Speech of Hon. James H. Harris 
 
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 Form No. A -368 
 
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SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. JAMES H. HARRIS 
 
 ON THE 
 
 MILITIA BILL, 
 
 Delivered in the North Carolina House of Representatives 
 Monday, January 17th, 1870. 
 
 <Prom the N. C. Standard's Phonographic Keports, Lawrence Hagarty, Phonographer.) 
 
 The House of Representatives met on Monday the 17th 
 January, pursuant to adjournment. 
 
 The bill to Secure the Better Protection of Life and Prop- 
 erty, being made the Special Order for Monday at 10£ o'clock, 
 A. M., was taken up at that hour. 
 
 The question being upon the adoption of the amendment 
 offered by Mr. Malone, namely, to strike out in section one 
 the words " to declare such County in a State of insurrection." 
 
 Mr. Harris then said : 
 
 Mr. Speaker : — I ask the attention of the House this morn- 
 ing while I shall endeavor to give some of the reasons why, 
 and why I think, that the amendment offered by the gentle- 
 man from Caldwell ought not to pass, and also the reason why 
 the bill as it now stands, amended with the feature that is 
 generally known as the habeas corpus, stricken out, (thereby 
 rendering it far less objectionable) ought to pass. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, there is not a gentleman on this floor who, in, 
 the absence of all party prejudice, who, in his cool, calm and 
 deliberate moments, allowing himself to be governed by con- 
 siderations promotive of the interest and prosperity of all 
 classes of the citizens of North Carolina, who would not say 
 in his heart, who would not say in his conscience, who would 
 not say before his God, that this amendment to the Militia 
 law of North Carolina is not necessary for the protection of 
 the lives, property, liberty and sacred honor of the men, 
 CV women and children of North Carolina. 
 
 I 
 
There is not a member on this floor, in the absence of party 
 considerations, who would have the interest of North Carolina, 
 who would have the interest of the entire people of this State 
 at heart, as well as the adopted citizens thereof, who would not 
 say that something was necessary to be done, that some 
 measure was necessary to be passed and enforced for their 
 security. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, I shall notice the remarks of the gentleman 
 from Caldwell first. Every member on the floor knows full 
 well what he delivered on the subject on Friday. He charac- 
 terized the bill rather as being designed to place absolute 
 power in the hands of the Executive of the State for the pur- 
 pose of carrying out, as he said, despotic measures. Now, Mr. 
 Speaker, I believe that section, which the gentleman from 
 Caldwell seems to have so much objection to, provides that 
 whenever it is necessary that the Militia be sent to preserve 
 law and order and execute the laws in any County, the expenses 
 of the militia shall be raised by taxing the property holders of 
 that County. That is the great objection, and I ask now is it 
 consistent, is it right, is it just, is it proper, that in six Counties 
 of, I will say eighty in the State, the law cannot be enforced, 
 where riot, murder, assassination, bloodshed and death holds 
 high carnival and the authorities are set at defiance. 
 
 I ask is it right that these seventy-four Counties should be 
 taxed to pay the expenses incurred by the lawlessness and 
 outrages committed in six or seven other Counties. I say not. 
 It is but just and proper and right in any one County where 
 assassination, murder and bloodshed are encouraged when 
 innocent and inoffensive citizens are scourged, shot down, and 
 hanged by the neck until they are dead. 
 
 Where this lawlessness and these assassinations are encour- 
 aged for purposes of political power and aggrandizement. I 
 repeat it is absolutely necessary that measures should be passed 
 to enable the Executive to put down such a state of things and 
 I say such men and such Counties should be taxed, and I 
 believe the most effectual method is to reach their pocket first ; 
 and I tell you, Mr. Speaker, those Counties where this state of 
 
wrong prevails — Lenoir, Jones and Orange and others — would* 
 be taught a salutary lesson and would come to very different 
 conclusions when they find that they have to pay all the 
 expenses attending such a state of affairs. 
 
 It is nothing new to North Carolina. I assert it here, we 
 have upon our statute book a law of the very character of the 
 objectionable section in this bill. "We have a law that is simi- 
 lar in character, only that it is specific and refers but to one 
 class, while the bill we are about to enact refers to a party that 
 ignores all law and order. 
 
 I will read it. I would call the attention of the House to 
 chapter 70 of the Eevised Code of North Carolina, section S&,, 
 it reads thus : . 
 
 When there may be outlawed or runaway negroes, commit- 
 ting depredations, or in any way alarming the citizens of amy 
 County, or where the guarding of a jail is necessary, three Jus- 
 tices of the Peace, certifying the same in writing, and request- 
 ing the officer in command of their County such officer shall 
 effect the object set forth in said request of the Justices, and 
 the expenses of the militia so called out, shall be paid by the 
 Court of the County, who may lay a sufficient tax to pay salt! 
 militia, at the same rates as the regular troops of the United 
 States are by law entitled to, when in actual service. 
 
 Now mark ! that law is on your statute book, and is per- 
 haps thirty-five years old, providing that in Counties where 
 lawlessness prevails, the same County shall levy a sufficient tax 
 upon the property of that County to pay the expenses of the 
 militia. Here is a law almost as old as* the gentleman from* 
 Caldwell himself, and the only difference in it, as I said before,,, 
 was that it referred to an inoffensive class, namely, free negroes., 
 while the other referred to a very different class of citizens. 
 
 I believe you will all agree with me that every clas9 of mens 
 who disregard the law ought to be punished, and if in those 
 times it was necessary to levy a special tax upon Counties to 
 support the militia, and they found it right and wholesome 
 why is it not right and wholesome now ? Why have not these; 
 
gentlemen found it out before this, that during the last thirty- 
 years it was tyrannious and oppressive to the people of the 
 Counties to pay this lawful tax levied on them. 
 
