ralegh, having the command on the opening of the trenches, forced the Spaniards to several ex- cursions. After a siege of five days San Joseph© SIR WALTER R \LEGH. 31 surrendered at discretion. The Talian general, and some officers, were made prisoners; of war, but the chief part of the garrison was put to the sword by- Lord Grey's order; a cruelty which greatly dis- pleased Oueen Elizabeth, and in the execution of which Ralegh was obliged to hold a principal share, having with captain Mackworth the ward of that day.* Upon his advancement to Ireland. Lord Grey had shewn his regard for genius and learning, by the choice he made of Spenser the poet for his se- cretary. It was probably at this time that the autiior of the Fairy Queen contracted that friendship with Ralegh, which proved so beneficial to him in the Knight's more advanced fortunes, for after Sir Philip Sidney's death, Ralegh was his chief patron and friend at court. In his View of the state of Ireland, in dialogue between Eudoxus and Ireneus, the poet has left us the following illustration of these trans- actions, which, as the conduct of the actors in this scene has been severely censured, it may not be im- proper to quote here in his own words. ' EuDox : For he (Grey) was always known to be a most just, sincere, godly, and right noble man, far from such sternness, far from such unrighteousness. But in that sharp execution . of the Spaniards at the fort of Smerwick, I heard It specially noted, that if it were true, as some report- * See Holinshedj Ireland, p. 1/1 j and Camden's Elizab. an. 1580. S2 THE LIFE OF ed, surely it was a great touch to him in honour ; for some say that he promised them life ; others, at least he did put them in hope thereof. * Lien : Both the one and the other is most un- true. For this I can assure you, myself being as near them as any, that he was so far either from promising or putting them in hope, that when first their secretary (called, as I remember, Signior Jef- frey), an Italian, being sent to treat with the Lord Deputy for grace, was flatly refused ; and afterward their colonel, named Don Sebastian, came forth to entreat, that they might part with their arms like soldiers, at least with their lives according to the custom of war and law of nations ; it was strongly ' denied him, and told him by the Lord Deputy him- self, that they could not justly plead either custom of war or law of nations, for that they were not any lawful enemies ; and if they were, he willed them to shew by what commission they came thither into another prince's dominions to war, whether from the Pope or the King of Spain, or any other. The which when they said they had not, but were only adventurers, that came to seek fortune abroad, and to serve in wars am.ong the Irish, who desired to en- tertain them ; it was then told them, that the Irish themselves, as the Earl and John of Desmond with the rest, were no lawful enemies, but rebels and traitors \ and therefore they that came to succour them, no better than rogues and runnagates, specially coming with no licence nor commission from their SIR WALTER RALEGH. 33 own king ; so as it should be dishonourable to him in the name of his queen, to condition or make any terms with such rascals ; but left them to their choice, to yield and submit themselves or no. Whereupon the said colonel did absolutely yield himself and the fort, with all therein^ and craved only mercy. Which it being not thought good to shew them, for danger of them, if, being savedj they should afterward join with the Irish ; and also for terror to the Irish, who are much emboldened by those foreign succours, and also put in hope of more ere long ; there was no other way but to make that short end of them as was made. Therefore most untruly and maliciously do these evil tongues back-bite and slander the sacred ashes of that most just and honourable personage, whose least virtue of many most excellent that abounded in his heroic spirit, they were never able to aspire unto." The Chronicle already quoted, proceeds to relate the following adventures of Ralegh during his stay in Ireland. Lying in garrison at Cork, and finding that the complaints which had been made of the outrages daily practised by Barry, Condon, and others, met with little or no redress, he rode to Dublin himself, and informed the Lord Deputy, that unless these persons were proclaimed traitors, and pursued with all diligence, the greatest grievances to the good ^ See Hughes' edition of Spenser, vo). VI, p. l6lL Vol. L c ^■. 34& THE LIFK 0^ subjects ill the neighbourhood were to be apprehend- ed. The Lord Deputy and council accordingly granted him an additional force, with a commission to seize the person, lands, and castle of Barry, who in the meantime set fire to his castle, and laid waste his lands. The seneschall of Imokelly laid in am- bush at a ford between Youghall and Cork, which Ralegh must pass, to cut-off his return. For- tunately, however, his company happened to be dis- persed at the time when Ralegh first reached the ford with only six attendants; and the latter, though pursued by the seneschall, gained the opposite bank of the river. Here Ralegh had an opportunity of twice saving the life of Henry Moile, one of his company ; first, when his horse threw him into the river, and again when he fell into a deep mire. With a staff in o:ie hand, and a pistol in the other^ Ralegh stood his ground with the most valiant reso- lution, until the whole of his company had crossed . the river ; and, to use Hooker*s words, ?ieither the seneschal, no?' any of them, being twenty to one, durst to give the onset upon him, but only railed and used hard speeches unto him, iQiiil his men behind had recovered, and were come unto him, and then, without any farther harm, departed."^ ' It happened, that not long after,* continues Hooker, ' there was a parley appointed between the Lord Governor and the rebels, at which tl^e senes- chall was present, and stood much upon his reputa^- "Holinshed, Ireland, p. 172, 173. SIR WAhTER RALEGH. S5 lion. Captain Ralegh being present, began to charge him of his cowardness before the earl of Ormond, that he, being twenty of his side to hira alone, durst not to encounter with him ; whereunto he gave no answer. But one of his men standing by said, that his master was that day a coward, but he would never be so forgetful again if the like service were to be done ; and in many great terms exalted his master, the seneschall, for his valiantness and ser- vice. The earl of Ormond hearing those great speeches, took the matter in hand, and offered unto the seneschall, that if he and Sir John of Desmond, there present, and three or four others, the best they could chuse, would appoint to meet him, Cap- tain Ralegh, and such four others as they would bring with them, they would come to the same place, and pass over the great river i^nto them, and would there two for two, four for four, or six for six, fight and try the matter between them. But no answer was then given ; whereupon the white knight was afterward sent unto him with this challenge, but the rebels refused it.'* . Upon the earl of Ormond leaving Ireland in the spring of 1581, Sir William Morgan, Captain Ra- issi. legh, and Captain Piers, received a commission to succeed him for the present in his government in Monster. Here they spent the summer of that year, chiefly at Lismore and the adjacent country, in con- " Holinshed, Ireland, p. 173* c 2 36' THE LIFE OF tinual services against the enemy, as occasion re* quired. In the autumn, Ralegh, with his band of four- score foot and eight horse, set out on his return to Cork, and received information on the road, that Barry was at Clove, with a considerable force. Taking that direction, he found him and his com- pany, charged him with great bravery, and put him to flight. Then, pursuing his journey, he overtook a company of foot, which he charged with six of his horse, cut off the wood to which they were flying j and, leaving them without a hope of rehef, compel- led them to turn in despair and repel his attack, which they did with the most desperate bravery. Five of the horses were killed, among which was Ralegh's ; and he had certainly lost his own life in this skirmish, but for the gallant assistance he re- ceived from his trusty servant Nicholas Wright, a Yorkshire-man, and James Fitz-Richard and Patrick Fagaw, Irishmen. Several of the enemy were slain, and two of them taken prisoners to Cork.^ ' At his lying in Cork,' adds Hooker, ' there were sundry pieces of service done by him, all which do very well deserve to be for ever registered ; and among all others this one point of his service de- serveth both commendation and perpetual remem- brance.' He then relates to us his seizure of Lord Roch, whose loyalty was become doubtful, and Ra- legh w^as appointed to bring him and his Lady to y Holinshed, Ireland, p. 173- SIR V/ALTER RALEGH. S7 Cork. Barry and the seneschall having knowledge of this, assembled a force seven or eight hundred strong to waylay him. In the meantime Ralegh, having reflected on the danger of the enterprise, on a sudden ordered his men, about ninety horse and foot, to be ready on pain of death between ten and eleven o'clock that night ; at which hour he set off for Roch's seat. Bally in Harsh, about twenty miles distant from Cork, and reached the castle gate early the next morning. The towns-people were alarmed, and collected a party 500 strong ; upon which Ralegh disposed his forces in the town, and selecting six of his company, among whom were Arthur Barlow and Nicholas Wright, he proceeded quietly to the castle, and ordered another small party to follow. On the appearance of Roch's attendants he desired to speak with his Lordship, and complied with appa- rent readiness with their request, that he should enter with only two or three of his followers. With some difficulty, however, they all passed the gate, and Ralegh instructed them to admit their followers ■by degrees, while he held Roch in conversation. Thus the whole party at last gained an entrance into the court-yard, each with a musket loaden with two balls. Roch grew uneasy, but dissembled it, and invited Ralegh and his company to partake of his table. After dinner the latter ingenuously declared the object of his visit, and produced his commission. Whereupon Roch, after some excuses, made a vir- c 3 38 THE LIFE OF tiie of necessity, professing he could clear himself of whatever was alledged against him.^ Ralegh also obtained his lordship's consent, that the town's peor pie, who had so faithfully risen in his defence at horne, should escort and defend him on his journey, which he had determined should be made that night. It proved dark and tempestuous, and the way they went was so full of hills, dales, rocks, and precipices, that the soldiers suffered greatly. Yet the am- buscades of the enemy were evaded, and early the next morning Ralegh presented his prisoners to the general, ' with no little admiration,' says Hooker* * that he had escaped so dangerous a journey, being verily supposed of all men that he could never have escaped.'* A letter of his, which has not yet been printed, but of which a copy is preserved in the Harleian collection,'' inform.s us, however, that this service was dissatisfactory to Ralegh. It is addressed to the celebrated earl of Leicester, probably through the hands of Sir Warham Saintleger, and proves, what Ralegh's former biographers appear to have been unacquainted with, that he had early in life some interest with that powerful favourite of Queen Eliza- beth. ^ His professions proved true, for lie was honourably ac- quiited, proved a faithful subject ever afterward, and three of his sons lost their lives in Queen Elizabeth's service. Holinshed- * Holinshed, Ireland, p. 174. " N". 6993, iii. SIR WALTER RALECH*, ^ CAPTAIN RALEGH TO THE EARf, OF LEICESTER. * I MAY not forget continually to put your hon- our in mind of my aftection unto your lordship, hav- ing to the world both professed and protested the same. Your honour having no use of such your followers, hath utterly forgotten me. Notwithstand- ing, if your lordship shall please to think me yours as I am, I will be found as ready, and dare do much in your service, as any man you may command ; and do neither so much despair of myself, but that I may be some way able to perform as much. I have spent some time here under the deputy in such poor place and charge, as were it not for that I knew him to be as if yours, 1 would disdain it as much as to keep sheep. I will not trouble your honour with the business of this lost land ; for that Sir Warrani Sentleger can best of any man deliver unto your lordship, the good, the bad, the mischiefs, the means to amend, and all in all, of this common-wealth or rather common- woe. He hopeth to find your honour his assured good lord, and your honour may most assuredly command him. He is lovingly inclinea to- ward your honour ; and your lordship shall win by your favour toward him, a wise, faithful, and va- liant gentleman, whose word and deeds your ho- nour shall ever tind to be one. Thus, having no other matter, but only to desire the countinuance of c 4 40 THE' LIFE OF your honour's favour, I humbly take my leave. From the camp of Lismore in Ireland, August the 25' -th Your honour's faithful and obedient^ W. RALEGH. ' I am bold, being bound by very conscience, to commend unto your honour's consideration the piti- ful estate of John Fitz-Edmonds of Cloyne, a gen- tleman, and the only man untouched and proved true to the queen both in this and the last rebellion. Sir Warram can deliver his service, what he is, and what he deserveth. ' To the right hon. and mi/ veri/ good lord the earl of Leicester, of her Majesti/s most honourable priinj council.^ In August .1581, Lord Grey appointed Captain John Zouch to the government of Munster, and Ralegh made several excursions in company with him, to compose the country, their head-quarters being still at Cork. When Zouch and Captain Dowdal made the secret expedition, in which Sir John of Desmond lost his life, the garrison at Cork was left in Ralegh's charge. Barry, however, soon afterward submitted ; the earl of Desmond, deprived of all rema:ining hope, was quiet, and Munster left in peace \ the southern troops, were suddenly re^ SIR WALTER RALEGH. 41 duced to an inconsiderable number, and Ralegh ap- pears no more in the wars of Ireland.*^ " Holinshed, Ireland, p. 1 '/5 and 1 JQ, and Leland. In the re- port which he afterward wrote of Sir Richard Granville's en- gagement at the Azores, Ralegh makes the following remarks on the Desmonds. The earl being one of the greatest subjects in that kingdom of Ireland, having almost whole countries in his possession, so ma?iy goodly manors, castles, and lordships, the count palatine of Kerry ,500 gentlemen of his own name andfamily to follow him, beside others, (all tvhich he possessed in peace for 300 or 400 years) was in less than th? ee years after his ad- hering to the Spaniards and rebellion, beaten from all his holds, not so many as ten gentlemen of his name left living, himself taken^ and beheaded by a soldier of his own nation, and his land given i>y a parliament to her Majesty, and possessed by the English. — Sir John of Desmond taken by Mr John Zouch, and his body hanged over the gates of his native city to be devoured by ravens ; the third brother. Sir James, hanged, drawn, and quartered in the same place. See Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. II, part ii, p, J74, folio, 1599. 42 THE LIFE OP CHAFI^ER II. Ralegh's introduction at court lie attends Shnier to France^ and the duke of Anjou to Antwerp His quarrel with Lord Grey His second ad-centure mith Gilbert. — Obtains letters 'patent for discoveries First voi/age to Virginia Virginia named Ralegh in parliament Knighted His patent for wine licences North-west passage Second 1 01/ age to Virginia, — Ralegh'' s estate inlreland Occurrences in Virginia Third xoyage thither Introduction of tobacco into England. - - .Ralegh appointed seneschall of Cornwall and Exeter and warden of the stannaries. Leicester in Holland Ralegh'' s letter to him Leicester'' s jealousy Voyages to the South sea and Azores. . . .Ralegh appointed captain of the guard, and lieutenant-general of Cornwall Fourth voyage to Virginia Joins the fleet against the armada New honours and preferments Assigns over his colony. jdis services in Ireland were of themselves sufficient to recommend Ralegh to the favour of Queen Eli- zabeth. But tradition has related an incident, which, however romantic it may appear, has been seriously recorded by grave and approved authors," and which ascribes to his gallantry his first introduction to his " Fuller's Worthies, Devon, -kc. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 4S sovereign. The queen in her walks'* met one day, it is said, with a dirty spot in the road, which made her hesitate about proceeding. Our gallant young soldier, whose -person was handsome and his address graceful, threw ofF his new plush mantle, and spread it for her Majesty, who trod over the fair carpet, surprised and pleased at the adventure.'^ The queen admitted him to her court, and he was employed in 1582, first to attend Simier, the artful i582. agent of the duke of Anjou, her proposed husband, on his return into France ; and afterward to escort the duke himself to Antwerp, after the final break- ing-oiF of this intended alliance. In Leicester's Com- monwealth,'' a tract to which Camden has given great credit, we read, that in revenge for Simier's discovery to the queen of Leicester's secret marriage with the widow of Essex, the earl's revenge went so far as to lead him to employ pirates to sink the am- bassador at sea ; and the author writes, though they missed of this practice (as not daring to set upon "The use of coaches was first introduced by the earl of Arun- del shortly o/to- this time, (Anderson I, 421.) Till then, on public occasions, the queen rode behind her chamberlain. ' Less credible is Fuller's other story, ihat Ralegh coming to court, and finding hope of the queen's favour, wrote in a con- spicuous place. Fain zvoiild [climl', yet fear I (o fall; under which her Majesty wrote, Jfthy hear if ail thee, climl not at all. "^ Quarto, l64l, v. 37. ii} THE LIFE OF him for fear of some of her Majesty* s ships, who, to hreak-ojf this designment, attended by special com- mandment to waft him over in safely), yet the afore- said English gentlemen were holden four hours in chase at their coming backy as Mr, Ralegh well knoweth, being then present; and two of the chaser^ named Clark and Harris confessed afterward the whole designment. When the duke himself left this kingdom, the queen attended him in person as far as Dover, and a splendid retinue of nobles and gentlemen, among whom was Ralegh, waited upon him to Antwerp. Ralegh appears to have made a longer stay there than Howard, Leicester, young Sidney, and others of the retinue ; and from the opportunity which he had of becoming personally acquainted with the prince of Orange, to have been honoured by him with some especial commands to Queen Eliza- beth. In an essay written by him many years after- ward, he ascribes the flourishing state of the Hol- landers to the favour and assistance of our crown, which, he writes, the late worthy and famous prince of Orange did alway acknowledge. And in the year 1582, ivhen I took, my leave of him at Ant- werp, after the return of the earl of Leicester into England, and monsieur's arrival there, when he de- livered me his letters to her Majesty, he prayed me to say to the queen from him. Sub umbra alarum luarum protegimur, for certainly they had withered SIR WALTER RALEGH. 43 in the hud, and sank in the heginning of their navi- gation^ had not her Majesty assisted them^ During the Munster rebellion, a disagreement of some consequence had taken place between Lord Grey and Ralegh. In August, 1582, that noble- man resigned the sword of Ireland ; and it was pro- bably soon afterward, that the matter alluded to was brought to a hearing in this country. A crowd of later writers, vainly attempting to excel the mora genuine authority of Sir Robert Naunton, and taking principally conjecture for their guide, have attributed the origin of this dispute to various causes. Some have repeated the preference given to Captain Zouch in the government of Munster ;' while others have ascribed to Ralegh a too eager pursuit of honour unaccompanied by strict obedience to military com- mand. It is, however, vain for us to attempt to find the true cause, when Naunton himself was ignorant of it, whose words on the occasion are, — ' I am some- what confident, that among the second causes of his growth, was the variance between him and My Lord General Gray, in his second^ descent into Ireland, which drew then^i both over to the council-table, * Discourse of the invention of ships, anchors, compass, &c. See Birch's works of Ralegh, S™, 1751, II, 8/. ^ See end of chap. I. ^ Oldys, in his hfe of Ralegh, p. M, justly censures Naunton for an error ;, in ascribing to Ralegh two expeditions into Ireland, in the early part of his life. The first of these Sir Robert places before the expedition to the Netherlands, and, what is sur- prising, appears ignorant of Ralegh's long service in France. 46 THE LIFE OF there to plead their own causes ; where what ad- vantage he had in the case in controversy I know not, but he had much the better in the manner of telling his tale ; insomuch as the queen and the lords took no slight mark of the man and* his parts, for from thence he came to be known, and to have ac- cess to the lords ; and then we are not to doubt how such a man would comply to progression. And whether or no My Lord of Leicester had then cast in a good word for him to the queen, which would have done him no harm, I do not determine ; but true it is he had gotten the queen*s ear in a trice, and she began to be taken with his election, and loved to hear his reasons to her demands. And the truth is, she took him for a kind, of oracle, which nettled them all ; yea those that he relied on, began to take this his sudden favour for an alarm, and to be sensible of their own supplantation, and to project his ; which made him shortly after sing, ' Fortune, ni^ foe, why dost thoufrown.^ To this may be added, that the probability of Leicester's instrumentality in the advancement of Ralegh, appears to be strengthaiied by the letter from the latter to that powerful favourite, quoted in the preceding chapter. But the inactive life of a courtier was ill-adapted to the enterprising spirit of Ralegh. Sir Humphrey Gilbert's patent, already mentioned in chap, i, was dated June 11% 1578, and allowed him six years Fragmenta Regalia. 3 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 47 from that day for taking possession of the territories ■which he designed to colonize. His fruitless attempt in 1579, has already been noticed. The great pre- parations he then made, and the miscarriage of the expedition, had so impaired his fortune, that he was for a time obliged to lay aside the project. He then granted assignments from his general grant to some persons of property, for planting and fortifying about the river Canada ; but his assigns proving likewise dilatory, he now once more undertook a voyage in person to Newfoundland to keep his patent in force. It was probably with a view that it should accom- pany his brother, that Ralegh had built a vessel of 200 tons burthen, which he called Bark-Ralegh At any rate he determined to hold a share in the expedition, though not in person ; and accord- ingly fitted out this bark at his own expence. Sir Humphrey, by the assistance of Sir George Peck- ham and others, collected four more vessels. The interest which the queeii took in his welfare and suc- cess, is described in the following letter to him from Ralegh. ' Brother,, — I have sent you a token from her Majesty, an anchor guided by a lady as you see. And farther, her highness willed me to send you word, that she wished you as great good hap and safety to your ship, as if herself wexe there in per- son, desiring you to have care of yourself as of that which she tejidereth j and therefore, for her sake. 48 THE LIFE OF you must provide for it accordingly. Farther s*he commandeth, that you leave your picture with me. For the rest, I leave till our meeting, or to the re- port of this bearer, who would needs be the mes- senger of this good news. So I commit you to the will and protection of God, who send us such Hfe or death as he shall please, or hath appointed! Richmond, this Friday morning. Your true brother, W. EALEGH.'" * To my brother, Sir Hump lire?/ Gilbert, KtJ* The little fleet was equipped with 260 men, in- cluding shipwrights, masons, carpenters, smiths, re- finers, and musicians. It sailed from Plymouth on 1583. the 11''' of June, 1583; and at midnight on the 13^'' following, Bark-Ralegh, fortunately for her owner, was obliged to part company with the fleet on account of a contagious disease among the crew, and she returned to Plymouth in great distress.*"- * The indorsemont informs us, that this letter was received March 18'% ]58y. Pomerey Gilbert, Esq. fort-major at Ply- mouth, and a descendant of Sir Humphrey, furnished Dr. Birch a copy from the original. — SeeDr, B.'s collections in Brit. Mus» JSJ". 4231. *' See Capt. Edward Haies' (who accompanied the expedition) Report of the voyage, in Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 143, he adds, the reason I could never understand — sure 1 am no cost was spared It/ their oiuTier Mr. Ralegh in setting them forth, therefore J leave it unto God. 3 SIR WALTER EALEGH. 49 The tragical conclusion of this voyage was, that af- ter reaching Newfoundland, and taking possession in right of the English crown, two of Sir Humphrey's vessels were lost on their passage home ; in one of which he himself suffered, and only one ship of the fleet returned to England. In a mind less enterprising than Ralegh's the ill- success of this attempt, and the loss of life and for- tune, which his brother had suffered, would have proved sufficient to have damped the ardour of ma- ritime enterprise. His aspiring character, however, rose superior to all these difficulties ; and no sooner was his ship returned from the last expedition, than we find him projecting a new one, in which he was himself to be the principal proprietor. The disco- veries of Columbus, the conquests of CorteZjPizarro, and other Spanish leaders, who, under Charles, and his son Philip II, had so surprisingly extended the dominions of their princes, had been the favourite subjects of his early reading and conversation. His noble genius had been so possessed with the idea of such grand and national undertakings, that no trifling personal inconveniences, or particular misadventures, could daunt him from attempting them. The Spa- niards had as yet settled only on the middle and southern parts of America, and vast territories re- mained to the north as fit for settlement, and as easy of conquest. Their way into the gulf of Mexico was by St. Domingo and Hispaniola, where the currents and trade winds run together and set into the bay, Vol. I. ■ D so THE LIFE OF They came out by the Havanna and the channels of Bahama, since called the gulf of Florida ; and as they returned by this gulf found a continued coast to the west of them stretching northward, of which they lost sight by standing away to the east to make the Spanish coast. It was thus pretty evident, that a large extent of country was to be found north of the gulf, which might be worth colonising, and Ralegh projected the attempt. Having digested his plan of proceeding, he laid it before the queen and her council. The undertaking appeared so rational and practicable, that her Majesty was pleased to grant him her letters patent, in date i584. March 25^^ 1584, for himself, his heirs and assigns, to discover such remote heathen and barbarous landsy not actually possessed by any Christian prince, nor inhabited by Christian people, as to him or them should seem good -, and to hold the same with all prerogatives, commodities, jurisdictions, royalties, and privileges, &c. These letters will be found at large in the Appendix (N° III.) Our venerable Strabo, Camden, the contemporary of Ralegh, has justly remarked, that he is never suf- ficiently to be commended for the great pains he took in discovering remote countries, and advancing the glory of the English navigation and trade.'. No sooner was the patent obtained, than two barks, com- * — — — Walterus Raleghus, magna apud Elizaletham gratia fiorens, nunquam satis laudato studio remotas regiones detegend^^ ^t^navalem AnglicB gloriam promovendi. — Ann. Elizab. 1585o SIR WALTER RALEGH. 51 jnanded by Captains Philip Amadas and Arthur Bar- lowe, were equipped for an American voyage, and they put to sea on the 27"' of April 1584. Oldys assert-s, that Ralegh fitted out these two vessels at his own expence; while others affirm, that his friends. Sir Richard Greenville, Mr. William Saunderson, and other gentlemen, were co-partners with him in the undertaking. The latter relation appears to be the more probable one ; for, although the beams of royal favour began now to dawn on Ralegh, it would be difficult to account how a younger son of a large, and not very flourishing family, whose ov/n ascent in the world was still in its infancy, should find himself' equal to such considerable undertakings. The Virginian colony is of so much consequence, as well in reference to the subsequent importance of the settlement, as to the conspicuous event which it forms in Ralegh's story, that I trust I shall not tres- pass too much upon the patience of my reader by dwelling at some length on its early history, and in- troducing some of the original papers illustrating it; which, while their authenticity is unquestionable, must be allowed to afford a truer picture than any other of the situations they describe. Hakluyt, the celebrated naval historian, was contemporary with Ralegh, and has preserved the following narrative of the first voyage, written by Captain Barlowe :" ■"" See the superscription of the voyage, and a passage in it. D 2 52 THE LIFE OF Thejirst to i/ age made to the coasts of America, with two ■ barks, wherein were Captains Philip Amadas and Arthur Barloive, who discovered part of the country now called Virginia, anno 1584 ; written hy one of the said captains, and sent to Sir Walter Ralegh, K*. at whose charge and direction the said voyage was set forth. ' The 2*7^^ day of April, in the year of our re- demption 1584, we departed the west of England, with two barks well furnished with men and victuals, having received our last and perfect directions by your letters, confirming the former instructions and commandments, delivered by yourself at our leaving the river of Thames. And I think it a matter both un- necessary for the manifest discovery of the country, as also for tediousness sake, to remember unto you the diurnal of our course, sailing thither and return- ing ; only I have presumed to present unto you this brief discourse, by which you may judge how pro- fitable this land is likely to succeed, as well to your- self, (by whose direction and charge, and by whose servants this our discovery hath been performed) as also to her Highness and the commonwealth j in which we hope your wisdom will be satisfied, con- sidering that as much by us hath been brought to light, as by those small means and number of men we had, could any \vay have been expected or hoped for. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 53 ' May 10"" we arrived at the Canaries, and June It)''', we were fallen with the islands of the West Indies, keeping a more south-easterly course than was needful, because we doubted that the current of the bay of Mexico^ disbogging between the Cape of Florida and Havannah, had been of greater force than afterward we found it to be. At which islands we found the air very unwholesome, and our men grew for the most part ill-disposed j so that having refreshed ourselves with sweet water, and fresh vic- tual, we departed the twelfth day of our arrival there. These islands, with the rest adjoining, are so well known to yourself, and to many others, as I v;iU not trouble you with the remembrance of them. ' July 2*^ we found shoal water, where we smelt so sweet and so strong a smell, as if we had been in the midst of some delicate garden abounding with all kind of odoriferous flowers, by which we were as- sured that the land could not be far distant ; and keeping good v/atch, and bearing but slack sail, the fourth of the same month we arrived upon the coast, which we supposed to be a continent and firm land, and we sailed along the same 120 Eng- lish miles, before we could find any entrance or river issuing into the sea. The first that appeared unto us we entered, though not without some dif- ficulty, and cast anchor about three harquebus- shoe within the haven's mouth, on the left hand of the same ; and after thanks given to God for our ssde arriviil thither, we manned our boats, and went to D 3 54 THE LIFE OF view the land next adjoining, and to take possessiorf of the same, in the right of the Queen's most excellent Majesty, as rightful queen and princess of the same, and after delivered the same over to your use, ac- cording to her Majesty's grant and letters patent un- der her Highness' great seal. Which being perform- ed according to the ceremonies used in such enter- prises, we viewed the land about us, being, where we first landed, very sandy and low toward the water- .^de, but so full of grapes, as the very beating and surge of the sea overflowed them ; of which we found such plenty, as well there as in all places else, both on the sand and on the green soil on the hills as in the plains, as well on every httle shrub as also climbing toward the tops of high cedars, that I think in all the world the like abundance is not to be found ; and myself having seen those parts of Europe that most abound, find such difference as were incredible to be written. * We passed from the sea-side toward the tops of those hills next adjoining, being but of mean height, and from thence we beheld the sea on both sides to the north, and to the south, finding no end any of both ways. This land lay stretching itself to the west, which after we found to be but an island of twenty miles long, and not above six miles broad. Under the bank or hill whereon -^e stood, we beheld the V allies replenished with goodly cedar trees, and hav- ing discharged our harquebus-shot, such a flock of cranes (the most part white) arose under us, with SIR WALTER RALEGH. S3 '«uch a cry redoubled by many echoes, as If an army of men had shouted all together. ' This island had many goodly woods full of deer, conies, hares, and fowl, even in the midst of summer in incredible abundance. The woods are not such as you find in Bohemia, Moscoyia, or Hercynia, bar- ren and fruitless, but the highest ^nd reddest cedars of the world, far bettering the cedars of the Azores, of the Indies, or Libanus ; pines, Cyprus, sassaphras,. the lentisk, or the tree that beareth the mastic, the tree that beareth the rind of black cinnamon, of which Mr. Winter brought from the Streights of Magellan, and many other of excellent smell and quality. We remained by the side of this island two whole days before we saw any people of the coun- try ; the third day we espied one small boat rowing toward us, having in it three persons. This boat came to the island side, four harquebus-shot from our ships, and there two of the people remaining, the third came along the shore-side toward us ; and we being then all within board, he walked up and down upon the point of the land next unto us. Then the master and the pilot of the admiral, Simon Fer- dinando, and Captain Philip Amadas, myself, and others, rowed to the land, whose coming this fel- low attended, never making any shew of fear or doubt. And after he had spoken of many things not understood by us, we brought him with his own good-Hking, aboard the ships, and gave him a shirt, a hat, and some other things, and made him taste of D 4f ob THE LIFE OP our wine, and our meat, which he liked very well ; and after having viewed both barks he departed, and went to his own boat again, which he had left in a little cove or creek adjoining. As soon as he was two bow-shot into the water he fell-to fishing, and in less than half an hour he had laden his boat as deep as it could swim, with which he came again to the point of the land, and there he divided his fish into two parts, pointing one part to the ship and the other to the pinnace ; with which, after he had (as much as he might) requitted the former benefits received, he departed out of our sight. ' The next day there came Unto us divers boats, and in one of them the king's brother, accompanied with forty or fifty men, very handsome and goodly peo- ple, and in their behaviour as mannerly and civil as any of Europe. His name was Granganimeo, and the king is called 'Wingina, the country Wingan- dacoa, and now by her Majesty Virginia. The man- ner of his coming was in this sort : he left his boats, altogether as the first man did, a little from the ships by the shore, and catne along to the place over against the ships, followed with forty men. When. he came to the place,, his servants spread a long mat upon the ground, on which he sat down, and at the other end of the mat four others of his company did the like, the rest of his men stood round-about him, somewhat afar off. When we came to the shore to hiiii with oiir weapons, he never moved from his -place, nor any of the other four, nor never mis- SIR WALTER RALEGH. 57 trusted any harm to be offered from us, but sitting still he beckoned us to come and sit by him, which we performed ; and being set he made all signs of joy and welcome, striking on his head and breast, and afterward on ours, to shew we were all one, smiling and making shew the best he could of all love and familiarity. After he had made a long speech unto us, we presented him with divers things, which he received very joyfully and thankfully. None of the company durst speak one word all the time ; only the four which were at the other end, spake one in the others ear very softly. ' The king is greatly obeyed, and his brothers and children reverenced. The king himself, in person, was, at our being there, sore wounded in a fight which he had with the king of the next country, called Wingina, and was shot in two places through the body, and once clean through the thigh, but yet he recovered ; by reason whereof, and for that he lay at the chief town of the country, being six days journey off, we saw him not at all. " ' After we had presented this his brother with such things as we thought he liked, we likewise gave somewhat to the others that sal with him on the mat ; but presently he arose and took all from thein and put it into his own basket, making signs and tokens that all things ought to be delivered unto him, and the rest were but his servants and followers. A day or two after this we fell-to trading with them, exchanging some things that we had for chamois. 58 THE LIFE OF bufF, and deer skins. When we shewed him all our packet of merchandize, of all things that he saw, a bright tin dish most pleased him, which he presently took up and clapt it before his breast, and after made a hole in the brim thereof and hung it about his neck, making signs that it would defend him against his enemies' arrows ; for those people maintain a deadly and terrible war with the people and king adjoining. We exchanged our tin dish for twenty skins, worth twenty crowns, or twenty nobles j and a copper kettle for fifty skins worth fifty crowns. They offered us good exchange for our hatchets and axes, and for knives, and would have given any thing for swords ; but we would not part with any. « After two or three days the king's brother came aboard the ships and drank wine^ and eat of our meat and of our bread, and liked exceedingly there- of ; and after a few days overpassed, he brought his wife with him to the ships, his daughter, and two or three children. His wife was very well favoured, of mean stature and very bashful ; she had on her back a long cloak of leather, with the fur-side next to her body, and before her a piece of the same ; about her forehead she had a band of white coral, and so had her husband many times ; in her ears she had bracelets of pearls hanging down to her middle, (whereof we delivered your Worship a lit- tle bracelet) and those were of the bigness of good peas. The rest of her women of the better sort had pendants of copper hanging in either ear, and some' SIR ^\'ALTER RALEGH. ^19 of the children of the king's brother and other noble- men, have five or six in either ear ; he himself had upon his head a broad plate of gold or copper, for being unpolished, we knew not what metal it should be, neither would he by any means suffer us to take it oif his head, but feeling it, it would bow very easily. His apparel was as his wife's, only the women wear their hair long on both sides, and the men but on one. They are of colour yellowish, and their hair black for the most part, and yet we saw children that had very fine auburn and chesnut-coloured hair. ' After that these women had been there, there came down from all parts great store of people, bringing with them leather, coral, divers kinds of dies very excellent, and exchanged with us ; but when Granganimeo, th*e king's brother, was pre- sent, none durst trade but himself, except such as wear red pieces of copper on their heads like him- self j for that is the difference between the noble- men and governors of countries, and the meaner sort. And we both noted there, and you have un- derstood since by these men which we brought home, that no people i^i the world carry more re- spect to their king, nobility, and governors, than these do. The king's brother's wife, when she came to us (as she did many times) was followed with forty or fifty women alway ; and when she came into the ship she left them all on land, saving her two daughters, her nurse, and one or two Hiore. The king's brother alway kept this order j 60 THE LIFE OP as many boats as he would come withal to the ships, so many fires would he make on the shore afar off, to the end we might understand with what strength and company he approached. Their boats are made of one tree, either of pine or of pitch trees ; a wood not commonly known to our people, nor found growing in England. They have no edge-tools to make them withal ; if they have any, they are very few, and those, it seems, they had twenty years since, which, as those two men declared, was out of a wreck which happened upon their coast of some Christian ship, being beaten that way by some storm and outrageous weather, whereof none of the people were saved, but only the ship, or some part of her, being cast upon the sand, out of whose sides they drew the nails and the 'spikes, and with those they made their best instruments. The manner of making their boats is thus : they burn down some great tree, or take such as are wind-fallen, and put- ting gum and rosin upon one side thereof, they set fire into it, and when it hath burnt it hollow, they cut out the coal with their shells, and wherever they would burn it deeper or wider they lay on gums, which burn away the timber, and by this means they fashion very fine boats, and such as will tran- sport twenty men. Their oars are like scoops, and many times they sit with long poles, as the depth serveth. ' The king's brother had great liking of our ar- mour, a sword, and divers other things which we 3 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 61 had, and offered to lay a great box of pearl in gage for them ; but we refused it for this time, because we would not make them know that we esteemed thereof, until we had understood in what places of the country the pearl grew ; which now your Wor- ship doth very well understand. He was very just of his promise ; for many times we delivered him merchandize upon his word, but ever he came with- in the day and performed his promise. He sent us every day a brace or two of fat bucks, conies, hares, fish, the best of the world. He sent us divers kinds of fruits, melons, walnuts, cucumbers, gourds, peas, and divers roots and fruits very excellent good, and of their country corn, which is very white, fair, and well tasted, and groweth three times in five months; in May they sow, in July they reap ; in June they sow, in August they reap ; in July they sow, in September they reap. They only cast the corn into the ground, breaking a little of the soft turf with a wooden mattock or pick-axe ; ourselves proved the soil, and put some of our peas in the ground, and in ten days they were of fourteen inches high ; they have also beans very fair of divers colours, and wonderful plenty ; some growing naturally, and some in their gardens, and so have they both wheat and oats. The soil is the most plentiful, sweet, fruitful, and wholesome, of all the world ; there are above fourteen several sweet-smelling timber- trees, and the most part of their underwoods are 62 THE LIFE OF bays, and such like ; they have those oaks that we have, but far greater and better. ' After they had been divers times aboard our ships, myself, with seven more, went twenty miles into the river that runneth toward the city of Shi- coak, which river they call Occam ; and the even- ing following we came to an island which they call Roanoke, distant from the harbour by which we en- tered seven leagues ; and at the north end thereof was a village of nine houses, built of cedar, and for- tified round-about with sharp trees to keep out theit' enemies, and the entrance into it made like a turn- pike very artificially. When we came toward it, standing near unto the water's side, the wife of Granganimeo, the king's brother, came running out to meet us very cheerfully and friendly, her hus- band was not then in the village ; some of her people she commanded to draw our boat on shore for the beating of the billow ; others she appointed to carry us on their backs to the dry ground, and others to bring our oars into the house for fear of stealing. When we were come into the outward room, having five rooms in her house, she caused us to sit down by a great fire, and after took off our clothes and washed them, and dried them again j some of the women plucked oif our stockings and washed them, some washed our feet in warm water, and she herself took great pains to see all things ordered in the best manner she could, making great haste to dress some meat for us to eat. SIR WALTER RALEGH. fiS ' After we had thus dried ourselves she brought us into the inward room, where she set on the board standing along the house some wheat hke furmenty; sodden venison, and roasted ; fish sodden, boiled, and roasted ; melons raw and sodden ; roots of di- vers kinds, and divers fruits. Their drink is com- monly water, but while the grape lasteth they drink wine ; and, for want of casks to keep it, all the year after they drink Vv'ater, but it is sodden with ginger in it and black cinnamon, and sometimes sassaphras, and divers other wholesome and medicinable herbs and trees. We were entertained with all love and indness, and with as much bounty (after their man- nerj as they could possibly devise. We found the people most gentle, loving, and faithful, void of all guile and treason, and such as live after the man- ner of the golden age. The people only care how to defend themselves from the cold in their short winter, and to feed themselves with such meat as the soil aifordeth ; their meat is very well sodden, and they make broth very sweet and savory ; their vessels are earthen pots, very large, white and sweet, their dishes are wooden platters of sweet timber ; ■yithin the place where they feed was their lodging, ttUd within that their idol which they worship, of whom they speak incredible things. ' While we were at meat there came in at the gates two or three men with their bows and arrows from hunting, whom when we espied we began to. look one toward another, and offered to reach our 64f THE LIFE OF weapons ; but as soon as she espied our mistrust, she was very much moved, and caused some of her men to run out, and take away their bows and ar- rows and break them, and withal beat the poor fel- lows out of the gate again. When we departed in the evening, and would not tarry all night, she was very sorry, and gave us into our boat our supper half dressed, pots and all, and brought us to our boat side, in which we lay all night, removing the same a pretty distance from the shore. She, per- ceiving our jealousy, was much grieved, and sent divers men, and thirty women, to sit all night on the bank-side by us, and sent us into our boats fine mats to cover us from the rain, using very many words to intreat us to rest in their houses ; but be- cause we were few m.en, and if we had miscarried the voyage had been in very great danger, we durst not adventure any thing, although there was no cause of doubt j for a more kind and loving people there cannot be found in the world, as far as we have hitherto had trial. ' Beyond this island there is the main land, and over-against this island falleth into this spacious wa- ter, the great river called Occam by the inhabitants, on which standeth a town called Pomeioc ; and six days journey from the same is situate their great- est city, called Shicoak, which this people affirm to be very great ; but the savages were never at it, only they speak of it by the report of th?ir fathers SIR WALTER RALEGH. 65 and other men, whom they have heard affirm it to be above one hour's journey about. ' Into this river falleth another great river called Cipo, in which there is found great store of muscles in which there are pearls. Likewise there descend- eth into this Occam, another river called Nomopa- na, on the one side whereof standeth a great town called Chawanook, and the lord of that town and country is called Pooneno ; this Pooneno is not sub- ject to,the king of Wingandacoa, but is a free lord. Beyond this country is there another king, whom they call Menatonon, and these three kings are in league with each other. Toward the south-west, four days journey, is situate a town called Secotan, which is the southermost town of Wingandacoa, near unto which, six-and-tv/enty years past, there was a ship cast away, whereof some of the people were saved, and those were white people, whom the country people preserved. And after ten days re- maining in an out-island uninhabited, called Woco- kon, they, with the help of some of the dwellers of Secotan, fastened two boats of the country together, and made masts unto them, and sails of their shirts, and having taken into them such victuals as the country yielded, they departed, after they had re- mained in this out-island three weeks ; but shortly after, it seemed they were cast away, for the boats were found upon the coast, cast a-land in another island adjoining. Vol. I. E 66 THE LIFE OF Other than these, there was never any people apparelled, or white of colour, either seen or heard of among these people, and these aforesaid were seen only of the inhabitants of Secotan, which ap- peared to be very true, for they wondered marvel- ously when we were among them at the whiteness of our skins, ever coveting to touch our breasts, and to view the same. Beside, they had our ships in marvellous admiration, and all things else were so strange unto them, as it appeared that none of them had ever seen the like. When we discharged any piece, were it but an harquebus, they would tremble thereat for very fear, and for the strangeness of the same; for the weapons which themselves use are bows and arrows; the arrows are but of small canes, headed with a sharp shell or tooth of a fish, sufficient enough to kill a naked man. Their sv/ords be of wood hardened; likewise they use wooden breast-plates for their defence. They have beside a kind of club, in the end whereof they fasten the sharp horns of a stag, or other beast. When they go to wars they carry about with them their idol, of v;hom they ask counsel, as the Romans were wont of the oracle of Apollo. They sing songs as they march toward the battle instead of drums and trumpets. Their wars are very cruel and bloody, by reason whereof, and of their civil dissensions, which have happened of late years among them, the people are marvelously wasted, and in some places the country left de- -^olatCo SIR WALTER RALEGH. 67 * Adjoining to this country aforesaid, called Se- cotan, beginneth a country called Pemouik, belong- ing to another king whom they call Piemacum, and this king is in league with the next king adjoining toward the setting of the sun, and the country Neu- siok, situate upon a goodly river called N 3us ; these kings have mortal war v idi Wingina, king of Win- gandacoa. But about two years past there was a peace made between the king Piemacum and the lord of Secotan, as these men which we have brought with us to England have given us to understand ; but there remaineth a mortal malice in the Seco- tans, for many injuries and slaughters done upon them by this Piemacum. They invited divers men, and thirty women of the best of his country, to their town to a feast ; and when they were all to- gether merry, and praying before their idol, (which is nothing else but a mere illusion of the devil) the captain or lord of the town came suddenly upon them, and slew them every one, reserving the wo- men and children. And these two have oftentime since persuaded us to surprise Piemacum's town, having promised and assured us, that there will be found in it great store of commodities. But whe- ther their persuasion be to the end they may be re- venged of their enemies, or for the love they bear to us, we leave that to the trial hereafter. ' Beyond this island called Roanoke, are many islands very plentiful of fruits and other natural in- creases, together with many towns and villages, E 2 68 THE LIFE OF along the side of the continent, some bounding up- on the islands, and some stretching up farther into the land. When we first had sight of this country, some thought the first land we saw to be the conti- nent ; but after we entered into the haven, we saw before us another mighty long sea ; for there lieth along the coast a tract of islands 200 miles in length, adjoining to the ocean-sea, and between the islands two or three entrances. When you are entered be- tween them (these islands being very narrow for the most part, as in most places six miles broad, in some places less, in few more), then there appear- eth another great sea, containing in breadth in some places forty, and in some fifty, in some twenty miles over, before you come unto the continent j and in this inclosed sea there are above 100 islands of divers bigness, whereof one is sixteen miles long, at which we were, finding it a most plea- sant and fertile ground, replenished with goodly cedars, and divers other sweet woods, full of cur- rants, of flax, and many other notable commodi- ties, which we at that time had no leisure to view. Beside this island, there are many, as I have said, some of two, of three, of four, of five, miles, some more, some less, most beautiful and pleasant to be- hold, replenished with deer, conies, hares, and di- vers beasts ; and about them the goodliest and best fish in the world, and in greatest abundance. ' Thus, Sir, we have acquainted you with the particulars of our discovery made this present voy- SIR WALTER RALEGH. 69 age, as far forth as the shortness of the time we there continued would afford us to take view of - and so contenting ourselves with this service at this time, which we hope hereafter to enlarge, as occa- sion and assistance shall be given, we resolved to leave the country, and to apply ourselves to return for England, which we did accordingly, and arriv- ed safely in the west of England about the midst of September. And whereas we have above certified you of the country taken in possession by us to her Majesty's use, and so to yours by her Majesty's grant, we thought good for the better assurance thereof, to record some of the particular gentlemen, and men of account, who then were present as wit- nesses of the same, that thereby all occasion of cavil to the title of the country in her Majesty's behalf may be prevented, which otherwise such as like not the action may use and pretend. Whose names are; Mr. Philip Amadas, Mr. rtnlip Amadas, -j Mr. Arthur Barlowe,/ '^^'"^'"'- William Greenevile, " John Wood, James Bromewich, Henry Greene, Benjamin Wood, Simon Ferdinando, Nicholas Petman, John Hewes, > of the company. E 3 70 tHE LIFE OF ' We brought home also two of the savages, be- ing lusty men, whose names were Wanchese and Manteo.'" Ralegh laid before her Majesty these reports of the riches and beauty of the country which his ships had visited ; and his sovereign, either because this was the first discovery of it, or because it was found in the reign of a virgin queen, was pleased to con- fer on it the name Virginia. He was also so well supported on the approaching session of parliament, that he was elected one of the knights of the shire for the county of Devon, in company with Sir Wil- liam Courtenay ; ^ and we find him chosen in the committee upon several bills then read. On De- cember 14'"' 1584 the bill confirming his patent for the discovery of foreign countries was read a first time ; and in four days, after many arguments and the addition of a proviso, it passed the house upon the question."^ The imperfect records of those times do not en- able us to fix with precision on what day Ralegh re- ceived the honour of knighthood. It was certainly, however, about this time ; for, being in a commit- tee for a supply by subsidy to her Majesty on the ^ Hakluyt's Voyages, III, 246. " Willis' Notitia Parliamentarian 8"°, 1716, ll, 254. D'Ewes' Journals, Commons, 1584 and 1585. ■)ii SIR WALTER RALfeGH. *71 24'" of February 1585, we find him for the first i585. time stiled Sir Walter Ralegh/ It has been justly remarked of Queen EHzabeth, that she kept the temple of honour closely shut, and bestowed titles with frugality and great discrimination.^ An intel- ligent observer of her reign has remarked, that no prince then extant took an exacter estimate of her subjects* abilities to serve her, or made a deeper in- spection into their aptitude^ nature^ and humours^ to tvhich, ivith a rare dexterity, she fitted her fa- vours and their employments. As may be instanced in Sir Francis Vere, a man nobly descended. Sir " D'Ewes, p. 356. * Sir Edward Walker, garter and secretary at war to Charles Ij observes, that in all Quee?i Elizabeth's forty-four years reign she created but six earls and eight or nine barons ; so that, when she died, the nobility consisted but of one marquis, nineteen earls, two viscounts, and about thirty barons / but doubts, ivhether in the reign of King James the dispensing of honours so liberally was not one of the beginnings of general discontents, especially among persons qf great extraction. So that when this king died, having reigned but tiveniy-two years, he left the nobility, in his three kingdoms, above double the number to what he found them, though his reign was peaceable, and not full qf action, which renders men in capacity highly to merit from their prince, and so zvithout envy receive advancement. When alliance to a favour- ite, riches, though gotten in a shop, persons of private estates, and of families, that many of them, and their fathers, would have thought themselves highly honoured to have been but knights in Queen Elizabeth's time, were advanced, then the fruits thereof began to appear, &c. Histor. Discourses, fol. 1705, p. 300> Sec. . ^•- E 4 72 THE LIFE OF IValter Ralegh, exactly qualified, with many others set apart in her judgment, for military services ; 7uhose titles she never raised above knighthood ; say- ing, when importuned to make General Fere a ba- ron, that in his proper sphere, and in her estima- iion, he zvas above it already, therefore, all could he expected from such an addition would be the en- tombing of tJie spirit of a brave soldier in the corpse of a less sightly courtier, and, by tempting him froin his charge, hazard that repute upon a carpet his valour had dearly purchased him in the field J To enable Ralegh the better to carry on his de- signs in foreign countries, Queen Elizabeth had granted him a patent for licensing the venders of wine throughout the kingdom, about the same time as tile former patent. This grant we find involved him soon afterward in a dispute with the university of Cambridge. In virtue of his general patent, he had licensed John Kevmer to sell wine in the town of Cambridge, who was opposed in the exercise of this privilege by Baxter, an esquire-beadle, who held a licence from the university for the same purpose. A degree of persecution and monldsh brutality was allowed to pass uncensured on this occasion, which was disgraceful to a learned seminai*y, and which had nearly cost the wife of Keymer her life. Com- plaint being made to Sir Walter, he addressed a letter on the subject to Dr. Howland, the vice-chan- * Osborn's Traditional Memoirs of Elizabeth;, Art. 17 . SIR WALTER "RALEGH. 73 cellor of the year. But the haughty insolence of cloistered greatness suffered this appeal to be twice repeated before his letters^ were answered, and Bax- ter was in the meantime thrown into prison. A conciliatory letter was at last written to Ralegh ; and the opinion'' of the two chief justices, Sir Chris- topher Wraye and Sir Edmond Anderson, deciding in favour of the university, the doctors strutted, and the squabble was at an end. Adrian Gilbert, Esq. of Sandridge, afterward Sir Adrian Gilbert, having, in pursuance of his unfor- tunate brother Sir Humphrey's projects, been at some expence in discovering a north-west passage to India, and having obtained a patent from her Majesty in 1583, to pursue the scheme by partners, under the firm, the Colleagues of the Fellowship for the Discovery of the North-west Passage, Sir Walter became an associate in the enterprise, the ® Mr. Baker of S'. John's College, Cambridge, copied these letters from the originals for his own collection^ and bequeathed his copy to Lord Oxford. '^ Thus expressed : — First touching the nomination of vintners there, we think it appertaineth to the university, by mage and charters from her Majesty, confirmed by parliament, and that Mr. Rawlie can nominate none there. For the price, it seemetk they may set prices, so as it be according to the statute, and not otherwise ; and if the vintners set at higher prices, they are to be punished by law. Which penalty Mr. Rawlie may dispense ivitii- al, a7id yet cannot sue for the penalty by his patent against the statute laws, for therein all liberties to the university are except- ed. Strype's Annals of the Church, 1728, III, 343. 4 74 THE LIFE OF conduct of which was submitted to Captain John Davis. He sailed with two barks in the summer of 1585. Discovering land in 66° 40' clear of ice, they anchored in a fine road under a mountain, the cliffs whereof were as orient as gold, which they named Mount Ralegh. Davis-streights derived their name from this commander ; and two subsequent voyages, made (to use the captain's words) the pass- age most probable, and the execution easy.^ In the meantime, the favourable report made by Barlowe and Amadas of Virginia, naturally induced Sir Walter to pursue that adventure. Early in 1585, seven sail were ready for sea, the command of which was given to Sir Richard Greenville. They sailed from Plymouth on the 9^^ of April, having on board the colony of above a hundred men, de- signed to be planted in that country, under the go- vernment of Mr. (afterward Sir) Ralph Lane. For the journal of this second voyage to Virginia, the reader is referred to the Appendix, (N°. IV). After an end had been made of the Munster re- bellion by force of arms, the country groaned under a severe famine, which assisted the ravages of the sword ; and Queen Elizabeth now deliberated how the extensive territories of the late earl of Desmond might be disposed of to the greatest advantage. Her favourite scheme was to re-people Munster with an English colony. Commissioners were sent ' Hakluyt's Voyages, III, 98. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 75 over, fraudulent conveyances were prevented, and a scheme was resolved upon for the plantation of Munster, the instructions for which were carried over by Secretary Fenton late in 1585. The whole forfeiture exceeded 574,000 acres, out of which certain restitutions were made, and the remainder was divided in seignories, principally among the per- sons who had been instrumental in suppressing the rebellion, with right of succession to their heirs^ and certain privileges and immunities, on condition of planting and improving. A division of 12,000 acres, in the counties of Cork and Waterford, was granted to Ralegh, "" which he planted at his own expence ; and at the end of the queen's reign he sold it to Richard Boyle, afterward etirl of Cork,' who acknowledged this purchase to have been a leading step toward the large fortune which he af- terward acquired. Though England hath since excelled all European nations, as well in the situation of their colonies as- in the noble principles of liberry and industry on which they are founded, her early attempts in form- ing such settlements were, it must be confessed, highly unsuccessful. As no man undertook such enterprises with greater spirit, so none more truly experienced the hardships of them than Ralegh ; Cox and Leland. ^ True Remembrances of Richard Boyle earl of Corkj in Birch's Life of the Hon. Robert Boyle, 8"% 1744, p. 8, g. 76 THE LIFE OP tvhich the reader, who has sufficient curiosity and patience will find, by perusing Mr. Lane's narra- tive of his Virginian adventures, printed in the Ap- pendix, (N". V). Of the prosecution of the adven- ture,- the contemporary naval historian gives us the following account. The Third "Coy age made hij a ship sent in the year IbSQ,- to the relief of the colony planted in Virginia, at the sole charge of Sir Walter Ralegh. ' In the year of our Lord 1 586, Sir Walter Ra- legh, at his own charge, prepared a ship of an hund- red tons, frei^ted with all manner of things in most plentiful manner, for the supply and relief of his co- lony then remaining in Virginia. But before they set sail from England it was after Easter, so that our colony half despaired of the coming of any sup- ply ; wherefore every man prepared for himself, de- termining resolutely to spend the residue of their life-time in that country. And for the better per- formance of this their determination, they sowed, planted, and set such things as were necessary for their relief in so plentiful a manner as might have sufficed them two years v/ithout any farther labour. ' Thus trusting to their own harvest, they passed the summer till June 1 0'*" ; at which time their corn "which they had sowed was within one fortnight of SIR WALTER RALEGH. 