 Every good citizen joins me in saying that every class of 
 citizens that disobey the laws of the land ought to be punished. 
 
 It goes still further, the militia of the State, both officers 
 and soldiers, when in military service of the State, shall receive 
 the pay and rations of soldiers in the military service of the 
 United States that in the event of any officer refusing to dis- 
 charge his duty when called out, he shall be fined, he shall be 
 imprisoned, and yet that law has been in operation perhaps 
 thirty years and never been found objectionable until it is pro- 
 posed to make that law practicable in some insurrectionary 
 Counties. 
 
 Now, Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from Caldwell says why 
 •don't Justices of the Peace call for the militia. Now Mr. 
 Speaker, I assert here, and I challenge successful contradiction. 
 I say here, that in the County of Chatham, the County of 
 Orange, the Counties of Lenoir and Jones, and certain dis- 
 tricts in the County of Alamance, magistrates are afraid to 
 issue warrants and arrest those murderers. 
 
 They have been threatened for defending those defenceless 
 negroes that is the reason why the Justices of the Peace are 
 deterred from doing what they ought to do. 
 
 The gentleman from Caldwell says that we ourselves, the 
 Republican party, in passing this militia bill, are stirring up 
 strife between the white people of the State, and the negroes 
 of the State, but this is what the gentleman and his party advo- 
 cate to-day. He is the same white political non-descript, he 
 belongs to the Democratic party. He prides himself on his 
 old Whig blood. And yet he says, Mr. Speaker, that there is 
 a party in North Carolina who are stirring up strife and array- 
 ing the whites against the blacks, it is that corrupt, cowardly 
 hearted party with which the gentleman acts on this floor, 
 and which stands by the machinery of the devil, the Demo- 
 cratic party of North Carolina. 
 
 And what is my evidence for it 1 The gentleman from 
 
Caldwell, with that chief corner-stone of the arguments of 
 Democratic orators on the stamp, namely, that of negro infe- 
 riority and the attempt of the Republican party to place them 
 over the whites in North Carolina. Every paper that is pub- 
 lished by them on the one hand, have these arguments as their 
 corner-stone, and they refuse to publish anything that would 
 do him justice on the other. Yes, these party papers have 
 their columns filled with articles seeking to palliate and defend 
 this band of midnight assassins who are whipping the poor 
 colored man and the poor colored woman ; who are hanging 
 them by the neck until they are dead, without giving them the 
 trial by jury ; and these men come here and sa} 7 because we 
 wish to pass a law to protect these innocent, inoffensive citi- 
 zens, and to arrest those blood-thirsty and cowardly assassins, 
 they say we are endeavoring to array the. whites against the 
 blacks. I don't believe you can find a single colored man in 
 this State that is an enemy of the white man because he is 
 white, qr an intelligent white man, a manly white man, a 
 decent and an upright white man that hates the black man 
 because he is black. Not one. I do not believe there is any 
 such feeling in this State any further than is sustained by 
 political considerations. Is that the feeling of the Democratic 
 party on this floor ? I will not say. 
 
 The gentleman from Caldwell says that the Democratic 
 party did n»t entertain this feeling. I would ask that gentle- 
 man, or any member on the floor, to point out a single paper — a 
 Conservative paper — a Democratic paper — that has not demon- 
 strated their antipathy. I defy these gentlemen to point out a 
 single instance where black men have committed depredations, 
 that they have not been punished for it. But how many, how 
 numerous are the outrages committed on black men by mur- 
 derous and lawless men ? The outrages in Chatham will 
 answer ; the outrages in Orange will answer. 
 
 Another thing, Mr. Speaker. It has been the aim of the 
 papers of the Conservative party to place the colored people in 
 a false light before the whole people of the State, and when 
 correctly informed on any subject, they refuse to make that 
 
•correction. I will give you one instance in the City of 
 Raleigh. There is a paper published here known as the 
 -Sentinel, the great luminary of Conservatism in North Caro- 
 lina, around which the lesser luminaries gather. At one time 
 It became necessary, as the Governor thought, to send a few 
 militia to the upper part of this County. They were colored 
 militia, officered by intelligent, respectable white men. They 
 were stationed at a house where some outrpges had been com- 
 mitted. And, sir, we find that the Sentinel, day after day 
 appealed to the whole people of the State not to submit to 
 these outrages ; that the Governor had usurped the authority 
 of placing negro militia over the white men of North Carolina; 
 that he went so far towards placing them over the heads of 
 the white people. He said those negro militia were entering 
 the houses of inoffensive white citizens, and were insulting their 
 ■wives and daughters. 
 
 In the Sentinel of the 9th of November, it says we were in- 
 formed yesterday, by a respectable citizen of the County, that 
 on Thursday night last, a negro militiaman went to the house 
 of a widow lady in the vicinity of the camp, and forcibly 
 dragged her daughter, a respectable young lady, to the woods, 
 and there violated her person in a most brutal and shocking 
 imanner. Now, Mr. Speaker, the Conservative papers of the 
 •"State copied this article, who pretended to believe that the 
 ■Governor was actually sanctioning the commission of rape 
 upon white women in the County of "Wake. The Adjutant 
 r General sent tor the Editor, I saw him down in the Chief Sec- 
 retary's office the next day. The Governor saw him and two 
 gentlemen from the neighborhood, Conservatives, said that this 
 thing was false from beginning to end. 
 
 The Editor promised that he would make that correction, 
 that he had done the colored people a great injustice, and yet 
 the very next day the only correction the Editor of the Sentinel 
 ■made, I will read the correction that was made after publish- 
 ing all through the State this libel on the negro militia. Peo- 
 ple from that section declared it was a lie from beginning to 
 end. White people who came from that section four or five 
 
days in succession felt indignant at the article, and said they 
 never heard of it until they came here to Kaleigh, and here is 
 the correction in the Sentinel of the 10th : 
 
 " We have received from Adjutant General Fisher a copy of 
 the act of the General Assembly in regard to the organization 
 and employment of detailed militia but have been too closely 
 einployed to look into it. We shall refer to the act and mat- 
 ters connected with it perhaps to-morrow." 
 