77 reaping. But then it happened that Sir Francis Drake, in his prosperous return from the sacking of S^ Domingo, Carthagena, and S\ Augustine, de- termined in his way homeward to visit his country- men the English colony then remaining in Virginia. So passing along the coasts of Florida, he fell in with the parts where our English colony inhabited ; and having espied some of that company, there he anchored and went a-land, where he conferred with them, of their state and welfare, and how things had passed with them. They answered him, that they lived all, but hitherto in some scarcity, and as yet could hear of no supply out of England. There- fore they requested him that he would leave with them some two or three ships, that if in some rea- sonable time they heard not out of England, they might then return themselves ; which he agreed to. While some were then writing their letters to send into England, and some others making reports of the accidents of their travels each to other, some on land, some on board, a great storm arose, and drove the most of their fleet from their anchors to sea, - in which ships at that instant were the chief of the Eng- lish colony. The rest on land perceiving this, hasted to those three sail which were appointed to be left there ; and for fear they should be left behind, they left all things confusedly, as if they had been chased from thence by a mighty army. And no doubt so they were, for the hand of God came upon them 78 THE LIFE OF for the cruelty and outrages committed by some of them against the native Inhabitants of that country. ' Immediately after the departing of our English colony out of this paradise of the world, the ship above-mentioned sent and set forth at the charge of Sir Walter Ralegh and his direction, arrived at Ha- teras, which after some time spent in seeking our colony up in the country, and not finding them, returned with all the aforesaid provision into Eng- land. ' About fourteen or fifteen days after the depar- ture of the aforesaid ship. Sir Richard Greenville, general of Virginia, accompanied with three ships well appointed for the same voyage, arrived there. Who not finding the aforesaid ship according to his expectation, nor hearing any news of our English colony there, seated and left by him anno 1585, him- self travelled up into divers places of the country, as well to see if he could hear any news of the colony left there by him the year before, under the charge of Mr. Lane his deputy, as also to discover some places of the country. But after some time spent therein, not hearing any news of them, and finding the places which they inhabited desolate, yet unwill- ing to lose the possession of the country which Eng- lishmen had so long held, after good deliberation, he determined to leave some men behind to retain possession of the country. Whereupon he landed fifteen men in the Isle of Raonoke, furnished plen- SIR WALTER RALEGH. 79 tifully with all manner of provision for two years, and so departed for England. * Not long after he fell-in with the Isles of Azores, on some of which islands he landed, and spoiled the towns of all such things as were worth carriage, where also he took divers Spaniards. With these, and many other exploits done by him in this voyage, as well outward as homeward, he returned into England.*™ America, though the most defenceless part of the king of Spain's dominions, was at this time regard- ed as the principal source of his power ; and Eliza- beth, finding that, on account of her late league with the States, an open breach with Philip was un- avoidable, had resolved not to leave him unmolested in that quarter. A fleet of twenty sail under admi- ral Sir Francis Drake was accordingly equipped to attack the Spaniards in the West Indies. Having made themselves masters of S^ Jago, SK Domingo, Carthagena, S'. Anthony, and S^ Helens, in suc- cession, they sailed along the coast of Virginia, and found Ralegh's colony in June 1586, in the condi- tion already described. They arrived at Plymouth \^dth Lane and his followers on the 27*^^ of July, when they brought into England, for the first time, "• Hakluyt's Voyages, III, 265. so THE LIFE. OF the Nicotiana, or tobacco," a plant, which, I need not observe. Is subsequently become no less productive of wealth to this country itself, than of general uti- lity and gratification to its inhabitants. ° It had long Camden's words are: — Et hi reduces Tndicam illavi plantam quam Tahaccam vacant et Nicotiam, qua contra cruditates, ah Indis edocli, usi erant, in An^l im pr'rni, quod sciam, intulerunt. Ex illo sane tempore usu coepit esse creberrimo, et magno pretio, dum quamplurimi grave-olentem itlius fumum^ alii lascivientes, alii valetudini consulentes, per tuhulum testaceum inexplehili avi- ditate passim hauriunt et mnx e narilus efflant ; adeo ut talerna; Tabaccance non minus quam cervisiarice et vinarice passim per oppida haleantur. Ut Jnglorum corpora, fquod sake ille dixitj qui hacplanta tantopere delectantur, in Barlarorum naturam de- generasse videantur ; quum iisdem quibus Barbari delecte?itur, et sanarise posse credant. Ann. Elizab. 1585. o The reader willj I hope, pardon my here repeating the fol- lowing lines. « Blest leaf ! whose aromatic gales dispense To templars modesty, to parsons sense. So raptur'd priests, at fam'd Dodona's shrine. Drank inspiration from the steam divine. Poison that cures, a vapour that aflfords Content, more solid than the smile of lords. Rest to the weary, to the hungry food, The last kind refuge of the wise and good. Inspir'd by thee, dull cits adjust the scale Of Europe's peace, when other statesmen fail. By thee protected, and thy sister, beer. Poets rejoice, nor think the bailif near. Nor less the critic owns thy genial aid, While supperless he plies the piddling trade. What tho' to love, and soft delights a foe, By ladies hgted, hated by the beau ; Yet social freedom, long to courts unknown, Fair health, fair truth, and virtue are thy own. Come to the poet, come with healing wings, And let me taste thee unexcis'd by kings.' SIR WALTER EALEGH. 81 been in use among the Americans, and was called yoU on the islands, and poetun on the continent. The Spaniards, the first importers of it into Europe, discovered it about the year 1560, and sent it into Spain from Tabaco, a province of Yucatan, whence it derives its common name. We have seen how far Ralegh was instrumental in introducing it into England. He was fond of smoaking it himself,^ and probably contributed materially in propagating the novelty among his countrymen. We are told, that when first he grew fond of a pipe, his servant one day brought his tankard of ale and nutmeg into his study, where Ralegh was reading and smoaking. Seeing the smoke reek from his mouth, the man threw down the ale in a fright, and ran down-stairs to alarm the family, crying, his master was on fire, and tuoidd he burned to ashes if they did not make haste to his assistance. "^ It is also related, that Queen Elizabeth one day conversing with Ralegh on the virtues and proper- ties of the new plant, he happened to observe, that he knew the exact weight of the smoke which would p Among Thoresby's artificial curiositiesj we have Sir Walter Ralegh's tohacco-box, as it is called, lilt is rather the case for the ghss wherein it was preserved, ivhich was surrounded with small wax candles of various colours. This is of gilded leather, like a muff-case, about half a foot Iroad, and thirteen inches higky and hath cases for sixteen pipes within it. Dacatus Leodieusis, fol. i715,p. 485. ° My only authority for the truth of this story is the British- Apollo, 12""', 1740, 11,376. Vol. I, F ^ 62 THE LIFE OP be produced by any given quantity. Her Majesty, dwelling on, the idea of bounding the smoke in a balance, suspected that he was playing the traveller, and laid him a wager he could not fulfil his words. Ralegh weighed the tobacco, smoked it, and then weighed the ashes. The Queen did not deny, that the difference had evaporated in smoke ; and added, many labourers in thejire turn gold into smohe^ you have turned smoke into gold J Sir Walter was now very high in her Majesty's favour, and about this time was appointed by her seneschal of the duchies of Cornwall and Exeter, and lord-warden of the stannaries in Devonshire and Cornwall.* The earl of Leicester, notwithstanding the great defects, or rather odious, vices, of his character, had at this period of Ralegh's life been for above twenty years in the good graces of Queen Elizabeth, and was now her greatest and most powerful favourite. In 1585, he had been sent to Holland at the head of the auxiliary forces, with which her Majesty sup- plied the States, in consequence of the league we have already noticed ; and he carried in his splendid ' See an allusion to this anecdote in Howell's Letters, book III, letter 7. An opinion prevails that we are indebted to Sir Walter also for the useful potatoe, his ships having touched at Ireland on their return from Virginia, and left some roots in that kingdom, whence it found its way hither. By the best ac- counts, however, it was introduced into Ireland in 1565, when the knight was only thirteen years of age. " Appendix, N°. I> the superscription and date. 3 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 83 retinue the young earl of Essex, now become his son-in-law by a second marriage. The States, de- sirous of engaging the Queen still farther in their defence ; and knowing Leicester's interest with her Majesty, conferred on him the title of governor and captain-general of the United Provinces, appointed a guard to attend his person, and treated him in some respects as their sovereign. Elizabeth, on the contrary, was displeased with the artifice of the States, and the ambition of Leicester ; she severely reprimanded both, and was not appeased without many humble submissions. Moreover the advant- ages which the prince of Parma gained, were not attributed to the superior bravery and discipline of the Spaniards, but solely to the misconduct of Lei- cester. The States were greatly discontented with his management of the war, and with his arbitrary and imperious conduct. He was afterward suspect- ed by the Dutch of a design of usurping upon their liberties, and the jealousy entertained against him began to extend toward the Queen herself, which led to his recal in 1587.' The following letter, addressed to him by Ralegh during this service, has been preserved in the Har- leian Collection," and is, I believe, now printed for the first time. ' Camden's Eiizab.; Bentivoglio, part II, lib, 4 ; Stn'pe, voL IV, N°. 246; Rymer, torn. XV, p. 66. " N°. 6.994; ii. I f2 84 THE LIFE OP :jlR WALTER RALEGH TO THE EARL OF LEICESTER, My 'cery good Lord, ' You wrote unto me in your last letters for pio- neers to be sent over : whereupon I moved her Majesty, and found her very vs^illing, insomuch as order was given for a commission ; but since, the matter is stayed, I know not for what cause. Also, according to your Lordship's desire, I spoke for one Jukes for the office of the Back-house, and the mat- ter well liked. In aught else your lordship shall find me most assured to my power to perform all offices of love, honour, and service, toward you. But 1 bdve been of late very pestilent reported in this place to be rather a drawer-back, than a fartherer of the action where you govern. Your Lordship doth well understand my aifection toward Spain, and how I have consumed the best part of my for- tune, hurting the tyrrannous prosperity of that estate ; and it were now strange and monstrous that I should become an enemy to my country and con- science. But ail that I have desired at your Lord- ship's hand is, that you will evermore deal directly with me in all matter of suspect doubleness, and so ever esteem me as you shall find my deserving, good or bad. In the mean time I humbly beseech you, let no poetical scribe work your lordship by any device to doubt, that I am a hollow or cold ser- vant to the action, or a mean well-wilier and foUovi'- SIR WALTER RALEGH. 8.5 er of your own. And even so I humbly take my leave, wishing you all honour and prosperity. From the court, the 29'*" of March, 1586. Your lordship's, to do you service, W. RALEGH.' ' The Queen is on very good terms with you, and, thank" be to God, well pacified, and you are again her sweet Robin, i To the right honourable, my smgiilar good Lord, the earl of JLeie ester, goxernor of the Low Countries for her JSlajesiij.^ It is difficult to trace the intrigues of court-favour- ites to their true sources ; yet while Leicester's re- putation was, as we have seen, suffering abroad, it may not be totally unreasonable to suppose, that re- flecting on Ralegh's acknowledged talents, and his influence at court, and combining these advantages with the reports which Ralegh alludes to in his let- ter, he might be led to view the rising favourite with a jealous eye ; and that these circumstances might determine him, as has been conjectured, in opposing the dawning talents of his son-in-law, afterward so celebrated and so unfortunate, to Sir Walter's grow- ing influence with the queen.'' ■ See Sir Henry Wotton's parallel between Essex and Buck- ingham in ReliquiiB Wottonianre. Tarleton, the best comedian pf these times, when a pleasant play was acting before her Ma- F 3 - jestVj 86 THE LIFE OF In the voyage undertaken this year (1.586) by the earl of Cumberland, and intended for the South sea, Ralegh was a sharer. . His fine pinnace, the Doro- thy, joined the ileet at Plymouth in August ; and though the voyage was performed no farther than the latitude 41?"', some small prizes were taken in the course of itJ lie also fitted out this year two pin- naces for the Azores, which proved a very bene- ficial adventure. The narrative of it, written by Mr. John Evesham, will be found in the Appendix, (N°. VI.) About this time. Sir Walter also received the ad- »* ditionaf honour of being appointed captain of the guard to her Majesty, and lieutenant-general of the county of Cornwall." In the session of parliament ijsi. which was dissolved March 25"^, 1581, he v/as a member of the committee for conferring on the amendment of same things whereunto ministers are required to he siuorn, imd that some good course jesty, pointed at Sir Walter Ealegh, and said, see, the knave commands the queen, for which she corrected him with a frown, yet he had the confidence to add, that he was of too viuch and too intolerable a poiver. Going on with the same liberty, he re- flected on the over-great power and riches of the earl of Leices- ter, which v/as so universally applauded by all who were pre™ sent, that the queen thought fit at that time to bear these re- flections with a seeming unconcernedness ; yet was so offended that she forbade Tarleton and all her jesters from coming near her table. Bohun's character of Queen Elizabeth, 8'% 1693^ p. 353. , - ^ Hakluyt's Voyages, III, 769. ^ Appendix, N°. IT, the superscription and date. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 8/ ■might be taken to have a Jearnea ministry^ the queen having, in her speech at the close of the last session, remarked on some faults and negligences of the bishops; whichy she added, if you my lords of the clergy do not amende I mean to depose you^ By some notes of this reign left by the lord-treasurer Burleigh, we find that, in the year 1587, Sir Walter also received a grant of the lands of Anthony Bab- ington,'' the hero of the conspiracy in favour of Mary Queen of Scots, which goes by his name. He was nov/ likewise preparing to replace his first and unsuccessful colony in Virginia, by send- ing out a new one, to consist of 150 men, under the command of Mr. John White, appointed go- vernor, and twelve assistants ; to whom he gave a charter, and incorporated them under the firm Governor and assistants of the city of Ralegh in fir- ginia.'^ Although the returns he had received from Virginia, the Spanish prizes he had taken, and the frugality of the royal favour, had by no means re- paid his large expenditure on this plantation, his en- terprising genius did not hesitate in persevering in its purpose. '^ The following is an extract from the account given us by the contemporary naval historian of this fourth voyage. — * D'Ewes' Journal, p. 328, 413. Murdin's Sta p pers, folio, 1/59., P- 7^5. ' Hakluyt, ill, 2S0. " See Appendix, N". IL F 4 B8 THE LIFE OF Extract from the fourth vioynge made to Virginia, with three ships, in the ?y ear iSST, wherein was transported the second colony.*: ' July 22^, we arrived safe at Hatteras, where our ship and pinnace anchored. The governor went aboard the pinnace, accompanied with forty of his best men, intending to pass up to Roanoke forthwith, hoping there to find those fifteen English: men^ whom Sir Richard Greenville had left there the year before, with whom he meant to have con- ference concerning the state of the country an4 savages. Meaning, after he had so done, to return again to the fleet, and pass along the coast to the Bay of Chesapeak, where we intended to make our seat and fort, according to the charge given us among other directions in writing, under the hand of Sir Walter Ralegh. But as soon as we were put with our pinnace from the ship, a gentleman, by the means of Ferdinando, who was appointed to re- turn for England, called to the sailors in the pin- nace, charging them not to bring any of the planters back again, but to leave them in the island, except the governor and two or three such as he approved, saying that the summer was far spent, wherefore h^ would land all the planters in no other place. Unto this were all the sailors, both in the pinnace and ship, persuaded by the master : wherefore it booted - ' See Hakluyt's Voyages, III^ 280. SIR WALTEtl RALEGH. 89 not the governor to contend with them, but passed to Raonoke, and the same night at sun-set went a- land on the island, in the place where our fifteen men were left; but we found none of them, nor any sign that they had been there, saving only we found the bones of one of those fifteen, which the savages had slain long before. ' July 23^, the governor, with divers of his com- pany, walked to the north end of the island, where Mr. Ralph Lane had his fort, with sundry necessary and decent dv/elling-houses, made by his men about it the year before, where we hoped to find some signs, or certain knowledge, of our fifteen men. When we came thither, we found the fort rased down, but all the houses standing unhurt, saving that the nether rooms of them, and also of the fort, were over-grown with melons of divers sorts, and deer within them, feeding on those melons ; so we returned to our company, without hope of ever see- ing any of the fifteen men living. The same day order was given that every man should be employed for the repairing of those houses which we found standing, and also to make other new cottages, for such as should need. ' July 25^", our fly-boat, and the rest of our planters, arrived all safe at Hatteras, to the great joy and comfort of the whole company. But the master of our admiral, Ferdinando, grieved greatly at their safe coming. For he purposely left them in the Bay of Portugal, and stole away from them in 90 THE LIFE OF the night, hoping that the master thereof, whose name was Edward Spicer, for that he never had been in Virginia, would hardly find the place ; or else, being left in so dangerous a place as that was, by- means of so many men of war as at that time were abroad, they should surely be taken or slain. But God disappointed his wicked pretences. * July 28^^, George Howe, one of our twelve as- sistants, was slain by divers savages, who were come over to Roanoke, either on purpose to espy our company, and what number we were, or else to hunt deer, whereof were many in the island. These savages being secretly hidden among high reeds, where oftentimes they find the deer asleep and so kill them, espied our man wading in the wa- ter alone, almost naked, without any weapon, save only a small forked stick, catching crabs there with- al, and also being strayed two miles from his com- pany ; and shot at him in the water, where they orave him sixteen wounds with their arrows, and after they had slain him with their wooden swords, they beat his head in pieces, and fled over the water to the main.' ' July 30'", Mr. Stafford, and twenty of our men, passed by water to the island of Croatoan with Man- teo, who had his mother and many of his kindred dwelling in that island, of whom we hoped to un- derstand -'me nev/s of our fifteen men, but espe- cially to le;..; r. the disposition of the people of the country toward us, and to renew our old friendship SIE WALTEK RALEGH. 91 with them. At our first landing they seemed as though they would fight with us ; but per^ivmg „s begin to march with our shot toward them, they turned their backs and fled. Then Manteo their countryman called to them in their own language whom, as soon as they heard, they returned, and threw away their bows and arrows, and some ot them came unto us, embracing and entertammg us friendly, desiring us not to gather or spill any ot their corn, for that they had but little. We an- swered them, that neither their com nor any other thing of theirs should be diminished by any of us, and that our coming was only to renew the old love that was between us and them at the first and to live with them as brethren and friends. Which an- swer seemed to please them well, wherefore they requested us to walk up to their town, who there feasted us after their manner, and desired us ear- nestly, that there might be some token or badge given them of us, whereby we might know them to be our friends when we met them anywhere out of the town or island. They told us farther, that for want of some such badge, divers of them were hurt .he year before, being found out of the island by * Mr. Lane's company, whereof they shewed us one, who at that very instant lay lame, and had lam of that hurt ever since ; but tJ-ey said, they knew our men mistook them, and hurt them instead of Wm- "ina's men, wherefore they held us excused. " August 1", we had conference farther with 92 THE LIFE Op- them concerning the people of Secotan, Aquasco- goc, and Pomeioc, willing them of Croatoan to cer- tify the people of those towns, that if they would accept our friendship, we would willingly receive them again, and that all unfriendly dealings past on both parts should be utterly forgiven and forgotten. To this the chief men of Croatoan answered, that they v/ould gladly do the best they could, and with- in seven days bring the Wiroances and chief gover- nors of those towns with them to our governor at Roanoke, or their answer. We also understood of the men of Croatoan, that our man, Mr. Howe, was slain by the remnant of Wingina's men dwell- ing then at Dasamonguepeuk, with whom Wan- chese kept company ; and also we understood by them of Croatoan, that the fifteen Englishmen left at Roanoke the year before, by Sir Richard Green- ville, were suddenly set upon by thirty of the men of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dasamonguepeuk, ii^ manner following. ' They conveyed themselves secretly behind the trees, near the houses where our men carelessly liv- ed ; and having perceived that of those fifteen they could see but eleven, two of those savages appeared to the eleven Englishmen, calling to them by friend- ly signs, that but two of their chief men should come unarmed to speak with those two savages, who seemed also to be unarmed. Wherefore, two of the chief of our Englishmen went gladly to them; but while one of those savages traiterously embrac^ SJR WALTER RALEGH. 95 ed one of our men, the other with his sword of wood, which he had secretly hidden under his man- tle, struck him on the head, and slew him, and presently the other eight-and-twenty savages shewed tliemselves. The other Englishman perceiving this, fled to his company, whom the savages pursued with their bows and arrows, so fast that the Eng- lishmen were forced to take the house, wherein all their victual and weapons were ; but the savages forthwith set the same on fire, by means whereof our men were forced to take up such weapons as came first to hand, and without order to run forth among the savages, with whom they skirmished above an hour. In this skirmish another of our men was shot into the mouth with an arrow, where he died ; and also one of the savages was shot into the side by one of our men with a wild-fire arrow, whereof he died presently. The place where they fought was of great advantage to the savages, by means of the thick trees, behind which the savages, through their nimbleness, defended themselves, and so offended our men with their arrows, that our men, being some of them hurt, retired fighting to the water side, where their boat lay, with which they fled toward Hatteras. By that time they had rowed but a quarter of a mile, they espied their four fellows coming from a creek thereby, where they had been to fetch oysters ; these four they re- ceived into their boat, leaving Roanoke, and landed on a little island on the right hand of cur entrance 94 THE LIFE OF :nto the harbour of Hatteras, where they remained a while, but afterward departed, whither as yet we know not. ' Having now sufficiently dispatched our business at Croatoan, the same day we departed friendly, taking our leave, and came aboard the fleet at Hat- teras. ' August 8'^, the governor having long expected the coming of the Wiroances of Pomeioc, Aquas- cogoc, Secotan, and Dasamonguepeuk, seeing that the seven days were past, within which they pro- mised to come in, or to send their answers by the men of Croatoan, and no tidings of them heard ; being certainly also informed by those men of Croa- toan, that the remnant of Wingina*s men, which were left alive, who dwelt at Dasamonguepeuk, were they which had slain George Howe, and were also at the driving of our eleven Englishmen from Roanoke, he thought to defer the revenge thereof no longer. Wherefore the same night about mid- night he passed over the water, accompanied with Captain Stafford and twenty-four men, whereof Man- teo was one, whom we took with us to be our guide to the place where those savages dwelt, where he behaved himself toward us as a most faithful Eng- lishman. ' The next day, being August 9^", in the morn- ing, so early that it was yet dark, we landed near the dwelling-place of our enemies, and very secret- ly conveyed ourselves through the woods, to that SIR WALTER RALEGH. 9^ side where we had their houses between us and the water ; and having espied their fire, and some sit- ting about it, we presently set on them. The mi- serable souls herewith amazed, fled into a place of thick reeds, growing fast by, where our men per- ceiving them, shot one of them through the body with a bullet, and therewith we entered the reeds, among which we hoped to acquit their evil doing toward us. But we were deceived, for those sava- ges were our friends, and were come from Croa- toan to gather the corn and fruit of that place, be- cause they understood our enemies were fled imme- diately after they had slain George Howe, and for haste had left all their corn, tobacco, and pompions, standing in such sort, that ail had been devoured of the birds and deer, if it had not been gathered in time. But they had like to have paid dearly for it „ for it was so dark, that they being naked, and their men and women apparalled all so like others, we knew not but they were all men ; and if that one of them, which was a Wiroance's wife, had not had a child at her back, she had been slain instead of a man, and as hap was, another savage knew Mr. Stafford, and ran to him, calling him by his name, whereby he was saved. Finding ourselves thus dis- appointed of our purpose, we gathered all the corn, peas, pompions, and tobacco, that we found ripe, leaving the rest unspoiled, and took Menatonan's wife, with the young child, and the other savages with us, over the water to Roanoke. Although the BQ THE LIFE OF mistaking of these savages somewhat grieved Man- tec, yet he imputed their harm to their own folly, saying to them, that if their Wiroances had kept their promise, in coming to the governor at the day appointed, they had not known that mischance. * August 13^^, our savage Manteo, by the com- mandment of Sir Walter Ralegh, was christened in Roanoke, and called lord thereof, and of Dasa- monguepeuk, in reward of his faithful service. ' August 1 8^'', Eleanor, daughter to the govern- or, and wife to Ananias Dare, one of the assist- ants, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoke, and the same was christened there the Sunday follow- ing ; and because this child was the first Christian born in Virginia, she was named Virginia. By this time our ships had unladen the goods and victuals of the planters, and began to take in wood and fresh water, and to new calk and trim them for England ; the planters also prepared their letters and tokens to send back into England. ' Our two ships, the Lion and the fly-boat, al- most ready to depart, the 21'' of August there arose such a tempest at north-east, that our admiral, then riding out of the harbour, was forced to cut his cables, and put to sea, where he lay beating off and on six days, before he could come to us again, so that we feared he had been cast away, and the ra- ther, for that at the time that the storm took them, the most and best of their sailors were left a-land^ At this time some c ^ntroversies arose between the SIR WALTER EALEGH. 97 governor and assistants, about choosing two out of the twelve assistants, who should go back as fac- tors for the company into England ; for every one of them refused, save only one, which all other thought not sufficient. But at length, by much persuading of the governor, Christopher Cooper only agreed to go for England ; but the next day, through the persuasion of divers of his familiar friends, he changed his mind, so that now the mat- ter stood as at the first. ' The next day, August 22*^, the whole com- pany, both of the assistants and planters, came to the governor, and with one voice requested him to return himself into England, for the better and sooner obtaining of supplies, and other necessaries for them ; but he refused it, and alleged many suf- ficient causes why he would not. The one was, that he could not so suddenly return back again without his great discredit, leaving the action, and so many whom he partly had procured through his persuasions to leave their native country, and un- dertake that voyage, and that some enemies to him and the action, at his return into England, would not spare to slander falsely both him and the action, by saying, he went to Virginia but politicly, and to no other end but to lead so many into a country in which he never meant to stay himself, and there to leave them behind him. Also he alleged, that see- ing they intended to remove fifty miles farther up into the main presently, he being then absent, his Vol. L g 9S THE LIFE OF , Stuff and goods might be both spoiled, and most of them pilfered away in the carriage ; so that at his return he should be either forced to provide himself of all such things again, or else at his coming again to Virginia find himself utterly unfurnished, where- of already he had found some proof, being but once from them but three days. Wherefore he conclud- ed that he would not go himself. ' The next day, not only the assistants but divers others, as well women as men, began to renew their requests to the governor again, to take upon him to return into England for the supply and dis- patch of all such things as there were to be done, promising to make him their bond, under all their hands and seals, for the safe preserving of all his goods for him at his return to Virginia, so that if any part thereof were spoiled or lost they would see it restored to him, or his assignees, whensoever the same should be missed and demanded ; which bond, with a testimony under their hands and seals, they forthwith made and delivered into his hands. The copy of the testimony I thought good to set down. " May it please you, her Majesty's subjects of England, We your friends and countrymen, the planters in Virginia, do by these presents let you and every of you to understand, that for the present and speedy supply of certain our known and appar- ent lacks and needs, most requisite and necessary for the good and happy planting of us, or any other in SIR WALTER RALEGH. 99 this land of Virginia, we all, of one mind and con- sent, have most earnestly entreated, and incessantly requested, John White, governor of the planters in Virginia, to pass into England, for the better and more assured help, and setting forward of the fore- said supplies ; and knoiving assuredly that he both can best, and will labour and take pains in that be- half for us all ; and he not once but often refusing it, for our sakes, and for the honour and mainten- ance of the action, hath at last, though much against his will, through our importunacy, yielded to leave his government and all his goods among us, and him- self in all our behalves to pass into England, of whose knowledge and fidelity in handling this mat- ter, as all others, we do assure ourselves by these presents, and will you to give all credit thereunto. The 25''^ of August, 1587." ' The governor being at the last, through their extreme entreating, constrained to return into Eng^ land, having then but half a day's respite to prepare himself for the same, departed from Roanoke, Au. gust 2T^ in the morning, and the same day about midnight came aboard the fly-boat, which already had weighed anchor, and rode without the bar, the admiral riding by them, who but the same morn- ing was newly come thither again. The same day, both the ships weighed anchor, and set sail for England.' jg2 100 THE LIFE OP On the return of these ships to England our king- dom was busied in counteracting the designs of Phi- lip with his celebrated Spanish armada, and a coun- cil of war was held, November 27'" 1587, for put- ting the forces of the realm in the best posture of defence against the threatened invasion, in which, among other celebrated names, we find that of Ra- legh.* In the meantim.e the return of Governor White, and the accounts he brought with him, made it necessary for Sir Walter to prepare the needful supplies for his colony, which were to have pro- ceeded under the command of Greenville ; but the apprehensions from the Spanish armament were so great, that every armed ship became in request for the defence of the country, and Sir Richard receiv- ed a personal injunction not to proceed to sea. Yet the endeavours of the proprietors for the success of the colony were so earnest and unceasing, that they procured two small pinnaces, the Brave and the 1588. Roe, which sailed April 22^ 1588, with fifteen planters, and the necessary provisions for the colo- ny. One of them was taken and stripped by two » Strype's Opinion, (Annals of the Cliurch, III, 452,) that Ralegh was at this time governor of Portland castle, seems in- consistent with his lieutenancy in the west. As we live in an invading age, an account of the determinations of this council, from a MS. seen by Oklys, and probably composed by Ralegh, may not be uninteresting to the reader. — See Appendix, N". VII. For Ralegh's thoughts on the necessity of a fleet to act against invaders, see his Hist. AVorld, V. i, 9- SIR WALTER RALEGH. 101 Rochelk armed vessels, about fifty leagues north- east of Madeira, and both returned to England with- out accomplishing their purpose, to the distress of the colony, and the vexation of its proprietors.^ Meanwhile the alarm of the Spanish armada had reached the coast of this island, and many of the nobility and gentry hastened out with vessels at their own charge from evety harbour to reinforce our fleet. Ralegh is here named in company with the earls of Oxford, Northumberland, and Cumber- land, and many others, who distinguished them- selves on this occasion by their generous and disin- terested service of their country/ Sir Walter at this time enjoyed, among other dis- tinctions, the honour of being one of the gentlemert b Hakluyt's Voyages, first edition, folio, I58g, p. 771. '^ Camden's words are — Tantum autem alfuit Ut invincibili nomine, aid terribili spectaculo oram maritimam terruerit, ut ju- venilis AngUca incredilili cjuadam alacritate Cparentilus, uxori- lus, liheris, cognatis et amicis, ex intima in patriam charitate, derelictis) navigiis imdiquc privatis impensis conductis, se classi magna numero adjunxerit ; et inter alios, Comites Oxonice, North" umberlandice, Cumlerlandice, Thomas et Rohertus Cecilii, H. Broohus, Carolus Bluntus, Walterus Raleghus, &c. — Annal. Eli- zab. Ann. 1588. In a discourse written many years afterward. Sir Walter himself writes, yea in eighty 'eight, when he (the Spaniard) made his great and fearful fleet, if the queen would have hearkened to reason we had burnt all his ships and prepara- tions m his own ports, as we did afterward upon the same intel-' ligence and doubt in Cadiz. See Birch's Works of Ralegh, I, 274. G .3 102 THE LIFE OF of her Majesty's privy chamber.'' He seems ak@ to have received a considerable augmentation of his wine patent, consisting of the tonnage and pound- age/ This lucrative grant he enjoyed as long as Queen Elizabeth lived, but toward the close of her reign the number of such grants was so greatly in- creased, that they were inveighed against in parlia- ment as grievous and oppressive monopolies. Experience had now taught Sir Walter the real and almost insurmountable difficulties, which he, as a single proprietor, had to encounter in the esta- blishment of the Virginian colony ; and, after hav- ing expended a large sum*" upon it, he at last de- termined to assign over to a company of gentlemen and merchants of London the right of continuing that plantation with English subjects, reserving to himself the fifth part of all gold and silver ore. 1589. The indenture, dated March T^ 1589, will be found in the Appendix (N°. VIII) j and I shall here only a Oldys, p. 46. ^ Townshend's Historical Collections of Elizabeth's Four last Parliaments, folio, 16S0, p. 244. Also among the Talbot pa- pers is one indorsed by the earl of Shrewsbury, 25^^ Mali l603, a 7iote of monopolies, wherein we find, 30° Eliz. A patent to Sir Walter Ralegh to make licences for keeping of taverns, and retail- ing of wines throughout all England. See Lodge's Illustrations of British History, &c. 4'% 179I, III, I6I. ' In a Brief Relation of Sir Walter Ralegh's Troubles, by his son Carew, reprinted in the Appendix, we read ^^40,000 3 but that number of crowns appears the more probable sum ; see the knio-ht's Trial. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 103 farther observe, that while the difficulties with which the company had to struggle for the twenty suc- ceeding years imply that no particular blame is to be attached to the conduct of the original proprie- tor, the subsequent success of Virginia claims our highest applause of Ralegh's choice, and his early perseverance. G 4 104 THE LIFE QP CHAPTER III. Earl of Essex Expedition with Don Antonio Ra- legJi's squabble with Williams He receives a golden chain Is driven from court by Essex Visits Spenser in Ireland Brings him to England^ and in- troduces him to the queen Encourages his Fairy Queen Intercedes for Mr. Udall Defends Sir R. Greenville. His reflections on the Spaniards. Expedition to Panama. .^ .His letter to Cecil His return The Madre de Dios taken Ralegh con^ fined in the Tower for debauching Elizabeth Throck- morton He marries her Anecdote in the Tower His three letters to Cecil His release In parliament His speeches Is aspersed with athe- ism Obtains Sherborne-manor . His letters to the queen and Cecil Poetry. W E have now beheld Ralegh raising himself, prin- cipally by his individual merit, to a station of rank and distinction, and particularly favoured by his so- vereign, in a reign in which the royal munificence was confessedly apportioned with economy, though with discernment. We shall find, however, that a combination of more causes than one but too soon overcast the prospect which was opening upon him ; and although the information transmitted to us upon this subject be unfortunately very incomplete, yet we have good grounds for concluding, that the jea- SIR WALTER RALEGH. lOJ lousy of his rivals in power proved a very mischiev- ous weapon against him. Leicester, so long a powerful favourite in the court of Elizabeth, died in 1588 ; and though this event removed him as an adversary to Ralegh, he had probably, as I have already remarked, prepar- ed a legacy for Sir Walter in his son-in-law, which should not leave him unemployed at court. Robert Devereux (son of Walter, Lord Ferrers of Chartley, Viscount Hereford, and earl of Essex, of a very ancient and noble family, originally of Evereux in Normandy) was born in the year 1567, and succeeded to the title of earl of Essex at ten years of age. He quitted the university at sixteen, and spent some time at his house at Lampsie in South Wales ; where he grew so fond of a retired life, that he was with difficulty drawn from it by his father-in-law, Leicester, against whom he had imbibed a strong prejudice, which, however, time and the influence of his mother softened.* He serv- ed as general of the horse, and field-marshal, in 1585, when that earl commanded the English forces in the Low countries. Being a relation, the son of one of her most faithful servants, the son-in-law of her favourite, and a handsome and accomplished youth, he was honoured with singular marks of the queen's favour. She appointed him master of the horse in 1587, and general of the horse upon the ' ReliquiK Wottonianae, 3"^ edit. p. l02, 3. 106 THE LIFE OP Spanish Invasion in the following year, gracing him in the camp at Tilbury in the view of the soldiers and people, even beyond her former favourite Lei- cester, and honouring him with the order of the garter. Without the dark soul of his father-in-law, he had the zeal, untempered by the discretion, of Burleigh. Superior to Ralegh himself in generosi- ty, though unequal to him in abilities, had he not been inflated by the queen's partiality, he might have become one of the bravest generals, and most active statesmen, of his accomplished age. But he had a spirit, whose loftiness neglected the homage to his sovereign, which her character peculiarly re- quired, and whose impetuosity disregarded the subtle- ties of so able a court ; a principle in itself suffi- cient to accomplish his ruin at an untimely day.** "We have no complete information transmitted to us, as I have already hinted, respecting the incipient causes or symptoms of jealousy between Ralegh and his rivals in power. His letter"^ to Leicester, how- ever, in 1586, seems to lead to the conjecture, that that nobleman might not feel completely sa- tisfied as to Ralegh's fidelity here to his cause dur- ing his absence abroad. This prejudice might na- turally and quickly have been communicated to Es- - sex. Heightened by the recent death of Leicester, it might gain strength in the mind of the young ^ See Catalogue of Royal and Noble Authors. '^ See Chapter II. SIR V/ALTER RALEGH. 107 earl ; and cherished by the real rivalry which Ra- legh's station at court naturally subjected him to, it might finally lead to those effects which we shall find but too soon made their appearance in his con- duct. In the mean time the discomfiture of the Spanish armada had begotten such an enthusastic spirit of enterprise in this country, that the minds of the peo- ple were .ripe for entering into the views of Don Antonio, who was at this fortunate juncture advan- cing his claim here on the crown of Portugal ; and they actually formed the design of conquering that kingdom for him. The queen furnished only six men-of-war, and sixty thousand pounds; but nearly twenty thousand^ volunteers enlisted in the service, and ships were hired, and arms provided at the charge of the adventurers, among whom Ralegh was one in person. The command of the expedi- tion was given to Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Norris ; and had they sailed directly for Portugal they would probably have succeeded. But hearing that Spain was preparing a new armament at the Groin, they first went thither, burned several ships, defeated four or five thousand men, took and pil- laged th»e lower town, and would have taken the d Ralegh (Hist. World, V. 1, 9.) calls the army 11,000 strong. — Monson adds 4000 sailors — to this add IjlOO gentle- men, and it makes only 1 6,100 in all. Hume prefers the ac- count given by Birch, who calls the number 21,000. Memoirs of Elizabeth, I, 58. 108 THE LIFE OF high town also, but for the failure of their ammu- nition and provision. Essex engaged in the expedition with several ships at his own charge, and, without her Majesty's consent or knowledge, joined the adventurers here, and proceeded with them to Portugal. This excur- sion being considered only as a sally of youth, he increased instead of forfeiting her good opinion by it.* Meanwhile the court of Spain had time to pre- pare for the invasion, and to frustrate its object. Having taken many prizes, and gained other advan- tages, though not without suffering numerous cala- mities, the adventurers sailed for Vigo, which they took and burned ; and having ravaged the neigh- bouring country they returned to England. Above half of them perished by sickness, famine, or the sword, and of 1,100 gentlemen who embarked, only 350 returned/ Sir Roger Williams, the intimate friend of Essex, was a colonel in the land-service in this expedition. In one of his letters he wrote, it is ivell known ive had above 200 sail of all sorts (of prizes) of the which tve could not carry ivith us above three-score for want of men. From this cause a squabble ap- pears to have arisen between Ralegh and Williams. The colonel supplied a prize, probably taken by * Whether such an intermission might heighten her affection, or that having committed a fault he became more ohsequious to redeem it, or that she had not yet conceived any suspicions of his popularity. Reliq. Wotton. p. 165. ' Bixch's Memoirs of Elizabeth, 1, 61. 4 SIR WALTER RALEGH. },09 Ralegh, with his lieutenant and some soldiers, affirm- ing that the vessel had never been carried into Eng^ land without his means. In consequence of this he wanted to claim the ship and cargo, the voyage hav- ing cost him above a thousand pounds. His claim being thought unreasonable, the earl of Bath, lieutenant of Devonshire, discharged his men from the vessel at Dartmouth. Williams upon this grew outrageous, and his clamours having reached the queen's ear he excited her displeasure, M^iich occa- sioned the above-quoted letter to three of the privy- council. This letter farther informs us, the queen was so well pleased with the adventurers in this en- terprise, that she honoured the principal of them, and among the rest Sir Walter Ralegh, with a golden chain. ^ Yet notwithstanding this information, we read ia another extant letter, dated August 1*1^ 1589, from captain (afterward Sir; Francis Allen to Anthony Bacon, Esq. brother to the lord chancellor, that the generals Norris and Drake were returned from their Portugal voyage ivith uo better success than must needs ; and what is more to our purpose we find in the same letter. My lord of Essex hath chased Mr, Ralegh from the court, and confined him into Ireland — conjecture you the rest of that matter}^ g Sir Roger Williams' Letter to the Treasurer, Admiral, and Mr. Secretary Walsingham, upon his return home from his ex- pedition against Portugal and Spain^ in the Harleian Collection, N". 6845, p. 100. ^ Among the papers of Mr. Bacon in (he Lambeth Library, Vol. I, foL 122, and quoted byDr. Birch in Memoirs Elizob. 1, 55. II© THfi LIFE OF It appears indeed by his own writings,' as well as by those of Edmund Spenser, that Ralegh was this year in Ireland, and that he visited the poet at his pleasant seat Kilcolman near the river Mulla, which the bounty of Oueen Elizabeth had made him master of. In his pastoral, ' Colin Clout's come Home again,' dedicated two years afterward to Sir "Walter, the poet calls Ralegh tJw Shepherd of the Ocean, and thus describes their meeting. * One day, quoth he, T sat, as was my trade, Under the foot of Mole, that mountain hoar, Keeping my sheep among the cooly shade Of the green alders, by the Mulla's shore : There a strange shepherd chanc'd to find me out ; Whether allured with my pipe's deUght, Whose pleasing sound yshrilled far about, Or thither led by chance, I know not right. Whom when I asked from what place he came. And how he hight, himself he did yclep The shepherd of the ocean by name ; And said he came far from the main-sea deep. He, sitting me beside, in that same shade. Provoked me to play somfi pleasant fit : And when he heard the music Avhich 1 made, He found himself full greatly pleas'd at it. Yet, emuling my pipe, he took in hand My pipe, before that emuled of many, And plaj'd thereon, for well that skill he con'd, Himself as skilful in that art as any. ' See his mention of the countess of Desmond, Hist. World,- SIR WALTER RALEGH, 111 He pip'd, I sung ; and when he sung, I pip'd ; By change of turns each makmg other merry ; Neither envying other, nor envied, So piped we until both were weary.' Farther on we have, ' His song was all a lamentable lay Of great unkindness and of usage hard, Of Cynthia, the lady of the sea, Who, from her presence, faultless him debarr'd. And ever and anon, with singult's rife,"^ He cried out to make his undersong, Ah ! my love's queen and goddess of my life! Who shall me pity when thou dost me wrong ? ' These lines appear to allude to the difficulty un- der which Ralegh now laboured at court, and which, (though we have no farther information than the above transmitted to us upon it) we may reasonably conclude was produced by the incipient workings of that jealousy at which I have already hinted ; while the following imply, that he was speedily restored to the royal favour. ' right well he sure did plain That could great Cynthia's sore displeasure break, And move to take him to her grace again.' From the tenor of this pastoral we are led to con- clude, that Ralegh on his return took the poet with " Abundant sighs. ' If we could doubt it before, this line clearly proves that Queen Elizabeth was the Cynthia of the song. 112 THE LIFE OF him by sea to England ; for the Dedication" to Ra- legh, an actor in the scene, informs us that the poem agrees ivith the truth in circumstance and matter. The following lines of the same poem prove, that he likewise recommended the poet to the notice of the queen. * The shepherd of the ocean, quoth he, Unto that goddess' grace me first enhanc'd, And to mine oaten pipe inclin'd her ear, That she thenceforth therein 'gan take delight, And it desir'd at timely hours to hear, All were my notes but rude and roughly dight.' '* It runs thus : ' To the right worthy and Jiolle Knight, Sir Walter Ralegh, captain of her Majesty's guard, lord warden of the stannaries, and lieutenant of the county of CorjiwalL ' Sir! * That you may see that I avi not alwny idle, as you thinli, though not greatly wdl occupied, nor altogether undutiful, though not precisely officious, I make you present of this simple pastoral, unworthy of your higher conceit for the meanness of the stile, lut agreeing with the truth in circumstance and maMer. The which 1 humhly beseech you to accept, in part of payment of the infinite debt in ivhich I acknowledge myself lounden unto you for your singular favours , and sundry good turns shewed to me at my late leing in England, and with your good countenance protect against the malice of evil mouths, which are alway wide open to carp at and misconstrue my simple meaning. 1 pray continually for your happiness. From my house at Kilcolman, the l^th of tie-' cemberi 1591. Yours ever humbly, MD. sp: SIR WALTER RALEGH. 113 The Fairy Queen had been begun under the auspices of Sir Philip Sidney, but the hand of death having stopped his patronage, the three first books of the poem were now committed to the press under the encouragement of Ralegh. The letter, by way of argument to explain the poem, is addressed to the rigbt^ noble, and valourous Sir Walter Ralegh ; and among the commendatory verses we find the following contributed by the knight. ' Methought I saw the grave where Laura lay, Within that temple, where the vestal flame Was wont to burn ; and passing-by that way, To see that buried dust of living fame, Whose tomb fair Love and fairer Virtue kept. All suddenly I saw the Fairy Queen, At whose approach the soul of Petrarch wept, And from thenceforth those graces were not seen. For they this Queen attended, in whose stead Oblivion laid him down on Laura's hearse ; Ilereat the hardest stones were seen to bleed, And groans of buried ghosts the heavens did pierce ; Where Homer's spright did tremble all for grief, And curs'd the access of that celestial thief.' ' The praise of meaner wits this work like profit brings. As doth the cuckoo's song delight when Philomela sings. If thou hast form'd aright true virtue's face herein Virtue herself'* can best discern, to whom they written been. " Need the reader be informed; tliat the poet alludes to Queen Elizabeth ? Vol. I. H 114 THE LIFE OF If thou hast beauty prais'd, let her sole looks divine Judge if ought therein be amiss, and mend it by her eyne. If chastity want ought, or temperance her due. Behold her princely mind aright, and write thy Queen anew. Meanwhile she shall perceive how far her virtues soar Above the reach of all that live, or such as wrote of yore ; And thereby will excuse and favour thy good-will. Whose virtue cannot be express'd but by an angel's quill. Of me no lines arelov'd, nor letters are of price, Of all which speak our English tongue, but those of thy device.' Mr. John Udall, a minister of the gospel, and a good scholar, but so warm a zealot for the reform- ation of the church, even under the episcopal go- vernment, as to be classed among the puritans of those days, was about this time called to London from his ministry at Newcastle upon Tyne° by let- ters from the lord chamberlain Hunsdon in the name of the council, and examined for a book he had lately published against the clergy, intituled, The Demonstration of discipline luhich Clnist hath pre- scrihed in his word for the government of the church in all times and places until the world's endj^ Be- ° He had previously been minister of Kingston upon Thames. p The treason inserted in the indictment consisted in these words to the bishops : — Who ca7i without Mushing deny you to le the cause of all ungodliness, seeing your government is that luhich giveth leave to a man to be any thing saving a sound Chris- tian^ For certainly it is more free in these days to be a papist y an anabaptist, of the family of love, yea any wicked one what- ■^oever, than that which ive should be ; and I could live these iiventy years any such in England^ yea in a, bishop's house may I SIR WALTER RALEGH. 115 cause he would not betray himself, he was commit- ted a close prisoner to the Gate-house, refused all communication with his family or friends, removed to Croydon in July, 1590, brought to the bar in fet- I59ds ters, and indicted for publishing a libel against the queen. Depositions taken in the high-commission-- court, and hear-say reports without viva voce proof were the evidences produced against him. His wit- nesses were not permitted to appear in his favour, because the book being written against bishops who exercised their government under the queen, was writ' ten against her royal person. The judges directed the jury to find Udall author of the book without legal proof, and to leave the felony to them. Being told that it should prove no detriment, but an advantage to the author, they obeyed the order, and repented of their verdict. Udall remained in confinement for half a-year with- out a sentence, and, refusing to relinquish his tenets, was condemned to death at the Southwark assizes in the February following. In the interval he had procured a friend to solicit Sir Walter Ralegh, that * the violent and aggravated constructions which had been made of his doctrine and principles, might not be allowed to destroy him, at least until a judgment le, and never te molested for it. So true is that which you are charged with in a dialogue lately come forth against you, and since burned ly you, ' that you care for nothing hut the main' tenance of your dignities, le it to the damnation of your own souls/, and i?ifi7iite millions more.' Strype's Life of Whitgift^ fol. I7l8i p. 343. H 2 116 THE LIF12 OF less prejudiced had been formed of them ; and im- mediately after the sentence was pronounced, the sheriff brought him a reprieve from the queen. Udall after this was pestered with strict forms of submission, and the king of Scots'' wrote to Queen Elizabeth in behalf of him and other learned non- conformists ; but he died' sometime afterward in prison, at the very moment when his pardon was procured/ Ralegh soon after this, gave a proof of his esteem for the memory of his friend Sir Richard Grenville, by the elaborate defence^ which he wrote of that brave commander's conduct in Lord Thomas How- 1591. ard*s expedition of 1591, for intercepting the Spanish plate-fleet at the Azores, in which Sir Richard lost his Kfe, and his ship, the Revenge, had been taken " Udall was the first man king James asked for when hQ came to England, and being told he was dead, he replied, ly Thy saul then the greatest scholar in Europe's dead. Forde's Fa- miliar Letters, p. 135- •■ He was not brought to execution as Fuller (Church Hist, ix, 8, 31.) implies, though in contradiction to what he had already written, (is, 8, 4.) See Forde as above. * See A*new Discover)^ of old Pontifical practices, 4'°, l643, in Pref. This pamphlet is Udall's own account of the prose- cution, and probably the same account which is reprinted in the State Trials. See also Birch's Memoirs Elizab. I, 62. * A Report of the truth of the fight about the isles of Azores this last summer, betwixt the Revenge, one of her Majesty's ships, commanded by Sir Richard Grenville, and an armada of the king of Spain, 4^°, 1591, reprinted in Hakluyt's Voy- ages, fol. 1599, Vol. II, Part ii, p. 169. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 117 by the enemy before she sunk. The Spaniards act so conspicuous a part in Ralegh's story, that it may not be uninteresting to the reader to pernse the con- cluding reflections made by Sir Walter in this piece upon a people to whom he afterward proved so great an enemy, and on whom the terror of his name was so deeply impressed, « For matter of religion, it Would require a par- ticular volume, if I should set down how irreligiously they cover their greedy and ambitious pretences, with that veil of piety. But sure I am, that there is no kingdom or commonwealth in all Europe, but if they be reformed, they then invade it for religion- sake ; if it be, as they term catholic, they pretend title, as if the kings of Castile were the natural heirs of all the world ; and so between both, no kingdom is unsought. Where they dare not with their own forces to invade, they basely entertain the traitors and vagabonds of all nations ; seeking by those and by their runnagate Jesuits to win parts ; and have by that mean ruined many noble houses, and others in this land, and have extinguished both their lives and famihes. What good, honour, or fortune, ever man yet by them achieved, is yet unheard of, or unwritten. And if our English papists do but look into Portugal, against which they have no pretence of religion, how the nobility are put to death, im- prisoned, their rich men made a prey, and all sorts of people captived^ they shall find that the obedience H 3 il8 „ THE LIFE OP even of the Turk is easy, and a- liberty, in respect of the slavery and tyranny of Spain. What have they done in Sicily, in Naples, Milan, and in the Low countries ? "Who hath there been spared for religion at all ? And it cometh to my remembrance pf a certain burgher of Antwerp, whose house bcr ing entered by a company of Spanish soldiers, when they first sacked the city, he besought them to spare him and his goods, being a good catholic, and one pf their own party and faction. The Spaniards answered, that they knew him to be of a good con- science for himself, but his money, plate, jewels, and goods were all heretical ; and therefore good prize. So they abused and tormented the foolish Fleming, who hoped that an Agnus Dei had been a sufficient target against all force of that holy and charitable nation. ' Neither have they at any time, as they protest, invaded the kingdoms of the Indies and Peru, and elsewhere, but only led thereunto rather to reduce the people to Christianity, than for either gold or em- pire. Whereas, in one only island, called Hispaniola, they have wasted three million of the natural people, beside many millions else in other places of the In- dies ; a poor and harmless people, created of God, and might have been won to his knowledge, as many of them were, and almost as many as ever were per- suaded thereunto. The story whereof is at large written, by a bishop of their own nation called Bar- tholomew de las Casas, and translated into English, SIR WALTER RALEGH. ^^ and many other languages, intituled, The Spanish Cruelties. Who would therefore repose trust in. such a nation of ravenous strangers, and especially in those Spaniards, who more greedily thirst after English blood, than after the lives of any other peo- ple of Europe, for the many overthrows and dis- honours they have received at our hands ; whose weakness we have discovered to the ^^rld, and whose forces at home, abroad, in Europe, in India^ by sea and land, we have, even with handful s of men and ships, overthrown and dishonoured. « Let not, therefore, any Englishman, of what relio-ion soever, have other opinion of the Spaniard, but that those whom he seeketh to win of our na- tion, he esteemeth base and traiterous, unworthy persons, or unconstant fools ; and that he useth his pretence of religion for no other purpose but to be- witch us from the obedience of our natural prince 5 thereby hoping in time to bring us to slavery and subjection, and then none shall be unto them so odious and disdained as the traitors themselves, who have sold their country to a stranger, and forsaken their faith and obedience, contrary to nature and re- ligion; and contrary to that human and general honour, not only of Christians, but of heathen and irreligious nations, who have alway sustained what labour soever, and embraced even death itself, for their country, prince, or commonwealth. To con- clude, it hath ever to this day pleased God to pros- per and defend her Majesty, to break the purposes * H 4 120 THE LIFE OF of malicious enemies, of forsworn traitors, and of unjust practices and invasions. She hath ever been honoured of the worthiest kings, served by faithful subjects, and shall, by the favour of God, resist, repel,. and confound, all whatsoever attempts against her sacred person or kingdom. In the mean time, let the Spaniard and traitor vaunt of their success, gjid we her true and obedient vassals, guided by the shining light of her virtues, shall alway love her, serve her, and obey her, to the end of our lives.' Having now forfned a design against the Spaniards in the West Indies, particularly at Panama, with a view of meeting the Plate-fleet, Sir Walter was not only himself at great expence in fitting out a mari- time force, but also employed all his interest to en- gage as many of his friends as he could, and others, in the adventure. The plan he drew appeared so feasible to her Majesty, that, the co-adventurers having provided no less than thirteen sail of well- equipped ships, she added two men of war, the Garland and the Foresight, to the number, gave Sir Walter a commission as general of the fleet, and Sir John Burgh the post of lieutenant-general. A note in the hand-writing of Sir Walter relative to this expedition, was found among the Burleigh papers, and is here copied. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 121 Tons. Garland 700. Foresight 400. Roebuck , 350. Alcedo 400. Great Susan 350. Susan Parnell 300. Margaret and John 300. Dainty. 250. Dragon 200 Prudence 100. Sun 120. Lions Whelp 12O- Disdain 100. Lark 60. Darling 40. 3,790. Of this the queen is to have according to her ton- nage. The charge of victualing, arms, and other charges, ivill amount to some ^20,000, ivhereof her Majesty, for the venture of ^3,000, is to have a seventhpart ;for the pay of the mariners one third; for the custom one twentieth ; which may he the half of all, and that may amount unto four-score thousand pounds, the earl being excluded, deducting the charge.^ The fleet sailed for the West of England in Fe- bruary, 1591-2, and was detained there till May, owing, it is said, to contrary winds. It is probable, however, that the want of due arrangement in the " Murdin's State papers, p. 654. 1'22 THE LIFE OF necessary preliminaries was likewise a cause of this long detention; as Ralegh's following letter in March from Chatham to Sir Robert Cecil, appears to imply. SIR WALTER RALEGH TO SIR ROBERT CECIL. ' SiRj— I received your letters this present day at Chatham concerning the wages of the mariners and others. For mine own part I am very willing to enter bond as you persuaded me, so as the privy- seal be first sent for my enjoying the third ; but I pray consider, that I have laid all that I am worth, and must do ere I depart on this voyage. If it fall not out Well, I can but lose all ; and if nothing be remaining, wherewith should I pay the wages ? Be- side, her Majesty told me herself, that she v/as con- tented to pay her part, and my lord admiral his, and I should but discharge for mine own ships. And farther, I have promised her Majesty, that if I can persuade the companies to follow Sir Martin Forbisher, I will without fail return and bring them but into the sea, but some fifty or three-score leagues, for which purpose my lord admiral hath lent me the Disdain ; which to do, her Majesty many times, with great grace, bid me remember, and sent me the same message by Will. Killegrewe, whichj God will- ing, if I can persuade the companies, I mean to per- form, though I dare not be acknown thereof to any creature. But, Sir, for 'me then to be bound for SIR WALTER RALEGH. 123 SO great a sum, upon the hope of another man's \ fortune, I will be loth ; and beside, if I were able, I see no privy-seal for my thirds. I mean not to come away, as they say I will, for fear of a marriage, and I know not what. If any such thing were, I would have imparted it unto yourself before any man living ; and therefore I pray believe it not, and I beseech you to suppress what you can any such ma- licious report. For I protest before God, there is none on the face of the earth that I would be fasten- ed unto. And so in haste I take my leave of your Jionour from Chatham, the 10'\of March. Yours ever to be commanded, W. RALEGH.'^ Sir Walter proceeded to sea with the fleet on the the 6^^ of May 1592, and the day following Sir 1592. Martin Forbisher overtook him with letters from the queen containing his recal. Ralegh, hov/ever, found his honour very deeply engaged in this un- dertaking, and that his reputation would not be safe, or the friends who had contributed so largely to the adventure be satisfied, unless he proceeded. He therefore interpreted the queen's letters with latitude, and continued in the fleet. They spoke a French ship, on board of which was a Mr. Nevel Davies, returning from a twelve-years captivity in Spam^ who assured them they could have little hope of succes in the West Indies, for the king of Spain had * Murdin's State Papers, p. 663. . 124 THE LIFE OF sent express orders, that no ships should sail, or treasure be shipped that year for his dominions. Moreover, on the 1 T" of May, the fleet being off Cape Finister, a storm scattered and distressed the ships so much, that Ralegh, reflecting how far the season was advanced for the Panama expedition, de- termined to obey the queen's order, and dividing the fleet into two squadrons, gave the command of one to Sir John Burgh, and of the other to Sir Mar- tin Forbisher ; with orders to the latter to keep in, and terrify the Spaniards on their own coast, while the former stationed himself at the Azores. The advice was good as the event proved, for the Spanish admiral collected the whole of his naval force to watch Forbisher, and protect the south of Spain, while the Indian caracs were left a prey to Burgh. Before the division of the fleet they took the Sancta Clara, of about 600 tons burthen. Af- terward Sir John Burgh captured a fly-boat, the master of which informed him, that a large fleet was prepared against the English at S^ Lucar and Cadiz, under the command of Don Alphonso de Bagan. He descried but escaped this fleet in his course for the Azores, where he took several small caravels. On June 2P* he arrived at Fiores, where he heard of the East-Indian caracs, one of which had lately pass- ed by for Lisbon, and four more vi^ere said to be behind. He pursued, and soon discovered the Santa Cruz, the foremost of them, which was so pressed th^t she fired herself j but beside spoil the SIR WALTER RALEGH. 225 English took some prisoners out of her, who con- fessed that in fifteen days three greater caracs were likely to arrive at the same island. Sir John station- ed his ships two leagues asunder, so that his squad- ron commanded a distance of two degrees, by which means, on the 3^ of August, they took the Madre de Dios, one of the largest ships belonging to Portu- gal, and the richest prize that had ever been brought into England, being of 1 600 tons burthen, whereof 900 were merchandize. This occasion produced the following letter from Ralegh and Sir John Hawkins (his principal partner in this enterprize) to the Lord Admiral. * Our "ceri/ good lord! ' We have conferred together about the East-In- dian ship to be brought to Plymouth by Sir John Burgh, and, in our opinions she can be no less worth than ^500,000, beiag a ship of 90 great burthen, and laden with so rich commodities as ap- peareth she is. Wherefore we have considered, that the Spanish men of war lying upon the coast of Bretagne, hearing of so great a prize taken from the king or the merchants of the country, and en- vying that such a benefit should grow to us, to their hindrance and dishonour, will endeavour, by all possible means, being distant but a day or night's sailing, either to recover the ship again, or to burn her and all her lading, rather than she shall be de- Fivered here, seeing that the places ot defence whersv 326 THE LIFE OF the ship may remain are not able to resist theli" power. In our opinion, therefore, we think fitj and do pray your I^ordship, that three ships of her Majesty's, which are appointed to keep the narrow seas, may, by your Lordship's letter and directions, be appointed to go westward, and there to guard the Indian ship for a time, until the Garland and some of the same fleet be returned, whose arrival cannot be any long time expected ; or till some or- der may be taken for the unlading or keeping of her otherwise, which we pray your Lordship may be done with some expedition. And so we humbly take our leave this 27'" of August 1592. Your lordship's humbly at commandment, W. ilALEGH. JOHN HAWKINS.''' This prize was brought into Dartmouth on Sep- tember '7^'' following, where she for some time at- tracted a crowd of spectators. She drew five feet less water on arrival than when freighted at Cochin, and by the embezzlement of jewels and other valu- able effects, the cargo fell short above two thirds of the calculation made by Ralegh and Sir John Hawk- ins. The least of the men of war having been at the taking of her, the queen made use of her autho- rity to claim the largest share of the booty, and her ^ See Oldys, p. 64, who refers to the Harleian Coll. for tl*e' tfigiaalp where, l^owever, I have not found it. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 127 Majesty is said to have dealt hit,t indifferently^ on the occasion. The above letter must have been signed by Sir Walter in the Tower. For he cannot have been long returned from sea before he began to feel the royal displeasure, which he had incurred by his amour with the beautiful Elizabeth, daughter of the celebrated statesman and ambassador. Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, and one of the maids of honour to the queen. Her Majesty was so much displeased at this intrigue, and the extremity to which it had been carried, that she confined both parties to the Tower. In a letter from Sir Edward Stafford to Anthony Bacon, Esq.* dated Drury house, July SO^** 1592, we read, — if you have any thing to do with Sir Walter Ralegh, or any love to make to Mrs. "Throckmorton, at the Tower to-morrow you may speak with them, if the countermand come not to- night, as some think will not be, and particularly he that hath charge to send them thither. Whatever culpability may attach to his moral character for this ^ These are the words of Sir William Monson, in his Naval Tracts, who informs us, that bemg then released out of prison, he sailed in a Hamburgher with Don Alphonso's fleet. His confinement may have contributed to lessen his information on this expedition, which cannot be called satisfactory. The ac- count in the text is that adopted by Oldys, Dr. Birch, and Dr. Campbell, from the contemporary authorities, Hakluyt (II, Part ii, p. I94,) and Camden (A.nn. 1592.) * See that gentleman's papers, Vol. II, p. 123, and Birch's Memoirs of Elizabethy I, 79. -1 128 'Jt'HE LIFE OF transgression, Sir Walter made the lady the most honourable reparation in his power, by afterward offering her his hand in marriage, which she ac- cepted. We shall find that they proved strong ex- amples of conjugal affection, and that, in the knight's greatest troubles, the partner of his bosom display- ed extraordinary diligence and anxiety in making interest to relieve them. The following curious let- ter from Mr. (afterward Sir) Arthur Gorges to Sir Robert Cecil, before he was secretary of state, pro- bably refers to this period of Ralegh's confinement. The original bears no date of month or year, but the indorsement is July 26^^, ' Honourable Ski ' I cannot choose but advertise you of a strange tragedy that this day had like to have fallen out be- tween the captain of the guard and the lieutenant of the ordnance, if I had not by great chance come at the very instant to have turned it into a comedy. For upon the report of her majesty's being at Sir George Carew's, Sir W. Ralegh having gazed and sighed a long time at his study- window, from whence he might discern the barges and boats about the Blackfriars' stairs, suddenly he brake out into a great distemper, and swai'e that his enemies had on purpose brought her majesty thither to break his gall in sunder with Tantalus' torment, that when she went av/ay he might see his death before his eyes ; with many such-like conceits. And as a man 4 SIR WALTEK RALEGH. 129 transported with passion, he sware to Sir George Carew, that he would disguise himself, and get into a pair of oars to ease his mind but with a sight of the queen, or else he protested his heart would break. But the trusty jailor would none of that, for displeasing the higher powers, as he said, which he more respected than the feeding of his humour, and so flatly refused to permit him. But, in con- clusion upon this dispute, they fell flat out to cho- leric outrageous words, with straining and struggl- ing at the doors, that all lameness was forgotten, and in the fury of the conflict, the jailor he had his new periwig torn off" his crown, and yet here the battle ended not, for at last they had gotten out their daggers. Which when I saw, I played the stickler between them, and so purchased such a rap on the knuckles, that I wished both their pates broken ; and so with much ado they stayed their brawl to see my bloody fingers. At the first I was ready to break with laughing- to see them two scramble and brawl like madmen, until I saw the iron walking, and then I did my best to appease the fury. As yet I cannot reconcile them by any persuasions, for Sir Walter swears, that he shall hate him, for so restraining him from the sight of his mistress, while he lives ; for that he knows not (as he said) whether ever he shall see her again, when she is gone the progress. And Sir George, on his side, swears that he had rather he should lose his longing, than that he would draw on him Vol, I. I 130 THE LIFE OF her Majesty's displeasure by such liberty. Thus they continue in malice and snarling ; but I am sure all the smart lighted on me. I cannot tell whether I should more allow of the passionate lover, or the trusty jailor. But if yourself had seen it, as I did, you would have been as heartily merry and sorry, as ever you were in all your life, for so short a time. I pray you pardon my hasty writ- ten narration, which I acquaint you with, hoping you will be the peace-maker. But, good Sir, let nobody know thereof, for I fear Sir Walter Ra- legh will shortly grow to be Orlando Furioso, if the bright Angelica persevere against him a little longer. Your honour's, humbly to be commanded, A. GORGES.' * London^ in haste, this Wednesday.' On a slip of paper, fastened with wax to the let- ter, is the following postscript. ' If you let the Q. Majesty know hereof, as you think good be it. But otherwise, good Sir, keep it secret, for their credits ; for they know not of my discourse, which I could wish her Majesty knew.''' The Burleigh papers furnish us with the three following letters, also from Sir Walter, in July b See Ashmole, MSS. Vol. 1929, p. 116.— Dr. Birch's Collections in Brit. Mus. 410Q, xii, and his Life of Ralegh^ p- 27. SIR WALTER RALEGH. ISl 1S92, to Sir Robert Cecil. The first of them iap- pears to have been written with a view that it should be shewn to the queen, and the others acquaint us with the treatment his property in the sister-king- dom experienced in consequence of his disgrace ; a circumstance of which the utmost use was too like- ly to be made by his enemies and rivals in power. SIR WALTER RALEGH TO SIR ROBERT CECIL. ' Sir,— I pray be a mean to her Majesty for the signing of the bills for the guards* coats, which are to be made now for the progress, and which the clerk of the check hath importuned me to write for. My heart was never broken till this day, that I hear the queen goes away so far off, whom I have followed so many years with so great love and de- sire in so many journeys, and am now left behind her in a dark prison, all alone. While she was yet near at hand, that I might hear of her once in two or three days, my sorrows were the less, but even now my heart is cast into the depth of all misery« I that was wont to behold her riding like Alexan- der, hunting like Diana, walking like Venus, the gentle wind blowing her fair hair about her pure cheeks like a nymph, sometime sitting in the shade like a goddess, sometime singing hke an angelj sometime playing like Orpheus. Behold the sor- row of this world ! once amiss hath bereaved me of all. O glory, that only shineth in misfortun^ ! I 2 132 THE LIFE OF what is become of thy assurance ? All wounds have scars but that of fantasy ; all affections their relent- ing but that of woman-kind. Who is the judge of friendship but adversity, or when is grace witnessed but in offences ? There were no divinity but by rea- son of compassion, for revenges are brutish and mortal. All those times past, the loves, the sighs, the sorrows, the desires, can they not weigh down one frail misfortune ? Cannot one drop of gall be hidden in so great heaps of sweetness ? I may then conclude, spes et fortuna valete. She is gone, in whom I trusted, and of me hath not one thought of mercy, nor any respect of that that was. Do with me now, therefore, what you list. I am more weary of life than they are desirous I should perish 5 which, if it had been for her, as it is by her, I had been too happily born. Yours, not worthy any name or title, W. R." *^ To my honourable friend J Sir Robert Cecil, Knight of her Majesty's most honourable ^rixiy council J* THE SAME TO THE SAME. ' Sir, — I wrote unto your father how I am dealt withal by the deputy, to whom my disgraces have been highly commended. He supposed a. debt of ^400 to the queen, for rent, and sent order to the sheriff to take away all the cattle my tenants f^ SIR WALTER RALEGH. 235 bad, and sell them the next day, unless the money %vere paid the same day. All Munster hath scarce so much money in it, and the debt was, indeed, but fifty marks, which was paid j and it was the first and only rent that hath yet been paid by any under- taker. But the sheriff did as he commanded, and took away five hundred milch-kine from the poor people ; some had but two, and some three, to re- lieve their poor wives and children, and in a strange country, newly set down to build and plant. He hath forcibly thrust me out of possession of a castle, because it is in law between me and his cousin, Winckfeld, and will not hear my attornies speak. He hath admitted a ward, and given it his man, of a castle which is the queen's, and hath been by me new built, and planted with English these five years ; and to profit his man with a wardship, los- eth her Majesty's inheritance, and would plant the cousin of a rebel in the place of Englishmen, the castle standing in the most dangerous place of all Munster. Beside, there is a band of soldiers, which a base fellow, Ododall, hath in Yoholl, which doth cost the queen ^1,200 a-year, and hath not ten good men hi it ; but our poorest people muster and serve him for three pence a-day, and the rest of his soldiers do nothing but spoil the country, and drive away our best tenants. If the queen be over-rich, it may be maintained ; but I will, at three days warnings raise her a better band, and arm it better tenfold, and better men, whensoever she shall med I 3 134 THE LIFE OF it. And in the meantime, it may either be employ- ed in the north, or discharged ; for there is in Munster beside, a band of horse, and another of foot, which is more than needeth. In this, if you please to move it, you may save her Majesty so much in her coffers. For the rest I will send my man to attend you, although I care not either for life or lands j but it will be no small weakening to the queen in those parts, and no small comfort to the ill-affected Irish, to have the English inhabitants driven out of the country ; which are yet strong enough to master the rest without her charge. Yours, to do you service, W. RALEGH,. '' To my honour able friend J Sir R. Cecil, lO. of her Majesty'' s most honorable privy counciL^ THE SAME TO THE SAMjC. * Sir, — I pray send me the news of Ireland. I hear that there are 3,000 of the Burgks' in arms, and young Odonell, and the sons of Shane Oneale. I wrote in a letter of Mr. Killegrew's, ten days past, a prophecy of this rebellion, which when the queen read, she made a scorn at my conceit, but you shall find it but a showree of a farther tempest. If you please to send me word of what you hear, I will be laughed at again in my opinion touching the same, and be bold to write you my farther suspi- S. SIR WALTER RALIGH. 135 cion. Your cousin, the doting deputy, hath dis- peopled me, of which I have written to your father ah'eady. It is a sign how my disgraces have passed the seas, and have been highly commended to that wise governor, who hath used me accordingly. So I leave to trouble you at this time, being become like a fish cast on dry land, gasping for breath, with lame legs, and lamer lungs. Yours, for the little while I shall desire to do you service, W. BALEGH."" • To my xerij loving friend, Sir Robert Cecil, Knight of her Majestj/^s most honourahle privj/ council.^ Sir Walter remained in confinement till late in September 1592, when he was liberated from the Tower, and after shewing himself for two days in London he proceeded to the West of England to look after his share in the Madre de Dios.* He appears, in the opinion of some people at least, to have been well used in this adventure ; for we read in a letter written by Mr. Anthony Bacon, early in the year 1592-3 to Mr. (afterward Sir) Anthony Standen, — Sir Walter Ralegh having been almost a year in disgrace, for several occasions, as I think e Murdin's State Papers, p. 657-8. ^ See a letter from Mr. Morgan Colman, to Mr. Anthony Bacon, dated London, September 23^* 1592, among Mr, i3a- con's papers, before referred to, II, 142. i4 1593. 13& THE LIFE OP 1J0U have heard, is yet hovering between fear and hope, notwithstanding his great share of the rich carac.^ In the session of parliament, commencing Febru- ary 19"* 1592-3, and ending April 10''' 1593, he makes a conspicuous figure as a public speaker, though it is uncertain what place he represented. He was first upon the committee for the privileges of the members to examine into election cases, and next in that against popish recusants. When the bill for subsidies to the queen was in debate, certain members were of opinion that it should be express- ly declared in the bill, that these subsidies were for the purpose of maintaining an offensive and defen- sive war against Spain, that our conquests over that country might be legal and warrantable. Sir Wal- ter strongly seconded this opinion, and said, — he knew many that held it not lawful in conscience, as the time is, to take from the Spaniards ; and he hneiv that if it might he lawful and open tvar, there would be more voluntary hands to fght against the Spaniard, than the queen should stand in need of to send to sea J He was accordingly appointed of the committee for drawing the articles and preamble of this bill ; and his speeches for the subsidy are thus reported'in the journals of the day : ' Sir Walter Ralegh spake for the subsidy, not |}Xily (as he protested) to please the queen, to whoni Birch's Memoirs Q.. Elizab. J, gS. ^ D'Ewes' Journal, p. 478. SIR WALTER RALEGH,l 137 lie was infinitely bound above his deserts, but for the necessity he both saw and knew. He very well discovered the great strength of the king of Spain ; and to shew his mightiness, he told how he possess- ed all the world. As also that his mahce and ill- purpose was evident to this realm, he showed, how on every side he had beleaguered us. In Denmark, the king being young, he had corrupted the coun- cil and nobility so, as he was very like to speed himself of shipping from thence. In the marine towns of the Low countries, and in Norway, he laid in great store of shipping. In France, he had the parliament towns at his command. In Britanny, he had all the best havens. And in Scotland, he had so corrupted the nobility, that he had promised them forces to re-establish papistry ; that they were ready to join with any foreigri forces that would make them strong, to be by themselves, and to re- sist others. For, as he thought, there were not six gentlemen of that country of one religion. In his own country, there is all possible repairing, and he is coming with sixty gallies, beside other shipping, with purpose to annoy us. We must then have no ships (if he invade us) riding at anchor ; all will be little enough to withstand him. At his coming, he fully determineth to get Plymouth, or at least to possess some of the havens this summer, within our land. And Plymouth is a place of most danger, for no ordnance can be carried thither to remove him j the passages will not give leave. Now the way to 138 THE LIFE OF defeat him is this ; to send a royal army to supplant him in Britanny, and to possess ourselves there ; and to send a strong navy to sea, and to lie with it upon the Cape, and such places as his ships bring his riches to, that they may set upon all that come. This we are able to do, and undoubtedly with for- tunate success, if we undertake it.^ ' I can see no reason that the suspicion of dis- contentment should cross the provision for the pre- sent danger. The time is now more dangerous than it was in eighty- eight j for then the Spaniard which came from Spain, was to pass dangerous seas, and had no place of retreat or relief if he fail- ed ; but now he hath in Britanny great store of shipping, a landing place in Scotland, and men and horses there as good as we have any. But for the difficulty in getting this subsidy, I think it seems more difficult by speaking, than it would be in ga- thering.'^ The bill against aliens retailing foreign wares among us, produced several weighty arguments ;and speeches in the house. These foreigners were Dutchmen, who, fixing themselves in the anciently- appropriated sanctuary of S^ Martin, practised spin- ning and weaving there, to the detriment of our own citizens, the queen's subsidy, and the wealth of the Idngdom. Ralegh's speech on the occasion » D'Ewes' Journal, p. 484. ^' Ibid, p. 493. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 139 hath been applauded for the knowledge It displays of the true interest of his country. < Whereas it is pretended, that for strangers it Is against charity, against honour, against profit, to expel them ; in my opinion It is no matter of char- ity to relieve them. For, first, such as fiy hither have forsaken their own king, and religion is no pretext for them ; for we have no Dutchmen here, but such as come from those princes where the gos- pel is preached, and here they Hve dishking our church. For honour, it is honour to use strangers as we be used rmong strangers ; and it is a light- ness in a commonwealth, yea, a baseness in a na- tion, to give a liberty to another nation which we cannot receive again. In Antwerp, where our in- tercourse was most, we were never suffered to have a tailor or a shoemaker to dwell there. Nay, at Millain, where there are ^300 Englishmen, they cannot have so much as a barber among them. And for profit, they are all of the house of Al- moigne, who pay nothing, yet eat out our profits, and supplant our own nation. Custom, indeed, they pay, paying fifteen pence where we pay twelve pence, but they are discharged of subsidies. The nature of the Dutchman is to fly to no man, but for his profit, and they will obey no man long ; now under Spain, now under Mounfort, now under the prince of Orange, but under no governor long. The Dutchman, by his policy, hath gotten trading with all the world into his hands j yea, he is no^v 140 THE LIFE OF entering into the trade of Scarborough fishing, an<^ the fishing of the Newfoundlands, which is the sta)W of the west countries. They are the people that maintain the king of Spain in his greatness ; were it not for them, he were never able to make out such armies and navies by sea. It cost her majesty ^16,000 a-year the maintaining of these countries, and yet for all this they arm her enemies against her ; therefore I see no reason that so much respect should be given unto them. And so to conclude, in the whole cause I see no matter of honour, no matter of charity, no profit in relieving them.'' The king of Spain having lately founded at Val- ladolid, in the shape of an English cloister, a nursery to supply us with treason and rebellion, so many hopeful stocks were speedily transplanted hither, that a proclamation had been published by Queen Elizabeth in 1591 against popish seminaries abroad, to the framing which Ralegh had probably been in- strumental. For Father Parsons the Jesuit, whose bigotry and malice at least equalled his talents as a writer, in the libel which he this year (1593) pub- lished in Latin,'' upon the great men of the court who framed the proclamation, shewed peculiar spleen against Sir Walter,' The imputation which 5 D'Ewes' Journal, p. 508, ^ Intituled Elizabethce Regin AnglicB Edictum promulgatiim Londini 29 Noveml. Anni 1591 — Andrece Philopatri qd idern^ Edictum Responsio, 8". I5g3r: * See Article 43. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 141 he cast upon him was no less than that of being a direct founder and doctor of a school of atheism, and striving to make young gentlemen converts to the principles of it. The bow from which this ar- row is shot, is of itself nearly sufficient to cause that it should miss its mark. The fact is, however, here noticed in its chronological order, principally with a view to elucidate an observation made by Lord Chief- justice Popham at Ralegh's trial in 1603; and the subject will be resumed in the last chapter. In the meantime. Sir Walter's endeavours to re- cover the royal favour, after his late disgrace, seem speedily to have been crowned with considerable suc- cess. He entertained the hope of being included in a list of privy-counsellors"^ expected to be made in Jan- nuary 1593-4; and Dr.Coldwell, bishop of Salisbury, 1594. having sometime previously alienated the castle and manor of Sherborne in Dorsetshire to the crown, Sir Walter obtained it of her Majesty." Coker, in his Survey" of that county, informs us the feof -farm of it (Sh-erborne) Queen Elizabeth granted to Sir Walter Ralegh; ivho began very fairly to build the castle. But altering his purpose, he built, in a park adjoining to it, out of the ground, a most fine house ; which he beauti- fied with orchards, gardens, and groves, of muck variety and great delight. So that, whether that you ^ Birch's Mems. Eliz. I, 151. " Isacke's Exeter, and Steven's Addition to Dugdale's Mon- asticon, I, 495. o Folio, i;32, p. 124. 142 THt LIFE OP 'consider the pleasantness of the seat, the goodness 6J the soil, or the other delicacies belonging unto it, it rests unparalleled by any in these parts. Among the Talbot papers, in a letter froni Mr. Anthony Ashley to Lord Shrewsbury, dated Sep- tember 8, 1594, we read Sir TValter Ralegh is in good hope to return into grace, and is now purposely at London, which giveth cause of discontentment to some other.^ In this year also, (1594) was born Sir Walter- Ralegh's eldest son,** named Walter after his father. I conclude the present chapter with a letter froiil the knight to the queen, and another to Cecil ; also with some farther specimens of poetry ascribed to him, for which species of amusement he had pro- bably little leisure after this time. No date is affixed to the letter to the queen, which is now first pub- lished ; the contents of it, however, sufficiently prove, that it was written at a period when Sir Walter laboured under her displeasure. SIR WALTER RALEGH TO QUEEN ELIZABETH. ' I presumed to present yoiir Majesty with i paper, containing the dangers which might grow by the Spanish faction in Scotland; how it pleased your Majesty to accept thereof I know not. I have p Talbot-papers, I, 222^ and Lodge's Illustrations of Brit. Hist. 4M 79 1,111,67. ** See Oldy's Life of Ralegh, p. 145. SIR. WALTER RALEGH, 148 since heard, that divers ill-disposed have a purpose to speak of succession. If the same be suppressed I am glad of it j yet, fearing the worst, I set down some reasons to prove the motive merely vain, dan- gerous, and unnecessary. And because I durst not myself speak in any matter without warrant, I have sent your Majesty these arguments, which may per- chance put others in mind of somewhat not imper- tinent ; and who, being graced by your Majesty's favour, may, if need require, use them among others more worthy. Without glory I speak it, that I durst either by writing or speech satisfy the world in that point, and in every part of their foolish con- ceits, which, for shortness of time, I could not so amply insert. This being upon one hour's warn- ing, but one hour's work, I humbly beseech your Majesty not to acquaint any withal, unless occasion be offered to use them. Your Majesty may per- chance speak hereof to those seeming my great friends, but I find poor effects of that or any other supposed amity ; for your Majesty having left me, I am left all alone in the world, and am sorry that ever I was at all. What I have done is out of zeal and love, and not by any encouragement ; for I am only forgotten in all rights, and in all affairs ; and mine enemies have their v«^ills and desires over me. There are many other things concerning your Ma- jesty's present service, which methinks are not, as they ought, remembered ; and the times pass away unmeasured, of which more profit might be taken. 144 mi LIFE or But I fear I have already presumed too much, whicK love stronger than reason hath encouraged ; for my errors are eternal, and those of others mortal, and my labours thankless, I mean unacceptable, for that too belongeth not to vassals. If your Majesty par- don it, it is more than too great a reward. And so most humbly embracing and admiring the memory of the celestial beauties (which with the people is denied me to view) I pray God your Majesty may be eternal in joys and happiness. Your Majesty's most humble slave, W. R." * For the Queen's most ex- celleM Majesty i^ * SIR WALTER RALEGH TO SII? ROBERT CECIL. * Sir, — ^I am very sorry for Mr. Wilkinson and the rest that I hear are lost in the river of Burdens 5 but for my part I was resolved of the success before- hand, and so much I told Wilkinson before his departure. Of this Irish combination her Majesty shall find it remembered to herself not long since ; but the Trojan soothsayer cast his spear against the wooden horse, but was not believed. I did also presume to speak somewhat how to prevent this purpose, and I think it not overhard to be yet done ; and if I had by any chance been acquainted l^th the Lord Burgh's instructions, I would havt ' Dr. Birch's Collections in Brit. Mus. N". 4100, 77- SIR WALTER RALEGH. 145 . put you ill mind to have won the earl of Argyle rather than all the rest of Scotland ; for by him this fire must be only maintained in Ulstell. But for me to speak of the one or the other, I know my labours are prejudicate, and I cannot hereafter de- serve either thanks or acceptance. Less than that number of men appointed, I take it, will serve the turn, if the garrisons be placed aright to impeach the assemblies, and some small pinnaces ordered to lie between Cautirr's and OdonelFs country ; but herein the order of the time hath most power. There be also others in Ireland that lie in wait, not suspected, which I most fear, and others most able and fit to make them neglected and discouraged ; which small matters would have hardened to great purpose, as the time will better witness. I had been able myself to have raised! two or three bands of EngHsh well armed, till I was driven to relinquish and recall my people, of which- the loss shall not be alone to me, howsoever I am tumbled down the hill by every practice. ' We are so busied and dandled in these French wars, which are endless, as we forget the defence next the heart. Her Majesty hath good cause to remember, that a milhon hath been spent in Ireland not many years since. A better kingdom might have been purchased at a less price, and that same defended with as many pence if good order had been taken. But the question now may be, whether for so great expence the estate be not less assured than OL. I. K 146 THE LIFE OF ever ? If her Majesty consider it aright, she shall find it no small dishonour to be vexed with so beg- garly a nation, that have neither arms nor fortifica- tion ; but that accursed kingdom hath alway been but as a traffic, for which her Majesty hath paid both freight and custom, and others received the merchandize ; and other than such shall it never be. The king of Spain seeketh not Ireland for Ireland, but, having raised-up troops of beggars in our back, shall be able to enforce us to cast our eyes over our shoulders, while those before us strike us on the brains. We have also known the level of his sub- version ; but destiny is stronger than counsel, and good advice, either neglected or weakly executed, hath taught our enemies to arm those parts, which before lay bare to the sword. Prevention is the daughter of intelligence, which cannot be born with- out a mother ; and the good woman hath so many patrons as the one referreth her cherishing to an-, other's trust, ^nd in the meanwhile she liveth bar- ren and fruitless. ' Sir, these poor countries yield no news. I hear of a frigate that taketh-up fishermen for pilots in the west. I am myself here at Sherborne, in my fortune's fold. Wherever I be, and while I am, you shall comm.and me. I think I shall need your farther favour for the little park ; for law and con- science is not sufficient in these days to uphold me. Every fool knoweth that hatred are the cinders of affection, and therefore to make me a sacrifice shall SIR WALTER RALEGH. 147 be thanksworthy. Sir, I pray remember my duty to my lord admiral, and to your father if it please you. From Sherborne this 10'" of May, 1593. Yours, most assured to do you service, W. RALEGH.' * To the right honourable Sir Robert Cecil, K*. of her Majesty^s most honourably privy council.^ ^ I am the worse for the bath, and not the better.** AN HEROICAL POEM. ^ My wanton muse, that whilom us'd to sing Fair beauty's praise, and Venus' sweet delight, Of late had chang'd the tenor of her string To higher tunes than serve for Cupid's fight : Shrill trumpets' sound, sharp swords, and lances strong, War, blood, and death, were matter of my song. The god of love by chance had heard thereof, That I was prov'd a rebel to his crown. * Fit words for war !' quoth he, in angry scoff, * A likely man to write of Mars' frown ! * Well are they sped, whose praises he shall write, * Whose wanton pen can nought but love indite !' * See Murdin's State Papers^ p. 664. K 2 -}48 THE LIFE OP This said, he wbisk'd his party-coloured wings, And down to earth he comes, more swift than thought ? Then to my heart in angry haste he flings, To see what change these news of war had wrought. He pries, he looks, he ransacs every vein. Yet finds he nought, save love, and lover's pain. Then I, that now perceiv'd his needless fear, With heavy smile began to plead my cause. ^ In vain,' quoth I, ' this endless grief 1 bear, ' In vain I strive to keep thy grievous laws, ' If, after proof, so often trusty found, * Unjust suspect condemn me as unsound. — c My Muse, indeed, to war inclines her mind ; * The famous acts of worthy Brute to write ; To whom the gods this island's rule assign'd, ' Which long he sought by seas, through Neptune's spite. With such conceits my busy head doth swell, ' But in my heart nought else but love can dwell. And in this war thy part is not the least; ' Here shall my muse Brute's noble love declare ; Here shalt thou see thy double love increas'd * Of fairest twins that ever lady bare. Let Mars triumph in armour shining bright, •^ His conquer'd arms shall be thy triumph's light. As he the world, so thou shalt hira subdue ; ' And I thy glory through the world will ring ; So, by my pains, thou wilt consent to rue, ^ And kill despair.' With that he whisk'd his wing. SIR WALtER RALEGH. 149 And bid me write, and promis'd wished rest ; But, sore I fear, false hope will be the best.' A DEFIANCE TO DISDAINFUL LOVE. ' Now have I leam'd with much ado, at last, By true disdain to kill desire ; This was the mark at which 1 shot so fast ; Unto this height I did aspire. Proud love, now do thy worst ! and spare not | For thee, and all thy shafts, I care not ! What hast thou left wherewith to move my mind I What life to quicken dead desire ? I count thy words and oaths as light as wind, I feel no heat in all thy fire. Go ! change thy bow, and get a stronger : Go ! break thy shafts, and buy thee longer ! In vain thou bait'st thy hooks with beauty's blaze^ In vain thy wanton eyes allure ; These are but toys for them that love to gaze j I know what harm thy looks procure. Some strange conceit must be devised. Or thou, and all thy arts despised,' THE SILENT LOVER. ' Passions are liken'd best to floods and streams," The shallow murmur, but the deep are dumb: So, when affections yield discourse^ it seems The bottom is but shallow whence they come. K S 150 THE LIFE OF Tliey that are rich in words must needs discover They are but poor in that which makes a lover. Wrong not, sweet mistress of my heart, The merit of true passion, With thinking that he feels no smart Who sues for no compassion. Since if my plaints were not t' appro vcj The conquest of thy beauty, It comes not from defect of love, But fear t* exceed my duty. For, knowing that I sue to serve A saint of such perfection As all desire, but not deserve, A place in her affection ; I rather chuse to want relief, Than venture the revealing : Where glory recommends the grief. Despair dialains the healing. Thus those desires that boil so high In any mortal lover, When reason cannot make them die, Discretion them must cover. Yet when discretion doth bereave. The plaints that I should utter. Then your discretion may perceive That silence is a suitor. Silence in love betrays more woe Than words, though ne'er so witty *, SIR WALTER RALEGH. 151 A beggar that is dumb, you know. May challenge double pity. Then wrong not, dfearest to my heart, My love for secret passion ; He smarteth most who hides his smart, And sues for no compassion. DULCINA, As at noon Dulcina rested In her sweet and shady bower. Came a shepherd and requested In her lap to sleep an hour. But from her look A wound he took So deep, that for a farther boon The nymph he prays, Whereto she says. Forego me now, come to me soon. But in vain she did conjure him To depart her presence so, Having a thousand tongues failure hira;> And but one to bid him go. When lips invite. And eyes delight. And cheeks as fresh as rose in June, Persuade delay What boots to say Forego me now, come to me soon > k; 4 i52 THE LIFE OP • He demands, what time for pleasure Can there be more fit than now ? She says, night gives love that leisure Which the day doth not allow, He says, the sight Improves delight ; Which she denies ; night's murky noon. In Venus' plays, Makes bold (she says) ; Forego me now, come to me soon. But what promise or profession From his hands could purchase scope ? Who would sell the sweet possession Of such beauty for a hope ? Or, for the sight Of ling'ring night, Forego the present joys of noon ? Tho' ne'er so fair Her speeches were, Forego rae now, come to me soon. How at last agreed these lovers ? She was fair and he was young ; The tongue may tell what th' eye discovers, Joys unseen are never smig. Did she consent, Or he relent. Accepts he night, or grants she noon ? Left he her maid Or not? she said. Forego me now, come to me soon. SIR WALTER RALEGH. ia3 THE EXCUSE. Calling to mind, my eyes went long about, T6 cause my heart for to forsake my breast ; All in a rage, I sought to pull them out, As who had been such traitors to my rest. What could they say to win again my grace ! — ' Forsooth, that they had seen my mistress' face. Another time my heart I called io mind, Thinking that he this woe on me had brought, Because that he to love his force resign'd. When of such wars my fancy never thought. What could he say when I would have him slain ? Tliat he was her's, and had forgone my chain. At last, when I perceiv'd both eyes and heart, Excuse themselves, as guitless of my ill, I found myself the cause of all my smart. And told myself that I myself would kill. Yet when I saw myself to you was true, I lov'd myself, because myself lov'd you. Shall I, like a hermit, dwell On a rock, or in a cell, Calhng home the smallest part That is missing of my heart. To bestow it where I may Meet a rival ev'ry day ? If she undervalue me. What care I how fair she be ? 154 The Life of Were her tresses angel gold, If a stranger may be bold, Unrebuked, unafraid, To convert them to a braid, ' And with little more ado, Work them into bracelets, too ? If the mine be grown so free. What care I how rich it be ? Were her hand as rich a prize As her hairs or precious eyes, If she lay them out to take Kisses, for good manners' sake, And let ev'ry lover skip From her hand unto her lip ; If she seem not chaste to me, What care I how chaste she be ? No ; she must be perfect snow, In effect as well as show ; Warming but as snow-balls do, Not like fire, by burning too ; But when she by change hath got To her heart a second lot. Then, if others share with me. Farewell her, whate'er she be."^ ' For these pieces see England's Helicon, Birch's Works of Ralegh, Ellis' Specimens, 2" edit. Oldy's Life of Ralegh, and London Magazine, 1734. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 155 CHAPTER IV. Thejirst toj/age to Guiana. iNoT WITHSTANDING that Sir Walter had made the amende honorable to Miss Throckmorton, it seems his royal mistress never afterward regarded him with the complacency, which she had manifest- ed previously to his infringement; a circumstance by no means inconsistent with the character of Eliza- beth. The knight probably found it expedient to retire to Sherborne, as to a kind of honourable exile, remote from the royal eye ; yet we find him not wasting his time in vain complaints or idle re- gret, but maturing the plan of a splendid achieve- ment, the execution of which, he trusted, would fully reinstate him in the good graces of his sove- reign. In perusing the narratives of Spanish voyages, he had found frequent mention of the wealth of Guiana, in South America, and especially of the riches of the great and golden city El Dorado. These flatter- ing accounts of this land of magnificent promise, liaving been confirmed to him by oral testimony, his enterprising genius, added to the circumstances in which he now stood at court, made him resolve to attempt the conquest of it in behalf of her Majesty^ i56 THE LIFE OF Finding his favour declining and falling into a recess, says Naunton, he undertook a neiv perigri- nation, to leave that terra infirma of the court for that of the waves, and hy declining himself and by absence, to expel his and the passion of his enemies, TVhich in court ivas a strange device of recovery^ but that he then knew there was some ill-office done him; yet he durst not attempt to mend it othenvise than hy going aside, thereby to teach envy a new ivay of forgetfulness, and not so much as think of him.* Sir Walter attended this expedition in person, and himself wrote an account of it. As the enterprise is of the last importance in his history, and in the end cost him his life, it merits the peculiar attention of the reader. His own narrative, therefore, of this first voyage, constitutes the present chapter. * Fragmenta Regalia. In addition to this Camden informs us, JValterus Raleghus, Regit Satellitii prcefectus, honoraria Regince virgine vitiata (quam postea in uxorem duxif) de gratia dejectus et per pliires menses custodia detentus, nunc lilcr f actus, sed ah Aida relegatusy genio sub ohsecutus, qui ad remotas regiones eX' plorandas et aldita naturce indaganda totus ferelatur, naviga- tionem ad Guianam auriferani ah Hispanis decantatam suscepit, quam el patrice honori et usuifuturam speravit, turn ad opes com- parandas, turn ad Hispanum i?i interiorilus Americce regjmiihu^ gravius infestandum, quod commodius Jieri posse existimavit, quam in ora mdritima, uhi oppida nunquam opulenta nisi quum opes ad ea convehanfur ut in Hispaniam transfer an fur. Annal. Klizab. 1595. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 157 To the right hon. my singular good lord and hinsmaln^ Charles Howard, Inight of the garter, baron and counsellor, and of the admirals of England the most renowned; and to the right hon. Sir Robert Cecil. knight, counsellor in her Highness' prixy councils. ' For your Honours' many honourable and friend- ly parts, I have hitherto only returned promises ; and now, for answer of both your adventures, I have sent you a bundle of papers, which I have di- vided between your lordship and Sir Robert Cecil, in these two respects chiefly. First, for that it is reason that wasteful factors, when they have con- sumed such stocks as they had in trust, do yield some colour for the same in their account. Second- ly, for that I am assured, that whatsoever shall be done or written by me, shall need a double protec- tion and defence. ' The trial that I had of both your loves when I was left of all, but of malice and revenge, makes me still presume that you will be pleased (knowing what little power I had to perform aught, and the great advantage of forewarned enemies) to answer that out of knowledge, which others shall but ob- ject out of malice. In my more happy times, as I did especially honour you both, so I found that your loves sought me out in the darkest shadow of adversity ; and that the same affection which accom- panied my better fortune, soared not away from me ju my many miseries. All which, though I Cannot re- 158 THE LIFE OF quite, yet I shall ever acknowledge ; and the great debt which I have no power to pay, I can do no more for a time but confess to be due. It is true, that as my errors were great, so they have yielded very grievous effects ; and if aught might have been de- served in former times to have counterpoised any part of offences, the fruit thereof (as it seemeth) was long before fallen from the tree, and the dead stock only remained. ' I did therefore, even in the winter of my life, undertake these travels, fitter for bodies less blasted with misfortunes, for men of greater ability, and for minds of better encouragement ; that thereby, if it were possible, I might recover but the moder- ation of excess, and the least taste of the greatest plenty formerly possessed. If I had known other way to win, if I had imagined how greater adventures might have regained, if I could conceive what far- ther means I might yet use, but even to appease so powerful a displeasure, I would not doubt, but for one year more, to hold fast my soul in my teeth till it were performed. Of that little remain I had, I have wasted in effect all herein ; I have undergone many constructions, I have been accompanied with many sorrows, with labour, hunger, heat, sickness, and peril; it appeareth, notwithstanding, that I made no other bravado of going to the sea than was meant, and that I was neither hidden in Cornwall, or else- where, as was supposed. * They have grossly belied me, that forejudged SIR WALTER RALEGH. 159 that I would rather become a servant to the Spanish Idng than return ; and the rest were much mis- taken, who would have persuaded that I vi^as too easeful and sensual to undertake a journey of so great travail. But if what I have done receive the gracious construction of a painful pilgrimage, and purchase the least remission, I shall think all too little, and that there were wanting to the rest many miseries. But if both the times past, the present, and what may be in the future, do all, by one grain of gall, continue in an eternal distaste, I do not then know whether I should bev/aii myself either for my too much travail and expence, or condemn myself for doing less than that, which can deserve nothing. From myself I have deserved no thanks, for I am returned a beggar, and withered ; but that I might have bettered my poor estate it shall appear by the following discourse, if I had not only respected her Majesty's future honour and riches. It became not the former fortune in which I once lived to go jour- nies of picory ; and it had sorted ill with the offices of honour, which by her Majesty's grace I hold this day in England, to run from cape to cape, and from place to place, for the pillage of ordinary prizes. ' Many years since I had knowledge by relation of that mighty, rich, and beautiful empire of Guiana, and of that great and golden city which the Spaniards call El Dorado, and the naturals Manoa, which city was conquered, re-edified, and enlarged by a youngs er son of Guaina capa, emperor of Peru, at such 160 THE LIFE OF time as Trancisco Pazaro, and others, conquered the said empire, from his two elder brethren Gu- ascar and Atabalipa ; boih then contended for thger stay to have wrought the same ; and whosoever hath seen with wllrit strength of stone the best gold ore is environed, he vrill not think it easy to be had out in heaps, and especially by us, who had neither men^ instruments, nor time (as it is said before) to peiforai the same, ' There were on this discovery no less than 100 persons, who' can all witness, that when we passed any branch of the river to view the land within, and staid from our boats but six hours, we were driven to wade ta the eyes at our return. And if we attempted the same the day following, it was impossible either to ford it, or to swim it, both by reason of the swiftness, and also, for that the borders were so pestered with fast woods, as neither boat nor man could find place, either to land or to em- bark. For in June, July, August, and September, it is impos- sible to navigate any of those rivers ; for svteh. is the fury of the current, and there are so many treea and woods overflown, as if any boat but toiich upon any tree or stake, it is impossibfe to save any one person therein ; and ere we departed the land, it ran with that swiftness, as we drove down, most commonly against the wind, little less than 100 miles a-day. Beside, our vessels were no other than wherries, one little barge, a small cock-boat, and a bad galliota, which we framed in haste for that purpose at Trinidado, and those little boats had nine or ten men a-piece, with all their victuals and arms. It is farther true, that we were about 400 miles from our ships, ajid had been a month from them, which also we left weakly manned in an open road, and had promised our return in fifteen days. ' Others have devised that the same ore was had from Barbary, and that we carried it with us into Guiana. Surely the singul- arity .' A 4^ r SIR WALTER RALEGH. 16-7 Ventura the 17*^^ of the same month, where we spent two or three days, and relieved our companies arjty of that device, I do not well comprehend. For mine own part, I am not so much in love with these long voyages, as to devise thereby to cozen myself, to lie hard^ to fare worse, to be subjected to perils, to diseases, to ill savours, to be parched and withered, and withal to sustain the care and labour of sucli an enterprise, except the same had more comfort than the fetching of marcasite in Guiana, or buying of gold ore ia Earbary. ' But I hope the better sort will judge me by themselves, and that the way of deceit is not the way of honour, or good opi- nion. I have herein consumed much time, and many crowns, and I had no other respect or desire than to serve her Majesty and my country thereby. If the Spanish nation had been of like belief to these detractors, we should little have feared or doubted their attempts, wherewith we are now daily threatened. But if we now consider of the actions both of Charles V, who had the maidenhead of Peru, and the abundant treasures of Ata- balipa, together with the affairs of the Spanish king now living, what territories he hath purchased, what he hath added to the acts of his predecessors, how many kingdoms he hath endanger- ed, how many armies, garrisons, and navies, he hath and doth maintain, the great Josses which he hath repaired, as in 1588 above 100 sail of great ships with their artillery, and that no year is less unfortunate, but that many vessels, treasures, and people, are devoured ; and yet, notwithstanding, he beginneth again, like a storm, to threaten shipwreck to us all ; we shall find that these abilities rise not from the trades of sacks and Sevil oranges, nor from aught else that either Spain, Portugal, or any of his oiher provinces, produce. It is his Indian gold that endangereth and disturbeth all the nations of Europe j it purchaseth intelli- gence, creepeth into councils, and setteth bound loyalty at liberty in the greatest monarchies of Europe. If the Spanish king can h 4 keeo 168; THE LIFE OF with sojtne fresh meat. Thence we coasted by the Gran Canaria, and so to TenerifFe, and stayed there keep us from foreign enterprises, and from the impeachment of his trades, either by offer of invasion, or by besieging us in Britain, Ireland, or elsewhere, he hath then brought the work of our peril in great forwardness. Those princes who abound in treasure have great advantages over the rest, if they once con- strain tliem to a defensive war, where they are driven once a yeai", or oftener, to cast lots for their own garments 3 and from, such shall all trades and intercourse be taken away, to the general loss and impoverishment of the kingdom, and commonweal so reduced. Beside, when men are constrained to fight, it hath not;, the same hope as when they are pressed^ and encouraged by the desire of spoil and riches. ' Farther, it is to be doubted, how those, that in time of vic- tory seem to affect their neighbouring nations, will remain after the first view of misfortunes, or ill success. To trust also to the dottbtfiilness of a battle, is but a fearful and uncertain adventure, seeing therein fortune is as likely to prevail as virtue. It shall not be necessaiy to allege all that might be said, and therefore I will thus conclude j that whatsoever king- dom shall be forced to defend itself, may be compared to a body dangerously diseased, which for a season may be preserved with vulgar medicines, but in a short time, and by little and little, the same must needs fall to the ground, and be dissolved. I have therefore laboured all my life, both according to my small power and persuasion, to advance all those attempts, that might either promise return of profit to ourselves, or at least be a let or impeachment to the quiet course and plentiful trades of the Spaniard j who, ia my weak judgment, by such a war were as easily endanger^jd and brought from his powerfulness, as any prince in Europe, if it be considered from how many kingdoms and nations his revenues are gatliered, and those so weak in their own beins;?, and so far severed from mutual succour. But SIR. WALTER RALEGH. 169 for the Lion's Whelp, your lordship's ship, a^nd for Captain Amias Preston, and the rest. But when, after seven or eight days we found them not, we de- parted and directed our course for Trinidado, with mine own ship and a small bark of Captain Cross' only, (for we had before lost sight of a small gallega on the coast of Spain, which came with us from Ply- mouth). * We arrived at Trinidado, March 22'', casting anchor at Point Curiapan, which the Spaniards call Punto de Gallo, which is situate in 8°, or there- about. We abode there four or five days, and in all that time we came not to the speech of any Indian or Spaniard. On the coast v/e saw a fire as we sail- But because such a preparation and resolution is not to be hoped fbr in haste, and that the time which our enemies embra^ can- not be had again to advantage, I will hope that these provinces, and tliat empire now by me discovered, shall suffice to enable her Majesty, and the whole kingdom, with no less quantities of treasure than the king of Spain hath in all the Indies, East and West, which he possesseth. Which if the same be considered, and followed, ere the Spaniards reinforce the same, and if her Majesty will undertake it, I will be contented to lose her High- ness' favour and good opinion for ever, and my life withal, if the same be not found rather {o exceed, than to equal what- soever is in this discourse promised or declared, I will now re- fer the reader to the following discourse, with the hope that the perilous and chargeable labours and endeavours of such as thereby seek the profit and honour of her Majesty and the Eng- lish nation, shall, by men of quality and virtue, receive sucb construction, and good acceptance, as themselves would look to be rewarded with all in the like. vr. K.' ItO THfi LIFE OP ed from the point Carao toward Curiapan, but for fear of the Spaniards none durst come to speak with us. I myself coasted it in my barge close aboard the shore, and landed in every cove the better to know the island, while the ships kept the channel. From Curiapan, after a few days, we turned up north- east, to recover that place which the Spaniards call Puerto de los Hispanioles, and the inhabitants Con- (Juerabia, and as before (re- victualling my barge) I left the ships and kept by the shore, the better to come to speech with some of the inhabitants, and also to understand the rivers, watering-places, and ports of the island, which (as it is rudely done) my purpose is to send your lordship after a few days. From Curiapan 1 came to a port and seat of Indians called .Parico, where we found a fresh-water river, but saw na people. From thence I rowed to an- other port called by the naturals Piche, and by the Spaniards Tierra de Brea. In the v/ay between both were divers little brooks of fresh water, and one salt river that had store of oysters upon the branches of the trees, and were very salt and well tasted. All their oysters grow upon those boughs and sprays, and not on the grouna ; the like is commonly seen ill the West Lidies and elsewhere. This tree is described by Andrew Thevet in his French Antartic, and the form figured in his book as a plant very strange, and by Pliny in his twelfth book of his Natural History ; but in this island, as also in Guiana, there are very many of them. SIR WALTER RALEGH. ^71 ' At this point called Tierra de Brea or Piche, there is that abundance of stone pitch, that all the ships of the world may be therewith laden from thence. We made trial of it, in trimming our ships, to be most excellent good, and melteth not with the s.m as the.pitch of Norway, and therefore for ships trading to the south parts it is very profitable. Thence we went to the mountain-foot called Anna- perima, and so passing the river Carone, on which the Spanish city was seated, we met with our ships at Puerto de los Hispanioles, or Conquerabia. ' This island of Trinidado hath the form of a sheep-hook, and is but narrow; the north part is very mountainous, the soil is very excellent, and will bear sugar, ginger, or any other commodity that the Indies yield. It hath store of deer, wild porks, fruits, fish, and fowl. It hath also for bread sufficient mais, cassavi, and of those roots and frmts xvhich are common everywhere in the West Indies. It hath divers beasts which the Indies have not, 1 he Spaniards confessed that they found grains of gold in some of the rivers, but they having a purpose to enter Guiana (the magazine of all rich metals) cared not to spend time in the search thereof any farther. This island is called by the people thereof Ca^ri, and in it are divers nations ; those about Parico are call- ed laio, those at Punto Carao are of the Arwacas, and between Carao and Curiapan they are called Salvaios, between Carao and Punto Galera are the Nepoios, and those about the Spanish city terra 172 THjg LIFE Of themselves Carinepagotos. Of the rest of the na- tions, and of other ports and rivers, I leave to speak here, being impertinent to my purpose, and mean to describe them as they are situate in the particular plot and description of the island, three parts whereof I coasted with my barge, that I might the better de- eribe it. ' Meeting with the ships at Puerto de los Hispan- ioles, we found at the landing-place a company of Spaniards, who kept a guard at the descent, and they offering a sign of peace, I sent Captain Whiddon to speak with them, whom afterward to my great grief, I left buried in the said island after my return from Guiana, being a man most honest and valiant. The Spaniards seemed to be desirous to trade with us, and to enter into terms of peace, more for doubt of their own strength than for aught else, and in the end, upon pledge, some of them came aboard. The same evening there stole aboard of us in a small canoe two Indians, the one of them being a cassi- que, or lord of people, called Canty man, who had the year before been with Captain Whiddon, and was of his acquaintance. By this Cantyman we un- derstood what strength the Spaniards had, how far it was to their city, and of Don Antonio de Berreo the governor, who was said to be slain in his second attempt of Guiana, but was not. ' While we remained at Puerto de los Hispanioles SQme Spaniards came aboard us to buy linen of the company, and such other things as they wanted, and SIR WALTER RALEGH. 17S also to view our ships and company ; all which I entertained kindly, and feasted after our manner. By means whereof, I learned, of one and other, as much of the estate of Guiana as I could, or as they knew. For those poor soldiers having been many years without wine, a few draughts made them merry, in which mood they vaunted of Guiana, and of the riches thereof, and all what they knew of the ways and passage, myself seeming to purpose nothing less than the entrance or discovery thereof ; but bred in them an opinion that I was bound only for the relief of those English whom I had planted in Vir- ginia, whereof the bruit was come among them, which I had performed in my return, if extremity of weather had not forced me from the said coast. ' I found occasions of staying in this place for two causes. The one was, to be revenged of Berreo, who the year before betrayed eight of Captain Whid- don's men, and took them while he departed from them to seek the E. Bonaventure, which arrived at Trinidado the day before from the East Indies ; in whose absence Berreo sent a canoe aboard the pin- nace, only with Indians and dogs, inviting the com- pany to go with them into the woods to kill a deer, who, like wise men, in the absence of their captain, followed the Indians, but were no sooner one har- quebus-shot from the shore, but Berreo's soldiers lying in ambush had them all, notwithstanding that he had given his word to Captain Whiddon, that they should take water and wood safely. The other .IY4 THE LIFE OP cause of my- stay was, for that by discourse with the Spainards, I daily learned more and more of Guiana, of the rivers and passages, and of the enterprise of Berreo, by what means or fauk he failed, and how hp meant to prosecute the same. ' While we thus spent the time, I was assured by another cassique of the north side of the island, that Berreo had sent to Marguerita, and to Cumana,*for soldiers ; meaning to have given me a cassado at parting, if it had been possible. For although he had given order through all the island, that no Indian should come aboard to trade with me upon pain of hanging or quartering, (having executed two of them for the same, which! afterward found), yet every night there came some with most lamentable com*- plaints of his cruelty; how he had divided the island, and given to every soldier a part, that he made the ancient cassiqui, which were lords of the country, to be their slaves, that he kept them in chains, and drop^. ped their naked bodies with burning bacon, and such other torments, which I found afterward to be true. For in th« city, after I entered the same, there were five of the lords or little kings (which they call cas-. siqui in the West Ii^dies) in one chain, almost dead (of famine, and wasted with torments ; these are call- ed in their own language acarewana, and now of late, since English, French, and Spanish are come among them, they call themselves capitains, because they perceive that the chiefest of every ship is called b-y that name. Those five capitains in the chain weye SIR V/ALtER RAtEGH. 