 After having published one of the most false and malicious 
 articles against unoffending colored men in the discharge of 
 their duties, after having appealed to the prejudices and pas- 
 sions and self-respect of the white people of North Carolina by 
 misrepresenting the colored militia in the discharge of their 
 duties, they refuse to give them the benefit of a contradiction 
 when respectable white people in that neighborhood declared 
 it was false from beginning to end. He gave neither the name 
 of the negro who committed the outrage, nor the white woman 
 on whom it was committed. I say now, Sir, if there be any 
 ill feeling, if there be any array of the whites against the 
 blacks, or of the blacks against the whites, it is attributable to 
 the Conservative party alone. Now, Mr. Speaker, it is clear 
 that the Conservative party do endorse these outrages — every 
 honest man believes that they endorse them. 
 
 I cannot believe that the gentlemen who represent the Con- 
 servative party on this floor, and they being mostly inexpe- 
 rienced politicians, that their hearts are young and tender and 
 honest, and aside from party compressions and party consid- 
 erations, they would not push themselves forward in the advo- 
 cacy of crimes, in the encouragement of assassinations, murder, 
 bloodshed and death in the land. Do they represent the con- 
 victions of those men who, ten years ago, put their State in 
 conflict with the great power of the United States, of those 
 men who are encouraging these murders and assassinations, 
 and shooting down and hanging poor defenceless innocent 
 colored men, and who would break the Constitution asunder if 
 they had the power, and would wage another war to-day 
 against the government of the United States ? 
 
8 
 
 Reconstruction is a fixed fact, and that conflicts between the 
 two sections of country is forever over. I don't so understand 
 it. I would to God it was so. The struggle between the law- 
 less assassins, between the cowardly band of murderers and 
 peaceable unoffending and law abiding citizens of North Caro- 
 lina is not over. It is nothing more than the reflex of the 
 sentiments of the disappointed political aspirants who are aim- 
 ing to obtain a political power over the dead bodies of defence- 
 less men, women and children. 
 
 The gentleman from Caldwell has told us to strike out and 
 adopt his amendment. He admitted here on Friday that the 
 adoption of the bill would not amount to anything. That is 
 his words and I agree with him, but his object is to defeat it 
 and for the purpose of saying to the colored men you elected 
 a Republican Legislature, you elected a Republican Governor, 
 you have a two-thirds majority in your House, and yet they 
 failed to protect you, but we promise to do so in the next contest. 
 Come and go with us, we will put down these outrages and 
 protect you. 
 
 That this is their object, Mr. Speaker, it is too apparent to be 
 denied by any man. The gentleman wishes "to know why are 
 not these outrages referred to a grand jury, that is one of the 
 most absurd arguments. You may ask any of the Solicitors 
 in any one of those Districts where those outrages have been 
 committed, and he will tell you that he sent these cases to the 
 grand jury, with proof positive, and the parties were always 
 enabled to prove an alibi, and with a jury and witnesses in 
 sympathy with these desperadoes, to refer these cases to a 
 grand jury is a perfect farce in those Counties where these des- 
 peradoes have control, as they seem to have in Jones, Lenoir 
 and Alamance. 
 
 Now, Mr. Speaker, I think I have shown that we have a law 
 on the statute book equal in power to the one proposed to be 
 enacted, only that it refers to a special class, that of the free 
 negroes, and in this case it refers to all citizens, black and 
 white, that is the only material difference. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, I have said that there is an organized element 
 
9 
 
 in this State whose object is to subvert the present State gov- 
 ernment. I have said there is an Organized element. I don't 
 care what they call it. But there is an organized element 
 whose chief object is to intimidate the colored people and 
 drive them to support themselves and their party and defeat 
 the Republican party in the coming elections and to subvert 
 the present State government ; and why do I think so ? Take 
 the history of the outrages in the different counties, and what 
 do we find ? Where you find one white man who has been 
 outraged who is a Conservative, you will find hundreds that 
 were Republicans ; and wherever you find these colored men 
 outraged and murdered, you will find without exceptions that 
 they were prominent colored men in favor of schools and in 
 favor of the Republican party ; and where white men have 
 been whipped, their heads shaved, and their backs lacerated, 
 as it has been done on many occasions, it was because these 
 white men were in favor of establishing negro schools. These 
 are not empty assertions but facts, which I am prepared to 
 prove. 
 
 I will commence by noticing the outrages in Chatham 
 County first. The gentleman who is so strenously opposed to 
 the bill will take his notes. In Chatham County a colored 
 woman was taken by a party of Ku Klux, and stripped of her 
 clothing, and whipped, and her back lacerated frightfully. 
 The woman came to Raleigh, and exhibited her scars to the 
 authorities. This band went to her house and dragged it down, 
 and threatened to take the scalp from her head. I ask the 
 attention of the House while I go through this chapter of 
 blood and murder, to show that that there is an organized band. 
 
 Here Mr. Harris was interrupted by Mr. Downing, who said 
 that a lady, (Miss Dix) who was widely known in this country 
 as a philanthropist, was now in the Governor's room, and he 
 thought it would be a mark of respect to invite her to a seat on 
 the floor, if she wished. He therefore moved that the Speaker 
 appoint a committee to invite her to a seat on the floor. 
 
 Messrs. Downing, Durham and Moore, of Chowan, were 
 appointed a committee for that purpose. 
 