175 called Wannawanare, Carroaori, Maquarima, Tar- roopanama, and Aterima. ' So, as both to be revenged of the former wrong, as also considering, that to enter Guiana by small boats, to depart 400 or 500 miles from my ships, and to leave a garrison in my back interested in the same enterprise, who also daily expected supplies out of Spain, I should have savoured very much of the ass, therefore, taking a time of most advantage, I set upon the corp du guard in the evening, and having put them to the sword, sent Captain Calfield onward with sixty soldiers, and myself followed with forty more, and so took their new city, which they call S. Joseph, by break of day. They abode not any fight after a few shot,^ and all being dismissed but only Berreo and his companion, I brought them with me aboard, and at the instance of the Indians I set their new city of S. Joseph on fire. ' The same day arrived Captain George GifFord with your lordship's ship, and Captain Keymis, whom I lost on the coast of Spain, with the gailego, and in them divers gentlemen and others, whicl; to our little army was a great comfort and supply. '' We then hastened away toward our purposed discovery. And first I called all the captains of the island together tha|: were enemies to the Spaniards, for there were some who Berreo had brought out of other countries, and planted there to eat out and waste those that were natural of the place, and by py Indian interpreter, who I carried out of £ng- 170 THE LIFE OF land, I made them understand that I was the ser- vant of a queen, who was the great cassique of the north, arid a virgin, and had more cassiqui under her than there were trees in their island. That she was an enemy to the Castellans, in respect of their tyranny and oppression, and that she delivered all such nations about her as were by them oppressed ; and having freed all the coast of the northern world from their servitude, had sent me to free them also, and withal to defend the country of Guiana from their invasion and conquest. I shewed them her Majesty's picture, which they so admired and hon- oured, as it had been easy to have brought them idolatrous thereof. ' The like, and a more large discourse, I made to the rest of the nations, both in my passing to Guiana, and to those of the borders. So as, in that part of the world, her Majesty is very famous and admirable, whom they now call Ezrabeta Cas- sipuna Aquerewana, which is as much as Elizabeth the great princess, or greatest commander. This done, we left Puerto de los Hispanioles, and return- ed to Curiapan ; and having Berreo my prisoner, I gathered from him as much of Guiana as he knew. * This Berreo is a gentleman well descended, and had long served the Spanish king in Milan, Naples, the Low countries, and elsewhere, very valiant and liberal, and a gentleman of great assuredness, and of a great heart. I used him according to his estate SIR WALTER RALEGH. l77 and worth in all things I could, according to the small means I had. ' I sent Captain Whiddon, the year before, to get what knowledge he could of Guiana ; and the end of my journey, at this time, was to discover and enter the same. But my intelligence was far from truth ; for the country is situate above 600 English miles farther from the sea than I was made believe it had been, which afterward understanding to be true by Berreo, I kept it from the knowledge of my company, who else would never have been brought to attempt the same. Of which 600 miles I passed 400, leaving my ships so far from me at anchor in the sea, which was more of desire to per- form that discovery than of reason, especially hav- ing such poor and weak vessels to transport our- selves in. For in the bottom of an old gallego, which I caused to be fashioned like a galley, and in one barge, two wherries, and a ship-boat of the Lion's Whelp, we carried ] 00 persons and their victuals for a month, being all driven to lie in the rain and weather in the open air, in the burning sun, and upon the hard boards, and to dress our meat, and to carry all manner of furniture in them. Wherewith they were so pestered and unsavoury, that what with victuals, being most fish, with the wet clothes of so many men thrust together, and the heat of the sun, I will undertake there was never any prison in England that could be found more unsavoury and loathsome, especially to my- VoL. I. M 178 THE LIFE OF self, who had for many years before been dieted and cared for in sort far differing. * If Captain Preston had not been persuaded that he should have come too late to Trinidado to have found us there, (for the m.onth uas expired which I promised to tarry for him there, ere he could re- cover the coast of Spain) but that it had pleased God he might have joined with us, and that we had entered the country but some ten days sooner ere the rivers were overflown, we had adventured either to have gone to the great city of Manoa, or at least taken so many of the other cities and towns nearer at hand, as would have made a royal return ; but it pleased not God so much to favour me at this time. If it shall be my lot to prosecute the same, I shall willingly spend my life therein ; and if any else shall be enabled thereunto, and conquer the same, I assure him thus much, he shall per- form more than ever was done in Mexico by Cortes, or in Peru by Pacaro, whereof the one conquered the empire of Mutezuma, the other of Guascar and Atabalipa. And whatsoever prince shall possess it, that prince shall be lord of more gold, and of a , more beautiful empire, and of more cities and peo- ple, than either the king of Spain, or the Great Turk. « But because there may arise many doubts, and how this empire of Guiana is become so populous, and adorned with so many great cides, towns, temples, and treasures, I thought good to make it J SIR WALTER RALEGH. 179 known, that the emperor now i*elgning is descend- ed from those magnificent princes of Peru, of whose large territories, of whose poHcies, conquests, edi- fices, and riches, Pedro de Cieza, Francisco Lo- pez, and others, have written large discourses. For when Francisco Pacaro, Diego Alraagro, and others, conquered the said empire of Peru, and had put to death Ataballpa, son to Guaynacapa, (which Ata- balipa had formerly caused his eldest brother Guas- car to be slain), one of the younger sons of Guay- nacapa fled out of Peru, and took with him many thousands of those soldiers of the empire called Or- ciones, and with those, and many others which fol- lowed him, he vanquished all that tract and valley of America which is situate between the great rivers of Amazons and Baraquan, otherwise called Oro- noko and Maranion. ' The empire of Guiana is directly east from Peru toward the sea, and lieth under the equinoctial line, and it hath more abundance of gold than any part of Peru, and as many, or more great cities than ever Peru had when it flourished most. It is go- verned by the same laws, and the emperor and peo- ple observe the same religion, and the same form and policies in government, as was used in Peru, not differing in any part. And, as I have been as- sured by such of the Spaniards as have seen Manoa, the imperial city of Guiana, which the Spaniards call El Dorado, for the greatness, the riches, and for the excellent seat, far exceedeth any of the world, M 2 180 THE LIFE OF at least of so much of the world as Is known to the Spanish nation. It is founded upon a lake of salt water of 200 leagues long, like unto Mare Cas- pium ; and if we compare it to that of Peru, and but read the report of Francisco Lopez, and others, it will seem more than credible. And because we may judge of the one by the other, I thought good to insert part of the 120'" chapter of Lopez, in his general history of the Indies, wherein he describeth the court and magnificence of Guaynacapa, ancestor to the emperor of Guiana, whose very words are these. — ' Todo el servicio de su casa, mesa, y cozina era de ora, y de plata, y quando menos de plata, y co- lore por mas rezio. Tenia en su recamara estatuas huetas de oro que parecian giganles, y las Jiguras al propio, y tamano de quantos animales, aves, ar- holes, y yervas produze la tierra, y de quantos peces cria la mar y aguas de sus reynos. Tenia assi mes- mo sogas, costales, cestas, y trooces de oro y plata, rimeros de pahs de oro, que paredessen lenna raia- da para quemar. En Jin, no avia cosa en su tier- ra, que no la tuvisse de oro conirahecha ; y aun di- zen, que tenian los Ingas un vergel en una isla cer- ca de la Puna, donde se yvan a holgar, quando que- rian mar, que tenia la ortaliza, lasflores, yarboles de oro y plata, invencion y grandeza hasta entonces nunca vista. Alknde de todo esto tenia infinitissi- mia cantidad de plata, y oro por lahrar en el Cuz- CO, que se perdio por la muerte de Guascar, ca los SIR WALTER RALEGH. 181 Indios lo escondieron, viendo que los Espanioles se lo tomauan, y embicman a Espania. That is, all the vessels of his house, table, and kitchen, were of gold and silver, and the meanest of silver ai;d cop~ per, for strength and hardness of the metal. He had in his wardrobe hollow statues of gold which seemed giants, and the figures in proportion and bigness of all the beasts, birds, trees, and herbs> that the earth bringeth forth ; and of all the fishes that the sea or waters of his kingdom breedeth. He had also ropes, budgets, chests and troughs of gold and silver, heaps of billets of gold that seemed wood marked out to burn. Finally, there was nothing in his country whereof he had not the counterfeit in gold. Yea, and they say, the Ingas had a garden of pleasure in an island near Puna, where they went to recreate themselves when they would take the air of the sea, which had all kind of garden herbs, flowers, and trees, of gold and silver, an invention and magnificence till then never seen. Beside all this, he had an infinite quantity of silver and gold unwrought in Cuzco, which was lost by the death of Guascar ; for the Indians hid it, seeing that the Spaniards took it and sent it into Spain. ' And in the 117^'' chapter, Francisco Picaro caused the gold and silver of Atabalipa to be weigh- ed, after he had taken it, which Lopez setteth down in these words following. — Hallaron cinquenta y dos mil marcos de buena plata, y un million y Ire- zientos y veinte y seys mil, y quinientos pesos de oron M 3 J 82 THE LIFE OF Which is, they found 52,000 marks of good silvery and 1,326,500 pesoes of gold. ' Now although these reports may seem strange, yet if we consider the many millions which are daily brought out of Peru into Spain, we may easily be- lieve the same. For we find that by the abundant treasure of that country, the Spanish king vexeth all the princes of Europe, and is become in a few years, from a poor king of Castile, the greatest mo- narch of this part of the world, and likely every day to increase, if other princes foreslow the good occasion offered, and suffer him to add this empire to the rest, which by far exceedeth all the rest. If his gold now endanger us, he will then be unre- sistible. ' Such of the Spaniards as afterward endeavour- ed the conquest thereof (whereof there have been many, as shall be declared hereafter) thought that this Inga (of whom this emperor now living is de- scended) took his way by the river of Amazons, by that branch which is called Papamene. For by that way followed Oreliano, (by the commandment of the marquis Pacarro, in the year 1 542) whose name the river also beareth this day, which is also by others called Maragnon, although Andrew The- vet doth affirm, that between Maragnon and Ama- zons, there are 120 leagues. But sure it is, that those rivers have one head and beginning, and that Maragnon, which Thevet describeth, is but a branch of Amazons, or Oreliano, of which I will speak SIR WALTER RALEGH. 183 more in another place. It was also attempted by Diego Ordace, but whether before Oreliano, or af- ter, I know not. But it is now little less than se- venty years since that Ordace, a knight of the or- der of Saint Jago, attempted the same, and it was in the year 1542, that Oreliano discovered the river of Amazons. But the first that ever saw Manoa Was Johannes Martin es, master of the munition to Ordace. At a port called Morequito, in Guiana, there lieth at this day a great anchor of Ordace's ship ; and this port is some SOO miles within the land, upon the great river of Oronoko. ' I rested at this port four days, twenty days af- ter I left the ships at Curiapan. The relation of this Martines (who was the first that discovered Manoa), his success, and end, is to be seen in the chauncery of Saint Juan de Puerto Rico, whereof Berreo had a copy, which appeared to be the great- est encouragement, as well to Berreo as to othersj that formerly attempted the discovery and conquest*, Oreliano, after he failed of the discovery of Guiana by the said river of Amazons, passed into Spain^ and there obtained a patent of the king for the in- vasion and conquest, but died by sea about the islands, and his fleet being severed by tempest, the action for that time proceeded not. Diego Ordace followed the enterprize, and departed Spain with 600 soldiers, and thirty horse, who, arriving on the coast of Guiana, was slain in a mutiny, with the most part of such as favoured him, as also of the M 4) 184 THE LIFE OF rebellious part ; insomuch, as his ships perished, ^nd few or none returned, neither was it certainly known what became of the said Ordace, until Ber- reo found the anchor of his ship in the river of Oronoko ; but it was supposed, and so it is writ- ten by Lopez, that he perished on the seas, and of other writers diversly conceived and reported. ' And hereof it came that Martines entered so far within the land, and arrived at that city of Inga the emperor. For it chanced that while Ordace, with his army, rested at the port of Morequito (who was either the first or second that attempted Guiana), by some negligence, the whole store of powder provided for the service was set on fire, and Martines, having the chief charge, was condemned by the general Ordace to be executed forthwith. Martines, being much favoured by the soldiers, had all the means possible procured for his life, but it could not be obtained in other sort than this ; that he should be set into a canoe alone, without any victuals, only with his arms, and so turned loose into the great river. But it pleased God that the canoe was carried down the stream, and that cer- tain of the Guianians met it the same evening, and having not at any time seen any Christian, nor any man of that colour, they carried Martines into the land to be wondered at, and so from town to town until he came to the great city of Manoa, the seat and residence of Inga the emperor. The emperor, after he had beheld him, knew him to be a Christ- SIR WALTER RALEGH. 185 ian (for it was not long before that his brethren, Guascar and Atabalipa, were vanquished by the Spaniards in Peru), and caused him to be lodged in his palace, and well entertained. He lived seven months in Manoa, but was not suffered to wander into the country anywhere. He was also brought thither all the way blindfold, led by the Indians, un- til he came to the entrance of Manoa itself, and was fourteen or fifteen days in the passage. He avowed at his death, that he entered the city at noon, and then they uncovered his face, and that he travelled all that day, till night, through the city, and the next day, from sun-rising to sun-setting, ere he came to the palace of Inga. ' After that Martines had lived seven months in Manoa, and began to understand the language of the country, Inga asked him whether he desired to return into his own country, or would willingly abide with him. But Martines, not desirous to stay, obtained the favour of Inga to depart, with whom he sent divers Guianians to conduct him to the ri- ver of Oronoko, all loaden with as much gold as they could carry, which he gave to Martines at his departure. But when he was arrived near the ri- ver's side, the borderers, which are called Orono- koponi, robbed him and his Guianians of all the treasure (the borderers being at that time at war with Inga, and not conquered), save only of two great bottles of gourds, which were filled with beads of gold curiously wrought, which those Orono- i86 THE LIFE OF koponl thought had been no other thing than hi^ drmk, or meat, or grain for food, with which Mar^ tines had liberty to pass. And so in canoes he fell down by the river of Oronoko to Trinidado, and from thence to Marguerita, and so to Saint Juan de Puerto Rico, where, remaining a long time for a passage into Spain, he died. In the time of his ex- treme sickness, and when he was without hope of life, receiving the sacrament at the hands of his con- fessor, he delivered these things, with the relation of his travels, and also called for his calabaza, or gourds of the gold beads, which he gave to the church and friars to be prayed for. ' This Martines was he that christened the city of Manoa by the name of El Dorado, and, as Ber- reo informed me, upon this occasion. Those Gui- anians, and also the borderers, and all others in that tract which I have seen, are marvellous great drunks ards, in which vice I think no nation can compare with them. And at the times of their solemn feasts, when the emperor carouseth with his captains, tri- butaries, and governors, the manner is thus. All those that pledge him are first stripped naked, and their bodies anointed all over with a kind of white balsam, by them called Curcai, of which there is great plenty, and yet very dear among them, and it is of ail other the most precious, whereof we have had good experience. When they are anointed all over, certain servants of the emperor having pre- pared gold made into line powder, blow it through SIR WALTER RALEGH. 187 hollow canes upon their naked bodies, until they be all shining from the foot to the head ; and in this sort they sit drinking by twenties and hundreds, and continue in drunkenness sometimes six or seven days together. The same is also confirmed by a letter written into Spain, which was intercepted, which Mr. Robert Dudley told me he had seen. Upon this sight, and for the abundance of gold which he saw in the city, the images of gold in their temples, the plates, armours, and shields, of gold which they use in the wars, he called it El Dorado. ' After Oreliano (who was employed by Pacaro, afterward marquis Pacaro, conqueror and governor of Peru), and the death of Ordace and Martines, one Pedro de Osua, a knight of Navarre, attempt- ed Guiana, taking his way from Peru, and built his brigantines upon a river called Oia, which riseth to the southward of Quito, and is very great. This river falleth into Amazons, by which Osua, with his companies, descended, and came out of that province which is called Mutylones ; and it seemeth to me, that this empire is reserved for her Majesty and the English nation, by reason of the hard suc- cess which all these and other Spaniards found in attempting the same, whereof I vi'ill speak briefly, though impertinent, in some sort, to my purpose. ' This Pedro de Osua had among his troops a Biscayan, called Agiri, a man meanly born, and who bare no other office than a serjeant, or alferez. 18S THE LIFE OV But after certain months, when the soldiers wer^ grieved with travails and consumed with famine, and that no entrance could be found by the branches or body of Amazons, this Agiri raised a mutiny, of which he made himself the head, and so prevail- ed, as he put Osua to the sword, and all his follow- ers, taking on him the whole charge and command- ment, with a purpose not only to make himself em- peror of Guiana, but also of Peru, and of all that side of the West-Indies. He had of his party 700 soldiers, and of those many promised to draw in other captains and companies to deliver up towns and forts in Peru. But neither finding by the said river any passage into Guiana, nor any possibility to return to Peru by the same Amazons, by rea- son that the descent of the river made so great a current, he was enforced to disembogue at the mouth of the said Amazons, which cannot be less than 1,000 leagues from the place where they em-= barked. Thence he coasted the land till he arrived at Murguerita, to the north of Mompaiar, which is at this day called Puerto de Tyranno, for that he there slew Don Juan de Villa Andreda, governor of Marguerita, who was father to Don Juan Sermien- to, governor of Murguerita, when Sir John Burgh landed there, and attempted the island. * Agiri put to the sword all others in the island that refused to be of his party, and took with him certain Ceremones, and other desperate companions. From thence he went to Cumana, and there slew SIR WALTER RALIGH. 189 the governor, and dealt in all as at Marguerita. He spoiled all the coast of Caracas, and the pro- vince of Vensuello, and of Rio de Hache ; and, as I remember, it was the same year that Sir John Hawkins sailed to Saint Juan de Lua, in the Jesus of Lubec ; for himself told me, that he met with such a one upon the coast that rebelled, and had sailed down all the river of Amazons. Agiri hence landed about Sancta Marta, and sacked it also, put- ting to death so many as refused to be his followers, purposing to invade Nuevo Reyno de Granado, and to sack Pampelone, Merida, Lagrita, Tuvia, and the rest of the cities of Nuevo Reyno, and from thence again to enter Peru. But in a fight in the said Nu- evo Reyno he was overthrown, and finding no way to escape, he first put to the sword his own child- ren, foretelling them, that they should not live to be defamed, or upbraided by the Spaniards after his death, who would have termed them the children of a traitor or tyrant, and that since he could not make them princes, he would yet deliver them from shame and reproach. These were the ends and tra- gedies of Oreliano, Ordace, Osua, Martines, and Agiri. ' After these followed Jeronimo Ortal de Sara- gosa, with 130 soldiers, who, failing his entrance by sea, was cast with the current on the coast of Paria, and peopled about S*. Miguel de Neueri, It was then attempted by Don Pedro de Sylva, a Por- tuguese of the family of Rigomes de Sylva, and by 190 THE LIFE OF the favour which Rigomes had with the king, he was set out. But he also shot wide of the mark. For being departed from Spain v ith his fleet, he entered by Maragnon or Amazons, where, by the nations of the river, and by the Amazons, he was utterly overthrown, and himself and all his army defeated ; only seven escaped, and of those but two returned. ' After him came Pedro Hernandez de Serpa, and landed at Cumana in the West-Indies, taking his journey by land toward Oronoko, which may be some 1 20 leagues. But ere he came to the bor- ders of the said river, he was set upon by a nation of Indians called Wikiri, and overthrown in such sort, that of 300 soldiers, horsemen, many Indians and negroes, there returned but eighteen. Others affirm, that he was defeated in the very entrance of Guiana, at the first civil town of the empire, called Macureguarai. Captain Preston, in taking S^ Jago de Leon (which was by him and his companies very resolutely performed, being a great town, and far within the land), held a gentleman prisoner, who died in his ship, that was one of the company of Hernandez de Serpa, and saved among those that escaped, who witnessed what opinion is held among the Spaniards thereabout of the great riches of Gui- ana, and El Dorado, the city of Inga. Another Spaniard was brought aboard me by Captain Pres- ton, who told me, in the hearing of himself and di- vers other gentlemen, that he met with Berreo's SIR WALTER RALEGH. 191 camp-master at Caracas, when he came from the borders of Guiana, and that he saw with him forty of most pure plates of gold curiously wrought, and swords of Guiana decked and inlaid with gold, fea- thers garnished with gold, and divers rarities which he carried to the Spanish king. * After Hernandez de Serpa, it was undertaken by the Adelantado, Don Gonzales Cemenes de Cas- ada, who was one of the chiefest in the conquest of Nuevo Reyno, whose daughter and heir Don An- tonio de Berreo married. Gonzales sought the pass- age also by the river called Papamene, which ris- eth by Quito in Peru, and runneth south-east 100 leagues, and then falleth into Amazons j but he also failing the entrance, returned with the loss of much labour and cost. I took one Captain George, a Spaniard, that followed Gonzales in this enter- prize. Gonzales gave his daughter to Berreo, tak- ing his oath and honour to follow the enterprize to the last of his substance and hfe. Who .^ince, as he hath sworn to me, hath spent 300,000 ducats in the same, and yet never could enter so far into the land as myself, with that poor troop, or rather a handful of men, being in all about 100, genilemenj soldiers, rowers, boat-keepers, boys, ar.d of all sorts. Neither could any of the fore-passed undertakers, nor Berreo himself, discover the country, t'll nov/ lately, by conference with an ancient king called Carapana, he got the true light thereof, i or Ber- reo came above 1 ,500 miles ere he understood aus^hr. 192 THE LIFE OP or could find any passage or entrance into any part thereof, yet he had experience of all these fore- named, and divers others, and was persuaded of their errors and mistakings. Berreo sought it by the river Cassanar, which falleth into a great river called Pato. Pato falleth into Meta, and Meta into Baraquan, which is also called Oronoko. ' He took his journey from Nuevo Reyno de Granada, where he dwelt, having the inheritance of Gonzales Cemenes in those parts. He was fol- lowed with 700 horse, he drove with him 1000 head of cattle, he had also many women, Indians, and slaves. How all these rivers cross and encoun- ter, how the country lieth and is bordered, the pass- age of Cemenes, and of Berreo, mine own dis- covery, and the way that I entered, with all the rest of the nations and rivers, your lordship shall receive in a large chart, or map, which I have not yet finished, and which I shall most humbly pray your lordship to secret, and not to suffer it to pass your own hands. For by a draught thereof all may be prevented by other nations. For I know it is this very year sought by the French, although, by the way that they now take, I fear it not much. It was also told me, ere I departed England, that Villiers the admiral was in preparation for the planting of Amazons, to which river the French have made divers voyages, and returned much gold and other rarities. I spake with a captain of a French ship that came from thence, his ship riding at Falmouth, SIR WALTER RALEGH. 193 the same year that my ships came first from Vir- ginia ; there was another this year in Helford that also came from thence, and had been fourteen months at anchor in Amazons 5 which were both very rich. ' Although, as I am persuaded, Guiana cannot be entered that way, yet no doubt the trade of gold from thence passeth by branches of rivers into the river of Amazons, and so it doth on every hand far from the country itself. For those Indians of Tri- nidado have plates of gold from Guiana, and those cannibals of Dominica who dwell in the islands by which our ships pass yearly to the West Indies, also the Indians of Paria, those Indians called Tucaris, Chochi, Apotomios, Cumanagotos, and all those other nations inhabiting near about the mountains that run from Paria through the province of Ven- suello, and in Maracapana, and the cannibals of Guanipa, the Indians called Assawai, Coaca, Aiai, and the rest (all which shall be described in my description as they are situate) have plates of gold of Guiana. And upon the river of Amazons, Thevet writeth, that the people wear croissants of gold, for of that form the Guianians most commonly make them. So as, from Dominica to Amazons, which is above 250 leagues, all the chief Indians in all parts wear of those plates of Guiana. Undoubtedly those that trade with the Amazons return much gold, which (as is aforesaid) cometh by trade from Guiana, by some branch of a river that falleth from the Vol. I. N 194 THE LIFE OF country into Amazons ; and either it is by the river which passeth by the nations called Tisnados, or Jby Curepuna. ' I made enquiry among the most ancient and best travelled of the Oronoqueponi, and I had know- ledge of all the rivers between Oronoko and Amazons, and was very desirous to understand the truth of those warlike women, because of some it is believed, of others not. And though I digress from my purpose, yet I will set down what hath been delivered me for truth of those women, and I spake with a cassique, or lord of the people, that told me had been in the river, and beyond it also. ^ The nations of these women are on the south side of the river in the provinces of Tobago, and their chiefest strengths and retreats are in the islands situate on the south side of the entrance, some sixty leagues v*?ithin the mouth of the said river. The me- mories of the like women are very ancienl as we^i in Africa as in Asia ; in Africa those that had Me- dusa for queen ; others in Scythia, near the rivers of Tanais and Thermadon. "VYe find also that Lam- pedo and Marthesia were queens of the Amazons, In many histories they are verified to have been, and in divers ages and provinces. But they which are not far from Guiana do accompany with men but once in a year, and for the time of one month, which I gather, by their relation, to be in April. At that time all the kings of the borders assem^ble, and the queens of the Amazons j and after the queens SIR WALTER RALEGH. 195 have chosen, the rest cast lots for their valentines. This one month they feast, dance, and drink of their wines in abundance, and the moon being down they all depart to their own provinces. If they con- ceive, and be delivered of a son, they return him to the father ; if of a daughter, they nourish it and re- tain it, and as many as have daughters send unto the begetters a present, all being desirous to increase their own sex and kind. But that they cut off the right dug of the breast I do not find to be true. It was farther told me, that if in the wars they took any prisoners, that they used to accompany with those also at what time soever, but in the end for certain they put them to death ; for they are said to be very cruel and blood-thirsty, especially to such as offer to invade their territories. These Amazons have likewise great store of these plates of gold, which they recover by exchange, chiefly for a kind of green* stones which the Spaniards call piedras hijadas, and we use for spleen-stones, and for the disease of the stone we also esteem them. Of these 1 saw divers in Guiana, and commonly every king or cassique hath one, which their wives for the most part wear, and they esteem them as great jewels. ' But to return to the enterprise of Berreo, who (as I have said) departed from Nuevo Reyno with 700 horse, beside the provisions above rehearsed. He descended by the river Cassanar, which riseth in Nuevo Reyno out of the piountains by the city of Tuvia, from which mountain also springeth PatOj N 2 ^96 THE LIFE OP both which fall Into the great river of Meta, and Pyleta riseth from a mountain joining to Pampelone* in the same Nuevo Reyno de Granada. These, as also Guaire, which issueth out of the mountains bv Timana, fall all into Baraquan, and are but of his heads, for at their coming together they lose their names, and Baraquan farther do\^ n is also rebaptized by the name of Oronoko. On the other side of the city and hills of Timana riseth Rio Grande, which fiilleth into the sea by Sancta Marta. By Cassonar first, and so into I-Ieta, Berreo passed, keeping his horsemen on the banks, where the country served til em for to march, and where otherwise he was driven to embark them in boats, which he built for the purpose, and so came with the current down the river of Meta and so into Baraquan, After he en- tered that great and mighty river, he began daily to lose of his companies, both men and horse, for it is in many places violently swift, and hath forcible eddies, many sands, and divers islands sharp -pointed with rocks. But after one whole year, journeyinp- for the most part by river, and the rest by land, he grew daily to fewer numbers, for both by sickness ' and by encountering with the people of those re- gions through which he travelled, his companies were much wasted, especially by divers encounters with the Amapaiens. And in all this time he never could learn of any passage into Guiana, nor any news or fame thereof, until he came to the farther border of the said Aniapaia, eight days journey from SIR WALTER EALEGH. 197 tiie river Caroli, which was the farthest river that, we entered. ' Among those of Amapala, Guiana was famous, but few of these people accosted Berreo, or would trade with him the first three months of the six which he sojourned there. This Amapaia is also marvellous rich in gold (as both Berreo confessed, and those of Guiana with whom I had most con- ference) and is situate upon Oronoko also. In this country Berreo lost sixty of his best soldiers, and most of all his horse that remained of his former year's travel. But in the end, after divers encounters w»ith those nations, they grew to peace, and they presented Berreo with ten images of fine gold, among •divers other plates and croissants, which, as he swore to me and divers other gentlemen, were so curiously wrought, as he had not seen the like either in Italy, Spain, or the Low countries. And he was assured, that when they came to the hands of the Spanish king, to whom he had sent them by his camp-mas- ter, they would appear very admirable, especially being wTought by such a nation as had no iron-in- strument at all, nor any of those helps which our goldsmiths have to work withal. The particular name of the people la Amapaia which gave him these pieces are called Anebas, and the river of Ore- jioko at that place is above twelve English miles broad, which may be from his out-fall into the sea. 700 or 800 miles. * This province of Amapaia is a very low and N 3 198 THE LIFE OF a marish ground near the river, and by reason of the red water which issueth out in small branches through the fenny and boggy ground, there bred divers poisonful worms and serpents. And the Spaniards, not suspecting nor in any sort foreknow- ing the danger, were infected with a grievous kind of flux by drinking thereof, and even the very horses were poisoned therewith ; insomuch as at the end of the six months that they abode there, of all their troops there were not left above 120 soldiers, and neither horse nor cattle. For Berreo hoped to have found Guiana by 1000 miles nearer than it fell out to be in the end ; by means whereof they sus- tained much want and much hunger, oppressed with grievous diseases, and all the miseries that could be imagined. I demanded of those in Guiana that had travelled Amapaia, how they lived with that tawny or red water when they travelled thither, and they told me, that after the sun was near the middle of the sky, they used to fill their pots and pitchers with that water ; but either before that time, or to- ward the setting of the sun, it was dangerous to drink of, and in the night strong poison. I learned also of divers other rivers of that nature among them, which were also (while the sun was in the meridian) very safe to drink, and in the morning, evening, and night, wonderfully dangerous and in- fective. ' From this province Berreo hasted away as soon as the spring and beginning of summer appeared^ SiR WALTER RALEGH. 199 and sought his entrance on the borders of Oronoko on the south side. But there ran a ledge of so high and impassable mountains, as he was not able, by any means, to march over them, continuing from the east sea, into which Oronoko faileth, even to Quito in Peru. Neither had he means to carry vic- tuals or munition over those craggy, high, and vast hills, being all wd'ody, and those so thick and spiny, and 80 full of prickles, thorns, and briers, as it is impossible to creep through them. He had also neither friendship among the people, nor any inter- preter to persuade or treat with them ; and, more to his disadvantage, the cassiqui and kings of Ama- paia had given knowledge of his purpose to the Guianians, and that he sought to sack and conquer the empire, for the hope of their so great abundance and quantities of gold. He passed by the mouths of many great rivers, which fell into Oronoko both from the north and south, which I forbear to name for tediousness, ^nd because they are more pleasing in describing than reading. ' Berreo affirmed, that there fell 100 rivers into Oronoko from the north aihd south, whereof the least was as big as Rio Grande, that passeth between Popayan and Nuevo Reyno de Granada (Rio Grande being esteemed one of the most renowned rivers in all the West Indies, and numbered among the great rivers of the v/orld). But he knew not the names of any of these but Caroli only, neither from what nations they descended, neither to what provinces N 4 - 200 THE LIFE OF they led, for he had no means to discourse with the inhabitants at any time ; neither was he curious in these things, being utterly unlearned, and not know- ing the east from the west. But of all these I got some knowledge, and of many more, partly by mine own travel, and the rest by conference ; of some one I learned one, of others the rest, having with me an Indian that spake many languages, and that of Guiana naturally. I sought out all the aged men, and such as were greatest travellers, and by the one and the other I came to understand the situa- tions, the rivers, the kingdoms from the east sea to the borders of Peru, and from Oronoko southward as far as Amazons or Maragnon, and the regions of Maria Tamball, and of all the kings of provinces, and captains of towns and villages ; how they stood in times of peace or war, and which were friends or enemies the one with the other, without which there can be neither entrance nor conquest in those parts, nor elsewhere. For by the dissention between Guascar and Atabalipa Pa^aro conquered Peru, and by the hatred that the Traxcallians bore to Monte- zuma, Cortez was victorious over Mexico, without which both the one and the other had failed of their enterprise, and of the great honour and riches which they attained unto. ' Now Berreo began to grow into despair, and looked for no other success than his predecessors in this enterprise ; until such time as he arrived at the province of Emeria tpward the east sea and J SIR WALTER RALEGH. 201 mouth of the river, where he found a nation of peo- ple very favourable, and the country full of all man- ner of victuals. The king of this land is called Ca- rapana, a man very wise, subtle, and of great ex- perience, being little less than 100 years old. In his youth he was sent by his father into the island of Trinidado, by reason of civil war among themselves, and was bred at a village in that island called Parico. At that place, in his youth, he had seen many Chris- tians, both French and Spanish, and went divers times with the Indians of Trinidado to Marguerita and Cumana in the West Indies, (for both those places have ever been relieved with victual from Trinidado,) by reason whereof he grew of more understanding, and noted the difference of the nations, comparing the strength and armies of his cpuntry with those of the Christians, and ever after temporised so, as who- soever else did amiss, or was wasted by contention, Carapana kept himself and his country in quiet and plenty. He also held peace with Caribas or can- nibals his neighbours, and had free trade with all nations whosoever else had war, ' Berreo sojourned and rested his weak troop in the town of Carapana six weeks, and from him learn- ed the way and passage to Guiana, and the riches and magnificence thereof. But bein^ then utterly unable to proceed, he determined to try his fortune another year, when he had renewed his provisions, 3nd re-gathered more force, which he hoped for, ^§ well out of Spain as from Nuevo Reyno^ where ■202 THE LIFE OP he had left his son Don Anthonio Xcmencs to second him upon the first notice given of his entrance ; and so for the present embarked himself in canoes, and by the branches of Oronoko arrived at Trini- dado, having from Carapana sufficient pilots to con- duct him. From Trinidado he coasted Paria, and so r,?covered Marguerita ; and having made relation to Don Juan Sermiento the governor of his proceed- ing, and persuaded him of the riches of Guiana, he obtained from thence fifty soldiers, promising pre- sently to return to Carapana, and so into GuianSo But Berreo meant nothing less at that time, for he wanted many provisions necessary for 3uch an enter- prise, and therefore departing from Marguerita seat- ed himself in Trinidado, and from thence sent his camp-master and his serjeant-major back to the bor- ders to discover the nearest passage into the empire^ as also to treat with the borderers, and to draw them to his party and love, without w^hich he knev/ he could neither pass safely, nor in any sort be re- lieved with victuals or aught else. Carapana direct- ed this company to a king called Morequito, assuring them that no man could deliver so much of Guiana as Morequito could, and that his dwelling was but five days journey from Macureguari, the first civij town of Guiana. ' Now your Lordship shall understand, that this Morequito, one of the greatest lords or kings of the borders of Guiana, had two or three years before ^een at Cumana and at Marguerita in the West SIR WALTER RALEGH. 203 indies, xvkh gretit store of plates of gold, wh^ch he carried to exchange for such other things as he wanted in his own country, and was daily feasted and presented by the governors of those places, and held among them some two months. In which tmie one Vides, governor of Cumana, won him to be his conductor into Guiana, being allured by those crois- sants and images of gold which he brought with him to trade, as also by the ancient fame and mag- nificence of El Dorado. Whereupon Vides sent into Spain for a patent lo discover and conquer Guiana, not knowing of the precedence of Berreo's patent, which, as Berreo affirmeth, was signed be- fore that of Vides. So as when Vides understood of Berreo, and that he had made entrance into that territory, and foregone his desire and hope, it was verily.thought that Vides practised with Morequito to hinder and disturb Berreo in all he could, and not to suffer him to enter through his seignory, nor any of his companies neither to victual nor guide them in any sort. For Vides, governor of Cumana, and Berreo were become mortal enemies, as well for that Berreo had gotten Trinidado into his patent with Guiana, as also in that he was by Berreo pre^ vented in the journey of Guiana itself. ' Howsoever it was I know not, but Morequito for a time dissembled his disposition, sufiered Spa- niards and a friar (which Berreo had sent to dis- cover Manoa) to travel through his country, gave ^hem a guide for Macureguarai the first tov.n oi 5 204* THE LIFE OF civil and apparelled people, whence they had other guides to bring them to Manoa the great city of Inga. And being furnished with those things, which they had learned of Carapana were of most price in Guiana, went onward, and in eleven days arrived at Manoa, as Berreo affirmeth for certain, although I could not be assured thereof by the lord which now governeth the province of Morequito j for he told me that they got all the gold they had in other towns on this side Manoa, there being many very great and rich, and (as he said) built like the towns of Christians with many rooms. '' When these ten Spaniards were returned, and ready to put out of the border of Arromaia, the peo- ple of Morequito set upon them, and slew them all but one that swam the river, and took from them to the value of 40,000 pesoes of gold ; and as it is v/ritten in the story of lob, one only lived to bring the news to Berreo, that both his nine soldiers and holy father vs,'ere benighted in the said province. I myself spake with the captains of Morequito that slew them, and was at the place where it was exe- cuted. Berreo, enraged herewithal, sent all the strength he could make into Arromaia, to be re- venged of him, his people, and country ; but More- quito suspecting the same fled over Oronoko, and through the territories of the Saima and Wikiri, re^ covered Cumana, where he thought himself very safe with Vides the governor. But Berreo sending for him in the king's name, and his mes§enger§ SIR WALTER EALEGH. 20S finding him in the house of one Fashardo, on the sudden ere it was suspected, so as he could not then be conveyed away, Vides durst not deny him, as well to avoid the suspicion of the practice, as also for that an holy father was slain by him and his people. Morequito offered Fashardo the weight of three quintals in gold to let him escape, but the poor Guianian, betrayed of all sides, was delivered t^ the camp-master of Berreo, and was presently exe- cuted. ' After the death of this Morequito, the soldiers of Berreo spoiled his territory, and took divers pri- soners. Among others, they took the uncle of Morequito, called Topiawari, who is now king of Arromaia, (whose son I brought with me into Eng- land) and is a man of great understanding and po- licy. He is above 100 years old, and yet of a very able body. The Spaniards led him in a chain seven- teen days, and made him their guide from place to place between his country and Emeria, the province of Carapana aforesaid, and he was at last redeemed for 100 plates of gold, and divers stones called piedras hijadas, or spleen-stones. Now Berreo, for executing of Morequito, and other cruelties, spoils, and slaughters done in Arromaia, hath lost the love of the Oronokoponi, and of all the bor- derers, and dare not send any of his soldiers any farther into the land than to Carapana, which he calleth the port of Guiana. But thence, by the help of Carapana, he had trade farther into the 206 THE LIFE OF country, and alway appointed ten Spaniards to re- side in Carapana's town, by whose favour, and by being conducted by his people, those ten searched the country thereabout as well for mines, as for other trades and commodities. *■ They have also gotten a nephew of Morequito, whom they have christened and named Don Juan, of whom they have great hope, endeavouring by all means to establish him in the said province. Among many other trades, those Spaniards used in canoes to pass to' the rivers of Barema, Pawroma, and Dis- sequebe, which are on the south side of the mouth of Oronoko, and there buy women and child- ren from the cannibals, which are of that barbarous nature, as they will for three or four hatchets sell the sons and daughters of their own brethren and sisters, and, for somewhat more, even their own daughters. Hereof the Spaniards make great profit; for, buying a maid of twelve or thirteen years for three or four hatchets, they sell them again at Mar- guerita in the,. West Indies for fifty and a hundred pesoes, which is so many crowns. < The master of my ship, John Douglas, took one- of the canoes w^hich came laden from thence with people to be sold, and the most of them escaped, yet of those he brought, there was one as well favour- ed, and as well shaped, as ever I saw any in England; and afterward I saw many of them, which but for their tawny colour may be compared to any of Eu- rope. They also trade in those rivers for bread of SIR WALTER RALEGH. 207 cassavi, of which they buy 100 pound weight for a knife, and sell it at Marguerita for ten pesoes. They also recover great store of cotton, brasil-wood, and those beds which they call hamacas or brasil-beds, wherein in hot countries all the Spaniards use to lie commonly, and in no other, neither did we our- selves while we were there. By means of which trades, for ransom of divers of the Guianians, and for exchange of hatchets and knives, Berreo recover- ed some store of gold plates, eagles of gold, and images of men and divers birds, and dispatched his camp-master for Spain with all that he had gather- ed, therewith to levy soldiers, and by the shew thereof to draw others to the love of the enterprise. And having sent divers images, as well of men as beasts, birds, and fishes, so curiously wrought in gold, doubted not but to persuade the king to yield to him some farther help, especially for that this land hath never been sacked, the mines never wrought, and in the Indies their works were well spent, and the gold drawn out with great labour and charge. He also dispatched messengers to his son in Nuevo Reyno to levy all the forces he could, and to come down the river of Oronoko to Emeria, the province of Carapana, to meet him. He had also sent to Sant Jago de Leon on the coast of the Caraccas to buy horses and mules. ' After I had thus learned of his proceedings past and purposed, I told him that I had resolved to see Guiana, and that it was the end of my journey, and 208 THB LIFE Ofc^ the cause of my coming to Trinidado, as it wag indeed ; and for that purpose I sent Whiddon the year before to get intelligence, with whom Berreo himself had speech at that time, and remembered how inquisitive Whiddon was of his proceedings, and of the country of Guiana. Berreo was stricken into a great melancholy and sadness, and used all the arguments he could to dissuade me, and also assured the gentlemen of my company that it would be labour lost^ and that they should suffer many miseries if they proceeded. And first, he delivered that I could not enter any of the rivers with any bark or pinnace, nor hardly with any ship's-boat, it was so low, sandy, and full of flats, and that his companies were daily grounded in their canoes which drew but twelve inches water. He farther said, that none of the country would come to speak with us, but would all fly, and if we followed them to their dwellings, they would burn their own towns. And beside, that the way was long, the winter at hand, and that the rivers beginning once to sv/ell, it was impossible to stem the current, and that we could not in those small boats by any means carry victual for half the time, and that (which indeed most dis- couraged my company) the kings and lords of all the borders and of Guiana had decreed, that none of them should trade with any Christians for gold, because the same vvouM be their own overthrow, and that for the love of gold the Christians meant to conquer and disposses them of all together. ._.,. , JL.. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 209 « Many and the most of these I found to be true. But yet, I resolving to make trial of all whatsoever happened, directed Captain George Gifford, my vice- iidmiral, to take the Lion's Whelp, and Captain Cal- field his bark, to turn to the eastward, against the breeze what they could possible, to recover the mouth of a river called Capuri, whose entrance I had before sent Captain Whiddon and John Douglas, the mas- ter, to discover, who found some nine foot water, or better, upon the flood, and five at low water ; to whom I had given instructions that they should anchor at the edge of the shoal, and upon the best of the flood to thrust over, which shoal John Douglas buoyed and beckoned for them before; But they laboured in vain, for neither could they turn it up altogether so far to the east, neither did the flood continue so long, but the water fell ere they could have passed the sands, as We afterward found by second experience. So as now we must dther give over our enterprise, or leaving our ships at adventure 400 miles behind us, to run up in our ships-boats, one barge, and two wherries. But be- ing doubtful how to carry victuals for so long a time in such baubles, or any strength of men, espe- cially for that Berreo assured us that his son must be by that time come down with many soldiers, I sent away one King, master of the Lion's Whelp, with his ships-boat, to try another branch of a river in the bottom of the bay of Guanipa, which was called Amana, to prove if there was water to be found for Vol. L o 2lCJ THE LtFEi'Of either of the ?mall shipS to enter. But when he came to the mouth of Amana, he found it as the rest, but stayed not to discover it thoroughly, be- cause he was- assured by an Indian his guide, that the cannibals of Guanipa would assail them with many canoes, and that they shot poisoned arrows, so as if he hasted not back they should allbe lost. ' In the meantime fearing the worst, I caused all the carpenters we had to cut down a gallego-boatj which we meant to cast off, and to fit her with banks to row on, and in all things to prepare her the best they could, so as she might be brought to draw but five foot, for so much we had on the bar of Capuri at low water. And doubting of King's return, I sent John Douglas again in my long barge, as well to relieve him, as also to make a perfect search in the bottom of that bay. For it hath been held for infallible that whatsoever ship or boat shall fall therein, can never disembogue again, by reason of the violent current which setteth into the said bay, as also for that the breeze and easterly wind bloweth directly into the SMnc Of which opinion I have heard John Hampton, of Plymouth, one of the greatest experience of England, and divers others beside that have traded to Trinidado. ' I sent with John Douglas an old cassique of Trinidado for a pilot, who told us that we could not return again by the bay or guff, but that he knew a by-branch which ran within the land to the east- ward, and that he thought by it we might fall into SIR WALTER RALEGH. Sn Capuri, and so return in four days. John Douglas searched those rivers, and found four goodly eni trances, whereof the least was as big as the Thames at Woolwich. But in the bay thitherward it was shoal and but six foot water, so as we were now without hope of any ship or bark to pass over, and therefore resolved to go on with the boats, and the bottom of the gallego, in which we thrust sixty men. In the Lion's Whelp's boat and wherry we carried twenty. Captain Calfield in his wherry carried ten more, and in my bargfe other tert, which made up 100. We had no other means but to carry victual fora month in the same, and also to lodge therein as we could, and to boil and dress our meat. Captain Gifford had with him Mr. Edward Porter, Capt. Eynos, and eight more in his wherry, with all their victual, wea- pons, and provisions. Captain Calfield had with him my cousin Butshead Gorges and eight more. In the galley, of gentlemen arid officers myself had Capt. Thyn, my cousm John Greenvile, ray nephew John Gilbert, Capt. Whiddon, Capt. Ker- mis, Edward Hancoke, Capt. Clarke, Lieut. Hewes,- Thomas Upton, Capt. Facy, Jerome Ferrar, An- thony Wells, William Connock, and about fifty more. ' We could not learn of Berreo any other way to' enter but in branches, so far to the windward as it was impossible for us to recover. For we had as much sea to cross over in our wherries as between Dover and Calais, and in a great billow, the wind q2 212 ^ THE LIFE OB* and current being both very strong. So as we were driven to go in those small boats directly before the wind into the bottom of the bay of Guanipa, and thence to enter the mouth of some one of those rivers, which John Douglas had last discovered, and had with us for pilot an Indian of Barema, a river to the south of Oronoko, between that and Ama- zons, whose canoes we had formerly taken as he was going from the said Barema laden with cassavi bread to sell at Marguerita. This Arwacan pro- mised to bring me into the great river of Oronoko, but indeed of that which we entered he was utterly ignorant. For he had not seen it in twelve years before, at which time he was very young, and of no judgment; and if God had not sent us another help, we might have wandered a whole year in that laby- rinth of rivers, ere we had found any way, either out or in, especially after we were past the ebbing, and flowing which was in four days. For I know all the earth doth not vield the like confluence of streams "and branches, the one crossing the other so many times, and all so fair and large, and so like one to another, as no man can tell which to take. And if we went by the sun or compass, hoping thereby to go directly one way or other, yet that way we were also carried in a circle among mul- titudes of islands, and every island so bordered with, high trees, as no man could see any farther than the breadth of the river^ or length of the breach. ' But thus it chanced, that entering into a river. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 218 (which, because It had no name, we called the river of the Red-cross, ourselves being the first Christians that ever came therein) the 22^* of May, as we were rowing up the same, we espied a small canoe with three Indiahs, which (by the swiftness of my barge, rowing with eight oars) I overtook ere they could cross the river. The rest of the people on the banks shadowed under the thick wood gazed on with a doubtful conceit what might befai those three which we had taken. But when they perceived that we offered them no violence, neither entered their canoe with any of ours, nor took out of the canoe any of theirs, they then began to show themselves on the bank's side, and offered to trafiic with us for such things as they had. And as we di*evv near they all 5taid, and we came with our barge to the mouth of a little creek which came from their town into the great river. ' As we abode there a while, our Indian pilot, called Ferdinando, would needs go ashore to their village to fetch some fruits, and to drink of their ai'- tificial wines, and also to see the place, and to know the lord of it against another time, and took with him a brother of his which he had with him in the journey. When they came to the village of these people, the lord of the island offered to lay hands on them, purposing to have slain them both, yield- ing for reason that this Indian of ours had brought a Strange nation into their territory to spoil and de- stroy them. But the pilot being quick and of a dis- o 3 214 THE LIFE OF posed body, slipt their fingers, and ran into the woods, and his brother, being the better footman of the two, recovered the creek's mouth, where we stayed in our barge, crying out that his brother was ^Main. With that \v:e set hands on one of them that was next us, a very eld man, and brought him into the barge, assuring him that if we had not our pilot again, we Vvfould presently cut off his head. This old man, being resolved that he should pay the loss of the other, cried out to those in the woods to save Ferdinando our pilot, but they followed him not- withstanding, and hunted after him upon the foot with their deer-dogs, an)d with so main a cry that all the woods echoed with the shout they made. At last this poor chased Indian recovered the river side, and got upon a tree, and as we were coasting, leap- ed down and swam to the barge half dead with fear. But our good hap was, that we kept the other old Indian, which we handfasted to redeem our pilot withal, for being natural of those rivers, we; assured ourselves he knew the way better than any stranger could. And indeed, but for this chance I thirik we had never found the way either to Guiana, or back to our ships ; for Ferdinando, after a few days, knew nothing at all, nor which way to turn, yea, and many times the old man himself was in great doubt which river to take. Those people which dwell in these broken islands and drowned lands are ♦generally called Tivitivas ; there are of them two SIR WALTER KAL^GH. 215 sorts, the one called Ciawaii.i, and the other War^. aweete. ^ The great river of Oronoko or Baraquan hath nine branches which fall out on the north side of his own main mouth. On the south side it hath seven other fallings into the sea, so it disembogueth itself by sixteen arms in all, between islands and broken ground ; but the islands are very great, many of them as big as the Isle of Wight, and big- ger, and many less. From the first branch on the the north to the last of the south, it is at least lOQ. leagues, so as the river's mouth is no less than 300 miles wide at his entrance into the sea, which I take to be far bigger than that of Amazons. Ail those that inhabit in the mouth of this riyer upon the several north branches are these Tivitivas, of which there are two chief lords which have continual wars, one with the other. The islands which lie on the right hand are called Pallamos, and the land of the left Hororotomaka, and the river by which John Douglas returned within the land from Amana to Capuri, they call Macuri. ' These Tivitivas are a very goodly people, and very valiant, and have the most manly speech an4 most deliberate that ever I heard of what nation so- ever. In the summer they have houses on the ground a? in other places. In the winter they dwell, upon the trees, where they build very artificial towns and villages, as it is written in the Spanish story 06 |he West Indies, that those people do in the lowlands. o 4 216 THE LIFE OF near the gulf of Uraba. For between May and September the river of Oronoko riseth thirty feet upright, and then are those islands overflown twenty feet high above the level of the ground, saving some few raised grounds in the middle of them ; and for thig cause they are enforced to live m this manner. They never eat of any thing that IS set or spwn, and as at home they use neither planting nor other manurance, so when they come abroad they refuse to feed of aught, but of that which nature without labour bringeth forth. They use the tops of palmitos for bread, and kill deer, fish, and porks, for the rest of their sustenance. They haye also^many sorts of fruits that grovi in the woods, and great variety of birds and fowl. And if to speak of them were not tedious and vulgar, surely w^e saw in those passages of very rare colours and forms, not elsewhere to be found, for as much as I have either seen or read. Of these people, those that dwell upon the branches of Oro- noko called Capuri and Macureo, are for the most part carpenters of canoes, for they make the most and fairest houses, and sell them into Guiana for gold, and into Trinidado for tobacco, in the exces- sive taking whereof they exceed all nations. And notwithstanding the moistness cf the air in which they live, the hardness of their diet, and the great labours they suffer to hunt, fish, and fowl for their living, in all my life either in the Indies or in Eu- rope did I never behold a more goodly or better . i SIR \WALTER RALEGH. 2] 7. fevoured peopte, or a more manly. They were wont to make war upon all nations, and especially on the cannibals, so as none durst without a good strength trade by those rivers ; but of late they are at peace with their neighbours, all holding the Spa- niards for a common enemy. When their command- ers die they use great lamentation, and when they think the flesh of their bodies is putrified, and fallen from the bones, then they take up the carcase again, and hang it in the cassique's house that died, and deck his skull with feathers of all colours, and hang all his gold platqs about the bones of his arms, thighs, and legs. Those nations which are called Arwacas, which dwell on the south of Oronoko (of which place and nation our Indian pilot was), are dispersed in many other places, and do use to beat the bones of their lords into powder, and their wives and, friends drink it all in their several sorts of drinks. ' After we departed from the port of these Cia- wani, we passed up the river with the flood, and anchored the ebb, and in this sort we went onward. The third day that we entered the river our galley came on ground, and stuck so fast, as we thought that even there our discovery had ended, and that we must have left sixty of our men to have inhabited Hke rooks upon trees with those nations. But the next morning, after we had cast out all her ballast, with tugging and hauling to and fro we got her afloat, TiUd w^ent on. At four days end we fell into as goodly a river as ever I beheld, which was called 21^ The life op the Great Amana, which ran more directly without windings and turnings than the other. But soon after the flood of the sea left us, and we were en- forced either by main strength to row against a vio- lent current, or to ri^turn as wise as we went out. We had then no shift but to persua(Je the companies that it was but two or three days work, and there- fore desired them to take pains, every gentleman and others taking their turns to row, and to spell pne the other at the hour's end. ' Every day we passed by goodly branches of rivers, some falling from the west, others from the east into Amana, but those I leave to the description in the chart of discovery, where every one shall be named with his rising and descent. When three (day§ more were overgone our companies began to despair, the weather being extreme hot, the river bordered with very high trees that kept away the air, and the current against us every day stronger than other. But we evermore commanded our pilots to promise an end the next day, and used it so long, as we were driven to assure them from four reaches pf the river to three, and so to two, and so to thq next reach. But sq long we laboured as many days were spent, and so were driven to draw ourselves to harder allowance (our bread even at the last, and no drink at all), and our men and ourselves wearied and scorched, and doubtful withal whether we should ever perform, it or no, the heat increasing as SIR WALTER RALEGH. 215 we drew toward the Line, for we were now in five degrees. ' The farther we went on (our victual decreasing, and the air breeding great faintness) we grew weak- er and weaker, when we had most need of strength and ability ; fqr hourly the river ran more violently than other against us, and the barge, wherries, and ship's-boat of Capt. Gifford and Capt. Calfield, had spent all their provisions. So as we were brought into despair and discomfort, had we not persuaded all the company that it was but only one'day*s work more to attain the land, where we should be relieved of all we wanted ; and if we returned, that we were sure to starve by the way, and that the world would also laugh us to scorn. On the banks of these rivers were divers sorts of fruits good to eat, flowers and trees of that variety as were sufficient to make ten volumes of herbals. We relieved ourselves many times with the fruits of the country, and sometimes with fowl and fish. We saw birds of all colours, some carnation, some crimson, orange-tawny, pur^ pie, green, watchet, and of all other sorts both simple and mixt. It was unto us a great good pass- ing of the time to behold them, beside the relief we found by killing some store of them with ouj- fowling-pieces, without which, having little or no bread, and less drink, but only the thick and troubled water of the river, we had been in a very hard case. ' Our old pilot of the Ciawani (whom, as I sai^ 220 THE LIFE OP before, we took to redeem Ferdinando), told iiSj that if we would enter a branch of a river on the right hand with our barge and wherries, and leave the galley at anchor the while in the great river, he would bring us to a town of the Arwacas where we should find store of bread, hens, fish, and of the country wine, and persuaded us, that departing from the galley at noon we might return ere night, I was very glad to hear this speech, and presently took my barge with eight musketeers, Capt. Gif- ford's wherry with himself and four musketeers, and Capt. Caliield with his wherry and as many, and so we entered the mouth of this river ; and because we were persuaded that it was so near, we took no vic- tual with us at all. When we had rowed three hours, we marvelled we sav/ no sign of any dwell- ing, and asked the pilot where the town was j he told us a littk farther. After three hours more, the sun being almost set, we began to suspect that he led us that way to betray us; for he confessed that those Spaniards who lied from Trinidado, and also those that remained with Carapana in Emeria, were joined together in some village upon that river. But when it grew toward night, and v/e demanding where the place was, he told us but four reaches more. When we had rowed four and four, we saw no sign, and our poor watermen, even heart-broken and tired,were leady to give up the ghost ; for we had now come from the galley near forty miles. ' ^ A^ the last we determined to hang the pilot^ SIR WALTER RALEGH. '221 rmd, if we had well known the way back again by- night, he had surely gone; but our necessities plead-' ed sufficiently for his safety. For it was as dark as pitch, and the river began so to narrow itself, and the trees to hang over from side to side, as we were driven with arming swords to cut a passage through those branches that covered the water. We were very desirous to find this town, hoping of a feast, be- cause we m.ade but a short breakfast aboard the gal- ley in the morning, and it was now eight o'clock at night, and our stomachs began to gnaw apace ; but whether it was best to return or go on we began to doubt, suspecting treason in the pilot more and more. But the poor old Indian ever assured us, that it was but a httle farther, and but this one turning, and that turning, and at last about one o'clock after midnight' we saw a light, and rowing toward it, we heard the dogs of the village. When we landed vfe found, few people, for the lord of that place was gone with divers canoes above 400 miles off, upon a journey toward the head of Oronoko to trade for gold, and to buy women of the cannibals, who afterward un- fortunately passed by us as we rode at an anchor in the port of Morequito in the dark of night, and yet came so near us as his canoes grated against our barges. He left one of his company at the port of Morequito, by whom we understood that he had brought thirty young women, divers plates of gold, and had great store of fifte pieces of cotton cloth and cotton beds. In his house we had good store 222 THE LIFE OF of bread, fish, hens, and Indian drink, and so rest- ed that night, and in the morning after we had traded with such of his people as came down, we returned toward our galley, and brought with us some quantity of bread, fish, and hens. ' On both sides of this river, we passed the most beautiful country that ever mine eyes beheld. And whereas all that we had seen before was nothing but ■\^oods, prickles, bushes, and thorns, here we be- held plains of twenty miles in length, the grass short and greeuj and in divers parts groves of trees by themselves, as if they had been by all the art and labour in the world so made on purpose ; and still as we rowed the deer tame down feeding by the water's side, as if they had been used to a keeper's call. Upon this river there was great store of fowl, and of many sorts ; w6 saw in it divers sorts of Strange fishes, and of marvellous bigness, but for lagartos it exceeded, for there were thousands of those ugly serpents, and the people call it for the abundance of them the River of lagartos in their language. I had a negro, a very proper young fel- low, that leaping out of the galley to swim in the mouth of the river, was in all our sights taken and devoured with one of those lagartos. ' In the meanwhile our companies in the galley thought we had been all lost, (for we promised to return before night) and sent the Lion's Whelps' ship's-boat with Capt. Whiddon to follow us up the riv«r. But the next day, after we had rowed up SIR WALTE'R RALEGH ^23 and down some fourscore miles, we returned, and went on our way up the great river. And when we were even at the last cast for want of victuals, Capt# GifFord, being before the galley and the rest of the boats, seeking out some place, to land upon the banks, to make fire, espied four canoes coming down the river, and with no small joy caused his men to try the uttermost of their strengths. After awhile two of the four gave over, and ran themselves a- shore, every man betaking himself to the fastness of the woods ; the two other lesser got away, while he landed to lay hold on these, and so turned into some by-creek we knew not whither. Those canoes that were taken were loaden with bread, and were bound for Marguerita in the West Indies, which those Indians (called Arwacas) purposed to carry thither for exchange. But in the lesser there were three Spaniards, who having heard of the defeat of their governor in Trinidado, and that we purposed to en- ter Guiana, came away in those canoes. One of them was a cavallero, as the captain of the Arwacas afterward told us, another a soldier, and the third a refiner. ' in the meantime, nothing on the earth could have been more welcome to us next unto gold, than the great store of very excellent bread which we found in these canoes, for now our men cried, let us go on, we care not how far. After that Capt. GifFord had brought the two canoes to the galley, I took my barge and went to the bank's-side with a t^4 TH£ Lii?E OF dozen shot, where the canoes first ran themselves 3^ shore, and landed there, sending out Capt. GifFord and Capt. Thyn on one hand, and Capt. Calfield on the other, to follow those who were fled into the woods. And as I was creeping through the bushes, I saw an Indian basket hidden, which was the re- finer's basket, for I found in it his quicksilver, salt- peter, and divers things for the trial of metals, and also the dust of such ore as he had refined. But in those canoes which escaped there was a good quan- tity of Ore and gold. I then landed more men, and offered ^500 to what soldier soever could take one of those three Spaniards that we thought were land- ed. But our labours were in vain in that behalf^ for they put themselves into one of the small canoes ; and so while the greater canoes were in taking they escaped. But seeking after the Spaniards, we found the Arwacas hidden in the woods, who were pilots , for the Spaniards, and rowed their canoes. Of which I kept the chiefest for a pilot, and carried him with me to Guiana, by whom I understood where and in what countries the Spaniards had laboured for gold, though I made not the same known to. all. ' For when the springs began to break, and the rivers to raise themselves so suddenly, as by no means^ we could abide the digging of any mine, especially for that the richest are defended with rocks of hard stone, which we call the white spar, and that it re- quired both time, men, and instruments fit for such' Sm WALTER RALEGH. 225 a work, I thought it best not to hover thereabout, lest if the same had been perceived by the company, there would have been by this time many barks and ships set out, and perchance other nations would al- so have gotten of ours for pilots, so as both our- selves might have been prevented, and all our care taken for good usage of the people been utterly lost, by those that only respect present profit, and such violence or insolence offered, as the nations which are borderers would have changed their desire of our love and defence into hatred and violence. And for any longer stay to have brought a more quanti- ty, (which I hear hath been often objected) whoso- ever had seen or proved the fury of that river after it began to arise,' and had been a month and odd days, as we were, from hearing aught from our ships, leaving them meanly manned above 400 miles off, would perchance have turned somewhat sooner than we did, if all the mountains had been gold or rich stones. And to say the truth, all the branches and small rivers which fell into Oronoko were rais- ed with such speed, as if we waded them over the shoes in the morning outward, we were covered to the shoulders homeward the very same day ; and to stay to dig out gold with our nails, had been opus laboj-is, but not ingenii. Such a quantity as would have served our turns we could not have had, but a discovery of the mines to our infinite disadvantage we had made, and that could have been the best profit of farther search or stay. For those mines Vol. I. p 226 THE LIFE OF are not easily broken, nor opened in haste ; and I could have returned a good quantity of gold ready cast, if I had not shot at another mark than present profit. ' This Arwacan pilot with the rest feared that we would have eaten them, or otherwise have put them to some cruel death ; for the Spaniards, to the end that none of the people in the passage toward Guiana, or in Guiana itself, might come to speech with us, persuaded all the nations that we were men-caters and cannibals. But when the poor men and women had seen us, and that we gave them meat, and to every one something or other, which was rare and strange to them, they began to conceive the deceit and purpose of the Spaniards, who indeed (as they confessed) took from them both their wives and daughters daily, and used them for the satisfying of their own lusts, especially such as they took in this manner by strength. But I protest before the ma- jesty of the living God, that I neither know nor be- lieve, that any of our company one or other, by violence or otherwise, ever knew any of their women ; and yet we saw m^any hundreds, and had many in our power, and of those very young and excellent- ly favoured, which came among us without deceit stark naked. ' Nothing got us more love among them than this usage, for I suffered not any man to take from any of the nations so much as a pina, or a potatoe- root, without giving them contentment, nor any SIR WALTER RALEGH. 2^27 man so much as to offer to touch any of their wives or daughters. Which course, so contrary to the Spaniards, (who tyrannise over them in all things) drew them to admire her Majesty, whose com- mandment I told them it was, and also wonderfully to honour our nation. But I confess it was a very impatient work to keep the meaner sort from spoil and stealing, when we came to their houses. Which because in all I could not prevent, I caused my In- dian interpreter at every place when we departed, to know of the loss or wrong done ; and if aught were stolen or taken by violence, either the same was re- stored, and the party punished in their sight, or else it was paid for to their uttermost demand. They also much wondered at us, after they heard that we had slain the Spaniards at Trinidado, for they were be- fore resolved that no nation of Christians durst abide their presence. And they wondered more when I had niade them know of the great overthrow, that her Majesty's army and fleet had given them of late years in their own countries. ' After we had taken in this supply of bread, with divers baskets of roots, which were excellent meat, I gave one of the canoes to the Arwacas, which be- longed to the Spaniards that were escaped. And when I had dismissed all but the captain (who by the Spaniards was christened Martin) I sent back in the same canoe the old Ciawan, and Ferdinando my first pilot, and gave them both such things as they desired^ with sufficient victual to carry them back ; P 2 228 THE LIFE 01 and by them wrote a letter to the ships, which they promised to deliver, and performed it, and then I went on with my new-hired pilot Martin, the Arwa- can. But the next or second day after, we came aground again with our galley, and were like to cast her away with all our victual and provision, and so lay on the sand one whole night, and were far mor-e in despair at this time to free her than before, be- cause we had no tide of flood to help us, and there- fore feared that all our hopes would have ended in mishaps. But we fastened an anchor upon the land, and with main strength drew her off ; and so the fifteenth day we discovered afar off the mountains of Guiana to our great joy, and toward the evening- had a slant of a northerly wind that blew very strong, which brought us in sight of th« great river of Oro- noko, out of which the river descended whe|-ein we were. ' We descried afar off three other canoes as far as we could discern them, after whom we hastened with our barge and wherries. But two of them pass- ed out of sight, and the third entered up the great river on the right hand to the westward, and there stayed out of sight, thinking that we meant to take the way eastward toward the province of Carapana; for that way the Spaniards keep, not daring to go upward to Guiana, the people in those parts being all their enemies ; and those in the canoes thought us to have been those Spaniards that were fled from Trinidado, and had escaped killing. And v/hen we SIR WALTER RALEGH. fi29 came so far down as the opening of that branch in- to which they slipped, being near them with our barge and wherries, we made after them, and ere they could land came within call, and by our interpreter told them what we were ; wherewith they came back wilUngly aboard us. And of such fish and tortoises* eggs as they had gathered they gave us, and pro- mised in the morning to bring the lord of that part with them, and to do us all other services they could. ' That night we came to an anchor at the part- ing of three goodly rivers (the one was the river of Amana, by which we came frcm the north, and ran athwart tovv^ard the south, the other two were of Oronoko, which crossed from the west, and ran fO sea toward the east) and landed upon a fair sand, where we found thousands of tortoises* eggs, which are very wholesome meat, and greatly restoring ; so as our men were now well filled, and highly con-- tented both with the fare, and nearness of the land of Guiana, which appeared in sight. In the morn- ing there came down, according to promise, the lord of that border called Toparimaca, with some thirty or forty followers, and brought us divers sorts of fruitSj and of his wine, bread, fish, and flesh, whom we al- so feasted as we could ; at least he drank good Spanish wine, (whereof we had a small quantity in bottles) which above all things they love. ' I conferred with this Toparimaca of the next way to Guiana, who conducted our galley and boats v3 # 130 THE LIFE OF to his own port, and carried us from thence some mile and half to his town, where some of our cap" tains caroused of his wine till they were reasonable pleasant, for it is very strong with pepper, and the juice of divers herbs and fruits digested and purged. They keep it in great earthen pots of ten or twelve gallons, very clean and sweet, and are themselves at their meetings and feasts the greatest carousers and drunkards of the world. When we came to this town we found two cassiques, whereof one of them was a stranger that had been up the river in trade, and his boats, people, and wife, encamped at the port where we anchored, and the other was of that country, a follower of Toparimaca. They lay each of them in a cotton hammock, which we call brasil-beds, and two women attending them with six cups and a little ladle to fill them, out of an earthen pitcher of wine, and so they drank each of them three of those cups at a time, one to the other ; and in this sort they drink drunk at their feasts and meetings. ' That cassique that was a stranger, had his wife staying at the port where we anchored, and in all my life I have seldom seen a better favoured woman. She was of good stature, with black eyes, fat of body, of an excellent countenance, her hair almost as long as herself, tied up again in pretty knots, and it seem- ed she stood not in that awe of her husband as the rest ; for she spake and discoursed, and drank among the gentlemen and captains, and was very pleasant. Sir WALTER RALEGH. 231 knowing her own comeliness, and taking great pride therein. I have seen a lady in England so like her, as but for the difference of colour I would have sworn might have been the same. ' The seat of this town of Toparimaca was very- pleasant, standing on a little hill, in an excellent prospect, with goodly gardens, a mile compass round about it, and two very fair and large ponds of excellent fish adjoining. This town is called Ai'owocai ; the people are of the nation called Ne- poios, and are followers of Carapana. In, that place I saw very aged people, that we might perceive all their sinews and veins without any fiesh, and but even as a case covered only with skin. The lord of this place gave me an old man for pilot, who Was of great experience and travel, and knew their river most perfectly both by day and nights And it shall be requisite for any man that passeth it to have such a pilot, for it is four^ five, and six miles over ia many places, and twenty miles in other places, with wonderful eddies, and strong currents, many great islands and divers shoals, and many dangerous rocks ^ and beside, upon any increase of wind, so great a billow, as we were sometimes in great peril of drown-' ing in the galley, for the small boats durst not come from the shore but when it was very fair. ' The next day we hasted thence, and having an easterly wind to help us, we spared our arms froni rowing ; for, after we entered Oronoko, the river lieth for ^e most part east and west, even from the p 4 .*%♦ 232 THE LIFE OF sea unto Quito in Peru. This river is navigable with" ships little less than 1,000 miles, and, from the place where we entered, it may be sailed up in small pin- naces to many of the best parts of Nuevo Reyno de Granado, and of Popayan. And from no place may the cities of these parts of the Indies be so easi-^ ly taken and invaded as from hence. All that day we sailed up a branch of that river, having on the left hand a great inland, which they call Assapana, which may contain some 25 miles in length, and six miles in breadth, the great body of the river run- ning on the other side of this island. Beyond that middle branch, there is also another island in the river, called Iwana, which is twice as big as the Isle of Wight ; and beyond it, and between it and the main of Guiana, runneth a third branch of Oro- noko called Arraroopana. All three are goodly branches, and all navigable. for great ships. I judge the river in this place to be at least thirty miles broad, reckoning the islands which divide the branches in it ; for afterward I sought also both the other branches. ' After we reached to the head of this island, called Assapana, a little to the westward on the right hand, there opened a river which came from the north, called Europa, and fell into the great river ^ and beyond it, on the same side, we anchored for that night, by another island six miles long, and two miles broad, which they call Ocawita. From hence, in the morning, we landed two Guianians, .which we 4 SIR WALTER .BALEGH. 233 found in the town of Toparimaca, that came with us, who went to give notice of our coming to the lord of that country, called Putyma, a follower of Topiawari, chief lord of Arromai, who succeeded Morequito, whom (as you have heard before) Ber- reo put to death. But his town being far within the land, he came not unto us that day, so as we anchor- ed again that night near the banks of another island, of bigness much like the other, which they call Pu- tapayma, on the main land, over-against which island was a very high mountain caUed Oecope. We covet- ed to anchor rather by these islands in the river, than by the main, because of the tortoises' eggs, which our people found on them in great abundance, and also because the ground served better for us to cast our nets for fish, the main banks being for the most part stony and high, and the rocks of a blue metalline colour, like unto the best steel ore, which I assuredly take it to be. Of the same blue stone are also divers great mountains, which border this river in many places. ' The next morning toward nine of the clock we weighed anchor, and the breeze increasing, we sail- ed alway west up the river, and after a while oj>en- ing the land on the right side, the country appeared to be champaign, and the banks shewed very perfect red. 1 therefore sent two of the little barges with Capt. Giftbrd, and with him Capt. Thyn, Capt, Calfield, my cousin Greenvile, my nephew John Gilbert, Capt. Eynus, Mr. Edward Porter, and ray 234 THJ: LIFE OP cousin Butshead Gorges, with some few soldiers, to march over the banks of that red land, and to dis-' cover what manner of country it was on the other side. Who, at their return, found it all a plain level, as far as they went, or could discern, from the highest tree they could get upon. And my old pilot, a man of great travel, brother to the Cassique Toparimaca, told me, that those were called the plains of the Sayma ; and that the same level reach- ed to Cumana and Carracas, in the West-Indiesj which are 120 leagues to the north, and that there inhabited four principal nations. The first were the Sayma, the next Assawai, the third and greatest the Wikiri, by whom Pedro Hernandez de Serpa be- fore mentioned was overthrown, as he passed with SOO horse from Cumana toward Oronoko, in his enterprise of Guiana ; the fourth are called Aroras, and are as black as negroes, but have smooth hair^ and these are very valiant, or rather desperate people, and have the most strong poison on their arrows, and most dangerous of all nations. Of which poison I will speak somewhat, being a digression not un- necessary. ' There was nothing whereof I was more curious^ than to find out the true remedies of these poisoned arrows. For, beside the mortality of the wound they make, the party shot indureth the most insuf- ferable tonnent in the world, and abideth a most ugly and lamentable death, sometimes dying stark mad, sometimes their bowels breaking out of their j&_ SIR WALTER RALEGH* 235 bellies, and are presently discoloured, as black as pitch, and so unsavoury, as no man can endure to cure, or to attend them. And, it is more strange to know, that in all this time there was never Spani- ard, either by gift or torment, that could attain to the true knowledge of the cure, although they have martyred and put to invented torture I know not how many of them. But every one of these In- dians know it not, no, not one among thousands, but their soothsayers and priests, who do conceal it, and only teach it but from the father to the son. ' Those medicines which are vulgar, and serve for the ordinary poison, are made of the juice of a root called tupera. The same also quencheth mar- vellously the heat of burning fevers, and healeth in- ward wounds, and broken veins that bleed within the body. But I was more beholden to the Guiani- ans than any other, for Antonio de Berreo told me, that he could never attain to the knowledge thereof, and yet they taught me the best way of healing as well thereof, as of all other poisons. Some of the Spaniards have been cured in ordinary wounds, of the common poisoned arrows with the juice of gar- lic. But this is a general rule for all men that shall hereafter travel the Indies where poisoned arrows are used, that they must abstain from drink; for if they take any liquor into their body, as they shall be marvellously provoked thereunto by drought, I say, if they drink before the wound be dressed, or 236 THE LIFE OF soon upon it, there is no way mth them but present death. ' And so I will return again to our journey, which for this third day we finished, and cast anchor again near the continent, on the left hand between tW6 mountains, the one called Aroami, and the othei' Aio. I made no stay here but till midnight, for I feared hourly lest any rain should fall, and then it had been impossible to have gone any farther up, notwithstanding that there is every day a very strong breeze, and easterly wind. I deferred the search of the country on Guiana side, till my return down the river. The nex day we sailed by a great island, iii the middle of the river, called Manoripano j and as^ we walked a while on the island, while the galley got a-head of us, there came after us from the main, a small canoe with seven or eight Guianians to in- -vite us to anchor at their port ; but I deferred it till my return. It was that cassique to whom those Ne- poios went, which came with us from the town of Topaiimaca. And so the fifth day we reached as high ttp as the province of Aromaia, the country of Morequito whom Berreo executed, and anchor- ed to the west of an island called Murrecotima, ten miles long and five broad. And that night the Cas- sique Aramiari, (to whose town we made our long and hungry voyage out of the river of Amana) passed by us. ' The next day we anived at the port of More- quito, and anchored there, sending away one of our SIR WALTER RALEGH, 237 pilots to seek the king of Aromaia, uncle to More- quito, slain by Berreo as aforesaid. The next day following, before noon, he came to us on foot from his house, which was fourteen English miles, (him- self being 110 years old) and returned on foot the game day, and with him many of the borderers, with many women and children, that came to wonder at our nation, and to bring us down victual, which they did in great plenty, as venison, pork, hens, chickens, fowl, fish, with divers sorts of excellent fruits, and roots, and great abundance of pines,' the princess of fruits thait grow under the sun, especial- ly those of Guiana. They brought us also store of bread, and of their wine, and a sort of paraquitos, jio bigger than wrens, and of all sorts both small and great. One of them gave me a beast called by the Spaniards armadilla, which they call cassacam, which seemeth to be all barred over with small plates, somewhat like to a rhinoceros, with a white horn growing in his hinder parts, as big as a great hunting horn, which they use to wind instead of a trumpet. Monardus writetb, that a little of the powder of that horn put into the ear cureth deaf- ness. ' After this old king had rested awhile in a little tent that I caused to be set up, I began by my in- terpreter to discourse with him of the death of More- quito his predecessor, and afterward of the Spaniards. And ere I went any farther I made him know the cause of my coming thither, whose servant I was. 238 THE LIFE OF and that the queen's pleasure was, I should under- take the voyage for their defence, and to deliver them from the tyranny of the Spaniards, dilating at large (as I had done before to those of Trinidado) her Majesty's greatness, her justice, her charity to all oppressed nations, with as many- of the rest of her beauties and virtues as either I could express, or they conceive. All which being with great admira- tion attentively heard, and marvellously admired, I began to sound the old man as touching Guiana, and the state thereof, what sort of commonwealth it was, how governed, of what strength and policy, how far it extended, and what nations were friends or enemies adjoining, and finally, of the distance, and way to enter the same. *^ He told me that himself and his people, with all those down the river toward the sea, as far as Emeria, the province of Carapana, were of Guiana, but that they called themselves Oronoko-poni, be- cause they bordered the great river of Oronoko, and that all the nations between the river and those mountains in sight, called Wacarima, were of the same cast and appellation. And that on the other side of those mountains of Wacarima there was a large plain (which after I discovered in my return) .x;alled the valley of Amariocapana, in all that valley the people were also of the ancient Guianians. I asked what nations those were which inhabited on the farther side of those mountains, beyond the valley of Amariocapana. He answered with a great SIR WALTER RALEGH. 239 Gigh (as a man who had an inward feeling of the loss of his country and liberty, especially for that his eldest son was slain in battle on that side of the mountains, whom he most entirely loved), that he remembered in his father's life-time when he was very old, and himself a young man, that there came down into that large valle of Guiana, a nation from so far off as the sun slept (for such were his own words), with so great a multitude as they could not be numbered nor resisted. That they wore large coats, and hats of crimson colour, (which co- lour he expressed -by shewing a piece of red wood wherewith my tent was supported), and that they were called Oreiones and Epuremei, those that had slain and rooted out so many of the ancient people as there were leaves in the wood upon ail the trees, and had now made themselves lords of all, even to that mountain-foot called Curaa, saving only of two nations, the one called Iwarav/aqueri, and the other Cassipagotos. And that in the last battle fought be- tween the Epuremei, and the Iwarawaqueri, his .eld- est son was chosen to carry to the aid of the Iwara- waqueri, a great troop of the Oronokoponi, and was there slain, with all his people and friends, and that he had now remaining but one son. * He farther told me, that those Epuremei had built a great town called Macureguarai, at the said mountain-foot, at the beginning of the great plains pf Guiana, which have no endj and that their houses have many rooms, one over the oth^r, and that 240 THE LIFE OF therein the great king of the Oreiones and Epure- mei kept 3,000 men to defend the borders against them, and withal daily to invade and slay them. But that of late years, since the Christians offered to invade his territories and those frontiers, they were all at peace, and traded one with another, saving only the Iwarawaqueri, and those other nations up- on the head of the river of Caroh called Cassipa- gotos, which we afterward discovered, each one holding the Spaniard for a common enemy. ' After he had answered thus far, he desired leave to depart, saying that he had far to go ; that he was old and weak, and was every day called for by death, which was also his own phrase. I desired him to rest with us that night, but I could not in- treat him ; but he told me, that at my return from the country above, he would again come to us, and in the meantime provide for us the best he could, of all that his country yielded. The same night he returned to Orocotona, his own town, so as he went that day 28 miles, the weather being very hot, the country being situate between four and five degrees of the equinoctial. This Topiawari is held for the proudest and wisest of all the Oronokoponi. And so he behaved himself toward me in all his answers at my return, as I marvelled to find a man of that gravity and judgment, and of so good discourse, that had no help of learning nor breed. ' The next morning we also left the port, and sailed westward up the river to view the famous ^ SIR WALTER RALEGH. 241 river called Caroli, as well because it was marvellous of itself, as also for that I understood it led to the strongest nations of all the frontiers that were ene- mies to the Epuremei, who are subjects to Inga, emperor of Guiana and Manoa. And that night we anchored at another island called Caiama, of some five or six miles in length, and the next day arrived at the mouth of Caroli. When we were short of it as low or farther down as the port of More-quito we heard the great roar and fall of the river. But when we came to enter with our barge and wherries, thinldng to have gone up some forty miles to the nations of the Cassipagotos, we were not able with a barge of eight oars to row one stone's cast in an hour. And yet the river is as broad as the Thames at Woolwich, and we tried both sides, and the middle, and e'very part of the river. So we encamped upon the banks adjoining, and sent off our Oronokopone (who came with us from More- quito) to give knowledge to the nations upon the river of our being there, and that we desired to see the lords of Canuria, which dwelt within the province upon that river, making them know that we were enemies to the Spaniards ; for it was on this river's . side that Morequito slev/ the friar, and those nine Spaniards who came from Manoa, the city of Inga, and took from them 40,000 pesoes of gold. So the next day there came down a lord or cassique called Wanuretonajwith many people with him, and brought Vol. I. Q 242 THE LIFE OF all store of provisions to entertain us, as the rest had done. ' And as I had before made my coming known to Topiawari, so did I acquaint this cassique there- with, and how I was sent by her Majesty for the purpose aforesaid, and gathered also what I could of him touching the estate of Guiana. And I found that those also of CaroH were not only enemicvS to the Spaniards but most of all to the Epuremei, who abound in gold. And by this Wanuretona I had knowledge, that on the head of this river were three mighty nations, which were seated on a great lake, whence this river descended, and were called Cassi- pagotos, Eparagotos, and Arawagotos ; and that all those, either against the Spaniards or th€ Epureraei,, v/ouid join with us ; and that if we enfered the land over the mountains of Curaa, we shotild satisfy our- selves with gold, and all other good things. He told us farther of a nation called Iwarawaqueri, before spoken of, that held daily war with the Epuremei that inhabited Macureguarai, the first civil town of Guiana, of the subjects of Inga the emperor. ' Upon this river, one Capt, George, who I took with Berreo, told me there was a great silver mine, and that it was near the banks of the said river. But by this time as well Oronoko, Caroli, as all the rest of the rivers were risen four or five feet in height, so as it was not possible by the strength of any men, or with any boat whatsoever, to row into the river against the stream. I therefore sent Capt. Thyn. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 243 Capt. Greenvile, my nephew John Gilbert, my cousin Butshead Gorges, Capt. Clarke, and some thirty shot more, to coast the river by land, and to go to a town some twenty miles over the valley called Amnatapoi. And if they found guides there, to go farther toward the mountain-foot to another great town called Capurepana, belonging to a cassique called Haaracoa, (that was a nephew to old Topia- wari king of Arromai, our chief friend) because this town and province of Capurepana adjoined to Macureguarai, which was the frontier town of the empire. And the meanwhile myself, with Capt. Gifford, Capt. Calfield, Edward Hancock, and some half a dozen shot, marched over-land to view the strange overfalls of the river of Caroli, which roar- ed so far off, and also to see the plains adjoining, and the rest of the province of Canuri. I sent also Capt. Whiddon, W. Connoke, and some eight shot with them, to see if they could find any mineral stone along the river's side. ' When we ran to the tops of the first hills of the plain adjoining to the river, we beheld that wonder- ful breach of waters which ran down Caroli ; and might from that mountain see the river, how it ran in three parts above twenty miles off, and there ap- peared some ten or twelve overfalls in sight, every one as high over the other as a church-tower, which fell with that fury that the rebound of waters made it seem, as if if had been all covered over with a great shower of rain ; and in some places we took Q2 ^44 THE LIFE OF it at the first for a smoke that had risen over some great town. For my own part, I was well persuad- ed from thence to have returned, being a very ill footman ; but the rest were all so desirous to go near the strange thunder of waters, as they drew me on by little and little, till we came into the next valley, where we might better discern the same. ' I never saw a more beautiful country, nor more lively prospects, hills so raised here and there over the vpllies, the river winding into divers branches, the plains adjoining without bush or stubble, all fair green grass, the ground of hard sand easy to march on either for horse or foot, the deer crossing in every path, the birds toward the evening singing on every tree with a thousand several tunes, cranes and herons, of white, crimson, and carnation, perching on the river's side, the air fresh with a gentle easter- ly wind, and every stone that we stooped to take up, promised either gold or silver by its complexion. Your lordship shall see of many sorts, and I hope some of them cannot be bettered under the sun. And yet we had no means, but with our daggers and fingers, to tear them out here and there, the rocks being most hard of that mineral spar aforesaid, like a flint, and is altogether as hard or harder ; and beside, the veins lie a fathom or two deep in the rocks. But we wanted all things requisite, save only our desires and good will, to have performed more, if it had pleased God. ^ To be short, when both our companies return- SIR WALTER RALEGH. 245 ed, each of them brought also several sorts of stones that appeared very fair, but were such as they found loose on the ground, and were for the most part but coloured, and had not any gold fixed in them. Yet, such as had no judgment or experience kept ail that glittered, and would not be persuaded but it was rich because of the lustre, and brought of those, and of marquesite withal, from Trinidado, and have de- livered of those stones to be tried in many places, and have thereby bred an opinion that all the rest 13 of the same. Yet some of these stones I shewed afterward to a Spaniard of the Caraccas, who told me that it was el madre del oro, and that the mine was farther in the ground. But it shall be found a weak policy in me, either to betray myself or my country with imaginations, neither am I so far in love with that lodging, watching, care, peril., diseases, ill savours, bad fare, and many other mischiefs that accompany these voyages, as to woo myself again into any of them, were I not assured that the sun covereth not so much riches in any part of the earth. Capt. Whiddon, and our surgeon Nicholas Mille- chap, brought me a kind of stones hke sapphires ; what they may prove I know not. I shewed them to some of the Oronokoponi, and they promised to bring me to a mountain, that had of them very large pieces growing diamond-wise. Whether it be crys- tal of the mountain, Bristol diamond, or sapphire, I do not yet know, but I hope the best. Sure I am, that the place is as likely, as those from whence all Q 3 246 THE LIFE OF the rich stones are brought, and in the same height, or very near. On the left hand of this river Caroli are seated those nations which are called Iwarawakeri, before remembered, which are enemies to the Epuremei. And on the head of it, adjoining to the great lake Cassipa/ are situate those other nations which also resist Inga and the Epuremei, called Cassepagotos, Eparegotos, and Arrawagotos. I farther under- stood, that this lake of Cassipa is so large, as it is above one day's journey for one of their canoes to cross, which may be some forty miles ; and that therein fall divers rivers, and that great store of grains of gold are found in the summer time, when the lake falleth by the banks in those branches. There is also another goodly river beyond Caroli^ which is called Arvi, which also runneth through the lake Cassipa, and falleth into Oronoko farther west, making all that land between Caroli and Arvi an island, which is likewise a most beautiful coun- try. Next unto Arvi there are two rivers, Atoica and Caora, and on that branch, which is called Caora, are a nation of people, whose heads appear not above their shoulders ; which, though it may be thought a mere fable, yet for mine own part I am resolved it is true, because every child in the provinces of Arromaia and Canuri af35rro. the same ; they are called Ewaipanoma. ' They are reported to Have their eyes in their shoulders, and their mouths in the middle of their SIR WALTER RALEGH. 24Y breasts, and that a long train of hair groweth back- ward between their shoulders. The son of Topia- wari, who I brought with me into England, told me, that they are the most mighty men of all the land, and use bows, arrows, and clubs thrice as big as any of Guiana, or of the Oronokoponi ; and that one of the Iwarawakeri took a prisoner of them the year before our arrival there, and brought him into the borders of Arromaia, his father's country. And farther, when 1 seemed to doubt of it, he told me, that it was no wonder among them ; but that they were as great a nation, and as common as any other in all the provinces, and had of late years slain many hundreds of his father's people, and of other nations their neighbours. But it was not my chance to hear of them till I was come away ; and if I had but spoken one word of it while I was there, I might have brought one of them with me, to put the mat- ter out of doubt. Such a nation was written of by Maundeville, whose reports were held for fables many years ; and yet since the East Indies were dis- covered, we find his relations true of such things as heretofore were held incredible. Whether it be true or no, the matter is not great, neither can there be any profit in the imagination. For mine own part, I saw them not, but I am resolved that so many people did not all combine or forethink to make the report. ' When I came to Cumana in the West Indies afterward, by chance I spoke v,dth a Spaniard dwell- Q4 248 THE LIFE OF ing not far from thence, a man of great travel. And after he knew that I had been in Guiana, and so far directly west as Caroli, the first question he asked me was, whether I had seen any of the Ewaipanoma, who are those without heads. Who, being esteem- ed a most honest man of his word, and in all things else, told me that he had seen many of them. I may not name him, because it may be for his dis- advantage ; but he is well known to Monsieur Mu- chercn's sons of London, and to Peter Mucheron, merchant, of the Flemish ship that was there in trade, who also heard what he ayowed to be true of those people. ' The fourth river to the west of Caroli is Cas- nero, which falleth into Oronoko on this side of Amapaia ; and that river is greater than Danu- bius, or any of Europe. It riseth on the south of Guiana, from the mountains which divide Guiana from Amazons, and I think it to be navigable many hundred miles. But we had no time, means, nor season of the year, to search those rivers, for the causes aforesaid, the winter being come upon us ; although the winter and summer, as touching cold and heat, diifer not, neither do the trees ever sen- sibly lose their leaves, but have alway fruit either ripe or green, and most of them both blossoms, leaves, ripe fruit, and green, at one time. But their winter only consisteth of terrible rains, and over-. Sowings of the rivers, with many great storms and gusts, thunder and lightnings, of which we had our SIR WALTER RALEGH. 249 fill ere we returned. On the north side, the first river that falleth into Oronoko is Cari. Beyond it, on the same side, is the river of Limo. Between these two is a great nation of cannibals, and their chief town beareth the name of the river, and is called Acamacari. As this town is a continual mar- ket of women, for three or four hatchets a-piece, they are bought by the Arwacas, and by them sold into the West Indies. To the west of Limo is the river Pao, beyond it Caturij beyond that Voari and Ca,puri, which falleth out of the great river of Meta, by which Berreo descended from Nuevo Reyno de .Granada. ' To the westward of Capuri is the province of Amapaia, where Berreo wintered, and had so many pf his people poisoned with the tawny water of the marshes of the Anebas, Above Amapaia, toward Nuevo Rej^o fall in Meta, Pato, and Cassanar. To the west of these, toward the provinces of the As- haguas and Catetios, are the rivers of Beta, Daw-, ney, and Ubarrow ; and toward the frontier of Peru are the provinces of Thomebamba, and Caxi- malta. Adjoining to Quito, in the north of Peru, are the rivers of Guiacar and Goaver ; and on the other side of the said mountains, the river of Papa- mene, which descendeth into Maragnon or Ama- zons, passing through the province of the Muty- lones, where Don Pedro de Osua, who was slain by the traitor Agiri, before rehearsed, built his; brigantines, when he sought Guiana by the way o|" 250 THE LIFE OF Amazons. Between Dawney and Beta lieth a famous island in Oronoko, now called Baraqiian, (for above Meta it is not kno\^Ti by the name of Oronoko) which is called Athule, beyond which ships of bur- den cannot pass by reason of a most forcible over- fall, and current of waters ; but in the eddy all smaller vessels may be drav/n, even to Peru itself. But to speak of more of these rivers, without the des- cription, v*^ere but tedious, and therefore I will leave the rest to the description. ' This river of Oronoko is navigable for ships little less than 1000 miles, and for lesser vessels nearly 2000. By it (as aforesaid) Peru, Nuevo Reyno, and Popayan, may be invaded. It also le3,d- eth to the great empire of Inga, and to the provinces of Amapaia and Anebas, which abound in gold. His branches of Cosnero, Manta, Caora, descend from the mid-land and valley, which lieth between the eastern province of Peru and Guiana, aiid it falls into the sea between Maragnon and Trinidad q in two degrees and a half. All which your honours shall better perceive in the general description of Guiana, Peru, Nuevo Reyno, the kingdom of Popayan and Roidas, with the province of Vensuello, to tlie bay of Uraba, behind Cartagena, westward ; and to Amazons southward. ' While we lay at anchor on the coast of Canuri, and had taken knowledge of all the nations upon the head and branches of this rijrer, and had found out so many several people, vflio were enemies to SIR WALTER RALEGH. 251 the Epuremei, and the new conquerors, I thought it time lost to linger any longer in that place, espe- cially for that the fury of Oronoko began daily to threaten us with danger in our return. For no half day passed, but the river began to rage and over- flow very fearfully, and the rains came down in terrible showers, and gusts in great abundance. And withal, our men began to cry out for want of shift, for no man had place to bestow any other ap- parel than that which he wore on his back, and that was thoroughly washed on his body, for the most part ten times in one day ; and we had now been well near a month, every day passing to the west- ward, farther and farther from our ships. We therefore turned toward the east, and spent the rest of the time in discovering the river toward the sea, which we had not yet viewed, and which was most material. ' The next day following, we left the mouth of |; Caroli, and arrived again at the port of Morequito, where we were before, (for passing down the stream we went without labour, and against the wind, little less than ipo miles a-day). As soon as I came to anchor, I sent away one for old Topiawari, with whom I much desired to have farther conference ; and also to deal with him for some one of his coun- try, to bring with us into England, as well to learn the language, as to confer withal by the way, the time being now spent of any longer stay there. Within three hours after my messenger came to ^.KO. THE LIFE OF him, he arrived also, and with him such a rabble of ail sorts of people, and every one laden with some- what, as if it had been a great market or fair in England. And our hungry companies clustered thick and threefold among their baskets, every one laying hand on what he liked. After he had rested awhile in my tent; I shut out all but ourselves, and my interpreter; and told him, that I knew that both the Epuremei and the Spaniards were enemies to him, his country, and nations. That the one had con- quered Guiana already, and that the other sought to regain the same from them both. And therefore I desired him to instruct me what he could, both of the passage into the golden parts of Guiana, and' to the civil towns and apparelled people of Inga. ' He gave me an answer to this effect. First, that he did not perceive that I meant to go onward tow^ard the city of Pvlanoa ; for neither the time of the year served, neither could he perceive any suf- ficient numbers for such an enterprise. And if I did, I was sure with all my company to be buried there ; for that the emperor was of that strength, as that many times so many men more were too few. Beside, he gave me this good counsel, and advised me to hold it in mind, (as for himself, he knew he could not live till my return) that I should not of- fer by any means hereafter to invade the strong parts of Guiana, without the help of all those nations which were also their enemies ; for that it was im- possible without those, either to be conducted, ^o SIR WALTER RALEGH. 253 be victualled, or to have augbt carried with us, our people not being able to endure the march in so great heat and travel, unless the borderers gave them help to carry Vvith them both their meat and furniture. For he remembered, that in the plains of Macureguarai 300 Spaniards were overthrown, who were tired out, and had none of the borderers to their friends ; but meeting their enemies, as they passed the frontier, were environed on all sides, and the people setting the long dry grass on fire, smother- ed them so as they had no breath to fight, nor could discern their enemies for the great smoke. ' He told me farther, that four days journey from his own town was Macureguarai, and that those were the next and nearest of the subjects of Inga, and of the Epuremei, and the first town of apparelled and rich people. And that all those plates of gold which were scattered among the borderers, and carried to other nations far and near, came from the said Macureguarai, and were there made ; but that those of the land within, were far finer, and were fashioned after the image of men, beasts, birds, and fishes. I asked him whether he thought that those companies that I had there with me, were sufficient to take that town or no, he told me that he thought they were. I then asked him whether he would assist me with -guides, and some companies of his people to join with us ? He answered that he would go himself with ail the borderers, if the rivers did remain fordable ; upon this condition, that I 254 THE LIFE OF would leave with him till my return again, fifty soldiers, whom he undertook to victual. I answer- ed, that I had not above fifty good men in all there, the rest were labourers and rowers ; that I had no provision to leave with them of powder, shot, ap- parel, or aught else ; and that without those things, necessary for their defence, they would be in dan- ger of the Spaniards, in my absence, who I knew would use the same measure toward mine that I of- fered them at Trinidado. And although, upon the motion, Capt. Calfield, Capt. Greenvile, my nephew John Gilbert, and divers others were desirous to stay, yet I was resolved that they must needs have perish- ed; for Beri-eo expected daily a supply out of Spain, and looked also hourly for his son to come down from Nuevo Reyno de Granada, with many ho;rse and foot ; and had also in Valentia, in the Catac- cas, 200 horse ready to march ; and I could not have spared above forty, and had not any store at all of powder, lead, or match to have left with them, nor any other provision, either spade, pick-axe, or aught else to have fortified withal. ' When I had given him reason that I could not at this time leave him such a company, he then de- sired me to forbear him and his country for that time ; for he assured me that I should be no sooner three days from the coast, but those Epuremei would invade him, and destroy all the remains of his pc'ople and friends, if he should any way either guide us, or assist us against them. He farther al- leged, that the Spaniards sought his death, and as SIR WALTER RALEGH. 255 they had already murdered his nephew Morequito, lord of that province, so they had him seventeen days in a chain before he was king of the country, and led him hke a dog from place to place, until he had paid 100 plates of gold, and divers chains of spleen-stones for his ransom ; and now, since he became owner of that province, that they had many times laid wait to take him, and that they would be novv^ more vehement vvhen they should understand of his conference with the English. And because, said he, they would the better displant me, if they cannot lay hands on me, they have gotten a nephew of mine called Eparacano, whom they have christen- ed Don Ivan, and his son Don Pedro, whom they have also apparelled and armed, by whom they seek to make a party against me in mine own country. He also hath taken to wife one Loviana, of a strong family, who are my borderers and neighbours ; and myself being now old and in the hands of death, am not able to travel nor to shift as when I was of younger years. ' He therefore prayed us to defer it till the next year, when he would undertake to draw in all the borderers to serv^e us, and then also it would be more seasonable to travel ; for at this time of the year, we should not be able to pass any river, the waters were and would be so grown ere our return. He farther told me, that I could not desire so much to invade Macureguarai, and the rest of Guiana, but that the borderers would be more vehement than I ; for he vielded for a chief cause, that in the wars 256 THE LIFE OP with the Epuremei, they were spoiled of their wo- men, and that their wives and daughters werejtaken from them ; so as for their own parts they desired nothing of the gold or treasure for their labours, but only to recover women from the Epuremei. For he farther complained very sadly (as if it had been a matter of great consequence) that where- as they were wont to have ten or twelve wives, they were now enforced to content themselves with three or four, and that the lords of the Epuremei had 50 or 100. And in truth they were more for v/omen, than either for s;old or dominion. For the lords of countries desire many children of their own bodies, to increase their races and kindreds, for in those consist their greatest trust and strength. Divers of his followers afterward desired me to make haste again, that they might sack the Epuremei ; and I asked them of \vhat? They answered of their women for us, and their gold for you. For the hope of many of those women they more desire the war, than either for gold, or for the recovery of their ancient territories. For what between the subjects of Inga, and the Spaniards, those frontiers are grown thin of people, and also great numbers are fled to other nations farther off, for fear of the Spaniards. ' After I received this answer of the old man, we fell into consideration, whether it had been of bet- ter advice to have entered Macureguari, and to have begun a war upon Inga at this time, yea or no, if the time of the year and all things else had sorted. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 257 For mine own part (as we were not able to march it for the rivers, neither had any such strength as was requisite, and durst not abide the coming of the winter, or tarry any longer from our ships) I thought it very evil counsel to have attempted it at that time, although the desire of gold will answer many objections. But it would have been in my opinion an utter overthrow to the enterprise, if the same should be hereafter by her Majesty attempted; for then (whereas now they have heard we were enemies to the Spaniards and were sent by her Ma- jesty to relieve them) they would as good cheap have joined with the Spaniards at our return, as to have yielded unto us, when they had proved that we came both for one errand, and that both sought but to sack and spoil them. But as yet our desire of gold, or our purpose of invasion, is not known unto those ef the empire ; and it is Hkely that if her Majesty undertake the enterprise, they will rather submit themselves to her obedience, than to the Spaniards, of whose cruelty both themselves and the borderers have already tasted. And therefore till I had known her Majesty's pleasure, I would rather have lost th^t sack of one or two towns (although they might have been very profitable) than to have defaced or en- dangered the future hope of so many millions ; and the great, good, and rich trade which England may be possessed of thereby. I am assured now, that they will all die, even to the last man, against the Spaniards, in hope of our succour and return. Vol. I. R 258 THE LIFE OF AVhereas, otherwise, if I had either laid hands oil the borderers, or ransomed the lords as Berreo did, or invaded the subjects of Inga, I know all had been lost for hereafter. ' After that I had resolved Topiawari, lord of Aromaia, that I could not at this time leave with him the companies*he desired, and that I was con- tented to forbear the enterprise against the Epuremei till the next year, he freely gave me his only son to take with me into England, and hoped, that though he himself had but a short time to live, yet, that by our means his son should be established after his death. And I left with him one Francis Sparrow, a servant of Capt. GiiFord, (who was desirous to tarry, and could describe a country with his pen) and a boy of mine, called Hugh Goodwin, to learn the language. I after asked the manner how the Epuremei wrought those plates of gold, and how they could melt it out of the stone. He told me that the most of the gold which they made in plates and images was not sever- ed from the stone, but that on the lake of Manoa, and in a multitude of other rivers, they gathered it in grains of perfect gold, and in pieces as big as small stones ; and that they put to it a part of cop- per, otherwise they could not work it, and that they used a great earthen pot, with holes round about it. And when they had mingled the gold and copper together, they fastened canes to the holes, and so with the breath of men they increased the fire till the metal ran > and then they cast it into moulds SIR WALTER RALEGH. 259 of Stone and clay, and so make those plates and images. I have sent your honours of two sorts such as I could by chance recover, more to shew the manner of them, than for the value. For I did not in any sort make my desire of gold known, because I had neither time nor power to have a greater quan- tity. I gave among them many more pieces of gold than I received, of the new money of twenty shil- lings, with her Majesty's picture, to wear, with promise that they would become her servants thence- forth. ' I have also sent your honours of the ore, where- of I know some is as rich as the earth yieldeth any ; of which I know there is sufficient if nothing else were to be hoped for. But beside that we were not able to tarry and search the hills, so we had neither pioneers, bars, sledges, nor wedges of iron, to break the ground, without which there is no working in mines. But we saw ail the hills with stones of the colour of gold and silver, and we tried them to be no marcasite ; and therefore such as the Spaniards call el madre del oro, which is an undoubted as- surance of the general abundance. And myself saw the outside of many mines of the white spar, which I know to be the same that all covet in this world, and of those more than I will speak of. * Having learned what I could in Canuri and Aromaia, and received a faithful promise of the principalest of those provinces to become servants to her Majesty, and to resist the Spaniards if they r2 260 THE LIFE OF made any attempt in our absence, and that they would draw-in the nations about the lake of Cassipgt., and those Iwarawakeri, I then parted from old Topiawari, and received his son for a pledge be- tween us, and left with him two of ours, as aforesaid. To Francis Sparrow I gave instructions to travel to Macureguarai, with such merchandize as I left with him, thereby to learn the place, and if it were pos- sible to go on to the great city of Manoa. Which being done, we weighed anchor, and coasted the river on Guiana-side, because we came up on the north-side, by the lawns of the Saima and Wikiri. ' There came with us from Aromaia a cassique called Putyma, who commanded the province of Warapana, (which Putyma slew the nine Spaniards upon Caroli before spoken of) who desired us to rest at the port of his country, promising to bring us to a mountain adjoining to his town, that had stones of the colour of gold, which he performed. And after v/e had rested there one night, I went myself in the morning with most of the gentlemen of my company, overland toward the said moun- tain, marching by a river's side called Mana, leaving on the right-hand a town called Tuteritona, stand- ing in the province of Tarracoa, of which Wa- riaaremagoto is principal. Beyond it lieth another town toward the south, in the valley of Amarioca- pana, which beareth the name of the said valley, whose plains stretch themselves some sixty miles in length, east ana west, as fair ground and as beau- SIR WALTER RALEGH. 261 tiful fields as any man hath ever seen, with divers copses scattered here and there by the river's side, and all as full of deer as any forest or park in Eng- land, and in every lake and river the like abund- ance of fish and fowl ; of which Icraparragota is lord. ' From the river of Mana we crossed another river in the said beautiful valley, called Oiana, and rested ourselves by a clear lake, which lay in the middle of the said Oiana ; and one of our guides kindling us fire with two sticks, we staid awhile to dry our shirts, which with the heat hung very wet and heavy on our shoulders. Afterward we sought the ford to pass over toward the mountain called Iconuri, where Putyma foretold us of the mine. In. this lake we saw one of the great fishes as big as a wine-pipe, which they call manati, and is most ex- cellent and wholesome meat. But after I perceived, that to pass the said river would require half a-day*s march more, I was not able myself to endure it, and therefore I sent Capt. Keymis, with six shot, to go on, and gave him order not to return to the port of Putyma, which is called Chiparepare ; but to take leisure, and to march down the said valley as far as a river called Cumaca, where I promised to meet him again, (Putyma himself promising also to be his guide). And as they marched, they left the towns of Emparepana and Capurepana^ on the right-hand, and marched from Putyma's house, down the said valley of Amariocopanaj r3 262 THE LIFE OF and we returning the same day to the river's side, saw by the way many rocks like unto gold ore, and on the left-hand, a round mountain, which consist- ed of mineral stone. ' Hence we rowed down the stream, coasting the province of Parino. As for the branches of rivers, which I overpass in this discourse, those shall be better expressed in the description, with the moun- tains of Aio, Ara, and the rest, which are situate in the provinces of Parino and Carricurina. When we were come as far down as the land called Arria- cora, (where Oronoko divideth itself into three great branches, each of them being most goodly rivers), I sent away Capt. Henry Thyn and Capt. Greenvile with the galley, the nearest way, and took with me Capt. Gilford, Capt. Calfield, Edward Por- ter, and Capt. Eynos, with mine own barge, and the two wherries, and went down that branch of Oro- noko which is called Cararoopana, which leadeth toward Emeria the province of Carapana, and to- ward the east sea, as well to find out Capt. Keymis, whom I had sent overland, as also to acquaint my- self with Carapana, who is one of the greatest of all the lords of the Oronokoponi. And when we came to the river of Cumaca (to which Putyma promised to con- duct Capt. Keymis) I left Capt. Eynos and Mr. Por- ter in the said river, to expect his coming, and the rest of us rowed down the stream toward Emeria. ' In this branch, called Cararoopana, were also many goodly islands some of six miles long, some SIR WALTER RALEGH. 203 •f ten, and some of twenty. When it grew toward sun-set, we entered a branch of a river that fell into Oronoko called Winicapora, where I was in- formed of the mountain of crystal ; to which in truth, for the length of the way and the evil season of the year, I was not able to march nor abide any longer upon the journey. We saw it far off, and it appeared like a white church tower of an exceed- ing height. There falleth over it a mighty river, which toucheth no part of the side of the mountain, but rusheth over the top of it, and falleth to the ground, with a terrible noise and clamour, as if a thousand great bells were knocked one against an- other. I think there is not in the world so strange an overfall, nor so wonderful to behold. Berreo told me, that it hath diamonds and other precious stones on it, and that they shined very far off. But what it hath I know not, neither durst he or any of his men ascend to the top of the said mountain, those people adjoining being his enemies, as they were, and the way to it so impassable. ' Upon this river of Winecapora we rested awhile, and thence marched into the country to a town call- ed after the name of the river, whereof the chief was one Timitwara, who also offered to conduct me to the top of the said mountain called Wacarima. But when we came in first to the house of the said Timitwara, being upon one of their feast-days, we found them all as drunk as beggars, and the pots walking from one to another without rest. Wq o B 4 f 264 THE LIFE Of that were weary, and hot with marching, were glad of the plenty, though a small quantity satisfied us, their drink being very strong and heady ; and so rested ourselves a while. After we had fed, we drew ourselves back to our boats upon the river, and there came to us all the lords of the country, with all such kind of victual as the place yielded, and with their delicate wine of pinas, and with abundance of hens and other provisions, and of those stones which we call spleen-stones. We un- derstood by these chieftains of Winicapora, that their lord Carapana was departed from Emeria, which was now in sight, and that he was fled to Cairamo, adjoining to the mountains of Guiana, over the valley called Amariocopana ; being per- suaded by those ten Spaniards who lay at his house that we would destroy him and his country. ' But after these cassiqui of Winicapora an4 Saporatona, his followers, perceived our purpose, and saw that we came as enemies to the Spaniards only, and had not so much as harmed any of those nations, no, though we found them to be of the Spaniards' own servants, they assured us that Cara- pana would be as ready to serve us, as any of the lords of the provinces which we had passed ; and that he durst do no other till this day but entertain the Spaniards, his country lying so directly in their way, and the next of all other to any entrance that should be made in Guiana on that side. And they farther assured us, that it was not for fear of our SIR WALTER RALEGH. 