10 
 
 Mr. Speaker, I will pledge you my word that I will say 
 nothing unbecoming in the presence of this distinguished 
 philanthropist, and my reason for doing so is that a sense of 
 shame and propriety prevents me from proving these unspeak- 
 able atrocities, murders, and afflictions committed on the inno- 
 cent and defenceless in the presence of such a distinguished 
 philanthropist. I am ashamed in the presence of the humane 
 and benevolent, to let them know the crimes and outrages that 
 are perpetrated in their midst, here in the good old State of 
 North Carolina. 
 
 But while I have the opportunity, I will say a few words in 
 illustration of these wicked atrocities. 
 
 On October the 22d, in Chatham County, Luke Wilson, a 
 colored man, was dragged out of his house and beaten nearly 
 to death ; and do we find for what ? Simply for being a Re- 
 publican and a man in favor of negro schools, in favor of the 
 education, advancement and progress of his race. 
 
 On September 16th, , a colored man and his wife 
 
 were also severely whipped and abused. "We find again, that 
 , a colored woman was dragged from her bed and severe- 
 ly whipped only because her husband was a prominent Repub- 
 lican in that section of the county. 
 
 On September the — , we find that Atkins, he and his wife, 
 were dragged from their bed and also severely whipped. And 
 all this catalogue of crimes and outrages are perpetrated in 
 Chatham County, and yet some gentlemen would have us to 
 believe that law, order and peace prevail in Chatham 
 County. 
 
 I shall now refer to Forsythe County. Thomas Bailey, an 
 inoffensive colored man, a party of the Ku Klux went to his 
 house and dragged him from it, tied his hands, took out a ball, 
 an instrument of torture, and put it in his mouth, stripped 
 him, tied him hand and foot, put his hands and head under the 
 fence, fastened the ball in his mouth with iron spikes and 
 whipped him nearly to death. These are facts and not exag- 
 erations. These parties were arrested and brought to trial. 
 They held their trial before one J. L. Johnson, a Justice of 
 
11 
 
 the Peace, and that Justice of the Peace bound these murder- 
 ers over to Oourt, and the jury refused to find a true bill against 
 these men, although they had the ball still covered with the 
 blood that had been drawn from the roof of the mouth of this 
 colored man. And yet we are told that all is peace and quiet- 
 ness in North Carolina. 
 
 [Here Mr. Harris was interrupted by the member from 
 Forsythe stating that he was informed on undoubted author- 
 ity that the parties connected in this outrage were indicted 
 but there was not sufficient evidence to convict them, but sev 
 eral parties were bound over to the peace in this case.] 
 
 Mr. Harris, I am glad the gentleman from Forsythe has in- 
 formed us so ; he has only confirmed what I have said, that 
 the work of bloodshed is going on in the good old County of 
 Forsythe. I tell you, Mr. Speaker, that is one of the reasons 
 why those parties have not been prosecuted. These blood- 
 thirsty scoundrels persist in their work of blood and murder — 
 scourging, whipping, hanging, shooting, committing every 
 cruelty and indignity possible for damnable fiends to commit 
 on defenceless and unoffending men, women and children, and 
 yet I have to learn of the first single instance where one of 
 these villians has been convicted. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, any man who should have heard of the testi- 
 mony given before the Court in the City of Newbern would 
 not need any further demonstrations and proofs of the iniquity 
 and fiendish purposes of this damnable organization. It was 
 clearly proved on the testimony of this witness that whoever 
 belonged to the Ku Klux Klan, it was positively declared, 
 that the moment he joined the order his oath bound him 
 to take the life of his father, his mother, his brother, his 
 sister ; yes, his whole family if it was necessary to advance 
 and carry out the designs of this wicked and infernal organ- 
 ization. Furthermore, he tells us that when any of the 
 party were arrested and brought to justice the Ku Klux 
 would hang around the Court House that they might be 
 picked up and placed on the jury, and were solemnly sworn 
 to release the scoundrel that was brought before them. Oh ! 
 
12 
 
 what a state of things. How could you expect to get a con- 
 viction, how could you expect to get justice. I tell you, gen- 
 tlemen you might as well arraign the devil before his angels — 
 you might as well descend to the lower regions and arraign 
 Lucifer the prince of devils and swear his imps on the jury 
 with more prospect of obtaining justice then to swear those 
 bloodthirsty murderous and unprincipled, damnable imps of 
 hell on a jury to try their compeers in assassination, bloodshed 
 and destrnction. You cannot do it, it is impossible, and that 
 is one reason, and I think a grand and primary one, that this 
 militia bill should at once be made law and afford to all per- 
 sons, black and white, Democrat and Republican, foreign and 
 native, that security and protection so necessary, so essential, 
 at the present time, to their lives their property and their very 
 existence. 
 
 It is provided in the 4th section that the Solicitor shall have 
 the power to move the trial of the offender to a County in 
 which no citizen interested in the matter, any further than the 
 maintenance of law, the preservation of order, the protection 
 and security of the lives and property of the people, and the 
 dignity of the Commonwealth of North Carolina, can be taken 
 on the jur\. That is one of the reasons I am in favor of the 
 bill. 
 
 But to return to the scene of cruelty and bloodshed in Iredell 
 County. On December last a party of disguised villians went to 
 the house of a colored man, dragged him away and severely 
 whipped him — for what ? For nothing more than being in 
 favor of negro schools ; within six miles of Statesville, and 
 whipped him nearly to death. That is what he is whipped 
 for, and yet we are told that peace and order prevail in North 
 Carolina. Now, sir, the same night that this cruel act was 
 perpetrated these very same villians rode by another man's 
 house for the purpose of gratifying their develish spleen on 
 another defenceless man ; his son went to the door to open it 
 and these devils, in human flesh, without the slightest consid- 
 eration of mercy fired volley after volley of bird shot into his 
 face, and told him never to let them hear him again mention 
 
13 
 
 a word about negro schools ; and yet we are told by gentlemen 
 on this floor that pt;ace and order prevails in North Carolina 
 and everything is going on smoothly and tranquilly among us. 
 I come now to the County of Wake. Last month a colored 
 man six miles from this Town was taken from his bed and a 
 colored woman also, and severely whipped. And here I will 
 
 remark that Mr. , living seventeen miles from this 
 
 Town, a magistrate, was actually afraid to issue a writ and 
 came to Raleigh and requested the Mayor to issue the writ and 
 " three of the party were arrested and are now bound over to 
 appear at the next term of Court. The other two were arrested 
 in Chatham from the fact that this County had no jurisdiction 
 over them. Still we are told that we have peace and quiet- 
 ness in North Carolina. 
 
 Now, sir, I could not rehearse this chapter of murder and 
 bloodshed in two years, but, Mr. Speaker, I must say a word 
 for the great County ot Orange in this catalogue of crime and 
 outrage. I do not intend to spend much time in the rehearsal 
 of this calendar of wrong and outrage done to the innocent and 
 unoffending in connection with this County, but here let me 
 say, Mr. Speaker, that a colored man who was a minister of 
 the Gospel, in December last, in Johnston County, was dragged 
 from his own house and severely and unmercifully whipped, he 
 made his escape and came to the City, and the only objection 
 against him was that he established in that County a negro 
 school and negro Church. I state this on the authority of a 
 gentleman of unblemished character and honor in the State. 
 And here let me say, Mr. Speaker, if gentlemen will allow 
 me for a moment, that I know the colored men, and the poor 
 white people also, in that district are afraid to make known 
 that these outrages have been committed. 
 
 I will now come, Mr. Speaker, to the County of Orange, 
 and I ask the indulgence of the House while I make this state- 
 ment of facts without qualifying them one way or the other. 
 Now, Sir, in Orange County, October 11, 1869, Mr. A. King, 
 a white man, a party of men went to his house. He was not 
 at home. They left word with his family that they would put 
 
14 
 
 twenty-five balls through him if they heard any thing more 
 about him making a petition to the Governor about sending 
 militia to that County. 
 
 On October the 11th, a party of the same disguised mis* 
 creants went to the house of another colored man, Madison 
 Munn, in Orange County, and he being absent they told his 
 wife they would blow her brains out if she would not tell them 
 where he was. They gave her a severe whipping and other- 
 wise abused her. 
 
 On October the 11th, again we find the same night they • 
 went to the house of Samuel Neville, and took him out, gave 
 him a severe whipping, put a rope around his neck and lead 
 him on, they riding on horseback, to a considerable distance 
 in the woods, stripped him of his clothing, and gave him 
 twenty-five lashes. All this in the great County of Orange. 
 
 October the 11th, Henry Hinton, a colored man was taken 
 out of his house and severely whipped for no other offence than 
 that of being a loud-mouthed nigger of Kepublican principles. 
 
 Paul Hinton, a colored man, was taken from his house and 
 severely beaten, but he broke and run and was shot at several 
 times, his offence being (as they thought) belonging to the 
 Union League. 
 
 Perry Haughton was dragged out of his house, beaten and 
 kicked until he was nearly dead and ordered to leave the 
 neighborhood or he would be killed. 
 
 This statement of bloodshed and crime was made under oath 
 to the Adjutant General of the State, either by persons thus 
 abused, or by some friend who came here to give the informa- 
 tion, and gentlemen who have the slightest doubt of this truth- 
 ful assertion, I will refer to the Adjutant General's office 
 for the proofs. 
 
 (Question by Mr. Argo, of Orange. I would like to enquire 
 whether the names of those persons who give this information 
 can be obtained at the Adjutant General's office ?) 
 
 Mr. Harris. I will say, Mr. Speaker, that in some cases the 
 Adjutant General can furnish the names of those parties, but 
 in other cases he has them privately, and therefore it would be a 
 
15 
 
 breach of confidence and trust to divulge the names. And 
 one reason that these parties refuse to give their names, is from 
 the fact that they consider themselves unsafe in the communi- 
 ty in whisht they live, but in most of these instances the parties 
 names can be obtained at the Adjutant General's office. 
 
 I know, Sir, that every member on this floor, who is familiar 
 with the history of these midnight assassinations, know that no 
 good white man dare venture to disclose all these cases of 
 crime and murder publicly, their lives would not be safe and 
 live in the midst of such merciless and vindictive fiends. 
 
 On the 16th of November the house of a colored man was 
 broken into, his gun taken and broke into pieces, and he 
 threatened to leave the neighborhood. 
 
 Dallas, a white man, and John Smith, a white man, had 
 their heads shaved and were both severely beaten in Orange 
 County. Here we find that even white men did not escape 
 these bands of marauders. About the same time two colored 
 men were taken from Orange County jail and shot without 
 mercy, one of whom has since died, if not both. I heard the 
 gentleman from Orange remark, let the law take its course in 
 response to what the gentleman from Forsythe said. We have 
 an instance in his own County where two negroes were accused 
 of crime and were committed to the prisons of his own County, 
 and the Ku Klux should get sufficient force and seize these 
 poor colored men from the law officers, defying the authorities 
 of the law and actually overpowering them, and shot these 
 poor defenceless men without the slightest regard for mercy or 
 law. The law officers of the County of Orange are powerless 
 to execute the law while these armed bands of midnight 
 assassins have control of this County. 
 
 The County Commissioners of Orange, if their statements 
 are true, are completely at the mercy of this uumerciful band 
 of marauders. I have yet to learn if there has been even a 
 single conviction there, and yet that County stands to-day 
 with its history written in the blood of murdered, unoffending 
 and defenceless men and women, and yet we are told there is 
 no use for the militia bill where crime holds high carnival in no 
 
16 
 
 less than five Counties ot the State. But there is a power 
 behind the throne greater than the throne itself. There is a 
 power behind the authorities of Orange County greater than 
 that power itself, which will exert itself at a seasonable time. 
 When the fruit is ripe then it shall be plucked. 
 