205 coming that he was removed, but to be acquitted of those Spaniards, or any other, that should come hereafter. For the province of Cairoma is situate at the mountain foot, which divideth the plains of Guiana from the countries of Oronokoponi ; by means whereof, if any should come in our absence into his towns, he would slip over the mountains into the plains of Guiana among the Epuremei, where the Spaniards durst not follow him without great force. ' But in my opinion, or rather I assure myself, that Carapana (being a notable, wise, and subtle fel- low, a man of 100 years of age, and therefore of great experience) is removed, to look on. And if he find that we return strong, he will be ours, if not, he will excuse his departure to the Spaniards, and say it was for fear of our coming. ' We therefore thought it bootless to row so far down the stream, or to seek any farther for this old fox. And therefore, from the river of Waricapana (which lieth at the entrance of Emeria,) we turned again, and left to the eastward those four rivers which fall from out the mountains of Emeria into Oronoko, which are Waracapari, Coirama, Akaniri, and Iparoma. Below those four are also these branches and mouths of Oronoko, which fall into the east sea, whereof the first is Araturi, the next Amacura, the third Barima, the fourth Wana, the fifth Moroca, the sixth Paroma, the last Wymi. Beyond them, there fall out of the land between 266 THE LIFE 0? * Oronoko and Amazons fourteen rivers, which I for- bear to name, inhabited by the Arwacas and can- nibals. ' It was now time to return toward the north, and we found it a wearisome way back from the borders of Emeria, to recover up again to the head of the river Carerupana, by which we descended, and where we parted from the galley, which I di- rected to take the next way to the port of Topari- maca, by which we entered first. All the night it was stormy and dark, and full of thunder and great showers, so as we were driven to keep close by the banks in our small boats, being all heartily afraid both of the billow and terrible current of the river. By the next morning we recovered the mouth of the river Cumaca, where we left Capt. Eynos and Edward Porter to attend the coming of Capt. Key- mis overland ; but when we entered the same, they had heard no news of his arrival, which bred in us a great doubt what might become of him. I rowed up a league or two farther into the river, shooting off pieces all the way, that he might know of our being there ; and the next morning we heard them answer us also with a piece. We took them aboard us, and took our leave of Putyma, their guide, who of all others most lamented our departure, and offered to send his son with us into England, if we could have staid till he had sent back to his town. But our hearts were cold to behold the great rage and increase of Oronoko, and therefore departed^^ SIR WALTER RALEGH. ^^ ' and turned toward the west, till we l^ad recovered the parting of the three branches aforesaid, that we might put down the stream after the galley. < The next day we landed on the island of Assa- pana, (which divideth the river from that branch Cwhich we went down to Emeria) and there feast- ed ourselves with that beast which is called arma- diUa, presented unto us before at Winicapora. And the day following, we recovered the galley at anchor at the port of Toparimaca, and the same evening departed with very foul weather and terrible thund- er and showers, for the winter was come on very far The best was, we went no less than 100 miles a-day down the river ; but by the way we entered it was impossible to return, for that the river of Amana, being in the bottom of the bay of Guanipa, cannot be sailed back by any means, both the breeze and current of the sea were so forcible. And there- fore we followed a branch of Oronoko called Ca- puri, which entered into the sea eastward of our ships, to the end we might bear with them before the wind ; and it was not without need, for we had by that way as much to cross of the main sea, after we came to the river's mouth, as between Gravelm and Dover, in such boats as your honours have heard. , .^ ' To speak of what passed homeward were te- dious ; either to describe or name any of the rivers, islands, or villages of the Tivitivas, which dwell on trees J we will leave all those to the general map. ^68 THE LIFE OP And to be short, when we were arrived at the sea- side then grew our greatest doubt, and the bitterest of all our journey forepassed ; for I protest before God that we were in a most desperate estate. For the same night which we anchored in the mouth of the river of Capuri, where it falleth into the sea, there aro&e a mighty storm, and the nver*s mouth was at least a league broad, so as we ran before night close under the land with our small boats, and brought the galley as near as we could, but she had as much ado to live as could be, and there wanted little of her sinking, and all those in her. For rain^e own part, I confess I was very doubtful which way to take, either to go over in the pestered galley, there being but six foot water over the sands for two leagues together, and that also in the channel, and she drew five ; or to adventure in so great a billow, and in so doubtful weather to cross the seas in my barge. The longer we tarried the worse it was, and therefore I took Capt. GifFord, Capt. Cal- lield, and my cousin Greenvile, into my barge, and after it cleared up about midnight, we put ourselves to God's keeping, and thrust out into the sea, leaving the galley at anchor, who durst not adven- ture but by day light. And so being all very sober and melancholy, one faintly cheering another to shew courage, it pleased God that the next day about nine of the clock, we descried the island of Trinidado ; and steering for the nearest part of it, we kept the shore till we came to Curiapan, where SIR WALTER RALEGH. 269 we found our ships at anchor, than which there was never to us a more joyful sight. ' Now that it hath pleased God to send us safe to oiur ships, it is time to leave Guiana to the sun, whom they worship, and steer away toward the north. I will therefore in a few words finish the Discovery th,ereof. Of the several nations which we found upon this discovery I will once again make repeti- tion, and how they are affected. At our first en- trance into Amana, which is one of the outlets of Oronoko, we left on the right-hand of us in the bottom of the bay, lying directly against Trinidado, a nation of inhuman cannibals, who inhabit the rivers of Guanipa and Berbeese. In the same bay, there is also a third river, which is called Areo, which riseth on Paria side toward Cumana, and that river is inhabited by the Wikiri, v/hose chief town upon the said river is Say ma. In this bay there are no more rivers but these three before rehearsed, and the four branches of Amana ; all which in the win- ter thrust so great abundance of water into the sea, a« the same is taken up fresh, two or three leagues from the land. In the passage toward Guiana, (that is, in all those lands which the eight branches of Oronoko fashion into islands,) there is but one sort of people, called Tivitivas, but of two casts, as they term them, the one called Ciawani, the other Wa- raweeti, and those war one with the other. ' On the hithermost part of Oronoko, as at To- parimaca and Winicapora, those are of a nation call- 270 THE LIFE OF ed Nepolos, and are of the followers of Carapana, lord of Emerla. Those between Winicapora and the port of Morequito, which standeth in Aromaia, and all those in the valley of Amariocopana are call- ed Oronokoponi, and did obey Morequito, and are now followers of Topiawari. Upon the river of Caroli are the Canuri, who are governed by a wo- man (who is inheritrix of that province) who came far off to see our nation, and asked me divers ques- tions of her Majesty, being much delighted with the discourse of her Majesty's greatness, and wondering at such reports as we truly made of her highness* many virtues. And upon the head of Caroli, and on the lake of Cassippa, are the three strong nations of the Cassipagotos. Right south into the land are the Capurepani and Emparepani, and beyond those adjoining to Macureguarai, (the first city of Inga), are the Iwarawakeri ; all these are professed enemies to the Spaniards, and to the rich Epuremei also. To the west of Caroli are divers nations of cannibals, and of those Ewaipanoma, without heads. Directly west are the Amapias and Anebas, who are also marvellous rich in gold. The rest toward Peru we Vv'ill 9mit. On the north of Oronoko, between it and the west Indies, are the Wikiri, Sami, and the rest before spoken of, all mortal enemies to the Spa- niards. On the south-side of the main mouth of Oronoko, are the Arwacas ; and beyond them the cannibals. And to the south of them the Amazons. ' To make mention of the several beasts, birds. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 271 fishes, fruits, flov/ers, gums, sweet woods ; and of their several rehgions and customs, would, for the first, require as many volumes as those of Gesnerus, and for the rest another bundle of decades. The rehgion of the Epuremei is the same which the Ingas, emperors of Peru, used, which may be read in Cieca, and other Spanish stories ; how they believe the im- mortahty cf the soul, worship the sun, and bury with them aHve their best beloved wives and treasure, as they likewise do in Pegu in the East Indies, and other places. The Oronokoponi bury not their wives with them but their jewels, hoping to enjoy them again. The Arwacas dry the bones of their lords, and their wives and friends drink them in pow- der. In the graves of the Peruvians the Spaniards found their greatest abundance of treasure ; the like also is to be found among these people in every pro- vince. They have all many wives, and the lords five-fold to the common sort. Their wives never eat with their husbands, nor among the men, but serve their husbands at meals, and afterward feed by themselves. Those that are past their younger years, make all their bread and drink, and work their cot- ton beds, and do all else of service and labour ; for the men do nothing but hunt, fish, play, and drink, when they are out of the wars. ' I will enter no farther into discourse of their manners, laws, and customs. And because I have not myself seen the cities of Inga, I cannot avow on my credit what I have heard, although it be very 4 272 THE LIFE OF likely, that the emperor Inga hath built and erected as magnificent palaces in Guiana as his ancestors did in Peru, which were for their riches and rareness most marvellous, and exceeding all in Europe, and I think of the world, China excepted. Which also the Spaniards (who I had) assured me to be of truth, as also the nations of the borderers, who being but salvaios to those of the inland, do cause much trea- sure to be buried with them. For I was informed gf one of the cassiqui of the valley of Amariocapana, who had buried with him, a little before our arrival, a chair of gold most curiously wrought, which was made either in Macureguari adjoining, or in Manoa. But if we should have grieved them in their religion at the first, before they had been taught better, and have digged up their graves, we had lost them all ; and therefore I held my first resolution, that her Majesty should either accept or refuse the enterprize, ere anything should be done that might in any sort hinder the same. And if Peru had so many heaps of gold, whereof those Ingas were princes, and that they delighted so much therein, no doubt but this who now liveth and reigneth in Manoa, hath the same humour, and I am assured hath more abund- ance of gold within his territory than all Peru and the West Indies. ' For the rest, which myself have seen, I will pro- mise these things that follow, and know to be true. Those who are desirous to discover and to see many nations, may be satisfied within this river ^ which , V SIR WALTER RALEGH. 273 bringeth forth so many arms atid branches leading to several countries and provinces, above 2000 miles east and west, and 800 miles south and north, and of these, the most either rich in gold, or in other merchandizes. The common soldier shall here fight for gold, and pay himself, instead of pence, with plates of half a foot broad, whereas he breaketh his. bones in other wars for provant and penury. Those commanders and chieftains who shoot at honour and abundance, shall fmd there more rich and beautiful cities, more temples adorned with golden Images, more sepulchres filled with treasure, than either Cor- tez found In Mexico, or PIzzaro In Peru j and the shining glory of this conquest will eclipse all those so far-extended beams of the Spanish nation. There is no country which yieldeth more pleasure to the in- habitants^ either for these common delights of hunt- ing, hawking, fishing, fowling, and the rest, than Guiana doth. It hath so many plains, clear rivers, abundance of pheasants, partridges, quails, rails, cranes, herons, and all other fowl ; deer of all sorts, porkers, hares, lions, tigers, leopards, and divers other sorts of beasts, either for chace or food. It hath a kind of beast called cama or anta, as big as an English beef, and in great plenty. ' To speak of the several sorts of every kind I fear would be troublesome to the reader, and there- fore I will omit them, and conclude that both for health, good air, pleasure, and riches, I am resolved Vol. L s S^4 THE LIFE OP It cannot be equalled by any region either in the east or west. Moreover the country is so healthful, as of 100 persons and more, who lay without shift most siuttishly, and were every day almost melted with heat in rowing and marching, and suddenly wet again with great showers, and did eat of all sorts of corrupt fruits, and made meals of fresh fish without seasoning, of tortugas, of lagartos, and of all sorts good and bad, without either order or measure, and beside lodged in the open air every night, we lost not any one, nor had one ill-disposed to my know- ledge ; nor found any callentura, or other of those pestilent diseases which dwell in all hot regions, and so near the equinoctial line. ' Where there is store of gold, it is in effect need- less to remember other commodities for trade. But it hath toward the south part of the river, great quantities of brazil-wood, and of divers berries that dye a most perfect crimson and carnation ; and for painting, all France, Italy, or the East Indies, yield none such, for the more the skin is washed the fair- er the colour appeareth, and with which even those brown and tawny women spot themselves and colour their cheeks. All places yield abundance of cotton, of silk, of balsamum, and of those kinds most ex- cellent and never known in Europe, of all sorts of gums, of Indian pepper ; and what else the country may afford-within the land we know not, neither had we time to abide the trial and search. The soil be- side is so excellent, and so full of rivers, as it will 31R WALTER RALEGH. 275 carry sugar, ginger, and all those other commodities which the West Indies hath. ' The navigation is short, for it may be sailed vvith an ordinary wind in six weeks, and in the like dme back again, and by the way neither lee-shore, ene- my's coast, rocks, nor sands. All which, in the voyages to the West Indies, and all other places, we are subject unto ; as the channel of Bahama coming from the West Indies, cannot be passed in the win- ter, and when it is at the best it is a perilous and fear- ful place. The rest of the Indies, for calms and dis- eases, very troublesome ; and the Bermudas a hellish sea for thunder, lightning, and storms. This very year there were seventeen sail of Spanish ships lost in the channel of Bahama, and the Great Philip, like to have sunk at the Bermudas, was put back to Saint Juan de Puerto Rico. And so it falleth out in that navigation every year for the most part, which in this voyage is not to be feared. For the time of the year to leave England isl)estin July, and the sum- mer in Guiana is in October, November, December, January, February, and March, and then the ships may depart thence in April, and so return again into England in June, so as they shall never be subject to winter- weather, either coming, going, or staying there. Which, for my part, I take to be one of the? greatest comforts and encouragements that can bd thought on, having (as done) tasted in this voyage by the West Indies so many cahns, so much heatj, s- 2 276 Yhe life of such outrageous gusts, foul weather and contr^T winds. ' To conclude ; Guiana Is a country that hath yet her maidenhead, never sacked, turned, nor wrought. The face of the earth hath not been torn, nor the virtue and salt of the soil spent by manur- ance, the graves have not been opened for gold, the mines not broken with sledges, nor their images pulled down out of their temples. It hath never been entered by any army of strength, and never conquered or possessed by any Christian prince. It is beside so defensible, that if two forts be built in one of the provinces which I have seen, the flood setteth in so near the bank where the channel also ilethj that no ship can pass up, but within a pike's length of the artillery, first of the one, and after- ward of the other. Which two forts will be a suf-^ ficient guard both to the empire of Inga, and to 100 other several kingdoms lying within the said river, even to the city of Quito in Peru. ' There is therefore great difference between the easiness of the conquest of Guiana, and the defence of it being conquered, and the West or East Indies. Guiana hath but one entrance by the sea (if it have that) for any vessels of burden ; so as whosoever shall first possess it, it shall be found unaccessable for any enemy, except he come in wherries, barges, or canoes, or else in flat-bottomed boats. And if he do offer to enter it in that manner, the woods are 60 thick 300 piiles together upon the rivers of such SIR WALTER RALEGH. 277 entrance, as a mouse cannot sit in a boat unhit from the bank. By land it is more impossible to approach, for it hath the strongest situation of any region un- der the sun, and is so environed with impassable mountains on every side, as it is impossible to victual any company in the passage. Which hath been well proved by the Spanish nation, who, since the con- quest of Peru, have never left five years free from attempting this empire, or discovering some way in- to it ; and yet of twenty-three several gentlemen, knights, and noblemen, there was never any that knew which way to lead an army by land, or to con- duct ships by sea, anything near the said country. Oreliano, of which the river of Amazons taketh name, was the first, and Don Antonio de Berreo (whom we displanted) the last. And I doubt much, whether he himself or any of his, yet know the best way into the said empire. It can therefore hardly be regained, if any strength be formally set down but in one or two places, and but two or three crumsters of galleys built, and furnished upon the river within. The West-Indies hath many ports, watering-places, and landings ; and nearer than 300 miles to Guiana, no man can harbour a ship, except he know one only place, which is not learnt in haste, and which I will undertake there is not any one of my companies that knoweth, whosoever hearkened most after it. ' Beside, by keeping one good fort, or building one town of strength, the whole empire is guarded, 2*78 THE LIFE OF and whatsoever companies shall be afterward plant- ed within the land, although in twenty several pro- vinces, those shall be able to re-unite themselves up- on any occasion, either by the way of one river, or be able to march by land without either wood, bog, or mountain ; whereas, in the West-Indies there are few towns or provinces that can succour or relieve one the other, either by land or sea. By land the .pountries are either desert, mountainous, or strong enemies. By sea, if any man invade to the east- ward, those to the west cannot in many months turn against the breeze and easter-wind. Beside, the Spaniards are therein so dispersed, as they are no- where strong, but in Nueva Hispania only. The sharp mountains, the thorns, and poisoned prickles, the sandy and deep ways in the valleys, the smother- ing heat and air, and want of water in other places, are their only and best defence ; which (because those nations that invade them are not victualled or provided to stay, neither have any place to find ad- joining) do serve them instead of good arms and great multitudes. ' The West-Indies were first offered her Majesty's grandfather by Columbus, a stranger, in whom there might be doubt of deceit ; and beside, it was then thought incredible, that there were such and so many lands and regions jiever written of before. This empire is made known to her Majesty by her own vassal, and by him that oweth to her more duty than an ordinary subject ; so that it shall ill sort SIR WALTER RALEGH. 27^> with the many graces and benefits which I have re- ceived, to abuse her Highness either' with fables or imaginations. The country is already discovered, many nations won to her Majesty's love and obedi- ence; and those Spaniards who have latest and longest laboured about the conquest, beaten out, dis- couraged and disgraced, who among these nations were thought invincible. Her Majesty may, in this enterprise, employ all those soldiers and gentlemen that are younger brethren, and ail captains and chief- tains that want employment, and the charge will be only the first setting out in victualling and arming them ; for after the first or second year, I doubt not but to see in London a contractation-house of more receipt for Guiana, than there is now in Se- I ville for the West-Indies. i « And I am resolved, that if there were but a small army a-foot in Guiana, marching toward Ma- noa the chief city of Inga, he would yield her Ma- jesty by composition so many hundred thousand pounds yearly, as should both defend all enemies abroad, and defray all expences at home ; and that he would beside pay a garrison of 3,000 or 4,000 soldiers very royally to defend him against other nations. For he cannot but know, how his prede- cessors, yea how his own great uncles Guascar and Atabalipa, sons to Guanacapa emperor of Peru, were (while they contended for the empire) beaten out by the Spaniards, and that both of late years, and ever since the said conquest, the Spaniards have sought s 4 280 THE LIFE OF the passages and entry of his country. And of their cruelties used to the borderers he cannot be ignorant. In which respects, no doubt but he will be brought to tribute with great gladness. If not, he hath neither shot nor iron-weapon in all his empire, and there- fore may easily be conquered. ' And I farther remember, that Berreo confessed to me and others (which I protest before the Ma- jesty of God to be true) that there was found among prophecies in Peru, (at such time as the empire was reduced to the Spanish obedience) in their chief temples, among divers others which foreshewed the loss of the s^id empire, that from Inglatierra those Ingas should be again in time to come restored, and delivered from the servitude of the said conquerors. And I hope, as we with these few hands have dis- planted the first garrison, and driven them out of the said country, so her Majesty will give order for the rest, and either defend it and hold it as tributary, or conquer and keep it as empress of the same. For whatsoever prince shall possess it, shall be greatest ; and if the king of Spain enjoy it he will become ir- resistible. Her Majesty hereby shall confirm and strengthen the opinion of all nations, as touching her great and princely actions. And where the south border of Guiana reacheth to the dominion and em- pire of the Amazons, those women shall hereby hear the name of a virgin, who is not only able to defend her own territories and her neighbours^ SIR WALTER RALEGH. i^81 i)ut also to^ invade and conquer so great empires, and so far removed. ' To speak more at this time, I fear v/ould be •but troublesome. I trust in God, this being true, will suffice ; and that he who is King of all kings, and Lord of lords, will put it into her heart which is lady of ladies, to possess it. If not, I will judge those men worthy to be kings thereof, that by her grace and leave will undertake it of themselves.' * ^ This piece was first published by Sir Walter under the title the Discovery of the large, rich, and beautiful, empire of Guiana, with a relation of the great and golden city of Manoa, called by the Spaniards El Dorado, &c. printed by Robert Robinson, London, 4to, 15Q6. It has been reprinted in Ha^luyt's Voy- ages, 2"" edition. III, 62/, and in Birch's Works of Ralegh, JI, 13/. Also in Latin under the title Brevis et admiranda De- scriptio Regni Guianas, Sec. Norimb. Impens. 4'°, l5gQ ; and in Dutch, 4'°, l6l2. The Abstract of Spaniards' Letters and Reports subjoined to these editions, will be found in the Ap. pendix, N°. IX. The ingenious Dr. Edward Bancroft, in his Essay on the Natural History of Guiana, (8"", 1769, p. 258) informs us, that in his time the Caribbee Indians retained a tradition of Sir Walter Ralegh, and were said to preserve an English jack, which he left there to distinguish his countrymen. 282 THE LIFE OP CHAPTER V. Malegh fires Cumana, &c Returns to England „ Jlis indijferent reception Second voiyage to Guiana. Action at Cadis Ralegh'' s dissention with Vere. , — He is rear-admiral Fleet sails His rela- tion of the action Heads the Jleet Is wound' ed Testimonies to his hraxiery Return from Cadiz Third vo 2/ age to Guiana The queen pleas- ed Jiotzoithstanding Essex Sir Robert Cecil His ill-will to Essex, and friendship for Ralegh Ralegh a candidate as vice-chamberlain He reconciles Essex and Cecil Victuals COOO 7nen In counsel with Essex and Cecil. Restored z&ith the queen. Very frieridly with Essex. Island voyage Rear- admiral Reconciled to Vere Prejudiced with Essex Joins him at Flores hoses him at Fayal His account of the landing there Essex en- raged Indian fleet escapes Return to England Remarks Reception in England Proino- iions of Cecil and Howard. Ralegh in parliament FamiUariti/ between him, Essex, and Cecil Cecil goes as ambassador to Fr^ance Essex enters into Ralegh's interest Ralegh spohen of as lord- deputy of Ireland He benefits Cormoall — . ■ Essex's feather-triu7nph He goes to Ireland — . , Ralesh vice-admiral Desires to be a baron Essex returns Ralegh's discontent He goes to Flanders Cecil's letter to the commissioners Object of the journey doubted Ralegh made governor of Jersey Essex suspended from his offices Outrageous^ ,. .His corresponde)2ce with King James SIR WALTER RALEGH, 283 . „ . .Prejudices him against Ralegh His insurrection „ Design on Ralegh Ralegh's conference zcith Gorges He is falseli/ accused hy Essex. . . .Cecil relents Ralegh's letter to Cecil Essex executed Ralegh receives the French ambassador Sits in parliament His speeches He sells his Irish , estate Is challenged hy Preston Death of Queen Elizaheth. JjEFORE Sir Walter bent his course homeward from his Guianian expedition, he appears to have coasted Terra Firma, and touched at Cumana, S^ Mary's, and Rio de la Hacha. The inhabitants of the first refusing him a contribution which he de- manded, he fired their town; and also made a slight attack upon the latter places.* He then steered for Cuba, where at Cape S'. Antonio he fell in, on the 13'" of July, with the expedition of Captains Preston and Sommers, for the West Indies, which he kept company for seven days and then lost it.** He arrived in England probably late in the summer of 1596. The dedication prefixed to his narrative of the voyage, as well as his address to the reader, suffi- ciently discover that the intelligence Ralegh brought with him was not received in this country in a man- ner the most satisfactory ; and while some probably- treated his narration as fabulous, or at least, un- certain, and others dwelt on the hazard of risking 3 Camden's Elizab. Ann. 15g5. * Haklnyt's Voyages, III, 582. 284 THE LIFE OF 1596. a large fleet in so unhealthy a climate, he was not likely to experience that public concurrence which he seems to have hoped for in the prosecution of his discovery. We may reasonably conclude in- deed, that his absence from this country was too short to extinguish that jealousy of his rivals in power, which, it hath been supposed, contributed to induce him to this undertaking ; and their influence may have proved a very powerful weapon in co- operation with the natural difficulties attending it, to conduce to the rejection of his scheme. What his personal reception was with the queen, we are not informed, but it is clear that he was not re-admitted to her court in the first instance, at least. For in a letter from Rowland Whyte, Esq. to Sir Robert Syd- ney, dated December, IS^**, 1595, we read, there he great means made for Sir TValter Ralegh's coming to the court — he lives about London very gallant — his voyage goes forward^ and my lord- treasurer ventures with him ^500 in money. Sir Robert Cecil ventures a neiv ship, bravely furnish^ cd, the very hull stands in ^800.*^ The latter part of this quotation alludes to Sir Walter's second attempt on Guiana. The expedi- tion consisted of two vessels, the Darling and the Discoverer ; and the command of it was given to Mr. Laurence Keymis, who had accompanied Sir Walter in the former voyage. He sailed in January 1596, reached the place of his destination, found ' Collins' Sydney Letters, fol. \7AQ, \, 377- SIR WALTER RALEGH. 28.5* the passes occupied by the Spaniards, and returned in the June following, without more substantially benefiting the cause, than by reiterating assurances that Guiana abounded In gold. He published an account of his expedition, which he dedicated to Ralegh, and which will be found in the Appendix, (N°. X.) Sir Walter was at that time abroad, engaged la the memorable action at Cadiz, In 1596, as which, says Monson, an eye witness, the king of Spain, never received so great an overthrow and so great an indignity at our hands ; for our attempt ivas at his own home, in his port that he thought as safe as his chamber ; where we took and destroyed his ships of ivar, burned and consumed the wealth of his merchants, sacked his city, ransomed his subjects, and entered his country ivithout impeachment.^ The recent possession of Calais by the Spaniards, the late ill success of Hawkins and Drake, the state of Ireland, and the intelligence of the preparations at Cadiz, were circumstances which strongly com- bined to create apprehensions In Queen Elizabeth of Philip's designs ; and she now determined on a mea- sure, which, as I have already observed,^ Sir Walter was of opinion she might have pursued with equally good consequences in 1588 — the attempt to destroy his preparations in his own ports. A powerful fleet was accordingly equipped at Plymouth, consisting ^ Naral Tracts, Ann. J 596. * Chap. II;, note. 2Sb THE LIFE OP of 1 50 vessels ; seventeen of which were capital ships of war, twenty-two supplied by the Dutch, the rest tenders and small vessels. The men com- puted to be embarked were 6360 soldiers, lOGO volunteers, .and 6772 seamen, beside the Dutch. The command of the land forces was given to the earl of Essex, that of the navy to Lord Effinghamj high-admiral. To these were appointed for a coun- cil of war, -Lord Thomas Howard, Sir Walter Ra- legh, Sir Francis Vere, Sir George Carew, and Sir Corners Clifford. The fleet was divided into four squadrons, which were severally under the com- mand of the high-admiral, Essex, Lord Thomas Howard, and Ralegh.^ It appears that Sir Walter did not join the expe- dition at Plymouth, until some days after the other commanders were assembled there. For among Mr, Anthony Bacon's papers, is a letter in May, to his brother Francis, wherein he writes, / doubt not hut that you have heard of Mr. Fulk Greville's employ- ment to carry to the two generals their royal benedict tion; and yet Sir Walter Ralegh's slackness and stay by the way is not thought to be upon sloth or negli- gence, but upon pregnant design, which ivill be brought forth very shortly and found to be, according to the French proverb, fils ou fille.^ Also in a letter from Sir Anthony Standen to Mr. Bacon, dated Exeter, May, 18'% in his way to Ply* ^ Camden's Elizab A.nn. ISgQo " Birch's Memoirs Eliz. 1, 486. SIR WALTER RALEGH. SST mouth, he writes that he heard by such as he met continually coming from that town that there was no speech of the departure of the fleet, there being no kind of news of Sir Walter Ralegh, whose stay seemed to stay all, and to put the earl of Essex to insupportable charges, and hereupon do luant no comments of divers senses^ all to the best, as you may judge by the subject.^ Sir Walter arrived, however, at Plymouth on the 21*'^ of May, and the embarkation of the army was then immediately to take place, that the fleet might proceed to sea with the first fair wind.' In the interval, some slight dissentions appear to have discovered themselves between him and Sir- Francis Vere, who was appointed, under the title of lord-marshal, to supply the place of lieutenant- general ©f the army in this expedition. During this stay of the army about Plymouth, says Vere, it pleased my lord of Essex to give me much coun- tenance, and to have me ahvay near kirn, ivhich drew upon me no small envy, insomuch as some open jars fell out betwioct Sir Walter Ralegh, then rear- qdjniral of the navy, and Sir Conniers Clifford, serjeant-maj or -general of the army, and myself; ivhich the general qualified for the time, and order- ed that in all meetings at land, 1 should have the precedence of Sir IValter Ralegh, andhe of me at sea J' " Birch's Memoirs Eliz, II, 6. ilbid. II, 10. •"Yere'.s Commentaries, folio,. Camb, i6j7, 25. 288 THE LIFE OP In addition to this^ the Bacon papers Infonfi ' usj^ that at table in drink, in the presence of my lords, generals, ^c» there passed some words, the matter heing taken against the marshal by Arthur Tlirock- morton,^ a hot-headed youth, 7vho desborded in such words as my lords commanded him from the table^ — and in another letter, Sir Anthony Standen (who appears to have been no friend to Ralegh) in- forms us, Sir Walter Ralegh's carriage to my lord of Essex, is with the cunningest respect, and deep' est humility that ever I saw or have troivedJ^ Sir Walter's real disunion with Essex, and the attach- ment of both Vere and Standen to the party of the latter, sufficiently explain these anecdotes. On the first of June the fleet sailed. The prin- cipal ships of war aiid their commanders, which Sir William Monson hath enumerated," were as fol- lows. 1 Brotfier to Lady Ralegh, and knighted for his services in this expedition. See Birch's Memoirs EHzab. If, 50. The num- ber of knights made by Essex on this occasion, produced the following jeu d'esprit : A gentleman of Wales, A knight of Cales, And a laird of the North-country ; But- a yeoman of Kent, With his yearly rent. Will buy them out all three. «n Birch's Memoirs Elizab. 11^ 10. «> Ibid. II, 15. • Naval Tracts. .. .. iJ / SIR WALTER RALEGH. 289 Kopulse, Earl of Essex. Ark-royal, Lord Admiral. Mer-bonneur, Lord Tlws. Howard. ^ Warspite, Sir Walter Ralegh. Lion, Sir Boberi Southwell. Rainbow, Sir Francis Vere. Nompareil, Sir Robert Diidlei/. Vanguard, Sir John Win afield. Mary Rose, Sir Geo. Carezo. Dreadnought, Sir Alex. Cl'^vrd. Swiftsure, Sir Rob. Cross. Quittance, Sir Geo. Gifford. Tremoiitain, Capt. King. Crane, and others. They bent their course for Cadiz, where, by seal- jed orders, the general rendezvous was appointed, and sent armed tenders before them, which inter- cepted every vessel that could carry intelligence to the enemy. Near Cadiz they took an Irish ship, by which they learned that that port was full of mer- chantmen of great value, and that the Spaniards did not entertain an apprehension of an enemy.^ There are several accounts of this expedition transmitted to us by actors in the scene, which do not materially differ from one another — that by Sir Walter him- self is equally authentic with the rest, and is best en- titled to a place in the present work. The scene of action cannot fail to remind us of Sir Walter's brave countryman, the late Lord Nelson, whose victory Camden— .Ann, I5g6. Vol. L t 290 THE LIFE OP over the combined fleets of France and Spain, near the same place, after an interval of above 200 years, added another laurel to the brovir of that gallant commander, v^^hile, by the misfortune of his death, it inflicted a national calamity on his country. A relation of Cadiz-action, in the year 1596, by Sir Walter Ralegh. * You*^ shall receive many relations, but none more true than this. May it please your Honour, therefore, to know, that on Monday, being the 20*" of June, the English fleet came to an anchor in the bay of S'. Sebastian, short of Cales half a league. ' My lord admiral, being careful of her Majesty's ships, had resolved, with the earl of Essex, that the town should be first attempted, to the end that both the Spanish gallions and gallies, together with the forts of Cales, might not all at once beat upon our navy. Myself was not present at the resolution ; for I was sent the day before toward the main, to stop such as might pass out from S'. Lucar, or Cales, along the coast. When I was arrived back again, (which was two hours after the rest) I found the earl of Essex disembarking his soldiers, and he had put many companies into boats, purposing to make his descent on the west side of Cales j but such was ^ I have not been able to ascertain to whom this piece was addressed. It seems to have been a letter written by the knight to one of his friends immediately after the action. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 29.1 the greatness of the billow, by reason of a forcible southerly wir^, as the boats were ready to sink at the stern of the earl, and indeed, divers did so, and in them some of the armed men. But because it was formerly resolved (and that to cast doubts would have been esteemed an effect of fear) the earl pro- posed to go on, until such time as I came aboard him, and in the presence of all the colonels protest- ed against the resolution, giving him reasons, and making apparent demonstrations, that he thereby ran the way of our general ruin, to the utter over- throw of the whole armies, their own lives, and her Majesty's future safety. The earl excused him- self, and laid it to the lord admiral, who (he said) would not consent to enter with the fleet till the town were first possessed. All the commanders and gentlemen present besought me to dissuade the attempt, for they all perceived the danger, and were resolved that the most part could not but perish in the sea ere they came to set foot on ground ; and if any arrived on shore, yet were they sure to have their boats cast on their heads, and that twenty men, in so desperate a descent, would have defeated them all. ' The earl hereupon prayed me to persuade my lord admiral ; who, finding a certain destruction by the former resolution, was content to enter the port. When I brought news of this agreement to the earl, calling out of my boat unto him, intramus, he cast 292 THE LIFE OP his hat into the sea for joy, and prepared to weigh anchor. • ' The day was now far spent, and it required much time to return the boats of soldiers to their own ships, so as we could not that night attempt the fleet, although many (seeming desperately va- liant) thought it a fault of mine to put it off till the morning ; albeit, we had neither agreed in what manner to fight, nor appointed who should lead, and who should second, whether by boarding or otherwise ; neither could our fleet possibly recover all their men in before sun-set. But both the ge- nerals being pleased to hear me, and many times to be advised by so mean an understanding, came again to an anchor in the very mouth of the harbour. So that night about ten of the clock, I wrote a let- ter to the lord admiral, declaring therein my opi- nion how the fight should be ordered, persuading him to appoint to each of the great gallions of Spain, two great fly-boats to board them, after such time as the queen's ships had battered them ; for I knew that both S\ Philip and the rest w^ould burn and not yield ; and then to lose so many of the queen's ships for company, I thought it too dear a purchase, and it would be termed but a lamentable victory. This being agreed on, and both the generals persuaded to lead the body of the fleet, the charge for the performance thereof (upon my humble suit) was granted and assigned unto me. The ships appoint- ed to second me were these ; SIR WALTER RA.LEGH. 295 The Mary Rose, commanded by Sir George Carew. Tlie Lion, by Sir Robert Southwell. The Raiabo^v, by the Marshal Sir Francis Vere. The Swiftsure, by Captain Cross. The Dreadnought, by Sir Comers and Alex. Clifford. The Nompareil, by Mr. Dudley. The twelve ships of London, with certain fly-boats. ' The Lord Thofnas Howard, because the Mer- honneur, which he commanded, was one of the greatest ships, was also left behind with the gene- rals ; but being impatient thereof;^ pressed the ge- nerals to have the service committed unto him, and left the Mer-honneur to Mr. Dudley, putting him- self into the Nompareil. For mine own part, as I was willing to give honour to my lord Thomas, having both precedency in the army, and being a nobleman whom I much honoured ; so yet I was resolved to give and not take example for this ser-- vice, holding mine own reputation dearest, and re- membering my great duty to her Majesty. "With the first peep of day, therefore, I weighed anchor, and bare with the Spanish fleet, taking the start of all ours a good distance. ' Now Sir, may it please you to understand, that there were ranged under the wall of Gales, on which the sea beateth, seventeen gallies, which lay with their prows to flank our entrance as we parsed toward the gallions. There was also a fort called the Philip, which beat and commanded th- harbour. There were also ordnance which lav all alono- the J o t3 294 THE LIFE OF' curtain upon the wall toward the sea. There W(5re also divers other pieces of culverin, which also scowered the channel. Notwithstanding, as soon as the S^ Philip perceived one of the admirals undef siil approaching, she also set sail, and with her the S\ Matthew, the S\ Thomas, the S'. Andrew, the two great gallions of Lisbon, three frigates of war accustomed to transport the treasurej two argosies Tery strong in artillery, the admiral, the- vice-ad- miral, and rear-admiral, of Nueva Espagna, with forty other great ships bound for Mexico and other places. Of all which the S\ Philip, the S^ Mat- thew, the S\ Andrew, and the S^ Thomas, being four of the royal ships of Spain, came again to anchor under the fort of Puntall, in a streight of the har-* hour which leadeth toward Puerto Reall. On the right-hand of them they placed the three frigateSj on the back the two galHons of Lisbon, and the ar- gosies, and the seventeen gallies by three and three^ to interlace them as occasion should be offered. The admiral, vice-admiral, and rear-admiral of Nueva Espagna, with the body of the fleet, were placed behind them toward Puerto Reall ; hoping with this great strength to defend the entrance, the place be- ing no broader from point to point than that these did in effect stretch over as a bridge, and had be-^ side the fort of Puntall to their guard. But the seventeen gaUies did not at first depart with the rest, but stayed by the town, with ail their prows bent against us as we entered; with which, together with SIR WALTER RALEGH. 295 the artillery of the town and forts, they hoped to have stumbled the leading ship, and doubted not thereby but to have discouraged the rest. ' Having (as aforesaid) taken. the leading, I was first saluted by the fort called Philip, afterward by the ordnance on the curtain, and lastly by all the gallies in good order. To shew scorn to all which I only answered first the fort, and afterward the gal- lies, to each piece a blur with a trumpet, disdaining to shoot one piece at any one or all of those esteemed dreadful monsters.*" The ships that followed beat upon the gallies so thick, that they soon betook them to their oars, and got up to join with the gal- lions in the streight, as aforesaid ; and then, as they were driven to come near me, and enforced to range their sides toward me, I bestowed a bene- diction among them. But the S'.' Philip, the great and famous admiral of Spain, was the mark I shot at ; esteeming those gallies but as wasps in respect of the powerfulness of the other ; and being resolv- ed to be revenged for the Revenge,* or to second her with mine own life, I came to anchor by the gallions, of which the Philip and Andrew were the two that boarded the Revenge, I was formerly com- ■■ Thus many years later Sir Walter wrote, the fort S^. Philip terrijied not us i?i the year I5g6, when we entered the port of Cadiz, neither did the fort at Puntall when we were entered, beat us from our anchoring by it ; though it played upon us withfour- demi-cannons ivithin point-blank, from six in the morning till twelve at noon. Hist. World, V. 1, 10. • See Chap. III. ■ ^ • T 4 296 THE LIFE OF rnanded not to board, but was promised fly-boats^ in which, after I had battered awhile, I resolved to join unto them. My Lord Thomas came to anchor by me on the one hand with the Lion ; the Mary Rose on the other, with the Dreadnought ; the marshal toward the side of Puntall. And toward ten of the clock, my Lord General Essex, being impatient to abide far oif, hearing so great thunder of ordnance, thrust up through the fleet and headed all those on the left hand, coming to anchor next unto me on that side ; and afterward came in the Swiftsure as near as she could. Alway I must, without glory, say for myself, that I held single in, the head of all. * Now, after we had beaten as two buts one upon another almost three hours, assuring your honour that the voUies of cannbn and culverin came as thick as if it had been a skirmish of musketeers, and finding myself in danger to be sunk in the place, I went to my Lord General in my skiff, to desire him that he would enforce the promised fly-boats to come up, that I might board, for as I rid I could not endure so great a battery any long time. My Lord Gene- ral was then coming up himself, to v/hom I declar- ed, that if the fly-boats came not I would board with the Queen's ship, for it was the same loss to burn or sink, for I must endure the one. The earlj finding that it was not in his power to command fear, told me, that whatsoever I did he would second me in person upon his honour. My Lord Admiral SIR WALTER RALEGH. 297 having also a disposition to come up at first) but the ri^er was so choaked as he could not pass with the Ark, came up in person into the Nompereil with my Lord Thomas. While I was thug speaking with the earl, the marshal, who thought it some touch to his great esteemed valour to ride behind me so many hours, got up a-head my ship; which my Lord Thomas perceiving, headed him again, myself be- ing but a quarter of an hour absent. At my re- turn, finding myself from being the first, to be but the third, I presently let slip anchor, and thrust in between my Lord Thomas and the marshal, and went up farther a-head than all them before^ and thrust myself athwart the channel, so as I was sure none should outstart me again for that day. My Lord General Essex, thinking his ship's side strong- er than the rest, thrust the Dreadnought aside, and came next the Warspite on the left hand, ahead all that rank but my Lord Thomas. The marshal, while we had no leisure to look behind us, secretly fastened a rope on my ship's side toward him, to draw himself up equally with me ; but some of my company advertising me thereof, I caused it to be cut off, and so he fell back into his place, whom 1 guarded, all but his vefy prow, from the sight of {he enemy. * Now if it please you to remember, that having no hope of my fly-boats to board, and that the earl and my Lord Thomas both promised to second me, I laid out a warp by the side of the Philip, to shake 298 THE LIFE OF hands with her (for with the wind we could not get aboard). Which when she and the rest perceived, finding also that the Repulse (seeing mine) began to do the like, and the rear admiral my Lord Thomas, they all let slip, and ran aground, tumbling into the sea heaps of soldiers, so thick as if coals had been poured out of a sack in many ports at once, some drowned, and some sticking in the mud. The Philip and the S^ Thomas burnt themselves. The S^ Matthew and the S^ Andrew were recovered with our boats ere they could get out to fire them. The spectacle was very lamentable on their side, for many drowned themselves ; many, half burnt, leap- ed into the water, very many hanging by the ropes' ends by the ship's side under the water, even to the lips ; many swimming with grievous wounds struck- en under water, and put out of their pain ; and withal, so huge a fire, and such tearing of the ord- nance in the Great Philip and the rest when the fire came to them, as, if any man had a desire to see hell itself, it was there most lively figured. Our- selves spared the lives of all after the victory ; but the Flemings, who did little or nothing in the fight, used merciless slaughter, till they were by myself, and afterward by my lord admiral beaten off. The ships that abode the fight in the morning till ten o'clock were the Warspite, the Nompareil, the Lion, the Mary Rose, the Rainbow, and the Dreadnought.* To second these came up the earl and the Swiftsure. And these were all that did aught against six goodly SIR WALTER RALEGH. 289 ^anions, two argosies, three frigates, seventeen gal- Ues and the fort of Puntall, backed by the admiral ofNuevaEspagna, and others; in all fifty-five or fifty -seven. < This being happily finished, we prepared to land the army, and to attempt the town ; m which there were of all sorts about 5000 foot-burghers, 150 soldiers in pay, and about 800 horse of the P-entry and cavalleros of Xerez, gathered together ^pon the discovery of our fleet two days before, while we were becalmed off Cape S^ Mary. The horsemen sallied out to resist the landing, but were so well withstood, that they most took their way to< ward the bridge which leadeth into the mam called Puente Souse. The rest retired to the town, and so hardly followed, as they were driven to leave their horses at the port (which the inhabitants durst not open to let them in) and so they leaped down an old wall into the suburbs; and being so closely followed by the vanguard of our foot-men, as when the ge- neral perceived an entrance there, he thought it was possible for ours to do the like. Upon which occa- sion the town was carried with a sudden fury, ana with little loss ; only Sir John Wingfield was sl.m, Sir Edward Wingfield, Captain Bagnoll, and Captain Medickhurt ; other men of quality few or none. ' Eor the particular behaviours of any that enter- ed I cannot otherwise deliver than by report ; for I received a grievous blow in my leg, interlaced, and deformed with splinters in the fight. Yet be- soa THE LIFE or ing desirous to see every man's disposition, I was carried ashore on men's shouldiers, and as soon as my horse was recoverd, my lord admiral sent one unto me ; but I v/as not able to abide above an hour in the town for the torment I suffered, and for the fear I had to be shouldered in the press, and among the tumultuous disordered soldiers, that being then given to spoil and rapine had no respect. The same night I returned, chiefly for that there was no admi- ral left to order the fleet, and indeed few or no peo- ple in the navy, all running headlong to the sack ; and secondly, because I was unfit for aught but ease at that time. At the break of day following I sent to the general to have order to follow the fleet of ships bound for the Indies, which v/ere said to be worth twelve millions, and lay in Puerto Reall roadj where they could not escape. But the town new taken, and the confusion great,it was almost impossible for them to order many things at once, so as I could not receive any answer to my desire. The after- noon of the same day, those that were merchants of Cales and Sevil offered the generals two millions to spare that fleet, whereupon there was nothing done for the present. But the morning following, being the 23** of June, the duke of Medina caused all that fleet of merchants to be set on fire, because he was resolved that they must needs have fallen into our hands ; so as now both gallions, frigates, argosies, and all other ships of war, together with the fleet of Nueva Espagna, were all committed into ashes, SIR WALTER EALEGH. SOI only the S'. Matthew and S\ Andrew were in our possession. * Much of the ordnance of the S'. Philip had been saved by the Flemings, who have had great spoil. There is embarked good store of ordnance out of the town, and the two aposdes aforesaid are well fur- nished, which ( God willing) we purpose to bring into England. The town of Cales was very rich ir^ merchandize, in plate in money ; many rich prison- ers given to the land-commanders, so as that sort are very rich. Some had prisoners for lo-,OOQ ducats, some for 20,000, some for 10,000 ; and beside, great houses of merchandize. What the generals have gotten I know least ; they protest it is little. For my own part, I have gotten a lame leg, and a deformed. For ttje rest, either I spake too late, or it was otherwise resolved. I have not wanted good words, and exceeding kind and re- gardful usance ; but I have possession of nought but poverty and pain. If God had spared me that blow, I had possessed myself of some house. '^ In addition to these testimonies of his own writ- ing, to the brave and important part which Sir Walter acted in this expedition, there are not want- ing others of the highest respectability. ^11 men did generally ivell, says the, lord admiral to his fa- ' N°. 11. of Genuine Remains of Sir Walter Ralegh, sub- joined to an abridgment of his History of the World, by Philip Ralegh, Esq. only grandson to Sir Walter 8'°. London^ 1700. 302 THE LIFE OF ther-in-law, hut the chiefest for the service done hy sea, beside the earl, luere the Lord Thomas Hoivard, Sir M^alter Ralegh, and my son South' well, who had the leading, and performed it not- ably,'' In a letter to Mr. John Stanhope from a gentle- man in the fleet we read. Sir Walter Ralegh, I think, nevertheless had not much, although he de- served very much in this, that he fojight so bravely with the Spanish fleet while they ivere overthrown. If , our sovereign mistress had seen it, it would 1 think have been a sufficient expiation of all his faults what- soever, J have alway held him to he ivise, and now I am testfgo de vista that he is a very valiant sea^ man.^ Sir Anthony Standen appears also to have be- come a convert to Ralegh's merit on this occasion, for in a letter to the Lord High-treasurer, dated Cadiz, July 5'\ he writes ; — Sir Walter Ralegh did, in my judgment, no man better ; and his ar- tillery most effect. I never k7iew the gentleman until this time, and I am sorry for it, for there are in him excellent things beside his valour ; and the observation he hath in this voyage used ivith my Lord of Essex, hath made me love him. He after- ward adds, in the Warspite were fourteen men Birch's Memoirs Q, Elizab. II, 54. Jbid. II, 97. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 303 killed, and Sir Walter cut in the leg by a splin- ter.' Having demolished the forts, and set fire to the city of Cadiz, the army re-embarked on the 5'" of July, and it was proposed to continue at sea, and await the West-Indian fleet, which usually about that season reached the coast of Spain. This being over-ruled, the fleet made for England. On their passage homeward they sacked the town of Faro in Portugal, and obtained among other booty the va- luable library of Bishop Osorius, a considerable part of which was afterward given by Essex to the since celebrated collection opened by Sir Thomas Bodley at Oxford in the following year ^. Re-embarking their troops, and finding no ships in the harbours of the Groine and Ferrol, the whole fleet arrived in safety at Plymouth by the 10''' of August withr out any other adventure *. No sooner had Sir Walter returned from this ex.? pedition, than he made preparations for pursuing his Guianian enterprise. He fitted out a stout pinnace, named, probably after him, the Wat, and which had been in the late engagement. The command of her was given to Captain Leonard Berrie, whose ^ Harleian Collection, N". 6345, xxi. The curious reader may see much more on this subject in Les Lauriers de Nassau, folio, Leyden, 1(512} and the translation, the tiiuvrphs of NaS" sau, folio, ]6l3. "^ Wood's Hist. Oxon. 1. ii, p. 50. ' * See Camden, Verej and Mop son. 30*^ THE LIFE OF expedition appears to have produced no other bene* fit, than what resulted to the art of navigation by a survey of a part of the coast of Guiana and of Ter- ra Firma. A narrative of the voyage, written by Mr. Thomas Masham, a frentieman of the com- pany, will be found in the Appendix, (N°. XI.) The heroes in the Cadiz expedition found a very gracious reception from Queen Elizabeth on their return, notwithstanding the dissatisfaction of Essex that more had not been accomplished in that enter- prise.'' The Earl's ardour for glory had led him to propose some farther attempts against the enemy, which the cooler counsels of his more experienced colleagues found it prudent to reject. This drew from him on their return ^ paper, intituled, a Cen- sure of the Omissions "^ in this expedition ; in which he blames their not obtaining possession of the In^ dian fleet, their abandoning Cadiz, their not awaiting the caracs arid Indian ships, and lastly, their not at- tacking the enemy in other ports. Under the two last heads he particularly mentions Sir Waiter Ra- legh. To add to the Earl's mortification, he found on his return, that Sir Robert Cecil had been appoint- ed Secretary of State in preference to Sir Thomas Bodley, whom he had so strongly recommended for that office.'' Cecil was the second son of the celcr ^ Camden. «: See Burchet's and Lediard's Naval Hist. * Camden's Ann. Elizab. 1596. SIR WALTER EALEGH. 303 brated Lord-treasurer Burleigh. Educated In a court by a parent so deeply skilled in its arts, he was crafty, insinuating, industrious ; and although possessed of talents for the highest offices, he relied not on his own merit only, but availed himself of v^very advantage which the errors of others afforded him.*^ Naunton in his Fragmenta Regalia calls him hisfat]ier\s oivn son — a courtier Jrom his cradle ; and by his cousin Mr. Francis Bacon, he is de- sribed as a gentleman -who had one of the rarest and most excellent wits in England, luith a singular de- livery and application of the same, whether it ivas to use a continued speech, or to negociate, or touch- in ivriting, or make report, or discreetly to consider-, of the circumstances, and aptly to draw things to a point; to all which were joined a very good nature, and a great respect to all men, and a thorough ex- perience of public business under his father.^ Essex had recommended Bodley on account of his know- ledge of the affairs of the Low countries ; but in extolling him had disparaged Cecil with so much bitterness, and so little reason, that the queen (who began now, says Camden, to disapprove of his strong recommendations) not only refused Bodley, but would not allow him to share the office with Cecil as was at first proposed.^ In the eye of Essex, Cecil was low and base 5 while the earl's reputed ' Robertson. J Birch's Memoirs Q. Elizab. J, 90. s Camden— Ann, 15g6. X^oL. L u 506 THE LIFE OF magnanimity was presumption and folly to Cecil. Thus formed to be rivals and enemies, they in time headed two powerful factions which divided the court, and contended for the supreme direction of affairs. v The good understanding which in the meantime subsisted between Cecil and Ralegh may be gather- ed from Sir Walter's letters to the former already presented to the reader. It is also pretty plain, that -they agreed in their sentiments of Essex, a union which would naturally draw them closer to each other at this period. Ralegh being, however, still suspended from his post of captain of the guard, it was probably with a view of strengthening his in- terest, that he endeavoured about this time to re- <:oncile Essex and Cecil. For in a letter from Row- land Whyte, Esq. to Sir Robert Sydney, dated March 4"^, 1596-7, we read. Sir ^Falter Ralegh^ hath been very often very private with the earl of Essex, and is the mediator of a peace betiveen him and Sir Robert Cecil, who liheivise hath been tori- vate with him.. Sir fValter alleges how much good may grow by it — the queen's continual unquietness will turn to contentments}^ The Sydney papers farther inform us, that Ralegh was among the candidates for the post of vice- chamberlaiii at this time vacant j"' and Mr. Whyte a intelligent correspondence with Sir Robert Sydney " Collins' Sydney Letters, II, 24. - Ibid, II, 21. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 507 furnishes us the following additional notices of our subject. Sir If alter Ralegli is daily in court, and hope is had he shall he admitted to the execution of his of- Jice as captain of the guard before his going to sea. His friends you know are of greatest authority and power here, and the earl of Essex gives it no oppo^ sitio?i, his mind being full, and only earned away with the business he hath in his head of conquering and overcoming the enemy. (April 9'''', 1597.) This day, being Monday, Sir Robert Cecil ivent in coach with the earl of Essex to his house, ivhere Sir Walter Ralegh came, and they dined there to- gether. After dinner they were very private all three for two hours, where the treaty of a peace was con- Jirmed. It is true that Sir Walter Ralegh hath taken upon him to provide victuals for three months for 6,000 men^ at the alloivance of nine pence a man per diem. There is impressed unto him ^3,000 a iveek for six weeks. He shall have Bridewell, Winchester-house, and Durham-house, to be the ma- gazines for the victuals ; he protests he shall he a loser by it, hutfetu are of that opinion beside him-f self. (April 19^) Fictual is provided by Sir Walter Ralegh for 6,0G0 foot for three months ; and I observe how the earl of Essex, , and Sir Robert Cecil are in continual private council. Sir Walter Ralegh is still called in unto them, (S\ George's Day.^) k Collins' Sydney Letters, II, 37, 42,,4A. U2 SOS THE LIFE OF Mr. Whyte's letter of June 2% 1597, informs us, tl^at Sir Walter's suit was at length crowned with success, and that by the friendly offices of Cecil unattended by the opposition of Essex, he ^vas fully reinstated in the favour of his sovereign. Yesterday (he writes) my lord of Essex rid to Chatham. In his absence Sir Walter Ralegh was brought to the queen by Sir Robert Cecil, who used him very g?'aciously, and gave him full authority to execute his place as captain of the guard, which im- mediately he undertook, and sivore many men into the places void. In the evening he rid abroad with the queen, and had private conference with her; and noiv he comes boldly to the privy-chainber as lie was ivont. Though this rvas done in tlie absence of the earl, yet is it known that it was done imth his lik- ing and farther ance. — Your lordship knows, that Sir TValter had the victualling of the land forces. I hear it is very well done, and that he hath let the earl of Essex have much for his private provision. They are groiun exceeding great, and often goes the earl to Sir Robert Cecil's house very private, ivhere, they meet.^ The expedition alluded to in these extracts, was. what is commonly called the Island voyage. In the spring of 1597, the king of Spain fitted put a fresh fleet, consisting of his own ships and gal lies, and ail that he could hire in Italy or elsewhere. He J Collins' Sydney Letters, 11, 54, 55. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 309 embarked a very considerable body of troops, espe- cially Irish, and intended to have invaded both Eng- land and Ireland. But the winds disappointed him ; his fleet was scattered, and thirty-six sail cast away. ™ Meanwhile Elizabeth resolved to fit out another fleet to intercept the plate-fleet near the Azores, after burning such vessels as were in the harbours of the Groin and Ferrol. This fleet consisted of 1 20 sail, of which seventeen were her own ships, forty-three were smaller vessels, and the rest tenders and vic- tuallers. She embarked 5000 new levied soldiers, and 1000 veterans brought by Vere from the Nether- lands. Essex, commander-in-chief of the land and sea forces, headed one squadron in the Merhonneur, and afterward in the Repulse. Lord Thomas Howard, appointed vice-admiral, headed another in the Lion ; and Sir Walter Ralegh, appointed rear- admiral, headed the third in the Warspite." At Weymouth, where part of the land forces met them, the general, says Sir Francis Vere, called my- self and Sir Walter Ralegh before him, and for that he thought there remained some grudge of the last year s falling out, ivould needs have us shake hands, which we did both, the luiUmglier because there had nothing passed betivixt us that might blemish reput- atio7i.° The fleet sailed from Plymouth on the 10''' of ™ Ferrera and Meteren. " Camden and Monson. " Coramentariesj p. 47. 110 THE LIFE OF July, but was driven back to that port by a stonrl^ and could not put to sea again until August 17^"^ In the interval, Essex, in company vi^ith Sir Walter, made a journey to the metropolis to attend the court ; ^ and it was now resolved to dismiss all the land-forces excepting Vere's thousand veterans, and, laying small stress upon attacking Ferrol or the Groin, to confine the expedition principally to the interception of the Indian fleet. Soon after their second sailing, Ralegh, having broken his main- yard, was obliged to lie behind the fleet ; and when, after refitting, he arrived at the rock of Lisbon, he found there a number of ships and tenders belong- ing to the fleet, v/hich he convoyed to the Azores* By a species of logic, in which they were well skill- ed, the creatures of Essex construed this service in- to a high offence ; pretending that these vessels had quitted the general to attend the rear-admiral. Sir Walter, however, convinced the earl that they came to the rock as the rendezvous appointed by himself; and that, finding them there, he had brought them, as became him, to attend upon his lordship. The island of Flores was the general rendezvous ; where the whole of the fleet was at last assembled, and v/here the commanders found, to their vexation, that the intelligence they had received on their pass- age, of the armada being at the islands for the pro- tection of the Indian fleet, was false. Ralegh, with P Collins' Sydney Letters, II, 57, 59- SIR WALTER RALEGH. 311 his captain Sir Arthur Gorges, and other gentlemen, dining on board the earPs ship, he seemed, says Gorges, to be the joyfullest man living for our ar- rival, protesting he never believed ive would leave him although divers persuaded him to the contrary, and acknowledging he ivas sorry for a letter which he had written by Mr, Robert Knolles into England against us, promising presently to make a dispatch on purpose contrary to the former. He afterward acquainted Sir Walter with the many conjectures and surmises that had been vented of his absence, and withal named to him some of those men 2vho had taxed him secretly with strange reports, yet pretend- ed to love him, ivhich he protested he never believed, but thereby the better observed their scandalous and cankered dispositions. For, adds Gorges, though the earl had many doubts and jealousies buzzed into his ears against Sir fValter, yet I have often observed that both in his greatest actions of service and in the times of his chief est recreations, he would ever accept Y^T hii counsel and company before many others who thought themselves more in his favour."