 I will give you a few more instances of these outrages in 
 connection with Orange County. On October the 14th, A. 
 Peck, a colored man, was taken from his house and severely 
 whipped, and a party of these men broke down the door and 
 
 windows, and took out Mr. , and whipped him severely. 
 
 For what? For no other crime than being aloud mouthed 
 radical. And yet not a soul has been arrested, nor no attempt 
 made on the part of the authorities of Orange County to arrest 
 one of these murderers. Also, on October the 14th, a man 
 and a lady, both white, were whipped and otherwise severely 
 maltreated. A man and his wife, both white, were taken out 
 and whipped, and yet there has not been a single person 
 arrested, nor no attempt made to arrest them. No, not a 
 single conviction in Orange County, where assassination and 
 bloodshed hold high carnival. Stone Alston, a colored man, 
 and his daughters were severely whipped just before Christmas. 
 And one colored man and his daughters were severely whipped 
 on their plantation. All this was done just before Christmas. 
 On December the 19th, Bealey Neill, aged 55 years, living 
 South-west of Hillsboro', after severely whipping him, (with 
 their knives and pistols drawn,) took their Bowie knives and 
 shaved off the hair from his head, and, in some instances, took 
 the skin off with it. It may be said that this man is a noto- 
 rious character ! Is not the law sufficient to try this man ? 
 Is it right or just that mob law should prevail in Orange 
 County or in any other County of the State ? If this man is 
 a notorious character, why not let the officers of the law arrest 
 him and punish him according to the laws of the State, and 
 not according to mob law ! TVelker, a white man ; a party of 
 men went to his house and gave him thirty-nine lashes ! A 
 party of men went the same night from Guthrie's mill, visited 
 the houses of the colored people on New Hope creek, destroy- 
 
17 
 
 ing all the guns they could get hold of. It is known, up to 
 the present, that upwards of thirteen guns have been taken 
 and destroyed by this miserable cowardly band of thieves and 
 murderers. 
 
 Now, Mr. Speaker, on Monday night, September the 6th, 
 (and this one more instance and I am done in Orange County,) 
 on September the 6th, near a Cotton Factorv, a colored man 
 named Malone was burning coal. While he and his men were 
 attending to their own business at the kiln, a party of these 
 Ku Klux visited him and enquired for his son, and this old 
 man, trembling, pointed out his son to them without even 
 being informed of his offence. These miserable wretches tied 
 his hands behind him, and surrounded by five armed men, he 
 was told if he moved he would have his brains blown out. 
 (The old colored man came here to Raleigh, and not only has 
 he made this statement, but it has also been made by other 
 parties, and is now on record in the Adjutant General's office 
 of the State.) They took this colored man and led him away, 
 no one knew where, until found Friday afternoon by a white 
 man hanging in the woods, dead, by the neck. 1 suppose he 
 had been hanging there from Monday night until Friday after- 
 noon. But one more instance and I will certainly have done 
 with Orange County. A colored man aged thirty, and another 
 aged forty-five years were taken and hanged dead by the neck. 
 Now, Sir, on October the 18th, here we find two colored men 
 taken by the Koi Klux Klan — by a party ot disguised mur- 
 derers — and without giving them a shadow of a trial by jury, 
 they were hanged in the County of Orange until they were 
 dead by the neck, and a label put upon their backs forbidding 
 any body to take them down until Thursday, three or four days 
 afterwards. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, these are facts upon which I challenge suc- 
 cessful contradiction. These are undeniable facts that these 
 colored men were unmercifully hanged, and that not a single 
 man ventured or dared to take these black men down until 
 they were found there by an officer of the United States. 
 These are facts that cannot be contradicted, and yet we are 
 2 
 
told that it is not necessary to enact a militia law in North 
 C arolina. 
 
 I come next to Jones County. In Jones County three col- 
 ored men were taken out and shot, and, so far as I have learned, 
 not a single attempt was made to arrest anybody by the au- 
 thorities of that County. Not one attempt was made to bring 
 these murderers to justice. I will turn from that County and 
 show you a more bloody picture of outrage and death in Lenoir 
 County. You all remember Kingston bridge, where eight de- 
 fenceless colored men, on one dark and rainy night, were taken 
 from the jail, shot in cold blood, and thrown into the Neuse 
 river. Just think of it. Just meditate on it. Here is a state 
 of peace and quietude.. Gentlemen would have us~believe, in 
 the good old State of North Carolina, these villainous mur- 
 derers, accused of these horrid crimes, have never been tried 
 or convicted. Eight human beings taken forcibly from their 
 place of incarceration, taken out of the hands of the law, shot 
 in cold blood, and their bleeding bodies thrown over Kingston 
 bridge into the waters of the Neuse river, and not one of these 
 liends incarnate have ever been brought to justice. And yet 
 we are told by gentlemen on this floor that it is not necessary 
 to enact a militia law, that it is not necessary to pass some, 
 measure for the protection of our lives, liberty and property. 
 Yes, for our very existence. 
 