^ It was here determined in a council of w^ar, that Essex and Ralegh should attempt Fayal ; Howard and Vere, Gratiosa ; Lord Mountjov and Sir Christo- pher Blunt, S^ Michaels ; and the Netherland forces, Pico J while Tercera was to be attacked last of all Sir A. Gorges' Relation of the Island Voyage, Purchas, vol. iv. U 4: S12 tHE tut off with their united strength. Sir Walter had indeed scarcely begun to wood and water, before he receiv- ed the earl's command to follow him to Fayal. By some accident the squadrons were separated, and Ralegh did not find Essex there on his arrival. Two days elapsed without his appearing, and the enemy were making every preparation for their defence. The council of war which was called on this occasion was divided in opinion. Sir G. Mer^ rick. Sir N. Parker, and other creatures of Essex, were by no means for landing without his know- ledge ; while Ralegh, Sir W. Brook, Sir A. Gorges, Sir W. Elarvey, and others,'heId a contrary opinion, and deeming the earl's reputation of less weight than their country's benefit and glory, thought, that under the existing circumstances, the knight was bound to attempt by himself the enterprise which had been allotted to them jointly. The former party so far prevailed, that it was agreed to defer the at- tack one day longer, when, if Essex did not make his appearance, they were to proceed to the action without farther delay. This time having expired without the earl's arrival. Sir Walter, on the fourth day of their lying at Fayal, followed the resolution of the council without farther ceremony '/ and gives us the following account of the landing in his His- tory of the World. ' There were indeed some who were in that ■■ Sir A. Gorges' E elation of the Island Voyage, Puichas, vol.ir. SIR WALTER RALEGH. SIS i.fOyage, who advised me not to undertake it (/Ae landing') ; and I hearkened unto them somewhat longer than was requisite, especially while they de- sired me to reserve the title of such an exploit, though it were not great, for a greater person. But .when they began to tell me of difficulty, I gave tliern to understand the same which I now maintain, that it was mpre difficult to defend a coast than to invade it. The truth is, that I could have landed my met?, with more ease than I did, yea, without finding any resistance, if I would have rowed to another place ^ yea, even there where I landed, if if I would have taken more company to help me. But without fear- ing any imputation of rashness, I may say that I had more regai^d of reputation in that business, than of safety. For I thought it to belong unto the ho- nour of our prince and nation, that a few islanders should not think any advantage great enough against a fleet set forth by Queen Elizabeth. And farther, I was unwilling that some low country captains and others, not of mine own squadron, whose assist- ance I had refused, should please themselves with a sweet conceit (though it would have been short when I had landed in some other place) that for want of their help I was driven to turn tail. There- fore I took with me none but men assured, com- manders of mine own squadron with some of their followers, and a few other gentlemen volunteers whom I could not refuse 9 as Sir William Brooke, Sir William Harvey, Sir Arthur Gorges, Sir John 314 , THE LIFE OP n» Scot, Sir Thomas Ridgeway, Sir Henry Thinne, Sir Charles Morgan, Sir Walter Chute, Marcellus Throckmorton, Capt. Laurence Keymis, Capt. Wil- liam Morgan and others, such as well understood themselves and the enemy ; by whose help, with God*s favour, I made good the enterprise I under- took. ' As for the worldng of the sea, the steepness of the cHfFs, and other troubles that were not new to us, we overcame them well enough ; and these not- withstanding, made five or six companies of the ene- my, who sought to impeach our landing, abandon the wall whereon their musketteers lay on the rest for lis, and won the place of them without any great loss; This I could have done with less danger, so that it should not have served for example of a rule that failed even in this example. But the reasons before alleged, together with other reasons well known to some of the gentlemen above-named, though more private than to be here laid down, made me rather follow the way of bravery, and take the shorter course, having it still in mine own power to fall off when I should think it meet. It is easily said, that the enemy was more than a coward, which, yet "was more than we knew. Neither will I magnify such a small piece of service, by seeking to prove him better, whom, had I thought equal to mine own followers, I would otherwise have dealt Vv^ith. But for so much as concerns the proposition ill hand, he that beheld this may well remember. SIR WALTER RALEGH. Sl5 that the same enemy troubled us more In our m.arch toward Fayal than in our taking the shore.; that he sought how to stop us in place of his advantage ; tliat many cf our men were slain or hurt by him, among whom Sir Arthur Gorges was shot in that march ; and that such as, thinking all danger to be past when we had won good footing, would needs follow us to the town, were driven by him to for- sake the pace of a man of war, and betake them- selves to an hasty trot."" The next day, Essex, who had been cruising in quest of the Spanish fleet, arrived at Fayal, was in- formed what had passed, and brought to suppose, that Sir Walter had made this attempt to rob him of the glory of the action* His ambitious nature, aided by his jealousy of Ralegh, prepared him but too well to give credit to this story ; and while some persuaded the earl to call Sir Walter to a court- martial and dismiss him the service, others, says Camden, were not wanting^ who would have had him executed for landing his men without the earl's permission ; insinuating, at the same time,-^that Es- sex could not have a fairer opportunity of ridding himself of a rival, which, if he missed, he might live to repent it. Sydney, Bret, Berry, and others, who had concurred in the attempt, were cashiered ' Hist. World, lib. v, c. 1, s. 9. The relation by Gorges, be- &)ve referred to, is much more circumstantial, and places the modesty of Sir Walter in a favourable light. gl6 THE LIFE OF aiwl confined. In the meantime Lord Thomas How- ard interposed with his good offices, and persuaded Ralegh to make submissions to the general, upon which the officers were restored to their commands, and the animosity between Essex and Sir Walter, as Camden naturally concludes, slumbered rather than expired.^ From this island they made for Gratiosa, which readiiv relieved their wants as far as it could ; and here some of Essex*s men descried four sail from the shore, of which one greater than the rest, ap- peared to be a carac. He immediately divided the fleet into three squadrons, under Howard, Ralegh, and himself, ordering Monson to steer southward, chase the fleet if he saw one, and make the squa- drons signals. While he was making these arrange- ments, a small bark of his fleet assured him that the ships which had been seen were of his own fleet. This was sufficient to make him alter his intention, though Monson was too far gone to be recalled. Within three hours of his departure, the latter fell in with twenty-five sail of Spaniards, and repeated his signals in vain to the squadrons which were to have followed. Essex, having altered his course, stood that night for S'. Michael's, and went north of * Annal. Elizab. 15g7. Wotton says, (Reliquiae, p. 180.) when one of his followers urged Essex at least to call Ralegh, to a court-martial, his answer was — that I would do it if he were my friend. SIR WALTER RALJ^GH. 317 Tercera Instead of by Angra, where he had met the Indian fleet. Meanwhilp the whole Spanish force reached Tercera, with the loss of only three ships, and the English missed this rich prize, and the se- vere blow they would have given to Spain, by, as Monson (who is otherwise sufficiently inclined to favour Essex) confesses, the lonnt of experience in my lord, and his flexible nature, to he over-ruled^ The port of Angra was so well defended, that it was judged impracticable to attempt any thing thei-e with success ; and after surprising and plundering Villa-franca, Essex re-embarked his forces, and pre- pared for his return. On their passage they cap- tured one rich Spanish prize, which fell into the fleet by mistake, and had nearly taken another. Meanwhile the Spaniards meditated great things, and sent out their squadrons from the Groin and Ferrol, during the absence of the English fleet. Their design was to make a descent in Cornwal, and possessing themselves of Falmouth, to leave a strong garrison there, and intercept the English fleet on its return late in the year, weak and dis- abled. At the islands of Scilly the Spanish admiral called a council of war for instructing the officers ; but v\^hile his captains were on board, a dreadful storm arose which prevented their return to cheir ships, and scattered their fleet in a most distressful manner j so that eighteen of their capital ships were lost, several forced into our ports and taken, and • ' " Naval Tracts, 1 597. 31 S THE LIFE OF the Spanish admiral's scheme entirely disconcerted, Our own fleet with much difficulty reached the western coast late in October.^ Dr. Campbell justly observes, that this expedi-r tion might, if well mannaged by us, have proved the ruin of the Spanish power ; and as it was managed, had nearly been fatal to our own — . so much depends on the conduct of commanders, and so Httle regard ought to be had to titles and quality, when the safety of a nation is at stake. Jl-s-? sex was chosen for this command from cour4: mor tives, his birth, interest, personal accomplishmients • — -though he wanted almost every quaHfication for ?i commander-in-chief. His courage was hot and fierce, but not resolute or lasting ; his wit was quick, but his judgment slow and unsettled ; beside all this, he was greatly deficient in experience. He appears to have had no view but to his individual glory, and the public service was postponed when- ever it came in competition with it. By such ma- nagement that plate-fleet escaped, which, had it been taken, would have ruined the Spaniards, and been the making of us. His subsequent attempts to repair his own honour, and make a shew of that resolution, which, in reahty, he wanted, delayed the return of the fleet, and gave the Spaniards that op- portunity of invading England, which fortunately was frustrated by a storm. ^ ' Camden's Elizab. 159/. ' Naval Hist. Queen Elizab. in Lives of Admirals^. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 319 On the 19'" of October, Mr. Whyte writes to Sir Robert Sydney ; Ourfljet is not returned, hut news is come that they ivere at the Azores, and that Sir fValter Ralegh landed, at Fayal, and burnt and sacked the town. His friends at court are great and do mightily grace his doings, and commend his e.r- pcrience at sea. On the 5^^ of Novenriber follow- ing, he adds, you ivill expect, now that the earl of Essex is returned, to hear from me what is done. For himself, he is already disquieted, keeps in, and went not this day to the parliament ; and I heard ker Majesty is not well pleased ivith him for his ■service at sea, 2vherein it is cdleged he might have done more than he did. Moreover, 1 hear that his proceedings toward Sir Walter Ralegh, in calling his actions to public question before a council of war, luhere, by a full court, he iv as found worthy of death, is greatly misliked here. Sir Walter Ralegh is happy to have so good and constant friends, thai are able, by their ivisdom and authority, to protect him and comfort him.^- The miscarriage of this en- terprise was, as may be supposed, much canvassed in this country on the return of the fleet ; and though the courtiers took part differently, as it af- fected either Essex or Ralegh, the people in general, with whom the knight was never a favourite, were inclined to justify every circumstance of the earl'si conduct. ' Collins' Sydney Letters^ II, 68, 74. S20 THE LIFE OF The mortification of Essex was increased, by find- ing that, during- his absence, Cecil had been created chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster ; and the Lord-admiral Howard, earl of Nottingham, for his services (as the patent expressed) in 1588, an4 jointly with Essex against Cadiz.^ 1 hear that my Lord Essex, says Mr.. Whyte on the occasion, de- sires to have right done unto him, either' by a com- mission to eTamine it, or hy combat, either against the earl of Nottingham himself, or any of his sons^ or of his name, that luill defend it. Or that her Majesty will please to see the wrong done unto him, ajid so luill he suffer himself to be commanded by Aer, as she please herself Here is such ado about it, as it troubles this place and all other proceedings. Sir JValter Ralegh is employed by the queen to end this quarrel, and to make an atonement between tliem. But this is the resoluiio7i of Lord Essex, not to yield but with altering the patent, which cannot be done but by persuasion to bring the earl of Nottingha/tn un- to it.^ These remonstrances had such effect on the queen, that to appease Essex, and restore his prece- dence of Howard, she appointed him earl -marshal of England, an office which had been vacant since the death of the earl of Shrewsbury in 1590.'' Meanwhile Sir Walter, after a short stay at Sher- borne, during which he appears to have been indis*- " Camden, Ann. 1597- ' Collins' Sydney Letters^ II, 77. • (. Camden, Ann. 159/. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 321 posed, and to have been visited, in consequence, by his brother Mr. Adrian Gilbert,*^ took his seat in the parliament which met on the 24^** of October. His name appears in several committees upon bills of importance, but no material speech of his in this session has been preserved. On January 3^, 1597-8, Mr. Whyte informs Sir 1598< Robert Sydney : It is exceedingly luondered at by the ivorld to see the too great familiarity tliat is grown between Essex, Cecil, Ralegh, and , none but they enjoy him, they carry him aivay as they list. Eleven days later he writes, / understand Sir Wal' ter Ralegh devises to have a reward of service ; with- in these two days he was with Essex, and desired that by his means some honour might be laid upon him ; and seeing his promise ivas passed, and that he found Iter Majesty inclined or resolved to bestoiu the place of vice-chamberlain upon you (Sir Robert Sydney) he would hope for it no longer.^ Henry IV, who at this time filled the throne of France, having received an overture of peace from. Philip, gave intelligence of the same to his allies, Elizabeth and the states, before he proceeded to a. negociation. Cecil was the ambassador chosen by the queen, if possible to divert Henry from what hag been commonly called the peace of Vervins. / 2vas told by one that knows much, writes Mr. Whyte tef ^ See D'Ewes' Journal, p. 55g. • Collins' Sydney Letters, 11^ 7g, 80o Vol, L t. ■ 322 tHE LIFE OF Sit R. Sydney, that Sir If alter Ralegh lahoiirn^ mightily to have something done for him before Mn Secretary's going away, and that he doth importund my lord of Essex to he a father er of it. I am assur- ed, that for the vice-chamherlain* s place, my lord of Essex, stands firm to you, and that if you iuere here you could carry it away from all men. If Essex could be drawn to be the instrument of Ralegh's good, a7i offer is made, on their side, a third of the prizes shall be procured to him, toward the pay- ?nent of his debts. Mow far this may work, time must make knotvn/ (January 19*^). From the same correspondence, we derive the following farther information relative to this em- bassy ; My Lord Compton, my Ldfd Cobkam, Sir Walter Ralegh, my Lord Southampton, do severally feast Mr, Secretary before he depart, and have plays and banquets ; iny Lady Darby, my Lady Walsinghamy Mrs. Ann Russel, are of the company, and my Lady Ralegh. (January 30'".) My Lord Thomas Howard, Sir Walter Ralegh^ and divers others, are gone with him (Cecil) to Dover $ some think they luill go over with him as far as Dieppe^ He ivent aivay yesterday — the parliament ended upon Thursday, and no barons called or created. Mr. Secretary, before his going, got the queen to sign a privy -seal for my lord of Essex for ^^7,000, to be paid unto him out of the cochineal, as her majesty's ■ ^ Collins* Sydney Letters^ II, 82. SIR WALTER RALEGH. S2S ^jree gift unto 1dm ; they luere very private together ^ and great kindness sure is between them. I heard it said in very great secret, that this employment much troubled him, and that within these very few days past he had no fancy to go, till Essex did assure him, that in his absence nothing should be done here that might be disagreeable unto him. His fear was, that some such might be advanced in his absence, that he could not like of. (February 11^".) Mr. Secretary is embarked and gone, unless these contrary ivinds drive him back again. I am credibly irformed that, before he went away, Essex and he agreed upon the bringing in of your lordship and Sir If alter Ralegh into council. During Air. Secretary's being at Dover, he had every day posts sent unto him of all things done, ivere they never so private ; surely he hath great and imuard and assured friends about the queen.^ (February 15^".) About this time, on the advice of a Spanish fleet being on its passage to reinforce their army in Flan- ders, Essex prepared to defend the Kentish coast, Ralegh was commanded to Cornwall, and other officers to different stations, to defend the country if occasion required ; but the panic was soon over by the arrival of the enemy at Calais. Early in March following. Sir Walter was spoken of as lord- deputy for Ireland, the affairs of which kingdom were now daily growing more and more desperate, g Collins' Sydney Letters, II, 85, Sg, 90. X 2 324 THE LIFE OF and commanded the utmost attention in this country. He was soon afterward sent for by the privy-council " to give his opinion concerning them, but appears to have been averse to the post of lord-deputy/ Pre- viously to the death of the lord-treasurer Burleigh, which happened in August 1598, he appears also to have been materially instrumental in procuring the restoration of certain ancient tenures of the duchy-* manors in Cornwall, as well as the revocation of a tax on curing fish.'' Henry having concluded a separate peace with Spain, some of Elizabeth's wisest counsellors, parti- ticularly Burleigh, advised her to paci£c measures also J as Philip, having no claims upon her, would in all probability be glad to free himself from an enemy who had foiled him in every contest, and who still had it so much in her power to make him feel the weight of her arms.' Essex warmly opposed this idea, and his advice for the continuance of the war accorded with the queen's own inclination. It was about this time that the earl, being engaged in a dispute with her Majesty, was so heated in the ar- gument, that he turned his back upon her in a con- temptuous manner, and received from her a box on th^ear; upon which he clapped his hand to his sword, and swearing he would not bear such usage from Henry VIII himself, withdrew from court. ^ Collins' Sydney Letters, II, 91, 94, Q5, 96. ^ Carew*s Survey of Cornwall; 4% l602, p. 3Q, 3/, 79r^O* Hurae, Elizab. SIR Vv'ALTER RALEGH. 525 He was soon, however, restored to the royal fevour ; and Oldys conjectures, with some appear- ance of probability, that what he calls his feather- triumph over Ralegh, took place on the queen's birth-day, (Nov. 17'^) in this year." Lord Orford, in his Catalogue of Noble Authors, observes, that this affront is not very intelligible at present. The probable solution, however, is, that Essex had been informed that Sir Walter, with a gallant train, de- signed to appear in orange-taiuny feathers at the tilt on that day ; and provided himself and his retinue with feathers exactly similar, to brave the knight, or confound his suit with his own.' In the meantime, Tyrone's rebellion had spread itself widely in Ireland, and created a serious alarm . in the English council. Essex, seemingly by his own earnest, though secret, desire, was appomted iord-lieutenant 5 and in March 1599 he went over j^g^^ ^ At least 1 tkink (says Oldys) it could not happen later than ihisyear ; because Essex's violent courses throughout the remainder of the reign, allow of no opportunity or countenance for his for- ther appearance at those entertainments — and as for the preceding lirth-days, Essex seems not to have been spirited'Up by his incen- diaries enough for raising such a division or party as appeared wbon this occasion, till the last year when they returned from the island-voyage, and then it must have happened during the sitting of the parliament, which may not be so probable. Life of Ralegh, p. 132. 1 See Clarendon's Disparity between Buckingham and Essej; iii Reliquiae Wottonians, p. 190, X 3 526 THE LIFE OF to that kingdom, destined, say? one of his attendants, to he the sepulchre of his father ^ and the gulph of his ownfortujies.^ In the following August, upon great apprehensions in this country of an invasion, a fleet was on a sud- den fitted out under Lord Thomas Howard as ad- miral, a.nd Sir Walter Ralegh in the Ark-royal as vice-admiral. Whether it was a mistrust, says Mon- Eon, the one nation had of the other, or a policy held on both sides to make peace luith sioord in hand, a treaty being entertained by consent of each prince^, I f-.am, not to examin^. But sure I am the preparation luas on both sides very great, as if the one expected an invasion from the other ; and yet it was generally con- ceived not to be intended by either, but that ours luid only relation to my lord of Essex, tvho was then in Ireland, and had a design to try his friends in Eng- land, and to be revenged of his enemies, as he pre- tended, and as it proved cfterward by hisfcdl.^ Mr. Rowland Whyte informs Sir Robert Sydney on the 1 S'^^ of August, that Sir Walter Ralegh took his leave at court of all the ladies, and his friends ; ® and Monson adds, whether it was that the intended invasion from Spain ivas diverted, or that her Majesty ii}as fully satisfied of my lord of Essex, I hnow not ; tut so it ivas that she cor/imanded the sudden return *" See V/otton's Parallel. ' " Naval Tracts, 1 599. • Collins' Sydney Letters^ II, 11/. GIR WALTER RALEGPI S2Y of her ships from sea, after they had Ifxin three weeks or a month in the Downs. ^ On the 20^** of September following Mr. Whyte writes, / heard of one that is familiar among them, that Sir Robert Cecil and Sir Walter Ralegh do irifi~ nitely desire to he barons, and they huve a purpose to he called unto it though there he Tio parliament."^ It was eight days later that Essex, after having consumed his time in Ireland on the most frivolous enterprises^ and entered into a treaty with Tyrone, which is an eternal blemish on his memory, re; appeared on a sudden in England, and threw himsel on his knees before the queen in her bed-chamber. After a momentary kindness, the effect of surprise, her Majesty ordered him to be confined. He was examined by the council on the day following that of his return ; and after the examination, we are in- formed. Sir Walter dined with Secretary Cecil.'' On ^ slight circumstance of favour shewn by the queen to Essex a few weeks afterward. Sir Walter, says Mr. Whyte, fell sick upon it, and her majesty very graciously sent to see him. The same intelligent cor- respondent adds, that soon after this a deep unkind- ness, of which he could not learn the cause, prevail- ed between Lord Cobham and Ralegh ; and that in December the knight was seized with an ague, and " Naval Tracts, 1599. ^ Collins" Sydney Letters, 11^ 120. ' Ibid. II, 129. S2S THE LIFE OP suspected by the world of certain libels concerning Ireland and the commitment of Essex/ 1600. Early in January 1509-1600, Sir Walter had a hope of being advanced to the privy-council. His advice was taken in regard to victualling and man- ning Ireland ; and in March he made great interest to be appointed one of the commissioners of the treaty at Boulogne betw^een Elizabeth, the king of Spain, and the archduke Albert, but without suc- cess ; for the queen perceived, as it was supposed, Jj/^ that he would apply to be of the privy-council before ^P his departure, which she appears to have had no in- clination to grant him. /// pleased, says Mr. Whyte, to see nothing done for him, he retired to Sherborne with his family — mi/ lord of Northumberland made them a dinner at Sion in their way — Mr. Secretary's son, a youth of great hope^ is gone doiun luith them. Being, however, sent for about the middle of May, he returned to court early in June to renew his soli- citation for the vice-chamberlainship,' and must soon afterward have accompanied Lord Cobham to Flan- ders ; to which journey the following letter from Cecil alludes. SIR ROBERT CECIL TO THE COMMISSIONERS FOR THE TREATY OF BOULOGNE. * After my very hearty commendations — I have acquainted her Majesty with your dispatch of July ^ Collins' Sydney Letters, JI, 139, 141, 146, 150. t Ib;d. II, 150, 159, 178, 179, 181, 195, 198. SIR WALTER RALEGH. S2g 12'", whereby it appeareth, that as yet the arch- duke hath not returned his resolution ; a matter which plainly discovereth that there is a dependency of an answer from Spain. And whereas it appeareth, that the archduke chargeth the queen with relieving of the Hollanders with munition and victual, you may do well to take occassion to make some round answer in that point. For, first, I do affirm it to be true, that there hath not a grain of corn or powder, or any manner of victual been sent from hence ; which would be somewhat roundly inverted upon them, seeing we have truth on our side. And yet, because peradventure they may hear hereafter that some voluntaries do daily go over, this denial of ours would be used in such form as heretofore you have done ; which is to maintain the argument §till, how just it were, though it had been otherwise. I have little more therefore at this time to trouble you withal, only I think good to pre-occupate with you another circumstance if they hear it, which is the going over of my lord of Northumberland, and my lord of Rutland, and now my Lord -Cobham and Sir Walter Ralegh. Of whom if they speak (but not otherwise) you may use this argument. That they have no charge, nor carried either horse or man, but some half a dozen of their own ; but find- ing the queen is so resolved to have peace (if good conditions could be had) they obtained leave with importunity, to see this one action, before they §hould become desperate, of seeing any more of that m S30 THF X-IPE 0P= kind in her Majesty's time, which God long Gon^ tinue ! ' For the ordnance, I do protest unto you, that the queen sent none j but if there were, then surely they are sold by the patentees, in which point my lord ambassador can give satisfaction, that it is for her Majesty's commodity — and thus I end. Your assured loving friend, R. CECVLL.' July 14, 16Q0. y ^ Since the writing of this letter the Lord Cob- ham and Sir Walter Ralegh are come, so as that matter will be quickly answered.'" Sir Henry Neville, hgwever, who was one of the commissioners at Boulogne, appears to have enter- tained a different opinion of this journey. In a let^ tei* dated from that place July 1 8''', he writes to Mr. Winwood ; We understand by reports, hut not other- wise, that Tuy Lord Cohham and Sir Walter Ralegh are gone over upon pretext to see the camp and siege of the fort Isabella near Ostend, where Count Mau- rice is yet unprofitahhj, as he was before at Newport ; but I cannot think but they have some other end, and that in England there is some alarm taken of these 'matters, although we be not luorthy to knoiv it. Five days later he adds ; My Lord Cohham and Sir WaU ter Ralegh are returned; hut I hear their journey ■ Winvi'ood's Memorials by Sawyer, folio, 1725, J, 215^ SIR WALTER RALEGH. 331 was not altogether idle, nor upon curiosity only, hut that they carried some message, ivhich did no harm the particulars you shall know when I am better informed ofthem.^ The death of Sir Anthony Paulet made a vacancy, ^on after Ralegh's return from Flanders, in the government of Jersey ; and it is to be regretted that this is the last occasion on v^^hich the intelligent cor- respondence of Mr. Whyte furnishes us with any il- lustration of Sir Walter's history. He writes to Sir Robert Sydney ; Sir Anthony Paulet is dead, and Sir Walter Ra- legh will surely have the government of Jersey ; but the Lord Harry Seymour claims a former grant of her Majesty of ^300 a^year paid out of it, as hq had in Paulet* s time (Aug. 12'\) Sir fVillia'm Russel, standing for the government of Jersey, hath given a stop to Sir Walter Ralegh hav- ingit, but the opinion is. Sir Walter will carry it; who I hear hath dealt with Sir W. Russel to give over his. suit, and he ivould resign unto him the wardenship of the stannaries, and the lieutenancy of Cornwall. But Sir W. Russel stands iipon these terms, in have what her Majesty ivill please to give him, as merely from herself, without being beholden to the other. My Lord H. Seymour, on the other side, Iwpes well in her Majesty's gracious promise, and persists in his suit. Sir Walter Ralegh hath had three or f out "^ Winwood's Memorials by Sawyer, 1, 230, 231. ss^ THE LIFE OF Jits of an ague. His oivn credit with the queen is eflate groiun good, and he cannot want the assist- mice of his friends^ wJiose authority is greatest, (Aug. 16^) 6*/?' IValter Ralegh shall have the government of Jersey, and it is doubtful if he part ivith the stanna- ries or no. A commission ivill he sent to survey the island, and the charges of building a neiu fort. It should seem. Sir Walter Ralegh tuill be content to raise a fort upon his own charges, and he must pay ^300 a-year to my Lord Harry Seymour. (Aug. 23^) Mr. Secretary hath picked out this time to he away, and to take some pleasure abroad, from the iiifinite pains and care he takes in the dispatch of her Ma- jesty's service 2vhen he is in court. It is said he is gone, accompanied with my Lord Cobham, to see Sir IValter Ralegh at Sherborne, ivhere young Mr. Cecil his son is brought up.^ (Sept. 6'^.) Sir Walter's patent for the government of Jersey, ■with a grant of the manor or lordship of S^ Ger- main, in the same island, and all the lands and tene- ments therein, bears date August SG'"^, 1600, and will be found in the appendix (N°. XII.) Meanwhile the career of Essex was drawing to a erisis. Several circumstances had contributed to keep alive the queen's anger against him. Every '^ Collins' Sydney Letters, II, 210, 212. 3 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 33^ account which she had received from Ireland, had convinced her more and more of his misconduct in, that government, particularly the new hfe which her authority in that island had gained on a sudden, un- der the administration of his successor Montjoy. The partiality of the people had given her additional disgust. For, prepossessed with an extravagant idea of the earl's merit, they complained of the injustice done him by his removal from court, and by his con- finement. Libels were secretly dispersed against Cecily, Ralegh, and ail who were esteemed his enemies ; and his popularity, alway great, seemed increased rather than diminished by his misfortunes. The ten- derness of Elizabeth so far prevailed over her se- verity, that she contented herself v/ith having him examined by the privy-council, instead of being tried in the star-chamber^-— and the sentence pro- nounced by the lord-keeper was, if this cause had been heard in the star-chamber, my sentence must have beeri as great a fine as ever ivas set upon any man's- head in that court, and perpetual imprisonment in that place which belongeth to a man of his quality, the Toiver. But now that we are in another place, and in a course of favour, my censure is, that lie is not to execute the office of a counsellor, nor to hold himself for a counsellor of state, nor to execute the office of earl-marshal of England, nor of master of the ord- nance ; and to return to his oivn house, there to con^ * Hume, Elixal\ S34i THf LIFE OF tinue a prisoner as before, till it shall please her Ma^ jesty to release both this and all the rest* His apparent penitence and the queen*s partiality led every body to expect that the earl would soon be reinstated in his former credit. Her Majesty- was however persuaded that his lofty spirit was not yet sufficiently subdued, and therefore she did not renew his at this time nearly-expiring patent for a monopoly of sweet wines, observing, the unmanage- able steed must be stinted in his prqvender,^ His proud and impetuous spirit, with difficulty so long subdued, now burst at once all restraints of sub- mission and prudence ; and imagining the queen inexorable, Essex determined to seek relief by pro- ceeding to the utmost extremities against his ene- mies.*^ It was perhaps at this period that the severe expression against her Majesty escaped him, of which Sir Walter himself makes mention in his Preroga- tive of parliaments. Undutiful words of a sub- ject, he writes, dv often take deeper root than the me- ihory of ill deeds do — the duke of Biron found it when the king had him at advantage — yea, the late earl bf Essex told Queen Elizabeth that her conditions "Were as crooked as her carcase ; but it cost him his head, tvhich his insurrection had not cost him, but for that speech.^ " Birch's Memoirs Elizab. 11, 454. * Camden's Elizab. 16OO. ' Hume, Elizab. " Birch's Works of Ralegh^ I, 223. SIR WALTEk RALEGH. 335 Essex had, moreover, early courted the friend- ship of the Idng of Scots. A close correspondence was maintained between them, and among other ex- pedients for extorting a declaration in favour of that king's right of succession to the English crown, the earl had proposed in vain, that Montjoy should bring over a part of his army from Ireland, to intimidate the queen/ The earl's own adversaries were repre- sented by him to James as enemies to his succession, and partisans of the chimerical title of the infanta of Spain. Sir Walter Ralegh^ would naturally be included in the number of these, and we may with great appearance of probability call Essex the first planter of a prejudice in the mind of James against Ralegh, which, under the culture of others, spread with consequences so fatal to the knight in the sub- sequent reign* Itwas early in February 1600-1, that the earFs isoi, meetings with his select council of malcontents, at Drury- house, had ripened, as he thought, for exe- cution^ his project of surprising the palace, forcing the queen to displace his enemies, and to settle a new plan of government.^ In the number of this * Birch's Memoirs Elizab. 11, 47 1. In the Instructions for the earl of Mar, we read, in the west Sir Walter Balegh commanding the uttermost province^ where he may assist tie Spaniards in their first invasion, if that course be held fittest ; leing also captain of the isle of Jersey , there to harbour them upon any ft occasion. See Hardwicke, State Papers, N". XXU. * Camden— and Birch's Memoirs Elizab. 338 THE LIFE OF council were Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and Sir Chris- topher Blount ; and their designs are supposed to have become knov>7n to the queen through a con- ference held between Sir Walter Ralegh and the former, on the 8"' of February, the day of the in- surrection. Gorges was then governor of Plymouth- fort, and had that morning received a message from Sir Walter to attend him at Durham-house, on what occasion, or whether from suspicion, does not ap- pear. He himself informs us, that on his consult- ing Essex, the earl advised him to go, but directed him to appoint the meeting on the Thames, and to take a guard with him.'' By the confession, how- ever, subsequently made by Gorges before some of of the privy-council, it appeared that Blount had advised the seizure, or murder of Sir Walter at this meeting ; and that because Gorges rejected the advice, Blount shot at him four times in a boat, probably for fear he should betray them. Blount was unable to deny these facts, and intreated Sir Walter's forgiveness when he was shortly afterward executed.' When Ralegh was examined relative to this con- ference, all he said was, that Gorges told him upon ^ See an Answer to certain imputations against Sir F. Gorges?, v/ritten in the Gate-house. In the Cotton Library, Julius, F. VI, 183, p. 423. ' See a Declaration of the practices and treasons attempted and committed by Robert late earl of Essex, &c. printed by Barker the queen's printer, 4^°, l601 j and State Trials, fol. -1,776, h 211. SIR WALTER EALEGH. 33? the water, that Essex had put himself into a strong guard at Essex-house, and this is like to be the bloodiest day's luork that ever zvas ; wishing him to go to court with speed for prevention thereof; then Sir Walter wished Sir Ferdinando Gorges to refuse their company, else he would be undone,^ This Gorges at that time confirmed, but in the vindica- tion of himself which he wrote, has given the fol- lowing more enlarged account of the conference. ' When Sir Walter Ralegh^s boat came to me, he being all alone, and I having two gentlemen, he told me that he had sent for me to admonish me to make all haste out of the town down to my charge, there being a warrant out for the sending me to the Fleet. For his kind advertisement I gave him thanks, but told him withal (because I knew the present oc- casion would soon discover itself) that it came too late, for I had engaged myself in another matter. He farther inquiring of me what it was, I told him there were 2,000 gentlemen who had resolved that day to live or die freemen. He protested unto me he heard not of it until that morning, but did not see what they were able to do against the queen*s authority. My answer was, it was the abuse of that by him and others, which made so many honest men resolve \o seek a reformation thereof. His reply was, that no man is without a colour for his intent, and advised me to look to myself and to rer ^ See State Trials, I, 201. , Vol. L% y __ 33S THE LIFE OF member my duty and allegiance. I answered, that I knew not any man who did not more respect his allegiance than his life, as the end would make ap^ parent ; and thus we parted, he to the court, and I to Essex-house — If it be demanded of me why I did not then take Sir Walter Ralegh, i. It was not a matter I ever proposed, though many persuaded me so to do. ii. I never held it an act fitting among men to betray any that repose trust in us ; and he putting himself into my hands, with what honesty could I have avowed so barbarous a deed, unless h6 had given me the first occasion by violent deeds or unkind words, for either of which I was both re- solved and prepared.— The reason why I acknow- ledge I had means to have taken or killed Sir Wal- ter Ralegh was, the better to make it appear that there was neither malicious or butcherous course in* tended to him or any, and also to give him cause to acknowledge himself in that respect beholden unto me, whereby to take from him occasion to exercise his power (which I knew to be great at that juncture) to my ruin. For 1 did believe he could not in rea- son be so void of human respect, as not to requite one courtesy with another ; as also it was no matter of treason against her Majesty, but rather a mani- festation of the contrary, approving this intent to be particular against Sir Walter Ralegh and others.'^ Mean^vhile Essex, having determined the seizure pf the palace to be impracticable, had recourse t9 Spe note third before this. SIR WALTER RALEGH. S39 the wild pl'oject of raising the city, and collected his friends, and informed them that Cobham and Ralegh were plotting schemes against his life. Yet when at Blount's trial Sir Robert Cecil questioned him, whether he believed that Cobham and Ralegh designed any such assassination of the earl, Blount answered, that he did not believe they ever meant any such thing, nor that the earl himself feared it, only it was a word cast out to colour other matters^ In- deed the vindictive disposition of the earl appeared still more notorious, by his accusing Cecil himself, at his own trial, as a partisan of the Infanta's title ; and, on a challenge from the secretary, being able to produce only an authority so weak and frivolous as he did, in support of his accusation.'* Though this conduct did not entitle Essex to his commiseration, and though such an assertion op- poses itself to the general current of history, I have found reason to believe, that Cecil relented toward the earl before he met his fate, and was even in- clined to save him. In support of this opinion we have the following passage in one pf the letters of the subsequent secret correspondence between Cecil and King James; I do remember, that in our late un- lucky tragedies, many of Essex* s friends luere luill' ing that he should rather break his neck by desperate attempts, suitable to th-eir own humours, than be saved and redeemed by the faith and industry of Cecil, who >" Blount's Trial in Additional State Trials, vol. VII. ° ^acon, IV, 530. 340 THE LIFE OF of all men living, in case he had found subjectum b^ne dispositum, ivould have dealt best with, and per- fected the work of his deliverance.^ The following curious letter also from Ralegh to Cecil, which has been preserved among the Burleigh papers, appears to imply the same disposition in the secretary. SIR WALTER RALEGH TO SIR ROBERT CECIL. ' Sir, — I am not wise enough to give you advice j but if you take it for a good counsel to relent to- ward this tyrant, you will repent it when it shall be too late. His malice is fixed, and will not evapo- rate by any of your mild courses ; for he will ascribe the alteration to her Majesty *s pusillanimity, and not to your good nature, knowing that you work but upon her humour, and not out of any love toward him. The less you make him, the less he shall be able to harm you and yours ; and if her Majesty's favour fail him, he will again decline to a common person. For after-revenges, fear them not ; for your own father was esteemed to be the contriver of Norfolk's ruin, yet his son? followeth your father's son, and loveth him. Humours of men succeed not, but grow by occasions and accidents of time Lord Henry HoNvard to Mr. Edward Bruce, Letter XIV, in the Secret correspondence of Sir Robert Cecil with James VI, king of Scotland, published by Sir David Dalrymple, 12""s Edinburgh, 1766, p. 21 p. ^ Probably his second son. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 341 and po\^er. Somerset made no revenge on the duke of Northumberland's heirs.'' — Northumberland that now is, thinks not of Hatton's issue/ — Kelloway lives that murdered the brother of Horsey ; and Horsey let him go-by all his lifetime. I could name you a thousand of those ; and therefore after-fears are but prophecies, or rather conjectures from causes remote — look to the present, and you do wisely. His son shall be the youngest earl of England but one, and if his father be now kept down. Will. Cecil' shall be able to keep as many men at his heels as he, and more too. He may also match in a bet- ter house than his, and so that fear is not worth the fearing. But if the father continue, he will be able to break the branches, and pull up the tree root and all. Lose not your advantage ; if you do, I read your destiny. ' Let the Q. hold Bothwell,' while she hath him 5 The duke having influenced Edward VI to deprive him of his titles and iands. ' Sir Christopher Hatton having been suspected of the murdct of the late earl of Northumberland in the Tower. ^ Only son of Sir Robert. t Francis Steuart, grandson of James V, in a bastard line, was created earl of Bothwellj and lord high-admiral of Scot- land by James VI. Of boundless arrogance and ambition, with a restless and unruly spirit, he was forfeited over and over, but by his factious connection with some of the nobility as often pardoned. He surprised and forced the royal palace of Holy=> roodhouse, invested the castle of Faukland, &c. from a spirit of dominion and . contempt of his master's ministers. These circumstances/ then recent and noloriouSj are the occasion of ?3ir Walter giving this mm; to Essex. y 3 342 THE LIFE OP he will ever be the canker of her estate and safety. Princes are lost by security, and preserved by pre- vention. — I have seen the last of her good days, and all ours after his liberty. ' Yours, &c. w. R. Sir Walter is enumerated among the noblemen and knights who invested Essex-house, and at the earl's trial he attended with forty of the queen's guard on his duty as captain.* He was also present at his execution in the Tower, and at first stood near the scaffold, that he might answer for himself should Essex object any thing to him at his death. But some persons ascribing his presence to a desire of feasting his eyes with the earl's suffering, he re- tired into the armory, and beheld the execution thence.^ For this he was afterward sorry, as he heard the earl had a desire to see and be reconciled to him ; and this powerful rival of an opposite fac- tion did not meet his fate without drawing tears from Sir Walter, as the knight confessed at his own execution.* In the summer of this year Sir Walter attended the queen on her progress ; and when the French " Murdin*s State Papers, p. 811. * And not on purpose, as Mr. Hume writes, chap. xliv. Essex's Trial in State Trials. ' Camden in Elizab. l60] . ^ Ralegh's speech on the scaffold, in chapr ix. -Se« ^^ SIR WALTER RALEGH. 343 king came to Calais on the alarm of the archduke besreging Ostend, and sent over to her Majesty, then at Dover, M. de Rosny, afterward duke of Sully, Ralegh was one of the persons of distinc- tion appointed to receive him." On the 21'"^ of October assembled Elizabeth's last parliament, in which Sir Walter sat as one of the knights of the shire for the county of Corn= wall.'' This was a session abounding in important business, but exhibits to us a house of commons widely differing from our present idea of this as- sembly. As a speaker in it. Sir Walter displayed much sound judgment and enlightened policy. He first rose in opposition to the act for sowing hemp. * For my part,' said he, ' I do not like this constraining of men to manure or use their grounds at our wills, but rather let every man use his ground to that which it is most fit for, and therein use his own discretion. For hawsers, cables, cordage, and the like, we have plentifully enough from foreign nations, and we have divers countries here in England make thereof in great abundance 5 and the bill of tillage may be a sufficient motive to us in this case, not to take the course that this bill intendeth. For where the law provideth that every man must plough the third part of his land, I knew it, divers poor people have done so to avoid the Sully's Memoirs. Townsl.e.id's Hist, collect, p. 333^ Y 4i 344- THE LIFE OF penalty of the. statute, when their abilities have been so poor, that they have not been able to buy seed- corn to sow it withal, nay they have been fain to hire others to plough it ; which if it had been un- ploughed, would have been good pasture for beasts, or might have been converted to other good uses.' "^ At the committee touching the subsidy, Sir Wal- ter Ralegh moved the house to consider to what intent they came together, and now in their coming what was to be considered. ' For the subsidy, and the manner and quahty thereof, I will now only in- timate thus much unto you, that the last parliament only three subsidies were granted upon fear that the Spaniards were coming ; but we see now they, are come, and have set foot even in the queen's terri- tories already, and therefore are the more of us to be respected and regarded. And seeing the sale of her Highness' own jewels, the great loans her sub- jects have lent her yet unpaid, the continual selling of her lands and decaying of her revenues, the spar- ing ever out of her own purse and apparel for our sakes will not serve, but yet she must be fain to cal her court of parliament for our advice and aid in this case ; I wish for my own part (as a particular member of this commonwealth) that we may not do less than we did before, and that we also would bountifully, according to our estates, contribute to the necessity of her Majesty as now it standeth. — Townshend's Hist, collect, p. 188* SIR WALTER RALEGH. 3AS If all pay alike none will be aggrieved ; if asy be exempted doubtless it will breed much grief, and the feeling will be great to those three-pound men that will feel any thing, but it will be nothing to them that know any thing. — I like not that the Spaniards our enemies should know of our selling our pots and pans to pay subsidies ; well may you call it poHcy, as an honourable person alleged, but I am sure it argues poverty in the state. And for the mention that was last made of dulcis tractus pari jugo, call you this parjugum when a poor man pays as much as a rich, and peradventure his estate is no better than he is set at, or but little better ; when our estates that be ^30 or ^40 in the queen's books, are not the hundredth part of our wealth ? Therefore it is not dulcis nor par.' ^ The encroachments made upon the tinners by those who advanced them money had become so ex- orbitant, that Sir Walter had been importuned to revive the privilege of pre-emption, founded on the clause in the charter of Edward I, allowing them to vend their tin to the best advantage, nisi nos ipsi cmere voluerimus ; and he appears to have benefited the tinners materially. The journaHsts inform us, ^ D'Ewes' Journal, p. 629, 630, 632. In the Prerogative of Parliaments, Ralegh makes the Justice say, l myself once moved U (a subsidy given hj the letter sortj in parliament in the time of Queen Elizabeth, who desired much to spare the common peo- ple, and I did it hj her commandment. See Birch's Works of Halegh, I;3iO. 346 THE LIFE OF • that the knight blushed when the subject of mono* polles was first touched upon in this parliament j" he however afterward thus addressed the house. — ' I am urged to speak in two respects, the one be- cause I find myself touched in particular j the other^ in that I take some imputation of slander to be of- fered unto her Majesty j I mean by the gentleman (Mr. Martin) who first mentioned tin. For that be- ing one of the principal commodities of this kingdom, and being in Cornw^all, it hath ever, so long as there were any, belonged to the dukes of Cornwall, and they had special patents of privilege. It pleased her Majesty freely to bestow upon me that privilege, and that patent being word for word the very same the duke's is, and because by reason of mine office of lord-warden of the Stannary I can sufficiently inform this house of the state thereof, I v/ill make bold to deliver it unto you. When the tin is taken out of the mine and melted and refined, then is every piece containing one hundred weight sealed with the duke's seal. Now I will tell you, that before the granting of my patent, whether tin were but of seventeen shillings, and so upward to fifty shillings a hundred, yet the poor workmen never had above two shillings the week, finding themselves. But since my patent, whosoever will work may; and buy tin at what price soever, they have four shillings a-week truly paid. There is no poor that will work there but ^ D'Ewes';, p. 645, and Townshend, p. 233, f SIR WALTER RALEGH. 347 may, and have that wages. Notwithstanding, if all others may be repealed, I will give my consent as freely to the cancelling of this as any member of this house.'^ Sir Walter spoke against the bill for reformation of abuses committed in inns, taverns, &c/ and on that for prohibiting the transportation of ordnance, he said, ' I am sure heretofore one ship of her Ma- jesty's was able to beat ten Spaniards ; but now, by reason of our own ordnance, we are hardly match- ed one to one. And if the Low countries should either be subdued by the Spaniard, or yield unto him by a conditional peace, or shall join in amity v/ith the French as we see them daily inclining, I say there is nothing doth so much threaten the con- D'Ewes* Journal, p. 646. A few months after the risin " Puller's Worthies, Somerset. 352 THE LIFE OF CHAP. VI. CecWs correspondence with King James His rival- ship with Ralegh King James prejudiced j?a- legh neglected Conspiracy CeciVs letter Ralegh examined His letter to the commissioners. . - - .Indicted. . - .His letter to the Mng His trial. VV iTH the reign of Queen Elizabeth the good for- tune of Sir Walter Ralegh sank to rise no more ; and those talents, which, under the smiles of a fe- male sovereign of singular penetration, had been called forth and directed to the noblest ends, were doomed to fade and wither under the frowns of her successor. In no instance was the policy of Cecil more re- markable, than in the part which he'^ted with King James toward the close of Queen Elizabeth's reign. No sooner was the blow struck against Essex, than the secretary thought it prudent to cultivate the favour of a prince who was likely so soon to become his sovereign. Sensible, however, that an intercourse with him might prove highly dangerous under a |mistress whose natural jealousy was daily strengthening with age, he carried on the correspondence into which he entered with all the secrecy and caution necessary to his situation, and 3 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 353 peculiar to his character/ The letters were for the most part conveyed by the way of Ireland ;^ and those from this side were written by Lord Henry Howard, under the inspection of Cecil, in a style affectedly obscure. Notwithstanding the solicitude repeatedly discovered by the secretary, that they should be destroyed as soon as the king had read them, many of them have been preserved, and reached the press about forty years ago/ They make frequent mention of Ralegh, and a triplichij which he had formed with Cobham and Northum- berland, in terms which bespeak a strong disaffec- tion to the knight on the parts of Cecil and How- ard 5 but the correspondence is upon the whole curious rather than instructive.** It had however ^ Robertson's Scctlaiid. b Birch's Life o\ Frince Henry, p. 232. •^ Chap. V, note. <* Yea Cecil himsel.^, says Arthur Wilson, in his Life and Reign of James 1, titld his correspondence, which he was once like to he trapped in. For tlie queen taking the air upon Black- heath, by Greenwich, a post summoned her to inquire from what quarter his business came ; and hearing frqm Scotland, she staid her coach to receive the packet. But the secretary, Sir Robert Cecil (being in the coach with her) fearful that some of his secret conveyances might be discovered, having an active wit^ calls for a knife suddenly to open it, lest pxits-off and delays might beget suspicion. And tvhen he came to cut it, he told the queen it looked and smelted ill-savouredly, coming out of many nasty budgets, and was ft to be opened and aired before she saw it. Which reason, meeting with her disaffection to ill scents, hinder" her smelling out his underhand contrivances. Vol. I. z ^54 THE LIFE OF the desired effect In securing CeciFs interest witl^ the king ; and on his accession to this throne, men wondered at the ascendency over the rest of his party which the secretary enjoyed. He was suc- cessively created Lord Essenden, Viscount Cran- bourne, and earl of Salisbury ; and he was alway regarded as his Majesty's prime-minister and chief counsellor. Though the circumstance of this correspondence sufficiently explains to us the ascendency which Cecil gained above all other parties in the new king's favour, we are left a good deal in the dark as to the particular causes of disunion" between the secretary and Ralegh j and chiefly enabled to draw the general conclusion, that, after the fall of Essex and his party, their friendship soon terminated in rivalship for power. Nor did this blozv, says Os= born, terminate only in the ruin of the earl*sjriendsf but extended to the disadvantage of his malig7iers themselves, apparent in Sir Walter Ralegh ; luho, wanting strength, though not ivit, to be the treasur- er*s co-rival, perished because not thought to own kumilitij enough to be his servant. It bei?ig more safe at court to have many enemies of equal power , e Cecil's own words upon Ralegh's trial throw no hght upon the matter, and are of a piece with his general character, — a former dearness between me and him tied so Jirm a knotofvty conceit of his virtues, now broken by a discovery of his impeifeC" tions, isc. See the trial in this chapter. SIR WALTER RELEGH, 355 than one false cmilitious friend that hath attained to the absoluteness of command.^ Dr. Peter Heylin remarks on the same subject, that Cecil, fearing the great abilities of Ralegh, and being wearied ivith the troublesome impertinencies of Grey and Cobham fall ofiuhom had joined with him in design against the earl of Essex, their common enemy) had done their errand to King James (whose counsels he desired to engross to himself alone) before his coming into England} Of the later causes of this disunion, one probably was a memorial which Ralegh is said to have pre- sented to King James, wherein he reflected severely upon Cecil's conduct toward Essex, and transfer- red the whole blame of the earl's death from him- self to the secretary ; imputing al •' to him and his father the execution of Mary, the king's mother. This paper we are told had no effect on the king, and a very pernicious one on Sir Walter, by exas- perating Cecil still more against him.'' X^ess doubtful or obscure are the causes which are supposed to have prejudiced Ralegh wiih King James. The correspondence with that king, begun by Essex,' and continued by Cecil, has already been noticed. The former,' we may safely conclude, f Miscellaneous Works, II, 75. g Examen Historicum, 8"", iGsp, p. 1/0. •» Welwood's Notes on Wilson. Comp. Hist, of Eng. II, D63-4. ^ See chap. V. 356 THE LIFE OF had not spared the knight in his letters, while the secretary we know did not, by the publication of his correspondence. In addition to these early pre- possesions, Ralegh appears to have been in the number of those noble and public spirits, as Osborn calls them, zvho desired (in regard of the known feud between the nations) he might be obliged to articles — all frowned upon after by the king, who had yet the luck to live so long as to change his opinion, and {when he found he neither durst do it himself, nor consent to it iji parliament) to wish his countrymen* s oiumbers had been limited, and not suffered like locusts to devour this kingdom.^ It hath also been conje£tur- ed, (with what appearance of probability, the reader will decjde for himself), that offence was taken at a design which Ralegh had, of marrying his son Wal- ter to a ward of his, the daughter and heiress of Basset of Umberleigh and Hinton- court, in Devon- shire ; that family being descended from the Plan- tagenets, and laying some claim to the crown at this very time.' At any rate, the enterprising and mar- tial character of Sir Walter was far from congenial '^ Misc. Works/ II, 104. ' Observations on Sanderson's Hist. 4'°, l656, p. 12 ; Prince's Devon, p. 114; and Wood's Athen. Oxon. I, 366. The lady's estate was ^3000 a-year. She first married Mr. Henry Howard, and after his death the earl of Newcastle, who prof essed he would never have wedded her if young Walter Ralegh had leen alive ; conceiving her lefore God to he his wife, for they were married as much as children could he ; — See tlie above Observations. SIR WALTER RALEGH. S57 to the disposition of James ; and an offer which he made, on the king's accession, of invading Spain with 2000 men, free of expence to the crown,"" as well as a discourse which he wrote, touching a war with Spain, and the protection of the Netherlands,"" were not likely to promote his cause with the new sovereign. On the king's arrival in London, in May 1603, i603. we are told that for some weeks he used Sir PValter with great kindness ; and was pleased to acknotvledge divers presents which he had received from him, he^ ing in Scotland, for which he gave him thanks,"" It is not to be wondered at, however, under the cir- cumstances already noticed, that the knight soon experienced the neglect which he did at court. The office of captain of the guard we find given to Sir Thomas Erskine, the king's countryman and favour- ite, soon after his accession. In recompence for this ■» Sir "Walter's Letter to the earls of Nottingham, Suffolk, &Co in this chapter. n Birch's Works of Ralegh, II, p. 1. o A brief Relation of Sir Walter Ralegh's Troubles, hy his son Carew, in the Appendix, N". xiii. I have found, however, that the statements in this piece must be used with caution. On the present occasion. Sir Richard Baker, in his Chronicle, informs us, that Ralegh was discountenanced by the king at their first meeting on his journey from Scotland. And Sir John HawleS, in his Reply to the Magistracy and Government of England Vin- dicated, (foUo, 1689) writes, Cubham and Ralegh were not per- mitted to come at the king upon his journey into England, and had Wwrd s^t them they might s^pare their lalour. Z ^ 358 THE LIFE OF and his wine-patent, of which he was also deprived/ a pension of ^300 per ann7im was granted to Sir" Walter for his life, and an arrear of debt against him: written off.'' But matters stopped not here. The tide of prejudice against Ralegh was strong, and no thought or action of his life was any longer innocent. Three months had not elapsed since the king's ar- nval/ before he was charged with treasonable prac- tices against his government. The conspiracy to which I allude^ is a riddle of state, v/hich has never been solved, and the specula- tions that have been formed on it would fill a mo- derate volume. Our own writers afford us little satisfaction on the subject ; while the account of it ■given by Thuanus^ is founded on the gross mis- '' The Lord-chief-justice's Address lo Ralegh before the judg- ment at his trial. « Cecil's Letter to Sir Thomas Parry, in this chapter. * In the Salisbury Collection at Hatfield, are several letters re- lative to the Cobham plot, by which it appears that commissioners were employed in the month of July to investigate it. ^ Thuanus relates the story thus. In June, Sir ^¥alter Ralegh, a man equally dexterous at consultation or action^ and famous for his memorable expeditions to the Indies, taking leave of his sister in London, intreated her to commend him to God in her prayers, for he was going to a place whence he expected never to return. She, suspecting that he was going to fight a duel, with the same levity dispersed it among the ladies of her acquaintance, till the rumour came to court, and Ralegh's friends flocked about him to know the enterprise. He, apprehending himself detect- ed, made a confession and discovery of the whole matter. The king was greatly astonished, and would have Ralegh before him; SIR WALTER RALEGH. S59 representations of his countryman, Victor Cayet,' and is truly unworthy of a place in his history. Un- der these circumstances, the epistolary correspond- ence of the great men of the time is perhaps our best guide ; and the following letter on the occasion from Cecil to Sir Thomas Parry, ambassador in France, will have the merit of good information, and I hope novelty, it being I believe now printed for the first time. In presenting it to the reader, 1 premise only the following remark on the secretary by the earl of Clarendon. It seemed as necessary (for him) there should he treasons, as for the state they shmild be pre- vented ; insomuch as it was then (how unjustly soever J conceived, that though he created none, yet he foment- ed some conspiracies, that Ice might give frequent evi- dences of his loyalty J" who, asking his pardon, acktiowledged, since his Majesty gave greater countenance to the Scots than the English, deprived him of his command in the guards, and led many to expect that on his establishment on the tlirone he would be revenged fer the death of his mother, he had entered into a conspiracy with others, (whom he named), to shed his royal blood; and that he was unanimously deputed to be his Majesty's executioner when he i"ode a-hunting. Whereupon the conspirators were taken up and tried !!! (Tom. v, 1. 1 29.) ' Chronologic Septennaire, p. 424, edit. Paris, lQQ5, 8vo. ^ Disparity between Buckingham and Essex. z 4 360 THE LIFE OF LORD CECIL, SECRETARY OF STATE, TO SIR THOMAS PARRY, AMBASSADOR IN FRANCE. Hampton- Cow fy August 4, 1605. ' Sir, — It is very true that when there was cause to stop the passage, there was not conveniency of writing unto you ; for some traitors being fled, and proclamation made for them, it was held fit to pre- vent their escape. Since which time it hath pleased God to deliver most of them into his Majesty's hands j whereof because you may know the truth and no more, you shall understand that this is of this na- ture^ ' Sir Griffin Markham, and Mr. George Brooke, brother to the Lord Cobham, having dealt with the king in former time to profess their affection toward him, finding some of their vain hopes deceived, fell into incontentment against the king, and most of the nobility that were counsellors about him. And ob- serving in the Lord Grey some like malcontented humour (only in some suchlike respects), they began to project a course of alteration of this estate j hop- ing, if they could have with some convenient num- ber possessed the person of the king, that they might then by his authority have raised themselves to what places they would, by removing those that presently possess them. In which there was speech that the Lord Grey should be earl-marshal, Markham to be secretary, Brooke to be lord-treasurer of England, Watson the priest to be lord-chancellor j and in case SIR WALTER RALEGH. S6l there should have been resistance made against them, they had provided .i party to have gone to the court in the night. ' Forasmuch as now these men should hardly have been able to have drawn such a company together to second their passions, one of them being a papist, undertook by Watson and Clarke, two priests, to draw in some catholics to assent to deliver a petition to the king for toleration of religion ; but so well provided, as the king should not have thought him- self in safety to deny them. ' Of this treacherous and vain project, among them many disputations and arguments have passed j not any of them misliking the purpose, but reasoning the probabilities to effect it. By which means the matter was the worse digested, and so the day assign- ed came upon them faster than their councils could ag]«ee for the orderly execution. Which falling out to -be the 24'^ of June, the Lord Grey, jealous lest the principal number, compounded of catholics, might over-rule him and his followers in the surprise (which were intended by him to be of the religion now professed) he made objection to Markham that he esteemed so much that point as he was loath to join with him, but rather wished some suspension of it till his party might be better secured. Which he thought should be, if the king should aid the states of the Low countries, and he obtain the command- ment of new forces to be levied ; under colour of which levy here about London, he hoped the better 362 THE LIFE OF to have disguised the gathering together of such numbers. And thus, with all their irresolutions, the day was put off, and new fears distracted them, which arose only from the difficulty to surprise the court, wherein there never sleepeth under 300 gentlemen that carry arms. But, because we having some scout- notice of conventicles for some such purpose, began to set better order of doors and passages, of which proceedings they took an alarm. Nevertheless, they gave not over their imaginations, conferences, nor designs, until one Copley, a principal conspirator, was taken; whom Markham and Brooke knew would accuse them. Upon his taking, Markham came to Mr. Brooke to procure him means to escape by his brother*s authority ; who, notwithstanding he under- Stood for what cause it was, did assent to convey him over, and gave him some money for his jour- ney ; although Markham, upon other consideration, took another way of flight, until he was apprehend- ed. Since which, all hath been confessed by them- selves under their hands. ' And now, because I doubt not you may have heard also of other matters, and therein, peradventurej much hath been multipHed, you shall understand^ that although the Lord Cobham was no particular actor nor contriver of this conspiracy, yet he had another iron in the lire, which, in general terms, he let fall to his brother and some others, though he used them not particularly in this project, no more than they had done him in theirs ; alway this being SIR WALTER RALEGH* 363 common to them all, that if one sped not, another mi-ht. So far had God blinded then- eyes, when the kirg had noway wronged any of these, by tak- ln Esqui uires. Gentlemen. Sir Walter Ralegh, prisoner, was asked, whether he would take exceptions to any of the jury ? Ralegh. I know none of them ; they are all christians, and honest gentlemen. I except against none. jE, Sujfolh. You, gentlemen of the king's learn- ed counsel, follow the same course as you did the other day. Ralegh. My lord, I pray you I may answer the ^ In the Observations on Sanderson's History, already re- ferred to, we read, there was appointed for Ralegh another jury, the foreman of which was Sir Michael Stanhope, the next Sir Edward Darcy, the next Sir William Killegreiv, all men nf honour, a.nd near servants to the late Queen EHxaheth. [But these being found not for their turn, they were all changed overnight, and these others (named in the common printed trial,/ put in their places. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 379 points particularly as they are delivered, by reason of the weakness of my memory and sickness. Lord Chief-just. Popham. After the king's learned counsel have delivered all the evidence, Sir Walter, you may answer particularly to what you will. Ueale, the hinges serjeant at law. You have heard of Ralegh's bloody attempts to kill the king and his royal progeny, and in place thereof, to ad- vance one Arabella Stuart. The particulars of the indictment are these. First, that Ralegh met with Cobham the 9**" of June, and had conference of an invasion, of a rebellion, and an insurrection, to be made by the king's subjects, to depose the king, and to kill his children, poor babes, that never gave of- fence. Here is blood, here is a new king and go- vernor. In our king consists all our happiness, and the true use of the gospel ; a thing which we all wish to be settled, after the death of the queen. Here must be money to do this, for money is the sinew of war. Where should that be had ? Count Aremberg must procure it of Philip king of Spain, five or six hundred thousand crowns ; and out of this sum Ralegh must have eight thousand. But what is that Count Aremberg ? Though I am no good Frenchman, yet it is as much as to say in Eng- lish, earl of Aremberg. Then there must be friends to effect this. Cobham must go to Albert archduke of Austria, for whom Aremberg was ambassador at that time in England. And what then ? He must persuade -the duke to assist the pretended title of .380 THE LIFE OF Arabella. From thence Cobham must go to the king of Spain, and persuade him to assist the said title. Since the conquest, there was never the like treason ! But out of whose head came it ? Out of Ralegh's, who must also advise Cobham to use his brother Brooke to incite the Lady Arabella to write three several letters, as aforesaid, in the indictment. All this was on the 9^^ of June. Then three days after. Brooke was acquainted with it. After this, Cobham said to Brooke, it will never he luell in J^ngJand, till the king and his cubs are taken away. Afterward, Ralegh delivered a book to Cobham, treacherously written against the title of the king. It appears that Coblaam took Ralegh to be either a god or an idol. Cobham endeavours to set up a new king, or governor ; God forbid mine eyes should ever see so unhappy a change ! As for the I^y Arabella, she, upon my conscience, hath no more title to the crown than I have, which before God I utterly renounce. Cobham, a man bred in England, hath no experience abroad ; but Ralegh is a man of great wit, military, and a sword-man. Now whether these things were bred in a hollow tree, I leave to them to speak of, who can speak far better than myself — and so sat down again. Sir Ed. Coke, the kings attorney. I must first, my lords, before I come to the cause, give one cau- tion, because we shall often mention persons of eminent places, some of them great monarchs j whatever we say of them, we shall but repeat what SIR WALTER RALEGH. BBt others have said of them ; I mean the capital offend- ers In theil' confessions. We professing law, must speak reverently of kings and potentates. I per^ ceive these honourable lords, and the rest of this great assembly, are come to hear what hath been scattered upon the wreck of report. We carry a just mind, to condemn no man, but upon plain evidence. Here is mischief, mischief in summo gradic^ exorbitant mischief. My speech shall chiefly touch these three points ; imitation^ supportation, and de- fence. ' The imitation of evil ever exceeds the prece- dent ; as on the contrary, imitation of good ever comes short. Mischief cannot be supported but by mischief ; yea, it will so multiply, that it will bring all to confusion. Mischief is ever underproped by falsehood or foul practices ; and because all these things did concur in this treason, you shall under- stand the main, as before you did the bye. ' The treason of the bye consisteth in these points J first, that the Lord Grey, Brooke, Mark- ham, and the rest, intended by force in the night to surprise the king's court ; which was a rebellion in the heart of the realm, yea, in the heart of the heart, in the court. They intended to take him that is a sovereign, to make him subject to their power, purpof^ing to open the doois with musquets and calivers, and to take also the prince and coun- cil ; tlien under the king's authority to carry the ling \o the Tower, and to make a stale of the ad- S82 The life of miral. When they had the king there, to extort three things from him ; i, a pardon for all their treasons ; ii, a toleration of the Roman supersti- tion, which their eyes shall sooner fall ouii than they shall ever see (for the king hath spoken these words in the hearing of many, I will lose the croiun and my life, before ever I will alter religion) ; and iii, to remove counsellors. In the room of the lord chancellor, they would have placed one Watson, a priest, absurd in humanity, and ignorant in divinity. Brooke, of whom I will speak nothing, lord-trea- surer. The great secretary must be Markham ; oculus patriae. A hole must be found in my lord- chief-justice's coat. Grey must be earl-marshal, and master of the horse, because he would have a table in the court ; marry, he would advance the earl of Worcester to a higher place/ ' All this cannot be done without a multitude. Therefore Watson, the priest, tells a resolute man, that the king was in danger of puritans and Jesuits ; so to bring him in blindfold into the action, saying, that the king is no king till he be crowned, there- fore every man might right his own wrongs — But he is rex natus, his dignity descends as well as yours, my lords. Then Watson imposeth a blasphemous oath, that they should swear to defend the king's person, to keep secret what was given them in charge. Fuller, in his Church history, observes, Sir Walter Ralegh, Me to discharge avy, had no particular office assigned unts h /j)7 . SIR WALTER RALEGH. 3S3 and seek all ways and means to advance the catholic religion. Then they intend to send for the lord mayor and the aldermen, in the king's name, to the Tower, lest they should make any resistance, and then to take hostages of them, and to enjoin them to provide for them victuals and munition. Grey, because the king removed before midsummer, had a farther reach, to get a company of swordmen to assist the action ; therefore he would stay till he had obtained a regiment from Ostend or Austria. So you see these treasons were like Samson's foxes, which were joined in their tails, though their heads were severed. Ralegh. You, gentlemen of the jury, I pray re- member, I am not charged with the bye, being the treason of the priest. Attorney. You are not. My lords, you shall ob- serve three things in the treasons, i, they had a watch-word, (the king's safety) ; their pretence was honum in sc, their intent was malum in se. ii, they avouched scripture ; both the priests had scriptum est, perverting and ignorantly mistaking the scrip- tures. Ill, they avouched the common law, to prove that he was no king till he was crov/ned ; al- leging a statute of 13 Ellz. This, by way of imi- tation, hath been the course of all traitors. ' In the 20'" of Edward II, Isabella tlie queen, and the Lord Mortimer, gave out, that the king's pei'son was not safe, for the good of the church <:ud commonwealth. SS^ THE LlfE O^ * The bishop of Carlisle did preach on this text. My head is grieved^ meaning by the head, the king; that when the head began to be negligent, the people might reform what is amiss. ' In the 3^ of Henry 'V, Sir Roger Clarendon, accompanied with two priests, gave out that Richard II was alive, when he was dead. ^ Edward III caused Mortimer's head to be cut oiF, for giving counsel to murder the king. - ' The 3'^ of Henry VII, Sir Henry Stanley found the crown in the dust, and set it on the king's head ; when Fitzwater and Garret told him that Edward V was alive, he said. If he be alive, I will assist him. But this cost him his head. ' Edmund de la Pole, duke of Suffolk, killed a man in the reign of King Henry VII, for which the king would have him hold up his hand at the bar, and then pardoned him. Yet he took such an of* fence thereat, that he sent to the noblemen to help to reform the commonwealth ; and then said he would go to France and get power there. Sir Roger Compton knew all the treason, and discovered Win- don and others, that were attainted. He said, there was another thing that would be stood upon, namely, that they had but one witness. Then he vouched one Appleyard's case, a traitor in Norfolk, who said, a man must have two accusers. Helms was the man that accused him ; but Mr. Justice Catlin said, that that statute was not in force at that dav. SIR WAttER RALEGH. S85 Then he went on speaking of accusers^ and made this difference. Ail accuser is a speaker by report, When a witness is he that upon his oath shall speak his knowledge of any man. ' A third sort of evidence there is likewise, and this is held more forcible thari either of the other two ; and that is, when a man by his accusation of another, shall, by the same accusation, also condemn himself, and make himself liable to the same fault Jlnd punishment ; this is more forcible than many witnesses^ So then so much by way of imitation. Then he defined treason. There is treason in the heart, in the hand, in the mouth, in consumma- tion — comparing that in corde to the root of a tree; in ore^ to the bud ; in manu^ to the blossom ; and that which is in consummatione, to the fruit. ' Now I come to your charge, you of the jury. The greatness of treason is to be considered in these two things^ determinatione finis, and electione me- dioruMk This treason excelleth in both, for that it was to destroy the king and his progeny. These treasons are said to be crimen Icesje Majestatis ; this goeth farther, and may be termed, crimen extir* pandce Regicv Majestatis, et to tins progeniei suce. I shall not need, my lords, to speak any thing con- cerning the king, nor of the bounty and sweetness of his nature, whose thoughts are innocent, vv^hose words are full of wisdom and learning, and whose works are full of honour ; although it be a true Vol. I. B b 386 THE LIFE dF saying, nanguam nimis quod nunquam satis. But to whom do you bear malice ? to the children ?. Ralegh. To whom speak you this ? you tell m* news I never heard of. Attorney, O Sir ! do I ? I will prove you the no- toriest traitor that ever cam.e to the bar. After you have taken away the king, you would alter religion; as you, Sir Walter Ralegh, have followed them of the bye in imitation, for I will charge you with the words. Ralegh. Your words cannot condemn me ; my innocency is my defence. Prove one of these things wherewith you have charged me, and I will confess the whole indictment, and that I am the horriblest traitor that ever lived, and worthy to be crucified with a thousand thousand torments. Attorney, Nay, I will prove all ; thou art a monster, thou hast an EngHsh face, but a Spanish heart. Now you must have money. Aremberg was no sooner in England (I charge thee Ralegh) but thou incitedst Cobham to go unto him, and to deal with him for money, to bestow on discontent- ed persons, to raise rebellion on the kingdom. Ralegh. Let me answer for myself. Attorney. Thou shalt not. Ralegh. It concerneth my life. Lord-chief -justice. Sir Walter Ralegh, Mr. At- torney is but yet in the general ; but when the king's CQunsel have given the evidence wholly, you shall answer every particular. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 387 Attorney. Oh ! do I touch you ? Lord CeciL Mr. Attorney, when you have done .with this general charge, do you not mean to let him answer every particular ? Attorney, Yes, when we deliver the proofs to be read. Ralegh procured Cobham to go to Arem- berg, which he did by his instigation; Ralegh supped with Cobham before he went to Aremberg ; after supper, Ralegh conducted him to Durham-house ; from thence Cobham went with Lawrency, a serv- ant of Arernberg's, unto him, and went in by a back-way. Cobham could never be quiet until he had entertained this motion, for he had four letters from Ralegh. Aremberg answered, the money should be performed, but knew not to whom it should t>e distributed. Then Cobham and Lawrency came back to Durham-house, where they found Ralegh. Cobham and Ralegh went up, and left Lawrency below, where they had secret conference in a gallery ; and after, Cobham and Lawrency de- parted from Ralegh. Your jargon was peace ; what is that ? Spanish invasion, Scottish subversion? And again, you are not a fit man to take so much money for procuring of a lawful peace, for peace procured by money is dishonourable. Then Cobham must go to Spain, and return by Jersey, where you were captain; and then, because Cobham had not so much policy, or at least wickedness, as you, he must have your advice for the distribution of the money. Would you have deposed so good a king, lineally Bb2 ^88- THE LIFE OF descended of Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Ed- ward IV ? Why then must you set up another ? I think you meant to make Arabella a titular queen, of whose title I will speak nothing ; but sure you itieant to make her a stale. Ah ! good lady, you could niean her no good. Ralegh. You tell me news, Mr. Attorney. Attorney^ O Sir ! I am the more large, because I know with whom I deal ; for we have to deal to- day with a man of wit, Ralegh. Did I ever speak with this I^dy H Attorney. I will track you out before I have done. Englishmen will not be led by persuasion of words, but they must have books to persuade. Ralegh. The book was written by a man of your profession, Mr. Attorney. Attprney. I would not have you impatient. Ralegh. Methinks you fall out with yourself; I say nothing. - Attorney. By this book you would persuade men that he is not the lawful king. Now let us consider some circumstances. My lords, you know my Lord Cobham, for whom we all lament and rejoice. La- ment in that his house, which hath stood so long unspotted, is now ruinated ; rejoice, in that his trea- sons are revealed. "He is neither politician nor sword- man ; Ralegh was both, united in the cause with him, and therefore cause of his destruction. Another circumstance is, the secret contriving of it. Hum- phrey Stafford claimed sanctuary lor treason ; Ra« SIR WALTER RALEGH. 389 legh, in his Machiavelian policy, hath made a sanc- tuary for treason ; he must talk with none but Cobham ; because, saith he, one witness can never condemn me. For Brooke said unto Sir Griffith Markham, tahe heed how you do make my Lord Cohham acquainled ; for tvhatsoever he knoiueth, Ralegh the luitch ivill get it out of him. As soon as Ralegh was examined on one point of treason con- cerning my Lord Cobham, he wrote to him thus ; / have been examined of you and confessed nothing. Farther, you sent to him by your trusty Francis Keymis, that one witness could not condemn ; and therefore bade his lordship be of good courage. Came this out of Cobham's quiver ? No ; but out of Ralegh's Machiavelian and devilish policy. Ye'a, but Cobham did retract it ; "why then did ye urge it ? Now then see the most horrible practices that ever canie out of the bottomless pit of the lowest hell. After that Ralegh had intelligence that Cob- ham had accused him, he endeavoured to have in- telligence from Cobham, which he had gotten by young Sir John Payton j but I think it was the error of his youth. Ralegh. . The lords told it me, or else I had not been sent to the Tower. Attorney. Thus Cobham, by the instigation of Ralegh, entered into these actions. So that the question will be, whether you are not the principal traitor, and he would nevertheless have entered into it ? Why did Cobham retract all that same ? First, - Bb3 • 390 THE LIFE OF because Ralegli was so odious, he thought he should fare the worse for his sake. Secondly, he thought thus with himself ; if he be free, I shall clear rtiyself the better. After this, Cobham asked for a preacher to confer with, pretending to have Dr. Andrews ; but indeed he meant not to have him, but Mr. Gal- loway ; a worthy and reverend preacher, who can do more with the king (as he said) than any other.; that he, seeing his constant denial, might inform the king thereof. Here he plays with the preacher. If Ralegh could persuade the lords, that Cobham had no intent to travel, then he thought all should be well. Here is forgery ! In the Tower Cobham must write to Sir Thomas Vane, a worthy man, that he meant not to go into Spain ; which letter Ralegh devised in Cobham's name. Ralegh. I will wash my hands of the indictment, and die a true man to the king. Attorney. You are the absolutest traitor thiat ever was. Ralegh. Your phrases will not prove it, Mr. At- torney. Attorney. Cobham wrlteth a letter to my Lord Cecil, and doth will Mellis* man to lay it in a Spa- nish bible, and to make as though he found it by chance. This was after he had intelligence with this viper, that he was false. Lord Cecil, You mean a letter intended to me j I never had it. Attorney, No, my lord, you had it not. YoUj, €IR WALTER RALEGH. 3Ql my masters of the jury, respect not the wickedness and hatred of the man, respect his cause. If he be guilty, I know you will have care of it, for the pre- servation of the king, the continuance of the gospel authorized, and the good of us all. Ralegh. I do not hear yet, that you have spoken one word against me ; here is no treason of mine done. If my Lord Cobham be a traitor, what is that to me ? Attorney. All that he did was by thy instigation, thou viper ; for I thou thee, thou traitor. Ralegh. It becometh not a man of quality and virtue to call me so j but I take comfort in it, it is all you can do. Attorney. Have I angered you ? Ralegh. I am in no case to be angry. Ch. Jus. Popham, Sir Walter Ralegh, Mr. Attor- ney speaketh out of the zeal of his duty, for the service of the king, and you for your life j be valiant on both sides. Now they proceed to the reading the proof s» THE LORD COBHAM's EXAStlNATION READ. ' He confesseth, he had a passport to go into Spain, intending to go to the archduke, to confer with him about these practices. And because he knew the archduke had not money to pay his own armvj, from thence he meant to go to Spain, to deal B b 4 392 THE LIFE OP with the king for the 600,000 crowns, and to return by Jersey ; and that nothing should be done. Until he had spoken with Sir Walter Ralegh for distri- bution of the money to them which were discon- tented in England. At the first beginning, he breath- ed out oaths and exclamations against Ralegh, call- ing him villain and traitor ; saying, he had never entered into these courses, but by his instigation, and that he would never let him alone. Here Mr. Attorney willed the clerk of the crowii' office to read over these last words again, (he would never let him alone.) ' Beside he spake of plots and invasions ; of the particulars whereof he could give no account, though Ralegh and "he had conferred of them. Farther, he said, he was afraid of Ralegh, that when he should retui'n by Jersey, that he would have delivered him and the money to the king. Being examined of Sir Arthur Gorges, he freed him, saying, they never durst trust him ; but Sir Arthur Savage they intended to use, because they thought him a fit inan. Ralegh. Let me see the accusation ; this is abso- lutely all the evidence can be brought against me ; poor shifts ! You gentlemen of the jury, I pray you understand this. This is that which must either condemn, or give me life ; which must free me, or send my wife and children to beg their bread about SIR WALTER RALEGH, 393 the Streets ; this is that must prove me a notorious traitor, or a true subject to the king. Let me see my accusation, that I may make my answer. Clerk of the council. I did read it, and shew you all the examinations. Ralegh. At my first examination at Windsor, my lords asked me, what I knew of Cobham's practice with Aremberg. I answered negatively ; and as concerning Arabella, I protest before God, I never heard one word of it. If that be proved, let me be guilty of ten thousand treasons. It is a strange thing you will impute that to me, when I never heard so much as the name of Arabella Stuart, but only the name of Arabella. ' After being examined, I told my lords, that I thought my Lord Cobham had conference with Aremberg. I suspected his visiting of him ; for after he departed front me at Durham-house, I saw him pass by his own stairs, and passed over to S\ Mary Saviours, where I knew Lawrency, a merchant and a. follower of Aremberg, lay, and therefore likely to go unto him. My Lord Cecil asked my opinion concerning Lawrency. I said, that if you do not apprehend Lawrency, it is dangerous, he will fly 5 if you do apprehend him, you shall give my Lord Cobham notice thereof. I was asked who was the greatest man with my Lord Cobham ; I answered, I knew no man so great with him as young Wyat of Kent. * As soon as Cobham saw my letter to have dis- S94 THE LIFE OF covered his dealing with Aremberg, in his fury he accused me ; but before he came to the stair-foot he repented, and said he had done me wrong. When he came to the end of his accusation, he added, that if he had brought this money to Jersey, he feared that I would have delivered him and the rnoney to the king. Mr. Attorney, you said this never came Gut of Cobham's quiver ; he is a simple man. Is he so simple ? no ; he hath a disposition of his own, he will not easily be guided by others ; but when he has once taken head in a matter, he is not easily drawn from it ; he is no babe. ' But it is strange for me to devise with Cobham, that he should go to Spain, to persuade the king to disburse so much money, he being a man of no love in England, and I having resigned my ilDom of chiefest command, the wardenship of the stannaries. Is it not strange for me to make myself Robin Hood, or a Kett, or a Cade ? I knowing England to be in a better estate to defend itself than ever it was. I knew Scotland united ; Ireland quieted, wherein of late our forces were dispersed ; Denmark assured, which be- fore was suspected, I knew, that having lost a lady whom time had surprised, we had now an active king, a lawful successor, who would himself be present in all his affairs. The state of Spain was not unknown to me. — I had written a discourse, which I had intended to present unto the king, against peace with Spain. I knew the Spaniards had six repulses j three in Ireland, and three at sea, and 3 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 395 once In 1588, at Cales, by my lord-admiral. I knew he was discouraged and dishonoured. I knew the king of Spain to be the proudest prince in Christen- dom ; but now he cometh creeping to the king my master for peace. I knew, whereas before he had in his port six or seven score sail of ships, he hath now but six or seven. I knew of twenty-five millions he had from his Indies, he hath scarce one left. I knew him to be so poor, that the Jesuits in Spain, who were wont to have such large allowance, were fain to beg at the church-door. Was it ever read or heard, that any prince should disburse so much money without a sufficient pawn ? I knew her own subjects, the citizens of London, would not lend her Majesty money, without lands In mortgage. I knew the queen did not lend the States money, without Flushing, Brill, and other towns for a pawn. And can it be thought, that he would let Cobham have so great a sum ? * I never came to the Lord Cobham's, but about matters of his profit ; as the ordering of his house, paying of his servants' board-wages, &c. I had of his, when I was examined, ^^4000 worth of jewels for a purchase; a pearl of s^SOO, and a ring worth ^500. If he had had a fancy to run away, he would not have left so much to have purchased a lease in fee- farm. I saw him buy ^300 worth of books to send to his library at Canterbury, and a cabinet of 5^30 to give to Mr. Attorney for drawing the conveyances, ^pd God in heaven knoweth, not I, whether he 396 THE LIFE OP intended to travel or no. But for that practice with Arabella, or letters to Aremberg framed, or any dis- course with him, or in what language he spake unto him ; if I knew any of these things, I would abso- lutely confess the indictment, and acknowledge my- self worty ten thousand deaths. COEHAM S SECOND EXAMINATION KEAJ5. * The Lord Cobham being required to subscribe to an examination, there was shewn a note under Sir Walter Ralegh's hand; the which when he had perused, he paused, and after brake forth into these speeches ; villain ! traitor ! 1 will now tell you all the truth. And then said, his purpose was to go into Flanders, and into Spain, for the obtaining the aforesaid money ; and that Ralegh had appoint- ed to meet him in Jersey as he returned home, to be adyised of him about the distribution of the money. L, Ch.-just. Popham» When Cobham answered to the interrogatories, he made scruple to subscribe ; and being urged to it, he said, if he might hear me affirm, that a person of his degree ought to set his hand, he would. I, lying then at Richmond for fear of the plague, was sent for, and I told he ought to subscribe, otherwise it were a contempt of a high nature. Then he subscribed. The lords question- ed with him farther, and he shewed them a letter, as I thought written to me, but it was indeed writ" SIR WALTER RALEGH* 39? ten to my Lord Cecil. He desired to see the letter again, and then said, wretch! traitor! whereby I perceived you had not performed that trust he had reposed in you. Ralegh. He is as passionate a man as lives ; for he hath not spared the best friends he hath in Eng- land in his passion. My lords, I take it, he that has been examined, has ever been asked, at the time of his examination, if it be according to his meaning, and then to subscribe. Methinks, my lords, when he accuses a man, he should give some account and rea- son of it ; it is not sufficient to say, we talked of it. If I had been the plotter, would not I have given Cobhani some arguments, whereby to persuade the king of Spain, and answer his objections ? I knew West- moreland and Bothwell, men of other understand- ings than Cobham, were ready to beg their bread. Sir The. Fowler, one ofthejury. Did Sir Walter Ralegh write a letter to my lord, before he was ex- amined concerning him, or not ? Attorney. Yes. Lord Cecil. I am in great dispute with myself to speak in the case of this gentleman ; a former dear- ness between me and him, tied so firm a knot of my conceit of his virtues, now broken by a discovery of his imperfections. I protest, did I serve a king that I knew would be displeased with me for speaking, in this case I would speak, whatever came of it ; but seeing he is compacted of piety and justice, and one 9S THE LIFE OF that will not mislike of any man for speaking a truth, I will answer your question. ' Sir Walter Ralegh was staid by me at Windsor, upon the first news of Copley, that the king's per- son should be surprised by my Lord Grey, and Mr. George Brooke. When I found Brooke was in, I suspected Cobham, then I doubted Ralegh to be a partaker. I speak not this, that it should be thought I had greater judgment than the rest of my lords, in making this haste to have them examined. Ralegh following to Windsor, I met with him upon the terrace, and willed him, as from the king, to stay ; saying, that the lords had something to say to him. Then he was examined, but not concern- ing my Lord Cobham, but of the surprising treason. My Lord Grey was apprehended, and likewise Brooke. By Brooke we found, that he had given notice to Cobham of the surprising treason, as he. delivered it to us ; but with as much sparingness of a brother, as he might. We sent for my Lord Cob- ham to Richmond, where he stood upon his justifi- cation, and his quality ; sometimes, being froward, • he said he was not bound to subscribe, wherewith we made the king acquainted. Cobham said, if my lord-chief-justice would say it were a contempt, he would subscribe ; whereof being resolved, he sub- scribed. There was a light given to Aremberg, that Lawrency was examined ; but that Ralegh knew that Cobham was examined, is more than I know^ Ralegh, If my Lord Cobham had trusted me in SIR WALTER RALEGH. 399 the main, was not I as fit a man to be trusted in th^ bye? Lord Cecil. Ralegh did by his letters acquaint us, that my Lord Cobhani had sent Lawrency to Arem- berg, when he knew not he had any dealings with him. Lord Hen. Howard. It made for you, if Lawrency had been only acquainted with Cobham, and not with you. But you knew his whole estate, and were acquainted with Cobham's practice with Lawrency ; and it was known to you before, that Lawrency de- pended on Aremberg. Attorney, i. Ralegh protested against the surpris- ing treason, ii. That he knew not of the matter touching Arabella. I would not charge you, Sir Walter, with a matter of falsehood ; you say you suspecte4 the intelligence that Cobham bad with Aremberg by Lawrency. Ralegh. I thought it had been no other intelli- gence, but such as might be warranted. Attorney. Then it was but lawful suspicion. But to that whereas you said, that Cobham had accused you in passion, 1 answer ihree ways ; i. I observed when Cobham said, let me see the letter again, he paused, and when he did see that Count Aremberg was touched, he cried out, traitor ! villain 1 now will I confess the whole truth, il The a<:cusa- tion of a man on hearsay, is nothing. Would he accuse himself in passion, and ruinate his case and posterity, out of malice to accuse you ? in. Could 400 THF. i.IPE OP this be out of passion ? Mark the manner of it J Cobham had tpld this at least two months before to his brother Brooke, you are fools, you are on the bye^ Ralegh and I are on the main ; ivc mean to take away the king and his cubs ; this he dehvered two months before. So mark the manner and the matter ; he would not turn the weapon against his own bosom, and accuse himself to accuse you. Ralegh. Hath Cobham confessed that ? Lor d'-chief -justice. This is spoken by Mr. Attor- ney, to prove that Cobham's speech came not out of passion. Ralegh. Let it be proved that Cobham said so.. . Attorney. Cobham saith he was a long time doubtful of Ralegh, that he would send him and the money to the king. Did Cobham fear lest you would betray him in Jersey ? Then of necessity there must be trufet between -you. No man can be- tray a man, but he that is trusted, in my understand- ing. This is the greatest argument to prove that he was acquainted with Cobham's proceedings. Ra-i legh has a deeper reach, than to make himself, as he said, Robin Hood, a Kett, or Cade; yet I never heard that Robin Hood was a traitor ; they say he was an outlaw. And whereas he saith, that our king is. not only more wealthy and potent than his pre- decessors, but also more politic. and wise, so that he could have no hope to prevail ; I answer, there is no king so potent, wise, and active, but he may be overtaken through treason. Whereas you say Spain f> SIR WALTER RALEGH. 401 Is SO poor, discoursing so largely thereof, it had been better for you to have kept in Guiana, than to have been so well acquainted with the state of Spain. Be- side, if you could have brought Spain and Scotland to ha^e joined, you nnight have hoped to prevail a great deal the better. For his six overthrows, I answer, he hath the more malice, because repulses breed desire of revenge. Then you say you never talked with 'Cobham, but about leases, and letting lands, and ordering his house ; I never knew you clerk of the kitchen, &c. If you had fallen on your knees at first, and confessed the treason, it had been, better for you. You say, he meant to have given me a cabinet of thirty pounds ; perhaps he thought by those means to have anticipated me therewith. But you say all these are circumstances. I answer, all this accusation in circumstance is true. Here now I might appeal to my lords, that you take hold of this, that he subscribed not to the accusation. Lord Hen. Howard. Cobham was not then press- ed to subscribe. Attorney. His accusation being testified by the lords, is of as great force as if he had subscribed. Ralegh saith again. If the accuser he alive, he must he brought face to face to speak; and alleges 25 Edward III, that there must be two sufficient wit^ nesses that must be brought face to face before the accused; and allegeth 10 and 13 Elizabeth. Ralegh. You try me by the Spanish inquisition. Vox. I. CG 402 THE LIFE OF if you proceed only by the circumstances, without two witnesses. Attorney. This is a treasonable speech. Ralegh. Evertere homineni justum in causa sua injustum est. Good my lords, let it be proved, either by the laws of the land or the laws of God, that there ought not to be two witnesses appointed. Yet I will not stand to defend this point in law, if the king will have it so. It is no rare thing for a man to be falsely accused. A judge condemned a woman in Sarum for killing her husband, on the testimony of one witness. Afterward his man con- fessed the murder, when she was executed. Who, after being touched in conscience for the judgment, was used to say, quod nunquam de hoc facto animam in vita sua purgaret. It is also commanded by the Scripture, allocutus est Jehova Mosen, in ore duorum aut trium testium, &c. If Christ required it, as it appeareth, Matth. xviii, if by the canon, civil law, and God's word, it be required that there must be two witnesses at the least, bear with me if I desire one. I would not desire to live, if I were privy to Cobham's proceedings. I have been a slave, a vil- lain, a fool, if I had endeavoured to set up Arabella, and refused so gracious a lord and sovereign. But urge your proofs. Lord-chief -justice. You have offered questions on divers statutes, all which mention two accusers in case of indictments ; you have deceived yourself, for the laws of 25 Edward III, and 3 Edward VI, Vii m SIR WALTER RALEGH. 403 are repealed. It sufficeth now if there be proofs made either under hand, or by testimony of wit- nesses, or by oaths ; it needs not the subscription of the party, so there be hands of credible men to testify the examination. Ralegh. It may be an error in me ; and if those laws be repealed, yet I hope the equity of them re- mains still ; but if you affirm it, it must be a law to posterity. The proof of the common law is by witness and jury. Let Cobham be here, let him speak it. Call my accuser before my face, a;nd I have done. Attorney. Scientia sceleris est mera ignorantia' You have read the letter of the law, but understand it not. Here was your anchor-hold and your ren- dezvous. You trust to Cobham. Either Cobham must accuse you, or nobody. If he did, then it would not hurt you, because he is but one witness ; if he did not, then you are safe. Ralegh. If ever I read a word of the law or sta- tute, before I was prisoner in the Tower, God con- found me ! Attorney. Now I come to prove the circumstances of the accusation to be true. Cobham confessed he had a passport to travel, hereby intending to pre- sent overtures to the archduke, and from thence to go to Spain, and there to have conference with the Idng for money. You say he promised to come home by Jersey, to make merry with you and your wife. c c 2 404 THE LIFE Of Ralegh. I said in his return from France, H6t Spain. Attorv.eij, Farther, in his examination, he saith, nothing could be set down for the distribution of the money to the discontented, without conference with Ralegh, You said it should have been for procurement of peace, but it was for raising rebel- lion. Farther, Cobham saith, he would never have entered into these courses, but by your instigation, and that you would never let him alone. Your scholar was not apt enough to tell us all the plots ; that is enough for you to do that are his master. You intended to trust Sir Arthur Savage, whom I take to be an honest and true gentleman, but not Sir Arthur Gorges. Ralegh, All this is but one accusation of Cob- ham*s, I hear no other thing ; to which accusation he never subscribed nor avouched it. I beseech you, my lords, let Cobham be sent for, charge him on his soul, on his allegiance to the king ; if he af- firm it, I am guilty. Lord Cecil. It is the accusation of my Lord Cob- ham is the evidence against you. Must it not be of force without his subscription ? I desire to be re- solved by the judges, whether by the law it is not a forcible argument of evidence. Judges. My lord, it is. Ralegh. The king at his coronation is sworn in otki^ nihus iudiciis suis cequitatem, non rigorem legis, oh- SIR WALTER RALEGH. 405 servare. By the rigour and cruelty of the law it may be a forcible evidence. Lord-chief -justice. That is not the rigour of the law, but the justice of the law ; else when a man hath made a plain accusation, by practice he might be brought to retract it again. Ralegh. O, my lord, you may use equity. Lord-chief -justice. That is from the king, you are to have justice from us. Lord jinderson. The law is, if the matter be prov- ed to the jury, they must find you guilty ; for Cob- ham's accusation is not only against you, there are other things sufficient. Lord Cecil. Now that Sir Walter Ralegh is satis- fied that Cobham's subscription is not necessary, I pray you, Mr. Attorney go on. RalegK Good Mr. Attorney, be patient, and give me leave. Lord Cecil, An unnecessary patience is a hind- ranee j let him go on with his proofs, and then refel them. Ralegh. I would answer particularly. Lord Cecil. If you would have a table and pen and ink, you shall. Then paper and ink were given him. Here the clerh of the crown read the letter which the Lord Cobham did write in Jidy, which ivas to the effect of his former examination ; farther sayings I have disclosed all, to accuse any one falsely were to burden my own conscience. G c 3 406 THE LIFE OF Attorney, Read Copley's confession the 8^" of June ; he saith he was offered 1 ,000 crowns to be in this action. Here Watson'^ additions luere read. The great mass of money from the count was im- possible, &;c. Brooke'^ confession 7'ead. There have letters passed, saith he, between Cob- ham and Aremberg for a great sum of money to as- sist a second action, for the surprising of his Ma- jesty. Attorney. It is not possible it was of passion, for it was in talk before three men, being severally ex- amined, who agreed in the sum to be bestowed on discontented persons ; that Grey should have 12,000 crowns, and Ralegh should have 8,000 or 10,000 crowns. Cobham' s examination, July 18. If the money might be procured, saith he, then a man may give pensions. Being asked if a pension should not be given to his brother Brooke, he denied it not. Lawrency'^ examination. Within five days after Aremberg arrived, Cobham resorted unto him. That night that Cobham went to Aremberg with Lawrency, Ralegh supped with him. Attorney. Ralegh must have his part of the money, therefore now he is a traitor. The crown shall never stand one year on the head of the king, my master, ^ if a traitor may not be condemned by circumstances; SIR WALTER RALEGH. 407 for, If A. tell B. and B. tell C. and C. D. &;c. you shall never prove treason by two witnesses. Ralegh'^ examination ivas read. He confesseth Cobham offered him 8,000 crowns, which he was to have for the fartherance of the peace between England and Spain; and that he should have it within three days. To which he said he gave this answer, when I see the money I will tell you more ; for I had thought it had been one of his ordinary idle conceits, and therefore made no account there- of Ralegh. The attorney hath made a long narration of Copley, and the priests, which concerns me no- thing, neither know I how Cobham was altered. For he told me, if I would agree to farther the peace, he would get me 8,000 crowns. I asked him, who shall have the rest of the money ? He said I will offer such a nobleman {who was not named) some of the money. I said, he will not be persuaded by you, and he will extremely hate you for such a motion. Let me be pinched to death with hot irons, if ever I knew there was any intention to bestow the money on discontented persons ! I had made a discourse against the peace, and would have printed it. If Cobham changed his mind, if the priests, if Brooke had any such intent, what is that to me ? They must answer for it. He offered me the money before Aremberg came, that is diflerence of time. Serj. Philips. Ralegh confesseth the matter, but avoideth it by distinguishing of times. You said it c c 4 408 THE LIFE OF was offered you before the coming of Aremberg, which is false. For you being examined whether you should have such money of Cobham, or not ; you said, yea, and that you should have it within two or three days. Nemo moriturus priBsumituv mjentiri. ^Lord Henry Howard. Allege me any ground or cause, wherefore you gave ear to my Lord Cob- ham for receiving pensions, in matters you had not to deal with. Ralegh. Could I stop nij Lord Cobham's moutji? Lord Cecil. Sir Walter Ralegh pressetji that my Lord Cobham sho.uld be brought face to face. If he ask things of favour and grace, they must come only from him that can give them. If we sit here as commissioners, how shall we be satisfied whether he ought to be brought, unless we hear the judges speak? Lord'Chief-justice. This thing cannot be granted, for then a number of treasons should flourish. The accuser may be drawn by practice, while he is in person. Judge Gawdy. The statute you speak of concern- ing two witnesses in case of treason, is found to be inconvenient, therefore by another law it was taken away. Ralegh. The common trial of England is by jury arid witnesses. JjordTchief-justice,. No, by examination. If three SIR WALTER RALEGH. 409 conspire a treason, and they all confess it, here is never a witness, yet they are condemned. Judge Warburton. I marvel, Sir Walter, that you being of such experience and wit, should stand on this point ; for so many horse-stealers may escape, if they may not be condemned without witnesses. If one should rush into the king's privy chamber, while he is alone, and kill the king (which God for- bid !) and this man be met coming with his sword drawn all bloody, shall not he be condenmed to death ? My Lord (^obham hath, perhaps, been la- boured withal ; and, to save you, liis old friend, it may be that he will deny all that which he hath said. Ralegh. I know not how you conceive the law. Lord-chief-justice. Nay, we do not conceive the law, but we know the law. Ralegh. The wisdom of the law of Qod is ab- solute and perfect, Hcecjac, et vives, &c. But now by the wisdom of the state, the wisdom of the law is uncertain. Indeed, where the accuser is not to be had conveniently, I agree with you ; but here my accuser may, he is alive, and in the house. Susanna had been condemned, if Daniel had not cried out, will you condemn an innocent Israelite^ without examination or knowledge of the truth .<* Re- member, it is absolutely the commandment of God, if a false witness rise up, you shall cause him to be brought before the judges ; if he be found false, he shall have the punishment whigh the accused should 410 ^ THE LIFE OF have had. It is very sure, for my lord to accuse me is my certain danger, and it may be a means to ex- cuse himself. Lord-chief-justice. There must not such a gap be opened for the destruction of the king, as would be if we should grant this. You plead hard for your- self, but the laws plead as hard for the king. I did never hear that course to be taken in a case of trea- son, as to write one to another or speak one to another, during the time of their imprisonment. There hath been intelligence between you, and what underhand practices there may be, I know not. If the circumstances agree not with the evidence, we will not condemn you. Ralegh. The king desires nothing but the know- ledge of the truth, and would have no advantage taken by severity of the law. If ever we had a gra- cious king, now we have ; I hope as he is, such are his ministers. If there be but a trial of five marks at common law, a witness must be deposed. Good my lords, let my accuser come face to face, and be deposed. Lord-chief -justice. You have no law for it. God forbid any man should accuse himself upon his oath. Attorney. The law presumes a man will not ac- cuse himself to accuse another. ' You are an odious man ; for Cobham thinks his cause the worse that you are in it. Now you shall hear of some stirs to be raised in Scotland. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 411 Part of Copley's examination. Also Watson told me, that a special person told him that Aremberg offered to him 1,000 crowns to be in that action ; and that Brooke said, the stirs in Scotland came out of Ralegh's head. Raleglu Brooke hath been taught his lesson. Lord Henry Howard. This examination was taken before me — did I teach him his lesson ? Ralegh. I protest before God, I meant it not by any privy-counsellor ; but because money is scant, he will juggle on both sides. Ralegh** examination. * The way to invade England were to begin with stirs in Scotland.' Ralegh. I think so still. I have spoken it to divers of the lords of the council, by way of discourse and opinion. Attorney. Now let us come to those words, of destroying the king and his cubs. Ralegh. O barbarous ! if they, like unnatural vil- lains, should use those words, shall I be charged with them ? I will not hear it ; I was never any plotter with them against my country ; I was never false to the crown of England. I have spent 40,000 crowns of my own against the Spanish faction for the good of my country. Do you bring the words of these hellish spiders, Clark, Watson, and others, against me ? Attorney. Thou hast a Spanish heart, and thyself art a spider of hell j for thou confessest the king to 412 THE LIFE OF be a most sweet and gracious prince, and yet hast conspired against him. Watson'^ examination read, ' He said, that George Brooke told him twice, that his brother, the Lord Cobham, said to him, that 2/ou are but on the bye^ but jRalegh and I on the main.* BpxOoke'-s examination read, * Being asked what was meant by this jargon, the bye and the main ? he said that the Lord Cob- ham told him, that Grey and others were in the bye, he and Ralegh were on the main. Being asked, i ■what exposition his brother made of these words ? i he said he is loath to repeat it ; and after saith, by jj the main was meant the taldng away of the king •and his issue ; and thinks, on his conscience, it was infused into his brother's head by Ralegh,' Cobham'.? exaniination read, ' Being asked if ever he had said, it will never be well in Knglajid, till the king and his cubs were taken away ; he said he had answered before, and that he would answer no more to that point.* Ralegh, I am not named in all this ; there is a law of two sorts of accusers ; one of his own know- ledge, another by hearsay. Earl of Suffolk. See the case of Arnold. Lard-chief-justice. It is the case of Sir William Thomas, and Sir Nicholas Arnold. Ralegh. If this may be, you will have any man's life in a week. > SIR WALTER RALEGH. 413 Attorney. Ralegh saith, that Cobham was in a passion when he said so. Would he tell his brother anything of malice against Ralegh, whom "he loved as his hfe ? Ralegh. Brooke never loved me, until his brother had accused me he said nothing. Lord Cecil. We have heard nothing that might lead us to think that Brooke accused you, he was only in the surprising treason ; for, by accusing you he should accuse his brother. Ralegli. He doth not much care for that. Lord Cecil. I must judge the best. The accus- ation of his brother was not voluntary ; he pared every thing as much as he could to save his bro- ther. CoBHAM*^ examination read, * He saith, he had a book written against the title of the king, which he had of Ralegh, and that he gave it to his brother Brooke ; and Ralegh said it was foolishly writ-ten.' Attorney. After the king canie v/ithin twelve miles -of London, Cobham never came to see him ; and intended to travel without seeing the queen and the prince. Now, in this discontentment, you gave him the book, and he gave it his brother. Ralegh. I never gave it him, he took it off my table. For I well remember a little before that time I received a challenge from Sir Amias Preston, and for that I did intend to answer it, I resolved to leave 414 THE LIFE OP my estate settled, therefore laid out all my loose papers, among which was this book. Lord Howard. Where had you this book ? Halegh. In the old lord-treasurer's study, after his death. Lord Cecil, Did you ever shew or make known the book to me ? Ralegh. No, my lord. Lord Cecil. Was it one of the books which was left to me or my brother ? Ralegh. I took it out of the study in my lord- treasurer's house in the Strand. Lord Cecil. After my father's decease, Sir Walter Ralegh desired to search for some cosmographical descriptions of the Indies, which he thought were in his study, and were not to be had in print. Which I granted, and would have trusted Sir Walter Ralegh as soon as any man ; though since, for some infir- mities, the bands of my affection to him have been broken ; and yet, reserving my duty to the king my master, which I can by no means dispensewith, by God I love him, and have a great conflict within myself! But I must needs say. Sir Walter used me a little unkindly to take the book away without my knowledge. Nevertheless, I need make no apology in behalf of my father, considering how useful and necessary it is for privy-counsellors and those in his place to intercept and keep such kind of writings. For whosoever should then search his study, may in all likelihood find all the notorious libels that were I SIR WALTER RALEGH. 415 writ against the late queen ; and whosoever should rummage my study, or at least my cabinet, may find several against the king, our sovereign lord, since his accession to the throne. Ralegh. The book was in manuscript, and the late lord-treasurer had wrote in the beginning of it with his own hand, these words, this is the hook of Robert Snagg. And I do own, as my Lord Cecil has said, that I believe they may also find in my house almost all the libels that have been writ against the late queen. Attorney. You were no privy-counsellor, and I hope never shall be. Lord Cecil. He was not a sworn counsellor of state, but he has been called to consultations. Ralegh. I think it a very severe interpretation of the law, to bring me within compass of treason for this book, writ so long ago, of which nobody had read any more than the heads of the chapters, and which was burnt by G. Brooke, without my privity ; admitting I had delivered the same to the Lord Cob- ham, without allowing or approving, but discom- mending it, according to Cobham's first accusation. And put the case, I should come to my Lord Cecil, as I have often done, and find a stranger with him, with a packet of libels, and my lord should let me have one or two of them to peruse ; this I hope is no treason. Attorney. I observe there was intelligence between 416 *rHE LIFE Ol? you and Cobham in the Tower ; for after he said it was against the Idng's title, he denied it again. Sir William Wade. First, my Lord Cobham con- fesseth it, and after he had subscribed it he revoked it again. To me he alway said, that the drift of it was against the king's title. Ralegh. I protest before God and all his works, I gave him not the book ! Sir Robert PFroth speakefh, or ivliispereth some'- thing secretly. Attorney. My lords, I must complain of Sir Robert Wroth ; he says this evidence is not material. Sir Robert Wroth. I never spake the words. Attorney. Let Mr. Serjeant Philips testify whether he heard him say the words or no. Lord Cecil. I will give my word for Sir Robert Wroth. Sir Robert Wroth. I will speak as truly as you, Mr. Attorney, for by God I never spake it. Lord-chief'justice. Wherefore should this book be burnt ? Ralegh. I burned it not. Serjeant Philips. You presented your friend with it when he was discontented. If it had been before the queen's death, it had been a less matter ; but you gave it him presently when he came from the king, which was the time of his discontentment. Ralegh. Here is a book supposed to be treason- able ; I never read it, commended it, or delivered jt, nor urged it. SIR WALTER RALEGH. 417 Attorney. Why, this Is cunning. Ralegh. Every thing. that doth make for me is cunning, and every thing that maketh against me is probable. Attorney. Lord Cobham saith, that Ke'ymis came to him with a letter torn, and did wish him not to be dismayed, for one witness could not hurt him. Rnlegh. This poor man hath been close prisoner these eighteen weeks ; he was offered the rack to make him confess. I never sent any such message by him. ' I only writ to him, to tell him what I had done with Mr. Attorney ; having of his at that time a great pearl and a diamond. ' Lord Henry Howard. No circumstance moveth me more than this. Keymis was never on the rack, the king gave charge that no rigour should be used. Commissioners. We protest before God, there was no such matter intended, to our knowledges ! Ralegh. Was not the keeper of the rack sent for, and he threatened with it ? Sir TVilliam Wade. When Mr. Solicitor and my- self examined Keymis, we told him he deserved the rack, but did not threaten him with it. Commissioners. It was m.ore than we knew. CoBHAM*^ eTamination read. • ' He saith, Keymis brought him a letter from Ralegh, and that part which was concerning the lords of the council was rent out. The letter, con- tained that he was examined, and cleared himself of Vol. r. ■ D d 418 THE LIFE OF all ; and that the IJofd Henry Howard said, because he was. discontent j he was fit to be in the action. And farther, that Keymis said to him from Ralegh, that he should be of good comfort, for one witness could not condemn a man for treason. Lord Cecil. Cobham w^as asked, whether, and when, he heard from you ? He said, every day. Ralegh. Keymis added more, I never bade him speak those words. Mr. Attorney here offered to intemipt him. Lord Cecil. It is his last discourse ; give him leave, ■Mr. Attorney. Ralegh. I am accused condeming Arabella, con- cerning money out of Spain. My lord-chief-justice saith, a man may be condemned with one witness, yea, wdthout any witness. Cobham is guilty of many things, conscientia mille testes ; he hath accused him- self, what can he hope for but mercy ? My lords, vouchsafe me this grace ; let him be brought, being alive and in the house; let him avouch any of these things, I will confess the whole indictment and re- nounce the king's mercy. Lord Cecil. Here hath been a touch of th« Lady Arabella Stuart, a near Idnswoman of the king's. Let us not scandal the innocent by confusion of speech ; "she is as innocent of all these things as I,, or any man here. Only she received a letter from my Lord Cobham, to prepare her, which she laugh- ed at, and immediately sent it to the king. So far was she from discontentment, that she laughed him SIR WALTER RALEGH. 419 to scorn. But you see how far the count of Arem- berg did consent. The Lord-Admiral (Nottingham) being by in a standing, ivith the Lady Arabella, spake to the court. Lord-Admiral. The lady doth here protest upon her salvation, that she never dealt in any of these things ; and so she willed me to tell the court. Lord Cecil. The Lord Cobham wrote to my Lady Arabella, to know if he might come to speak with her, and gave her to understand, that there were some about the king that laboured to disgrace her. She doubted it was but a trick. But Brooke saith, his brother moved him to procure Arabella to write letters to the king of Spain ; but he saith, he never did it. Rale ' Seeing myself so near my end, for the discharge of my own conscience, and freeing myself from your blood, which else will cry vengeance against me, I protest upon my salvation I never practised with Spain by your procurement. God so comfort me in this my affliction, as you are a true subject for any thing that I know. I will say as Daniel, purus sum a sanguine hujus. So God have mercy upon my soul, as I know no treason by you !* Ralegh. Now I wonder how many souls this man hath ? he damns one in this letter, and another in that. 430 THE LIFE OF / Here was much ado: Mr. Attorney alleged, that this last letter was politicly and cunningly urged from the Lord Cobham, and that the first was simply the truth ; and that lest it should seem doubtful lat the fiistHetter was draivn froiri my Lord Cob- lam by promise of mercy, or hope of favour, the Lord'cMef justice willed that the jury might here- in be satisfied^ k Whereupon the earl of Devonshire delivered, that the same was mere voluntary, and not extracted from the Lord Cobham upon any hopes or promise of pardon. This IV as the last evidence; ^hereupon a marshal was sworn to keep the jury private. The jury de- parted, and staid not a quarter of an hour, but returned, and gave their verdict, guilty. Serjeant Heale demanded judg?nent against the prisoner Clerk of the Crown. Sir Walter Ralegh, thou hast been indicted, arraigned, a:nd pleaded ?wt guilty, for all these several treasons ; and for trial thereof hast put thyself upon thy country, which country are these who have found thee guilty. What canst thou say for thyself why judgment and execution of death, should not pass against thee ? Ralegh-. My lords, the jury have found me guilty, they must do as they are directed, I can say nothing why judgment should not proceed. You see where- SIR WALTER RALEGH. 4.31 ^ of Cobham hath accused me, you remember his protestations that I was never guilty. I desire the king should know of the wrongs done unto me since I came hither. Lor d^chief- justice. You have had tio wrong. Sir Walter. Ralegh. Yes, of Mr. Attorney* I desire my lords to remember three things to the king* i, I was accused to be a practiser with Spain — I never knew that my Lord Cobham meant to go thither. — I will ask no mercy at the king's hands if he will affirm it. ii, I never knew of the practice with Arabella, iii, I never knew of my Lord Cobham's practice with Aremberg, nor of the surprising trea- son. Lord-chief -justice. lii my conscience I am per- suaded, that Cobham hath accused you truly. You cannot deny but that you were dealt with to have a pension to be a spy for Spain, therefore you are not so true to the king as you have protested yourself to be. Ralegh. L submit myself to the king's mercy. I know his mercy is greater than my oifence. I re- ' commend my wife, and son of tender years, un- brought-up, to his compassion. Lord-chief-justice. I thought I should never have seen this day, to have stood in this place to give sentence of death against you ; because I thought it impossible, that one of so great parts should have fallen so grievously. God hath bestowed on you 432 TI^E LIFE OF many benefits. You had, been a man fit and able to have served the king in good place — you had brought yourself into a good state of living. If you had en- tered into a good consideration of your estate, and ni;t suffered your own wit to have entrapped your- self, you might have lived in good comfort. It is best for man, not to seek to climb too high, lest he fall ; nor yet to creep too lov/, lest he be trodden on. It was the posy of the wisest and greatest coun- sellor of our time in England, in medio spatio me- diocria Jirma locantur. You might have lived well with ^3,000 a-year ; for so I have heard your re- venues to be. I know nothing might move you to be discontented ; but if you had been down, you know fortune's wheel, whe|i it is turned about, riseth again. I never heard that the king took away any- thing from you but the captainship of the guard ; which h^ did with very good reason, to have one of his own knowledge whom he might trust in that place. You have been taken for a wise man, and so have shewed wit enough this day. Again, for monopolies for wine, &c. if the king had said, it is a matter that offends my people, should I U'urden them for your private good? I think you could not well take it hardly that his subjects were eased, though by your private hindrance. ' Two vices have lodged chiefly in you. One is, an eager ambition ; the other, corrupt covetousness. Ambition, in desiring to be advanced to equal grace and favour as you have- been before-time — that grace iilR \^ALTER RALEGH. 433 you had then, you got not in a day or year. For your covetousness, I am sorry to hear that a gentle- man of your wealth should become a base spy for the enemy, which is the vilest of all other, where- in, on my conscience, Cobham hath said true ! By it you would have increased your living ^1,500 a- year. This covetousness is like a canker, that eats the iron-place where it lives. Your case being thus, let it not grieve you, if I speak a little out of zeal and love to your good. ' You have been taxed by the world with the de- fence of the most heathenish and blasphemous opi- nions ; which I list not to repeat, because christian ears cannot endure to hear them, nor the authors and maintainers of them be suffered to Hve in any christian commonwealth. You know vvhat men said of Harpool. You shall do well before you go out of the world, to give satisfaction therein ; and not to die with these imputations on you. Let not any devil persuade you to think there is no eternity in heaven. For if you think thus, you shall find eter- nity in hell-fire. In the first accusation of my Lord Cobham, I observed his manner of speaking. I protest before the living God I am persuaded he spoke nothing but the truth ! You wrote that he should not in any case confess anything to a preacher, telling him an example of my lord of Essex, that noble -earl that is gone. Who, if he had not been carried away with others, had lived in honour to this day among us. He confessed his offences, and Vol. L e e 434 THE LIFE OF obtained mercy of the Lord ; for I am verily per- suaded in my heart he died a worthy servant of God. Your conceit of not "confessing any thing is very inhuman and wicked. In this world is the time of confessing, that we may be absolved at the day of judgment. You have shewed a fearful sign of denying God, in advising a man not to confess the truth. ' It now comes in my mind, why you' may not have your accuser come face to face ; for such an one is easily brought to retract, when he seeth ther^ is no hope of his own life. It is dangerous that any traitors should have access to, or conference with, one another. When they see themselves must die, they will think it best to have their fellow live, that he may commit the like treason again, and so in some sort seek revenge. Novv^ it resteth to pronounce the judgment, which I wish you had not been this day to have received of me. For if the fear of God in you had been answerable to your other great parts, you might have lived to have been a singular good subject. I never saw the like trial, and hopei shall never see the like again. THE JUDGMENT. * But since you have been found guilty of these horrible treasons, the judgment of this court is, that you shall be had from hence to the place whence you came, there to remain until the day of execu- SIR WALTER RALEGH. 435 tion ; and from thence you shall be drawn upon a hurdle through the open streets to the place of exe- cution, there to be hanged and cut down alive ; and your body shall be opened, your heart and bowels plucked out, and your privy members cut off, and thrown into the fire before your eyes ; then your head to be stricken off from your body, and your body shall be divided into four quarters, to be dis- posed of at the king's pleasure ; and God have mercy upon your soul !* Sir Walter, Ralegh besought the earl of Devonshire and the lords to be suitors on his behalf to the king, that in regard of places of estimation he did bear in his Majesty's time, the rigour of his judgment might be qualified, and his death be honourable and not ignominious. JVherei^i after they had promised him to do their utmost endeavours, the court rose, and the prisoner luas carried up again to the castled \ * Hargrave's State Trials, Ij 211. END OF THE FIRST TOLUME. Edinburgh, printed by Mundell and Son. ' n ^yfr f ^^ —irvH-l "«.<«'*- *»__ '«^= c^rcsd -use' ■ CC ^EZC r --"-r ;«!,■ :C<: «l.-<- ^ ■' ^^■^C. ^