 I might cite outrages, many and frightful, that have been 
 committed in other counties, but I have grown t sick and dis- 
 gusted in rehearsing this record of bloodshed, murder, perse- 
 cution and death inaugurated in North Carolina. In reply ta 
 the gentleman from Iredell, (Mr. Nicholson,) I will say that I 
 cannot again take up the time of the House in rehearsing the 
 long catalogue of crimes and bloodsed — giving names and 
 dates where parties were shot, whipped, and hanged by the 
 Ku Klux Klan. I would direct the gentleman from Iredell 
 (Mr. Nicholson) and others to the office of the Adjutant Gen- 
 eral, where they could see on record the evidences of the com- 
 mission of the outrages to which I have alluded. Admission, 
 this morning was made by Mr. Argo that men had been taken, 
 
19 
 
 from the Hillsboro' jail and shot and hanged ; and yet, in the 
 face of these records, and this admission, the gentleman (Mr. 
 Nicholson) declared that the only evidence of the commission 
 of the outrages was mere assertion. As to the diatribe against 
 the Union League, I will challenge any man to produce a sin- 
 gle instance where the League — as a League — sanctioned and 
 encouraged the commission of acts of violence. I avow my 
 determination to go to Chatham and Orange and other Coun- 
 ties and advise the colored people how to act in the premises. 
 I have always counselled peace, but will say that if Conserva- 
 tives expect to drive the colored people into a support of their 
 party by a system of intimidation, they will be mistaken. 
 The colored man will not always submit in silence to wrongs. 
 All history shows that when illiterate men are roused to despe- 
 ration by acts of oppression that their vengeance is terrible. 
 I would say also, Sir, to these bitter leaders of the Conserva- 
 tive or Democratic party they should desist at once ; I fear 
 they are agitating a volcano, which, should it- happen to ex- 
 plode, I fear they cannot control the lever as easy as they im- 
 agine. As for this conflict of races of which so much has 
 been said, I have no fears of that at all ; if that is what the 
 Conservatives are seeking, I will tell them that the General 
 ^Government will not suffer any 1 one race to wage war upon 
 another. Those who are wicked enough to attempt such a 
 thing will be crushed by the strong arm of the Government. 
 Conservatives might as well understand that colored men can 
 not and will not be driven into a support of the Conservative 
 party. It can not be expected that colored men will stand 
 Idly by and see men of their race hanged and shot down in 
 cold blood. The Conservatives might as well at once abandon 
 their system of intimidation, such as was being practiced in 
 Orange and Chatham. The men who have governed those 
 Counties for thirty years, have, thus far, refused to say a word 
 or write a line of condemnation for the acts of violence com- 
 mitted in those Counties. I expect to support the great princi- 
 ples of the Republican party, though I by no means mean by 
 this that I will vote for every Republican. 
 
20 
 
 I ask in the name of the law-abiding and peaceable people — 
 I ask for the sake of the good name and fame of this Old 
 State — I ask in the name of the outraged and defenceless class 
 of citizens who are suffering untold persecutions and death 
 by this lawlessness — I ask in the name of the people of North 
 Carolina — I ask in the name of Heaven itself, that we all 
 unite, that all truly good and law-abiding citizens unite, that 
 ever}' man who has the interest, prosperity and progress of 
 North Carolina at heart, to unite in the determination to pre- 
 serve the lives, property and the liberties which this Constitu- 
 tion, baptised in the blood of brave men, has guaranteed to us. 
 There is no question about the purpose and intention of this 
 organized band in North Carolina. It is not because these 
 wicked men have any personal antipathy against the colored 
 men, but it is a fixed, well matured and deep laid scheme, to 
 intimidate the colored voters, and demoralize the Republican 
 colored voters, that these political aspirants may once more 
 arrive in the power of North Carolina. I would ask, gentle- 
 men, in the name of the good old State — I would ask, gentle- 
 men, in the name of the entire people of North Carolina, to 
 ponder, before they go forth and proceed to prosecute an un- 
 fortunate and inoffensive class of men. It has been alleged, 
 Mr. Speaker, that they have been obnoxious and offensive in 
 the Counties of Chatham and Orange, and because of this 
 character, they have been prosecuted and murdered. Such 
 reasoning is illogical and false. If it is a fact, as Conservative 
 orators, and Conservative newspapers of this State allege, is it 
 because the colored people are so disorderly and vicious, that 
 they are to be whipped, hanged, murdered and shot down like 
 wild beasts ? I would ask how happens it that in the Counties 
 of New Hanover, Brunswick, Edgecombe, in short, how is it 
 that in every County in the State where the whites are in the 
 minority, we have never heard a single, solitary instance of 
 these Ku Klux outrages. How is it that in those Counties 
 where the colored people predominate, they do not commit 
 these wrongs on the white race? How is it that they never 
 commit these outrages ? How is it that they never commit. 
 
21 
 
 those deeds of murder and bloodshed ? But that is never the 
 case, and I challenge successful contradiction when I state 
 that there is not a single County in the State of North Caro- 
 lina where the negroes are largely in the majority, where they 
 are powerful in numbers, has a single white woman been in- 
 sulted or a white man wronged. You cannot point to a single 
 instance where they have committed these great wrongs against 
 the white race. You cannot do it, gentlemen. Therefore, 
 why is it — for what is this misrepresentation and libel on our 
 race ? It is for political effect, for we see that wherever the 
 whites have the majority, where the negroes are hopelessly in 
 the minority — we are told they are so offending, so obnoxious, 
 they are so vicious, that whites have to resort to the bowie 
 knife, to the pistol and to the rope to maintain their self-respect 
 and dignity. I say here that it is false ; that it is a miserable 
 falsehood. I denounce this allegation here to-day, in the name 
 of the honest, docile, and inoffensive colored people of North 
 Carolina. I denounce it in the name of the law-abiding, 
 peaceable but defenceless people of Chatham and Orange, and 
 every other County where these damnable and hell-begotteii 
 outrages have been committed. Their faces may be white, but 
 their hearts are as black as the darkest recesses of hell. I 
 stand here as a negro, but I submit it to the honest and intel- 
 ligent white people of North Carolina, that these allegations 
 against the reputation of the colored people are damnable lies 
 from beginning to end, and a libel upon the colored people of 
 North Carolina. This is done for political effect to seek to 
 intimidate the colored people in those Counties where they are 
 equally divided, that they may carry the election in the next 
 campaign. 
 
 A few more words and I will have done with the subject. 
 
 Sir, it is equally strange that every gentleman who is famil- 
 iar with the political history of Orange County and Chatham 
 County, knows perfectly well that three or four prominent 
 men residing in these Counties have governed them for twenty 
 years. Three or four leading gentlemen have governed these 
 
22 
 
 Counties for twenty years — and I would ask the Representa- 
 tives iroin these Counties, if they can deny this assertion ? 
 
 Now, Mr. Speaker, I say is it not strange that not a single 
 leading gentleman in those Counties have come forward, 
 openly and above board, and denounced these outrages ? I can 
 call by name, gentlemen in Orange who, by writing one short 
 letter, could put down all these outrages ; but it is not done. 
 What an example for colored men ! Yet I am glad to say 
 their conduct in this respect, is far more commendable than 
 that of the white men of whom I complain. Here, the other 
 day when a worthless negro murdered a man, this murderer 
 was immediately arrested and brought to justice at the instance 
 ©f black men. And I will make this assertion, that whenever 
 a negro commits an outrage on his white brethren, the colored 
 people are the iirst to have him arrested. I ask those gentle- 
 men, who attempt to palliate the outrages of the Ku Klux, 
 does these white brethren endeavor to have them arrested and 
 brought to justice ? No, never. What a commentary upon 
 the character of the so-called superior white race ! Here the 
 ignorant, stupid negro, with an instinct of right, justice and 
 humanity, seeks to bring the offender and violater of law to 
 justice on the one hand, while the white race on the other 
 kand, witnesses blood-shed, murder and assassination and out- 
 rage committed on a defenceless and unoffending race — they 
 see the laws of humanity and nature outraged and do not 
 interfere to stay the vile hand of the assassin. Oh, what a 
 commentary ! and then claim superiority over the colored race. 
 God knows they are welcome to this kind of superiority 
 ©ver us. 
 
 I have but one consideration in this matter, and that is, I 
 desire to see prosperity and peace once more preserved in North 
 Carolina. Let us, gentlemen of North Carolina, quit this 
 folly. Let us forget party considerations. Let us all be gov- 
 erned by a common feeling to advance our country, to advance 
 the interest of North Carolina, to increase her prosperity and 
 progress, to preserve her laws and Constitution inviolate. Let 
 us all unite and put down these outrages, whether they are 
 
23 
 
 committed by blacks or by whites — by Republicans or Con- 
 servatives — and allow every man to go to the polls to vote as 
 they may think fit. But I know, sir, the object, of the party 
 that opposes this measure, so necessary to the progress and 
 prosperity of North Carolina. They wish to destroy the con- 
 fidence of the colored people in the Republican party. They 
 seek to destroy the confidence of the colored people in the 
 Republican party in the coming elections. 
 
 I have to remark on this floor that in the days of Macon, in 
 the days of the good old fathers of this State, even in the days 
 of slavery these old gentlemen, if they were in this House 
 they would have certainly condemned these outrages and 
 passed vigorous measures to suppress them. Their voices 
 would be heard, they would make this hall ring with the sound 
 of their voices asking in the name of justice, in the name of 
 humanity, in the name of the blood of the defenceless and 
 innocent, they would ask this Legislature to pass a law to pro- 
 tect them. I ask in the name ot the good old men who once 
 governed this. State. If I had the voice and language of a 
 Gaston, a Macon and a Badger, I would appeal to you in the 
 name of this defenceless and outraged class whose blood has 
 been shed, and which cries to Heaven lor vengeance, but I 
 only ask justice and I appeal to you now as men, as intelligent 
 men, as upright, honest and just men, as human beings, to 
 pass this measure for the protection of the innocent and for the 
 peace, progress and prosperity of the whole people of North 
 Carolina. 
 
 I will just say a few words, Mr. Speaker, and then I will 
 have done. It has been hinted that the State is unable to pro- 
 tect these defenceless colored men. I have heard gentlemen 
 say it. It is implied in one half of their speeches, that the Ku 
 Klux will prevail, and in a great deal that has been written 
 has the same doctrine been advocated. But I will tell gentle- 
 men here, Mr. Speaker, that the colored people of North Car- 
 olina will not bear much longer the yoke over their heads. I 
 will tell the opposition party here that if you expect to carry 
 the colored people by persecution, by bloodshed, by whipping. 
 
24 
 
 by bowie knives, by the pistol and rope, I will tell you, gen- 
 tlemen, you are very much mistaken, you have to learn yet of 
 the material you are attempting to deal with ; and I will tell 
 you that nearly every black man in North Carolina has en- 
 graven on his heart the words of the immortal Patrick Henry, 
 " Give me Liberty or give me Death." "While we are willing 
 to submit to the laws we are not willing to bear the shackles 
 of political slavery. If these persecutions, murders and assas- 
 sinations are to continue, and the government of North Caro- 
 lina is not strong enough to enforce the law, the proper author- 
 ities in "Washington City will see that it is enforced, they have 
 the power to suppress these outrages and maintain the law. 
 If the State government is unwilling or unable to protect the 
 weak I will remind gentlemen here that the strong arm of the 
 United States will stand by us and protect this defenceless 
 class of citizens and help them to overcome the domineering 
 spirit of the party that is seeking to enslave them. 
 
 And now, Mr. Speaker, I believe that this House stands 
 prepared to adopt this bill as it now reads. I am opposed to 
 the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus but as that lias been 
 stricken out of the bill I hope that the House will pass it, that 
 the Senate will concur in the amendments, and that it will at 
 once become the law of the good old State of North Carolina. 
 I believe there is moral force enough in the hands of the intel- 
 ligent and honest white people, as well as with the colored 
 people, to enforce this law. 
 
 ■$*■ 
 
FOR USE ONLY IN 
 THE NORTH CAROLINA COLLECTION 
 
 Form No. A -368